Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar [1° ed.] 9780415888707, 0415888700

Table of contents :
Cover
Title
Copyright
Contents
List of Audio Examples
Preface
Acknowledgements
1 Introduction
PART I The Najd and Upper Gulf Region
2 Bedouin Arts
3 Bedouin Women's Music and Dance
4 Ṭaggāgāt: Female Drumming Bands
5 Ḥaḍar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums
6 Ḥaḍar (Khammāri) Arts in the Upper Gulf
7 Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs
8 Incoming Arts: African and Persian
9 Sea Music Traditions, and Ṣaūt
PART II The Hijaz and Southwest Region
10 Hijazi Folk Traditions
11 Ṭā'if and Music
12 Art Music of the Hijazi Cities
13 Hijazi Women and Music Making
14 Distinguished Hijazi Artists
15 Introduction: Southwestern Arabia
16 Asīr Genres and Traditions
17 Bīsha and Bāḥa Arts
18 Jīzān Music and Dance
19 Musical Aspect of Najrān
Appendix: Comments on Contemporary Arts and 'Adani
Glossary
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula provides a pioneering overview of folk and traditional urban music, along with dance and rituals, of Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States of Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar. The nineteen chapters introduce variegated regions and subcultures and their rich and dynamic musical arts, many of which heretofore have been unknown beyond local communities. The book contains insightful descriptions of genres, instruments, poetry, and performance practices of the desert heartland (Najd), the Arabian/Persian Gulf shores, the great western cities including Makkah and Medinah, the southwestern mountains, and the hot Red Sea coast. Musical customs of distinctive groups such as Bedouin, seafarers, and regional women are explored. The book is packaged with an audio CD and 200 images including a full color photo essay, numerous music transcriptions, a glossary with over 400 specialized terms, and original Arabic script alongside key words to assist with further research. This book provides a much-needed introduction and organizational structure for the diverse and complex musical arts of the region.

EthnOmusicOlOgY Cover image: Lisa Urkevich/Ali Cha’aban

Music and Traditions of the

ARABIAN PENINSULA

Saudia Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar

LISA URKEVICH

Lisa Urkevich Ph.D. is a professor of Musicology/Ethnomusicology and Chair of the Department of Music and Drama at the American University of Kuwait where she teaches courses on music and rituals of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States.

Music and Traditions of the ARABIAN PENINSULA

“This ambitious and wide-ranging book opens the door to a rich and complex musical world that has been, until now, largely invisible outside the Arabian Peninsula. The author makes a needed attempt to classify these complex arts, as she sorts through confusing terminology. Accessible to general readers, the book will also serve as a critical starting point for further in-depth research by specialists.” —Kay Hardy Campbell, Co-Founder/Director of the Arabic Music Retreat

www.routledge.com Routledge titles are available as eBook editions in a range of digital formats

LISA URKEVICH

MUSIC AND TRADITIONS OF THE ARABIAN PENINSULA

Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula provides a pioneering overview of folk and traditional urban music, along with dance and rituals, of Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States of Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar. The nineteen chapters introduce variegated regions and subcultures and their rich and dynamic musical arts, many of which heretofore have been unknown beyond local communities. The book contains insightful descriptions of genres, instruments, poetry, and performance practices of the desert heartland (Najd), the Arabian/Persian Gulf shores, the great western cities including Makkah and Medinah, the southwestern mountains, and the hot Red Sea coast. Musical customs of distinctive groups such as Bedouin, seafarers, and regional women are explored. The book is packaged with an audio CD and 200 images, including a full color photo essay, numerous music transcriptions, a glossary with over 400 specialized terms, and original Arabic script alongside key words to assist with further research. This book provides a much-needed introduction and organizational structure for the diverse and complex musical arts of the region. Lisa Urkevich Ph.D. is a professor of Musicology/Ethnomusicology and Chair of the Department of Music and Drama at the American University of Kuwait where she teaches courses on music and rituals of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States.

Page Intentionally Left Blank

MUSIC AND TRADITIONS OF THE ARABIAN PENINSULA Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar

Lisa Urkevich

This book is dedicated to my husband Steven Skaggs and daughter Sabrina who shared in this journey with me with patience, encouragement, and love. First published 2015 by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2015 Taylor & Francis A Note on Transliteration For the Romanization of written Arabic the Library of Congress system was primarily followed with some exceptions (http://www.loc.gov/catdir/cpso/romanization/arabic.pdf). Certain modifications were made with the English speaker in mind, e.g., the word “color” [musical art] is not transliterated as “lawn” but rather as laown because it is not pronounced like the English word “lawn.” The taˉ’ marbuˉ․ta is rendered as “a,” and a waˉw might be rendered “w,” “uˉ ,” “u,” “o,” or “o ˉ .” However, to assist the reader all major terms are presented in both original Arabic script and Romanization in the Glossary and often in the main text as well. The right of Lisa Urkevich to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him/her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Urkevich, Lisa, author. Music and traditions of the Arabian Peninsula: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar/Lisa Urkevich. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Music—Arabian Peninsula—History and criticism. 2. Music—Social aspects—Arabian Peninsula—History. 3. Arabian Peninsula—Social life and customs. I. Title. ML348.U75 2015 780.953—dc23 2014016192 ISBN: 978-0-415-88870-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-415-88872-1 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-55335-0 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by Swales & Willis Ltd, Exeter, Devon, UK Please email [email protected] with proof of purchase to obtain access to the The publisher has madefor every toAn trace copyright holders and would welcome correspondence from those they supplementary content this effort eBook. access code and instructions will be provided. have been unable to trace.

CONTENTS

List of Audio Examples Preface Acknowledgements  1 Introduction

vii ix xiii 1

PART I

The Najd and Upper Gulf Region

11

  2 Bedouin Arts

13

  3 Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance

33

 4 T ․aggaˉgaˉt: Female Drumming Bands

50

 5 H ․ ad․ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums

62

  6 H ․ ad ․ar (Khammaˉri) Arts in the Upper Gulf

95

  7 Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs

121

  8 Incoming Arts: African and Persian

138

  9 Sea Music Traditions, and S․auˉt 152 PART II

The Hijaz and Southwest Region

179

10 Hijazi Folk Traditions

181

11 T ․ˉa’if and Music

205

12 Art Music of the Hijazi Cities

219

13 Hijazi Women and Music Making

242

14 Distinguished Hijazi Artists

247

15 Introduction: Southwestern Arabia

261

vi Contents

16 Asıˉr Genres and Traditions

273

17 Bıˉsha and Baˉ h․a Arts

300

18 Jıˉzaˉ n Music and Dance

311

19 Musical Aspect of Najraˉ n 326 Appendix: Comments on Contemporary Arts and ‘Adani Glossary Bibliography Index

330 335 345 351

AUDIO EXAMPLES

 1 Saˉmri jaysh: solo saˉmri recording of a woman from Qas․‒ı m singing while working a grinding wheel, 2008 19 1:02  2 Dah 25 ․․ha ‘Anizza: tribe, performance for King Abdullah, Riyadh, 2007 1:55  3 S ․affaˉgaˉt with added ․taggaˉga drummer. “Baddaˉwi” rhythm. Saudi Bedouin wedding, 2014 35 1:16  4 Baddaˉwi: “Hinaˉ Baduˉ” (“We Are Bedouin”), Yousif Al-T ․araˉrwah 37 1:10  5 Saˉmri thaqıˉl (triple meter): “Halat dimuˉ’a al-saˉmaˉ’a (“The Tears of the Listeners Are Falling”), Mohammed ‘Abduˉ 74 1:43  6 Doˉsari with khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ rhythm: “Ala ya layl” (“Oh, the Night”) with a general duple khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ rhythm similar to khobayti, Firqat Najd, 2010 82 1:37  7 Khammaˉri Sharqi (Eastern): Firqat Al-Afraˉh 101 ․, Dammam, 2012 1:08  8 Naydi/Najdi: “Habb as-Sa’ad” (“Happiness Is Coming”), wedding procession song (zeffa), Fatuma, Kuwait 102 1:19  9 Zubayri: “Miskıˉn ya Qalb” (“Pity the Heart”), Hamid Bin Hussein Band, Kuwait, with soloist Adnan Al-Kharees, 2004 104 3:12 10 Besta Bahraini: men’s wedding celebration, Bahrain, 2005 109 2:47 11 Naggaˉzi: “Yaˉ Naˉs Daluˉni” (“Oh, People Lead Me to the Good Path”), Hamid Bin Hussein Band with southern Iraqi musicians, including kaˉsuˉr and khashaˉba drums, Kuwait, 2006 114 2:37 12 Qaˉdri Rifaˉ’i: “Amıˉna fıˉ amaˉnıˉha” (“With Faithful Wishes”). Primary jalwa/yalwa song of the Upper Gulf still sung in the twenty-first century. Ouda Al-Muhanna, 1960s, Kuwait 125 2:45 13 T ․anbuˉra Nuˉbi: “Allah alayk yaˉ wlayd al-naˉs” (“Oh My God, Son of the High Family”), “Nubian” ․tanbuˉra, Awad Dokhi, Kuwait, 1970s 143 2:04

viii  Audio Examples

14 Khobayti (folk and pop): folk style performed with simsimiya and accompanying spinning sword dancers, Firqat Abu ․Safwaˉn, Jeddah 2013; and popular commercial khobayti, “Khalas․ ․hinaˉnak” (“Your Love Is Gone”), Abdul Majıˉd Abdullah, 2009 1:55 15 Mizmaˉr: “Hala,” Dhıˉ ab Al-Mah ․maˉdi, Jeddah 1:38 16 Yanba’aˉwi: Firqat Al-Fanuˉ n Al-Sha’biya Yanbu’ Al-Bah ․ar, 2013 1:39 17 Majruˉr (folk): Awad Ala Al-Juˉ di and performers from Waˉdi Muhaˉram, T ․aˉ’if, ca 1974. See 20 1:35 18 Hadri: sung as an introduction to khobayti, Tuha, Jeddah 2:50 19 Daˉna yamaˉni: “Qalim Al-Jumay’i” (“Jumay’i Says”), Bandar Al-Sharıˉ f Band of Makkah featuring Mohammad Hasheim, 2013. Includes intermittent meter shift from 8/4 to 6/4

190 196 199

213 217

227

3:06 20 Majruˉr (urban): “Salaˉm Yaˉ ally” (“Greetings to You”), T․alaˉl Maddaˉh․ 231 3:25 21 Yamaˉni al-Sˉıkaˉh Maqaˉm 233 4:30 22 Banjika Maqaˉm 233 4:17 233 23 Dˉoka Maqaˉm 233 3:34 24 ‘Ushaˉq Maqaˉm 233 3:00 25 Khu․twa (Asıˉr): performed at a women’s wedding party in the Asıˉr, Aisha, Abha 2013 268 3:05 26 Khu․twa with idiophones: includes barmıˉl and tanaka. Asıˉri mountain tribe 279 1:03 27 Za․hfa/shahri (folk and pop): folk version performed outdoors with dancing tribal linesmen followed by a “modernized” za․hfa performed at a women’s wedding celebration, Abha 2013 284 1:58 28 Raˉyye․h: as performed at a women’s wedding celebration, Asıˉr Province, 2013 302 2:19 29 La’ib al-baˉ․ha: men of Baˉha performing la’ib at a large outdoor venue, 2007 306 3:24 30 ‘Azzaˉwi and rabsh: two major Jıˉzaˉni music genres performed while accompanying group dance. Folk troupe, Jıˉzaˉn City, 2013 315 2:43 31 Zaˉmil of Najran: famed zaˉmil performed by a Najran man of the Yam tribe, 2013 327 0:37

PREFACE

A “musicless land.” This is how Harry St. John Philby the British explorer and historian once described Arabia (Philby 1972, 347). Beginning in 1917 Philby resided in the interior Peninsula and because of certain fundamentalist views, sometimes music making was limited. Still, Philby was mistaken. Since time immemorial music has played an integral role in the lives and rituals of Peninsula peoples. Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States of Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar have extraordinarily rich and diverse music traditions, and simply because “outsiders” like Philby were not always exposed to them, does not mean they did not exist.

Goal of This Book The intent of this book is to introduce and celebrate Arabian Peninsula musical arts, many of which are still unknown to those beyond the local community, and place them into historical context when possible. The focus is on folk and traditional urban music rather than that of the popular commercial milieu of recent decades, although the latter is mentioned at various points, since commercial music springs from these other long-standing practices. In this study, genres, often with accompanying dance, are grouped into two large geographic and cultural regions. Those of central Arabia and the Gulf States stem from a common heritage, while those of northwestern Saudi Arabia and the southwest manifest similar characteristics. The musical arts of specific communities are described, including those of Bedouin, seafarers, and women of each featured locale. I am a professor of music in Kuwait, and the initial goal in preparing this study was to provide a source for my students and community members; however, because of the demand from expatriates as well as academics abroad in a variety of fields, in preparing this book I kept them in mind, too. Although ethnomusicologists as a matter of course will likely find this work of interest, I did not seek to write an academic study that focuses on processes and values with a western anthropological perspective. There was greater need to look toward regional objectives. Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States cover an impressive physical area with remarkably diverse terrains within which reside variegated cultures. Regardless of the fact that the histories are mind-bogglingly old, extant records are negligible, since communities existed largely in an oral stage until around the mid-twentieth century. Even after the 1950s when opportunities in formal education emerged, countless social and religiously-oriented obstacles hindered local scholars from acquiring training in music (or ethnomusicology) and engaging in fieldwork. In recent decades there have been a handful of non-nationals who have written about regional arts but often their background, access, or time in the Peninsula was limited, which caused some perspectives to fall short. So to date, research on music of the region is insufficient. Now, in the twenty-first century, with the massive influx of incoming workers and unparalleled urban expansion and “westernization,” local heritage is disappearing rapidly and nationals

x Preface

urgently seek to archive data, preserve their customs, and teach their children about their traditions. At this point, local communities want clear background information, definitions, terminology, and classification systems—and rightfully so. Even advanced scholars and ethnomusicologists concerned with an anthropological perspective cannot properly discuss or interpret relative values, changes, and social phenomena without a basic understanding of terms and characterizations. The purpose of this book therefore is to help fill this void and to provide primary material upon which others can draw or build. In doing so, a general overview of regions, subcultures, and rituals is presented with descriptions of genres, instruments, and performance practices, which are frequently supported by audio examples, images, and rhythmic transcriptions. The voice of locals is heard throughout, often literally in chapter “boxes” that highlight personal perspectives or provide extra details. Comparisons and connections are made between genres of subcultures, as are changing practices manifested over time.

Features •• •• •• •• •• •• •• ••

Nineteen chapters and an Appendix devoted to major diverse regions or cultural groups of Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States Copious photographs, including 150 black and white images and 32 color photos Seventy-seven musical example transcriptions Thirty-one audio examples on an accompanying CD, important in assisting with genre identification A glossary with over 440 specialized terms Over sixty-five commentary “Boxes” with ethnographies, personal insights from Arabian citizens, or detailed clarification information Original Arabic script of hundreds of key words that are critical for further research Over forty-five traditional song text translations alongside the original Arabic.

Using This Book The best way for the student, professor, or general reader to use this book is in parts. One should simply turn to the chapter or section topic on which one seeks information: the book was not written to be read straight through, cover to cover. To assist with pronunciation and aid with further research, the original Arabic script of key words is provided. These Arabic terms that are largely specialized to the Peninsula are essential for the future researcher—for web searches, when seeking audio and video examples, or interviewing informants. However, when doing research one should bear in mind that misinformation on music of the region is rampant. Even data issued by established publishers should be questioned, and certainly one should be wary of information found on unvetted Internet sites. Entire “YouTube channels” that host vast repositories may have over half of the performance genres misidentified. As my elder regional colleagues remind me, “Be careful...the past has been completely erased or distorted in the minds of many,” especially the generation who most engage with Internet video/audio. When using this book certain aspects should be kept in mind. Firstly, the term “traditional” in no way suggests that the music or dance mentioned is extinct. “Traditional” merely indicates that the specific art or concept is old and has been in existence for at least a hundred years, if not longer. “Modern” implies that the item or idea is related to the second half of the twentieth century and/or early twentyfirst century, that is, after oil wealth began to have a noticeable impact on regional culture. Transcriptions of rhythms should be viewed as general guides, since there are so many interpretations, especially in recent decades (e.g., there are over a dozen variants of “khalıˉji rumba”).

Preface  xi

Also one should note that a great deal of Peninsula music, famed for its polyrhythms, is played off of the beat, and cannot be transcribed literally and remain practical. When possible, I tried to present the most common, established core rhythm as was shared with me. On a variety of issues and practices mentioned in the book one can certainly argue details. My determinations depended on a myriad of factors, such as the locale, the availability and quality of the sources, and/or the number of knowledgeable individuals in agreement.

Limitations The book is not comprehensive. In such a large land there are many small or isolated communities with their own forms of musical expression. It was not possible to address all surviving arts and interpretations especially during this time of rapid cultural change. Also, in deciding what to present and how to present it, I could not accommodate every type of potential reader—from the Peninsula college student and heritage enthusiast to the western ethnomusicologist and social scientist. Although external reviewers of the manuscript provided insightful suggestions, not all of these could be addressed: in some instances, there were clear access limitations (e.g., sensitivities towards photographing women), but also issues of time and manuscript length. For instance, to have included an in-depth study of Arabic song texts when there are so many different dialects and idioms in each locale would have added years to the project and would have extended the size of the manuscript well beyond marketing limits. To have addressed certain social issues like gender and religion from a western anthropological standpoint would have offended many regional citizens, which was inconceivable.

Fieldwork and Community Interaction Because of the vastness of the land, the complexity of the material, and the difficulty in accessing information, such a study could not be completed quickly. Indeed, this book has been a twentyyear work in progress in that I have been exploring the music of the Arabian Peninsula since 1994 when I first lived in Saudi Arabia: for four years I resided in the Kingdom, in Khamis Mushayt of the Asıˉr, in Riyadh, in T ․a’if outside of Makkah, and I traveled extensively to remote regions, including Najraˉ n and the Empty Quarter. As is the case for most visitors today, in the 1990s there were many restrictions—I once took a photograph of women in the marketplace and my husband was arrested and jailed. Excepting specific pilgrimage visas, entrance permits were/are difficult to obtain. Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of Islam, is among the most “closed” countries in the world, and as others have noted, it is more difficult to visit than North Korea (Bou-Nacklie 2014). Moreover, within the country travel is often controlled, especially to outlying areas where authorized documents are required to journey past checkpoints. So I regarded the many musical and cultural experiences I had during the 1990s as precious. In 1998 I returned to the US and thereafter was appointed as a professor at Boston University. Then in 2003 I went back to the Arabian Peninsula, this time to Kuwait, first as a US Senior Fulbright Scholar and afterwards I stayed on as a full-time professor at a new American University. During my twelve years as a Kuwaiti resident, I engaged in a great deal of additional fieldwork throughout the Gulf and undertook intensive research trips to the Kingdom in 2010, 2012, and 2013, which included expeditions to the Asıˉr, Jıˉzaˉn, Qas․‒ı m, and H ․ˉa’il. In many ways Saudi fieldwork remained challenging. Along with the fact that as a female I could not drive and was obliged to have a male escort at all times, my presence as an American researcher dealing with a questionable topic like music generated a need for a fair amount of government authorization and security. For instance, on one sojourn, to travel between two

xii Preface

provinces not only was I placed under the protection of both esteemed province Ministers, but my convoy included three separate police escorts, one national and one from each province. During at least one expedition, I discovered that an undercover agent was escorting my team, remaining outside with his vehicle when I entered various venues. However, he was not there for censorship, just security. My informants, both men and women, and I, were unaware of any external oversight and our interactions were never limited. Throughout my fieldwork interviewees were relaxed and free with their responses—in fact, many shared personal or “inside” information, discussing issues considered controversial within the social–political climate. I chose not to write about many of these comments so as not to cause undue future duress for the informants, especially because they seek to use this book themselves in their schools and institutions. That being said, if I felt a certain account, even a provocative one, was necessary to help clearly understand the nature or history of an art, I included it but with names and details removed. Though specific concentrated trips were essential for gathering certain information, as a resident of the Peninsula my involvement has gone far beyond basic investigative jaunts. For instance, I have spent years among Gulf sea “bands,” attending musical fetes several times a week to the extent that I was often teased about being the lone female “member” of one group. One musical leader would unselfishly sit with me hour after hour and with great patience teach me, step by step. Other times, I recall dealing with Bedouin song texts with long-forgotten words, and discussing these over tea with nationals who would argue and scramble to find just the right person from just the right branch of the proper tribe to give us the true interpretation. The benefits of residing in the Peninsula and eventually becoming part of the local community have been manifold. Even beyond the Gulf, I have been bestowed great trust and can access a wide pool of informants, spend a substantial amount of time investigating an issue, and return and recheck information, sometimes years after I acquired it. My position as a professor in Kuwait further enhanced my involvement. Semester after semester I taught and lectured about Peninsula music on and off campus to Kuwaitis and other Peninsula natives. I had to devise a systematic approach to the massive amount of information I had collected. Since there was no appropriate source for my students/audience, I began preparing handouts based on my work that served as the genesis for this book. My students, their families, and countless community members from throughout the Peninsula have read my findings or heard me lecture or muse in formal and informal settings and have challenged me, corrected my mistakes, or fortified my assertions and aided me in my search for accuracy. They have been “peer reviewing” me for over a decade. Moreover, they have phone called, SMS-ed, emailed, and “Instagrammed” me day and night while in their home country or during Saudi and Gulf travels, eager to share or point me toward a musical experience that they thought I would find of interest. It cannot be emphasized enough that the regional laypeople and the Peninsula musicians I have interacted with over these many years have been key in honing the information presented in this book.

Noted Peninsula Sources Among the scattering of published sources pertaining to or involving music of the region, there are varying degrees of scholarship. Works that merit special recognition and were helpful in preparing this book include those by Peninsula authors: Ghannaˉ m Dıˉkaˉ n, Tah․lıˉl al-ıˉqaˉ’aˉt al-Kuwaytıˉyah f ˉı al-ughniyah al-sha’bıˉyah (1995); T ․ aˉriq ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉ m, Mshaˉhıˉr al-fanaˉnıˉn al-s’auˉdıˉyn (2003); the works of Saad Sowayan, especially Nabat․i Poetry (1985); and Hind Baˉghaffaˉr, A-Aghaˉnıˉ al-sha’bıˉyah (1994).

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Such a book could not be possible without the help of a legion of individuals and organizations. Thanks to the Saudi Heritage Preservation Society, the Saudi Arabian Society of Culture and Arts (SASCA), the US Fulbright Scholar Program, the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah, and the American University of Kuwait. Much gratitude goes to Sheikha Hussah Sabah al-Salem al-Sabah; Sheikha Danah Nasser Al-Sabah; Princess Adela Bint Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz; Sheikha Mai Bint Mohammed Al-Khalifa; Ambassador Adel A. Al-Jubeir Prince Mutaib Bin Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz; Prince Muhammad Bin Nasser Bin Abdulaziz; Prince Faisal Bin Khalid Bin Abdulaziz; Prince Faisal Bin Bandar Bin Abdulaziz; Prince Saud Bin Abdulmohsen Bin Abdulaziz; Prince Mishari Bin Saud Bin Abdulaziz; Princess Haifa M.B. Abdulaziz; Dr. Saleh Bin Hamad Al-Sagri; Mr. Ali Al-Khubrani; Ms. Haifa Al-Hababi; Mr. Abdullah Al-Taezi; Mr. Ahmed Ibrahim Al-Sarawi; Mr. Abdullah Ba’atab; Mr. Suhıˉ l T ․ashkandi; Mr. Sulaiman Al-Faez; Mr. Khuthair Al-Shuraihee; Mr. Yahya Al-Mofareh ; ․ Mr. Abdulrahman M. Al-Saeid; Mr. Mohammed Ali Al-Ghamdi; Mr. Zeiad Al-Sufiani; Mr Ahmed Ali Mostafa; Mr. Naif Al-Khlaiwi; Mr. Nasser Al-Hadbh; Mr. Hatem A. Jameel; Mr. Ali Cha’aban; Ms. Enas Hashani; with a special note of gratitude to Dr. Maha Al-Senan. Certain individuals have my deepest appreciation, especially Prince Saud Bin Abdulmajeed Bin Saud and Ahmad Al-Salhi, both of whom have helped me extensively and have inspired me with their continued passion for regional arts. Prince Saud’s support and encouragement were vital for a great deal of significant research for this book. He has my sincere thanks and also my deepest admiration for his continued selfless commitment to Saudi heritage. Professor Al-Salhi, a premiere scholar of Gulf arts, has been my colleague and sounding board for many years. I thank him for this, and in the preparation of this manuscript, for the important help he provided with transcriptions of Makkah maqaˉmaˉt. Heartfelt gratitude also goes to Ali Faqandish, the Hijazi author and celebrated cultural media director who provided me much assistance and who for decades has worked tirelessly to keep regional artists in the forefront—Thank you Ali. Much appreciation is owed to the Kuwaitis Mohammed Bin Hussein, a premiere Gulf sea bandleader, and Sulıˉmaˉn Al-Qas․aˉr, the brilliant traditional wedding artist, along with the Bahraini bandleader and regional arts coordinator Juma Al-Srowr, all of whom provided consistent insightful feedback throughout the years. Much thanks also goes to the esteemed Hijazi artists Jamıˉl Mahmoud, T ․aˉriq ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm, Ghaˉzi Ali, Sıˉraj ‘Omar, Tuha, Mohammed Bas․fir, and the distinguished Riyadh specialist Dr. Abdullah Bin Ali Al-Jarallah for sharing their wisdom. The renowned artist Abdullah Ruwaishid has been most gracious with his help over the years, and thanks goes to him as well as to the artist Fatuma who has long been a “musical friend.” I am grateful to the heritage expert Ali Mughawi for sharing his vast knowledge and special Asıˉri spirit with me, and to the celebrated Asıˉri munshid Abdullah Al-Sharıˉf, and to Abha researcher Mona

xiv Acknowledgements

Ibrahim Mohammed Al-Buraik, and the artist “Aisha.” Gratitude goes to the thoughtful scholar Saad Sowayan in Riyadh for being so highly generous with his insights. To the bandleader Bandar Al-Sharıˉf and his group, including Mohammad Hasheim and Saud Al-Sharıˉ f; to Khalid Shejuˉ n and his band S ․ada Al-Hijaz; to Safiya Shetawi and her group; to the researcher-performer Abdullah Muh ․ammad Abkar; and the qaˉnuˉnist Abdullah Bahashwan, I thank you for the assistance and for working to keep Hijazi arts in the forefront. Much gratitude goes to artists and heritage supporters of T ․a’ıˉf including H ․ assan and Hussein Al-Iskandiraˉni as well as Khalid Al-H ․ aˉrthi, Sultan Al-Mansouri, and Hamed Holıˉ l Al-S․ufıˉ any and the Firqat al-Qas․aymi from Shafa; to noted individuals from H ․ˉa’il, including Yousif Bin Othmaˉn Al-Shghadli, Mafrah Al-Rasheedy, and reba ˉ ba performer Bandar Mansuˉ r Dojan; in ․ Baˉh a thanks goes to Amal Khoder Al-Ghamdi; in Yanbu’ to Mohammed Al-Atesh and his ․ Firqat Fanuˉn Al Shabıˉya; in Qas․‒ı m to Saˉlih Al-Faraj and his Firqat Dar Unayzeh, including ․ Mohammed Abdulaziz Al-Dir’, Sulaiman Abdulaziz Al-Dir’, Ahmad Saˉlih Al-Qar’aawi; and in ․ Riyadh, thanks to Sa’ad Jum’a and his bandsmen. From Bahrain I profoundly thank the distinguished sea band leader Ibrahim Bin Mersa’ad, along with Jaˉsim Bin Harbaˉn, Ali Muhammed Khalifa, and Ahmed Al-Ghanem; and in Qatar Khalid Al-Johar, Sana’a Um Fadel, and members of the Al-Manaˉn’a tribe; and in Kuwait countless individuals including Salmaˉn Al-’Amaˉri, Khalıˉfa Al-‘Amıˉ ri, and Amıˉ ri band patron Ali S․aˉlah ․ Al-Roumi, Sulıˉmaˉn Bin Mayouf, Adnan Al-Kharees, Rashid Al-H ․ amli, Ahmed Al-Baqer, Sana Al-Kharaz, Shadi Al-Khalıˉ j, Mubaˉrak Shaˉfi Al-Hajri, Khalid Al-Mullah, Braiza ˉ mer Band, Abdulmeneim Al-Muzai’el, Ibrahim Al-Kashram, Bilaˉl Al-Roumi, the Awlaˉd ‘A Shaˉmi, Abdulmajıˉd Al-Enizi, Yacoub Al-Yitaˉma, and Abdullah Al-Mershad, Abdullah Eisa, Sara Al-Hobeil, Nada A. Al-Yahya, Salma Al-Mishwat, and Shomoukh Al-Mesaid. From throughout the Saudi Kingdom much thanks goes to Mohammed ‘Abdu, Abaˉdi Al- Johar, Ahmad Al-Wasel, Marianne Alireza, Duaj Al-Khalifa and the Firqat Al-Afrah of Dammam, and from Farasaˉn Island Ibrahim Muftah ․ and Sadeek Hassan. Mr. Mohammed Babelli, the eminent Saudi photographer who specializes in heritage, and Mr. Thierry Mauger, the renowned author-photographer especially known for his stunning images of the southwest, provided beautiful photographs for this book and I am grateful for their contributions. Professor Ghaidaa Mohamad and Randa Someir assisted with translations. Prof. Mohamad dealt most closely with the Arabic text review and has been a mainstay during the final stages of manuscript preparation, ready to assist on a dime, and I am highly grateful to her. I thank Routledge, Constance Ditzel, and the manuscript reviewers who spent a great deal of time pouring over this work and providing important feedback. Finally, sincere gratitude goes to the thousands of residents, students, professionals, and heritage enthusiasts of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States who have assisted me on this trek. I thank you and applaud you for continuing to keep irreplaceable cultural heritage alive in your memories and into the future. Lisa Urkevich Abu Hassania, Kuwait Nov. 17, 2014

1 INTRODUCTION

FIGURE 1.1  Map

of the Arabian Peninsula

2  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

National Groupings The Arabian Peninsula comprises the present-day nations of Saudi Arabia and the Arabian/Persian Gulf States of Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Oman, and the Yemen. Culturally, the peoples are grouped by region. Saudi Arabia, which covers 80 percent of the land, is physically divided by the impressive Sarawaˉt mountain chain, with a northern branch known as the Hijaz. Communities of the mountains, which run from Jordan through the Yemen, and those to the west along the Red Sea coast share traditional music characteristics, and those of central Arabia (known as the Najd, literally “highland”) have ties with the Upper Gulf States of Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar. The music and cultures of the southern nations of the UAE, Oman, and the Yemen, are somewhat different. The largest sand desert in the world, the Empty Quarter (Rub’ al-Khaˉlıˉ), physically separates these countries from the Najd and from Najdi nomads of the past. Moreover, their histories, demographics, and twenty-first century royal governance are not in league with those of the other states. In this study there is some mention of Yemeni music, since it is among the most influential in the Peninsula, but the main focus is on music of the northern areas—Part I focuses on the Najd and Upper Gulf region, and Part II on the Hijaz and Southwest (Fig. 1.1).1 Notably for the past few hundred years central Arabia and the Upper Gulf have been culturally close. The vast arid plateau of the Najd, that stretches from the Nafuˉ d desert in the north (around Jabal Shammar, H ․ a’il) to beyond Waˉ di al-Dawaˉ sir in the south, and from the Hijaz Mountains in the west to the Dahnaˉ’ desert in the east (Fig. 5.2) is the home of the Saudi royal family (Al-Sa’uˉ d), and their “cousins,” the ruling families of Kuwait (Al-S ․abaˉ․h) and Bahrain (Al-Khalıˉfa) stem from the same Najdi confederation of tribes, the ‘Anizza (‫)ة‬. Bahrain and Kuwait are further united since their royal families are members of the confederation’s ‘Utba branch ( ). Although they are not ‘Anizza (but Bani Tamıˉm) the Qatari Al-Thaˉni royal family likewise has Najdi ancestry—Saudi Arabia is the only country that borders the small Peninsula state and Qatar was a historic rangeland of Najdi and Al-H ․ asaˉ Bedouin. Thus, the royal families of the more northern Gulf nations are perceived as cultural kin and a great deal of their peoples stem from shared tribes (Oskay 2010). These nations are also united by common seafaring traditions.2

People Of residents with Saudi or Gulf State nationality, most are Arab and have ancestors who have lived in the region for centuries if not longer. Some citizens are of Persian or African lineage especially in the Gulf. In the Hijaz, the home of the holy cities of Makkah and Medinah, the line of descent is more diverse since over the years pilgrims from many nations came to the region and stayed. Hijazis might descend from Egyptian, Yemeni, African, Syrian, Turkish, and Central Asian peoples, among others.3 Although there has been much assimilation over time, among the local population there is a common saying “People live in boxes,” indicating that there are a myriad of independent communities and subcultures and one often knows little about another. Social groups are demarcated along lines of tribal lineage, ethic background, wealth, social status, religious observance, and location. So, for instance, it is not uncommon for a Najdi of one tribe to know little about the customs of another; or for an Arab Qatari family to be unfamiliar with practices of an African immigrant community; or for those of a Hijazi city to have minimal knowledge of the customs of villagers. People tend to “move in their own circles.” Further complicating the culture is the fact that the Peninsula has an extremely long history and a number of residents still adhere to centuries-old traditions, while others have embraced

Chapter 1: Introduction  3

the rapid growth of recent decades and innovations in technological and westernization. Thus, a trendy college student might be active in electronic social networking, wear the latest European fashions, and reside with a “traditional” grandparent who lived as a nomadic Bedouin in a tent. However, regardless of the diverse perspectives, certain broad social groupings are evident and within these are shared music traditions.

Badu¯ and H ∙ ad∙ar A large proportion of nationals can trace their lineage back to nomadic tribes and still today identify as baduˉ, Bedouin (singular badawıˉ). Although they are no longer wandering nomads, Bedouin are united by a shared ethnic identity, ideology, moral values, and heritage. One can be a physician, a lawyer, a professor and still view him/herself as a being part of a specific tribe with its own customs and musical activities. Like the Najd, the southwest and Hijaz is also inhabited with countless “Bedouin” descendants, but because of the different environments, those of the western cultures are somewhat different. Others have historically identified as ․had․ar, settled peoples. H ․ad ․ar (‫ا‬, singular ․had․ari), an antonym juxtaposed with baduˉ in Arabic literature, have existed since time immemorial alongside baduˉ, residing around oases and wells, surviving as farmers, craftspeople, and merchants. They developed their own traditions and music. The demarcation lines are not always clear because the vast majority of settled people in the Najd and a great deal in coastal areas can claim nomadic origin. Although it took place gradually, the shift from pastoralism to agricultural or urban life was a continuing process. Bedouin moved to fixed centers, mingled with a wider variety of peoples, developed sedentary habits. Some eventually identified as ․had․ar while others remained as baduˉ. Those who settled in oases villages but maintained Bedouin customs are often referred to as gruˉwiyıˉn (“villagers,” ‫ا و‬, ُ although they will still also identify as baduˉ. singular, gurawi, ‫) َوي‬ Along with baduˉ and ․had․ar another grouping system used today especially among Najdi Saudi nationals is of qabıˉli and khad ․ˉı ri (respectively “tribal,”  and “green,” ‫)ي‬. One is either qabıˉli, stemming from the original aristocratic tribes, or they are not and are khad ․ˉı ri (in ˉ ı ri included Kuwait, the term used is baysri, ‫ي‬, an outsider, “one from Basra,” Iraq).4 Khad ․ those who lived in the desert but were not considered “Bedouin” proper, such as ․sulayb/ ․sulubba—smiths, menders, and musicians who resided among, and worked for the as․ˉı l (pure) qabıˉli peoples (Dickson 1951, 515–519). Tribes also had black slaves, the muwaˉl or ‘abd. The music one performed depended on the community with which one associated, splitting along the baduˉ-h․ad․ar lines. Some khad ․ˉı ri followed Bedouin traditions, and some followed ․had․ar, while Bedouin in villages (gurawi) performed baduˉ arts. Though an oversimplification, in collective group performances ․had․ar music of the Gulf and Najd historically used frame drums, and baduˉ music, with a few exceptions, did not call for any instruments, just hand claps. Also, still today baduˉ artistic endeavors feature a great deal of solo sung poetry, more so than one finds among had ․ar. Note that urban arts in large cities, which might be an extension of ․had․ar arts, often include various melodic instruments.

Popular Commercial Music (Khalı¯ji/Sa’u¯di) Regional commercial music as heard on the radio falls under the rubric khalıˉji (khaleegi; ‫)ا‬, literally “Gulf”; or sa’uˉdi, referring to Saudi Arabia. Although one can find artists who perform such music from Iraq, Oman, and the Yemen, these countries are usually not considered part of the khalıˉji/sa’uˉdi music scene. Early commercial songs, which began to emerge in the 1970s

4  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

largely in the recording studios of Kuwait, were inspired by Egyptian or pan-Arab music along with ‘adani (Yemeni) arts as found in the Gulf and Hijaz (see Appendix). However, khalıˉji/ sa’uˉdi is mostly rooted in local traditions: it is sung in regional dialects, includes traditional instruments, incorporates the famed polyrhythms of the Peninsula, and clearly draws upon folk genres, including Najdi-Gulf baduˉ and ․had․ar arts along with Hijazi and southwestern styles. Often at events traditional and commercial arts are performed alongside one another, in which case the older songs might be referred to as fann al-asıˉl, “pure art.” That “modern” and folk fit well together is understandable because so many contemporary works are part of a continuum of heritage genres. Perhaps the closest analogy is that of today’s American Country Music, which like khalıˉji/sa’uˉdi is marketable and patronized by youth, but manifests long-standing styles and performance practices. Thus, Saudi/Gulf elders view many commercial songs as being directly tied to their traditions and this is further intensified when musical characteristics are specific to their locale. For instance, Kuwaiti khalıˉji might include fast interlocking clapping (sharbuka, ) as heard in Kuwaiti sea songs; Saudi artists might incorporate more frame drums (t․ˉı raˉn) as found in the Najd. Emirati produced khalıˉji songs, which are perhaps the most prevalent in the early twenty-first century, often include a bandari rhythm similar to that of southern Iran across the sea. T ․ anbuˉra, naggaˉzi, besta, saˉmri, “khalıˉji rumba,” majruˉr, raˉyyeh․, and Gulf/Hijazi ‘adani are all traditional genres or categories that have been musically reinterpreted or literally re-introduced in the popular music milieu. Modern songs that use the traditional khobayti/doˉsari rhythms are among the most prevalent in the early twentieth century (for instance, see Balqees 2014). Granted, increasingly khalıˉji/sa’uˉdi songs entail innovative rhythms, new instrumentations, and a pan-Gulf dialect known as “white language,” but it is of note that to date, traditional musical characteristics still survive in commercial music.

Traditional Music Performers Historically musical arts can be divided into those of the land (of baduˉ and ․had․ar); those of the sea (pearlers, fishermen); “Incoming arts,” associated with immigrant subcultures; and urban “classical” arts, which usually include maqaˉmaˉt, melodic modes. Most of these are folk arts and were performed by non-professional community members. There are a few exceptions. For instance, historically Gulf vessels were manned with a few professional percusionists-singers to encourage the singing crew. And certainly in urban coastal regions like the Hijaz, profesionals have been active since at least the early Islamic era (Al-Isfahani 2004). But for the most part, the bulk of genres are participatory and community members themselves have performed them, although if a tribe or settlement had slaves they might take the lead, especially in drumming.

Twentieth-Century Folk Troupes In the mid-twentieth century, community performance of collective dancing and singing began to decline because of swift “modernization,” a decrease in semi-private space, and certain prescribed socio-religious beliefs that frowned upon music (see below, Stigma of Performing Music). Therefore, by the 1980s the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), concerned with heritage preservation, encouraged the formalization of song-dance troupes throughout the country. These would take part in the first National Janadriya Festival for Heritage and Culture that opened outside of Riyadh in 1985. The ensembles, which survive today, are comprised of participants from the villages, towns, and tribes that they represent. At fairs or on televised performances for the most part they perform in the same way that they would at home, although

Chapter 1: Introduction  5

at home they might sing and dance for no recompense alongside family and friends. Therefore, although troupes register with the KSA government, they are not merely “state-sanctioned” tools. Most performers are representatives of their own living heritage. However, little by little complete professional folk troupes have emerged. In cities like Jeddah and Riyadh, several troupes today have members that come from a mix of ethnic backgrounds, including many African descendants, and they are not necessarily part of the community from which the folk art originated. While troupes comprised of mostly tribesmen or villagers are circumspect when choosing performances, purely professional troupes will perform more freely for a myriad of events, as they are hired hands trying to “make a living.”

¯MER, SA ¯MRI, SAMRA, HAFLA, BOX 1.1  MUSICAL GATHERINGS: SA ∙ JALSA, FIJIRI, UNS Late night celebrations with music are held among the young and old alike on the weekends in the desert, at the beach, or at a friend’s house. Or there may be a more structured party the night before a wedding or graduation ceremony in a rented hall or, in the Gulf, in a meeting chamber known as a da¯r or dı¯wa ¯niya (
‫ اا‬،‫)اار‬.5 In Saudi Arabia these night gatherings are called sa¯mer (‫ )ا‬or sa¯mri (‫ )اي‬from the verb sa¯mara (َ َ  ), which means to stay up at night talking, singing, and making merry (Kurpershoek 1994, 280; Sowayan 1985, 140). The term sa¯mri is slightly confusing since it actually has three meanings. “Sa¯mri“ might indicate a general late night music gathering; or refer to a special event that includes dancers possessed by spirits (these events are also known by the African name “za¯r,” i.e., the “visit,” ‫)اار‬. Thirdly, sa¯mri designates a specific type of musical category or genre. In its meaning as a late-night party, “sa¯mri“ and “sa¯mer“ terms are common in Riyadh, Qas∙¯ı m, and H∙a¯’il, while in the Hijaz the word sa¯mer is mostly used. In Kuwait and many areas of Bahrain and certain places in Saudi Arabia (like the Ası¯r southwestern region), these revelries are called samra (‫)ا­ة‬, the plural being samra ¯t. Sa¯mer/samra takes place after Isha prayer (ca 9pm) and can last until before Fajr prayer (ca 4am). In the twentyfirst century most events are dominated by drumming with dance and often include an uˉd (lute) or org (electronic keyboard). All over the Peninsula, even as far away as the Ası¯r, sa¯mer/samra are male dominated. Women used to attend with men more openly, and Burckhardt speaks of Bedouin men and women performing together at evening celebrations in the 1800s (1992, 256, 257; see Box 5.3). But now if a woman is at a sa¯mer, then it means she is mingling with the opposite sex and she may be viewed as morally corrupt. Therefore, most women never say that they have attended a sa¯mer/samra. When women gather with other women and there is dance and joyous music, the event is called a generic h∙afla (€‫)ا‬, “party.” Women regularly attend all-female wedding parties, sometimes several a week, called h∙aflat al-zawa¯j (marriage, ‫ )اواج‬or h∙aflat al-’urs (wedding, ‫)س‬. “H ∙ afla” is also used for certain large, festive gatherings, like those of men’s galt∙a in the desert. If friends are having a more intimate get-together and the music featured includes a singer with an uˉd, then the evening is often referred to as a jalsa („, chamber music session), from the verb jalasa, “to sit.” In the Gulf, when sea musicians and laypeople gather to perform recreational sea song cycles, the evenings are referred to as fijiri (‫ )…ي\…ي‬or uns (†
ُْ‫)أ‬.

6  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Stigma of Performing Music: Culture and Religion A highly important issue in the Peninsula, one that has had an impact on every aspect of music including research, is that in general there is a negative connotation associated with music, most notably with the performance of musical instruments. This stems from two different angles: one tribal, and the other, ostensibly, religious. Historically, in Bedouin culture—even among tribes of the Hijaz and southwest—all jobs related to manual labor are degrading (see Chapter 15). Craftwork, producing something with one’s hands or providing a service like drumming and singing for the enjoyment of others historically fell into the realm of the khad ․ˉı ri and ‘abd (Altorki and Cole 1989). Bedouin themselves, purveyors of animals, might have played simple flutes while their herds grazed, and in a private group setting, regularly would sing and clap. Occasionally some might play drums, especially the Dawaˉsir tribe, but most did so sparingly: drums were “h ․ad․ar“ and thus, viewed poorly (de Gaury 2005, 35). African slaves regularly lived with or worked for Bedouin, and if anyone was to drum, he/she would usually have been a slave.6 That being said, we see that at least since the 1950s those who identify as Bedouin have welcomed the frame drum, the most permissible instrument in Islam, so that today, Bedouin women of the Gulf and Najd are among the leaders in hiring drumming bands, ․taggaˉgaˉt/daggaˉgaˉt (Doubleday 1999). Still, the drummers are not of pure tribal lineage, but are modern-day “khad ․ˉı ri.” Among a great many Saudi and Upper Gulf citizens this uneasy view towards public music making has been largely amplified especially in the past fifty years because of certain religious perspectives. Granted, general Islamic apprehensions concerning music are well known throughout the Middle East (Al-Faruqi 1985). In the early Islamic period, following the days of professional musicians like the Hijazi qiyaˉn (singing female slaves), social and to some extent moral code made music an unsuitable profession for a free-born Arab. But attitudes fluctuated in time and place. Centuries later when the Salafi puritanical movement burst onto the scene in the Najd, music was particularly censured. It was in the late eighteenth century that Muhammad ibn Abd Al-Wahhaˉb (d. 1792), the theologian and founder of “Wahhaˉbism” (Salafism) united with Muhammad bin Sa’u ˉ d to establish the Saudi state. Al-Wahhaˉb supported a school of thought that advocates a disdain for wine, drugs, dance, music, anything that corrupts the ability to utilize a complete comprehension in approaching God. Music was, and still is, considered whorish to devout believers. An instance of this is evident in an account from the early nineteenth century when the Ottoman-Egyptian troops decimated the Najdi Dir’iyyah settlement and captured the pious clansman Sulaiman ibn Abdullah, the grandson of Al-Wahhaˉb, along with other religious officials. Before being killed, the devout Najdis were subjected to great pain. One had his teeth pulled out; another was beaten and tied to the muzzle of a cannon that was then fired. The most abhorrent torture was reserved for Al-Wahhaˉb’s grandson. He was forced to listen to music, the playing of a rebaˉba (stringed fiddle), before being shot in the cemetery (Dickson ca 1930). Although music is usually considered an uplifting and inspiring art, to this disciple, it was such a strong distraction from God, especially at the moment of death, that it served as the most detestable torture. Music was pointedly under attack in subsequent eras like that of the Ikhwan (‫إان‬, fl. ca 1910–1930), an Islamic militant brotherhood comprised of Bedouin, originally indifferent to Islam. They were encouraged to abandon their tribal lives and move into newly established settlements where preachers visited them and provided instruction on Al-Wahhaˉb’s teachings (Habib 1978). These baduˉ interpreted their studies literally, which often resulted in intolerance towards anything related to music. There are tales of Ikhwan in the Hijaz acting as “gatecrashing soldiers who believed music was a thing of the devil [rushing] into houses to smash

Chapter 1: Introduction  7

records still turning on the old wind-up phonographs” (Alireza 1971, 134). As a sign of his commitment to the militia, King ‘Abdul’azıˉz ibn Sa’uˉ d himself permitted the Ikhwan to publicly destroy his pride and joy, a gramophone he had obtained from Kuwait on which he would play records in the evenings. The news of his sacrifice circulated throughout the Najd, to the approval of the powerful Ikhwan who soon after united with the Saudi ruler (Lacey 1982, 144). Ikhwan hostilities towards music were not just targeted at locals. In the summer of 1925, Egyptians, eager to impress King Ibn Sa’uˉ d, brought the kiswa, a beautiful, handmade cloth that covers the Holy Ka’ba, to Makkah with grand ceremony accompanied by musicians. Upon hearing the music, the militant brotherhood was not pleased. [The Ikhwan] were outraged, for under their strict religious code the public performance of music of any kind was considered sacrilegious. They demanded that the music should stop. The offended musicians refused and carried on playing, where upon the Ikhwan immediately took up weapons and opened fire upon them. (Almana 1982, 83) Eventually feeling that Ibn Sa’uˉ d was becoming too permissive, the Ikhwan confronted the warrior emir and were defeated in 1929. In their place, mut․awa’ıˉn (singular mut․awa’a) religious enforcers have remained active and continue to monitor musical activities. Their role was expanded beginning in the mid-twentieth century under a new Islamic movement, Al-S ․ah․wa Al-Islamiyya, the “Islamic Awakening,” that was spurred by oil wealth, urban expansion, and the decrease in semi-private “space.” The Awakening posited that Islam should govern every detail of daily life, including dress, social behavior, and subsequently, musical interaction (Lacroix and Holoch 2011). The movement expanded widely when the Saudi government established universal education in the 1960s, and it firmly took hold in the 1980s. In 1982 a KSA media policy banned a variety of specifics, like nudity on television, but also generally “anything that opposes or offends Islam.” Song lyrics had to comply, and on television, women were not permitted to sing or dance, while men were allowed to perform “folklore and national dancing in decent clothes” (Kamalipour and Mowlana 1994, 248, 256). Presently, in certain “musical” areas religious police will still harass or arrest musicians. As a result of this religious viewpoint, we see today that perhaps the majority of Najdi nationals associate music with poor moral values. In 2013 when asked about music making in Qas․‒ı m—the most religiously conservative area of Saudi Arabia and a leading hub of the Awakening—a local elder responded with indignation (Qas․‒ı m B 2012): Qas․‒ı m is a very old holy city and the heart of an Islamic movement. We do not really have music. If someone listens to music making, it is outside of the core of the hub, performed by the black slaves [descendants] and the Bedouin, not the people of Qas․‒ı m who are higher, more educated, more religious. Many Bedouin still do not practice Islam properly, but keep their old pagan ways. That is why you will find them engaged in music. Slaves and Bedouin, they like music. But the Qas․‒ı mis are not like them and we do not cross over into the realm of music makers in any way. You should not represent Qas․‒ı mis as having music, because it is insulting. The stigma of music making in some ways is even greater among women for the aforementioned caste and religious reasons, but also because there is a link between musical performance and

8  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

prostitution. It dates back to the days of early Islam, when “the notoriety of the singing-girls of the taverns had led to such terms as mughanniya (female musician) . . . being considered as synonyms for courtesan and adulteress” (Farmer 1929a, 45). Even into the early twentieth century, Dickson recounts this unsavory affiliation as seen in Kuwait (1951, 245–246): A feature of prostitute life in Kuwait is the offering of their services free as singers and dancers, and especially at feasts of circumcision. It must always be remembered that in the East dancers, singers and actresses are from ancient times considered to be in the same category as professional prostitutes—or next door to it, and are tolerated as necessary parasites of society. . . .  Because of the moral ambiguity of music and public music making the perceptions are still grim. In Riyadh an elder man apologized about the situation of performing musicians: To be a musician, I am sorry but it is still not good. Even if we enjoy what the musicians offer . . . people still look down on it. We need the musicians and we give them money to perform, but we think it is a low job. I am sorry I have to tell you this. (Riyadh E 2013) In H ․ˉa’il, a northern Najdi province, the view is the same. An official with a cultural organization lamented problems surrounding music, racism, and religious beliefs: In H ․ˉa’il we have the same racial issues that you do in America. Some Arab people look down on black people. But the musicians are black, and musicians themselves look down on their art form . . . Oh, and even if the leaders support music and try to change things, then there still will be a battle with the religious people. We struggle with this issue. It is a complex, complicated matter throughout the whole Kingdom. The exception is in the Hijaz. Throughout the Kingdom, it is agreed that the most “sophisticated” music comes from the western cities, and musicians are Arab or of other Hijazi backgrounds, including African-Hijazi. For the most part, these urban performers of complex uˉd-based music are respected, at least regionally. But all who are supporters of the musical arts agree that the prevailing stigma is problematic and has had an impact on the dissemination and preservation of culture and heritage.

BOX 1.2  RHYTHM AND THE IRREGULAR “CAMEL LIMP” When discussing the music of the region, especially non-urban arts, it is important to keep in mind that drumming patterns tend to include rhythms that are performed off of the main pulse “behind the beat.” It is believed this is a reflection of the camel’s gait. The large core of the beast moves at a different pace than its thin legs and therefore, the body shifts slightly after the limbs (Fig. 1.2).7 The combination of the mostly steady pattern of the lower body along with the upper body dragging creates a natural polyrhythm. This “drag” or “limp” beat is heard in a variety of regional musics, for instance in many commercial “khalı¯jı¯“ songs dating from the 1970s until today.

Chapter 1: Introduction  9

FIGURE 1.2 When

a camel walks its body manifests a polyrhythmic sound as the legs shift on a different pulse than the large upper body

The rhythm of important genres—e.g., ‘ard∙a, saˉmri, arts of Wa ¯ di al-Dawa ¯ sir, and their respective dance movements—manifest aspects of the camel gait. Less desert-oriented or younger musicians, especially in the coastal cities where there has been greater international influence, tend to instinctively line up all the beats and eliminate the camel limp (albeit sometimes unintentionally through the use of pre-recorded tracks on electronic drum machines). But such destroys the requisite uneven essence. In this current study, musically notated rhythms, especially those of the Najd, should be interpreted with the irregular limp, and readers should refer to sound files for an applied rendering.

NOTES 1 Oman, whose capital city in the 1800s was in Zanzibar, is “markedly different” from Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States, partially because of its closer ties with Africa (Zahlan 1998, 125). And in the UAE the largest tribal groups, the Bani Yas and Qawaˉsim, are not prevalent in northern Gulf regions and, moreover, there is a substantial Baluch influence from Iran across the sea (Hurreiz 2002, 20; Khuri 1980; Maisel 2009; McCoy 2008). However, ties with Yemen are noticeable: what is southwestern Saudi Arabia today was at one time under Yemeni jurisdiction and many Yemeni musicians worked in the Gulf in the twentieth century.Yet Yemen differs because it has no oil wealth, is not part of the Gulf Corporate Council, and has different food, dress, and clothing than found in most of Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf.

10  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

2 The predominant tribes of Qatar are Hajir, Al-Murra, Bani Tamıˉ m, Bani Kab, and Dawaˉ sir, all of which have a strong presence in Saudi Arabia as well as Kuwait (S. Al-Hajri 2014). Note that ties were further forged during the 1990–1991 Iraq Occupation of Kuwait, when many Kuwaitis went to live in Qatar, and Qatar sent troops to take part among the Coalition forces. Qatar too has a substantial history with Bahrain since into the nineteenth century the Bahraini Al-Khalıˉfa family governed it. In 1766 the Al-Khalıˉ fa left Kuwait where they had aided their Kuwaiti cousins in establishing rule, and migrated to Zubara, on the northwest coast of the Qatar peninsula. Even after they captured Bahrain in 1782, the Al-Khalıˉfa reigned over Qatar and stayed involved in political and trade interactions following Qatar’s independence in 1878. Until rather recently, Qatar was considered quaint and somewhat rural, comprised of mostly small coastal fishing villages, and being a much younger nation culturally than Bahrain, it has remained Bahrain’s “little sister” for centuries. Therefore, the sea music traditions of the two nations are almost identical, and still today musicians will travel back and forth by boat between the small countries to perform alongside each other at weddings and celebrations. 3 A vast number of immigrants and expatriates populate Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States and they have their own music and rituals not discussed in this study. 4 Khad ․ˉı ri is a pejorative only used by those of qabıˉli descent. It is related to the word “green,” or “vegetable” and is apparently applied since many non-Bedouin were affiliated with settled agricultural areas that were “green” in comparison to the desert. Today the primary labels used are qabıˉli (or “sheikh”) and khad ․ˉı ri (there are no “s․ulayb“).These traditional terms are discussed in various writings (Altorki and Cole 1989, 58; Sowayan 1985). On the ․had․ar perspective towards Bedouin, see Harrison (1924, 24–25). 5 The daˉr or dawaˉwıˉr in Bedouin culture is a homestead, either tents pitched in circles, or a main tent and area immediately surrounding it. Those who camp or migrate together occupy a single daˉr. See Cole (1975, 48–49) and Kurpershoek (2001, 262). 6 Burckhardt wrote (1992, 181–182): Black slaves are very common among the Arabs: every powerful sheikh procures annually five or six male slaves, and some females who come from Baghdad (whither they are brought by the Muscat and Yemen merchants), or from Mekka or Cairo. . . . The descendants of slaves intermarry among themselves and among the szona, or workmen, who have settled in their tribe. . . . the slaves are treated with kindness, and seldom beaten, as severity might induce them to run away. 7 The irregular polyrhythmic beat is evidenced by an experiement in which a recording device was strapped onto a camel saddle. The polyrhythm was produced by the pulse of the rubbing saddle juxtaposed with the beat of the hooves. The upper-body sound pattern was clearly behind that of the legs. However, such is only evident when the camel walks. When it runs, the rhythm is more even.

PART I

The Najd and Upper Gulf Region

Page Intentionally Left Blank

2 BEDOUIN ARTS

FIGURE 2.1 Bedouin

at a well watering their camels. Wells and waterholes served as meeting places where males and females could mingle, and many Bedouin love songs mention them (Unknown, 1940s)

14  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

In the Upper Gulf States and central Arabia those who identify as Bedouin or qabıˉli often descend from the great tribes of the ‘Anizza, Shammar, Mut․ayr, Qah ․․t aˉn, Dawaˉsir, ‘Otaiba, Subay’a, Bani Tamıˉ m, H arb, Rasha ˉ ida, Awa ˉ zim, along with Hajir, Ajma ˉn, Bani Khaˉlid, Dhafıˉr, ․ Murra, and Bani Ka’b, although these later tribes tend to reside more to the east and in the Gulf States of Kuwait and Qatar (Fig. 2.2).1 National boundaries do not confine the customs of a tribe and this is paritally because the countries themselves are so young. The Saudi state began to emerge in 1745 but was not officially founded as the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia until 1932. Kuwait was established as a formal sheikdom in 1756, but did not declare independence from a British protectorate until 1961, and British oversight ended in Qatar and Bahrain in 1971. Through the centuries, there has been regular interaction along the coast via pearling and sea trade, but as importantly on land, there was constant tribal migration, irrespective of the sanctioned political borders. So we find in the twenty-first century that a great deal of Qataris, Kuwaitis, and Bahrainis have Saudi family or relatives residing in each other’s nations (Wahab 2011). Family members travel back and forth to attend weddings and celebrations, sharing the same cultural observances with music, regardless of the country in which an event may be held.

Traditional Bedouin Characteristics Although contemporary Bedouin are no longer defined by their livelihood or way of existence (Cole 2003; Ingham 1986, 47), historically in central Arabia and the Upper Gulf Bedouin were distinguished by three characteristics. They descend from recognized purebred tribes; their ancestors regularly engaged in raiding and warfare; and their lives were centered around camel breeding (Fig. 2.1; Glubb 1935, 13; Sweet 1965).2

FIGURE 2.2 Map

of Bedouin tribes and their locations in the mid-twentieth century (based on Dickson 1951)

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  15

Love and affection contributed to the shaping of musical genres but highly important were the regular activities surrounding raids and battles. Frequently inspired by boredom, raiding was a regional pastime. One tribe would attack another, not with intent to take human life, but rather to capture livestock with the understanding that a counter-raid would usually ensue. This reciprocal marauding, bound by rules of chivalry, was between Bedouin of equal or near equal status because the only real rival of a camel-breeding tribe was another camel-breeding tribe. The beasts, along with prestigious horses if available, could transport a raiding party over long distances and permit them to deliver intense, unexpected attacks, and then quickly flee. Along with raiding, warfare, that is, battling for wells and pastures or fighting to subjugate a settled community for tribute, was also important in Bedouin life. In either case, male champions would acquire fame and be celebrated in poems and songs, which would greatly elevate their status, especially among women. In tribal society, such recognition was of more value than the material plunder (Harrison 1924, 35–36; Vassiliev 2000, 47). The camel, important in raiding, was also crucial for basic survival in Bedouin culture and it is this animal that sets the Najdi Bedouin apart from those who reside in more fertile places like Jordan and southwestern Arabia.3 In the cruel, harsh desert, the camel was the “Gift of God,” at․a’ allah (‫)ء ا‬. A camel’s milk was the staple of the Bedouin diet, its syrupy urine was drunk for its healing properties or rubbed on wounds, its droppings provided fire and cooking fuel, and its undercoat was used to weave ropes, bags, clothes, and tent panels. Camels also provided a substantial income for Bedouin. As Burckhardt recounts (1992, II: 69): The country most rich and abundant in camels is undoubtedly Nedjd, entitled on the account Om el Bel, or ‘The mother of camels.’ It furnishes Syria, Hedjaz and Yemen with camels, which in those countries are worth double the price paid originally for them in Nedjd. No place in the world was as remarkable for the rapid propagation of camels as the Najd during years of fertility. Understandably, the concept of battle and competition along with the essence of the camel (and sometimes other desert animals) is evident in most all Bedouin collective dance arts and often in purely poetic ones (Kurpershoek 1994, 64). For instance, the “battle” element is manifest in group dance formations. It is common in collective arts for two facing lines to square off, first one dancing or singing, and then the other repeating, trying to equal or out-perform the initial line in a type of rivalry. Individuals break from the ranks and move in rhythm, showing off their prowess, often with a weapon. Bedouin dance is traditionally not called raqs․, i.e., “dance,” but rather, la’ib, “play,” in the sense of sport competition, as performers want to surpass each other and win the contest (Kurpershoek 1994, 334; 2005, 294). Even a solo poet-singer, if present, seeks to “defeat” another who may sing alternately with him/her. Desert animals are also symbolized in performing arts. In some genres partakers make camel sounds or shout cameleer cries. Throughout, it is common for dancing ranks to rhythmically sway together side to side while rising up on the toes in the middle of the move, which is reminiscent of the lift felt by the rider while on camel or horse mount. And many of the individual dance moves themselves contain the essence of camels or horses, especially among women. Indeed, currently the most prevalent female Bedouin dance is that referred to as baddaˉwi/ibduwi or faras (literally, “mare”), in which women and girls gallop like horses.

16  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Nabat∙i Texts Regardless of the type of Bedouin musical art—solo songs or collective—the texts are of the utmost significance. In fact, popular vernacular poetry known as nabat․i (‫ )ا‬is the dominant form of all Bedouin artistic expression. However, it is also historically functional: a great deal of the Najd had no written history until the mid-twentieth century, so nabat․i has served to communicate and commemorate events, including issues related to tribal territories, watering holes, grievances, battles, and large and small matters. Moreover, nabat․i has played an influential role in maintaining various codes of honor and chivalry, celebrating heroic acts, and vilifying social violators. Tribes, individuals, deeds, and animals, were honored and immortalized, while cowardice and cultural offenses were criticized (Sowayan 1985). Bedouin Musical Genres Solo Song Solo sung nabat․i performance is casual. Traditionally the favored time for reciting (singing) solo poetry among men was (is) at night when they gathered in or in front of a tent, or duwaˉwıˉr (tents pitched in circles, Kurpershoek 1994, 262), or in a majlis (sitting place; ‫)ا‬. Among certain tribes and in northern regions, the singer may accompany himself on the rebaˉba, i.e, the one-stringed chordophone (‫)ا‬. It is common practice to present nabat․i poetry through chant or melodic singing. The general term for this singing of poems in meter is shayla (Box 2.1). A soloist will sing verses and the audience, in appreciation, will join in especially on rhyming words at the ends of the verse. Kurpershoek frequently witnessed such sung poetry while residing among the Dawaˉsir bard, Dindaˉn: [he] and his colleagues, singing and humming in meter and rhyme is an activity pursued in a spirit of both deadly seriousness and playful contest. Like a group of camel riders traversing the desert, they toss at one another lines of chanted poetry. (1993, 34)

BOX 2.1  SHAYLA (‫)شيلة‬ Today, young Bedouin men, even college students, will write nabat∙¯ı poems, sometimes as part of competitions, and freely intone them in a manner that they refer to as shayla (“to raise or lift the voice”). Shayla is not a set genre, but rather a generic term for unaccompanied metered chant that can be sung by a group or soloists. Although the term is used in Qas∙ˉm ı and Riyadh, some say it came to the Gulf through southern Najdi tribes, like the Dawaˉsir, and was perpetuated by their migrant descendants. The beginning of collective arts, when the chorus sings before the drums enter, is often referred to as shayla. “Shayla“ also describes the act of the poet chanting freely before others, while he is engaged in the creative process, “musically testing the balance and rhyme of his poem” (Al-Azab and Al-Mishwat 2011). Sowayan describes poets while preparing coffee composing poems in front of guests, working them out by singing them, “yis∙ˉıb al-s∙aut,

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  17

yaz’aj al-s∙aut“—”get the voice right or wrong” (Sowayan 1985, 98). Regardless of whether a poem was presented as spoken text or song, the actual composition method usually entailed singing, i.e., shayla. Since the twentieth century, in order to make a nabat∙¯ı /shayla solo performance more compelling, a poet might have u ˉd (lute) accompaniment. This instrument will serve like a rebaˉba of earlier times and provide a brief interlude between each text line and sound a drone while the male chants his verses.

Reba¯ba and Solo Arts Several solo Bedouin arts are extant, the most significant being, hijeˉni, hilaˉli ․sakhri, marbuˉ’, khamishi, ․hidaˉ’, and saˉmri. Reba¯ ba (‫)ا‬ The rebaˉba is a one-stringed bowed chordophone with a wooden frame around which is stretched wolf, goat, camel, or gazelle skin (Fig. 2.3). Wolf skin is said to be the best and will make the instrument “howl like a wolf.” The string and bow are made of rattan branch and a special kind of horse hair called sabıˉb (  ). Five tones can be produced: the open string sol, plus la, ti (rarely played), and do, re (equivalent to g, a, b, c, d) using the index, second, third, fourth fingers respectively.

FIGURE 2.3 Rebaˉba

player from H ․ˉa’il. This particular rebaˉba is somewhat large, but the size adds extra volume

18  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

The instrument is not exclusive to Bedouin and is mentioned in written urban sources such as the tenth-century Great Book of Songs of Al-Farabi (1840, 36, 41, 105, 109). Nevertheless, according to regional folklore, the rebaˉba was first created in what is today’s Saudi Arabia by the T ․ayy tribe (‎‫)ء‬, who are related to the Shammar who reside around H ˉ a ’il. As the tale goes, a woman ․ devised the rebaˉba, and various oral accounts regarding its origin include mention of a speechless woman, with implications that the instrument “speaks” for her and/or has a female quality. In one tale it is purported that the rebaˉba was made by a mother who was mourning the loss of her child and/or had her tongue cut out. There is another story of the rebaˉba’s origins told among the Dhafıˉr tribe regarding a married Najdi couple and the wife becoming speechless (Dhafıˉr 2013): The happily married husband wanted to see if his wife could keep her emotions in check and forgive him if he did something rude and offensive to her. Following the untoward act, the wife shouted at the husband: “If you want me to come back to you, you must make the wood speak!” The task seemed impossible and the husband thought he had lost his wife forever. So he reached out to all the tribes until he found an old wise woman. She told him to bring some beech wood, horsetail, wolf’s skin, and rattan and to glue them together with sheep’s fat and some other materials. Then he was to attach the hair to the bow and box. Amazingly, a soft beautiful voice emerged from the contraption. Proud and delighted, the husband went to his wife telling her that he did what she had asked. Impressed by his great effort and stunned at the achievement, the wife became speechless. It was then that the husband started to play, and sang these famous lines: Oh, my girl. Do not be amazed by the sound of the rebaˉba It is merely a young camel’s skin over pieces of wood!!

‫   ت ا‬ !!‫اە   ق  ان‬ 

Folk accounts indicate that the rebaˉba is considered important among northern tribes as well as ․sulayb (non-tribal peoples) “who have always used it” (Harrison 1924, 520). In the Najd, especially around H ․ˉa’il and Qas․‒ı m, it is much appreciated into the twenty-first century, and likewise tribes in the Gulf, such as the Shammar, Dhafıˉr, ‘Anizza, Rashaˉida, enjoy rebaˉba music publicly, although tribesmen usually do not play the instrument themselves but rather retain khad ․iri to do so. Burckhardt in the early nineteenth century commented (1992, 143): In the Najd, as among the Sinai Arabs, it is reckoned disgraceful to play on the rebaˉba before a numerous company. Slaves alone perform on it in that case: and if a free Arab wishes to acquire some degree of execution on the instrument, he must practice at home, and in the bosom of his family. But, on the other hand, I have seen in Hedjaz Bedouins play on the rebaˉba before company. Bedouin with roots in the southern regions, like the Ajmaˉn, Hajir, Mut․ayr, do not have rebaˉba music and find playing it, like playing any musical instrument, “degrading to our masculinity” (Bo Abdullah 2009; Harrison 1924, 521).

Solo Vocal Genres Solo arts found in the Najd and Upper Gulf as listed below can be performed by a cappella voice or for the most part, by voice with rebaˉba. Mash․uˉb is the only art where the rebaˉba is requisite. It is the text, its length and meter that usually distinguish the various genres. Arts with rebaˉba are

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  19

referred to as jarra (‫)اة‬, a noun that means “the pull, or the drag” since the performer is pulling the bow over the string or elongating final notes of verses. The musician/singer is known in many areas as a jaruˉr (‫) ارور‬.4 Note that lyrics found in rebaˉba pieces might be heard in a variety of other traditional arts and are not exclusive to rebaˉba music or solo song. a. saˉmri ‫ا…„ي‬ b. mash․uˉb ‫( ا…‡ب‬rebaˉba is requisite) c. hijeˉni  ˆ‫ا‬ d. hilaˉli ‰ˆ‫ا‬ e. s․akhri ‫ا‹Šي‬ f. marbuˉ’ ‫اع‬ g. khamishi ŽŠ‫ا‬ h. h.idaˉ’ ‫( ا‡اء‬primarily solo song without rebaˉba) a. Solo saˉmri is a well-known solo Bedouin art. It is musically not like triple-meter ․had․ari saˉmri, although all saˉmri have texts involving romance and longing. According to various accounts, long ago solo saˉmri was sung to the beat of walking camels, thus it is often called saˉmri jaysh, “army,” or rather “battalion of 100 camels” (Plate 1). It is enjoyed as part of friendly evening entertainments and the soloist’s verses can be complemented with an added group refrain. H ․ˉa’il rebaˉba players consider it a standard genre in their repertoire.

Solo Sa¯mri Tears streamed from my eyes and spread down my cheeks Yesterday my eyes were exposed I like green, because my lover is “green” [i.e., from the khad ․iri class]

‘’“ ‫ ا„– „•   ” اŠ و‬ “   ‡„ ‫أ“ ار ه‬ ™š   ›  •„ ™Š‫أ ا‬ (Dıˉkaˉn 1995, 127)

b. Mash․uˉb is the solo song that by its very nature must always have rebaˉba accompaniment. Mashuˉb comes from the verb yish․ab )‡…(, “to pull, to drag, to extend,” and the art is called such because the last notes of the melody of each line are notably extended, sometimes up to twenty seconds or longer. The singer’s voice must blend at these points with the rebaˉba so that it sounds as if the rebaˉba itself is singing. Then the vocalist drops out while the rebaˉba smoothly carries on with a little interlude, and the cycle is repeated. There are variations and sub-categories of mash․uˉb. The meter of mash․uˉb poetry is - - ˘ - , - - ˘ - , - ˘- - , which according to Sowayan is the most popular meter in nabat․ˉı poetry (1985, 140). Mash․uˉb pieces tend to have long stanzas, at least compared to hijeˉni. c. Hijeˉni, a category of solo song, is derived from the word hijin (•ˆ‫)ا‬, which means “camel,” and these songs are sung to the footsteps of the beast, whether it is being led or ridden. Cameleers have long said that their herds enjoy being sung to and that it makes them more compliant and quicker. The voice must be soft and mellow, but include a little glitch in the throat that is said to resemble a bird chirping (oral accounts indicate that the vocal hitch originated from singing during a bumpy ride). In addition, hijeˉni have a certain rhythm to them and camels are known to bounce their necks to the song (Dıˉkaˉn 1995, 156).

1

Sa¯mri jaysh: solo sa¯mri recording of a woman from Qas․¯ı m

20  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

  There are several different types of hijeˉni with different meters and melodies. The music chosen depends on the breed of camel, the task at hand, and whether one is in the south or north of the Najd— hijeˉni are found throughout. But in general hijeˉni is considered a joyful genre. If there is a camel present, then the camel’s gait provides the musical element and no rebaˉba is necessary, but if one is singing the song away from the animals, like making a recording in a studio, the rebaˉba is used to thicken the texture. “The action will either come from the camel or the rebaˉba, but you don’t need both” (Dojan 2013). The texts tend to have short stanzas and are enjoyable to sing and therefore are still performed by those who identify as Bedouin while traveling by car or other means (Sowayan 1985, 140). d. Hilaˉli is a solo art named after the Bani Hilaˉl tribe, a branch of Hawaˉzin, a large Arabian confederation who lived in al-Shaˉm (Greater Syria) and then moved to the upper Red Sea coast of Arabia. The designator actually refers to the poetic meter, which is the same as the classical Arabic ․tawıˉl meter that was apparently prevalent during the days of the Bani Hilaˉl, ca 1000 ce (Sowayan 1985, 139). The lyrics tend to be despondent love poems. Dıˉ kaˉn states that there is only one surviving melody for hilaˉli in Kuwait. The Kuwaiti singer ‘Abdullah Al-Fad ․aˉlah often performed/recorded hilaˉli in the 1960s (Jargy and Caussade-Jargy 1994, I). e. S ․akhri songs are believed to be named after the Bani S․akhar (Š ), a northern tribe in present-day Jordan, but the songs are also well liked in H ․ ˉa’il and central Arabia. Some use the terms halaˉli and ․sakhri interchangeably, although Dıˉ kaˉn lists the song types as separate, indicating that ․sakhri texts are flirtatious. Jargy states that ․sakhri belong to the category of saˉmri, perhaps because the poems are amorous, since otherwise ․sakhrıˉ are not considered saˉmri (Jargy and Caussade-Jargy 1994, I). Hood (2007) and Revival (2010, 21) mention a rebaˉba genre in Jordan known as “shruˉqi,“ i.e., “eastern,” but it is not clear whether it is related to ․sakhri. f. Marbuˉ’ poetic songs are widespread and are known in the Najd, Syria, Iraq, Kuwait, and Qatar. There is a form with a similar structure in T ․a’if called murawba’, although that T a’if highland art does not use reba ˉ ba. The name implies the number “four,” and the poet ․ should divide his/her verses into four lines. In each verse, the first three lines have the same rhyme scheme and the fourth has another rhyme, and the latter reappears at the end of the fourth line in every verse in the piece. The great Najdi poet-composer Moh ․ammad ibn La’buˉ n (1790–1831) wrote many murbuˉ’ (but often with the rhyming words of each three-line verse being homonyms).5 Sowayan refers to “murbuˉ’” as described here as a “strophic rhyming scheme” and, “it seems that al-Hazzaˉnıˉ [leading composer of early ․had․ar saˉmri] was the first literate Nabat․i poet to borrow this scheme from postclassical poetry” (Sowayan 1985, 174). g. Khamishi is popular solo song among a large branch of the ‘Anizza tribe who are known as Al-Khamish, so it is believed the style is named after them. Many reside in Qas․‒ı m, and today, in Kuwait. h. H ․ idaˉ’ are among the most significant songs of Bedouin and were regularly sung for battle or camel driving, while walking, on horseback, or camel mount. Traditionally, these are not rebaˉba songs, although some in recent decades will add the rebaˉba to the tunes. The name comes from the verb yah․du, which loosely means “to sing for camels in order to make them more agreeable.” One folktale about the origins of ․h idaˉ’ states that Mud․ar bin Nizaˉr, a great-grandfather of the Adnaˉn branch of Arabs, one day fell off of his camel and injured his hand, shouting, “My hand! My hand!” (yadi! yadi! ‫)ي‬. He had such a

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  21

lovely voice that the concerned camels gathered around him (Al-Mas‘uˉ dıˉ 930). It was then realized that camels respond to certain sounds, so short sung verses were devised to help motivate the beasts, and these became especially common to rouse camels who were working the water wheel at wells. Later, the ․h idaˉ’ became standard among Arabian knights in times of war. Men would sing to their horses while cleaning horseshoes, but more importantly, before military engagement. On warriors’ hidaˉ’, the nabat․ˉı scholar Sa’ıˉd wrote: ‘Ard․a is the art of war for the desert people and it has almost the same purpose as ․hidaˉ’, but ․hidaˉ’ is performed solo by the cavalier, while ‘ard․a is a group song where all soldiers participate. It is possible for the cavalier to go into ‘ard․a while performing a ․hidaˉ’ on horseback . . . [through ․hidaˉ’ he can] identify himself and then participate in ‘ard․a while still on mount. This is called horse ‘ard․a. (1981, 101) H ․ idaˉ’ texts often pertain to pride and enthusiasm, attack, or retreat, but they can also be about love or returning from combat. The first king of Saudi Arabia, ‘Abdul’azıˉz ibn Sa’uˉ d, is attributed with composing some romantic ․hidaˉ’ lyrics: Oh Hajar, most beautiful girl

Do not think we are leaving you

If God extends our lives

We will come back to you

• ‫‡…  هر‬  • ‫š  ا  را‬

‫ه ز• ات‬ ‫ان ّل ا ‡ ة‬ (Jamal 1994, 34)

BOX 2.2  FEMALE BATTLE SONGS: GHUT∙FA Along with h∙idaˉ’, some of the earliest known solo war songs are ghut∙fa ( ¡¢‫ )ا‬or ‘amriya (both without rebaˉba). A noble or beautiful woman on a decorative camel litter performed these. As she rode into battle ahead of the men, she would shake loose her long tresses, rip open her upper garment, exposing her breast, and sing her song of combat, “with a passionate sweetness, which kindles the manly hearts of the young tribesmen” (Doughty 1921, II: 329). The desert knights would become inflamed, wanting to defend or impress her. She and other maidens, who might join her, would not shy from advancing to the most dangerous spots on the battlefield. They would incite their tribesmen with their sexuality, threatening to join the enemy if their own warriors faltered or were near defeat. Unfortunately, none of these songs or their tunes are extant (Doubleday 1999, 109; Glubb 1935, 33; Musil 1928, 527–528; Sowayan 1985, 36–37). Likewise, later into the twentieth century, Do¯sari Bedouin recount that the most beautiful women were taken into battle and some warriors even took their wives (Al-Daihani 2012).

22  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Collective Bedouin Arts Many Bedouin collective arts are frequently performed today for weddings and a variety of private celebrations and national festivities. For the most part, they entail group song and dance with some essence of competition. ‘Ard ․․ha in the past literally served for ․a, razıˉf and dah battle preparation, and it is believed that these arts emerged directly from functional battle chants: over time the practice of loudly shouting martial cries in order to unsettle the enemy formed into structured melodies that were eventually used for group arts. Other arts such as poetic dueling, galt․a, along with women’s dance arts like baddaˉwi/ibduwi likewise manifest a contest element. Fraysni and imjailisi are gurawi, that is baduˉ arts found in Gulf villages, and although their texts are related to love, they too incorporate a healthy rivalry. Bedouin genres are referred to as laown (“color, shade,” ‫ ;ن‬colors, pl. alwaˉn, ‫ان‬£‫ )ا‬or la’ib. Leading Bedouin male collective arts include the following: a. galt․a ¤‫ا‬ b. dah ․․ha ‫ا‬ c. razıˉf/‘ard․a ¥‫از‬ d. fraysni …¡‫( ا‬Gulf Bedouin) e. imjailisi … ‫( ا‬Gulf Bedouin) f. saˉmri gurawi ‫وي‬¤‫( „ي ا‬Gulf Bedouin) As a rule, aside from Do ˉ sari tribal music (and saˉmri gurawi ), there are traditionally no drums or instruments in collective Bedouin arts, just chanting voices and handclaps. Bedouin were frequently moving and trying to survive in the cruelest of environments. They usually did not have the resources or desire to build or maintain such luxuries as instruments.

Galt∙a Galt․a, poetic dueling, under different names and individual practices, is found throughout the entire Peninsula, as far south as the Yemen and into northern lands like Palestine. In Saudi Arabia galt․a is often referred to as muh․aˉwara, from the verb ․haˉwar (‫“ )ور‬to discuss or engage in a dialogue,” but according to Sowayan, this is actually a recent media designation. (H ․ aˉwar indicates that the two poets are engaged in a discussion or a dialogue and is the same verb used when two soccer players on opposite teams are manipulating the ball with their feet, each trying to take it from the other.) “Galt․a” is the older term and comes from the verb galat․ “to step forward, to meet an opponent in a duel.” In Qas․‒ı m galt․a is also called riddiyya (from radd, “to respond”) because every poet responds to the challenges from the opposing poet (Sowayan 1985, 142; Personal correspondence 2010). To perform galt․a two tribes or groups compete by having their champion poets step forward from their ranks and sing extemporized texts that expresses pride in their own community and verbally demeans the challenger. Immediately next to each poet will be a line of men (raddaˉda, “responders”) standing shoulder to shoulder who, under the guidance of a leader, may clap hands in accompaniment of the recitation or join in singing a repeated musical refrain. They can become zealous and begin jumping and dancing, throwing their ‘iqaˉls (head rings) on the ground, excited by the cleverness of their poet. In earlier times, females would sing and participate with the men, and beautiful young women might take turns dancing with a stick in the midst of the males (Sowayan 1989, 166).

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  23

The poets must be quite knowledgeable since the subject of the galt․a may be given at the moment and they need to draw on oral history and folklore to praise or ridicule. As in the past, today it is common for men of the community to use galt․a to make political statements. Through metaphor, the poet might condemn a government official or an act, and since the attack is ambiguous, he can always feign innocence. The audience especially enjoys these kinds of galt․a as it tests their wits and knowledge of topical events (Box 2.3). Galt․a is usually held outdoors in a wide space, preferably the desert, as part of a wedding or holiday celebration and there may be hundreds observing, cheering, shouting, and supporting their defenders. The spirit is usually a friendly one, and poets always start with some kind, complimentary words, welcoming the opponent before the duel begins. The back and forth match of wits continues until one of the poet’s stop, he finally being defeated. Galt․a is a living art and on Internet blogs in the twenty-first century youth boast and repeat clever lines they heard their poets create, continuing with the competition, antagonizing bloggers from opposing tribes. Galt․a too is often sustained through television. In 2008–2009 there was an annual televised galt․a competition hosted by the Kuwaiti Al-Watan station called Qalt․at al-Wat․an (•‫)¦ ا‬. Each year the program lasted for a few months and included countless tribesmen from throughout the Peninsula of the highest quality—fans even boasted that a leading galt․a judge entered as a competitor himself. Based on the Al-Watan success, a galt․a Twitter site (social media) was enacted that was still vibrant in 2013 (M. Al-Hajri 2013).

¯’ BOX 2.3  GALT ∙ A AND SOCIAL OBSERVATION: H ∙ A IL AH ∙ ˉa’il resident described his experience with galt∙a and its use for political commentary (2013): Galt∙a is good for a male marriage party: people [men] have dinner then they are bored, so it is a nice wedding entertainment. In the winter months when the weather is pleasant, galt∙a takes place often between 6pm to 10pm. Every hour there are two different poets. They discuss issues right off the top of their head. There is no time to write and re-write. In their mind the texts have a deep meaning based on truth, but the general public might not understand the intention. For instance, a poet may talk about 7-Up cola, which is good, a fine drink—but it is a secret code for something else [often social or political, or commentary on an individual in authority]. So if anyone questions him, or if he is taken to jail, he can say, “What? This is nothing! I was talking about 7-Up!” I enjoy galt∙a so much because I understand what they are really talking about [laughing]. Sometimes two poets from the same tribe will compete if no one else is available, but it is not very good. However, two poets from different tribes, that galt∙a is like fire! The s∙aff [lines] are comprised of about ten men. They repeat what their poet says and do a special dance. Each line has a commander who will calm them down or get them excited. Sometimes galt∙a go on into the early morning hours, and around 3am some of them will sing, “‘arbad, ‘arbad, ‘arbad! [snake, snake, snake].” It is code that it is late and we should stop. We’ve gone too far, or something bad might happen if we continue . . . authorities might come, or a fight ensue, or just . . . it is getting late.

24  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Galt․a: Text from an encounter in Riyadh (2000) between ‘Otaiba and Mut․ayr poets: REFRAIN: Yalali yalilaalalala (interspersed) ‘Otaibi Poet: I looked at her and I saw nothing but hope Please tell me what happened, my lady I am ‘Otaibi but you are not ‘Otaibi All of the Mut․ayri poets are in my pocket [they are easy to defeat] I dare the greatest poet of the Mut․ayr tribe, with an exceptional effort that speaks within what is inside my heart On any verse talking about us, my ‘Otaibi friends are going to fight back and defend our reputation ‘Otaibi Poet:  . . .  You, Mut․ayri, you people of courage and will You eat the eggs [sheep testicles], but later the snake eats you [old folktale about Mut․ayri] Neither you or Fais․al Al-H ․ ayya are that good  . . .  I know you, you wolf You are a wolf, the Azhara breed of wolf Mut․ayri Poet:  . . .  Today, this Al-Os․aimi [‘Otaibi Poet] made his tongue longer You my ‘Otaibi friends do not have a good word O my ‘Otaibi friends you are useless In the name of truth, how many shoes and slippers did you steal from other people? [based on a folktale that ‘Otaiba steal the shoes left outside of the mosque while people are praying]  . . . 

‫¦ ’  و „  „• اض‬ ‰  ‰ ‫‰  ‰  ل‬ ¨„£‫«¡’ˆ و „ «¡ إ “© ا‬  ‡  ‫أرك  وش ا ى‬  ’ „ “‫أ“ ’  وا‬   ° ‫  „   و‬±‫«رآ‬  ‡  ‫أرك  وش ا ى‬  ’ „ “‫أ“ ’  وا‬ ‫‡ى « اان و ” اˆد‬ ‫أ“ أ‬ ˆ“‡  ±´“‫ ر ’  أ‬،‫و ¶ي رة‬ ‫„…’ر و „ ي‬  ‹‫ا‬ ‫        ا‬

“‡ ‫رض‬£‫ ‡ن رب ا… و ا‬  „ˆŽ‫ „ ي  أه¨ اŽ و ا‬  ‡‫ ا‬±´’‫ ا · ت أآ‬±’‫أآ‬  ‡‫ و    ‹¨ ا‬±´   š 

“‡ ‫رض‬£‫ ‡ن رب ا… و ا‬ • ‹‡  ‫  ‰    أ‬ ‫    ‡‹ •  ا¸هة‬ ‫آ‬           

“‡ ‫رض‬£‫ ‡ن رب ا… و ا‬

“… ‫ا ا‹  ل‬¹‫ا م ه‬ “š ±´„  ’   ‡ 

“ ‘‡ ’‫ وە ر‬±‫ آ‬

“‡ ‫رض‬£‫ ‡ن رب ا… و ا‬ • …‫      اا  • ا‬ ‫‡ ا‘رە‬  ±´     ‰  

Dah∙h∙a/Dah∙h∙¯ya ı Dah ․․ha (‫ )ا‬is the primary collective art of northern male Bedouin, including the Shammar, ‘Anizza, and Dhafıˉr tribes as well as the northwestern groups of the Rwala and the Bani S․akh ․ar who reside around Jawf (‫)اف‬.6 Dah ․․ha, which in some places is known as dah․․hˉıya, spread long ago into communities of settled nomads in the Sinai Peninsula and Jordan (Hood 2007, 80–81). It was originally a battle song-dance that inspired the warriors as well as gave the illusion to the enemy that a group had a larger fighting force than it did. Communities that perform both the Najdi ‘ard․a battle dance and dah ․․ha assert that dah ․․ha incites the participants to a greater degree and is the most “manly” of arts. However, while ‘ard․a can take place for hours, dah ․․ha, at least in

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  25

modern times, is considered exhausting and should not last longer twenty minutes. Today, many families within the Al-S․abaˉ․h royal line of Kuwait still perform it, and since regional tribesmen play such an important role in Kuwaiti government, dah ․․ha will be performed publicly for the opening of Kuwaiti parliament and anytime Bedouin officials from the northern tribes have a reason for a significant celebration or show of solidarity. The first Saudi king, ‘Abdul’azıˉz ibn Sa’uˉ d, likewise performed dah ․․ha as did the current King ‘Abdullah. The Saudi national basketball team still sometimes performs dah ․․ha before a match to incite the players. Dah ․․ha performance varies from tribe to tribe, and even within the same community there are differences. The passage of time, the geographic locale, and the varied occasions in which dah ․․ha is celebrated are some the factors that led to the different styles. But in general, most aspects as noted in the following description of ‘Anizza dah ․․ha are common in the dah ․․ha of other tribes and branches. The performance commences as a solo poet, standing before a long line of men (or perhaps two facing lines) begins singing to a set duple meter, usually with a glitch in his throat in a style similar to that heard in camel-loving hijeˉni. After each solo verse of song the men respond in rhythmic singing with: “Halaˉ halaˉ bik yaˉ halaˉ laˉ yaˉ ․halıˉfıˉ yaˉ halaˉ“ (¡    ‰‫ه‰ ه‰   ه‬ ‰‫ ه‬, “hooray, allies”). This phrase, or something near to it, is found in dah ․․ha throughout the Arab world. Then the linesmen, who have their shoulders pressed against one another, hunch their backs and clap outward (e.g., ‘Anizza) or downward (e.g., Shammar) while raising their shoulders up and down, all the while collectively producing low rhythmic grunts and sounds in imitation of an aggressive camel herd (Fig. 2.4). Camels are well known for unearthly, often blood curdling intimidating noises, especially when displeased (Pesce and Pesce 1984, 64). The low, guttural tones and close proximity of the men creates overtones, resulting in an “otherworldly” eerie roaring sound. The Shammar and ‘Anizza, whose dah ․․ha is the most performed in the Najd and Gulf, were great camel breeders who raised the legendary Al-H ․ urra camels that can resist thirst longer than any other and are considered the best for summer work. So their tribal arts, like dah ․․ha, understandably include an element related to the desert beasts (Pesce and Pesce 1984, 36). The hand clapping usually begins lightly and gradually becomes more intense. There are two types of dah ․․ha: static, and dynamic. In the static form men just repeat a fixed refrain without moving. In the dynamic dah ․․ha men exaggerate their movements and turn their heads abruptly right then left, adding shouts, and they may aggressively bite each other on the shoulders quickly when their heads are turned. Originally a woman in an abaya (cloak) wielding a sword or stick would run and dance before the group, waving her garment, left side then right, and using her weapon, try to knock the ‘iqaˉl (head ringlet, ‫ل‬¤‫ )ا‬off of men who she felt were not performing up to par. The ‘iqaˉl represents a man’s honor, and by removing it she is saying that he is not worthy to defend her. Therefore, men try to avoid the stick, because if she manages to remove the ‘iqaˉl, it means the male must leave the dah ․․ha. This woman dancer is known as a ․haˉshi («‡‫)ا‬, which is the term for a baby camel or the most succulent young camel meat, i.e., something of value or precious. Referring to a female as a camel dates back centuries. Burckhardt spoke of a dance among the ‘Anizza where girls/young women are referred to as such (noting it would be rude for men to address them by their names, 1992, 254). In dah ․․ha, the ․haˉshi was usually the daughter of a sheikh (a “princess”) or an older married woman of great power who was held in high regard. Her role, like the dah ․․ha art in general, was to encourage the men for war (Fig. 2.5). For the past sixty years or so, because of religious sensitivities and the fact that dah ․․ha is not just performed among private tribes and family members, women are no longer permitted to dance as the ․haˉshi and men have taken over this role. For larger performances, there will often be two males dancing, playing off of one another.

2 Dahha 'Anizza: tribe performance for King Abdullah

26  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 2.4  ‘Anizza

linesmen performing dah ․․ha

The opening poet’s texts vary according to the occasion. If the performance is before a battle, then the poet glorifies the tribe and sings words of encouragement. It is common to sing about deeds of brave knights and descriptions of fights. But if the dah ․․ha is for a wedding, as is often the case in modern times, the poet will speak well about the families of the bride and groom. Before the dancing begins, the poet traditionally would praise the ․haˉshi who would be standing near the male participants. He would sing of her virtues and make it clear to everyone why she has been given this important role. Texts are significant because they inspire the group performance and make linesmen and solo dancers responsive and enthusiastic. After the poet finishes his solo section, it is time for the men to begin their camel growl, so the soloist sings the instructions, “dah․u, dah․u,” and the low-pitched rumbling begins. One section of the men in a bass voice will verbalize “hi dah ․․ha hi,” and another will chant “dah․i dah ․․ha,” in a quicker pattern, and the passion and intensity increases with the spine-chilling merging of sound. History of Dah∙h∙a: ‘Anizza The ‘Anizza claim to be the originators of dah ․․ha and according to folklore, its creation is attributed to two major pre-Islamic conflicts: the “Basuˉ s War,” intiated over a camel that belonged to a woman called Basuˉ s and lasted for forty years, ca 500 ce; and the “Battle of D∙ ˉı Qaˉr” (in today’s southern Iraq) in 609 ce between the Persian Empire and a large Arab Confederation. The D∙ ˉı Qaˉr combat was over the honor of a woman named Hind, and it is Hind or Basuˉ s who for centuries has been symbolized in the ․h aˉshi. The D∙ ˉı Qaˉr tale is as follows (Al-Enizi 2009): The leader of the Persians, Khosrau II, hearing of the beauty of Arab women especially that of the daughter of the Lakmid King Nu’man III, sent a message to Nu’man asking him to send his daughter Hind as a “gift.” As․ˉıl (pure) tribal women are only to be with tribal men, and since Khosrau was not of an Arabian tribe, his making such a request was viewed as

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  27

Bedouin female ca 1919 in Palestine dancing the ․haˉshi part of a dah ․․ha with a sword, as was customary. Women no longer play such a public role in Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf region, and swords are rarely used. Notice the hunched shoulders of the grunting dah ․․ha/dah ․․hiya linesmen in the background (Library of Congress, Washington, DC, USA)

FIGURE 2.5 A

an insult to Nu’man. Nu’man refused, although he knew that by doing so, the powerful Persian ruler would kill him. Nu’man fled with his daughter Hind and asked various tribes if they would provide her shelter, but all declined since they feared the Persian army. However, the Bakr ibn Wa’il tribe, who stem from the ‘Anizza, vowed to protect the girl. Subsequently, Nu’man went to Khosrau and was killed. Thus, Khosrau again claimed Hind, but the Bakr ibn Wa’il tribe refused to cooperate and began to prepare for battle against the Persian Empire. They contacted their cousins from other tribes and branches in Iraq and Bahrain and the northern Peninsula in order to form an army. The night before the great battle dah ․․ha was performed as a trick to intimidate the massive Persian forces as well as to encourage and unite the Arab warriors who had come from different communities. Men were told to light as many torches as they could, to line up in ranks of twenty, and start to clap and imitate the voices of anxious camels. Upon seeing the flames and hearing this awesome growl, the Persians believed that the Arabs had received a great amount of military reinforcement, and thus, became unsettled. The next day, because of this deceptive performance, the Arabs won the battle. After the defeat of the Persian army, the tribes gathered around Hind and celebrated again by performing dah ․․ha. She was praised as a respected figurehead—she was their h․aˉshi—and she danced in the middle of the various united tribal peoples. Thus, for centuries, until recently, in dah ․․ha, the spirit of Hind has been represented by a wellrespected woman who dances and teases the men. Moreover, to this day the men sing the refrain, “Halaˉ halaˉ bik yaˉ halaˉ laˉ yaˉ ․h alıˉfıˉ yaˉ halaˉ” which congratulates ․h alıˉfıˉ, “allies,” and is a reminder of the Arab alliance that defeated the Persians in the Battle of D∙ ˉı Qar.

28  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Rwala Dah∙h∙a Rwala (‫ )او‬are from the northern branch of the ‘Anizza and used to reside on the edge of Qas․‒ı m but are now known for having settled in northwestern Saudi Arabia and parts of Jordan (the royal Al-Sa’uˉ d and Al-S․abah are of the southern ‘Anizza branch) (Ashkenazi 1948). According to Rwala oral accounts dah ․․ha (which they frequently call dah․․hiya) was developed from an old war practice of creating brushfires. In order to protect an area from the enemy the Rwala would light these fires that would cause camels to make a terrible sound. To prepare for an attack all would gather, Rwala and ․sulayb and lesser tribes and branches who were nearby, and this large assemblage along with the fire and the camel groans, fortified the group with confidence to fight. Eventually, the tribesmen decided to create the camel sound themselves and turn their heads as they grunted, and this developed into Rwala dah ․․ha. For a Rwala family to announce to the other tribesmen that they will be hosting a dah ․․ha/ dah․․hiya, some kind of flag is flown in front of the house or tent. Then on that evening the women gather in the middle of the open tent with the men outside before them, in a semicircle facing in. The lead poet stands in the middle and on his immediate left and right are the individuals who make the best camel groan sounds. He sings and the group responds with “halaˉ bik yaˉ halaˉ bik.” This is considered a greeting to the women who are watching. Then the poet asks for the owner of the dwelling to bring the ․haˉshi, who is a veiled female brandishing a sword. She stands before the row of men. The poet starts to describe her, and he may be flirty. Then the clapping starts and the men sway left to right. At this point, a man will step out of the ranks and the ․haˉshi will engage him in play. As the two dance around one another, he waves his bisht (cloak) towards her, taunting her. He will hold his ‘iqaˉl (head ring) in his hand and she will try to capture it with her sword or stick. He in turn will try to “ring” her weapon and disarm her. She must use her cleverness to win the game, the “la’ib” (Al-Ruwala 2011).

BOX 2.4  THE FUTURE OF BEDOUIN COLLECTIVE ARTS? Comments of a leading dah∙h∙a performer of the Anniza tribe in Kuwait (2011): Well, I have a Ph.D. and my kids know dah∙h∙a, so I think it will survive. Their grandfather teaches it to them once they start walking. Also ‘ard∙a. We take our kids to weddings and they learn the arts from the age of six or seven. That’s why you see young children who wear the ghutra and ‘iqaˉl [head cloth and ring] and it doesn’t fall off while they are dancing ‘ard∙a. They like it. We are not forcing them to learn these things. They want to because they want to act like their fathers.

Razı¯f (or Razf or Razfa), “‘Ard∙a of Badu¯“ Razıˉf (¥‫ )از‬is a battle dance, similar to Najdi ‘ard․a, and in more recent times it has actually been called “‘ard․a”; however, razıˉf traditionally has no drums, while ‘ard․a does. Razıˉf is known in Riyadh, but is now more prevalent among desert tribes residing in the Gulf from Kuwait all the way down to Qatar, including the Hajir, Mut․ayr, Ajmaˉn, Murra, Dawa¯sir, and Rashaˉida tribes (Christensen and Castelo-Branco 2009, 91–94; Kurpershoek 2001, 207). It is associated with those whose ancestors dwelled in the southern Peninsula long ago, so is not found among

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  29

the Shammar and ‘Anizza, who are northern tribes and perform Najdi ‘ard․a and dah ․․ha. Razıˉf is done on religious holidays and at male wedding parties, especially as part of the groom’s zaffa procession in Qatar where it has been significant for some time (‘Eadaˉt 2010; Kerbage 1980, 77). Men stand in two ranks or a circle, arms touching or linked, or holding hands, and a leader freely calls out verses of poetry that are bursting with tribal pride and enthusiasm. Each of the ranks takes a turn repeating the text. The men might just rock in unison, or perhaps alternate feet, kicking each forward a little. Both lines usually remain stationary although they can move as a unit during a procession. The same text is chanted repeatedly until a poet shouts/sings out another line. The melodies may be borrowed from Najdi ‘ard․a, but each tribe will have their own kind of introductory shayla. The main musical chant is simple, sung in a deep voice, over and over again. Additive meter phrases are common, e.g., a 4+2 or 4+3 pattern. Razıˉf may have one or two featured dancers in the middle of the group who perform with or without swords, or they might hold their hands high above their head, which is a different style than seen in Najdi ‘ard․a. In modern-day performances such as those in Qatar, frame drums or ․tabl (¨‫ )ا‬are added, which is partially why some of that nation use the terms razıˉf and ‘ard․a interchangeably.

Gulf Gurawi (Village) Arts: Fraysni, Imjailisi, Sa¯mri Gurawi Baduˉ and khad ․ˉı ri who settled in farming villages but maintain a strong connection to Bedouin heritage are known as gruˉwiyıˉn (“villagers,” • ‫و‬¤‫)ا‬, and special genres that appeared among the gruˉwiyıˉn in the Gulf are considered some of the most regionally beloved. Historically, life was more relaxed in villages away from the cities and overt religious scrutiny, and this allowed for gurawi performance to thrive. Thus, gurawi people are viewed as, “people of music and dance,” and still today in Kuwait both gurawi males and females are considered among the best frame drum players. In various capacities, gurawi arts have spread into ․had․ar communities. For instance, in early twentieth-century Kuwait, wealthy merchant families built summer homes near the green gurawi villages along the seacoasts in areas such as Fint․aˉs, Fah ․ayh ․ˉı l, and Abu H ․ alıˉ fa. When they were on holiday, they would hold parties at their vacation residences or go out at night and interact with the gurawi musicians and citizens. So when the ․had․ar families returned to the cities, having fond memories of their gurawi interactions, they subsequently invited gurawi people to their urban events as the most welcomed guests. As a ․had․ar Kuwaiti elder commented, in the twenty-first century, “you will still see them at our parties, encouraging the celebration.” The major arts specifically associated with gurawi people are fraysni, imjailisi, and saˉmri gurawi, and all are group arts with romantic or pastoral texts (a fraysni example is in Jargy and CaussadeJargy 1994, I). In Kuwait, fraysni is considered such an important heritage art that government schools, which are segregated, at various times taught both male and female students how to sing and dance it (granted, the females learned a modernized dance rather than the male steps). Thus today, many young people in their twenties are very familiar with some fraysni songs. Regarding fraysni (…¡‫ )ا‬there are many possible simple melodies from which to choose. Tunes tend to be short and based around a minor third and are repeated over and over again with each verse sung by alternating choirs. There are no instruments, but if a group is singing a fraysni without dance, then they will clap on a weak beat, and since fraysni are always in a duple meter, the clap will come on beat two or four, depending on the tune. Otherwise, the stomping feet provide the percussive sound.

30  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

The line dance is somewhat like an elaborate razıˉf, from which it may have stemmed, albeit fraysni is dissimilar to razıˉf because the texts refer to love, not battle or pride. In fraysni two rows of males face each other, and while one remains stationary, the other chants the tune to words that have been sung or called out to them by a soloist. The singing line moves forward a few steps in unison, raising their knees, and then moves back, then advances forward quickly with a special skipping step, followed by a loud group stomp of one foot. As they are receding, they engage in a second stomp before moving back to their original place. The strong hitting of the ground with the foot is known as radh․ and the women’s art related to fraysni is called radh․a. Next, the opposing rank will take its turn singing and performing the fancy footwork, and so on. Because of the tricky movements a line can never exceed seven or eight men: any more will cause the dancers to fall out of sync. Fraysni is performed primarily to celebrate the marriage of a man. It is enjoyed in Dammaˉm, Qatıˉf, Bahrain, and Qatar among those of southern Bedouin descent (not the northern Shammar and ‘Anizza tribes). Some of the most celebrated fraysni is performed by Ajmaˉn and Mut․ayr tribesmen; however, it is still considered a village genre because it is so strongly associated with village locales. There are different theories about the name fraysni. Some say the art is named after a knight, a horseman, i.e., fraysa, or a horse, faras, and that the performers skip and stomp in a horse-like fashion. Others say the name comes from farsin, which is the hoof of an animal and also refers to the two nails on the camel’s foot. This implies that the performers come “toe-to-toe,” i.e., “face-to-face,” with the the opposing line and “stand tall” (Bo Abdullah 2009). In either case, the term no doubt has something to do the charging, stomping dance steps that do not exist in any other Gulf art (excepting women’s related radh․a/maraˉdaˉh). Fraysni “Faz Qalbi” My heart leaped, my heart leaped

the day I saw the seductive ones

All night I am restless

Afflicted by the love of girls

They interrupted my sleeping

on the day when they passed by

Their mouths are pearl necklaces

showing their smiles

The restless one shouted with tenderness

but the virgins sleep fine

A brother remembers his own brother

before the hour of his death

‫وت‬¢‫م «ف ا‬

“¸ ¦ ¸ ¦ ¸

‫  ات‬

¤ ‫ل   و ا‬

‫م „ن را‡ت‬

 „“ ‫آرن‬

‫ «رت‬±… 

 ±©“ ‘‫وا‬

‫ارى “ت‬¹‫وا‬

‡‫ح „‹ب ا‬

‫  ¦¨ ات‬

š ‫آ‬¹ ‫اŠي‬

‫ˆ ½ اˆت‬¤

Ž  ’   

‫„ر اˆ ت‬£

« ‫™ وا‬¢‫وا‬

‫و ¦ وهت‬

‫را د‬¹‫د¦ ا‬

Chapter 2: Bedouin Arts  31

Kuwaiti fraysni, “Maftu¯n Qalbi” My heart is infatuated

By the love of the gazelles [girls], O, Obaˉı d

Woe be unto the seekers of love

What a poor soul is he

I am entice by the softness of her body

And the beautiful turning of her neck

When she purposefully comes near to me

She makes her steps heavy

   ‫¸ن‬¢‫„¡’ن ¦  هى ا‬ ‫„…´ • اد اˆى واآ اە‬  ‫ف ا‡Ž  ¡’ ا‬  ¦Ž ‫¨ šە‬¤¾   „   ¢‫أ¦ل  زول اˆ  « ا‬ ‫ „‡ ˆى أ“  داە‬±‫ار‬   •„   …‫¡¨  šە آ‬ ‫ ‡ن ر رە ™ي „• ¿ە‬ ¢  ‫Ž ق آ¶“ … ت‬ ‫…ب „‘‰ة اˆ „• ز• „Žه‬  ‫¦¡” و š‰“ و  أ¦– ا‬ ‫ „ە‬   ‫ ل وش  ي‬ Imjailisi (… ‫ )ا‬the baduˉ-gurawi art, should not be confused with the Gulf sea band art imyailsi, which in Arabic is spelled the same, but among Gulf had ․ar, especially maritime peoples, the “j” is often pronounced like a “y.” Bedouin imjailisi, which is found in Kuwait, Bahrain, eastern Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, has basically the same music as fraysni, but rather than having a stomping dance, the two lines of males are kneeling, facing each other. Indeed, the name imjailisi comes from the word “jalasa,” to sit. The performing males rock in an organized fashion, at times resting on their heels and at other times rising on their knees. Imjailisi is a light, casual art and is performed in tents, courtyards, and dıˉwaˉniya/daˉr gathering places where men and children are mulling about. It is a favorite genre among the Bani Khaˉlid tribe.

Imjailisi: “I Could Not Sleep” I could not sleep last night, even my eyes refused to close

Others were relaxing while my thoughts were floating

I remained up all night thinking of the tall one

I wish my love could see what I’m going through

There are many beautiful white women about

But I have no interest in them

The beauty whose breast looks like pigeon eggs

When she walks by, all turn their head

ˆ  ‫ وأ“   ى‬ „ ‫اس‬ ˆ‫ وو‬¤ •„ ‫ ’ Žف ا‡ل‬. ˆ ‫ا‬    •‫«¡ „– ا دا‬ ˆ‫ز‬  ‡„ ‫ ¦ ا  „Žـ‬ ˆ‫واـــ¸ „• ـ ا´ــى و“د‬

. . . . ‫م‬  „ ˆ„“ • ‫ار   ¸ت‬  . . . ‫م‬¤‫ ˆان    أ´  ¨ ا‬  . . . ‫وا · وا „  „  هاه• „ام‬  . . . ‫ادل ا  Žه „‘¨  · ا‡م‬  . . . ‫   ــــ‰ة ام‬  ˆ ¢„ ‘‫„• آ‬

Saˉmri gurawi is considered a free-spirited dance music of the Gulf that for many decades has been performed at ․had․ar weddings in large cities, and even sea bands will perform it. Unlike

32  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

other traditional Bedouin or most gurawi arts, it includes the playing of frame drums in a duplemeter with a style similar to that of saˉmri doˉsari. Therefore some think there is a connection between the two arts (Ex. 2.1).

EX 2.1  Saˉmri

gurawi (village) rhythm pattern

NOTES 1 The UAE also has a notable Ajmaˉn presence. 2 Glubb’s lecture entitled, “The Bedouins of Northern Arabia” was erroneously printed “The Bedouins of Northern Iraq” (Glubb National Archives 2013). 3 Some classify Bedouin according to the animals they herd (sheep, goats, etc.). In the Najd camel breeders were the most prestigious (Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Bedouin”). 4 The genres are often listed with the prefix jarra, e.g., jarra al-mash․uˉb. Dıˉ kaˉn (1995, 127, 122) mentions seven rebaˉba genres in Kuwait, the five listed here plus salbi and shamria. Rebaˉba mash․uˉb, hilaˉlıˉ, and ․sakahrıˉ can be heard on Jargy and Caussade-Jargy (1994, I). 5 This homonym technique is found in Iraqi zuhayri (used in Gulf sea songs), and Ibn La’buˉ n lived in Zubayr (Iraq), Kuwait, and Bahrain. 6 The Shammar and ‘Anizza tribes share a common culture although they have been adversaries in the past. The Rashids, previously the rivals of the House of Saud, are from the Shammar. Conversely, the ‘Anizza were the traditional allies of the Sauds (Kurpershoek 2001, 139). In 2013 while in H ․ˉa’il, which has a substantial Shammar population, I encountered no dah ․․ha.

3 BEDOUIN WOMEN’S MUSIC AND DANCE

Bedouin women historically sang a variety of work songs and lullabies, but their primary social music entails collective arts performed at wedding celebrations. Traditionally, like Bedouin men, women do not play instruments but form two facing lines and present poems and texts through the singing of simple repetitive melodies: this setup is called ․saff (‫ا‬, “line”) or ․saff baduˉ. S ․aff songs tend to be in a duple meter, and participants will often add hand claps on the weak beat (as with village fraysni), that is, on beats two or four. This general ․saff performance practice has been taking place for hundreds, if not thousands of years. In fact, on Saudi rock carvings dating back to the Neolithic Era (from 10,000 bce), there are images of figures standing close together with their hands held before themselves as they engage in line song-dance (Arabian Rock-Art 2012). The main purpose of ․saff songs is madıˉ․h (‫ )ا‬that is, to provide praise and compliments, which is obligatory at Bedouin weddings and a main function of the music. Burckhardt in the early 1800s wrote about baduˉ women’s glorifying songs in the desert (1992, 82–83): On occasion of feasts and rejoicing, the women retire in the evening to a place at some small distance behind the tents. They divide themselves into choruses of six, eight, or ten women: one party begins the song, and the other in turn repeats it . . . The song is always in praise of valour and generosity . . . The first line of the song is repeated five or six times by the leading chorus, and then echoed by the other parties. In the same manner the second line is sung; but the third, which always contains the name of some distinguished warrior, is repeated as often as fifty times. The ladies, however, pronounce that name in such a manner, as to render it difficult for the men, who listen, to know who is the happy mortal.

Wedding Celebration Practices According to elder Bedouin females, in the first half of the twentieth century, most Nadji tribes had similar traditions and wedding celebrations were not elaborate. Marriages were (and still

34  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

are) arranged. The events lasted for two days. For those Bedouin who lived a somewhat settled existence, the main party was held in the bride’s residence on the first day. Neighbors, and some friends, were invited to the home, but most had such large families that kin comprised the bulk of the attendees. At this event women’s ․saff would be performed and in the middle of the lines some females would dance, including the bride and groom’s mothers. On the second day the groom’s family hosted a dinner in honor of the bride and women’s s․aff songs would also be sung here—even today ․saff performed by laywomen is common at this dinner reception.

BOX 3.1  GENERAL STRUCTURE OF WOMEN’S WEDDING ¯J/‘URS PARTIES: H∙AFLAT-AL-ZAWA For the most part, the structure of twenty-first-century wedding parties among baduˉ (or qabıˉli) and had∙ar women is similar in the Upper Gulf States and Najd, and to some extent in other parts of the Kingdom. The segregated events are held in large halls with dance floors surrounded by tables or tiered guest seating. At the far end of the space is a stage area (koˉ sha, ‫ )ا‬with a small sofa for the bride and groom. Female guests wearing evening gowns and adorned with elaborate make-up and hairstyles enter the celebration in the evening covered in black abayas (cloak, ‫ )اءة‬and headscarves, which they remove. After a few hours of guest dancing, the bride makes a grand entrance. She then sits on the koˉ sha for a while as her female family dance before her. Next, women often replace their abayas and veils and the groom enters, accompanied by his male family members who escort him to the koˉsha where he takes his place next to his bride. The males leave, and not long thereafter the bride and groom depart and the guests go back to dancing. This is followed by a buffet dinner in the early hours of the morning. Depending on one’s family and heritage, there are differences in the timings, meal, music, and dance, along with a few other practices as noted in the subsequent chapters.

At least by the second half of the twentieth century, baduˉ started to bring ․tagga¯ga¯t, professional (or slave) female drummer-singers, into the residence and there might be a mix of clapping songs and drumming songs. Eventually the wedding celebrations were moved to large halls in hotels and, as Bedouin women were increasingly introduced to a variety of religious and social interpretations questioning the permissibility of music making, they began to shy from musical activities. Since the late twentieth century, a DJ might play pre-recorded music at a wedding but since praises must still be sung, many Bedouin continue to hire female drummer-singers or comparable male bands, the later of which do not enter the all-female venue but have their sound piped in through speakers (see Chapter 4). In the past few decades it is also common to retain a type of performer that has more recently emerged in urban areas, that is, the ․saffaˉgaˉt ( ), the clapping line. Often these women also work as ․tagga¯ga¯t drummers, although not necessarily at the same wedding where they are serving as ․saffaˉgaˉt (Plate 2). In many ways they assume the traditional role of Bedouin laywomen. At the beginning of the party, ․saffaˉqaˉt may form two lines near the entrance to the venue and greet guests who walk between their ranks. They clap, ululate, and sing songs of welcome that usually invoke God, and if given advance notice, they can alter their text to include the

Chapter 3: Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance  35

surname of visitors. Later during the bride’s procession, some will escort her, two on each side, clapping and ululating, and continue to do so as the bride sits on the koˉsha. In any event, because of the important Bedouin tradition of having specialized lyrics in songs, it is Bedouin or those who have an affinity for Bedouin heritage who have been taking the lead in hiring live performers, both ․tagga¯ga¯t and ․saffaˉgaˉt, at weddings in the twenty-first century. Regardless of “modernization,” at most Bedouin parties, laywomen will still engage in music making at strategic times, especially when the bride first sits on the koˉsha. The sound system is shut off and close female family members sing, clap, and dance before the bride. This is an honor, a gift to her. It is during these times, or during the actual procession, that one might hear a song especially written for the bride. According to a 42-year-old Mut․ayri woman (2013): Sometimes there is a song specialized for the bride. When I was younger, the mother of the bride always wrote this poem/song for her daughter. This is her distinct song throughout her life. There is at least one song written for each girl. Girls just wouldn’t dance to anything, but would wait for family or tribe songs, or their song, or songs—it is okay if you have more than one song written about you. The words do not normally speak just about the girl but about the men in her family: for instance, she is the daughter of Mohammad and her brothers are so and so, and they do this and that. Of course, one can sing about the goodness of a girl, her beauty, and so forth. But most of the song is about her father and family, whom she represents.

BOX 3.2 BEDOUIN S∙AFF IN THE EARLY TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Saudi Bedouin Wedding Party, September, 2013 At the female wedding celebration held in a large hotel in eastern Saudi Arabia, neither the bride or groom, who were both of the Ajmaˉn tribe, entered the main wedding hall where the female guests danced to the sound of piped-in male drummer-singers—most the songs were of the badda ˉ wi genre, although there were some popular khalıˉji and h∙ ad∙ar songs in order to please non-Bedouin guests. The family was considered quite traditional. The mother of the bride, her friends and sisters who were only around 40 years old all wore burqas (a face veil with a string between the eyes), which is usually found among older women. The bride’s ko¯sha was upstairs in a private room. Before her procession (zaffa) at 10pm, there was an announcement in the main hall indicating her entrance would begin and the procession music commenced for all to hear, although the bulk of the guests could not see the bride. Close family members awaited her in the private room. For the next hour, guests would leave the main hall and go upstairs and take photographs with the bride. Then another announcement was made over the speakers that it was time for the groom’s procession. He and male family members entered the private room to a special song written for him by his mother. It was performed in ∙saff style. Wearing regional dress (dishdaˉsha/thobe), covered by a formal cloak (bisht), he walked between the ∙saff lines comprised of twenty-five women, including his (continued)

3

S ․affaˉgaˉt with added ․taggaˉga drummer. “Baddaˉwi” rhythm

36  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

(continued) aunts and other female family members, who sang for him. No professional musicians were in the room. Two “brothers,” that is, men whom his mother had nursed when they were babies and were thus considered family members, escorted him. The men had come directly from the male wedding party, where they had danced ‘ard∙a and fired guns in the air. The groom sat next to his bride and all the women danced before the couple and the “brothers,” even females from the bride’s family, who were not wearing ‘abayas or h∙ ijaˉbs: such is acceptable since all the men were now considered family. More photographs were taken, this time of the couple and family members. The bride and groom then departed to another room of the hotel, and the party downstairs ended not long thereafter, around midnight. Immediately afterwards, the bride was given a video recording of the main wedding party, which she watched right away. If need be, at other times in the wedding, laywomen can form an ad hoc group and perform on the spot. At a Mut∙ayri wedding in Kuwait in 2010 the guests were compelled to take the lead in the procession music: The bride, dressed in a large white western-style wedding gown, was anxiously waiting outside the hall for the hired singer to begin the processional music. But there was some problem because the singer felt she had not been compensated enough to perform the requested song, and she was therefore stalling until she was given more money. The unsettled bride, hearing of this, began to cry. News of her distress spread among the guests, and so the bride’s mother and a large group of other women ran to the entranceway, formed two lines and began clapping and singing, performing s∙aff. Although the sounds were not “modern” or amplified, the bride was finally able to enter. Her own people would not let the hired singer ruin her day. They “sang her in.” Afterwards, piped-in recorded music played briefly and then the singer resumed the entertainment music.

The Art of Badda¯wi/Ibduwi and Matchmaking The most significant art of Gulf and Najdi Bedouin women is baddaˉwi (‫)ااوي‬, also referred to by more traditional peoples as ibduwi (‫)إ وي‬, and some might call it faras (mare) The terms are used for the music and rhythmic mode and/or the accompanying dance, although a faras dance today is slightly different than a baddaˉwi dance. Traditionally, ․saff-clapping songs that are especially boastful and bellicose call for the baddaˉwi/ faras dance. Since at least the mid-twentieth century drums have been added to ․saff songs, playing a polymetric beat juxtaposing duple and triple meters (Ex. 3.1). This rhythmic mode and style are called “baddaˉwi” and the baddaˉwi/faras dance is done to it, although one can do the dance to songs that just have simple hand claps. Often the musicians will begin a baddaˉwi song with just the voice and clapping to make it clear that the piece comes from the ․saff tradition, and then the drums enter. The verses are short, in a light, simple style, sung to a tempo that is always very fast, in a galloping fashion. This baddaˉwi music genre is quite popular today and heard at a variety of celebrations including those of had ․ar and gurawi peoples. At traditional Bedouin weddings in the twenty-first century baddaˉwi song and dances by far dominate the evening.

Chapter 3: Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance  37

4

Baddaˉwi: “Hinaˉ Baduˉ” (“We Are Bedouin”) EX 3.1  Baddaˉwi

polyrhythm, also used in Gulf dazza

Baddaˉwi/Ibduwi lyrics are always proud and full of madıˉ․h, praise. The following is sung at Bedouin weddings in the Upper Gulf and Najd; however, the name of the specific tribe will be inserted where the word “Bedouin” appears in this popular version. We are Bedouin! We are Bedouin! We are blindness to the enemy’s eyes

‫ و  و    او‬ 
 ‫وي ف‬

We are courageous, and wield swords that thirst

  ‫ ااوة €  ااوة أ‬

We are proud of our Bedouin roots

‚ƒ ‫ او أ ‚ و‬

We are the essence of the desert, its true origin and power

‫   او‬

We are blindness to the enemy’s eyes We are noble, with swords that thirst for blood


 



 
 ‫وي ف 
  و  و‬

– BOX 3.3  BADDAWI SONG AFTER THE 1991 INVASION OF KUWAIT Sulı¯ma ¯n Al-Qas∙a ¯r, Male Wedding Singer (2009) I remember, it was the first substantial [women’s] wedding after the Liberation [1991 liberation from Iraq]. This was not long after the US and Coalition troops had entered Kuwait and the Iraqis had left. At the party, there was such a strange feeling in the air. No one knew how to act after all we had been through. Everyone was upset and quiet. It was uncomfortable. An old Bedouin woman gave me some words [on a sheet of paper], a song in honor of President George H. Bush, the US president who led the Coalition forces. I came out into the party and sang it and it broke the ice. Everyone knew they could relax and celebrate now. The occupation was over. All the women danced with great happiness. I sang that baddaˉwi many times after that.

38  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

La’ib The baddaˉwi “dance,” which is referred to as la’ib—“play or competition”—calls for females to move in the fashion of the Arabian horse (faras). The horse, especially the mare, was held in great esteem. Like Bedouin people, a horse’s bloodline was important, as it was to be as․ˉıl, pure. A horse’s strength, speed, and loyalty were greatly cherished, as was its beauty, which was emphasized in the barren desert landscape. Affectionate and intelligent, Arabian horses were kept like beloved pets and sometimes brought inside the family tent for shelter. Warriors praised and boasted about their mares in poems and songs, and when a desert knight would go into battle, he would cry out either the name of his sister (who carries the honor of the family)—or sometimes another distinguished woman—or the name of his beloved mare (Sowayan 1992, 39–40).

Badda¯wi/Ibduwi/Faras Dance In general, for a female to be compared to a faras is a compliment, as such indicates she has a thin waist, a high chest that is thrust forward, and good posture. Women, when they dance baddaˉwi, manifest the spirit of this beautiful creature. The dancer will adjust her stance to resemble a charging horse or a person on mount. Since mares were bred for their expansive arching necks with a high crest (mitbah), a sign of courage, a dancer will elongate her neck. She will arch her back and turn up her bottom, since on the Arabian mare the upturned tail is a symbol of pride. Women should not show their teeth, as this is considered rude, but breathe through their nostrils that will then flare like those of running horse. She should try and look haughty, superior. In the dance, she, along with others from her tribe or family, will turn their bodies sideways, their strong side forward in a typical battle stance, and charge quickly, galloping with one foot leading and the forward arm outstretched (the forward foot is on tippytoe). The upper body is smooth while the feet stay in a consistent gallop. These moves are so entrenched in regional culture that there is an old humorous saying in the Najd, “If you want to know how to dance [ibduwi/baddaˉwi], just put your hand in front of your face and follow.” Today, if a Bedouin specifically calls her dance a faras, then she may be indicating particular moves done to baddaˉwi songs. In a pure faras dance, she will place one hand behind her, resting it palm up on the small of her back, which further represents the upturned tail of the Arabian horse, and the other hand will be held straight, thumb near her forehead, in a slicing, sword like manner. She will “gallop” and while doing so, bob her head slightly so as to make her long straight hair ripple and flow down her back, as would a mane on a running mare.

Dance and Matchmaking The baddaˉwi dance is functional. Among most Bedouin, marriages are still arranged, and elders observe these dances in order to assess the younger women and determine their quality as possible mates for male family members. In general a baddaˉwi dancer will hold one hand up with the palm facing inward and either wave toward or away from herself. If she is moving her palm forward, in a “Come here,” motion, she is indicating to the audience women that she is free and looking for a husband. If she waves her hand away from herself, with the back of her fingers pushing towards the guests, she is married or not looking for a husband and is just dancing for “fun.” Women will also wave their hand to the entire crowd over their heads in a figure eight pattern: this is a welcoming or greeting sign to all. A more pointed salute, from forehead down and out to the audience or to a specific person, like a sword cutting the air, is a direct sign of respect and acknowledgement.

Chapter 3: Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance  39

Elders traditionally look at a dancer’s hair. Long lush hair is imperative for a good performance. Young women spend a great deal of time brushing and treating their hair with special oils and tonics. Nomadic Bedouin would wash it in camel’s urine, which was said to kill lice and make the hair more luxurious (Pesce and Pesce 1984, 22).1 Vibrant hair displayed during dance indicates that a girl is healthy, has a nutritious diet, and takes care of herself. Therefore, dancers want to show off their hair. “The woman with the longest and richest tresses gets the chief praise and invariably takes the prize” (Dickson 1951, 224). A baddaˉwi dancer will stop in one place and whip her hair around, rocking her head vigorously in a figure eight or other pattern, like a shaking mane, left and right. This hair-toss move is known in the Najd, Kuwait, and Bahrain as the noun lafh․a („ ) but is more frequently found in the imperative form, “Luˉfh․ay!” (i.e., “Make lafh․a!”). Or one may say, “She nifah․at (…„ )”; or “She fallat [let down] her hair (… ƒ)”—this is because in the past, Bedouin girls wore two long braids but when they danced, “they [undid] all their plaits and allow[ed] the hair to fall entirely loose” (Fig. 3.1; Dickson 1951, 157).2 The way in which one engages in the hair-toss move will often depend on one’s tribe. For instance, Shammar who are of the north, at the end of their head-maneuvers, will take all their hair and throw it back at once together. When finished some dancers leave the hair hanging forward, since draping locks over half of the face is considered an attractive look. Often the

FIGURE 3.1 Girls

from the Rashaˉida tribe getting ready to dance at an Eid celebration in the 1930s, Kuwait (Dickson 1951)

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dancer will place her hand on her chest to perform lafh․a and this serves two purposes: 1) to help provide balance and control the neck, since the head move is so difficult and dizzying; 2) to show off any henna or jewelry the young female may be wearing on her wrist and hand, thus further displaying her wealth and beauty (Fig. 3.2).

¯WI IN A GERMAN NIGHTCLUB BOX 3.4  BADDA The baddaˉwi dance is performed to the songs of the “baddaˉwi“ genre; however, one can dance it to any fast-paced music. A young woman of the ‘Otaiba tribe recounts doing so in a German nightclub (2010) A song came on that reminded me of baddaˉwi, so I started charging down the dance floor, tossing my hair, my hand extended. The Germans were perplexed and asked my why I was “running.” I explained that I was doing a dance from my culture, and in no time half of the Germans in the club were laughing and dancing baddaˉwi with me!!

Baddaˉwi dancers are also observed for stamina. Elders assess whether the young women can engage in dizzying head moves without tipping over. The charging moves themselves are quite taxing and call for athleticism. Signs of duress or endurance help the prospective mother-in-law determine the strength and vitality of the performer and whether she would make a physically fit wife and mother.

performing lafh․a with her hand on her chest as is customary (Courtesy of Linda Riyad)

FIGURE 3.2 Woman

Chapter 3: Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance  41

In turn, the dancers are competing, wanting to attract the gaze of an older woman who may have a desirable son. Thus, the baddaˉwi dance, la’ib, is approached like combat. As a female takes the floor, her supporters shout “il’ab!,” which according to young women in the twentyfirst century translates to something like, “You go, girl!” At the end there is a winner, “the one who took everyone’s breath away.” The dance floor is the mla’iba ( ‫“ )ا‬playground or battlefield (pitch, stadium).” Every dancer wants all eyes on her. There is no embarrassment, and even among teens, the females are notably self-assured (Kuwait F 2010).

Madıˉh∙ (Panegyric) and Family Recognition In a traditional Bedouin wedding, before the twenty-first century, one would only dance to songs that mentioned their tribe or family. A mother would ask the singers to include madıˉ․h for her kin and one or a handful of family members would rise and dance. In more recent times, as in the past, if a mother is particularly keen to find a mate for her daughter, she will step onto the dance floor first and perform baddaˉwi, for by doing so, she is introducing herself. Then her daughter joins her. If the mother remains in her seat, then at times during the dance, the girl(s) will dance directly before her her and other family, and the family in turn will rise from their seats and clap and cheer on their champion(s). It is important to show pride in a dancer, and even if one is walking around the hall, talking with acquaintances, she must stop what she is doing and clap for her dancing relative. When they clap, the family members want to make sure that their jewelry and henna are exposed so that others can see their wealth and adornments. Therefore, the family women standing before their seats, especially Ajmi and ‘Otaibi, will push back their sleeves a little and, keeping their elbows out, clap a bit slowly with one hand facing upward and the other coming down at an angle, which better displays their hands and wrists. Older women who never remove their abayas will also grab the bottom of their cloaks and “throw” the material towards the dancers— a type of blessing/cheer (Fig. 3.3). The family members must be conspicuous so that the other

servers at a Riyadh wedding wearing the imnaykhil. In Saudi Arabia elder guests seated in the front row may still wear such sheer headscarves

FIGURE 3.3 Women

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women in the room will know who the dancing females belong to in case they want to propose a marriage. Also, the encouragement makes the dancers perform better. When one set of dancers is done, those of another family will rise and dance in response. Today, several different families take the dance floor at the same time, but still, the young women will stop before their elders, and the family will stand and cheer them on.

¯WI IN A TWENTY-FIRSTBOX 3.5 OBLIGATORY BADDA CENTURY BEDOUIN WEDDING As westernization and h∙ad∙ar characteristics influence traditional Bedouin culture, more and more regional commercial songs are played at a wedding party, and at some parties they dominate. But if an individual identifies as baduˉ, according to Mut∙ayri elders in the village of Jah∙ra, Kuwait, there are four times when baddaˉwi dances are requisite. First, before the bride enters, there is a dance by the mother of the groom followed by her daughters, eldest to youngest. This is in order to introduce themselves. Next, after the bride finishes her procession and is seated on the koˉ sha, her mother will dance an entire baddaˉwi dedicated to the newly married daughter. She will try to impress the audience with her flexible moves, since she represents her family. Then the groom enters and sits, and his eldest sister will dance, or it could be his eldest female cousin, followed by his sisters, eldest to youngest, and then his mother. The last essential baddaˉwi dance is after the bride and groom have exited, at which time many people get up and dance baddaˉwi, including those who are seeking a husband.

BOX 3.6  SHAMMAR BEDOUIN WEDDING PARTY IN JAH∙RA, KUWAIT, FEBRUARY 3, 2009 Jah∙ra is an oasis town (gurawi ) about 35 km west of Kuwait City. It is known for its large Bedouin population. The Shammar wedding was held at a modest independent hall on the edge of town. There were no formal wedding invitations needed to gain entry, and guests were simply directed towards a staircase that led to the party area in the basement. The hall was not large, and although there was one substantial chandelier in the middle of the well-lit room, the general appearance was humble. Around the koˉ sha the decorations were comprised of make-shift “Eid lights” and holiday garland, all placed in front of a wall decorated with green, glittery paper. The bride’s sofa was simple and white. About 250 women sat in tiered seating (banquet chairs) surrounding two sides of a long elevated platform that served as a dance floor. There were more chairs than guests: maybe a hundred chairs were empty. Standing near the koˉ sha were fifty young women most of whom were in the official “bridal party.” They wore gowns. The remaining 200 guests all wore black abayas and of these, almost all covered their faces, with just their eyes peering out from beneath their veils. The sea of black was the most striking visual element, and one not common at modern had∙ar celebrations. Women only removed their outer garments to dance, and then when they returned to their seats, replaced them. The extent to which guests remain covered while seated at such weddings varies. At a 2011 Mut∙ayri Bedouin wedding in Riyadh there were 500 guests and 90 percent of them wore abayas, and of those, 60 percent had on veils. But at a more “modern” ‘Otaiba wedding in 2011 eastern Saudi Arabia, only ca 35 percent wore abayas—still this is a higher percentage than one will find at most had∙ari weddings.

Chapter 3: Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance  43

Children ran about, both girls and boys. The girls were all under the age of nine. The older ones had reached puberty and were covered in black abayas, so they blended in with the women. Little boys wore the traditional dishdaˉsha (long white garment, ‫)اا‬. There were several babies and toddlers present under the age of two. The bride’s family was from the Shammar tribe. Their ancestors had come from Iraq and this specific branch was famed for their “light skin and healthy, long hair.” The only time the Iraqi connection was evident was when a certain music genre, khashaˉba, was played. Along with a “mistress-of-ceremonies” (MC) who ran the event, there was a female DJ in the corner playing sound files off of a computer, and most songs were baddaˉwi, do ˉ sari (genre), and a few Gulf pop pieces, except for these four khashaˉba ( †‡)—an art well known in Basra and southern Iraq and parts of Kuwait. When these pieces came on, the women did an Iraqi dance that entails quick shaking of the shoulders, and it was slightly provocative because their chests would jiggle. The young women were animated and relaxed. During well-liked songs, many pairs of shoes piled up on the edge of the dancefloor, as the girls pranced in their stockings or bare feet. Other enthusiastic young women stayed in their seats, covered in black, clapping and waving, laughing, watching their friends in their low-cut dresses move on the stage. As is common at many Gulf and Najd weddings, one limits the number of dances that she engages in so as not to appear vulgar. Throughout the night women’s tongues were moving underneath their veils, or they raised their hands over their mouths, as they produced encouraging loˉ laˉsh (‫ ‰ش‬, Bedouin word for ululation). At more “posh” had∙ari weddings today, ululation is rarely done by guests themselves because it is considered unsophisticated. The few popular Gulf songs and Iraqi songs attracted the most dancers, and during these pieces the floor was packed. Baddaˉwi pieces dominated the evening, but almost no one finished an entire three-minute baddaˉwi dance, as they either tired easily or became disinterested. Women also danced baddaˉwi moves to doˉ sari music without changing any steps. There were no Egyptian songs all evening. At Riyadh and Gulf had∙ari weddings there is regularly one Egyptian song accompanied by a “belly dance,” but that is not the case among baduˉ. Overall, the volume of the music was loud and became progressively louder throughout the evening. By the very end of the event, after the bride and groom had left, it was extraordinary and some children covered their ears. A few babies cried.

Badda ¯wi Dance The badda¯ wi dance was functional and primarily performed by those who were seeking a husband, waiving their hands in a “come here” gesture. Not many women were on the dance floor during badda ¯ wi songs, maybe one or two, which was just as well since the dance area was so small and there was really no room to charge. In any event, because there was no crowd, the badda ¯ wi dancer stood out and all could focus on her. The hair toss dancing was impressive. Older woman especially seemed to enjoy this (and excelled) alongside the younger. One, with thinning hair who was the mother of the bride or groom engaged in a figure-eight head move with ease. These older women were heavyset and their dresses were loose cotton. They had circular henna patches on their palms and their fingertips had been dipped in henna. One dancer who stood out was a sixteen-year-old in a green and blue dress with many sequins and a low cut top. She was the only one in the center as she danced badda¯ wi alone (continued)

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(continued) for a while, then a large, heavy mature woman joined her. The matron was dressed all in black with a headscarf and veil and simple sandals. She lifted her veil, exposed her face, smiled and started to dance badda¯ wi with the girl. The girl was making a “come here” gesture with one, and sometimes two hands. The girl’s mother then came onto the dance floor, and she and older Bedouin became more joyful and animated. The mother then stood next to the girl, and as they both bounced to the music in place, she put two hands up and made the “come here” gesture toward her daughter. It was clear that she did this to indicate to the women in the audience that her daughter was looking for a husband. The mother and elder woman’s presence made it evident to whom the girl belonged. This kind of isolated mother–daughter dancing happened a few times during the evening.

Bride and Groom When it was time for the bride to enter, incense burners were lit and carried around by the few helpers who had come with the paid MC. Women left the stage and took a seat and covered themselves with their cloaks. The music became very loud, and the subsequent procession song was fast and in a popular style. Visibly shaking, the bride entered around midnight wearing a long white western wedding gown with a veil. She proceeded awkwardly, sometime taking quick steps, and other times halting. The MC had to keep telling her to slow down so that the female photographer who walked along with her could get better shots. The bride tried to smile but her discomfort would break through and the smile would drop. Although the distance to the koˉ sha was not far, and the bride was impatient, the walk took time because the train of her dress was so heavy. She kept pulling her gown, taking a few steps and then ungracefully tugging it behind her. When she got to her seat she sat for just moments while more photographs were taken, and then all of the men entered right away. There was no need for a warning announcement because all women, except for close family, were already covered in cloaks. Twenty men entered with an additional eight boys ranging in ages three to ten. Their dress was similar to traditional ‘arda dance costumes, with many of the boys in ornamented dagla jackets over their dishda¯ shas (garments), with cross belts, and swords. It was winter and all the males had on plush cashmere ghutras (head scarves). Many adult males, like the groom, wore bishts (over-cloaks) atop their dishda¯ shas. Many of their ‘iqa¯ ls (head rings) were crooked, cocked sideways, or back a little away from their foreheads. This style is a characteristic of the Shammar tribe. Unlike the bride, the men appeared at ease. They did not stay long. Men kissed the mothers of the bride and groom on the forehead, and greeted other women near the koˉsha who were their sisters and close family members. The whole while two women, who worked with the MC, held up a black cloak to shield the bride from the view of the men. Then, all the men left except the groom. At this time many guests gathered their belongings and left. It is common at many Bedouin weddings for a large proportion of the women to depart before or not long after the groom enters. But it depends on the family. The bride and groom sat together and had a few photos taken, and then proceeded to leave right away to a cheerful song. He held her hand as they walked slowly. This was not so much an act of affection as necessity because of her heavy and cumbersome dress. They exited into a room at the back of the hall at which point all the women rushed to the buffet in an adjoining area, and the main event concluded.

Chapter 3: Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance  45

Other Bedouin Dances Along with the baddaˉwi/faras dance and the hair toss, which is found among most Najdi and Gulf Bedouin, there are other traditional Bedouin dances. One more prevalent before the 1970s entails hopping with stiff knees while tossing the hair. Often the dancer holds a stick, a herder’s staff, in both hands in front of the body (Kuwait National Day 1979). Dickson mentions seeing it during an Eid celebration (1951, 226; Fig. 3.1): Usually three girls at a time will dance, and they are accompanied by a sing-song chant of the elder women, who stand around and clap their hands to keep time. The dancers discard their abayas and burqas and, decked out in all their brilliantly coloured thaubs or long flowing undergarments, hop about in short straight-legged jerks, at the same time gracefully swinging their heads from side to side or in circular motion to make their hair fly. The girls often carry a small cane, which they hold with one tip in each hand. If they have no such cane they will cover the lower part of their face with one hand, as if out of modesty, or will hold a piece of their sleeve in front of their mouth. Each girl dances till she is exhausted; when tired she stops, puts her abaya over her head once more and sits down. Some are very attractive to watch. Bedouin alive today who earlier in their lives actually lived a nomadic tent dwelling existence know the dance well. In Kuwait in 2010, an elder woman from the Ajmaˉn tribe mentioned knowing it, and some Mu․ t ayri women still perform it, and younger ‘Anizzi baduˉ indicate that they still dance it. An eighty-six-year-old woman of the Shammar tribe spoke of dancing it regularly in earlier days. She was born in a tent and followed traditional customs. She still wore her hair in two braids down the side and put henna on them. She believed that there were people in the television, so she would only watch TV if she were completely covered in her abaya and veil, because she didn’t want them looking at her. She recalled (Shammar 2010): Many Shammar women danced with the stiff knee-hop and the hair toss. They would also take their hair in their hand and twirl it. During this dance, the performers would pat their front leg like a horse counting, lifting the leg up, bent at the knee, and circling the foot around and striking the ground. And there was another move where one is on the tippy-toes, alternating feet slowly [she demonstrates something like prancing]. All Bedouin did the horse faras/ibduwi type of dance but not everyone did the stiff-knee hop.

Dawa¯sir Dancers Unlike other Bedouin who are prized for the long straight black hair, women of the Dawaˉsir tribe, from the southern Najd, are known for their thick wavy hair, which traditionally they will tint with red or brown henna. In earlier times, when Dawaˉsir danced, their faces would be veiled but they always revealed their hair. And their striking eyes with their dark lashes for which they were famed could not go unnoticed, regardless of the veil. Dawaˉsir/Doˉ sari3 women are known for varied moves, sometimes done to baddaˉwi music, but also to their own music known as “doˉsari” (see Chapter 5). When they dance the faras/ baddaˉwi they engage in more flexible head and arm gestures which further demonstrate that their upper bodies are independent from their lower: the rider of the horse does not bounce

46  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

about but is control on her mount. They also have a celebrated dance known as ghazaˉl (gazelle), where the performer’s body will glide smoothly like a deer as she moves her hair left and right, sometimes holding up a substantial lock to impress the viewers. Bin dawsir is another Doˉ sari dance, still performed today, with some especially aggressive moves. As the women move around the floor to the beat of the music, they keep their arms up and out and may “elbow” the other dancers who might come close to them or whom they feel are deserving of their intimidation. A noted Doˉ sari move, as they shuffle forward, often on tiptoe, is to push two hands upward towards the sky (palms up) and then down and behind their backs with palms facing away from them. As one young woman remarked, the gesture translates into something like, “I am Doˉ sari. You are not. Get off of the dance floor!” (Hobeil 2011).

BOX 3.7 BADU¯ (H ∙ AD ∙ AR) WEDDING, KUWAIT, REGENCY PALACE HOTEL, MAY 12, 2011 The marriage was between an ‘Otaibi bride and a Harbi groom, both of whom came from families who were fairly well off financially. Although both are of Bedouin origin, the party was considered 30 percent had∙ar and a mix of traditions was evident. The party was scheduled to begin at 8pm, but most guests arrived after 9pm at which time many cars were trying to pull up to the valet parking of the hotel hall. A male immigrant worker took invitation cards and then three females, one with a security scanner stick, checked purses and scanned guests and retrieved phones or cameras. At modern Gulf had∙ar weddings, such items are normally not confiscated. But it is common at Bedouin and Najdi events. Before entering the main venue, guests who were less traditional or had∙ar, removed their abayas (black cloaks) but many women left them on. The primary venue was a huge room with twenty grand chandeliers of crystal and a border around the top that had Arabic blessings. An elevated runway, about a foot off of the ground and thirty feet wide, ran down the middle toward the bride’s koˉ sha. Facing into the room, there were two reception lines: the bride’s side was on the right, and the groom’s side on the left, each with ten women. Guests cheek-kissed everyone in one line, and then took a seat as they pleased. The bridal sofa on the koˉ sha was surrounded by large plants with tasteful decorations on the wall behind. At 9pm there were 100 women in the room and many empty seats. By 10pm and certainly by 11pm when the bride entered, the room was packed with over 500 female guests dressed in fashions from traditional to very current. Over 60 percent wore abayas. About 10–15 percent of the audience wore burqas and they never took them off. The remaining guests wore expensive gowns. There were no infants, and only about five girls under the age of nine. The hair of most young women was long and black and many had it in a crimped, crinkle style, coated in hair spray—a trendy fashion that month. Others wore their hair up on their heads in elaborate coiffures. Some women, with henna marked palms and dipped fingers, danced wearing abayas and hijaˉbs. Several younger women had henna tattoos on their backs in modern decorative patterns that were actually fashioned to fit with the cut of their gowns. Unlike most had∙ar weddings, the audience members would stand up and cheer the dancers that they were supporting in a Bedouin fashion. This was especially true of the

Chapter 3: Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance  47

women who wore the burqas. These elders clapped with the sideways clap where one shows off the hands and wrists, or waved their stiff arms above their heads, up and down, palms up like a high-handed marching band conductor without a baton. They would also wave one hand left and right like a figure eight, also as if bestowing blessings on the dancers. At times when many young women were dancing, 60–70 percent of the audience was standing and cheering. Also at this wedding, both young and old women regularly trilled. At about 9:40pm a large group of the bridal party went and stood in a U-shape near the koˉ sha facing the door at the back of the hall. By the time the actual bride entered at 11pm, there were more than sixty at the front area. Beforehand they would break out of their ranks every now and then and dance down the center runway. If the song were popular khalıˉji sometimes all of them would leave the formation and dance, but frequently just one or two. These women were the family of the bride and groom. The dancing became most active around 10pm. There were four saˉmri (h∙adari songdance) during the evening. The older Bedouin women danced the saˉmri and were highly proficient (a testament to the connection between Bedouin and saˉmri origins). At one point maybe ten older women were dancing saˉmri. One woman was an especially talented dancer. She dipped low to the left and to the right, covered her head with a sheer black thobe so that you could barely see her face and moved in an old Kuwaiti khamma¯ri style that is rarely seen today. Such is normally not common at current weddings, especially those of Bedouin. There was also a new kind of dance that was a mix between badda¯wi and khalıˉji. The music was popular khalıˉji and so the dancers moved their feet in the current shuffling fashion to the right and then to the left, but while doing so, their upper bodies were in a badda¯wi stance with one side foreword and the hand extended. When pure badda¯wi dance was performed, it was done in a traditional fashion, with the women charging straight forward, although one girl glided sideways in manner that is seen at many had∙ar weddings. During badda¯wi, performers took off their shoes and would go up on their left toe and keep their right foot flat, which is also the traditional manner of performance. These dances did not last long and some would only sustain the moves for ten seconds or so, especially the older women. But whether the elders were in the audience or on the dance floor, they were encouraging of the younger women. Not many did the hair toss. Some tried to move their heads, even though their hair was styled up on their heads, and this effort was appreciated by the elders.

The Musicians The musicians, who were all male, were not in the room. Their sound was piped in through speakers. The ensemble had no melodic instruments, just drums and a lead singer with a backup chorus. They performed a variety of genres, including traditional and popular khalıˉji even though they only had frame drums. The audience enjoyed the music very much, and would mouth along the words to the songs. The music was mixed, some had∙ari, including many “nagga¯zi,” some badda¯wi, some saˉmri, and some with other rhythmic modes. There were breaks in between the songs that went on longer than one will hear if the band has melodic instruments. This is because singing with just the frame drum takes great stamina and the performers need to rest. At h∙ad∙ar weddings with more variety of instruments, one musician will embellish on the org (electronic keyboard), permitting the singers and drummers to recuperate, and thus the sound of the music is seamless. In any event, the music was very loud. (continued)

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(continued) When the bride entered, the music was actually pre-recorded: it featured a full orchestra and dramatic “movie music.”

Bride and Groom At 11pm sharp, all the bright lights were dimmed and multi-colored stage lights bolted near the ceiling came on. The back entranceway was completely closed off so no one could enter or exit. Then the door opened and the bride came into the room. Her dress was offwhite, yellow, and her face was extremely white either from makeup or bleaching cream. This is a common at many Bedouin weddings. She did not smile and seemed nervous. There were women photographers, two with video cameras and one with a still camera. They stood in front and around the bride. A friend/sister was always nearby to help her move the train of her dress. The guests began to ululate and the piped in music also included the re-created trill sound. When the bride reached the koˉ sha fifty women gathered around the bride. The music stopped and the women began singing and clapping in a chanting fashion, s∙aff baduˉ. Some danced a badda¯wi before her, including her mother. At 11:20pm the bride put on a white cloak that had a large hood that went over her elaborate up-do hair and hung down, almost concealing her face completely. Next to her stood a young woman in an abaya, with a large black headscarf that, too, predominantly hid her features. The bride did not move and appeared like a white statue. The musicians announced that the men were coming so that the guests put on their abayas. Then the groom and twenty-five males entered to the beat of ashu¯ri/radh∙a, which is common wedding procession music in the Gulf. The groom and his father wore bishts that were light colored with gold thread embroidered around the neckline, leaving one arm out of the garment, as is the fashion. All of the other men wore only white dishda¯shas and white ghutras. Over half of the males in the group were children or young men under sixteen years of age. When the men reached the ko ¯ sha, several women greeted them and all huddled together kissing, smiling. Then taking turns, one or two women began to dance badda¯wi in front of the men. After a few women danced, some of the males actually danced a little. They took off their ‘iqa¯ls and waved them to the guests as they moved, which is a gracious sign of respect, especially alongside a dance. Likewise, when the men had entered earlier, several family women threw their black scarves or abayas in the air, or flapped them towards the men as a sign of admiration. The waving of the ‘iqa¯l or tossing of the abaya/h ․ija¯bs are acts that date back to earlier generations. About ten minutes later, all of the males left and the groom sat next to the bride. At this point her white cloak was removed. He took her hand and tried to talk to her, but still she seemed nervous. Women would come up to him, one after another, sit next to him, and take a picture with the couple. The bride did not smile. By this time, no one was really dancing because there was a man in the room. In fact, many women had started to leave after the male family had departed. By midnight over half of the guests were gone, although the bride and groom were still on the koˉ sha.

Chapter 3: Bedouin Women’s Music and Dance  49

NOTES 1 According to folklore, for the best results the urine has to be fresh, coming directly from the beast, so one had to put her head directly under the camel to coat her hair. 2 In the Emirates the hair toss is n’ash or na’ayish or na’ysh (‫ اش‬,Š‫)ا‬. The dancers are na’aˉshaˉt (Hurreiz 2002, 129). Such might be a southern term: the hair preparation event in southwest Arabia is known as nashiya (†‫)ا‬. 3 Do ˉ sari (‫) دوي‬, singular and adjective form of Dawaˉsir. “Dawaˉsir” is the name attached to both an area and its major tribe.

4 ¯GA ¯T: FEMALE DRUMMING BANDS T∙AGGA

Decades ago Arabian woman even in urban areas regularly performed music themselves. Older residents of Riyadh recall in the mid-twentieth century playing drums and singing in the alleyways of their suburban neighborhoods, accompanying a bride on her way to a groom’s home in a zaffa procession. This kind of semi-public female performance, in which men might participate or at least observe, has all but vanished. With the coming of oil wealth, increased community interaction, and the Islamic Awakening events became less private and laywomen became more self-conscious about public performance. Therefore, by the second half of the twentieth century both baduˉ and ․had․ar relied more heavily on hired female drummer-singers, ․taggaˉgaˉt, who before the 1960s and abolition of slavery were for the most part black slaves. By the end of century the drumming groups became more ethnically mix. In the Gulf those of Persian and Baluch ancestry joined bands. (The Kuwaiti ․taggaˉga Sana’a (2010), who was an original performer in Ouda Al-Muhanna’s ensemble (Fig. 4.1), recalls that in the 1980s, “Most of my band members were Iraqi, but when the Gulf War happened [1991] they had to leave and go back to Iraq.”) T ․ aggaˉgaˉt (‫)ت‬, sometimes called daggaˉgaˉt in the Gulf, comes from the verb “yit․ug“ meaning “to beat” or “to strike” manifesting the significance of the frame drum, which traditionally was the only instrument used by these performers. Along with Riyadh and major Gulf cities, ․taggaˉgaˉt are found in H ․ˉa’il, Qas․‒ı m, Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir, the Hijaz, and today, the designator is even used in the Asıˉr and southwestern Arabia—though especially in the Hijaz, the term ․taggaˉga indicates the backup drummer rather than the solo singer (see Chapter 13). Because the families and tribes of the Najd and Upper Gulf are scattered throughout different nations, the market for a ․taggaˉgaˉt band is not exclusively in the country from which they come. Thus, it is common to find the more notable musicians of one country performing at events in another: Bahraini ․taggaˉgaˉt play for Qatari weddings, and Saudis go to Bahrain, and Kuwaitis perform in Saudi Arabia. Also, one will find Najdi bands playing in the Hijaz and sometimes, vice versa (Fig. 4.2). Increasingly ․taggaˉgaˉt are fashioning themselves as mut․ribaˉt (singers) or fannaˉnaˉt (artists) and shy away from the “t․aggaˉgaˉt“ label. This is partially because many are no longer mere “drum beaters,” as more melodic instruments are being added to their bands along with a broader contemporary repertoire, and partially because the term ․taggaˉgaˉt is considered derogatory, since slave drummers of the past were considered of a lower class and they sometimes engaged in behavior deemed to be immoral.

Kuwaiti ․taggaˉga Ouda Al-Muhanna (1909–1974), one of the most influential regional musicians of the twentieth century who inspired a generation of followers

FIGURE 4.1 The

FIGURE 4.2  Qatari ․taggaˉga

Sana’a Um Fadel (2010)

52  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Instruments T ․ aggaˉgaˉt usually perform in groups of around twelve members, but sometimes as many as twenty and include one main soloist who herself often drums accompanied by a chorus of women who play ․tˉıraˉn (frame drums). In the Gulf they will add the ․tabl bah․ri (double-headed barrel drum).1 Since the later twentieth century Najdi ․taggaˉgaˉt have included additional instruments: ․tabla ․hadıˉd (a large metal single-headed goblet drum), zıˉr (kettledrums), the haˉjir (double-headed barrel drum of the Hijaz), saˉjaˉt (finger cymbals), and the org (keyboard), the later of which has been used since the mid-1980s. A non-Peninsula Arab or Yemeni or a man usually performs the org. To stay marketable ․taggaˉgaˉt willingly modify their instrumentation and performers according to the event. For instance, one Riyadh band leader noted that she may be hired for small private home parties called jalsa or monaˉsabaˉt khaˉs․․sa (special occasions) for Eid, or for family celebrations for a newborn known as ‘aqıˉqa (). In these cases just one lead performer will attend and play the uˉd (lute) and sing. However, when hired for grand weddings ․taggaˉgaˉt arrive in large groups, sometimes with dancers, clappers and ululators (s․affaˉgaˉt) who will help invigorate the crowd (Riyadh F 2012).

Islamic T∙agga ¯ga ¯t Since around the year 2000 the phenomenon of “Islamic T ․ aggaˉgaˉt“ has emerged, or rather the ensemble type has been re-packaged, as these performers have been active for many decades. Basically these are ․taggaˉgaˉt who only play frame drums and who alter the words to songs, removing anything that has to do with love, sensuality, or family and tribal pride—especially if such pertains to monetary wealth. Thus, there is no Bedouin-rooted madıˉ․h. The musical structure of traditional songs remains the same, but the “sinful” lyrics are replaced by “Islamic” texts that may have been recently penned by a variety of poets, both male and female. With the new lyrics, ․taggaˉgaˉt can assert that they are not performing “songs” per se, but rather “hymns,” i.e., anaˉshıˉd. Islamic T ․ aggaˉgaˉt are found in the Gulf, but they are much more prevalent in the Najd. Islamic weddings are modified versions of traditional wedding parties. For instance, women guests, who normally wear low-cut sleeveless gowns must dress more modestly and cover their shoulders. The parties are to begin and end much earlier than the typical Najdi 10pm–4am timings. Males, including the groom, are forbidden to enter the venue, and often the bride will not enter her own wedding. By using only the ․tˉı raˉn, the musicians are essentially reverting to a practice from the time of the Prophet Mohammad when women, girls, and slaves, who took the lead role in professional music making, played drums and sang blessings to eminent people. Indeed, the frame drum is the most acceptable instrument among fundamentalists in Saudi Arabia. Abd Al-Wahhaˉb, the founder of the central Arabian school of theology, approved of frame drums for public marriage announcements, and he specifically recommended they be played by women (Delong-Bas 2004, 166). Drums other than frame drums are considered foreign and illicit, since they might create a too intense musical experience and elevate ․tarab to the point of musical addiction—and perhaps invoke istinzaˉl (trance). Melodic instruments are shunned, since the more melody-producing, the more the instrument is considered a diversion from God. The “religious police” (mut․aww’ıˉn) in Riyadh find melodic instruments so objectionable that many times at weddings they have arrested the male org player who is sitting in an adjoining room, even in the middle of performing, to the dismay of the ․taggaˉgaˉt and wedding guests who can hear the scuffle—and then dead air—through the speakers in the wedding hall (Riyadh 2011). Some ․taggaˉgaˉt in the Najd say that they specifically advertise themselves as “Islamic ․taggaˉgaˉt“on business cards, flyers, and through word of mouth, because they are “believers”

Chapter 4: T∙aggaˉgaˉt: Female Drumming Bands  53

and want to comply with Islamic guidelines. Others, such as those in the Gulf where there is less fundamentalist oversight might market themselves as both “Islamic” and “regular” ․taggaˉgaˉt. They do not perceive their normal ․taggaˉgaˉt offerings as objectionable, but in order to get employment, will adjust and become “Islamic.” To stay marketable, most must be prepared to perform in a variety of styles. According to one Najdi ․taggaˉga (Um Abdullah 2011): I would prefer having the org because it is better and we can play around with these modern instruments [fill time by performing free improvisation]. But for the Islamic music, we have to sing one song right after another so that the people do not get bored, and it is exhausting. I don’t want them to say [t․aggaˉga‘s name] is good using the org but no good in Islamic music. I have to be perfect in both types. I sing everything. I have to know everything new in the market and old songs too. I don’t want them to come to me and ask me if I know a song, and I don’t. So I learn everything to be prepared. I like to mix songs during a wedding so that no one can say I just play one type of music. Regardless, both Gulf and Najdi ․taggaˉgaˉt understand that presenting a group as “Islamic” expands their clientele. In Riyadh Islamic ․taggaˉgaˉt, unlike others, can perform in amusement parks during times that are relegated to women and children. With the influx of commercial and recorded music, as pure drumming-based music is in decline, it is Bedouin and religious conservatives who are keeping ․taggaˉgaˉt afloat into the twenty-first century.

T∙agga ¯ga ¯t in the Najd: Social Standing In the twenty-first century among professional male musicians ․taggaˉgaˉt are viewed as performers who specialize in a certain type of music, and they are not judged much beyond that. However, laypeople in general have a negative impression of them. For instance, conservative families become uneasy if they hear that one of their women is meeting with a ․taggaˉga, even to discuss retaining a group for an event. Families usually hire a wedding planner/broker (dalaˉl) to interact with the musicians, and the broker is normally from a non-Peninsula Arab country, since no “respectable” Saudi woman could take a job dealing with such a tawdry profession. The stereotype is that ․t aggaˉgaˉt are low class, uneducated, and unsophisticated. Some comment that as a necessity they take drugs or drink alcohol in order to be able to sing all night with such strong voices. They are said to smoke, to revel with men, and have been referred to as thieves who engage in lesbianism. In reality, according to trusted informants, women of various characters serve as ․t aggaˉgaˉt; some being chaste and some living up to their reputation. Most ․taggaˉgaˉt around Riyadh are immigrants or descendants of immigrants or black slaves from southern parts of the Kingdom including the southern Najd along with the provinces of – Najraˉ n and Jizaˉn. They reside in the poorer areas of the older city, i.e., Manfuˉ h ․a and al-Ud, which are districts of many recent African immigrants. Many live in ghettos such as a neighborhood south of Riyadh proper in what locals call H ․ allat al-‘Abıˉd (‫) ا‬, “The District of the Slaves.” Taxi drivers are fearful to travel there: The police come to this area and do raids, you know, come into the house and take people away. . . . You should never go in their home. Have them come out, because if the police come, you will be taken away.

54  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

¯GA HOME, 2007 BOX 4.1  VISIT TO A RIYADH TAGGA ∙ The poor, small mud dwellings with flat roofs are packed together in rows in H∙allat al-’Abı¯d, which rests near an all-male impoverished laborer neighborhood, Al-’Abı¯nya. The men control the house keys and lock the women and cash, ∙tagga ¯ ga ¯ t payments, behind metal doors. Women can only exit according to the desires of the males who determine their freedom. Her [the ∙tagga ¯ ga’s] husband was leaning against an old car when we arrived, not wearing a ghutra [head scarf], smoking, talking with some other men . . . you know like people who have no job, nothing to do all day . . .  When we called him, he came over and unlocked the door and let us in [the home]. A large group of tall brown-skinned women dressed in long colorful cotton dresses greeted us. Once we entered, he locked the door behind us . . . creepy . . . It was so crowded. There was the grandmother, the grandfather, the main ∙tagga ¯ ga ¯ t, and tons of children. One woman stayed completely covered [including a face veil], which is unusual in the home, and another teen girl just stared at us as we sat on the floor, gaping the whole time. The whole place was basically just a small room with no furniture, just a mattress on the floor . . . unadorned soiled plaster walls with cracks . . . you could smell the reused grease that had seeped into the walls from the tiny kitchen. [The band leader] reported that she must hide the money that she makes from her husband, because if he finds it, he will take it and spend it on drugs or something for himself. She is trying to save up for her son’s education. She is busy. She carries three mobile phones so that she can be on call to take all of the wedding bookings. “Our wedding music is very much in demand,” she told us. But she acknowledges there are problems being a musician since there is always the fear of being harassed or arrested by the religious police who find her profession to be “h∙ara ¯ m,” sinful. (Al-Mesaid 2007)

Although the situation can be grim for black ․taˉqqaˉqaˉt, it is especially troublesome for nonAfrican, Arab nationals. A band leader in Riyadh recounted that she sometimes hires young Arab Saudi women from families with known names who are extremely poor to play drums in her bands for a night or two because this is the only way for them to earn money. The young performer will cover completely, including her face and hands so that no one can determine her identity. If anyone finds out how she got her money or where she went, she can never get married. No one will marry her if they know she played drums with ․taggaˉgaˉt. Something as simple as this can cost her future. Her father might kill her. (Riyadh 2011) The situation is different for African immigrants and khad ․ˉı ri since they are not bound by the same social and family restrictions. Moreover, these groups have served as musicians for centuries and it is expected that they would continue to do so. As Khalifa (2006) notes,

Chapter 4: T∙aggaˉgaˉt: Female Drumming Bands  55

Music and dances were regarded as fundamental in the African view of self and of the world. This was not the case in the Gulf or in the Arab world in general, since all those involved in music and its production held a low social status. There are nonetheless many success stories among ․taggaˉgaˉt, especially in recent decades. Some Najdi musicians from the ․taggaˉgaˉt tradition are celebrated and make a lucrative living, including famed artists like, Muˉ ․dh ․i Shamraˉni, Zubayda, Huˉ da H ․ akimi, “Hala,” and Mariam Al-Anuˉ d (deceased). These women are/were highly respected and only perform for the wealthiest families, including royals of Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States.

T∙agga¯ga¯t in the Gulf In the Gulf, the situation of ․t aggaˉgaˉt is far less grim. Rather than dwelling in ghettos, Gulf t․aggaˉgaˉt live among the greater population, some in lovely homes, and are members of the community. Although in general their craft is not highly valued, in certain circles, some ensembles are respected as preservers of heritage. Following independence from western powers in the early 1960s, Gulf nations experienced a strong wave of nationalism and ․t aggaˉgaˉt and other folk artists were then especially elevated. In Kuwait they were given special government identification cards, hired for public television programs and events, and as one warmly recalled with great pride, “The Ministry would even send a bus to take us all over town to perform” (Al-Haˉmra 2010). Following the 1991 Invasion of Kuwait, the official focus on heritage and music lessened and the number of traditional female performers began to decrease.2 The male ․taggaˉg, whose lineage comes from that of the male land band (firqat al-barriyya), increasingly replaced the female (t․aggaga), but even these performers felt a change after the Invasion. The renowned Kuwaiti wedding singer Sulˉıma‒n Al-Qas․‒ar recalls (2008; Fig. 6.13): In the 1980s we used to sing everything inside the hall with the women guests, no problem. We were with them. It was very easy and some poets [male] also came inside. They were used to us. You know, not any group can do this, but we were like their brothers or children. However, after the Invasion, people become more religious . . .  Now we perform behind a barrier and only enter when the groom enters as his musical escort. But this is only if the bride insists. Otherwise we stay behind the curtain for most of the evening and do not see the women. Still, the respect for traditional performers is evident in the Gulf, much more so than in the Najd. In 2013, the Kuwaiti government held an “‘Aisha Al-Murt․a Night,” in honor of a leading female saˉmri performer who died in 1978 (Aisha Al-Mart․a 2013). She was not a ․taggaˉga per se, but came from that tradition. And, although not funded by the government, some like Al-Qas․‒ar who was a student of the esteemed ․taggaˉga Ouda Al-Muhanna are held in high regard by the Kuwait royal family who are leaders in supporting regional arts.

Historic Role Throughout the decades, and still today, women of various social classes will hire ․taggaˉgaˉt not just for large weddings but also for smaller family gatherings, and some who have the financial means will bring groups to their homes many times throughout the year, if not weekly for

56  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

family soirées. This is a continuing practice dating back to the days of slavery when wealthy families took great interest in the musical abilities of their black slaves. Slaves both performed for and “represented” patrons at various events. Later, after slavery ended in 1952 in Qatar, 1962 in Saudi Arabia, and 1963 in Kuwait, it was common to have one or two professional ․taggaˉgaˉt directly affiliated with a family, if not actually living with them. These musicians became like kin, singing and dancing alongside the Arabian women in private gatherings, taking the lead in drumming.

Gulf H ∙ afa¯l (‫)ل‬ During the days of slavery a practice in the Gulf region was to hold events where musical slaves or family ․taggaˉgaˉt represent one in performance. For instance, the day before the wedding of a sheikh or sheikha (prince or princess or wealthy, powerful person), there would be a special musical party called “al-h․afaˉl,” and all the sheikhas would dress their slaves in the most beautiful gold-embroidered gowns and adorn them with jewelry, including a headpiece with chains of long gold (hama, as seen in the jalwa ritual). While the ․taggaˉgaˉt played drums, the other slaves would flank them, sitting in facing ranks to their left and right, with an open area in the middle, forming three sides of a rectangle, and the wealthy “ladies” would sit directly behind the rows of slaves. In their representative role these slaves (each known as a ․haffaˉla) would sing, dance, or rock their seated bodies in unison and display the wealth of their sheikha. Black slaves braided their hair, interweaving it with pleasant smelling mashmuˉm leaves (a local basil) and jasmine flowers and in imitation of Bedouin girls who toss their heads to show off her long locks, they would move their heads together to the music right and left. This would please the sheikhas since it was reminiscent of the dancing of their daughters (Fig. 4.3). H ․ afaˉl parties were especially well known in Bahrain (Al-Qas․‒ar 2009).

FIGURE 4.3  H ․ afaˉlaˉt

at a Bahraini al-h․afaˉl, 1960s (Private video)

Chapter 4: T∙aggaˉgaˉt: Female Drumming Bands  57

Gulf Jalaˉ’aˉt Not all ․taggaˉgaˉt were black slaves or under the sponsorship of a family. Along with those of African lineage, some emigrated from other lands. These women without other means had to gain their livelihood any way they could. Therefore, in the early twentieth century “free” ․taggaˉgaˉt groups would go from home to home during Eid and other celebratory periods. In the fashion of Christmas carolers, they would sing outside of the doorway a type of music called jalaˉ’aˉt (“moving from place to place”), making sure their texts were exceedingly praiseful. In Kuwait an example of such a ․taggaˉgaˉt jalaˉ’aˉt song translates: We come to you, high house In front of this place, The house where the great women and great men reside, The place of high society As was the practice, the ․taggaˉgaˉt continue, adjusting their lyrics according to the individual homeowners. The lead singer newly devises simple words and the choir repeats them in a call and response fashion. The house with the big beautiful statue nearby (The house with the big beautiful . . . .) With the well educated people inside (With the well educated . . . .) And the large room with all the books  . . .  (And the large room . . . .) Commonly, a woman from the house would open the door, give the ․taggaˉgaˉt some money, and tell them to sit down and play, or perhaps bring them into the courtyard for a more private performance. The lead ․t aggaˉga would respond, “May God save you, May God protect you, etc.” Then ask, “On who’s name do you want me to sing?” The woman of the house would provide a name, for instance that of her son, “Hamid,” and the ․taggaˉgaˉt would sing about Hamid, his goodness, and something such as, “May God let you, the Mother of Hamid, proudly see him on his wedding day.” They might continue for some time, singing about various people in the home as requested. In this way musicians could acquire money without begging. They could come to a wealthy family with pride and leave with it intact, which was very important for these immigrants and African descendants who were trying to survive within a hierarchical social stratification (Al-Muhanna 1960s; Al-Qas․‒a r 2011).

T∙agga¯ga¯t in the Twenty-First Century Lines regarding the kind of music performed and the function of the ․taggaˉgaˉt are blurred in recent times. Young pop artists, who are trying to jump-start their careers, are performing as lead singers before ․taggaˉgaˉt drumming groups, and more and more non-traditional and commercial khalıˉjıˉ songs are being added to ․taggaˉgaˉt musical sets.

58  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

The ․taggaˉgaˉt of Bahrain have increasingly adopted Saudi characteristics. The King Fahad Causeway that links eastern Saudi Arabia with Bahrain was completed in 1986, and since then Saudi visitors have had a significant impact on the local music scene. Therefore, since about 1995 Saudi genres and instruments like the zıˉr have become quite common in Bahrain, and some of the most popular ․taggaˉgaˉt performing at Bahraini women’s events are actually Saudi (e.g., Muˉ dhi, Huˉ di Hakami, Hala). The general consensus among women who regularly attend wedding parties is, younger Bahrainis prefer Saudi ․taggaˉgaˉt, but more mature Bahrainis would rather hear the traditional Bahraini, Kuwaiti, or Qatari ․taggaˉgaˉt, since they perform traditional Gulf arts that “remind us of our old ways.” Qatar also has been influenced by Saudi culture, but this is largely because many Qataris are descendants of Bedouin and/or have Saudi family. Gulf ․taggaˉgaˉt sometimes perform music that mirrors that of Saudi ․taggaˉgaˉt in which case they play many baddaˉwi and doˉsari pieces, but historically their repertoire has been regionally specific and entails Gulf ․had․ar land genres along with some Incoming arts, like the African art ․tanbuˉra. Kuwaiti ․taggaˉgaˉt adhere to traditions in some ways more than groups in other nations, and are therefore often considered more “old-fashioned” in the twenty-first century. Many Kuwaiti performers lament changes and the fact that they are increasingly being asked to sing music outside of the regional purview. An older Kuwaiti ․taggaˉga, who as a girl sang with the great Amıˉna Um Zaˉyid’s band and learned her craft from her ․taggaˉga aunt Wahda Al-Haˉmra spoke on this issue (Fig. 4.4): Today [2011], they ask us to sing Iraqi or Egyptian songs. I ask them, why? This is not our music. We are Kuwaiti ․taggaˉgaˉt! We are not Egyptian. Okay, we might sing Egyptian songs at our own party for fun, but that is not our job as Kuwaiti ․taggaˉgaˉt. Also, everyone loves the doˉsari [genre]; it is everywhere. Of course, we are part of that culture [Saudi], but that is not Kuwaiti. Nowadays, they will even take one our ․saff songs [Bedouin unaccompanied line songs] and sing it in the doˉsari way. Today different performers call themselves “t․aggaˉga“ and will join any band even if they know nothing about the tradition, so long as it is bringing them cash, not because they love what they are doing. Every Friday my sister with her friends and our family gather in Sa’ad Al-Abdullah area in the desert side and start singing and playing with the sea instruments, especially with the ․taˉr [frame drum with baraˉshıˉm] and ․tabl bah․rıˉ, but it compares nothing to what we had in the past. We used to sing in many other places not only in Kuwait. We sang in Saudi and Qatar and I remember singing at Eid for the Emir with Um Zaˉyid’s band. Until the 1980s Gulf ․taggaˉgaˉt performed throughout a wedding celebration, and all danced to their music often until dawn. But in the twenty-first century ․taggaˉgaˉt are often brought into the hall for ․had․ar weddings for just a few hours of playing as a show of respect for regional culture. For most middle-class families the events begin with, and are dominated by, khalıˉjıˉ (popular commercial) music. T ․aggaˉgaˉt might perform the jalwa and the zaffa for the bride and then, while flanking her in parallel rows, sing dazza and some baddaˉwi, after which they leave and the party resumes with pop Gulf songs often provided by a DJ. The exception is at Bedouin weddings where ․taggaˉgaˉt are needed for madıˉ․h. As the Kuwaiti ․taggaˉga Um Majid (2012), who performs throughout the Peninsula, said, “The type of music my Bedouin clients want the most is baddaˉwi where we complement the girl, mother, father, uncles, and so on. They paid for the band and it is their wedding, so they want to be recognized.”

Chapter 4: T∙aggaˉgaˉt: Female Drumming Bands  59

FIGURE 4.4 Tagga‒ga

Wadha Al-Haˉmra (clasped hands) performing in Kuwait with the famed band ․ hrˉı is on the right. of Um Zaˉyid (with glasses) at a royal celebration, 1980s. The ․tabl ba․ Note that a megaphone is used for amplification

¯ ¯ BOX 4.2  NOTABLE GULF T ∙ AGGAGAT OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY Many renowned ∙tagga ¯ ga ¯ t groups flourished in the mid-twentieth century and they traveled between countries and performed in the different coastal regions. Three sisters were especially well known and each led a major band in a Gulf nation: Aisha bint Idrı¯s in Bahrain ( ‫ ;  إدر‬Fig. 4.5); Wadha in Kuwait; and Abra in Qatar. In Bahrain, other

FIGURE 4.5  Aisha

bint Idrˉı s of Bahrain (continued)

60  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

(continued) important groups included those of Fatimah Um Rashid (‫ ) أم راـــــ‬who was nicknamed “The Music Box,” because she could sing endlessly without ever taking a break (Fig. 4.6). Makı¯ah Um Zaˉyid ( ‫ ) أم زا‬was one of the best ∙tabl bah∙ri players among both men and women in the Gulf—she was so strong, she could hold her heavy drum in the palm of one hand even when she was into her 80s (Fig. 4.7). She led a large, successful group of over 35 performers.3

FIGURE 4.6  Fatimah

Um Rashid of Bahrain

FIGURE 4.7  Makˉı ah

Um Zaˉyid of Bahrain

One of the most respected ∙tagga ¯ ga ¯ t who taught and encouraged many of the following generation throughout the Gulf was the Kuwaiti Ouda Al-Muhanna, ‫­دة ا‬ 1909–1974 (Fig. 4.1). She herself was influenced by the generation before her, having stated that there were “four [established female] bands before mine” (Muh∙ammad n.d., 5). At the age of fifteen (ca 1924), Ouda began performing professionally in her Aunt Hadia’s band and memorized rhythms, melodies, and learned to play the u¯d. After her aunt died, she stayed on with the band under the new leader, until she too passed away in 1957, at which point Ouda took charge of the group. She and her ensemble were leaders in performing saˉmri, mawlid

Chapter 4: T∙aggaˉgaˉt: Female Drumming Bands  61

songs (qa¯dri), fraysni, and especially khamma¯ri. The government made many recordings of her and her group, and her band played a small part in the 1971 Kuwaiti film, Bas Ya Bahar. The Kuwaiti Aisha Al-Murt∙a (1934–1978), the “Queen of saˉmri“ (€‫)  ا‬, is not a ∙tagga ¯ ga per se but was one of Ouda’s main disciples. Blind at the age of seven and orphaned early on, she was raised by her uncle who was a nahha¯m (sea singer) and learned many of his maritime songs. Secretly, so as not to upset her family, she joined Ouda’s group when she was fourteen and then also sang with Um Za ¯ yid’s band (Fig. 4.4). She did not go “public” until 1970s when she sang with Radio Kuwait and promoted patriotic and folklore songs. When she died not long thereafter at the age of forty-four, she was so well respected that Sheikh Saad Al-Salem Al-Sabah announced a day of mourning and flags were flown at half-staff throughout the country (Muh∙ammad, n.d., 19, 27). In 2013 the country held an “Aisha Al-Mart∙a Day.”

NOTES 1 Many female drumming groups have one or two regular male members, but they do not enter the women’s party. 2 Some Kuwaitis assert the attitude change was caused by the strict Islamic practices they observed firsthand while living in the Saudi Kingdom. Others, desperate and desolate over the destruction of war made “Pacts with God,” promising to abstain from “diversions” like music. 3 Makıˉah Um Zaˉyid of Bahrain is not the same person as “Um Zaˉyid” of Kuwait.

5 H ∙ AD∙AR ARTS FROM THE NAJD Songs with Drums

Abdul’azı‒z ibn Sa’u ˉ d (1879–1953), first ruler of Saudi Arabia, joins in a street performance of ‘ard․a in 1937 (Popperfoto/Getty Images)

FIGURE 5.1 King

H ․ ad ․ari arts, which are those that developed or flourished among sedentary peoples, differ from traditional Bedouin arts in that they incorporate drums and have set percussive rhythmic modes (ıˉqaˉ’/ıˉqaˉ’aˉt, ‫)اع‬. In the twenty-first century, Najdi music categories of ․had․ar and baduˉ are blurred, since Bedouin started to incorporate drums and drumming music especially after the

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  63

1950s. Moreover, the majority of Najdi nationals are descendants of Bedouin (Ingham 1986, 47) and mass communication, technology, and cultural shifts have compelled individuals to no longer pigeonhole themselves into a single grouping. Thus, a Najdi today might enjoy a combination of current ․had․ar, baduˉ, and commercial arts. There are four major ․had ․ar music regions in the Najd: Wadıˉ al-Dawaˉsir, Qas․‒ım, H ․ˉa’il, and Riyadh. ‒ ‒ Wadi al-Dawasir is a large southern agricultural zone that is believed to be the birthplace of Najdi drumming and is arguably the home of the most vibrant Najdi ․had ˉ sari arts ․ar song genres. These Do are widespread, being prevalent in the Gulf and even into the Hijaz due to migration and cultural ‒ sari is the adjective of Dawa‒sir). Qas‒ım likewise is a fertile region in central interaction (note, Do ․ Arabia, comprised of hundreds of settled communities that have been in existence for well over a millennium. It has unique arts that tend to be played only in Qas․‒ım. H ․ˉa’il an important northern municipality rests along a pilgrimage route and has served as a major disseminator of Najdi culture to the Gulf (Ward 1983; Fig. 5.2). H ․ˉa’il versions of regional genres are sometimes performed beyond their locale. Riyadh the capital city, beginning in the second half of the twentieth century, has been flooded with local immigrants from outlying Najdi communities, including the three other dominant ․had ․ar centers (Arab Urban 1984), and the city today manifests a “Saudi,” pan-Najdi music style.

“Folk” Arts: ‘Ard·a and Sa¯mri Unlike Bedouin arts, which are relatively consistent in the Najd and Gulf, ․had․ari genres differ between the two locales. The exceptions are the primary Najdi drumming arts, ‘ard․a and saˉmri, which are prevalent in the Upper Gulf where they are referred to as “sha’abi” (“folk, popular” ), indicating that they are deep-rooted in the culture. Both Najdi ‘ard․a and triple-metered saˉmri have the same musical core and metric feel and to some extent are two sides of the same coin, but ‘ard․a, performed standing, is a battle genre and saˉmri, for the most part performed seated, has passionate “love” lyrics. Although ‘ard․a and saˉmri originated in the desert, they have existed among settled peoples for quite some time in various forms of presentation. Today, triple-meter saˉmri, the most prevalent version, is considered a truly ․had․ar art in both the Gulf and Najd and no longer has a strong desert or Bedouin association. But ‘ard․a, a “competitive la’ib,” is still performed by both baduˉ and ․had․ar today.

‘Ard·a The most widespread collective art in the Gulf and Najd is the battle dance ‘ard․a (‫)ا‬, which in various forms is performed by most nationals, even gurawi and bah․ri sea musicians. This male art is considered the most patriotic genre of the region. Its name comes from the verb ‘ard ․” meaning “to show” or “to parade,” since its original purpose was to display armaments, the numerical strength and fortitude of a group, and encourage men before military engagement (Plate 3). Today, as a commemoration of heritage, camaraderie, and state solidarity, it is performed at weddings, birth celebrations, graduation ceremonies, national occasions, and on religious holidays. The type of ‘ard․a that is found in the Upper Gulf States and the Najd is similar. Genres referred to as “‘ard․a” found elsewhere in the Peninsula, for instance in the southwest or the UAE, are different in performance, although their function is the same. To perform ‘ard․a two lines of facing men, who may be wielding weapons, antiphonally sing a hemstitch of nationalistic or militarily rousing text provided to them by a poet who will eventually call out a new line of text. As they sing, the men rock back and forth or side to side.

64  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

of the Najd and four major ․had․ar musical regions: Riyadh, Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir, Qas․‒ı m, and H ․ˉa’il

FIGURE 5.2 Map

Throughout, a few individuals will step forward and engage in dance moves or swordplay or march about displaying their weapons (Plate 4). With the exception of ‘ard․a from Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir in the southern Najd, which is often in a quick duple meter, Najdi/Upper Gulf ‘ard․a has a triple meter (of six-beat groupings) like triple saˉmri. One will notice that many male bands that specialize in Najdi ‘ard․a are also saˉmri specialists and will use the same types of drums to perform both arts.

Najdi ‘Ard·a (Riyadh) The type of ‘ard․a that comes from the Najd is referred to by various names such as ‘ard․a najdiyya and ‘ard․a barriyya (land/desert/wilderness ‘ard․a). The Najd is the home of the Saudi royal family and Najdi ‘ard․a is considered the national male folk art of the Kingdom, and is the most frequently televised musical art, thus, in the first decade of the twenty-first century the Saudi government changed its official name to “Saudi ‘ard․a,” and this is how it is represented in government documents and school textbooks. However, it is of note that Saudi citizens from Asıˉr, Jıˉzaˉn, and Najraˉ n, have their own, unique kind of ‘ard․a, different from that of the Najd.

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  65

Najdi ‘ard․a was performed in the early twentieth century on the way back from battle. Soldiers would again dance it to celebrate their triumph (Sowayan 1992, 44), and if a messenger arrived from the battlefield announcing to the settlement that the forces were victorious, then citizens would greet their champions by performing ‘ard․a in alleyways. Today, ‘ard․a is performed to add an air of dignity to various events. At celebrations all ages and classes of males join in, whether they are aristocrats or humble schoolboys. If a Saudi king or prince is visiting an outlying area, he performs ‘ard․a together with members of the local community.

BOX 5.1  A FEMALE EYE ON ‘ARD∙A Women enjoy watching the ‘ard·a spectacle with all of its details. Today, as in the past, a performance might be used to assess a potential mate, in the same way that badda¯wi assist men’s mother’s in picking their son’s bride. Women throughout the Najd peek out of house windows and from behind automobile curtains, or watch ‘ard·a televised performances with a critical eye, as they evaluate the physical prowess of men—their strength, endurance, and creative dance style. Even into 2013 young women from Qas∙ˉı m have noted how they enjoy this ‘ard·a-watching pastime.

Performance Practices King ‘Abdul’azıˉz, the first king of Saudi Arabia who united a vast land, was known to be a great warrior and lover of ‘ard․a (Fig. 5.1). Abbaˉs Al-Aqaˉd, a friend of the king, said that, “the war dance is one of his majesty’s most beloved sports.” If ‘Abdul’azıˉz decided to initiate an attack, he would assign people to pass by the houses and the palm groves playing drums and calling for all to gather with their weapons. Citizens would meet in the lanes and each area would begin its ‘ard․a, with poets chanting and creating enthusiasm. Then the groups would walk while still performing: this ‘ard․a procession song is known as mashiya (‫ )ا‬and is still done today to a high-pitched chanting. Assembled at the town square, the various units would merge and perform a large ‘ard․a in which the participants formed into several small battalions (Jamal 1994, 51). A poet (shaˉ’ir,) would be raised onto the shoulders of two strong men so that all could hear his beckoning. He would place his hands behind his ears and begin singing some zealous military text referred to as ․huˉraˉb (‫)ا راب‬, summoning all to war. H ․ uˉraˉb has no more than three verses and the soldiers (dancers) would respond with a war cry. The poet would be placed back on the ground and, still, without drums, begin to sing the first hemstitch of the song in a metered shayla method, and a line of men would repeat this without body movement. Then after three or four repetitions, the poet delivers the second hemistich of the verse, and it is then that the percussion enters and the group men start to bend their knees slightly and sway left and to the right manifesting little idiosyncrasies according to their tribal or regional manner. This is similar to the procedure today, except no one is raised onto shoulders and there is no ․huˉraˉb but rather the ‘ard․a begins with the reciting of welcoming poems that suit the event. For instance, as an ‘ard․a bandleader explained, “For a police graduation we start with national poems, or for a tribal ceremony, we start with an honorable poem of the tribe, or for a wedding, we might mention the family” (Al-Do ˉ ssri 2009).

66  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

The main lyrics of ‘ard․a are prideful nabat․i poetry. Some traditional martial texts are: Did you hear about the invaders of our nation We would give our souls to defend it Others before you sought to Fight with us and then repented· You are foolish, what made you think That war means you should cheat your brethren   ‫دو  ا‬ ‫  راح  و‬  ‫ € ان ا ب  اا‬

‫† ا …„ƒ ‚ و‬ ‡ ˆ‰ Š‹‰ ‫واˆ ا‬ ‫ه“ ااي و‘ أŒ وا‬ ( Jamal 1994, 53)

Today, throughout the main performance, all linesmen, except for the team of drummers, brandish weapons. Swords are preferred but daggers and sometimes guns can also be used. Participants rhythmically move the blades up and down. When weapons are in an upright position, men may shake or rattle them. Usually as one line raises their swords high, the other will rest their blades on one shoulder, since in earlier decades the swords were rather heavy (today most are props made of a lighter metal). During the lengthy performances that can last for hours, one or two dancers will break from the ranks and execute more elaborate swordplay. Such a performer is called sabha or halqa, or dayir (Al-Doˉ ssri 2009). Flag and Riflemen Near the performers, there is always a flag bearer accompanied by full costumed escorts on each side: the group is relative to a western military color guard. During combat the flag, raˉyeh or bayraq (‫ اق‬،‫)اا‬, which could be a tribal banner, was carried by a large, strong man who was often well-respected. He would hold the flag high in the air so the warriors could see it and remain encouraged. Today as in the past, as the ‘ard․a nears its peak, the flag will be taken off of its staff and draped across his shoulders of a leader or government representative if present, and he will continue to dance wearing the flag. Not only does this act hearten the participants but it is an honor for the individual official. Throughout the ‘ard․a some riflemen will leave the main dance and circle around the larger group, hopping, yelling, tossing their guns and firing in unison. They are known as miqwada (‫ )ادة‬or sawaˉrıˉb ( ‫ ا€ار‬singular sirba). Costume For the past several decades there have been many parts to a proper costume of a main line ‘ard․a participant (Plate 4). First, he wears a long white garment over his underwear called a murawdin (‫ )اودن‬or “mudlaq” (Al-Doˉ ssri 2009; Jamal 1994, 142). It is of light fabric and distinguished by its extremely long sleeves that hang to the ground. Over this, a performer places a formal embroidered or patterned floor-length jacket: that which is of heavier material and a bit finer quality is called a dagla (‰ˆ‫ )ا‬and the thinner lighter coat is called a ․saˉya (˜‫)ا‬. On the chest there are two cross belts (meh․zam, ‫)„ šم‬. One holds bullets and the other a pistol. Around the waist is a third belt with a curved dagger, i.e., a khanjar (›†). As usual,

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  67

FIGURE 5.3  Tathlıˉth

player in H ․ˉa’il ‘ard․a wearing a farmaliyya jacket

ُ and ‘iqaˉl (‎‫ل‬, circlet) are on the head (Fig 5.17). Drummers dress a ghutra (head scarf, ‫žة‬ َ ¡) differently and instead of a dagla or ․saˉya jacket wear a decorated vest or a short jacket called a farmaliyya („£‫)ا‬. Before the 1960s any man might wear a farmaliyya, not just drummers (Fig. 5.3; Plate 5). ‘Ard a Drums ∙ There are two main drums in Najdi ‘ard․a: the takhmıˉr and the tathlˉıth. The large takhmıˉr (¤ž‫)ا‬ is supported by both a strap around the shoulder and a curved handle on the top (Plate 5). It is struck with a stick in the right hand that is curved at the end. The smaller tathlˉıth (¥ž‫ )ا‬is held by a long handle and struck with a curved rattan stick (Fig. 5.3; Plate 6). In early photographs it is apparent that the tathlˉıth did not have stick handles and were held more like the takhmıˉr and the Gulf uns․ayfi ‘ard․a drum, with a long strap slung around the shoulder, and the drum buttressed against the palm of the left hand (compare the drums on the right-hand side of the photograph in Fig. 5.1 from ca 1940s with the current Gulf unsayfi (Fig. 5.6). An average takhmıˉr today weighs about 6 kilos/13.5 lbs and has a diameter of 45 cms/18 in and a depth of 18 cms/7 in. The tathlˉıth has a diameter of 50 cm/20 in, weighs about 2 kilos/4.4 lbs, and the frame is only 10 cm/4 in deep. The circumference of both instruments is covered with felt, usually green, and decorated by colorful tassels called danaˉdıˉsh (¦‫)دد‬. Traditionally, these drums were made from the wood of fallen palm trees. The frame was

68  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 5.4  The

frame of ‘ard․a drums with stick handles before the skins have been attached

covered with dyed camel skin that had been shaved and soaked and attached with leather straps made from the tough hide of a camel or horse neck (Fig. 5.4). The tathlˉıth’s longer handle is necessary for the drummers’ dance. There may be as many as a dozen tathlˉıth players engaging in artistic, harmonious moves at any time in the ‘ard․a. They will raise the drums over their heads, then lower them beneath their knees, skip, turn, raise the drum high again, then perhaps squat on the floor and leap back up to their feet again—all the while playing. The dance is made even more attractive by the tassels that are on full display as the tathlˉıth swings about. This style of performance can be see as far north as H ․ˉa’il and even into Jawf, although in the south of the Najd, near Wa¯di al-Dawa¯sir, the acrobatic drumming is not performed. (Note that in Qas․‒ı m the tathlˉıth is simply called “t․abl,” i.e., drum with two skins) (Fig. 5.5). The takhmıˉr players do not dance but remain stationary at the rear of the other performers (Plate 5). There can be as many as a dozen tathlˉıth drummers, with comparatively fewer on takhmıˉr. The number of percussionists depends on the number of ‘ard․a participants. At large national events, sometimes over 1000 men perform arda at once. The tathlˉıth is sometimes called mithlaˉth or imthoˉlith, and each word indicates the number “three” because the main rhythmic mode of ‘ard․a is in a triple meter, interpreted as a 6/8 or 6/4. The lower pitched “dum” sound is played in the middle of the drum and the slighter

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  69

FIGURE 5.5 Tabl

․

drummers (tathlıˉth) from Qas․‒ı m displaying spectacular uniformed moves

higher “tek” sound is played in roughly the same place but the drummer mutes the stick against the drumhead. There are small variations in the rhythmic modes found in the ‘ard․a najdiyya of bands from different regions (Ex. 5.1, Ex. 5.2).

EX. 5.1  ‘Ard ․a

rhythm pattern from Riyadh

EX. 5.2  ‘Ard ․a

rhythm pattern from Unayza

70  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

ˉMRI) BANDS IN DEMAND IN RIYADH BOX 5.2  ‘ARD∙A (SA Member of the Al-Amjad Band (2010) We are busy. We perform for weddings and summer festivals, and during government-sanctioned holidays we have an event every day. For the largest celebrations we can bring more than 100 members, but at other times we will bring as few as thirty-five men. All will be outfitted with costumes, swords or drums. Part of our job is to keep the celebration alive in case the event guests do not want to participate. We never play melodic instruments. We only perform saˉmri and ‘ard ․a because these genres use the same drums and both have a similar rhythm.

‘Arda in the Gulf ∙ ‘Ard ․a of the Upper Gulf States stems from the heritage of Najdi ‘ard․a. It includes land ‘ard․a called ‘ard․a najdiya or ‘ard․a barriyya (land ‘ard․a) and sea ‘ard․a, i.e., ‘ard․a bah․ri. Some groups, especially tribes, perform land ‘ard․a similar to that of central Arabia. Qatar is considered to have among the most beautiful such land ‘ard․a, as the royal family are great patrons of the art. At grand events Qataris will merge various environmental characteristics, for instance men will wear full land ‘ard․a dress, but welcome horsemen and camel riders to the “sport”—animals are actually mentioned in the song—all the while holding the event on the beach accompanied by sea band drumming (Plate 7).

FIGURE 5.6 Uns ․ayfi/mithlaˉth

drums held by a strap for an ‘ard․a barriyya in Kuwait with Saudi guests joining in. Kuwaiti bandleader Sulıˉma¯n Mayouf on the right

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  71

Usually in Kuwait, Eastern Saudi Arabia, parts of Bahrain, and among some in Qatar, a land ‘ard․a includes different drums than found in the Najd. This type of Gulf land ‘ard․a will be accompanied by a double-headed drum which is like Najdi tathlˉıth but without the handle and decorative coverings. It is called uns․ayfi (or mithlaˉth) and is held by a strap around the shoulder (Fig. 5.6). Also in Gulf land ‘ard․a the sea barrel drum, the ․tabl bah․ri, is played, and perhaps standard ․tˉıraˉn frame drums will be added to performance. Although one or two individuals might dance with a weapon, Gulf linesmen usually do not wield swords but rather hold hands. Often there is no elaborate costume. A special Gulf ‘ard․a, sea ‘ard․a, is likewise without Najdi spectacle or costume and the unadorned sea band drums are used—frame drums and the ․tabl bah․ri barrel drum. There is a special kind of sea ‘ard․a from eastern Saudi Arabia that is in decline in the Gulf called ‘ard․a al-’amıˉrıˉa. It has an unusual sound because it incorporates small hand cymbals common among sea ensembles (Fig. 5.7). ‘Ard․a al-’amıˉrıˉa is believed to be named after a respected family, the Amıˉ ri, who lived in Qat․ˉf ı on the east coast of Saudi Arabia. Among eastern Saudi sea bands the primary kinds of ‘ard․a performed are ‘ard․a al-’amıˉrıˉa and Najdi ard․a (called simply “uns․ayfi” after the drum) (Al-Afraˉh ․ 2009). In general, sea ‘ard․a texts, though nationalistic, are not as bellicose as those found in the Najd, since sea communities developed through mercantile economies and were not as engaged in warfare. ‘Ard․a Al-’Amıˉrıˉa of Kuwait ‫  ¨ „ §م‬ O Sheikh

***   ‫ §م وأ‬ *** With Peace a thousand times

*** ‫ ¨ „ §م‬ *** We Greet you, O Sheikh

‫  آ‬ª ‚ We are all joyful

*** ª§ ‫ ¦ و‬ ِ *** The army and people

*** ‫  آ‬ ‚ *** We are all joyful

ˆ ‫ وام ه‬ *** ª‫ة رب ا‬ ‫ و‬ *** ˆ ‫وام ه‬ Today is our feast *** In the name of the God of the desert *** Today is our feast ‫ Œ ‹Œ دار‬ *** ª‰ ‫ ššه‬ª‫ *** دو‬ Œ‹ Œ Long live Kuwait, our homeland *** A noble powerful country ***Long live Kuwait  ‫ˆ ¬روا‬£ ¤ ‫ €Š ®ح‬

*** ª‫šم وه‬ ِ ‫ ***  ®ر‬  ®  *** ª¯‫ *** ¨ š“ ا‬ ِ

 ‫ˆ ¬روا‬£  ®  ¤ ‫€Š ®ح‬

Sa ˉmri Alongside ‘ard․a with its patriotic or military lyrics, the other major “folk” ․had․ar art is saˉmri, with texts that speak of erotic love, physical beauty, and passion. “Saˉmri” is related to the word “saˉmer“ (night party) and in general saˉmri songs are sung at night. The intensity of the songs can cause a dancer to fall into a trance-like condition known as istinzaˉl (‫ )إ§žšال‬in which he/she sometimes appears to be possessed by a jinn.

72  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 5.7  Gulf

musician performing ‘ard․a al-’amıˉrıˉa with sea hand cymbals (t․aˉsat/twysaˉt)

There are three main types of saˉmri performed by both men and women.1 The most prevalent is that in triple meter (6/4), which is known in some places as saˉmri thaqıˉl (heavy saˉmri). It tends to have a slower tempo with an irregular “camel-gait” shift. As far back as anyone can recall, triple-meter saˉmri has been significant in Riyadh, Qas․‒ı m, H ․ a’il, Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir, and the Upper Gulf. If one were to ask a reputable Najdi band, that is, the kind that plays at weddings and government festivals, to perform a “saˉmri,” they will invariably perform a triplemeter saˉmri. Saˉmri in a duple meter, which might be referred to as saˉmri khafıˉf (light saˉmri), is for lively dancing and merriment. In the right setting, duple saˉmri more than any other can cause istinzaˉl. In the fashion of loud music in a western nightclub, a duple saˉmri might compel a dancer to lose him/herself in the moment and he/she might jump, gyrate, and contort the body in an unnatural manner. Hired musicians of African or khad ․ˉı ri ancestry (rather than as․ˉı l tribesmen) usually perform duple saˉmri. Some assert that these first two types of saˉmri emerged from the third, that is, solo saˉmri of Bedouin, which is sometimes called saˉmri jaysh (Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 225; see Chapter 2). Each region of the Najd and Upper Gulf has its own variations of saˉmri performance.

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  73

ˉ MRI’S BEDOUIN ORIGINS BOX 5.3  SA Burckhardt’s Observation, early 1800s Although group saˉmri is usually considered a h∙ad∙ar genre today, it is no doubt related to the art Burckhardt witnessed 200 years ago among a mixed male–female group of Bedouin in the Najd. He refers to it as “asamer” [al-saˉmer] or “mesamer“ and describes the two lines of rocking men “with clapping hands, and various motions of the body. Standing close together, the whole line inclines sometimes towards one side, sometimes towards the other, backwards and forward” (Note that today men kneel). He also comments on the individual dancing women, who as they approach the men are “extremely reserved, strictly decent, and very coy,” and he goes on to expound on the lover component, the t∙arab of the song-dance, which mirrors that seen in current times:  . . . this dance, which continues frequently for five or six hours, and till long after midnight, and the pathetic songs which often accompany it, most powerfully work upon the imagination and feelings of the Arabs, and they never speak of the mesamer but with raptures. The feelings of a lover must, on this occasion, be carried to the highest pitch. The veiled form of his mistress advances in the dark, or by moonlight, like a phantom, to his embraces; her gradual, decent steps, her increasing animation, the general applause she receives, and the words of the song, which are always in praise of beauty, must create the liveliest emotions in the bosom of her lover, who has, at least, the satisfaction of being able to give full scope to his feelings by voice and gesture, without exposing himself to blame . . . * The decent and romantic nature of this dance places it widely in contrast with the vulgar and licentious motions of [female dancers in another Arab country] . . .  (1992, 256) Burckhardt mentions that these saˉmer evenings were so appreciated, “young men often walk at night a distance of some hours, and back again, that they may enjoy the mesamer of a neighbouring camp” (1992, 257). Eventually, the art described by Burckhardt split into collective male and female styles, so that today in h∙ad∙ar communities, males continue to form two facing lines and engage in the group movement with clapping, while females at their own events dance as individuals in the demure, downcast-eyed manner.

Sa¯mri and Trance Saˉmri in Riyadh and in Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir are historically associated with jinn or spirit possession. Not every saˉmri invokes trance. It depends on the manner in which it is performed, the time of night, and the mindset of the participants. At a saˉmer, typically saˉmri thaqıˉl, the stately triple saˉmri is played earlier in the evening, and later, fast saˉmri khafıˉf is heard at which time istinzaˉl (trance) occurs. A Riyadh musician describes an average saˉmer/saˉmri gathering (Riyadh D 2012):

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Usually we start the evening with the thaqıˉl [heavy, slow] saˉmri songs and there are decent words and you can listen to this. Everyone is sitting and relaxing and sipping tea while a few might dance. Then, in the early morning hours during the second part of the night, the party is restarted and the doˉsari and faced-paced music begins [including duple saˉmri]. The maradd [frame drum] starts to produce a strong response, and the dancers’ jumping and gyrations ensue. It is at this time that guests who do not want to take part in the istinzaˉl experience will leave, or that some musicians, who know they must play with passion for the next several hours, will consume amphetamines that they have placed in their tea. On the authenticity of the possession he responds: I believe it a hundred percent because it is in Holy Qur’aˉn, so we have to believe in it and I completely trust in these things. Even a mut․awwa’ [religious policeman] will have a jinn and experience istinzaˉl. The jinn comes for them [suggesting that a religious man would not behave possessed if he were not]. And I see what people are doing. If you could see what I see, you too would believe 100 percent. They jump and turn upside down and land on their heads, and nothing happens to them. When people dance or sing and they have a jinn they do things that are impossible, that could never happen if they were outside of the saˉmri [party]. Saˉmri thaqıˉl in triple meter can also induce ․tarab (‫ ب‬, “rapture”), a profound emotional state that is associated with art music in other Arab countries. The depth of the sensual words, the beautiful melodies and hypnotic beats rouse the participants. However, the purpose is not to bring forth a jinn—although the ․tarab of the songs in some instances might cause a spirit to manifest itself —but to awaken the passions of the dancer or audience. One Riyadh resident recalls his grandmother’s physical response to triple saˉmri:

5

Saˉmri thaqıˉl (triple meter): “Halat dimuˉ’a al-saˉmaˉ’a (“The Tears of the Listeners Are Falling”)

My grandmother used to shake and have trouble breathing whenever she watched ladies dance saˉmri or heard this music. I used to become frightened. The old ladies at a party told me that my grandmother had a jinn in her and he would come to her during saˉmri. They said he came to her after her husband died. He loved her, and in that way [through the dance and his visits], she always had love in her life. When she died, everyone said that her lover, the jinn, had come and taken her so that they could be together, although she was in her 80s, and probably died of natural causes. (Riyadh G 2012) An elder male from Riyadh who is a great patron of saˉmri asserts that jinn contributed to the art itself (Riyadh E 2013): Saˉmri words are so moving because they are written by jinns, not humans. A dancer or guest experiences istinzaˉl and then they start to say or sing things. This is not the human speaking but the jinn. His/her words are repeated by others and soon they become songs. So the jinn within the person really composes the saˉmri, not the person him/herself. The best saˉmri have words that are too “strong” to have been written by a human.

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¯MRI IN THE NAJD BOX 5.4  WOMEN’S SA Triple-meter saˉmri songs are still commonly heard in the Najd today. Female guests dance saˉmri as individuals in the midst of the other guests, usually at a wedding party (h∙aflat zawaˉj), but they might dance at any gathering. A Riyadh resident in her 40s recalls, “When I was a girl, we used to take drums out into the desert and sit in two lines and dance saˉmri.“ As in the Gulf, saˉmri thaqı¯l is the standard saˉmri among women. The connection between women and saˉmri goes back in history. In fact, Burckhardt first described “al-saˉmer“ as a woman’s art (1992, 82). To dance saˉmri, one must put a foot in front and shuffle forward and then rock back, slightly off the beat, in resemblance of a camel’s gait or a pigeon. Baˉghaffaˉr describes the dancing style she saw in Riyadh (1994, 227–228):  . . . performed by one of the girls after covering her head and body with a cloak, or covering her head and a large part of her face with her ample sleeve (al-murawdin),  . . . The mellow swaying is accompanied by a movement of the upper body part..and right after she stands in front of the group and her dancing colleagues, she lifts the cloak and throws her hair loose, moving her neck rhythmically with the sound of the duff beat. The more competent the dancing girl, the leaner her body and more flexible her moves and swaying. This description is in the fashion of the female Kuwaiti saˉmri dance, in which the sleeve of a sheer outer garment is pulled over the head and face during the dance, which helps increase ∙t arab (rapture). Some Najdi residents state that the saˉmri dance came to Riyadh from Kuwait as Kuwaiti television programs that featured women dancing aired regularly in KSA in the 1970s–1980s. Saudi women were not permitted to be televised dancing, and in many cases were exposed to Gulf styles more than to those of their own country. However, as described by Burckhardt, the basic footwork and general feel of the saˉmri existed among Najdi Bedouin long ago. One can see this basic saˉmri thaqı¯l dance, labeled as a “Bedouin dance,” in the 1990 JVC Qatar video, which is further testament to its non-h∙ad∙ar roots (Kaisha 1990, Vol. 16).

For information on Najdi H ․ ad.ar Women’s Wedding Practices see Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs.

H ∙ ad∙ar Arts of Najdi Regions Wadı¯ al-Dawa ˉsir (§‫)اˆوا‬ Wadıˉ al-Dawaˉsir is an oasis valley that is the home of the Dawaˉsir tribe, who, unlike other tribes, historically are both baduˉ and ․had․ar. In some seasons they herded camels through open land and in others they dwelled in villages in their fertile wadıˉ (valley). Because laborers were needed to tend their farms and palm groves, for countless decades the Dawaˉsir hired khad ․ˉı ri and imported African slaves who were familiar with percussion practices and drum building from their homeland. The combination of the agricultural environment alongside a strong

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drumming influence resulted in a breeding ground for Najdi percussion. Unlike most Bedouin in the desert, Doˉ sari in the wadıˉ had resources from which to make and maintain drums. Wood for the frames came from the date palm trees, the multitude of livestock provided drumheads, and the mass supplies of fossil water beneath the ground made it possible to easily soak and soften the leather skins that would be wrapped around the wooden mounts. Today Doˉ sari Bedouin embrace the drum as a part of their culture. They and many other Najdis frequently assert that the ․taˉr (frame drum) was “invented” by the Dawaˉsir. Although the frame drum is quite old and its origin undetermined, clearly the Dawaˉsir were regularly play�ing it long before many other Najdi people. Moreover, they were the first Najdis to show an inclination for percussive sound color. Doˉ sari drums, which are now the standard Najdi frame drums in music shops, come in sets that include different sizes and thus produce varied pitches resulting in a richer ensemble timbre (Box 5.5). And Doˉ sari drummers set the standard for general Najdi frame drumming practices, especially that of entertainment samer. Doˉ sari elders can never recall a time when they did not use the ․taˉr. Indeed, during days of battle, it was standard for drummers, no older than fourteen, to ride alongside the warriors. They were not to fight, but to sing and inspire, and their drumming only ceased if the tribe had been defeated. If victorious, the song type would change: the rhythm would be altered and the tempo would increase. If a comrade were killed, his blood would be rubbed on the head of the drum and then later, when the instrument was played, it would remind all of retribution as well as honor the deceased. Today, Do ˉ sari drummers might put red paint on the drumheads to replicate the blood, in respect of their warrior past. Drummers might also write the number “502” on the skin. This was the CB/ham radio number for Doˉ sari in the 1980s, when each tribe was associated with a channel. Such a tradition has roots in tribal wasm, camel branding. Although tribesmen played drums on the battlefield and at private events, they did not serve as public party drummers. Doˉ sari drummers were, and often still are, of African descent, although in some male bands, and certainly in female bands, one can find tribal Doˉ sari percussionists. A well-known Doˉ sari singer who is often asked why she would be a musician regularly responds with the Doˉ sari slogan: “al-dawasir kuˉwaˉsir wa al-’aduˉ duˉm khaˉsir“ (“Dawsarıˉ are lions/ predators and the enemy before them will always lose”). In other words, no one can be like a Do ˉ sari, so she performs in order to provide authenticity. When slavery was abolished in the Kingdom in 1962, the freed slaves were permitted to adopt the surname of the tribe or people with whom they lived, and the substantial slave population of Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir took the “Doˉ sari” name. Many, or their descendants, eventually migrated to urban centers, including those of the Gulf. These Doˉ sari have established major communities in Al-Kharj, Dammaˉm, Khobar, borders of Qas․‒ı m, and parts of Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar. In these regions they perform as drummers in a variety in ․had․ari ensembles.

ˉ ˉ ˉ ˉ BOX 5.5  DRUMS: T ∙ AR/T∙ IRAN, AND ZIR KETTLEDRUMS The ∙taˉr, singular (‫ ;)ا¯ر‬plural, ∙tˉra ı ˉn or ∙taˉraˉt (‫ ا¯رات‬،‫)ا¯ان‬2—which comes from the Arabic word for frame, “it∙aˉr” (‫—)إر‬is the primary instrument of the Najd and Upper Gulf. It is comprised of single membrane of goat, sheep, or rabbit skin attached to a wide wooden frame. Under western drum categorization any drum with a diameter greater than the depth of the frame is a frame drum, whether or not it has skin on one side or both

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(Blades 2001). However, this is not the case in the Najd and Gulf. Any drum that has two heads is regionally referred to as a ∙tabl (“¯‫ ا‬, i.e., “drum”) or by the specific name of the drum type, regardless of whether the body is a frame. For instance, the Unayza ∙tabl (Fig. 5.5) and the Gulf uns∙ayfi (£˜‫ ;ا‬Fig. 5.6), two-headed “frame drums,” are never called ∙taˉr. Najdi ∙tˉra ı ˉn come in sets of five or six and are made so that each is progressively larger and can be nestled within one another, enabling easy transport (Fig. 5.8). The drums are constructed in three general sizes. The largest drum, of which there are one or two in a set, can be as wide as a meter in diameter. It is called the mirjaf („) from the verb raj (‫)رج‬, “to shake,” because the drumhead is so wide it rattles and makes a booming sound when played. Each of the two mid-sized drums are called a “responder,” maradd (‫)„د‬, and they are around 44 cms/17 inches in diameter, some being 5 cms smaller and some 5 cms larger (2 inches). The larger maradd is referred to as maradd al-asa¯s (‫) ا´§س‬, “foundation maradd,” and the somewhat smaller one is the maradd al-tashkı¯l (“‹ž‫)ا‬, which is the higher drum that might embellish. These are about the same size as the standard frame drums found in the Gulf. The smallest of a Najdi frame drum set is the mis∙qa¯’ ( ‫ )ا˜ع‬or ∙saga¯l/s∙agu ¯l (‫— ا˜ل‬the later pronunciation being found more in the Gulf. The term derives from the practice of ∙saq’ al-t∙aˉr (ƒ®), “accenting on the drum.” A mis∙qa¯’ is an accenting drum and it is from 34 to 40 cms in diameter (ca 14 inches). This drum has a thinner rim and tighter skin than the others, so can more easily produce accenting sounds of ˉ sari drummers sometimes refer to the largest frame drum as ra¯khı¯ (†‫)اا‬, ornamentation. (Do and the medium-sized drum that has a sharper sound as sha¯h∙∙ta (ª¯ ‫)ا‬.)

FIGURE 5.8 Frame

drums, one nested inside the other, in a Riyadh shop window (continued)

78  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

(continued)

Performance Technique In the Najd, the ∙taˉr is held by men in front of the body with an overhanded grip (the fingers inside of the frame and the thumb outside) and is positioned vertically or horizontally facing upward. Also Najdi drummers regularly raise the drums high above their heads, and crash their drum and drumming hand together in a much more aggressive way than coastal peoples (Fig. 5.9). This method of drum playing is quite physical and calls for great power and stamina, especially since performances can take place over several hours. In the Gulf, sea bands hold frame drums with an underhanded grip (thumb on the inside of the frame and fingers on the outside), slightly to the left of their bodies and strike inward, towards themselves and the drumming is not aggressive. If a sea band is playing land music, like saˉmri, then they switch their grip to the Najdi overhanded position. Women drummers can use either technique, depending on the genres performed, although many throughout the Peninsula use the underhanded grip.

FIGURE 5.9  T ․ aˉr

frame drum (maradd) performed by a Saudi musician using an overhanded grip

Frame drums produce a few primary sounds: a lower pitched dum, when struck closer to the middle, and a higher tek sound when struck near the rim. A muted ka or “slap” is also heard, and there is also the ∙saga¯l/s∙agu¯l (‫)ا˜ل‬, high-pitched accented tones that are created by striking the edge of the drum face in a karate-chop fashion. The best frame drummers are those who can embellish and create a quality, stylistic ∙saga¯l. Zıˉr (š‫)ا‬, a mid-sized kettledrum that often comes in pairs, is from the Hijaz and south, and has only been common in the Najd since the late 1990s. Many established Riyadh musicians today remember when they first started using the zıˉr and how they adapted Najdi rhythms for it. Today, it is the norm to have a zıˉr included alongside a ∙tˉı ra ˉ n group for a samer: “No one plays ∙tˉı raˉn anymore without zıˉr!” (Riyadh C 2010). It is especially important to have the zıˉr present for trance-invoking zaˉr/saˉmri (Plate 8).

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Doˉsari Performance Like other frame drummers of the Najd, Do ˉ sari drummers sit on the ground crossed leg, keeping their backs straight. If playing large and mid-sized drums, a performer will often hold it in the left hand with the drumhead facing toward the face and strike down and out. At the beginning of a song, the lead singer will actually grasp the drum’s frame in both hands with the backside facing his mouth, and fan the instrument up and down while he sings his introductory shayla into the drumhead (some Dawaˉsir call shayla “takbıˉn”). This opening is referred to as wanna/wanıˉn (‘‫ ا‬،‫)ا‬, humming, “warm-up” singing, and it is said that vocalizing against the drumhead enriches and amplifies the timbre of the solo voice. It is a doˉsari style of mawwaˉl (introductory vocal improvisation). The Dawaˉsir are known to sing with loud voices. Tribesmen say this is because when they lived in Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir, they sang in a valley outdoors and their voices would boom and echo against the hills. Therefore, they are used to a strong vocal sound and in modern times compensate for the lack of natural reverberation by using much electronic amplification.

Doˉsari Genres Doˉ sari are known for several genres but terminology is applied loosely and because of the mass migration of Doˉ sari citizens, details vary from area to area. In general there are pieces grouped as thaqıˉl (“µ , heavy or slow), and those known as khafıˉf (£†, light or quick). Today khafıˉf forms tend to include the zıˉr drums, which are found in Hijazi khobayti music that has a trance element, and it is believed that these drums aid in producing istinzaˉl in Doˉ sari songs (Plate 8). ‘Ard·a Doˉ sari Male samer, which Doˉ sari might call qammari (from qamar “moon,” i.e., stay up all night) start with ‘ard․a. Tribesmen alone in a private setting might perform ‘ard․a with no drums, just incorporating chanting voices and lines of men kicking their feet forward, left then right—similar to the razıˉf as seen in the Gulf. But if drummers are available, then all will perform the‘ard․a doˉsari. Percussionists stand in the middle and the group sings a welcoming text. The performing ranks may not necessarily have swords (and usually no costumes), in which case a few dancers in the center will be armed (Fig. 5.10). If a family identifies as “Bedouin,” their ‘ard․a will focus more on the texts and there may be some play between poet-singers. Among ․had․ar there is more focus on the dancing and swordplay, if swords are available. The aˉrd ․a of Dawaˉsir peoples is unique in that it has a duple rhythmic mode while most other ‘ard․a in the Najd and upper Gulf have a shared slower triple-meter rhythm. Also, Dawaˉsir ‘ard․a drummers use different drums from other Najdis. They play one or two ․tabl that have stick handles, but these do not have a frame drum structure like the tathlˉıth of Riyadh, but rather a barrel body (Fig. 5.11). The remaining Do ˉ sari ‘ard․a drums are single-headed frame drums, which are not used elsewhere for Najdi ‘ard․a, although they are found in Gulf ‘ard․a. But no one but Doˉ sari will incorporate the large mirjaf frame drum. Sa¯ mri Doˉ sari Following ‘ard․a at a gathering, Dawaˉsir percussionists sit in a small circle near a fire and per�form arts like la’ib doˉsari or a flirty saˉmri, both of which begin with shayla in the Doˉ sari wanna style. The melody of the shayla and of the song proper are referred to as ․tarq (‫)ا¯ق‬. Dawaˉsir immigrants in the Gulf and residents in Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir might sing the same words for their shayla, but their melody, the ․tarq may be different.3

‘ard․a performance in Al-Lida¯m, Wa¯dıˉ al-Dawa¯sir. Notice the large ․tabl with a dot on the head that has a handle. February 1985 (Photograph courtesy of William Facey)

FIGURE 5.10 An

FIGURE 5.11  A

“barrel” doˉsari ․tabl with a stick handle, used for doˉsari ‘ard․a

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  81

Many Dawaˉsir arts might be called “saˉmri.” Some are heavy, thaqıˉl, and some are light, khafıˉf. The widespread ․tarab producing triple-meter saˉmri is called saˉmri thaqıˉl or doˉsari thaqıˉl. The melodies are long and sweeping and such saˉmri does not usually include the zıˉr drum (Ex. 5.3). During saˉmri thaqıˉl, rows of performers, between seven and fifteen males or females, sit together in lines on their knees facing each other. One row might wield ․tˉıraˉn and the second row will clap and sing a reply to the first row, although frequently in recent times there is a small drumming group who sit apart from the linesmen, and only they have drums. Drumless male participants will sing and rock together in their lines, holding their hands in front of them, palms together, in a loose “prayer” like fashion, bouncing them as they move to the music in a variety of movements, some of which are rather difficult to maintain in unison. In traditional saˉmri Doˉ sari, both triple and duple types, the participants lean forward together to the point that their foreheads are almost touching the ground, and gently bounce in time.

EX. 5.3  Sa ˉmri

thaqˉı l rhythmic mode of the Dawaˉsir tribe

Women’s saˉmri, which is more urbanized and is often no longer performed with two facing lines, is respected by both males and females. Ostensibly, “women’s words are more about feelings” (Doˉ sari A 2012). According to a female Doˉ sari dancer, “Women perform saˉmri [doˉsari] at any party or any place where there is dance.” Regarding the dance style of triple-meter heavy saˉmri: We move like Kuwaiti women except we use both legs, limping forward on the left and then the right, rather than just one [in Kuwaiti style you lead with one leg]. We also do a deep dip, bend the knee more, and then come up quicker than women from other regions. (Doˉsari 2013) (Note that this is also the way many Riyadh women dance saˉmri.) There are also faster duple saˉmris —khafıˉf, light—such as those known as wad’aˉni and ‘itba (“step”), along with a “high” saˉmri, which is agitated and similar to a generic baddaˉwi. Wad’aˉni, named after the Al-Wad’aˉni branch in Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir, features the khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ rhythm (š†; Ex. 5.4) that usually includes the playing of a zıˉr. This khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ or related rhythm is among the most prevalent at Nadji parties and the one today most associated with the heartland in general. When Gulf, Hijazi, or Yemeni people hear it, they immediately refer to it as “Saudi” or “Najdi” or merely just “Doˉ sari.” Duple saˉmri with the zıˉr, which in the Gulf is called “saˉmri doˉsari,“ uses the same kind of poems as triple saˉmri and features the two kneeling lines of men or women. According to Dawaˉsir musicians, it is common for participants to experience istinzaˉl to duple saˉmri as the night progresses, in which case they are said to be maskuˉn (‫)„€‹ن‬, possessed.

82  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

6

Doˉsari with khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ rhythm: “Ala ya layl” (“Oh, the Night”)

EX. 5.4 Khwˉı z’a ˉnˉı

polyrhythm of the Dawaˉsir, which in various states might also be called wad’aˉni, ‘itba, or by some in the Gulf, saˉmri al-dˉosari. It can be performed with eight-beat phrased melodies as realized here, or with a six-beat phrase structure

Do ¯ sari and Khobayti In general, khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ or the doˉ sari proper rhythm is similar to the rhythm of raˉyyeh․ bıˉsha, a popular folk art in the southwest, and the omnipresent Hijazi khobayti. All have a steady dum tek bass beat (sounding a bit off of the main pulse). According to Hijazi musicians like Jamıˉ l Mahmoud (2013), the main difference is in the counter rhythm with that of khobayti traditionally having an additive eight-beat part accented as 3 + 3 + 2. But at least in the twenty-first century such is not a distinguishing characteristic, since Dawaˉsir bands will likewise play the additive counter-rhythm in doˉ sari pieces. Moreover, sometimes Dawaˉsir groups add a “mizmaˉr” reedy sound to their ensemble (via an electronic keyboard, org), which is a timbre long known in Hijazi khoybati. Thus the lines are blurred between khobayti and the doˉ sari proper genre. Indeed, some Gulf musicians assert that khobayti and the main doˉ sari rhythm are completely identical, but that the name changes depending on where one is located, with Gulf musicians who are physically closer to the Najd referring to the genre mostly as doˉ sari (Al-Shaˉmi 2008). The closeness of these two genres is even recognized in the Hijaz where musicians have referred to doˉ sari proper as the “khobayti of Riyadh” (Abu Safwaˉn 2012). The Dawaˉsir people also have a genre called jurma („, literally “guilt”) that incorporates a fast khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ-like beat with only percussion and no singing (and often an added mizmaˉr sound). It is quite rambunctious and it specifically incites istinzaˉl: “Jurma is so fast (ƒ§ ), people love this and go crazy” (Doˉ sari B 2012). “Tanzıˉla” is the term used to describe light doˉsari pieces that often have a recurring triplet beat throughout. Qas∙¯ım: Classic Arts of Unayza Qas․‒ı m (‎Š˜‫ )ا‬is a province in the heart of the Najd resting on the south banks of the impressive Waˉdi al-Rimmah. Among its hundreds of villages, settlements, and ten major towns, the two largest are the rival cities of Unayza and 20 km away, the capital Burayda. Long before oil wealth came to other areas of the Kingdom, Qas․‒ı m had a healthy economy. The agriculturally rich district has been renowned for its farming, livestock grazing, palm groves, and craftsmen since at least the Middle Ages. Trade and labor migration also shaped the culture, as Qas․‒ı mis stayed

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connected with the wider world through the long-distance transport of goods (via camel) to Kuwait, Jubayl, Makkah, Medinah, and Riyadh, among other major centers. Nomadic Bedouin who have had a symbiotic relationship with the had ․ar (often their kin) have greatly influenced the area. Galt․a, which in Qas․‒ı m is often referred to as riddiyya, and rebaˉba music are the leading Bedouin arts (Altorki and Cole 1989, 20, 42, 67; Sowayan 1985, 138–140, 142–143). Qas․‒ı m has a reputation of being the most religiously conservative area in the entire Kingdom, and in the second half of the twentieth century it was the center of the Islamic Awakening Movement. Riots broke out in the 1960s when women’s education was introduced, and until most recently, smoking in public was banned. In 2013 four men in Qas․‒ı m were sentenced to years of prison and up to 2000 lashes for dancing on a car (Chasmar 2013). One local explanation for the conservatism is that it is generated from gratitude: Qas․‒ı m has been blessed with a fertile, rich land and therefore residents, in thanks, should feel more compelled to relinquish religious “diversions”—including music. Regardless, Qas․‒ı m has a long history of vibrant music making. According to an elder musician, “Dating back 1200 years is a poem that mentions how we danced and sang songs in Qas․‒ı m. We all know music making in this region goes way back” (Qas․‒ı m A 2013). Doughty, who visited Unayza in 1878 remarked on the educated, well read, liberal countenance of the residents. And in the 1920s, the Lebanese writer Amıˉn Rıˉ h ․aˉnıˉ referred to Unayza as the “Paris of the Najd” (Altorki and Cole 1989, 20–21). The current staunch conservatism only emerged in more recent decades. As is seen elsewhere in the Kingdom and Upper Gulf, laypeople have been the main performers of music, and formal bands did not begin to emerge until the 1970s as regular citizens lessened their involvement in music making. Today in Qas․‒ı m, although many hold music under suspicion, folk bands are publically acceptable (Burke 2011). In Burayda there is a traditional group associated with the Saudi Arabian Society for Culture and Arts (SASCA), and there are five or six other major male bands in the region, along with a few burgeoning ensembles of younger musicians. Women bands are more abundant than those of men because of the demand for music at all female wedding parties. Saˉmri is still a favorite among many females along with fast dancing music. (Unlike Qas․‒ı mi men, women never use the ․tabl (mithlaˉth) for saˉmri, just the ․tˉı raˉn). Unayza Band The most recognized and well established male band in the Qas․‒ı m region is the Firqat Dar Unayzeh li al-Funuˉn al-Sha’biyya, “Dar Unayza Band for Traditional Arts” (Fig. 5.12). As found among the sea bands of the Gulf, the organization is centered around a gathering place, a “daˉr,” which also implies “legion” or “club” and thus has official members and officers. It was founded in 1990 when Sheikh ‘Abdul’azıˉ z Mans․uˉ r Al-Khunayn of Qas․‒ı m, impressed by the efforts of the group, donated the luxurious daˉr, a 3600 sq meter edifice with a stage area, plush red carpet, tiered seating with long cushioned benches, and annexed office space. Originally the band was comprised of a few young men who were passionate about folk arts and regularly performed together. Their numbers gradually increased and in 1972 they became the first Qas․‒ı mi band to formally establish as a public ensemble. Today, there are fifty members who receive financial support and encouragement from the local community and have represented Unayza and the nation in performances around the world. They perform in the daˉr every Thursday, and all males as well as outside guests are welcome.

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FIGURE 5.12 Dar

Unayzeh Band for Traditional Arts performing their famous saˉmri moves with ․tabl (mithlaˉth) held by handles. Each row takes turns engaging in steady, impressive moves

According to Saˉlih ․ Al-Faraj (2012), who is the vice president of the Daˉr Unayzeh and musical leader of the group, the band flourishes in religiously conservative Qas․‒ı m because of the nature of their art: Those who perform traditional music like us do not have a problem. We don’t use the word “music,” but call our offering an “art:” it is sha’abi (folk, ). The people like it. No one gives our musicians a difficult time if they perform. They have their prestige and they are respected by the society. In fact, the firqa (band) has more interest in it now and more work than it did twenty years ago. We are affiliated with the supreme commission and festival office. We have been going to the Janadriya Festival [in Riyadh] every year since it started in the 1980s. We also perform for weddings, government festivities, national day, maybe at fifty events a year!4 The repertoire of the ensemble includes just a handful of genres. Along with providing re-enactments of some work songs at festivals, the Daˉr Unayzeh band is distinguished for saˉmri unayza, ․h awt․i, naˉguˉz, and ‘ard․a. ‘Ard ․a is performed in the pan-Najdi fashion, and naˉguˉz is found elsewhere in the Qas․‒ı m region, but saˉmri unayza and ․h awt․i are unique. According to band members, no ensemble from any other area of the Najd performs these arts quite like the Unayza band; even groups in the neighboring city of Burayda do not have the same style. This singularity along with the great care the band takes to maintain historical authenticity and professionalism makes the Daˉr Unayzeh a distinct ensemble (Recordings on Arabie 1999).

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ˉR UNAYZEH, DECEMBER, 2012 BOX 5.6  PERFORMANCE AT DA Every Thursday the Unayza band holds open public performances in their daˉr. Thursday is the first day of the weekend in KSA, so it is the night that many will attend and stay out late. On this evening there were over a hundred male attendees in the large, red-carpeted, well-lit room. All the guests and performers were wearing white thobes and checkered ghutras (shmaˉgh). Some were obviously “religious men,” brandishing long beards, short thobes, and no ‘iqaˉl. An attendee from “liberal” Jeddah who had long heard the rumors about ultraconservative Qas∙¯m, ı found the happening quite surprising—that such public music making takes place; that so many religious conservatives attend; and that such a lovely venue had been built for a music troupe: “This is in Qas∙¯m?!! ı We don’t even have anything like this is Jeddah!” The band was organized and professional. A man with a clipboard stood near the doorway taking attendance, ticking off the names of members/bandsmen as they entered. The administration was so conscientious that at one point in the evening, the bandleader stopped the performance because a guest had entered wearing his shoes, which is never permitted. The bandsmen appreciate their spotless venue and take great care in maintaining it, along with their serious reputation. At around 9pm the thirty-six performers knelt on the ground, facing each other, eighteen men to a rank, each holding a t∙abl by its stick handle. They started with a h∙awt∙i piece, which rhythmically is similar to saˉmri thaqiˉl found in other places of the Najd and Gulf, although it is quicker. Saˉmri unayza, the band’s signature art, was performed next and the one saˉmri lasted over seventeen minutes. After this, there was a twentyminute break and sweet tea in small-handled glasses was served although many men went outside to smoke. When they returned, the formal atmosphere was replaced with a fun-loving one. Now, a small drumming ensemble formed at the far end of the venue, and the two ranks of men held no drums as individuals danced in the middle area for this naˉgaˉz song. A work song of the region was then performed, although such is normally not found at a regional saˉmer. Beforehand participants pulled their thobes up and tucked them into their under garments so that their pant legs were exposed, or some took off their ghutras and tied them around their waist like belts to hold up their garments. This is because in days past, long thobes were impractical for agricultural labor. A stack of garden hoes was brought into the hall, but these were not proper tools, rather props with light wooden handles and black styrofoam-like material in place of the metal head that would be on a real hoe. The props had been made for previous performances at festivals, like the Janadriya, but it had been some time since the art had been performed by the band, because several had forgotten, thus, there was a brief practice session (Fig. 5.13). Following this work song, which garnered much applause, all the performers went into a back area and put on full ‘ard∙a costumes, with s∙ aˉya, cross belts, khanjar, and swords, and the drummers donned their farmaliyya vests. They entered to ‘ard∙a procession mashiya music, and then formed into two ranks and sang-danced a short ‘ard∙a. (continued)

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(continued)

of the Daˉr Unayzeh re-enact a traditional Qas․‒ı mi farming song with movements. The man with the basket drops the seeds and those with the hoes move as if they are covering them with soil all the while singing

FIGURE 5:13 Men

Unayza Male Arts a. saˉmri unayza ‫§„ي šة‬ b. h․awt․i  ‫ا‬ c. naˉguˉz ‫ا‰ز‬ d. ‘ard․a ‫ا‬ (a) Saˉmri unayza is like no other. It is not like saˉmri thaqıˉl or khafıˉf elsewhere, nor does it exist in any other town in Qas․‒ı m let alone in the Kingdom. It has nothing to do with istinzaˉl or zaˉr and is considered quite respectable. Two lines of facing men, each holding drums with handles that are called ․tabl (the Riyadh name is tathlˉıth)—with the drum hanging downwards, the opposite of the ‘ard․a hold—rock and move their bodies and instruments in the most controlled, supple fashion. Each line engages in intricate moves, one and then the other. They “compete” to be the best. A leader who sits in the middle of each line shouts out instructions enabling the men to transition in unison (Plate 9; Fig. 5.14).

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  87

Al-Faraj, the Vice President of the Daˉr Unayzeh band (center) serves as the lead during saˉmri unayza and is the one who calls out instructions to the participants

FIGURE 5.14 Sa¯lih ․

The Saudi scholar Sowayan who is from Qas․‒ı m writes specifically about the position of the performers according to Unayza saˉmri he witnessed (1985, 141): There is always a large number of people socializing and enjoying the music. Anyone among the audience may get up and dance or may join in the singing; but those who have not yet mastered the beat, or the swaying, side-to-side and up and down movement of the upper part of the body which goes with the beat, must stay at the end of the line. [It takes many months for someone to learn the proper performance technique] . . . the better he gets, the closer he moves to the center of the line, a place reserved for the masters of the art.  . . . The performance is best when all the singers and drummers are masters of the art. According to a current member of the Daˉr Unayzeh, bandsmen are cautious about who can join with the group: If we are performing at a party, we are strict about who can sit with the kneeling lines of men because the moves are complex and an outsider can ruin the beauty of the art. But anyone can dance in the middle. That is okay, so long as they dance nicely. There can be no “girlish” dancing, and they must be dressed decently in a thobe. (Qas․‒ım A 2013)

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EX. 5.5  Sa ˉmri

unayza rhythmic mode

During a performance, the leader’s commands are given at the end of the preceding verse before the new moves ensue. Only one line will engage in the moves, which can include altering ones drumming (adding accents), while the other line sits on their heels and waits (Ex. 5.5). The main segments of a saˉmri unayza performance, which are also the commands provided by the leader, are as follows: 1. shayla (  ) or shıˉl (“ ), “Rise up, elevate the voice” Without instruments or body movement a soloist sings the main metered tune and the men repeat it, first one line then the other. Brief section. 2. il’ab ( ‫“ ) إ‬Play, start the game” The percussion enters, still with no body movement. Men remain seated on the backs of their heels. 3. iqdim (‫“ )إ‰ˆم‬Go present, go ahead” The leader instructs one line of men to begin moving their bodies and drums. The initial move is to tap the drum on the ground. 4. gowwa (‫“ ) ‰ة‬Power!” Men change the movement pattern and begin a new one, initially raising their arms high and smacking their drums in unison. 5. yamıˉn (‘) and yasaˉr (‫“ )€ر‬Right,” and “Left” Men lean far back and continue with a new series of moves, with right and left movements of their drums. 6. khalha (†) “Leave it” This segment of moves includes the men dramatically dropping their drums in front of themselves and sometimes their ‘iqaˉl will fly off of their heads, ephasizing their passion. 7. istarih․ ( ‫“ ) ا§žح‬Relax, at ease” The kneeling dancing is ending. The words sung must be love songs: “Any poem in any meter can be sung to fit its beat . . . songs are short poems, ten to fifteen lines long, and generally deal with erotic themes and physical beauty” (Sowayan 1985, 141). An Unayzeh band member emphasized the “love” element: “The words must be more than love! I miss you, so, so, much, . . . songs like this . . .  If it doesn’t mention love, it is not saˉmri.” (b) H ․ awt․i is another art of Unayza, one in a quick yet tempered triple-feel meter (Ex. 5.6). The two lines of kneeling men sing in alteration and play the ․tabl held with handles but do not engage in any body movement. A few animated solo dancers perform between the ranks. Like saˉmri, the texts pertain to love.

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  89

EX. 5.6  H ․ awt․i

rhythm of the Daˉr Unayzeh

Many people assume that ․hawt․i is named after a town south of Riyadh inhabited by the Bani ‒ Tamıˉm tribe known as H ․ uˉ․t a ( ; Dawkhˉı 1984, 60). However, this area is far from Qas․ı m and according to Al-Faraj (2012) there is no connection (although many of the Bani Tamıˉm tribe live in Qasıˉm). Instead he and others purport that the ․hawt․i genre is named after al-h․awt․a, which is a wall that encircles a village or town. Locals say the art was coined such because, “when bands got tired of performing saˉmri, they would make a circle or two groups would sit in a semi-circle and they would play this music [h․awt․i]. Then later they would go back to performing regular saˉmri.” (c) Naˉguˉz, from the verb yangiz (š ), “to jump or leap,” is a lively, celebratory music performed in many places in the Qas․‒ı m region. Naˉguˉz are love songs and are considered the most carefree, danceable works of traditional ensembles. They are always in demand at parties and at the Janadriya Festival. This art is not the same as naggaˉzi in the Gulf. In naˉguˉz the drums are different than those of saˉmri, ․hawt․i, and ‘ard․a. The linesmen have no instruments but a team who sit at the far end of the group play drums. They use Najdi ․tˉıraˉn, often eight that include two to three of the large mirjaf, which in Unayza might just be called ․taˉr; two of the middle-sized maradd, a small accenting mis․qaˉ’—although a maradd often provides accents—and two ‘ard․a ․tabls that are placed on the shins of a performer seated on the ground with the handles tucked between his feet (Fig. 5.15).

of a naˉguˉz unayza. The ‘ard․a ․tabl is placed across the shins like the khobayti maqfi drum seen in the Hijaz

FIGURE 5.15 Percussionists

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EX. 5.7  Na ˉguˉz

polyrhythmic pattern of Qas․‒ı m

The rhythmic mode is quick and duple (Ex. 5.7). Linesmen sit on their knees. They rock and clap, rise up on their knees and tap the ground in sync with their hands, all the while singing and bouncing. Traditionally, according to elders, the singing men would not necessarily sit but could stand during naˉguˉz (Arabie 1999; Unayza 2005). The solo dancing in the middle of the group resembles Hijazi khobayti: at the beginning of the piece, a man dances with two twirling swords and skips on each foot (Fig. 5.16; see Chapter 10). Also, we see the khobayti connection in the manner in which the ․t abl is played, resting on the shins like a khobayti maqfi or Hijazi ulba—Al-Faraj confirmed that his drummer holds the ․t abl the same as Hijazis. Naˉguˉz is the only art known outside of the Hijaz where a frame drum is placed across their shins. Even when Najdis play “khobayti“ songs they do not do this. Qas․‒ı m is almost as close to Medinah as it is to Riyadh, ca 380 km, although, crossing the Hijaz Mountains makes the Medinah trek more arduous. Historically, Unayza men transported goods to the Hijaz, so there has been long-term cultural interaction (Altorki and Cole 1989, 67). Moreover, the area of “khobt” (desert) after which khobayti is named is east of Medinah Road, in other words, on the inland side facing Qas․‒ı m. So it is quite likely that there is some historical connection between Hijazi khobayti and the naˉguˉz of Unayza. Naˉguˉz, like ․hawt․i and Hijazi khobayti, can be used to induce istinzaˉl, but such is not the case with unayza saˉmri or ‘ard․a. According to an elder musician of Qas․‒ı m: Ninty-nine percent of the time those who are taking part in zaˉr do not have any spirits in them. Their behavior only comes from excitement. They may hallucinate and see things that are actually not there. But a real zaˉr is very seldom. Zaˉr used to be the main musical event for women, but now women like general parties. (Qas․‒ım C 2012) (d)‘Ard ․a in Unayza is like that of Riyadh in regard to costume and performance practice, although there may be minor modification in drumming accents and the Unayza tempo is a little slower (Ex. 5.2; Fig. 5.17). Unayza ‘ard․a bands also perform the walking mashiya ‘ard․a music from long ago (see above).

FIGURE 5.16  Man

with two swords dancing during naˉguˉz in Unayza

FIGURE 5.17  Finale

of an ‘ard․a performed at the Daˉr Unayzeh

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Work Songs Since farming or date gathering has been a part of Qas․‒ı m from its origins, it is home to many related work songs. There were songs for climbing trees to gather dates, and songs for hoeing, planting seeds, and other agricultural and grinding activities (Fig. 5.13). Group songs are sung antiphonally. All tend to pertain to love, and the types most extant are those for fetching water from a well. Women especially went to wells to collect water, and therefore lovers would meet around wells (Fig. 2.1; Burckhardt 1992, 83–85). Water songs would be chanted while a camel pulled the rope or a human collected the water from the well. The text of a prominent well song instructs a male, apparently a nomadic Bedouin, to draw some water for the local girl with the golden hair who is holding the bucket, “but don’t strike the camel. Tomorrow we will be leaving and you will begin anew.”

H ˉ’il ·a H ․ˉa’il (“·  ) is an oasis settlement surrounded by several mountain ranges in northern Saudi Arabia. It rests along the old pilgrimage route from Baghdad to Makkah. Its population primarily belonged to Shammar and Bani Tamıˉ m tribes, and it was the capital of the Al-Rashıˉ d Emirate (ˆ‫ )ا‬who were the rivals of the House of Saud. Although community people still engage in music and dance at private celebrations, officials in H ․ˉa’il are not as supportive of traditional heritage bands as they are in Qas․‒ı m. Most bands, male and female, are dominated by descendants of black slaves and the profession is not well respected, regardless of the fact that almost everyone enjoys these ensembles. There are six or seven male groups who perform traditional music. They are organized, have business cards, elaborate scheduling, and contracts. They never earn less than 8000 riyals a night, and if a band has to drive 200–300 km away from H ․ˉa’il, they can make over 30,000 riyals (8000 US dollars). As in other Najdi regions, there are more female bands than male. Traditional arts in H ․ˉa’il include work songs for those who are building the mud edifices, farming songs, and songs for milling wheat among women. In the past, there were many songs for every element of daily life, from greeting visitors, to making coffee. Now, these are dying or no longer extant, although elders still remember them (Al-Swayda 2012). Bedouin music is still popular and crosses over into ․had․ar and gurawi communities, especially the art of galt․a, performed in H ․ˉa’il by the Rashıˉdi, H ․ arbi, Mut․ayri, ‘Anizzi, and ‘Otaibi tribes. Also enjoyed is the solo art of rebaˉba playing/singing. Although Shammar, a dah ․․ha performing tribe, are prevalent in the region, H ˉ a ’il informants, including Shammri, do not consider dah ․ ․․ha a well-practiced art. As one townsman noted: I am ‘Anizzi, so I know dah ․․ha, but we never do it in H ․ˉa’il. I have friends from Jawf and they do it. And my cousin in Tabuk, he performs dah ․․ha. In H ․ˉa’il our only traditional arts are ‘ard․a and saˉmri for dancing. At parties, we do khobayti with zıˉr [drum] and doˉsari, but no ‘adani [as in Riyadh and Kuwait]. (H ․ˉa’il ‘Anizza 2012) H · aˉ’il ‘ard·a and sa¯mri H ․ˉa’il ‘ard․a is like that found in Riyadh and elsewhere in the Najd, with the same instruments, moves, and dress, although depending on the band, the rhythmic mode might differ (Ex. 5.3).

Chapter 5: H ∙ ad∙ar Arts from the Najd: Songs with Drums  93

FIGURE 5.18  Young

men performing a saˉmri in H ․ˉa’il

As in Qas․‒ı m, H ․ˉa’il saˉmri is in a steady triple-meter pattern. Like Dawaˉsir saˉmri, it features kneeling lines of participants, one of which is outfitted with frame drums of various sizes. During the unaccompanied opening section, the shayla, the singer-poet, presents four verses after which the drums enter with a simple dum tek tek, MM ♩= 160, while the two lines rock forward and back on their heels (Fig. 5.18) and individuals dance in the middle in a limping, “camel” style, somewhat similar to that of the Gulf. Young males of H ․ˉa’il are beginning to change saˉmri and increase its tempo in order to “modernize” it. As an elder who works with the heritage society lamented (H ․ˉa’il Heritage 2012): They alter it and make it faster than it was before. What we are showing you now is the old style, a little slow. The young, they mix H ․ˉa’il saˉmri with doˉsari. We have had this dialogue with the young about the issue so many times. We told them, “Please, keep the saˉmri a little slow,” but they say, “We are young and need it to be faster so that it will be good for dancing, and we want to be like the style you hear all over the world [in popular commercial music]. We need action.” The leader of the youth told me, “I would like to keep it slow like it was, but the others need more excitement or they will want to leave the party.” One can find videos on the Internet of duple-metered naˉguˉz or doˉsari types from H ․ˉa’il that are called saˉmri but according to professional musicians and elders, the only “saˉmri ” that is recognized as being part of H ․ˉa’il traditions is the kind in triple meter. It is possible that those who label the duple-metered arts “saˉmri” are using the term as is found in the Dawaˉsir tradition, which is widespread in the Najd.

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NOTES 1 Apparently, at one time there was a saˉmri art called ar․ di, named after the former appellation for Riyadh (Al-Jarallah 2008). 2 Dıˉkaˉn (1995, I: 34) states that the plural of ․taˉr is ․tˉıraˉn or ․taˉraˉt. Most of my informants use “t․ˉıraˉn,” especially women. But I have also encountered notable male musician who use the plural “t․aˉraˉt” (Jum’a 2012). 3 Dawkhˉı (1984, 60) mentions specific types of ․tarq (melody): “[there are] so many shayla al-t․arq [such as] ‘doˉsari,’ ‘faraˉqi,’ and ‘saˉmer ahil al-waˉdi’ . . . ” 4 The annual Janadriya festival, held near the traditional Saudi settlement of Dir’iyyah (45 km north of Riyadh), is the leading venue for government sanctioned traditional arts. It takes place in the Spring lasting around two weeks.

6 ¯RI) H∙AD∙AR (KHAMMA ARTS IN THE UPPER GULF

Of all the regional arts those of the Upper Gulf ․had․ar are among the most complicated to organize since there is so much borrowing and mingling of elements between groupings. Moreover, in one time period a genre might be associated with one social group or type of performer, and in another era, with a different one. Further confusing the issue is that many terms have more than one meaning, and similar arts might go by different names in different Gulf regions. Regardless, it is especially important to examine these ․had․ar genres since, as is the case with “desert” or Najdi ․had․ar arts, many of the rhythms and styles are both alive and well in their original form as well as in modern commercial khalıˉlji music. In the Gulf non-Bedouin arts fall into four divisions, one of which is Incoming arts (foreignrelated) with the remaining three being regional ․had․ar: a. Land (barriyya, )—largest category with a multitude of genres (see this chapter and Chapter 7) b. Sea (bah․ri, ‫ ;ي‬see Chapter 9) a. work songs b. recreational cycles: fijiri, uns c. City, uˉd, maqaˉm-based (madani, imkabbis,  ،; see Chapter 9 and Appendix) .a ․saut (b. ‘adani) d. Incoming (al-fanuˉn al-waˉfida, ‫ ;ا ن ا اة‬see Chapter 8) a. laywa b. t․anbuˉra c. habbaˉn d. zaˉr Each is determined by the instrumentation. Traditionally land arts (barriyya) are performed with the frame drum; sea arts (bah ․riyya) use sea instruments like idiophones and barrel drums; and city arts are accompanied by the uˉd or have some kind of “art music” character. But again, there is cross over.

96  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Long ago land bands incorporated the barrel drum into their songs, and sea bands, at least while on the land, played the frame drum and they will also perform the urban genre ․saut with an uˉd. H ․ ad ․ar women’s music almost exclusively falls into the purview of land arts. Historically, women did not have jobs on vessels so did not perform male sea shanties and related forms, and they normally did not learn to play the uˉd and sing “city songs” as did women of the Hijaz. Gulf women were on land, regularly drumming on the ․taˉr, so ․taggaˉgaˉt and male land bands (firqat al-barriyya) are seasoned in the performance of various land genres. Had ․ari land genres are referred to literally as “arts” (funuˉn ‫ ;ن‬fann, singular,  ), as is the case with sea music genres. Unlike many Bedouin genres (alwaˉn), funuˉn do not necessarily have a specific accompanying dance, in fact, most do not. Land arts can be subdivided into a few classes. Except for community arts like children’s songs, at a traditional wedding all of these are heard.

Land Arts 1. Fann al-khammaˉri and complementary types (i.e., “naggaˉzi” and qaˉdri) 2. Sha’abi arts (, folk arts with Najdi roots: saˉmri and ‘ard․a) 3. Wedding genres, sometimes derived from Bedouin heritage 4. Community arts (work songs, children’s songs; e.g., gargaˉ’oˉn/girgıˉ’aˉn/garganga’oˉh)

BOX 6.1 GULF LAND INSTRUMENTS: T·¯RA ı ¯N AND T·ABL BAH · RI The t∙aˉr and the sea barrel drum, t∙abl bah∙ri, are the principal instruments for h∙ad∙ar land arts (Fig. 6.3). The main difference between Gulf t∙ˉıraˉn and those of the Najd is that the Gulf drums are all the same size, around 44 cms/17 inches in diameter and attached to the inside of the frame are small metal rings or camel bells known as baraˉshı¯m (‫)ا‬. While male sea bands have had the bells on their drums for some time, women musicians, t∙aggaˉgaˉt, mention that they are a later twentieth-century innovation. One performer recalls in the 1960s making drums on the beach, soaking the skins in the seawater, and sometimes adding a mere two to four bells to the frame. Then over the years the number increased until today the entire inside rim is covered with around twenty bells (Fig. 6.1). Frame drums with baraˉshıˉm have a greater volume and richer timbre. Until recently, Riyadh music shops were stocked with belled-t∙ˉıraˉn made by the renowned Kuwaiti drum maker Saˉlem Al-Mjabıˉl (retired 2008), whose instruments were so admired that commercial Saudi artists like Mohammad ‘Abdu used them. Unlike the Najdi accenting drum (mis∙qaˉ’), which has a tighter skin and thinner frame, the Gulf s∙aguˉl t∙aˉr is the same size as all the others, so it can be a challenge to play, since the performer must apply the proper technique at just the right location along the rim in order to produce the sharper inflections. In the Gulf a t∙abl bah∙ri, “sea drum” (‫ ) ي‬accompanies the t∙ˉıraˉn and might accent as well. The role of the t∙abl bah∙ri in land music depends on the origins of the land genre. If the drum accompanies an art like saˉmri that has roots among Najdi inland h∙ad∙ar (who never used the t∙abl bah∙ri), then the t∙abl bah∙ri merely re-enforces t∙ˉı raˉn parts. But if it is played for a non-Najdi Gulf art, like ‘a¯shu¯ri, then it has more of an independent rhythm integral to the mode.

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  97

The t∙abl bah∙ri is a large barrel drum that weighs around 20 lbs/9 kg, and has two thick heads of cow skin attached to a body of wood, which usually comes from India (Fig. 6.2). If a performer is standing, the t∙abl bah∙ri is held with a shoulder strap and he usually wields a stick in the right hand. If the drummer is seated, or in the earlier days, working on a pearl diving boat, the stick may not be used at all. By striking the stick on the right head, the dum sound is produced, and by hitting the left head with the bare hand, the tek is sounded. The dum can be made to ring higher and color added to the timbre if the performer mutes the opposite left membrane before striking the right. The membrane on the right side is called the “head,” ra¯s and in Kuwait will often include a black spot of tar in the middle (called the “nipple”) that enhances its tone (Fig. 6.3). The drumhead on the left is the shama¯li (literally “north”), which is smaller in diameter and has a thinner skin (it is shaved down with a razor) so as to assist in the production of the higher-pitched tek (Plate 10).

frame drums with bells (baraˉshˉı m) that give the ․taˉr sound an idiophonic color keeping the instruments in league with other sea instruments. Note that in the Gulf all of the frame drums in a group are the same size

FIGURE 6.1 Gulf

In larger performances and for certain genres there might be two t∙abl bah∙ri. In such a case, the drum that produces the main beats is referred to as the t∙abl al-raˉs (head drum) or laˉ’uˉb (‫ )ا 
ب‬and will always provide the basic foundation rhythm. The second t∙abl bah∙ri, called the t∙abl al-khammaˉri or imkhammar ( ‫)ا‬, plays a counter rhythm and creates accents within the mode. The t∙abl al-khammaˉri tends to be physically smaller than the t∙abl al-raˉs, and thus slightly higher-pitched (Dıˉka ˉ n 1995, 38, 297). (continued)

(continued)

FIGURE 6.2 Tabl

․ bah․ri performed by a Saudi musician from the Eastern region. The drumhead to the right of the performer is the “head,” raˉs and that on the left, shamaˉli (literally “north”)

FIGURE 6.3  Putting

the black tar “nipple” on the tabl bah ․ri drumhead in Kuwait

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  99

Fann Al-Khamma¯ri and Complementary Arts The most complex and substantial grouping of Gulf ․had․ar arts is fann al-khammaˉri (‫) ا ري‬. Like triple-metered saˉmri, fann al-khammaˉri songs are considered among the most sophisticated and admired, enjoyed by both men and women alike. As an elder Kuwait ∙taggaˉga recounts (Sana’a 2010), “This music is for high-class people.” The pieces call for talented singers who can properly articulate the lyrics and embellish with taste while maintaining the beauty of the melody. There are several types of fann al-khammaˉri, and these are normally performed alongside a few fast, danceable, complementary genres that might be grouped into a category called “naggaˉzi.” The naggaˉzi songs can include khobayti, doˉsari, dazza, and Iraqi inspired besta and khashaˉba, along with a genre that is actually called naggaˉzi or saˉmri naggaˉzi. Qaˉdri, a religious-based art is also performed with fann al-khammaˉri. Fann al-khammaˉri includes the following genres: 1. khammaˉri ‫ ا ري‬sixteen-beat, quadruple-meter, can be performed with a khammaˉri solo dance. Rhythmic mode used in fann bah․ri (sea arts, ‫ )  ي‬of adsaˉni, ishbaythi, bah․ri, imyailisıˉ,  ­ ،‫ ي‬،€ ،‚
(see Chapter 9) 2. ‘arubi/urabi 
ُ octuple/quadruple or sextuple meter 3. najdi (“naydi”) ‫ ­ي‬aka raddaˉdi ‫ ردادي‬sextuple meter 4. la’buˉni  sextuple meter a. zubayri ‫ زي‬sextuple meter, a subcategory of la’buˉni 5. ‘aˉshuˉri/radh․a †‫ ا د‬،‫
ري‬sextuple meter: “special wedding music” (see Chapter 7) Complementary arts: a. light dance arts: naggaˉzi (‫)ا ‡زي‬, Iraqi types besta (ˆ ‫ ) ا‬and khashaˉba (‰ ‫)ا‬, sometimes desert doˉsari and khobayti b. qaˉdri ‫ا ‡دري‬, part of mawlid; also zaˉr association Local musicians will refer to the entire category of fann al-khammaˉri as just “khammaˉri,” or simply “fann,“or sometimes “la’buˉni”( ). So, in the Gulf, if a musician says, “Play fann” (i.e., “the art”), he/she specifically means that one should play one of the khammaˉri arts listed above. Or a musician might instruct, “Play khammaˉri,” or “Play la’buˉni,” but this is more confusing because khammaˉri and la’buˉni are names for both the general category and specific genres, each with its own rhythmic mode. As with saˉmri, fann al-khammaˉri poems are high quality nabat∙i and pertain to love or flirtation. There is a lead singer that might be an accomplished female ∙taggaˉgaˉ or a strong-voiced male sea chanter, i.e., nahhaˉm. Sea bands regularly perform khammaˉri, and indeed, khammaˉri-affiliated pieces are standard in evening recreational sea cycles. It is the sea bands who are helping to keep these arts afloat in the twenty-first century.

BOX 6.2  WHICH UPPER GULF STATE TRADITIONS ARE ALIKE? If one looks at the four Upper Gulf nations, from one perspective there is a clear connection between Kuwait, Eastern Saudi Arabia, and Qatar in that they have more “Bedouin” than Bahrain and share many of the same tribes. For instance, there are substantial Ajmaˉn in all three areas, and Hajir and Bani Tamıˉm, among the largest tribes of Qatar, are also considerable in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. But if we turn to h ∙ ad∙ar land, city, and sea arts, there is a link between Qatar and Bahrain, with Kuwait having slightly different traditions. Even today, it is common for Bahraini folk bands to perform in Qatar for various celebrations and for Qatari musicians to travel to Bahrain for musical events and weddings. Therefore, in this study the h ∙ ad∙ar land and sea music practices that are labeled as “Bahraini” for the most part are also historically “Qatari,” and to some extent the same or similar to those in eastern Saudi Arabia.

100  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Khammaˉri Individual Genre The term khammaˉri when used to describe a specific art also indicate the female dance that goes with it. “Khammaˉri” is related to the verb khamara (Š), meaning, “to ferment, to cover.” For instance, the term applies to making yogurt, when the milk is covered and placed in a dark, warm enclosure. A woman who is veiled and who may have her entire head hidden under a scarf is khmaˉr (‫)ا ر‬. When women dance the khammaˉri dance, especially in Kuwait and eastern Saudi Arabia, they modestly looked down, cover their heads with a cloak or sheer cloth held away from the face, and bend at the waist and the knees, ever gracefully, rocking the upper body while bent, spinning around, and doing the bow in another direction (Fig. 6.4). The khammaˉri dancer is unhurriedly presenting herself as she surfaces before potential mothers-in-law. Thus, it is believed that the art khammaˉri and the category fann al-khammaˉri get their names from the “fermenting” khammaˉri women’s dance. The individual art khammaˉri, arguably the most important of the category, has a clear, dignified, sixteen-beat ˉı qaˉ’ (or eight plus eight melodic phrasing). There is a general type in Eastern Saudi Arabia and Bahrain that might be referred to as khammaˉri sharqi (eastern), khammaˉri bahraini, khammaˉri sa’uˉdi, or khammaˉri qat·aˉri—each region and/or band has its own minor idiosyncrasies (Ex. 6.1; Ex. 6.3). Qatar khammaˉri has a somewhat unique rhythmic mode. Kerbage refers to it as khammaˉri sıˉfıˉ, meaning khammaˉri of the beach or coast (1980, 56). It is still performed today in Bahrain and Qatar (Ex. 6.2). The khammaˉri of Kuwait differs from these others and is usually only performed by Kuwaitis.1

FIGURE 6.4  Khammaˉri

dancer in the 1970s, Kuwait

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  101

EX. 6.1  Khammaˉri

sharqi rhythm pattern as performed by a mix of Bahrainis and Qataris, ca 2010

EX. 6.2  Khammaˉri

qat·aˉri rhythmic mode as performed by Bahrainis with some Qatari drummers in Bahrain, 2005. Kerbage presents basically the same rhythm as being common in Qatar in the 1980s

EX. 6.3  Khammaˉri

of Dammam, Saudi Arabia, 2010

The Kuwaiti khammaˉri ˉı qaˉ’, melodic style, and texts are regionally specific. At one time Kuwaiti khammaˉri was so important to the local culture it was asserted that every Kuwaiti man and woman knew its rhythmic mode above any other. Historical video of famed Kuwaiti musicians like Ouda Al-Muhanna (‹ ‫ )
دة ا‬in the 1960s are replete with Kuwaiti khammaˉri. Still today, elder musicians and sea bands hold Kuwaiti khammaˉri in the highest esteem (Ex. 6.4). When sea musicians play the khammaˉri ˉı qaˉ’ in their fann bah․ri (“sea arts”) which are usually performed at the beginning of recreational sea cycles, they do not play sea instruments, but only use the ․tˉra ı ˉn and ·tabl bah ․ri, land instruments, just as one would find in other had ․ar land arts. Depending on where one is performing, either the Kuwaiti or the general Eastern khammaˉri rhythm will provide the core beat of the significant sea arts adsaˉni, ishbaythi, bah․ri, and imyailisıˉ.

‘Arubi/Urabi Along with khammaˉri, another important ․had․ari land art is that of ‘arubi/urabi, the term indicating the number four, but the rhythmic mode is actually in an eight-beat or six-beat pattern (Ex. 6.5; for the six-beat rhythm, two beats are removed from the eight-beat pattern). It tends to be quicker and more danceable than other fann. ‘Arubi is found in Bahrain, Qatar, and Eastern Saudi Arabia, but is not part of Kuwaiti culture although most traditional musicians know how to perform it. It is a favorite at night parties of both women and men in the Gulf and will often lead off the evening.

7

Khammaˉri Sharqi (Eastern)

102  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

EX. 6.4  Kuwaiti

khammaˉri standard rhythm

EX. 6.5 ‘Arubi/urabi

eight-beat rhythmic mode. Can be performed as a six-beat cycle by removing penultimate notes (with asterisks)

Najdi/Radda ¯di

8

Naydi/ Najdi: “Habb as-Sa’ad” (“Happiness Is Coming”)

The art najdi/raddaˉdi, which Kuwaitis pronounce “naydi,” is obviously named after the Najd of Saudi Arabia. The rhythmic mode is a stately six-beat pattern that varies slightly between Bahraini and Kuwaiti musicians (Ex. 6.6 and Ex. 6.7). The Kuwaiti art is similar in style and melodic phrasing to saˉmri unayza, although it is not considered a “saˉmri” but a fann. For at least seventy years the procession song for brides in Kuwait has been a najdi song. Najdi pieces also accompany many processing brides in Riyadh today. Thus, this genre is heard constantly among certain communities, especially Kuwaiti nationals. Pieces with the najdi rhythmic mode are also referred to as raddaˉdi (responder) or najdi raddaˉdi specifically when the poem has a long first hemistich sung by a soloist and a short second hemistich sung by a responding choir. In the Gulf there are just a handful of extant raddaˉdi melodies to which a variety of poems can be sung.

Radda¯di/Najdi Song of Kuwait, “Ya Sa’u¯d” Sa’u ˉ d, it has been a month, 25 days I’m frightened for her, from the danger in the gardens I fear she will enjoy the plants, the fine scenery What a lovely figure, as she walks between two She has extraordinary feet, her nose, and eyes She and I meet between the Eids

I still have not seen my beloved South of Hawalli [area in Kuwait] The water and shadow And would come singing And thighs pull me in I treasure her so much

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  103

 Š Œ    † ’  —‫ي و‬ › ‹ ’‫وا‬ › ˆ ‫ردف‬ › š ‫واآ‬  ¢ˆ ‫آد ا‬ › ‫ و‬¤Š

EX. 6.6  Najdi/radda ˉdi

‰
‫ ‚د ت  ا ‰‹Š و‬ “ ‫•  ا ”  ا‬ 
–Š ˜ ‫Š ‰’• š‚‹ وا ™ ا‬ ˆœ   ›‰  •‫› ’ا‬ †‫ ا‬  ‫‹  ‡م وا ‰ وا‬ 
  
  ›‡ ˆ“ •‫و‬ ‰ ‫   ا‬£   ‫ ‚د‬ ›¥ ‫† وان زاد‬£ 
˜‫› و‬¥

rhythm as often performed by Bahrainis

EX. 6.7 A “Naydi”/radda ˉdi

rhythmic mode as performed in Kuwait 2014 B  The earlier version of najdi, no longer performed. It is considered much “lighter”

La’buˉ ni La’buˉni is so important within the khammaˉri grouping that its name is used interchangeably with the name of the entire category fann al-khammaˉri. La’buˉni are named after Mohammad ibn La’buˉ n the poet-composer who mixed both Najdi and Gulf dialects, making his works attractive to both peoples (Box 6.3). Ibn La’buˉ n’s poems are sung to a variety of fann al-khammaˉri and saˉmri music, much of which he is also attributed to as the composer. The works that are la’buˉni proper are considered masterpieces. They are in a six-beat rhythmic mode that includes a muted ka sound (Ex. 6.8). Kerbage indicates that la’buˉni was quite popular in Qatar in the 1980s, being “played by most of the people,” and that la’buˉni seem to have a Kuwaiti origin” (1980, 54–55).2

EX. 6.8 La’buˉni

rhythmic mode found throughout all the Upper Gulf countries. Kerbage (1980) noted it in Qatar decades ago

104  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

ˉN (1790–1831) “PRINCE OF BOX 6.3 MOHAMMAD IBN LA’BU NABAT∙ I POETS” Mohammad ibn La’buˉn was born in Thaˉdiq, a Saudi town between Riyadh and Qas∙ˉm. ı His father was a writer who studied literature and history and made sure his son was literate at an early age, which was unusual in that time and place of oral systems. Ibn La’buˉn soon demonstrated a passion for poetry and could recite many texts while still a boy. In 1807, at the age of seventeen, like many Najdis he relocated with his family to Zubayr in southern Iraq (see below). After some time, due to the political climate, he departed for Kuwait City where he was surprised to find that his poems and songs were well known. Royals, aristocrats, and the general community of Kuwait warmly welcomed him. He remained in Kuwait for several years, after which time he moved to India and then to Bahrain where he was likewise well received. Eventually, Ibn La’buˉn left Bahrain and returned to Kuwait where he died from the plague that had spread throughout the region in 1831.3 He was buried in the Al-Qibla area. Since he had spent such a substantial portion of his life in Kuwait, some consider him a Kuwaiti artist and refer to la’buˉni songs as Kuwaiti (Muh∙ammad, n.d., 66).

9

Zubayri: “Miskıˉn ya Qalb” (“Pity the Heart”)

Zubayri (sextuple meter) is a type of la’buˉni, named after Zubayr, Iraq, the beloved district where Ibn La’buˉ n resided. Zubayri is performed in all the Upper Gulf countries and sea bands today still regularly enjoy the genre. The texts and melodies are mournful, and in earlier times were sung to a slightly slower tempo than other khammaˉri. The soloist, who may ornament the melody, sings the refrain first, and he may end it with the phrase, “ah waˉylah,” i.e., “Woe is me” (‫ )اَە وا ە‬after which the choir replies with its lamenting refrain. Zubayri have some of the most haunting melodies of all fann, and the most frequently performed is that in maqaˉm sıˉkah. The ․taˉr takes the lead in presenting the rhythmic mode while the ․tabl bah․ri serves in a support role as is the case with arts like saˉmri that have “desert” or Najdi affiliations (Ex. 6.9). An example of a well-known mournful zubayri text is: Pity my heart that is sick from love And from its obsession with love It has seen painful hell

‫ا ‹ى‬ ‫ اە‬ª ِ  ’   َ ‫ا‬¢ ‫ ف ا‬ª ‫و  ا  « وا‬ ‫اَە واو‬

Woe is me . . . 

EX. 6.9  Zubayri

rhythm pattern as heard throughout the Upper Gulf, from Kuwait to Qatar

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  105

BOX 6.4  THE DISTRICT OF ZUBAYR (IRAQ) AND GULF MUSIC Two of the fann al-khammaˉri, that is, la’bu¯ni and zubayri, have a clear Najdi connection; however, this does not come directly from central Saudi Arabia but rather through Najdis living in southern Iraq. Historically, peoples were consistently moving, trading, migrating between the Gulf, the Najd, and southern Iraq. Up until the last half of the twentieth century, the Iraqi port city Basra was a sister community to Kuwait (160 km to the south), and still today there are many ties between the two areas in regard to family relations and property ownership (the ruling family of Kuwait historically owned a great deal of Basra land). There is a further association since a major district of Basra, Zubayr, until the 1970s was comprised of a large Sunni population that had emigrated from the Najd.4 In fact, at least before the 1940s, most of Zubayr’s inhabitants were Najdis and like many Kuwaitis whose ancestors likewise came from the Najd, they had a penchant for Najdi arts. According to one early account in 1926 dignitaries visiting Zubayr were welcomed with a performance of Najdi ‘ard∙a (Visser 2005, 126). But even as far back as the 1800s, the Najdi influence was evident. The one individual in recent history who had the greatest impact on Gulf t·aˉrbased land arts, the famed Najdi Mohammad ibn La’bu¯n, lived, composed, and regularly performed in Zubayr before moving to Kuwait. Along with la’bu¯ni and zubayri which are played today in Zubayr, other fann al-khammaˉri arts heard in southern Iraq include the individual genre khammaˉri, performed on the t·aˉr and t∙abl bah∙ri, and fann ‘aˉshuˉri for wedding processions. In addition, an official with a folk band in Basra identified “native Basrawi arts” that use the t·aˉr as including saˉmri, qaˉdri, and ‘ard∙a, all Gulf or Najdi arts (Basrawis 2008). Reciprocally there are indigenous southern Iraqi arts not related to the Najd or t·aˉr that are standard in the Gulf, including Iraqi derivative song-types of besta and khashaˉba (see below). It should be noted that in Zubayr, alongside these various “poetic” h ∙ ad∙ar genres, for centuries has also existed music of the black community. Because of the many plantations, for at least a thousand years a large population of African slaves or their descendants have resided in Zubayr, and musicians of these communities are considered some of the finest in the region. Today, they are still the frontrunners of music making at celebrations and festivities around Basra. Within their own community they perform a variety of “African” genres that likewise exist in the Upper Gulf states, including songs of the za¯r healing/spirit possession ritual, and laywa/haywa (‫)ا ‹ة‬.

ˉ shuˉri ‘A ‘Aˉshuˉri (aka radh․a, fraysa, 

‫ ا‬،†‫ ا د‬،‫)
ري‬, which is well known and enjoyed in all the upper Gulf States, is both the name of a rhythmic mode and a processional music, usually played for a zaffa (wedding procession). Today, ‘aˉshuˉri is also performed when an important dignitary is entering a venue at a national event or an Eid celebration if there is some kind of formal parading, or anytime a traditional band, either female or male, is moving in a procession, even if they are ceremonially walking onto a stage for a performance. Therefore, the general population still hears ‘aˉshuˉri music on a regular basis.

106  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

The origin of ‘aˉshuˉri is not clear. Some assert that it is related to the word ‘aˉshuˉraˉ, a day of mourning with procession or passion plays in the Shiite tradition, which is most prevalent in Bahrain. This position is viable. Among those from Bedouin heritage, ‘a․rda is a common procession music, yet in Bahrain in Shiite villages where they do not have strong Bedouin roots, they never perform ‘arda, and ‘aˉshuˉri serves for parading (Mat․ar 1981, 122). Moreover, we notice that in Kuwait, a predominantly Sunni nation, the genre is often not called ‘aˉshuri but rather radh․a, which may be an intentional way to disassociate the art from a Shiite connection. ‘Aˉshuˉri is always performed while walking or standing. For a procession, a band often forms long forward-facing lines, from five to ten performers across, shoulder to shoulder, and a few ranks deep. In the earlier twentieth century, the procession would be down an alleyway and bodies would fill all the space across. The front row is comprised of ∙taˉr players and the choir falls in place behind. Guiding everyone are two ∙tabl bah․ri drummers who spin around and raise their one hand that wields a drumstick high in the air in a stylized fashion before striking the drumhead. As they lead the others, one ∙tabl provides the main beat and the other ∙tabl embellishes. A male or female soloist sings an opening verse and the group responds, repeating the initial verse, which serves as the refrain sung after each one of the soloists’ lines. The ∙tabl bah․ri parts are requisite (unlike in saˉmri) as their rhythms interlock with the frame drum part. All parts should be performed a bit off the beat, irregularly, so that they do not line up smoothly (Ex. 6.10). A proper ‘aˉshuˉri has an idiosyncratic rhythmic feel.

EX. 6.10 ‘Aˉshuˉri

rhythm pattern. Each part should be performed off the main beat with an irregular

feel

ˉSHU ¯RI RHYTHM, WOMEN, AND WORK SONGS BOX 6.5  ‘A Women musicians, like men, perform the ‘aˉshuˉri rhythm for processions but in the past they also sang work songs to it while crushing grain in large mortars. These songs are referred to as dagg al-h∙abb (ª ‫ )دق ا‬in Bahrain and Qatar or dagg al-harıˉs in Kuwait (‹ ‫)دق ا‬. Dagg al-h∙abb (literally “grinding of grain”) was widespread in agricultural areas of Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. From the time this grinding chore became obsolete, the mortar-pounding songs have been presented as a type of formal performance during the Holy Month of Ramadan. The mortar pounding joins with the ‘aˉshuˉri drumming (Fig. 6.5).

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  107

FIGURE 6.5  Dagg

al-․ habb performance

In the days of pearl diving, to celebrate the sighting of sails on returning boats, women performed songs to the ‘aˉshu ˉri ˉqa ı ˉ’ on the beach, but not exclusiviely, as these beach songs included other fann al-khammaˉri or in Bahrain maraˉdaˉh songs (Mat∙ar 1981, 122).5

Fraysa ( ‘a ˉ shuˉri) ‘Aˉshuˉri music is used for fraysa (“mare”), which is a special dramatic procession with three “actors” that can be performed by both male and female groups. A lone individual, or sometimes two together, will put on a richly ornamented horse costume and rock and move like a mare (Fig. 6.6). The horse represents a young woman on a mount. Since Arabian horses were so precious in the region (and expensive to own), and because the replica of the fraysa animal is richly decorated, it symbolizes a female who is highly prized. A second actor, an Arabian knight who wields a sword (prop), teasingly “battles” with this mare/female as she retreats and charges throughout the parade (the knight might wear full Najdi ‘ard․a dress). A third figure, a comical hunched over “old man” holding a large spindle, tries to keep up with the horse as he attempts to get hair from its tail in order to weave. The three actors/dancers along with a lead singer move or walk before the ‘aˉshuˉri processional lines of drummers and chanters, or the dramatic figures will stand and perform in a courtyard or on a stage with the band around them. Fraysa is lively and exciting and often seen at weddings or during the entrance of a band to a venue. It is enjoyed in 6 all the Upper Gulf states, including the Saudi Al-H ․ asaˉ' region, even in the twenty-first century.

Complementary Arts Complementary arts performed with fann al-khammaˉri include a genre known as naggaˉzi (similar to saˉmri imthoˉlith), and often songs with the ever-present doˉsari or khobayti rhythms from Saudi Arabia. Sometimes, all of these fast, danceable arts are generically referred to as naggaˉzi, “jumping” music.

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FIGURE 6.6  Fraysa

performed in Bahrain in the 1960s

Iraqi Influence Gulf besta (ˆ) gets its name from Iraqi “pesta,” which in Iraq designates light strophic refrain songs that are performed to conclude the end of the multi-sectioned suite known as “Iraqi Maqam” (Kojaman 2001; Simms 2003). Gulf besta is more limited. It is performed with one or perhaps two rhythmic modes. Both pesta and besta are sung antiphonally, usually with audience participation. In the Gulf, besta can be performed like other fann, with just ∙taˉr and ∙tabl bah․ri, or it can be presented like an urban music, with an uˉd and percussion ensemble accompanying the main singer.7 Since besta are quite popular and considered enjoyable, bright dance music for both men and women, modern khalıˉji artists have adopted the genre. Besta is well known throughout the Upper Gulf but Bahrainis are especially lauded for their besta, which tends to be performed with the ․tˉıraˉn and Bahrainis may sing many during a general samra (Ex. 6.11). Another art from southern Iraq that has flowed into the Gulf states, especially Kuwait, is khashaˉba (‰ ‫)ا‬, a song category named after its primary drum, the “khashaˉba” (Basrawis 2008; Fig. 6.7). This smaller-sized clay goblet membranophone is played by snapping the fingers of

EX. 6.11  Gulf

besta rhythm pattern of Bahrain

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  109

the left hand against the head and tapping with the right hand. A khashaˉba ensemble led by a lone singer who plays the uˉd, includes a few khashaˉba drums, a duff with jingles (tambourine), interlocking clappers, and most importantly a kaˉsuˉr/kaˉsuˉra (‫)ا ‚رة‬, which is a long narrow hour-glass drum made of clay or wood with a drumhead roughly the same diameter as a compact disc (Fig. 6.8, Fig. 6.9). This single drum provides accents and embellishments. Before playing it, the performer pushes in the head with his/her palm in an attempt to make it flabby and loose—note that with other drums, the performers are regularly trying to tighten the heads, through heat or tugging on the drum’s bindings. The resulting sound is unusual, similar to the playing of an amplified cardboard box. Throughout the khashaˉba song, the kaˉsuˉr drummer will strike rapid-fire sixteenth or thirty-second notes, so that the drum sounds like a machine gun, which characterizes khashaˉba songs. One can find the kaˉsuˉr drum throughout the Gulf, and it is sold in music stores as far south as Qatar and also in music shops in Riyadh and Jeddah as well. According to the chairman of the Musicians Union of Basra, Tariq Al-Shibli: Nobody knows the history of this art form [khashaˉba], but it is certain that its origin is from ancient Basra . . .  there used to be 50 khashaˉba groups [comprised of both men and women], one for each neighborhood . . .  [there are] three rhythms in the khashaˉba art of Basra, the al-zubayri rhythm, which is close to the Kuwaiti rhythm, the southern rhythm, which is specific to Abu Al-Khasib, and the al-munkar, which is specific to the northern part of Basra and uses the legs and snapping of the fingers as parts of the rhythm, which is completed by use of the khashaˉba drum . . .  (Basrawis 2008)

Kuwaiti group performing the art of khashaˉba. Notice the finger-snap technique of the khashaˉba drummer

FIGURE 6.7 A

10

Besta Bahraini

FIGURE 6.8 Kaˉsuˉr

FIGURE 6.9 Kaˉsuˉr

drum in the Gulf, which is longer and thinner than a traditional khashaˉba drum

drummer in Kuwait. Flat fingers strike the drumhead to produce rapid-fire “machine gun” embellishments. The drummer on the left plays the khashaˉba

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  111

khashaˉba rhythms as performed in Kuwait. The main mode is heard in the khashaˉba part. Some performers play with the two low “dums” placed in the second half of the mode (A). Others invert the bars and begin with the two low “dums” (B)

EX. 6.12 Gulf

In Kuwait, late in the night musicians in a sea band might perform khashaˉba pieces, especially if performers from southern Iraq are at hand. These works are heard after traditional sea songs or the genre of Gulf ․saut have already been sung. In Kuwait, the performers tend to play only one basic khashaˉba rhythmic mode (Ex. 6.12).8 When a song with the khashaˉba ˉı qaˉ’ is performed in Kuwaiti, a few men might stand and dance in an Iraqi fashion, with arms extended and heels kicking up high behind the body, almost touching the back of one’s thighs, and shoulder shakes (Fig. 6.10). Qa¯dri Qaˉdri (‫ )ا ‡دري‬songs are performed throughout the Gulf alongside fann al-khammaˉri at women’s wedding parties but they are also the main music of many zaˉr “exorcism” rituals. Qaˉdri are historically part of mawlid ( ), which is the observation of the birth of the Prophet Mohammad. The art is named after Abd al-Qaˉdir Al-Jıˉlaˉni, born in Persia in the Middle Ages, who was the founding saint of the Sufi Qaˉdiri order. Qaˉdri are characterized by their slightly slower tempo and religious texts of prayers and pleas for support from God. The two main qaˉdri rhythms are rifaˉ’i in 8/4 (
 ‫ )ا‬and bah․ri in 6/8 (‫)ا ي‬. Rifaˉ’i ˉıqaˉ’ is a staple in the jalwa wedding ritual (Audio 12). In zaˉr, songs called “qaˉdri” have several rhythms, for instance “there is a heavy one that is like khammaˉri and another like dazza, and one like khobayti. The qaˉdri you hear in zaˉr is not like wedding qaˉdri” (Kuwait D 2014). In general the qaˉdri category is well known in the Najd and Upper Gulf, especially in Qatar where qaˉdri is still quite popular today (Ex. 6.13, Ex. 6.14, Ex. 6.15).

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FIGURE 6.10  “Dancing”

EX. 6.13  Traditional

in Iraqi style to khashaˉba music in Kuwait

qaˉdri rifaˉ’i rhythmic mode in 8/4 time, as found in Bahraini jalwa

EX. 6.14  Twenty-first-century

qaˉdri rifaˉ’i rhythm pattern in 8/4 time, found in Kuwait

Duple sa ˉ mri: sa ˉ mri nagga ˉ zi (nagga ˉ zi), sa ˉ mri imthoˉlith Also heard with khammaˉ ri arts are the duple-metered “saˉ mris,” i.e., saˉ mri gurawi (see Chapter 2) and saˉ mri naggaˉ zi/imthoˉ lith. Like triple-meter saˉ mris, duple saˉ mris have singable melodies that permit clear texts presentation, are performed between a soloist and

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  113

EX. 6.15  Qa ˉdri

bah․ri rhythm pattern in 6/8

choir, and contain impassioned lyrics: indeed, the exact same text can be sung for both duple and triple saˉ mri. Often, a saˉ mri naggaˉ zi/imthoˉ lith will start out slowly and stately with a triple meter saˉ mri beat, but then subdivide into a fast, danceable, duple rhythm (Ex. 6.16). While enjoying such pieces male audience members often insert intermittent rapid clapping (sharbuka). It is of note that the terms imthoˉlith, naggaˉzi, saˉmri imthoˉlith, and saˉmri naggaˉzi are frequently used interchangeably in Kuwait, eastern Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain. The designator “naggaˉzi” literally means “jumping,” which is understandable since those who dance to these types of songs are highly animated. According to some musicians, names might indicate slight changes in the rhythm, and it is the ∙tabl bah․ri part that distinguishes an imthoˉlith from a naggaˉzi proper. For an imthoˉlith (the term implies “three”) intermittently the sticked hand will strike the head strongly with three consecutive half notes within the two-bar naggaˉzi pattern. Others suggest that imthoˉlith and naggaˉzi have identical ∙tabl bah․ri parts or that an imthoˉlith rhythm is actually the same as that of a saˉmri gurawi (Al-Shaˉmi 2008; Al-Roumi 2013). In any event although the general saˉmri naggaˉzi rhythm sounds somewhat like Egyptian mas․muˉdi s․aghıˉr, it has been long established in the Upper Gulf and is also well known in traditional southern Iraqi music (Agany 2009). A specific dance that may accompany naggaˉzi proper rhythm is called saˉmri imthoˉlith (triangle saˉmri) but this dance can also be performed to a variety of song genres, therefore one must be careful when using the term saˉmri imthoˉlith, as it could indicate a naggaˉzi rhythm, a dance step, or both. The dancer starts at one point with feet together, then steps forward to the left and comes back to the original spot, then forward to the right and then steps over to the left and closes out the triangle, at which time she will squat down and jump up a little to end the move. She will then dance-shuffle to another point of the dance floor and make the triangle again, and so on and so forth. A well-known naggaˉzi proper song of the Gulf, often played with Iraqi khashaˉba and kaˉsuˉr drums, is “Yaˉ naˉs daloˉni” ( ‫)س د‬. It was made popular by the Kuwaiti singer Aisha Al-Murt․a in the 1960s. The Moroccan-born khalıˉji singer Mona Amersha and the Kuwaiti pop band Miami introduced this song to the commercial market in the early twenty-first century.

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11

Naggaˉzi: “Yaˉ Naˉs Daluˉni” (“Oh, People Lead Me to the Good Path”)

Ya naˉs daloˉ ni O people, lead me to the good path show me a better way from all the hardships [of love] . . . 

EX. 6.16  Nagga ˉzi

 ‫س د‬ •‫درب ا « و‬ ›’    ‫ها‬°‫  ا‬

rhythm pattern

Saˉmri of the Gulf A young Kuwaiti ․had․ar woman recounted attending a Bedouin wedding in 2011. The mother of the bride greeted her with curiosity, drolly smiled, and knowing that saˉmri music would normally not be played at this kind of qabıˉli event, turned to the bandleader and said, “Make sure you play a saˉmri for this ․had ․ar [emphasized] girl.” Regardless of the fact that saˉmri may have originated in the Najd and may even have Bedouin roots, in the Gulf saˉmri is considered ․had․ar. Just as baddaˉwi more than any other dance art represents Bedouin women, saˉmri music and dance typifies ․had․ar females. Bedouin women’s dance calls for galloping and great space as is found outdoors in the desert. H ․ ad ․ar women move in a more controlled fashion, as one would with limited room indoors. In saˉmri they are to rock using small steps, like a pigeon or a bird.9 The predominant saˉmri in the Gulf is the triple-meter style with texts from the branch of saˉmri that Sowayan discusses as coming from literary poets like Ibn La’buˉ n (Sowayan 1985, 174–175). It is found in Riyadh and down the coast through Qatar. Men perform it while kneeling in two facing lines, one of which wields ․tˉıraˉn. The quick, duple doˉsari type of saˉmri exists in the Gulf and is played for free dancing at parties, especially in its khalıˉji pop music form, but it is not part of the Gulf tradition. The triple-beat saˉmri, depending on the song itself (melody and texts), can be referred to by various identifiers—“saˉmri ․hawti,” “saˉmri krisaˉni,” “saˉmri qat․ari”—but they all have the same basic ˉı qaˉ’ (Ex. 6.17; krisaˉni and qat․ari are well known in Bahrain and Qatar). This rhythm is similar to that of the saˉmri heard in H ․ˉa’il, which in turn, is a little like the ․hawt․i of Qas․‒ı m, so it is of interest that the term, “saˉmri ․hawti,” known in Kuwait, Bahrain, and eastern Saudi Arabia, combines the names of these two Najdi genres. There could be a direct connection. Between 1873 and 1902 during the height of Rashıˉd power, H ․ˉa’il was the capital of a large area that

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  115

saˉmri rhythm (t․iraˉn part), which has the same core character as that of Riyadh. Also known as saˉmri ․hawti, saˉmri krisaˉni, and saˉmri qat․ari, although the Qatari version often has its frame drum pattern shared between two drums interlockingly

EX. 6.17 Gulf

covered most of central Arabia, including parts of Kuwait. And historically, the Unayza cameleers of Qas․‒ı m regularly operated between Unayza and the eastern ports of Jubayl and Kuwait. So there was regular cultural interaction and migration between the Najd locations and the Gulf (Altorki and Cole 1989, 67; Maisel 2009, 187). All types of Gulf saˉmri are performed by voices, ․tˉıraˉn, and a ․tabl bah․ri. The ․tabl bah․ri, which is played vertically and struck with a lone stick, does not have an independent part but rather supports the ․tˉıraˉn (Fig. 6.11).

FIGURE 6.11 Tabl

․ra Kuwait in a saˉmri song. It is positioned ․ bah․ri being performed in the town of Jah vertically and only one head is played, with a stick

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Gulf Saˉmri Dance While the art of saˉmri dance and song is dying in Riyadh, in Kuwait, woman’s saˉmri is still performed at major weddings of ․had ․ar nationals. Throughout a wedding celebration one to five songs/dances may be saˉmri, which is notable, since it is such an old genre, being the art of grandmothers and greatgrandmothers who danced it as youth. Indeed, saˉmri is a favorite of more mature, dignified women. Traditionally, a Gulf saˉmri dancer might wear an abaˉyat raˉs, a cloak that is placed over the head so that the female silhouette appears like a triangle. For at least the past several decades it has been important for the dancer to wear over her dress a sheer thobe (robe), usually black with large sleeves, one of which will be pulled over the head (Box 5.4). To distinguish it from the darraˉ’a thobe (Fig. 3.2, Fig. 6.14), which is of a thicker fabric and worn today at some parties to celebrate heritage, the dancing thobe is called the thobe al-tuˉr (‫) œب ا ˆر‬, “tuˉr” being a derivative of the French word, “tulle,” i.e., the sheer netting from which wedding veils are made (Plate 2). The dancer will hold the covering away from her face with her hand placed near the nose area, as she looks down and rocks to the music. This garment is also often worn for dancing women’s khammaˉri (Fig. 6.12).10 The feet slowly shuffle to an irregular beat in alteration. Also, one will pause and bend deeply at the knees, at the same time, continue partially covering one’s face, eyes downcast, and slowing moving the head down and to the right and down and to the left. The movement is

saˉmri dancer in Kuwait holding the thobe al-tuˉr away from her face in the traditional style. Even if one dances without the thobe al-tuˉr, she will still keep her hand up, usually near her nose. Some say this placement is for modesty and others say it assists with the experience of ․tarab (musical rapture) and helps the performer maintain introspection. Saˉmri dancers, who keep their eyes downcast, are known to become engrossed in the music

FIGURE 6.12 A

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  117

one of general respect to the observers, like a bow or curtsy in the western world. Although the dance is similar to women’s khammaˉri, there are differences in the “dip” and hand movements.

BOX 6.6  COMBINING THE VARIOUS GULF ARTS IN PRACTICE At any one event today, there is a mix of h∙ad∙ar genres. For instance, at a 2008 male samra, Bahraini and Saudi musicians were visiting the dıˉwa ˉniya of a Kuwaiti sea band and men from all three nations joined together in song. Beginning around 9pm, they performed an opening procession into the courtyard with ‘a ˉshu ˉ ri and‘ard∙a. Then the men sat with frame drums and t∙abl bah∙ri and performed adsa ˉni, zubayri, saˉmri, nagga ˉzi, besta, bahraini khamma ˉri, besta, saˉmri, nagga ˉzi, and qa ˉdri—followed by a few other arts. Throughout there was much dance and revelry. At a friendly weekend daˉr gathering in Bahrain in 2010, the men, again on traditional instruments, played: besta, besta, saˉmri, ‘arubi, najdi, etc. At a 2005 male Bahraini wedding party where Qatari musicians joined in, hundreds of audience members, including countless Saudi guests, sang and danced to: ‘arubi, najdi, saˉmri, nagga ˉzi, saˉmri krisaˉni, qatari khammaˉri, la’bu ˉni, besta, besta, and late in the evening, rowdy doˉ sari pieces were performed especially to please the Saudis. A 2011 royal woman’s wedding party in Kuwait featured a traditional male ∙ta ˉr land band, with added contemporary instruments like the org and drum kit, performing a mix of commercial khalıˉji styles and traditional ones: radh∙a (‘a ˉshu ˉri procession) saˉmri, nagga ˉzi, khalıˉji rumba, doˉ sari, besta, and qa ˉdri. Afterwards the traditional band took a break while various popular khalıˉji pieces were sung by the guest artist, the great Mohammed ‘Abdu. Thus, traditional h∙ad∙ar music is alive and well, although some genres are more prevalent than others (Fig. 6.13).

FIGURE 6.13 Sulˉı ma ˉn

Al-Qas․a¯r, a leading singer of traditional Kuwait ․had ․ar music, especially that at women’s wedding celebrations

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in the Gulf dressed for gargaˉ’ˉon wearing the bukhnaq headscarf and darraˉ’a outer garment, both of which are ornamented with gold thread

FIGURE 6.14 Girl

ˉ’O ˉN/GIRGI ˉ’A ˉN/GARGANGA’O ˉH BOX 6.7  G  ARGA (‫ ’’‡ە‬،‫ ’’ن‬،‫)’’
ن‬ During the festival of Garga ˉ’oˉ n (Bahrain), Girgıˉ’aˉn (Kuwait), or Garganga’oˉ h (Qatar) on the fourteenth to fifteenth nights of Ramadan, children dress in traditional costumes and go from door to door in their neighborhoods asking for nuts and sweets to fill their baskets or bags. The custom compares somewhat to the tradition of Halloween in the western world. The trek begins just after the Ramadan Iftar meal, the breaking of the fast. Girls usually wear the bukhnaq (gold-framed headscarf) and darra ˉ’a thobe (Fig. 6.14), and the boys replicate men’s dress and wear a dishda ˉsha with a vest and qahfiyya (white head cap). With the zealous input of one’s family, many make or decorate bags (chıˉsa, ±) that dangle from a strap around the child’s neck or shoulder. The Garga ˉ’oˉ n songs accompanied by rhythmic clapping are joyous and all look forward to the children when they approach the doorways (Ex. 6.18). Practices differ somewhat between the Gulf countries.

Chapter 6: H·ad·ar (Khamma¯ri) Arts in the Upper Gulf  119

and female girgıˉ’aˉn songs as sung in Kuwaiti schools and neighborhoods. If children are mixed male and female, then both sing the female part

EX. 6.18 Male

NOTES  1 Khammaˉri in Qatar can be seen in Kaisha (1990, Vol. 16–17). The rhythm is the same as that of Bahraini khammaˉri. For Bahraini khammaˉri see Jargy and Caussade-Jargy (1994,Vol. 4) which features a 1975 khammaˉri recording by the esteemed singer Aisha bint Idrıˉs.  2 ‘Arubi are sometimes referred to as Bahraini la’buˉni—i.e., Bahraini khammaˉri/fann. But quadruple metered arubi are not la’buˉni proper.   3 According to folklore, one of Ibn La’buˉ n’s poems offended some important figures in Bahrain, compelling him to leave.   4 Basra is predominantly Shia, and Zubayr, with its Najdis, was Sunni. For religious–political reasons, since the 1970s many Najdi Zubayris have relocated to Kuwait or moved to Saudi Arabia, especially to Al-H ․ asaˉ (Visser 2006).   5 Jargy and Caussade-Jargy (1994, IV: 19) provides a 1978 Bahraini dagg al-h․abb to an‘aˉshuˉri ˉı qaˉ’. The rhythmic mode of the daqq al-h․abb in Qatar on the JVC video is not an‘aˉshuˉri (Kaisha 1990).

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  6 Olsen (2002, 74) does not mention fraysa as part of wedding processions and states, “It is thought that Fraıˉsah originated in Mombasa.” This sentiment is not shared (Mat․ar 1981, 59). That being said, there may be a link between Africa and women’s dagg work songs, which often include ‘aˉshuˉri rhythms.The Kuwaiti music professor Faiza Al-Embarak (2005) has stated that she heard Kuwaiti dagg al-harıˉs sung by Africans in east Africa.   7 u ˉd besta recording in Olsen (2002).   8 In Basra khashaˉba rhythms can be used for pesta (“Khashaˉba” 2013).   9 Kerbage (1980, 21) writes of saˉmri as a “Bedouin” art, but uses the term “beduin” generically to indicate non-sea genres rather than standard tribal arts. 10 The Qatar “badawwi” in Kaisha (1990) is actually a saˉmri with a triple-beat rhythm.

7 GULF WEDDING PRACTICES AND SONGS

FIGURE 7.1 Tiered

seating facing the dance floor in an expensive tent built for a wedding in Kuwait. The kˉosha is to the right of the photograph

122  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Historically, the main wedding party in the Gulf (‘urs) was one of a series of marriage events, each with music, that were spread over a number of days. There was a milka/milcha party (for the marriage contract signing), the dazza (dowry presentation), henna nights (bridal preparation), and then the main ‘urs celebration with procession. On the night of the primary party the bride would be at her parent’s home with the women taking part in a jalwa/yalwa (‫ ە‬،‫) اة‬, a blessing ritual with songs. The groom and his male friends and family would parade to her with drums and singing. The procession is known as zaffa and the accompanying music for a groom’s zaffa is usually an ‘ard․a, razıˉf, or ‘aˉshuˉri. When he arrives the music changes to the fast paced genre dazza (“dazza” has two meanings— “dowry” and a wedding music genre). Following the jalwa, to the sound of the bride’s zaffa song she would be taken to a private bridal chamber where the groom was waiting. After she entered the room, the music would change to a fast dazza. So dazza is basically a coda, a tail, to zaffa songs whether they be for the bride or groom.1 The guests then celebrated to more music and sometimes the women took part in a late-night dance art known as maraˉdaˉh/radh․a, or in villages, women’s fraysni/fraysa (see Sanad 2002). Marriage practices have changed greatly since the mid-twentieth century, but distinct songs that would have been performed for all of these wedding markers (henna night, jalwa, zaffa, radh․a, etc.) are still performed today in one way or other.

Milcha/Milka Party (\) In the Upper Gulf States most marriages are arranged among nationals and the official union is made when the groom, his father, and the bride’s father and two other witnesses gather with a religious representative at the groom’s house and complete the legal/religious paperwork. The signing of the marriage contract is known as the milka (“milcha” in Gulf dialect) and a party paid for by the groom follows. Music and dancing takes place, and closer family members, male and female, might mingle. Milcha/milka parties, which are basically like receptions, vary greatly among families. Men in a separate area might perform an‘ard․a, razıˉf, or dah ․․ha, depending on their lineage. And the general party where the women dominate might include a variety of songs. Some people will play recorded music on their stereo systems (“iPods”), some hire a DJ, and some will retain a traditional ․taggagaˉt drumming band. Very wealthy families may build an elaborate “tent” or rent a wedding hall and retain great stars like Ahlam or Mohammad ‘Abdu to to sing. In such a case, the event is very much like an ‘urs, a wedding party, itself. In recent decades in Kuwait and Bahrain it has become trendy among young women to hold a jalwa/yalwa “blessing” ritual as part of the milcha/milka (see below). Since women are required to clap, sing, and dance around the seated bride in a traditional jalwa, it is preferred by many to do so during the more private milcha/milka rather than at the more public main wedding party. Today, some families will also re-enact the “henna night” during the milcha/milka celebration and all females will apply henna and sing certain songs. The main wedding celebration, where hundreds of guests are invited might be held just days after the milcha/milka or perhaps as far away as a year, or there may be no formal wedding party at all. Parties are very expensive and some would rather have no celebration than be shamed by having a modest one (Fig. 7.1).

Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs  123

BOX 7.1  MILCHA IN KUWAIT, 2013 The bride’s uncle’s house where the celebration was held was noticeable from the street because of the long sheets of white electric lights that hung from the roof down the facade, as is common when there is a subtantial house party. Guests entered into a room that was crowded with over eighty women who had all removed their abayas to reveal their high-heeled shoes, ornate gowns, and elaborate hairstyles. Many had begun preparing themselves at 3pm for the 7:30pm event. A reception line comprised of females from the bride and groom’s families greeted guests. The warm atmosphere was filled with the sound of soft Arab uˉd music, provided by a DJ. The women stood or sat on sofas and talked, while elsewhere in the house dı¯waˉniya about seventy men were awaiting the signing of the milcha. At 8pm a young male cousin of the bride shouted into the women’s reception room, “Mabruˉk, tammat al-milcha!“ (“Congratulations, the marriage contract is signed!”). Suddenly, all the women started to say “Mabruˉk [Congratulations]” and perform ululation (yibaˉb in Kuwait ‫)ب‬. The DJ turned up the volume and now played traditional baddaˉwi and ∙tanbuˉra songs along with some fanuˉn as∙ˉı l, i.e., “classical” Kuwaiti pieces (saˉmri and fann al-khammaˉri), and the females danced. The men, who heard this revelry, then took the groom to collect his bride who was waiting at another home. This act, the groom going to get his new wife, is known by the traditional term zaffat al-m’ayrıˉs, the groom’s procession (zaffa). Sometime after 9pm it was announced that the men would enter the female reception, so all the women put on their abayas. Holding hands, the groom and bride (who will usually not wear white at a milcha, but save that color for her wedding party) made their entrance to a naydi song, “Habb as-sa’ad,” which in Kuwait is usually reserved for the actual wedding party bridal procession. Walking slowly, so that everyone could see them and photographs could be taken by professionals, they made their way to a seat on a small koˉsha where they exchanged wedding rings. The large group of men who had entered before them stayed about thirty minutes, and then left, except the groom. A while later, he and his bride departed to an adjoining room where they ate alone from the buffet that was set up for the guests. It is customary for them to eat first and then depart together. In the meanwhile, the women in the reception area had removed their abayas and resumed dancing. They did so until around midnight when all ate, then departed.

Milcha of a “Modern” Family At an April 2013 milcha of a less “traditional” Kuwaiti family (of Najdi roots), the women did not wear headscarves or abayas and all females sported short dresses, including the bride. She and the groom (who as is customary wore a dishdıˉsha), entered the women’s party holding hands to a traditional naydi song, but not “Habb as-sa’ad.” An elder referred to their entrance the dakla al-m’ayrıˉs, “entrance of the groom.” The mixed gender attendees, with the uncovered women, stood around talking and mingling, and then the men left and the women danced, ate, and went home.

124  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Jalwa/Yalwa Bridal Blessing Traditionally, before the bride is united with the groom, women perform jalwa (pronounced “yalwa” in Kuwait), a ceremony that places the bride under God’s protection. In Bahrain, sometimes the groom took part in the jalwa and was blessed alongside his new wife.2 The word jalwa means “cleansing and cleaning,” in this case it is not just a physical cleaning—the feet of the bride and groom, if present, are placed in rose water and washed—but a spiritual one to prepare the young woman or couple for a new life. T ․ aggagaˉt sing and play the ․tˉıraˉn and ․t abl bah․ri. Throughout the jalwa and the subsequent zaffa/dazza, participants cry out a cheer to the Prophet, which is heard at weddings throughout the Peninsula today. It is believed to ward off envy and the evil eye: “alf as․․salaˉh wassalaˉm alayk yaˉ ․habıˉb allah moh․ammad” (A thousand prayers, and peace be upon you, Oh God’s most beloved one, Mohammad,      ‫أ اة و ام‬ 
 ‫)ا‬.3 This is especially shouted during dazza. In the jalwa, the bride sits on a carpet or mat, or since the twentieth century, in a chair. Her gown may be red or after the 1950s she might wear green (or for Riyadh jalwa, many recall wearing blue). Historically, she is adorned with gold jewelry, especially on her arms, and on her head she wears a small gold beanie, called a haˉma, with chain extensions (Fig. 4.3). In the past most females could not afford such expensive accouterments so they borrowed these and other requisite items from an aristocratic “lady” or Gulf royal woman who would serve as patrons to those with lesser means. She enters with a large ornamented green cloth, a khidrah (‫)ره‬, draped over her head and shoulders. The first part of the jalwa ceremony called sardi begins. Four females stand around the bride, remove the green cloth from her and hold it over her head, each grasping a corner, like a makeshift roof, which is symbolic of the bride’s new home. The cloth is gently moved up and down as a religious woman, a mut․awwa’ah/mullaya (female mulla), chants some prayers and verses from the Qu’raˉn pertaining to protection and blessings (Plate 11). Then, she and attendees or non-drumming ․t aggagaˉt sing a capella in a calm, rhythmic, call and response fashion. The melodic voices ask God to bring happiness to the girl and/ or her groom. In Bahrain, a song with a refrain of the African phrase “Wa-trıˉmbo” was and sometimes still is sung for jalwa. And my stars And when you, our bride, enter the house, [Wa-trıˉmbo . . . ] say in the name of God [Wa-trıˉmbo . . . ] (Olsen 2002, 183)4 In Kuwait Wa-trıˉmbo is not sung, but a common text for this sardi non-drumming section is, “Bless and pray for the Prophet.” Both hemistiches of each line are sung first by the soloist and then by the responders in a clear, slow manner, so a performance of this chanted song, with its sustained phrase-ending notes, can take quite some time to complete: Bless and pray for the Adnaˉni [Prophet] The pure and merciful For the best of nights to be spent For the sake of Ahmed, the master of universes Cherish Amna on the chair of satisfaction So everyone can see her, especially her parents . . .  God preferred her over the other women . . . 

Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs  125

Next, during the second part of the jalwa ceremony in both Bahrain and Kuwait, the ․tˉı raˉn enter and, again in call and response, all sing, this time, the song “Amıˉna fıˉ amaˉnıˉha,” which is the main jalwa song in the Gulf and so significant that many simply refer this song as the “jalwa” song. The tempo is slow and dignified and the text describes the virtues of the bride and implores God to keep her happy and safe. Each Gulf region will sing the lyrics to a different melody, but the basic rhythmic mode is usually the qaˉdri rifaˉ’i rhythm in 8/4 (Ex. 6.13; Ex. 6.14). A mut․awwa’ah, like that at a jalwa, are traditionally the primary singers of qaˉdri in general. “Amıˉna fıˉ amaˉnıˉha” excerpt With Faithful wishes Haily yallah She appeared and was truly polished Haily yallah

And pleasant notions I ask God to make her happy   ‫أ € ­ أ‬   ‚ ­   ƒ „ ‫…„ وا‬  € ‫‡†„ ا‬

In Kuwait the third part of the jalwa ritual is the singing of a song called “ya ali” and this is performed to the la’buˉni ˉı qaˉ’. The music becomes faster, and women continue clapping to the song and walk in a circle around the bride. Soon thereafter, the band will begin to play a dazza to move the bride into the chamber, or they might perform a slower zaffa song first, and then the main dazza.5 In Bahrain, during the third part of the jalwa the bride’s feet are washed. In a Shiite jalwa, there are no instruments, just audience clapping. A sung prayer may start the ritual (asaˉha mubaraka al-jalwa, “May it be a blessed cleansing”). While the mullaya is reading the prayers, a plate is placed over the girl’s head and her sister or family member will repeatedly grind sugar cane onto it. The bride may have cardamom and cloves (mismar) between her fingers and hold a few eggs in her lap. The next day, the eggs and sugar, representing abundance and sweetness, will be made into a desert. In the second section, the audience claps faster and a song called “yaˉ ․h usnahaˉ” is sung in which there are more prayers for success, praises for the Prophet, pleas for the help of God (Minatdyaˉt 2004). A piece of gold or a small pebble are placed in the bride’s mouth and an imam asks her three times if she will accept the groom as her husband. She will not be able to respond audibly because of the obstruction but all will hear the object drop from her mouth onto a mirror that she holds in front of herself, and this sound indicates her acceptance. In past decades some put henna on the groom, applied by the most prestigious imam available, who would keep the mouth gold as a thanks for his blessings. Jalwa Today Jalwa never died although the number of performances did diminish in the 1980s as weddings were modernized and moved into large halls. Still, into the twenty-first century jalwa are very common. In Kuwait and Bahrain it is estimated that around 50 percent of young nationals still have one at either their milcha or ‘urs, including royals, especially in Bahrain. In Shiite jalwa the

12

Qaˉdri Rifaˉ’i: “Amıˉna fıˉ amaˉnıˉha“ (“With Faithful Wishes”)

126  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

groom is often no longer present, but his father and mother, along with the bride’s parents, will be there to hear the gold stone drop. Today, if a bride is having jalwa at her ‘urs, the guest begin arriving around 8pm, and at 9pm the bride enters wearing a green traditional dress, parading to a traditional song. She sits in a chair in the middle of the dance floor and the ceremony is performed with the green cloth waved over her head and “Amıˉna fıˉ amaˉnıˉha” is sung. Near the end, all the close family women clap, sing, and walk in a circle around her to dazza songs. The modern jalwa lasts 35–45 minutes. Then the bride leaves and comes out later in her white gown to her formal zaffa music, and the rest of the evening proceeds as is standard.

Henna Night Today, a henna night, lailat al-h․enna, is more common in Qatar than other places. It is basically a party where the bride can dance and sing and enjoy herself in a more relaxed setting. She and her guests who might wear traditional darraˉ’a thobes will henna their hands a day before, or sometimes the morning of the ‘urs. The traditional henna night sometimes took place for two days so that the bride’s henna could be applied twice, which made it darker and longer lasting. There was a celebration each evening in the bride’s parent’s home and she and women from both families would take part as a professional decorated their hands and feet while they enjoyed refreshments and listened/danced to ․taˉr music and singing. Sometimes the bride’s face was covered so that everyone would be more impressed when they finally got to see her on the night of her wedding party. Famed henna songs include the following, which was sung in Kuwait (Kuwait History 2013): Henna Song 1 Oh, what a beautiful bride And the henna is so nice on her hand Oh, how lovely she looks on the chair All her loved ones beside her . . .  ‫وق ‰ˆ  €ه‬

‫ ز ا‚Œراى ه‬

‫آ’ ا وا‘ˆ اه‬ ‫ ‘  ر—–ه‬

­‡”‫ه  • ا‬ ‡‫žل ا›ري ™˜ • رأ‬

‫أهز أ…  ‰†”ى‬ ‰ ّ€‫™˜ ا‬

 Ÿ¡‫„ أه›و‬¢ ‫وآ
 أ‬   ‫˜ ‡
ا‬

‫­ €ه‰ا‬¤ƒ 

‫­ …€  ‰ا‬

In Bahrain, the henna songs were similar and comprised of simple descriptive text sung by the ․taggagaˉt: “We put henna on you, bride . . . To make you ready for the wedding . . . Don’t be shy” (Mat․ar 1981, 121). After the henna expert finished with the bride, she would wrap the girl’s legs in cloth so that her artistic creation would not become smudged. If there was any henna left, the guests would scramble to get some. Then the party would end with all singing a song such as:

Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs  127

Henna Song 2 She is surrounded with people She is beautiful like a flower And we can smell the perfume on her She is like a blossomed bud Congratulate her God help and protect her . . .  €  ‫¦’ وردة‬ €©‰ Ÿ¢ˆ ‫وردة‬ ‡”‫ر‰­ ‚ € و‬ ”¢ˆ… ‫و  ا€ان‬  ‫رك إ‬  € ¡ €‫آ‬

‫وا¨˜  €ـــــ‬ ‫وا‚–” ˆح €ــــ‬ ‫‰رآ   ‰‚”‡ــــــ‬ ”‫ƒ¬ €ه أ
ــــــــ‬  ‫ ه €   ه‬

Male Wedding Procession: Zaffa (‘Aˉshuˉri Songs) The ‘urs was around, or on, the third night of the marriage process. The groom’s zaffa took place in the alleys of the Gulf towns, and there were and are some differences in the zaffa of the various Upper Gulf nations. However, in general the groom’s father, uncles, relatives, neighbors, and a drumming band (that might be female, male or even mixed) accompanied him and all sang during this parade. Some families preferred ‘ard․a or razıˉf music for the male procession, especially if the family followed Bedouin ways, but more often Gulf ․had․ar would proceed to the genre ‘aˉshuˉri, or the paraders would sing an‘ard․a after the ‘aˉshuˉri song. Thus, even today, the Gulf male zaffa includes ‘aˉshuˉri music. It is fine to walk to a plain ‘aˉshuˉri, but if a family has the resources, then the groom will have a full fraysa with the horse costume but usually no “old man figure,” since he is considered too silly for a wedding. Also, the fraysa will normally only take place after the groom has entered the hall or courtyard, so that the actors do not detract attention from the groom. The most frequently heard ‘aˉshuˉri song in Kuwait for simple wedding processions as well as for fraysa is “Yaˉ m’ayrıˉs” (‫

 ا …”اك‬°” ‚ ). As the Kuwaiti ∙taggaga Um Majid (2012) said, “I always play ‘Yaˉ m’ayrıˉs’ for the groom’s zaffa and ‘Habb as-sa’ad’ ” [naydi] for the girl’s zaffa, still today.” “Yaˉ m’ayrıˉs” You, newlywed groom,

God’s eyes are watching

The moon and the stars,

Walking behind you

The moon is singing,

And the stars are replying back to the moon

The days of your lives,

Getting lovelier, lovelier

Along with happiness,

Getting lovelier, lovelier

Then you (groom) sing to the bride,

And the bride sings back

We listen to the ∙taˉr banging and sounding,

And the ∙tabl begins speaking and striking

And Hope begins to smile on you,

And for your peaceful moment

128  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

‫

 ا …”اك‬ ‫­ وراك‬¤
… Ÿ  ‫وا€م …”د‬ •… •… •… •…   ‫وا‚”وس …”د‬ ² ”¢‫ و‬²¢ ‫وا–’ ‘م‬ ‫ ‰€ك‬ ¤

°” ‚  ‫اƒ
” وا€م‬ ”
ƒ‫©€­ ا‬¢‫و‬ ”
‚‫…• أم ا‬   ‫و ا‚دة‬ ‫وا…©€­ ‚”وس‬ ²¢‫ و‬² ”¢ ‫ ا–ر‬³
  ²¢ ‫’ ´ر‬µ‫وا‬

Bride’s Zaffa and Dazza Before the 1950s, once the jalwa “blessing ceremony” is finished, the bride who is completely cloaked in her green cloth, is carried to the bridal chamber by two strong women, either in her chair or they carry the carpet or mat she is sitting upon. At this point, she has been freshly “cleansed/blessed” so she is not to walk because of her purity, but also as some local women assert, because she might be distraught and try to escape. The music performed as she proceeds to the room is the bride’s zaffa. There is no consistent pan-Gulf zaffa song and one will choose a song or genre depending on the region, the family, and social class. In Qatar, today’s zaffa might merely be a chanted poem (about the bride) or orchestral music. However, in Kuwait, the female zaffa song is almost always of the najdi genre. At least since the twentieth century the standard najdi piece has been “Habb as-sa’ad” (“Happiness is coming like the wind . . . ”). Historically, this was sung for free women, and if a bride were a slave, the text would differ and the song would start with “Faˉ․h al-bukhuˉr wal ambar” (“The smell of incense fills the air”). “Habb as-sa’ad” is considered quite old and no one knows who composed it. In the 1960s, when Kuwait was beginning to “modernize,” the song was eschewed since it held such bad memories for women: it was heard right before a girl was taken into a room to spend the night with a groom who was often a stranger. However, in the 1970s it was revived, since Kuwaitis felt that “the weddings would not be the same without it.” Today, “Habb as-sa’ad” is the “Here Comes the Bride” of Kuwait.

Dazza (‫)ازة‬ Dazza comes from the verb dazz (‫“ )دز‬to send or to push.” The term is used for the dowry itself as well as for parading the dowry to the bride’s house: ․taggaˉgaˉt and laywomen would sing dazza songs with much ululation and salutations to the Prophet (Olsen 2002, 75). But the term dazza usually indicates the fast, loud music that follows the zaffa. For at least the past 70 years dazza have been performed with frame drums playing the same polymetric rhythmic mode as found in baddaˉwi dance songs (Ex. 3.1). Laypeople today, especially elder women, assert that dazza was given its name because this music was performed when the bride, a young adolescent, was “pushed” into the bridal room with the groom. The dazza music is loud, and the drummers would strike their drums with all their strength since their sound was needed to cover the cries and pleas of the unwilling girl about to lose her virginity. The only extant dazza texts in Kuwait, still sung today in the wedding hall, is that of Alayk Sa’ıˉd, “Happiness to You” ( ‚‡   ). Like all dazza, it is sung in a call and response fashion. The larger group responds to each of the soloist’s hemistiches with the words,

Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs  129

“laylaˉh illallaˉh” (‫) ™ إŸ إ™ ا‬, “there is no god but God.” The soloist invokes: “Oh light of the young,” . . . (refrain: “laylaˉh illallaˉh”) . . .  “What a sparkling glow” (“laylaˉh illallaˉh”) . . .  “Come and look to the kibla,” . . . (“laylaˉh illallaˉh”) . . . (Dıˉkaˉn 1995, II: 66). In Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, according to the status of the betrothed, there are several dazza texts from which performers can choose. For instance, there is a dazza specifically for the Al-Khalifa royal family. And non-royals of various social standings have their own dazza. While Kuwaitis, Saudis, and Qataris are primarily Sunni, the majority of Bahraini citizens are Shiite (Bahrain, US State Department Report 2008) and they will often select Shia dazza lyrics that are slightly different than Sunni. Some Shiite dazza texts are:

There is no God but Allah

‫™ إŸ إ™ ا‬

This, you swore to God using your right hand


‰ ²¢ ‫™ إŸ إ™ ا‬



There is no God but Allah

This is the gift from the merciful people

There is no God but Allah


‫هŒي – ا”ا‬ ‫™ إŸ إ™ ا‬  
¨‫­ ا‬

Maraˉdaˉh/Radh∙a ( ‫ ا”د‬،‫)ا
”اداة‬ Maraˉdaˉh is a special women’s art comprised of a cycle of continuous songs with dance. In the form radh․a, it is alive and well in Kuwait where it is regularly done by younger females from certain families. Its performance began to decline in Bahrain in the 1970s (Al-Khalıˉfi 2001, 107), although Olsen recorded a maraˉdaˉh as late as 1978 (2002, 182) and folk troupes still exhibit it today. According to the elder Qatari ․taggaga Um Nader (2011), although it was among the most enjoyed arts in Qatar, maraˉdaˉh was in its final throes in the 1980s and is now basically a “heritage” art. That being said, Qatari informants indicated in 2012 that some still perform it the end of weddings in the fashion of Kuwait radh․a. Maraˉdaˉh/radh․a comes from the Bedouin tradition of line dances. In villages among guraˉwi women this kind of art is called women’s fraysni or sometimes fraysa (but should not be confused with the horse-costume performance fraysa). The text of a well-known guraˉwi fraysni of Fintas, Kuwait instructs, “Ladies, form two lines, and each of you toss the hair, once each for the groom and bride.” In general in Bahrain and Qatar maraˉdaˉh will start with prayers and salutations to the Prophet. Then the songs will praise elders and tribal leaders and the owner of the house where the dance is hosted or the owner’s daughter or son. This praising is an important aspect of maraˉdaˉh. Each verse is repeated twice by each line before a new verse is introduced. The Qatari researcher Al-Khalıˉfi (2001) notes that the dance moves are similar in Qatar and Bahrain, and a comparison of video of historical performances attests to this. Traditionally, women gather and divide into two facing lines with the lead singers standing at the far end between the participants so that together all form a kind of three-sided rectangle (Fig. 7.2). The lines of dancers hold hands, fingers entwined, rocking their bodies and moving the arms up and down. Then, raising the knee, right then left, one line prances forward, then back. The intensity increases throughout the performance so that at first each line takes a turn approaching the other, and then by the end of performance, both lines charge together at the same time, coming face to face. Throughout they will make a stomping sound with the feet in unison

130  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 7.2  Maraˉdaˉh

performed by Bahraini women

(like Gulf fraysni). As the maraˉdaˉh continues, a few girls will come forth and dance individually between the lines. A handful of songs will be sung, one elided into the next, so that the sound does not appear to cease. Near the end of the performance a faster song is sung and performers let go of each other’s hands and begin clapping and loudly pounding the floor with their feet in alternation. This fast ending section (song) is called al-radh․a or al-radih․ (stomp).6 Maraˉdaˉh’s baˉdu roots are evident in the performance. Until recently, the songs were never played with drums, just chanting voices, foot stomps, and hand claps; they always included madıˉ․h (praising) and, especially in Qatar and Kuwait, baddaˉwi dance with the hair toss was/ is standard in the middle of the maraˉdaˉh/radh․a lines. Al-Khalıˉ fi (2001) confirms the Bedouin origins: “A lot of storytellers agree that this dance came into Bahrain alongside the ‘‘ard․a’ [male battle dance] when the Al-Khalifa family, current rulers of Bahrain [with Najdi roots], came to rule . . . .” She goes on to say that in earlier times, Bedouin women performed maraˉdaˉh for their tribes at large celebrations when men returned victorious from the war, for instance, or at a tribe’s special feasts, and such occasions. It is not forbidden to perform this art any time of the year. It is performed according to the community will with whatever number of dancers are available. It was also performed by non-Bedouin usually for Eid, as the Qatari singer Um Nader (2011) recalls, “The girls would find an open area or a house with a big garden called ‘hoˉsh’ and stand in a row facing each other and sing and dance. If they are Bedouin they remove the bukhnaq or headgear and whip their hair back and forth during the dance, as Bedouin do. If the girls were ․had․ar or city folks, they kept their traditional headgear or bukhnag on” (Fig. 6.14). Al-Khalıˉfi (2001, 108) likewise describes the maraˉdaˉh at Eid in Qatar:

Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs  131

[During Eid celebrations] . . . it seems there was an ardent need for women to perform freely, completely away from men . . . [maraˉdaˉh] was an outlet for the girls to express their happiness on these two occasions. That is why coastal cities at the time that were developing adopted this Bedouin art and reacted to it. Preparation to hold such a dance starts days before Eid. Girls of the same neighborhood would agree to the suitable place to do it: it is usually held at one of the grand houses. Gathering starts right after Asr prayer and until sunset prayer . . .  A large crowd of women, girls and children under eight gather to watch this dance [those girls who were older would join in the dance], cries of joy are emitted from time to time especially when the name of the ruler or Sheikh of the tribe is mentioned, or when one the tribesmen is praised or the beauty of one of the females is mentioned . . .  Mat․ar (1981, 60), when discussing maraˉdaˉh in Bahrain, provides a more unusual description, asserting that it is a sea art, “performed just before the arrival of the returning diving trips by a group of girls and women wearing their most beautiful long colorful national outfits.” He states that the performers were accompanied by songs similar to Iraqi besta (of daˉrmi poetic structure, ­‘‫)دار­ ”ا‬, with texts that discuss men and the sea and/or the impatience of the waiting women.7 Olsen (2002, 155) likewise notes that in Bahrain women performed maraˉdaˉh on shore when pearl diving boats departed and returned, or daughters of the crew sang/danced it onboard new vessels. Maraˉdaˉh/radh․a is not known to be a sea art in Kuwait. Along with being popular in ․had․ar and gurawi weddings in the village of Fintas, Kuwait, the songs were sung for a variety of reasons, like alleviating labor. According to Al-Muzai’el (2012), his aunts would sing “female fraysni [maraˉdaˉh]” on excursions when they collected cooking wood: while carrying the bundles back home on their heads, they would walk home chanting the tunes.

Radh∙a of Kuwait Radh․a, the Kuwaiti version of Qatar/Bahraini maraˉdaˉh, is named after the final section of maraˉdaˉh. It is regularly performed today in Kuwait by women of the royal and founding merchant families. It is held at wedding parties after all have eaten, around 3–4am, and most of the guests have departed except for close family members. The radh․a is viewed as a unifier, a cultural marker that brings together the women from the two families (and their close friends) and unites them at the close of the evening. At wedding parties through the 1980s men would attend the radh․a and they and older women would sit on the ground around the main dancers. There are three parts to a Kuwaiti radh․a. First, there is the entrance of the band, which proceeds to a slower music, an‘aˉshuˉri procession song. If the radh․a is for a wedding of a royal, the lead singer might have the national flag draped over his/her shoulders. As mentioned previously, in Kuwait the ‘aˉshuˉri rhythm and the procession itself are usually referred to as “radh․a” (rather than ‘aˉshuˉri), one reason being because the procession music is so closely associated with the radh․a art. Before the radh․a, women gather around a few attendees who have a sheet of paper and pen and tell them to write down their name or their family’s name or friend’s name, if they want the band to mention it in song. After the band enters older women may dance or sit in the audience seats around the performers, but younger women are expected to arrange themselves in two opposing lines, with one family or related group on each side, facing off for the “competition.” The percussion band and its lead singer (often traditional ․taggaˉgaˉt) will form a third line, closing out the topside of a three-sided rectangle. In modern radh․a there is drumming and sometimes an org rather than mere hand claps and foot stomps. As usual, there will be much ululation.

132  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Once lined up, lively music begins, usually to a baddaˉwi ˉı qaˉ’. The band is given the sheets of paper with the names they should incorporate into their songs. They will cheer the bride or groom’s family and mention their place in society, and if the family is royal, will also sing praises for Kuwait. Usually the praise songs are not created anew but have pre-set texts and family and individual names are inserted at strategic points. The lined women will rock side to side and clap hands. Some families hold hands and stomp or jump in unison, in the fashion of Kuwaiti fraysni (and Qatari maraˉdaˉh). When the band starts to sing the names of the young women at the party, she who is named and perhaps one or two of her friends will dance between the two lines, often tossing their hair (lafh․a), performing a type of baddaˉwi, which is the primary dance within radh․a. Baddaˉwi is an exhausting dance, which is why females who usually dance rad ․ha are young. When a girl’s name is sung, “everyone cheers and goes crazy, especially if she is on one’s team,” said a radh․a participant. “Radh․a is like ‘ard․a on crack. It is the most fun, hyper-time of the entire wedding. Everyone is very excited” (Kuwait E 2013). Indeed, guests become quite heated at times. A young Kuwaiti woman recalls (Kuwait A 2010): I was at a wedding where the radh․a got so hot you could see the anger and intensity on their faces. The mother of the bride was afraid a fight would break out. It is so competitive. You know, you must be proud when you dance; your head must be held up. In a famous Bedouin song, you are told to “ya ghazaˉl al-mahaˉ ” (
‫) —›ال ا‬, “jump like a gazelle.” I was so tired that night and my head was throbbing so I was sitting. I am known to be a pretty good dancer, and an old lady yelled at me and told me to go dance. She said, “What is wrong with you! Are you from [the opposing dance-line family]?!” I said, “No.” She yelled, “Then get in there and dance!!” . . . so I had no choice. I danced! Thus basically, we see that radh․a is a holdover of the olden baduˉ competition dances of the Najd. The last part of radh․a is the singing of the baddaˉwi song, “Tasruˉn wala sarayna” (“You go, or we will go”). It is a straightforward message indicating that the radh․a, indeed, the entire wedding party is over. There can be variations to the words. At a May 2013 Kuwaiti wedding, the following text was sung, which is similar to the 1960s version performed by the renowned ․t aggaˉga Ouda Al-Muhanna. The soloist and ensemble alternate lines throughout, beginning with the soloists. Tasruˉn wala sarayna You go, or we will go Kids, go to your family In the name of God, we won’t leave tonight

‫…”ون و™ ‡”€ـ‬ ²‫ه‬µ ‫س رو ا‬ /‫

ل‬ Ÿ ‫”ي ا‬   ‫وا‬

The moon has gone down [it is becoming morning]

‫—‰„ اƒ
”  €ـ‬

Until the bride comes, we won’t leave tonight

‫…”ون و™ ‡”€ـ‬

. . . 

²‫ه‬µ ‫

ل رو ا‬ ‫…”ون و™ ‡”€ـ‬

[Ends with singing on the names of the families and elides into a Kuwaiti national song]

Ÿ ‫”ي ا‬  ‫وا ـ‬ Ÿ‡‫ ا‚”و‬/‫ا  …­ € ”ه‬ Ÿ ‫وا  ”ب ا‬ ‫ا
‚”س ‚ه‬/
 ‫ون‬

Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs  133

BOX 7.2  W  EDDING PARTY DIFFERENCES AMONG THE GULF STATES There are some unique differences in the wedding practices of nationals in the various Upper Gulf States. For instance, in Bahrain the bride and groom will often enter together, which is a tradition that dates back to olden jalwa when the groom would sometimes sit next to the bride. Also in Bahrain, the guests will often eat before the couple make their appearance. In Qatar, families of the newlyweds do not eat dinner with the guests but wait until after the maraˉdaˉh or any final dancing is completed and all have left except for the close family. Then they put a few tables together and have a more cozy family meal. Kuwait has stronger ties with Bedouin culture and the Najd than Bahrain, so there will often be some baddaˉwi-like dancing at most Kuwaiti h∙ad∙ar weddings, at least right after the bride sits on the koˉ sha. Baddaˉwi is rare in Bahrain, even among the Bahraini royal family who are of Najdi stock. However, like Kuwaitis, Bahrainis will dance saˉmri. But it is of note that, according to Al-Khalifa Bahraini royals, dancing in general is limited: only the immediate family members will dance at an ‘urs while the rest of the guests sit and watch, and the dancing only takes place after the bride and groom have departed. The general consensus among nationals is that Kuwaitis and Saudis dance the most (guests, family, everyone together).

BOX 7.3  “MERCHANT FAMILY” WEDDING, OCTOBER, 2010 Sheraton Hotel Ballroom, Kuwait City The milcha ceremony had taken place just a few weeks prior. Unlike Bedouin weddings that are organized and paid for by the groom’s family, h∙ad∙ar weddings like this one are in the hands of the bride and her mother. None of the guests arrived until 9:30pm regardless of the fact that the wedding party announcements indicated the event would start at 8pm. It would turn out to be an “early” party, with the dinner at 12:30am. The ballroom of the Sheraton Hotel is large and luxurious with tiered seating and long-padded benches facing the dance floor on each side. The most remarkable feature of the beige and white room (which are the main colors at most grand regional weddings) was the huge chandelier in the middle, which was crystal and over 15 ft. wide. Around the ceiling facing the dance floor were stage lights with gels of various colors. The koˉ sha, which was just a few steps up, was adorned with two large vases of flowers and a “Louis XIV” sofa that was small but elegant. On the ground floor near the koˉ sha were several cushioned couches for the older and more distinguished guests. By 10pm the ballroom was packed with around 600 guests and the receiving line, comprised of family members of the bride and groom, disbanded. By this time, along with “nagga ˉzi“ songs and Gulf pop tunes, two saˉmri had been performed by the male band who were seated in an adjourning room, unable to view the women in their elaborate, often lowcut or backless, gowns. Somewhat unusual was the fact that so many of the guests were teens or young women. At most weddings elders will be abundant, comprising sometimes (continued)

134  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

(continued) 40 percent of the attendees. But in this case, less than 10 percent of the audience was over the age of twenty-five. The youth created a lively, festive atmosphere. What was impressive was that there were so many baddaˉwi and saˉmri dances performed among such young “sophisticated” guests. Granted, the dance floor was busier during the khalıˉji pieces (sometimes over a hundred women danced at once), but it was still quite active while traditional songs were played. Several younger women, who were obviously of Bedouin heritage, took off their shoes to dance baddaˉwi and tossed their long black hair. Many older women danced the saˉmri, and in their purses they brought their own sheer tuˉrs (netted outer garments), so as to be able to perform properly, holding the light veil over their faces. There was much variety in the style of the saˉmri moves, partially because so many younger unseasoned women were dancing. But all kept their eyes downcast and all who danced saˉmri had a tuˉr (or borrowed one). By 10pm the volume of the music had increased significantly, and at 10:23pm the audience lights dimmed and yellow and then blue spotlights lit up the dance floor. Gentle uˉd music began to play, joined by a clarinet, followed by sung praises on the Prophet and the piped-in sound of ululation. Notably, the guests themselves did not produce these trill sounds as they might at a Bedouin wedding. Twenty women lined up on both sides of the koˉ sha, ten on each side. Servers began walking around with bukhuˉr burners (incense), so the room was filled with a pleasant scent. The bride appeared at the far end of the hall. She wore a modern, “edgy” wedding gown that was snug until the knee and then flared out into a long train: I was informed that her attire was among the latest European fashion. She walked to her zaffa music, the naydi song “Habb as-sa’ad,” with a bouquet of red roses clasped in her hands, smiling, accompanied by two female photographers/videographers who wore beige pantsuits and black head scarves. One walked backwards, directly in front of the bride. When she reached the koˉsha, the dazza song with the baddaˉwi rhythm began and about fifty of her female family and friends danced before her, first forming a semi-circle and waving their hands in salutation. This section of the wedding is called the nashra. Some danced baddaˉwi, tossing their hair (or attempting to since they wore their hair up). Others who were not comfortable with the old dance simply did modern khalıˉji dance moves to the badda ˉwi rhythm. After this, since the family are h∙ad∙ar, the bride’s mother danced a saˉmri alone before her daughter to honor her. In Qatar, which has many Bedouin nationals, at this point the bride’s mother will often dedicate a song praising her (hanach ayen’) in the fashion of baduˉ. Throughout both the zaffa and dazza, there is ululation and salutations to the Prophet (“alf as∙s∙alaˉh wassalaˉm . . . “), just as there was in the past. A commercially successful Moroccan singer Mona Amersha (ž”‫)€• أ‬, who lives in the UAE and specializes in khalıˉji music, entered the hall with a microphone and began singing while she walked around the dance floor—she even danced now and then with the guests. The male musicians were still in another room and one later commented on the success of North Africans like Amersha in the khalıˉji market: Those from Morocco or Tunisia have perfected the khalıˉji accent. When Moroccans sing you are surprised and you think to yourself, is this possible? I’ve seen Moroccan women who speak Kuwaiti or Saudi and you would think they are actually Saudi. But Syrians, Lebanese, and Egyptians always revert back to their original accents. (Kuwait D 2014)

Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs  135

Amersha proceeded up and down the aisles, interacting with the audience while some excitedly snapped photographs with her. If there is a famous female singer like this performing, she will normally enter early, before the men arrive, in case there are women who want to dance to her singing. There are many conservative females who do not feel comfortable dancing while males are in the room, even if it is just the groom. The groom and his male family members entered around 11:30pm. There were about ten men in the group, all in white ghutras and dishdaˉshas. The groom was the only one wearing a bisht outer cloak. They were followed by a male band who also wore all white dishdaˉshas and ghutras along with farmaliyya black vests. They entered playing ‘aˉshuˉri. There were nine t∙ˉra ı ˉn and two t∙abl bah∙ri players, all equipped with wireless microphones strapped to their heads. The well-known wedding performer Baˉsm Al-Radhaˉn led the group. He held a hand microphone and a little notebook where he had jotted down praises to be sung. After the ‘aˉshuˉri, the band performed a dazza to the standard baddaˉwi rhythm. At this point, a few uncovered family women danced baddaˉwi before the groom. These exposed women are referred to as h∙alaˉyel. Then the band performed a Kuwait ∙sauˉt and two bandsmen danced the traditional ∙sauˉt pair dance, zifaˉn. S∙auˉt has only been performed at weddings for about five years in Kuwait, but it is popular. The bands are seeking to create more of a Gulf identity. Then the male guests left and the band exited to an ‘aˉshuˉri. Except for the one baddaˉwi dance, no females danced while the male band was in the room. The crowd was reserved. All women covered with abayas before the men had entered, except for a few, although many did not put on head scarves, since they do not wear them in everyday life. The bride and groom departed to a standard baddaˉwi piece which is often performed for this exit entitled, “Alayk bil’aˉfiya yalli khathaˉha,” loosely translated—”Enjoy her” (‫)   ‰‚  ­ Œاه‬. Later, early in the morning after most guests had eaten and departed, the families performed a radh∙a.

BOX 7.4  C  OMPARING H ∙ ADAR WEDDING PARTIES IN THE NAJD AND GULF In Riyadh, often the milka is on the same night as the h∙aflat al-zawaˉj (marriage party), just a few hours beforehand. Also compared to the Gulf, Najdi parties begin late, with guests not arriving until around 10–11pm, and staying until dawn. Guests are more likely to sit at tables around the dance floor in the Najd, rather than tiered seating. T∙aˉggaˉgaˉt, women frame drummers, if present, are traditionally seated on the elevated koˉ sha next to the bride (in the Gulf, they are on the main ground or to the side of the koˉ sha as are famous singers if in attendance). One reason for this visible position of musicians in the Najd is because they provide the only available live entertainment for females, and therefore many guests attend the party for musical enjoyment as much as for recognizing the marriage union. Dancing in Riyadh is slightly different than in the Gulf. Najdis will dance in one basic area with a friend or two, usually facing each other. In the Gulf, the women often dance (prance/shuffle) in one direction down the dance floor and then turn around and dance back. As a whole, they move in a large oval “racetrack” pattern so that the dance serves (continued)

136  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

(continued) as a fashion show. In recent times, Riyadh residents are starting to adopt this maneuver. Najdis tend to dance with more upper-body, serpentine movement and many women, especially in their forties and older, might dance with the ∙saˉjaˉt, small finger cymbals, which bring with them. For a Riyadh female zaffa, naydi is often played but not exclusively. Up until the mid1990s, the t∙aggaˉgaˉt would walk behind the bride singing and drumming. In the 1970s and 80s, the male zaffa was often accompanied by the song made famous by the renowned artist Mohammed ‘Abdu, arıˉsnaˉ yaˉ badir baˉdi (‫“ ) ”€ ‰ر ‰دي‬Oh, our groom who is a visible moon,” with lyrics by Ibraˉhıˉm Khafaˉji. At that time a common bridal dazza heard when she arrived at the koˉ sha was “Oh, mother of the bride, May Allah make your happiness complete” (­‫ ه€آ‬²
¢ ‫)وŸ  ام ا‚”و‡Ÿ ا‬, which is performed to a standard fast doˉ sari rhythmic mode (Ex. 5.5). Two Riyadh women in their forties both said they had a jalwa “blessing” ceremony at their h∙aflat al-zawaj (2012). But the informants added that they knew of no recent bride who had a jalwa. Other Riyadh women had never heard of the ritual. Like baduˉ and among Gulf h∙ad∙ar, at Najdi h∙ad∙ar weddings it is requisite for songs to be altered so that they include names of families and flattering words. Wedding parties are manifestations of family recognition. A woman in her mid-forties recalls such madıˉh∙ (¶) at a wedding during the late 1980s and the differences between the h∙ad∙ar and baduˉ participants (Riyadh A 2013): We would meet in a courtyard or hall. There would be from four to six ∙aggaˉgaˉt who would sit on the ground at one end of the area forming a semi-circle and the women guests would sit on both sides of them and complete the circle leaving a large dance area in the middle. Other women would fill in behind the first row of seated women in subsequent ranks. Then you go up and give the lead t∙aggaˉga money and tell her to please sing for this family, and you give the name of the family. Family members must dance when they hear their song and in doing so represent their kin. This was for h∙ad∙ar families, but Bedouin might be there also. They were different. The ․taggaˉgaˉt might sing for their tribe, not just their family: it depended on what they requested. Baduˉ would go up to the front, turn, show everyone the stack of bills and then throw the cash about towards the musicians. They always gave more money than h∙ad∙ar, maybe because long ago they were considered richer than h∙ad∙ar, but mostly because it is part of their culture to show off. You know, at weddings you want to show off in any way, so the idea traditionally was to put all your wealth on your body at once. Even into the 1990s, Bedouin would wear so much gold, gold chest plates that would go down to their knees. It depends on your husband [gold jewelry was a dowry]. Many would have gold cover their entire body. We h∙ad∙aris started wearing diamonds to show off our wealth but the Bedouin would still wear the gold. A woman recounted the significance of dancing to represent one’s family at weddings (Riyadh B 2013):

Chapter 7: Gulf Wedding Practices and Songs  137

I will always remember one of my first weddings. My mother came from a very conservative family, so none of the family women wanted to dance. At their celebrations they would never bring ․taggaˉgaˉt but instead might play some songs on a tape recorder and only young girls would dance. Well, we were at a wedding outside of my immediate family and we needed to be represented. I was a kid so it was okay for me to dance. My uncle (my mother’s brother) gave me 50 riyals to pay the ․taggaˉgaˉt to sing on our family name. That is why I remember that wedding so well. I danced at least 20 times that night representing my family, and still until today, women recall my dancing at that party.8

NOTES 1 Since the genres of zaffa and dazza are closely linked, today many categorize dazza as a part of the zaffa procession and some use the words interchangeably. 2 In Bahrain, some perform the jalwa the day after the wedding party, in which case the bride and groom might take part together. 3 The imperative instruction to do this cheer is “․salawaˉt” (‫)´ات‬. 4 Olsen (2002, 161–162) states that “wa-treˉmbo“ is a wedding song and provides a 1962 Bahraini recording. He describes it as being used for an event that includes both a bride and groom together with the green cloth waved over both of their heads, but he never mentions the word “jalwa.” Another example of Wa-trˉı mbo from Bahrain is on Jargy and Caussade-Jargy (1994, IV: 13). 5 Olsen (2002, 162) does not mention dazza in relationship to the wedding procession, but states that a song “tarshˉı deh,” is performed after the bride and groom enter the marriage chamber and he provides a recorded example (in a six-beat pattern). Bahraini female musicians who I interviewed only spoke of “dazza” for the chamber entrance, and likewise, Mat․ar only mentions dazza (1981, 122). 6 According to the Bahraini folklorist Haya Al-Khalifa (Hadi 2008), there are three parts to the maraˉdaˉ, each increasing in intensity, the second being “baddaˉwi,” and the third “radh․a.” Mat․ar and Olsen who speak of Bahrain maraˉdaˉh, which was performed near the sea, do not mention that they incorporate any baddaˉwi dance. (Note, the Al-Khalifa Hadi article is a re-issuing of that by Khalifa published in 2001, but with some modifications and additions.) 7 Darmi is a leading poetic meter in Iraq. The poems are characterized by two-lined rhyming verses, ending with non-identical words, each verse representing one idea. The bulk of besta lyrics are in darmi (Al-Badr 2013). 8 Because of the strong madıˉ․h tradition and the fact that most wedding patrons are not wealthy, in Riyadh ∙taˉggaˉgaˉt are paid a basic fee along with a price per song. Around the year 2000 middle- and lower-class wedding bands charged a base fee of 6000–10,000 riyals ($1500–2600) per event. This covered the sound system, including speakers, which the ․taggaˉgaˉt bring themselves, and ten initial pre-paid songs that are referred to as jut∙uˉ’a. If more songs are required, then the client or guests must pay per song, ca 100 riyals ($27), and as in the past, the guest will often make the request and hand the cash bills to the singer on the stage in the middle of the party. Also, if guests want madıˉ․h they must pay extra.

8 INCOMING ARTS African and Persian

Certain traditional arts in the Gulf have roots in outside cultures but are still considered part of local heritage. These are referred to as al-fanuˉn al-waˉfida, “Incoming arts” (‫)ان ااة‬. They include bagpipe music that spread from southern Persia, but are dominated by east African immigrant genres, especially laywa, ․tanbuˉra, and music of zaˉr rituals. The African inspired arts are all known for their capabilities to induce trance, istinzaˉl, and bring forth a jinn that may be residing within a participant. However, with the exception of zaˉr, most genre performances today rarely have this effect.

Laywa (‫) ة‬ Laywa, which is traditionally performed outdoors, is found as far north as Basra, Iraq, where it might be called laywa or hawya, although there should be some difference between the two types. It has been more prevalent in southern areas like Oman, at least until recently. Laywa also exists in locales across the Gulf, such as Baluchistan. East African slaves and immigrants, specifically those from Kenya, Tanzania, and South Somalia, introduced it to the region. Moreover, it was transmitted by Gulf seamen who over the centuries were directly exposed to laywa during their frequent visits to the African coast (Christensen and Castelo-Branco 2009, 130–154; During 1997). There are differences in the way laywa is performed in various regions. In the Upper Gulf States the ensemble includes a group of percussionists, some sitting some standing, and a ․surnaˉy player (‫اي‬, double-reeded “oboe”), around which partakers “dance” in a circle (Plate 12). Throughout a 20–40 minute period, the music starts slowly and gets progressively faster until it reaches a frenzied pitch. All the while, subconsciously, the participants are become more excited as their heartbeats gradually increase with the tempo. It is believed that this subtle musical– physiological synchronicity contributes to the istinzaˉl that some are known to experience. The dance, which is actually a walking step, is simple. First participants face each other’s backs and walk in measured time, right foot then left, then all turn to the middle of the circle and enter with the right foot and retreat with the left, and return back into a forward-facing line and repeat the four steps. Near the end of the dance, when the tempo is fevered, the steps turn into a forward-facing steady march with handclaps and a repetitive chanted phrase. In the Upper Gulf states historically African communities would hold musical sessions of all istinzaˉl producing laywa songs with males and females together. But laywa was/is also the art

Chapter 8: Incoming Arts: African and Persian  139

of male sea bands that include men of Arab, Persian, and African lineage who perform laywa along with sea genres. Today, laywa is sung and danced at festivals especially by sea bands that reserve it to conclude the musical evening. Audience members are regularly invited to join in with the performers, and this interaction creates community merriment and goodwill. There is no spirit possession involved in such public laywa, especially if performed by a sea band, but in some circles laywa is still used for its trance-inducing capabilities. At more private gatherings, laywa is performed today as “announcement” music after Maghrib prayer on the evening of a male wedding party or before a sea band is going to hold a fijiri/uns (a sea song suite). Laywa is quite loud and therefore it serves to announce to all in the neighbor that a musical event will be held that evening and everyone is welcome. A sea band may perform two to three laywa, about 20 minutes each, before breaking for prayer, then have dinner, followed by the main musical session.

Instruments The main instruments of laywa are not “Gulf instruments,” but are referred to by musicians as “African,” and for the most part are only used for laywa. When the laywa is over, the instruments are put away and do not come out again until another day when there is another laywa. The ceremony starts with the sounding of the large barrel drum, the․tabl al-’oad (‫)ا  اد‬, that rest on the ground and is tilted toward the drummer (Fig. 8.1). It is struck heartily with two

set of laywa drums in a music shop in Bahrain with the Bahraini folk artist Juma Al-Srowr. Notice that these traditional instruments are sold alongside “modern” ones, like the guitar (hanging)

FIGURE 8.1 A

140  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

thick sticks in order to alert the audience to get ready to begin. Throughout, the ․tabl al-’oad performer freely provides accents and embellishments and will sometimes alter the sound by pressing one elbow on the head while striking the drum with the stick in his other hand. The drummer performs with substantial volume so he tires easily, in which case, a second drummer will take his place. Within a single laywa performance, several different people might play the ․tabl al-’oad. After the․tabl al-’oad’s introductory beats, the other percussion enters, one by one. First the musuˉnduˉ (‫ا و‬, sometimes called masnuˉd in Kuwait), which is a single headed barrel drum, about a meter tall, with a membrane attached by wooden pegs shoved into the body. It is tied to the standing performer’s waist with the long barrel resting on the ground and between his legs (Plate 12). The chechaˉnga (‫ ;ا‬or chappuˉwwa) enters next. With a length of about 2 ft., it has the appearance of a small musuˉnduˉ, but is held to the side of the performer’s body by a shoulder strap (Jalıˉ qa 2011; Olsen 2002, 132). Therefore, sometimes in Kuwait it is called chatfy (in Gulf dialect), from the word katf (‫)آ‬, meaning “shoulder.” The lone idiophone is the baˉtuˉ ( ‫) ا‬, also known as the tanaka (‫)ا‬, i.e., “tank,” which is a foot-long rectangular metal container that is crushed in on one side. Originally, such tins were used to transport petrol, or before oil discovery, water. It is played with two bamboo sticks and provides a steady rhythm that is always a little behind the beat. Today, modern baˉtuˉ are specially crafted from a set of small circular cymbals. But the sound of the traditional tin is considered just as appealing (Fig. 8.2). After all the percussion have sounded (Ex. 8.1), the lone melodic instrument, the ․surnaˉy (‫)اي‬, is heard. This double-reeded aerophone is about 21.5 in./55 cms long with an

FIGURE 8.2  A

“modern” baˉtu/tanaka

Chapter 8: Incoming Arts: African and Persian  141

EX. 8.1  Hypnotic

laywa rhythm pattern in the Upper Gulf

ambitus from d1 to d2 (Helmholtz) and has six sound holes covered with the flat, meaty part of the fingers during a performance. The performer plays with endless sound by the use of a circular breathing technique (inhaling through the nose while exhaling from the mouth continually). The ․surnaˉy will sustain a note and during short sections when the participants are singing along with it, the ․tabl al-’oad will cease from playing so as not to drown out the voices. The ․surnaˉy player walks amidst the percussionists and dancers as he performs, adding to the energy of the group. As with the ․tabl al-’oad, the ․surnaˉy might be played by a few different musicians during one laywa piece.

Texts Laywa texts are simple and repetitive and tend to have some Swahili words: Upper Gulf laywa #1

.
‫ ا  ه‬ ‫   ا‬ ­  

Yalla laywa, Yalla heeeey . . . (repeat several times) Let’s do the laywa / Come on Oh my poor dear, Couldn’t find you  . . .  Near the bedroom, Couldn’t find you Oh my poor dear, Couldn’t find you

‫   ا‬ ­   ‫  ا‬ ‫ ن ‚؟‬ ‫أوە‬ ‫ ن ‚؟‬ ‫أوە‬ ‫   ا‬ ­   ‫   ا‬ ­   ‫  ا‬ ‫‡ب ا…    ا‬ ‫‡ب ا…    ا‬  ­   ‫   ا‬ ­  

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Upper Gulf laywa #2

Upper Gulf laywa #3

Boys of Hamdan, they are all-nighters The owner of the little boat is sad,

Shiryas․i flew away from me, Shiryas․i, I will catch him and sing and

he smoked my cigarettes

play him a laywa

‫‡ ن Œ ان آ‚‰‹ Š‰ري‬


‡Ž
‘ ‫Ž‡
“ري‬

‫را‘
ا ‚‹ ز‘ن Žرب Šري‬

‫وا– ة و•
وأد”‚ ة‬

T∙anbuˉra (‫)ا  رة‬ T ․anbuˉra, a widespread art performed in the Hijaz as well as the Gulf today, employs two distinctive instruments, one being the ․tanbuˉra—from which the genre gets its name, which is a large triangular lyre, and the other instrument is a manjuˉr (‫ )ا ر‬a wrap-around “skirt” comprised of goat hoofs worn by a standing performer. In Bahrain and Qatar, these instruments are accompanied by a handful of spoked barrel drums called ․t abl nuˉbia (Nubian drum; Fig. 8.3). In Kuwait the ․tabl bah․ri is often played instead, placed on the ground vertically (Fig. 8.4). To perform a traditional ․tanbuˉra dance two facing lines of men or women or a mixed group form, and to the music, each advances towards the other and then retreats back. Throughout, one or two individuals may stand in front of the ․tanbuˉra player and dance or shake in time. The other instrumentalists sit at the far end of the dancers, a few drummers flanking the ․tanbuˉra. There is a lead singer who performs in a call and response fashion with the participants/audience. T ․ anbuˉra music can be heard at Eid festivals and heritage events, but for the most part it was, and often still is, used in zaˉr spirit possession rituals. In the Upper Gulf it has a closer connection

FIGURE 8.3 A

set of ․tanbuˉra instruments in Bahrain a ․tanbuˉra, manjuˉr (rattle skirt) and two Nubian ․tabl

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FIGURE 8.4 Tanbuˉ ra

performance in Kuwait at the dıˉwaˉniya of the Mayouf Mjale Band. Rather ․ than using Nubian drums, the ․tabl bah․ri are played vertically

to the supernatural than does laywa, and unlike laywa, is not a long-standing art of the Gulf sea bands. There are basically three subcategories of ․tanbuˉra, each with its own rhythm: ․tanbuˉra qaˉdri, ․tanbuˉra nuˉbi, and ․tanbuˉra khayaˉli (Al-Srowr 2014; Olsen 2002, 121; Racy 2006, 109). The ․tanbuˉra qaˉdri is related to fann qaˉdri, a ․taˉr art with religious text. All three, traditionally sung with a smooth, sultry timbre, are used for zaˉr.

Instruments The large ․tanbuˉra instrument weighs about 20 lbs/9 kg. The main body is comprised of a dense wooden bowl, with the open side covered with cow’s skin that is fastened by leather straps wound around a metal ring that rests on the back of the bowl (Fig. 8.5). After the attached membrane has dried in the sun for about two weeks, it hardens enough for sound and stick holes to be burnt in and wooden frame sticks to be inserted. The ․tanbuˉra has five main strings tuned to a pentatonic scale, and often a sixth is added, which is an octave lower than the highest tone. According to Bahraini musicians, the first time you play a ․tanbuˉra or just after it is constructed, one should perform a ritual where animal blood is dripped on the top crossbar and trickled down onto the rest of the body. A blessed instrument is the best for zaˉr, although nonbloodied ․tanbuˉra are also known to serve well at zaˉr. To perform the ․tanbuˉra, one places the elbow on a pillow that rests on the bowl and uses the left hand to mute the strings while the right hand strums with a piece of cow horn, usually wrapped in cloth. The left hand mutes and unmutes strings to the rhythmic strumming, thus, the ․tanbuˉra is basically a rhythm instrument, not a melodic one (Fig. 8.6). The manjuˉr belt is a piece of canvas onto which is sewn hundreds of dried goat or sheep hooves. Today it might include small camel bells to richen the sound. At present in the Upper Gulf, these instruments are only professionally made in Bahrain. The construction of a manjuˉr is quite time-consuming

13 T ․anbuˉra Nuˉbi: “Allah alayk yaˉ wlayd al-naˉs” (“Oh My God, Son of the High Family”)

FIGURE 8.5  A

cow skin being attached to a metal ring on the back of a ․tanbuˉra bowl in Bahrain

FIGURE 8.6 The ․tanbuˉra

player’s arm rests on a pillow placed atop of the instrument. He strums the strings with a piece of cow horn in the right hand and mutes or frees them with the left hand

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FIGURE 8.7  The

inside of a sheep hoof attached to a manjuˉr with a knotted cord

and tedious, as each hoof has to be dried, soaked in cleaning fluid (because of the smell), clipped, and punctured with holes for the string to pass through. It can take weeks to make a proper manjuˉr (Fig. 8.7). To perform the manjuˉr, the player, male or female, wraps it around the waist and stands and holds a shepherd’s cane horizontally in two hands in front of the body, which makes it easier to move the hips and shake the rattles. T ․ abl nuˉbia today are made of large paint cans, wooden pegs, and cow skins. The wooden pegs are pushed through holes that have been punctured around the top of the can to help secure the leatherhead.

ˉ RA BOX 8.1  “REBIRTH” OF TANBU ∙ The t∙anbuˉra art has been incorporated into today’s khalıˉji commercial music to some extent because of the efforts of the Kuwaiti singer Fatuma. T∙anbuˉra was somewhat marginalized after the 1950s and remained part of the smaller African community. Fatuma, who regularly spent part of her year in Oman, was influenced by the vibrant music that she encountered there, including t∙anbuˉra, and in the 1980s decided to issue a t∙anbuˉra as one of her first commercial songs: “H∙abıˉbi maˉhuˉ al-awwal“ (‫)Œ 
ه اول‬. The success of this recording not only inspired others to compose khalıˉji t∙anbuˉra, but it motivated the Kuwaiti sea band Ma’youf to perform the t∙anbuˉra art. Thus this band is among few today who play t∙anbuˉra publically in Kuwait.

Zaˉr/Sa ˉmri “Exorcism” Sessions In the Gulf and Najd spirit possession sessions that serve to expel or appease an entity residing within an afflicted person are known as zaˉr or saˉmri. “Zaˉr” is a term found more along

146  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

the coasts or among the African community, while saˉmri is more prevalent among those of Bedouin descent, whether they are from the Najd or Gulf.1 Arab youth, at least currently, rarely use the word “zaˉr,” but might say instead they are holding a saˉmer or saˉmra (night party) with istinzaˉl (trance). In most places, these sessions are illegal and residents will never admit publicly that they took part in such an event. There are different types of trance sessions. That of females are often large, structured rituals, similar to those found in the Hijaz or east Africa from where zaˉr originates. In Bahrain today, there are still zaˉr houses outside of the city and elaborate ceremonies are held that take place for three to seven days. A cow/ram is slaughtered and its blood is used to help cure possessed 2 individuals. T ․anbuˉra might be played. An elder Bahraini musician mentioned a connection with supernatural beliefs and Baluchi servants from Pakistan and Iran, who were very common in old Bahrain . . . They would regularly drink animal blood. Sometimes, just sips of it. They would put a few drops in water with saffron. They would drink medicine, which was actually mercury called zabek. The Baluch people lived in the rubabıˉa [sp.] side of Manama. They had houses of wood made from trees. Bands would play there every Friday afternoon. (Bahrain A 2009) In Kuwait, around 1918 there were perhaps twenty venues where zaˉr was regularly conducted and zaˉr rites would also transpire in private homes. Ba¯ghaffa¯r (1994, 162-164) discusses zaˉr in the Hijaz and refers to “demons” who need to be “defeated” or exorcised. But in Kuwait spirits were/are not viewed as necessarily malevolent. An early twentieth-century missionary, Minnie Dykstra, noted that in reality there was not much desire or effort for women to free themselves from the spirit, “perhaps . . . due to the fact that it provides them with a great deal of fun and excitement, and gives them distinction and authority which othewise they would not have.” At that time, zaˉr musicians who were of African descent especially Ethiopian and Nubian, worked directly for a zaˉr sheikha (lead woman) and used the ․tanbuˉra and manjuˉr insruments (Doumato 2000, 174, 177; Fig. 8.8).

FIGURE 8.8  A

zaˉ r ritual in Bahrain in 1918 (Reformed Church, Dykstra 1918)

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Many Bahraini and Kuwaiti musicians who perform at zaˉr assert that today the possession is not “real:” musicians are not wealthy and want to make money, so they encourage people who think they are possessed to return regularly for “zaˉr maintenance.” But these musicians feel strongly that in earlier times, the supernatural element was authentic (see Box 8.2).

ˉR IN QATAR, 1990s BOX 8.2  ZA A Bahraini drummer recalls attending a zaˉr with his father in Qatar when he was twelve years old in the early 1990s (Bahrain B 2011): It was night and we were outside in the country at the zaˉr place. There was this old black woman, maybe a 100 years old, very skinny. Her eyes were covered with a film and all white since she had cataracts. She spoke with a very deep voice and sounded like a man. She asked where the cow was for the sacrifice and they told her the cow was far away, like half a kilometer. She began talking to the bukhu ˉr [incense] that she was holding in front of her and all of this smoke arose, and she kept waving it towards her face. She did not look up but kept talking into the smoke with her deep voice, “Bring the cow . . . bring the cow . . . ” Slowly, that cow started to walk toward her. No one was near it. It came the whole way by itself and only stopped when it was in front of her. I was frightened. I looked at my father, and he looked and me and said, “Let’s get out of here.”

Saˉmri/Zaˉr with T∙ˉı raˉn In the Najd, and in more recent decades in the Gulf, especially among those with a Najdi (Bedouin) cultural perspective, instead of ․tanbuˉra instruments a saˉmri/zaˉr band is comprised of players on the ․tˉıraˉn, zıˉr, and maybe an org. These saˉmri parties do not include blood or extensive ritual. They are gatherings perhaps held one night or sometimes a few nights in a row, and the songs are familiar land arts (doˉsari, khobayti, qaˉdri, etc.). Sometimes, youth hold a general party and on their own accord, some people dance as if possessed. But other times, the saˉmri is specifically meant to appease or expel a jinn. If a man has a female jinn in him, then he will cover his face and dance in a rocking fashion like a women. If a female has a male jinn in her, then, as a Riyadh musician recounts (Riyadh D 2012): She may take off her clothes like a man and want to show her body, her hair [remove her headscarf]. The jinn determines how you dance and what music you dance to. A jinn might be a sheikh or sheikha [those of wealthy as․ˉı l tribal status]. The sheikh/sheikha jinn can put hot coals into his/her mouth at a saˉmri and take them out and it smells like wonderful bukhuˉr or turns into bukhuˉr. But that is only if the jinn is of a very high rank. One dances until the jinn is appeased or actually leaves the person and hopefully leaves the area. Other times, it is said the jinn will leave one person and jump into someone else in the audience, who then dances as if possessed. Most traditional musicians, even if they do not engage in them, are aware of local zaˉr/ saˉmri. Musicians network and they will drive between the different Upper Gulf countries on the weekends, performing or joining in at each other’s zaˉr. Today, women’s events are highly

148  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

secretive and zaˉr leaders are selective in regard to who can attend. Male saˉmri are less discriminating. A male attendee in eastern Saudi Arabia noted: For these events, you do not have to have an invitation like other parties. Anyone can come and anyone with a jinn in him can take part in the saˉmri and there is a good chance that the spirit will calm or leave him. (Qat․ˉf ı 2009)

ˉMRI/ZA ˉR IN KUWAIT, 2010 BOX 8.3  SA In 2010 a local man in Fahah∙ˉı l, south of Kuwait City along the coast, believed that his son was possessed since the youth was acting strangely. He therefore hired a band from Saudi Arabia to hold a saˉmri. It was held next to a substantial mosque in a large bayt al-sha’ar (­‫™˜ ا‬, Bedouin goat “hair” tent). The event started around 9:30pm and lasted for several hours with the band taking 5–10 minute breaks between the lengthy songs. An eighteen-year-old Kuwaiti male college student who was home for winter break from a US university attended the saˉmri. He was initially skeptical: I had no idea what this event was. My guy friends and I were at my family’s chalet [beach house] and suddenly one of them said, “Guys, do you want to go to a saˉmri?” I asked him, “What is a saˉmri?” He said, “Just music and fun; let’s try something new.” So we went. There was a dark-skinned man name Bo Fahad who worked for my friend’s father who took us. He was an expert and knew what was going on. There were 6–7 of us and we sat next to him and anytime something happened, we would ask, “Bo Fahad what’s going on?” Before we entered, Bo Fahad asked, “Is anyone having sexual intercourse [recently]?” We asked “Why?” He repeated the question. We all answered, “No.” He said “Be careful, don’t lie, because if anyone of you is having sex, the jinns will smell it. He will smell you and look for you.” There were around 200 people [men] present. At the edge of the bayt al-sha’ar was a fire with a stool near it, so someone could sit there and heat the drums throughout the evening. The attendees formed a large circle around it: half were inside and the other half outside. The band was in the center with the ∙tˉıraˉn and zir and org. We were told the open area between the band and audience is the maydaˉn raqs∙ [arena for dancing], or maydaˉn istinzaˉl.3 When we arrived, we sat outside because it was crowded inside. A couple of songs were played like any other samra and everything seemed normal. But then suddenly after 3–4 songs, the istinzaˉl started. At first, I thought it was a joke. I saw this in movies but I never thought that this really existed and that there were jinns. I thought it was impossible until halfway through the evening. I thought that each one of them was kidding around. Around 11–12 guys participated in the istinzaˉl, just one or two at a time. There was a mix of songs. I recognized several of them. What was different [from other saˉmra] was that one of the members of the band would stand up and yell the lyrics of the song. The rest of the band would reply back by repeating what he said. That would go on for 3 or 5 times until the music would begin. Suddenly, when a certain song was played [that appealed to a jinn], one man got up. He didn’t get up to dance a normal dance. You see him jumping and his jump was so impossibly high, higher than the heads of the people standing around.

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You wouldn’t see someone jumping like that normally. His head was hitting the ceiling. After the first one “yestanzil,” each of the other possessed men took his ghutra [headscarf] and tied it tightly around his stomach and kept tightening it more and more, and then danced. After the tightening, he would still continue dancing but you would see his face looking suffocated. So I asked Bo Fahad, the expert, “Why are they doing that?” He said, “so that the jinn inside him won’t break his back while he is in trance.” I asked him, “How is that possible?!” He told me, “Watch. Just watch.” So the first did the istinzaˉl then the second and third. After the song stops, those people don’t sit back right away. They would walk in circles in the maydaˉn. They would stare while doing that, like they were looking for something. Bo Fahad told us that if one of them looks us in the eye, we should turn our heads right away. So every time the man looked at me, I would turn my head. Between the songs, there was one man that was huge, tall and dark skinned. He looked scary. So after the song, as he was going in circles in the empty space, his face looked furious as if he was looking for something. One ghutra would not hold him up [around the waist], so he wore two. He suddenly yelled loudly, “Make the maydaˉn bigger.” Nobody responded. So he yelled again. I was scared because of his size, so I backed up and told people to back up before something bad happens. So people started backing off to clear more area. There was this moment when I believed this was real. There was this man with a white beard who looked religious. I couldn’t believe that a religious man would attend a zaˉr. Every time someone did the istinzaˉl, another old man would go and whisper something in the religious man’s ear. I don’t know if it was the Qur’aˉn or what. Suddenly between the songs, the man that kept whispering opened his ghutra [held the ends, spread out, away from his face] and danced with the possessed ones. That was a scary scene. He was dancing saˉmri [triple meter type] but not istinzaˉl. I found out he was the host who hired the band because his son had the jinn in him. The band was a Saudi band. To be honest, I enjoyed the music so I asked about the band, but I didn’t want them for zaˉr. They told me that they played for parties too. Everything looked 100 percent real. I also remember next to us was a table with tea and coffee. So anyone who wanted would come and self serve himself. So there was this man that came, he didn’t want tea. He looked like he was “mistanzil“ [possessed] but the ghutra wasn’t wrapped around his stomach, it was on his face. He was covered like he was wearing a woman’s veil. Bo Fahad said, “The jinn in him is a woman not a man. So he is covering her up.” At this point, I believed it was real. What scared us the most was that there were these guys who looked like us. We were 6–7 together, but seated in another place were five guys like us [“modern”] with the same type of clothes. We were wearing tracksuits while the other people were wearing [traditional clothing] dishdaˉshas and shmaˉgh, charemba ( š), qah∙fiyya and ‘iqaˉl. Some of their faces had scars, cuts, and stitches on their eyes. They looked creepy. So those guys that looked like us [in western clothing] stood out. They were seated like us, then one of them participated in the charemba: he positioned himself on the ground on all fours, and was suddenly moving backwards at the speed of sprinting. He bumped into the people in the back so they got up. At that point, everyone believed what was happening. That’s when we decided to leave. I didn’t want that to happen to us.

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Bagpipe Music: Habbaˉn/Jirba Bagpipe music in the Gulf is associated with those of Persian descent or Shias; therefore, in Bahrain where the majority are Shia, it has been more significant than in Sunni dominated Kuwait or Qatar. Habbaˉn (‫)ا‰ ن‬, which is sometimes called jirba (™‫)ا‬, is both the name of the instrument and the art that it plays. The bag is made of animal skin, bladder, or stomach, and attached to it are two reeded pipes that together are called a mut․bag (› ‫) ا‬. The nature of the mut․bag varies regionally. Each pipe usually has six sound holes (Plate 13). A typical habbaˉn ensemble active in the Gulf is comprised of six drummers and a team of about ten singer-dancers who can be all male or all female. For traditional dance, participants wave a handkerchief, as seen in Persia. The drums are larger barrel drums, generically referred to as kaˉsir or sometimes doˉhal (‫)اوه‬, and are similar to the ․tabl bah․ri, but are less bulky and have thinner heads and finer binding cords (Plate 13). They come in two basic sizes. The smaller and more prevalent of the two is actually called the kaˉsir/kaˉsur (Š‫)ا‬, and the larger is the rah․maˉni (
 Œ‫)ا‬. There is also often another smaller barrel drum held in the hand. A habbaˉn party in the Gulf usually has two aspects. There will be a traditional handkerchief dance, and the instrumentalists take part, parading in circles with added moves. A lone drummer called a ․saˉmuˉl will turn around and walk backwards while directly facing the forward walking habbaˉn player so that the melodist can be tightly in sync with the rhythm. This standing group may also form two forward-facing lines and dance while the habbaˉn player performs between them. A habbaˉn group will also sit and play while guests at a party dance. Normally a smaller, higher pitched bagpipe is used for this kind of performance. The band might play a myriad of regional arts, including naggaˉzi, khayaˉli (
œ‫ )ا‬and Iraqi khashaˉba. Other common Gulf habbaˉn rhythms/genres are: ․tah․․haˉni (
ž ‫)ا‬, bandari (‫ا ري‬, referring to the Iranian coast), nas․․saˉri (‫)اري‬, dawwaˉri (‫)اواري‬, khammaˉri (‫)اœ ري‬, darbaˉzi (‫)ار™زي‬, saˉ․hib (ŸŒ ‫)ا‬, and dasmaˉli (
 Š‫( )ا‬Kanko ˉ ni 2014; Mondani 2013). A habbaˉn ensemble might also perform for a zaˉr. Groups adapt for any event and especially perform for weddings, graduations and for girgıˉ’aˉn. It is becoming more common for habbaˉn ensembles to include a pop music drum set, called bıˉtaˉ ( ‫)ا‬, plus a duff (frame drum, ‫)اف‬, a DJ/sound mixer, and a solo singer with a microphone.

BOX 8.4  HABBAˉN AT A WEDDING PARTY IN KUWAIT, 2013 On the night of the women’s ‘urs, the men began arriving in their own reception hall at 7pm and sat and talked until 8.30pm, at which time they went into an adjoining room to have their buffet dinner. At 9:30pm they returned to the brightly lit main hall and the habbaˉn band, with a modern bıˉtaˉ and sound system, started to play. The males, who were Kuwaiti but of Persian descent, were most joyful and happily danced to the rapid drumming and loud, hypnotic bagpipe sound, although some covered their faces with their ghutras, shy to move so robustly in public. Many danced waiving a scarf up and down in their hands, which is common for bagpipe music. The band would play three to four pieces and then take a break. Before 11pm, the groom, family and close friends left to join the women’s wedding party. The musicians accompanied them and played zaffa music during the groom’s exit as he got into his brother’s car. A convoy of automobiles, including those full of musicians, made their way to the women’s hall, horns blaring. The band played for the groom and males throughout the entrance zaffa into the women’s event to much applause from the females who had covered themselves for the male entrance.

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NOTES 1 Tayash (1988) when speaking of these rituals uses the words saˉmri and zaˉr interchangeably. However, most Najdi musicians although familiar with the term do not readily use the word zaˉr (Riyadh D 2012). 2 Khalifa (2007) discusses aspects of African culture in Dubai. In another study, she describes zaˉr ceremonies with a zaˉr house, similar to that of Bahrain today (Khalifa 2006). 3 Minnie Dykstra described zaˉr in Bahrain in detail ca 1918 (Doumato 2000, 172). These sessions are similar to what Janice Boddy discusses in Northern Sudan, with animal blood and various rites (1989, 159). 4 Maydaˉn (“field, or arena”) is the same word Boddy uses when discussing the open area where the rituals take place in Sudanese zaˉr (1989, 162, 163).

9 SEA MUSIC TRADITIONS, AND S∙AUˉT

FIGURE 9.1 Kuwaiti

sailors on a pearl diving boat. The crew are veering out cable to let their jalboot vessel drift across a pearl bank. Alan Villiers, 1938–1939 (© National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London)

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The Upper Gulf seacoast has historically had an economy based on maritime life. Bahrain, Qa․tˉf ı (Saudi Arabia), and possibly segments of today’s Qatar were part of ancient Dilmun, a major entrepôt that exported, along with dates and palm fruit, the luminous pearls of the Gulf. Kuwait, which has the finest harbor in the region, was a historical trading port between Mesopotamia and India. If we turn to the early twentieth century, we see that nearly every person residing along the coast was in some capacity involved with merchant shipping, or perhaps more importantly, with the pearling industry—if not in diving, then by furnishing supplies, cleaning shells, buying pearls, or engaging in other support work. Although traditional sea life hit a rapid decline after the 1930s due to the development of the cultured pearl and discovery of oil, sea arts that were regularly heard on both vessel and share remain deeply entrenched in the cultures of the Upper Gulf.

Pearl Diving (Ghaus., ‫)اص‬ Before oil wealth, pearl fisheries were at their height each year from May to around September 22. Hundreds of boats from each port would leave during these cruel summer months. Each vessle, equipped with both sails and oars and 20–100 men, would depart en masse and converge in several large areas of pearling beds that stretched almost continuously for 600 miles from Ras al-Misha’ab (Saudi Arabia, south of Kuwait) to near Ras al-Khaymah on the Trucial coast (UAE). Historically, oysters have been well spread throughout the waters, with a greater abundance on the Arab than the Persian side, and the best beds being between 5–10 fathoms deep, a few hundred yards to 60 miles from the shore (1 fathom = 6 ft.). State flags would fly proudly on every vessel of a fleet, as the Bahrainis and Qataris often moved up the coast while the Kuwaitis moved down, since the most productive beds were located to the north and east of Bahrain Island (Fig. 9.1). Indeed, Bahrain was the center of the Persian Gulf pearl industry. It has the oldest pearling history and always had the largest fleet. Based on eighteenth- and nineteenth-century accounts, fleet sizes during the boom years were: Bahrain 900 boats; Kuwait 600 boats; Qatar 200 boats; Eastern Arabian ports [Saudi] 200 boats; Trucial coast 700 boats; Persian ports 100 boats (Bowen 1951, 166, 168) A typical pearl diving boat consisted of a captain (noˉkadha, ‫)اة‬, who was often the owner of the boat depending on the place and era. He was normally an upper-class member of the community. There would be a cook, divers (ghas․aˉh) rope pullers (syuˉb, sayb sing., ‫)ا‬, and musicians (see below). The ethnicity of the crew could be diverse. The further north the port of the fleet, the more likely the crew was Arab, Bedouin, or Persian, and the further south, the more likely there would be African, Indian or Baluchi: “[The Omani-African] influence is most evident in neighboring UAE and grows weaker as we go farther from it” (Kunz 1908, 61; G. Lorimer 1907, 2228; Mat․ar 1981, 83–84; Zahlan 1979, 22). Conversely, in the North, Bedouin involvement was more common in sea life. According to Villiers in Kuwait, “I saw many among these who were obviously Bedouin, with the long hair” (1969, 353). The Kuwaiti historian Sayf Marzu¯q Shamla¯n states that as many as 90 percent of the divers were Bedouin, a large number of whom were not only from Kuwait, but also from Al-H ․ asaˉ province (Saudi Arabia), Bahrain, Qatar, and some towns of Oman (2000, 108). Although they were men of the land, Bedouin made for good divers: they were tough and resilient, known to excel in courage, had great eyesight, could subsist on little food, and were quite lean and therefore would sink more easily. The life of a pearl diver was brutal, perilous, and grueling. Although special diving gear had been invented by the early twentieth century, the men dove with no innovative clothing or equipment. They wore small black shorts (shamshuˉl, ‫)ال‬, as it was believed that black was a color that did not attract sharks; a nose clip (khit․aˉm or fut․ˉam, ‫ ;)ا م‬sometimes fingerstalls (khabt․,  ‫ ;)ا‬and they held or

154  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

wore around their neck a light rope basket (dayyıˉn, ‫ )ا‬for the oysters that they would gather from the sea floor (Fig. 9.2). The basket also served as a lifeline since it was tied to a rope whose other end was held by the sayb. His most important job was to pull the diver up quickly to safety after each dive. If the diver lost hold of his basket/lifeline or the sayb was not paying attention, the diver could easily die. In order to descend, the diver would loop his foot into a rope that was secured with a heavy stone (h ․ajar, ‫)ا‬. Each man would dive from sunrise to sunset, as many as 120 times a day if the water were shallow, “ . . . diving alternately at intervals of five or six minutes” (Kunz 1908, 91). A diver would be submerged an average of 60 seconds; therefore, men were spending as much as two hours a day without oxygen to their brains. It is conjectured that they may have suffered some brain degeneration. Some divers were known to be possessed by jinn, emerging from the water making strange animal noises. Others had nervous twitches or frothed at the mouth (Shamla¯n 2000, 134). Many went blind from the salty water and the harsh sun, and surprisingly, although completely without sight, some of these victims remained active as divers, especially if they worked on abundant oyster beds (Kunz 1908, 91; Villiers 1969, 369). Crewmen were also frequently undernourished or dehydrated with nothing to eat all day but “a handful of dates, some water, and a couple of glasses of tea” (Al-Rashoud 1993, 22). Their harsh living environment also made them susceptible to skin infections, lung problems, arthritis and scurvy, not to mention attacks from dangerous creatures beneath the sea (Kunz 1908, 144). The Kuwaiti diver Yacoub Al-Yitaˉma (b. 1913) recalls the drinking water, so infested with cockroaches, he and the crew had to filter it through their izaˉr, sarong-like wrap, as they sipped from a cup on a pearling boat (2008). The average workday lasted sixteen hours, and divers regularly collapsed when given respite in the evening. It was considered a treat if one could sleep on a rope matt on deck or on the piles

FIGURE 9.2  Traditional

pearl diver with gear (Belgrave 1966)

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  155

of oyster shells. The sea musician Khalifa Al-Amıˉri (2009) recalls men balancing themselves as they actually slept on the oars, or since there was no free space, how they piled on top of each other on the deck at night. Under such difficult circumstances, it is understandable that the crew had little interest or energy for entertainment when the day was done. Rest and a cool breeze, a pleasant dream, was their only hope for temporarily easing the cruelty of their existence. There was no time or concern for musical merry-making. However, during the day, there was a great need for work songs, as the men longed for musical encouragment to lighten their endless burden of labor. The songs and their lead singer became crucial to most every boat.

BOX 9.1  UNITED UPPER GULF SEA ARTS Since at least the nineteenth century, the four Upper Gulf States have shared sea traditions. Qatar is linked to Bahrain because of its close proximity, but also because the Bahraini Al-Khalıˉfa royal family ruled Qatar into the nineteenth century. In 1766 the Al-Khalıˉfa had left Kuwait where they had aided their Kuwaiti cousins in establishing rule, and migrated to Zubara on the northwest coast of the Qatar peninsula, just a few miles from Bahrain. Even after they captured Bahrain in 1782, for many decades the Al-Khalıˉfa stayed involved in Qatar’s political and trade interactions. Until rather recently, coastal Qatar was culturally Bahrain’s “little sister.” Therefore, the sea music traditions of the two are almost identical, and even into the twenty-first century, musicians will travel back and forth by boat between the small countries to perform alongside each other at events. At various times in history Bahrain likewise ruled Qat∙ˉı f and sea music in that Saudi governorate is similar to that of Bahrain, although eastern Saudi music in general features more desert and t∙aˉrbased styles. The Kuwait sea music tradition too is in league with these other three nations. Villiers, a maritime adventurer with much experience around the Peninsula, traveled on a Kuwaiti ship in the 1930s and confirmed the unique nature of the Upper Gulf sounds: [the Kuwaitis sang with] a chorus of deep throaty growls . . . thunderous and almost frightening. None of the other [non-Upper Gulf] sailors ever made this noise, not the Suri, or the Persians, or any crews from South Arabia, or Oman, or the Red Sea. (1969, 45) The legendary recreational suites of the Upper Gulf, fijiri, were never part of Dubai culture where “pearl divers stuck to upbeat work songs,” as the Dubai folk singer Omar Sabt Ashoor stated. “People were more business-oriented here” (Pearl 1996). Mat∙ar concurs: “Sea songs in the U.A.E., from Ras al-Khayma all through Sharjah, Dubai, and Abu Dhabi are totally different than those in Qatar . . . Bahrain . . . and in Kuwait . . . ” (1981, 83–84). It is the northern, the Upper Gulf peoples who sing in the same sea style and can join together smoothly in performance, to this day.

Sea Songs1 In the Arabian Gulf, indeed throughout the world, sailors rarely touched a rope without a song. Nothing eases the tedium and lack of inspiration that sets in at sea as much as

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music. On pearl diving boats there were only work songs, shanties (chanties). But on merchant ships, since the crew had large periods of inactivity, they enjoyed both work songs and recreational music. As Al-Yitaˉma, who served on both kinds of vessels, recalls: “The difference was like that of heaven and hell. The pearling boat was hell, and the merchant ship was heaven” (2008).

Musicians One of the most important members of the crew found on most pearl diving boats was a lead singer known as a nahhaˉm (plural nahhaˉma or nahaˉ’amıˉn), that is, one who “wails or laments,” as he represents the pain and longing of the pearlers. “Nahhaˉm” ‫ ام‬in Arabic indicates a roar, a sound of an elephant or lion, and also means to reach the ultimate degree of ardor, to have a burning desire. The nahhaˉm singer is loud and of strong voice but also performs with great passion. Sometimes, because the singing was so strenuous, there was a second nahhaˉm to relieve the first. Some nahhaˉma also served as regular crew, especially on a merchant ship, but on pearl diving boats an outstanding nahhaˉm’s only job was to sing and not assist in manual labor. Frequently, he was paid handsomely, more so than the divers, because a quality nahhaˉma could not only draw a fine crew, but also inspire more productivity and sing safeguarding prayers for the men. The captains always wanted the crew to work more intensely and finish as quickly as possible, so they had a tendency to push the musicians to play fast, increase the pitch of their voices, and add musical energy with the hopes that more labor would ensue and more money would be made.

FIGURE 9.3 Taˉsat/twysaˉt

and the proper sea musician playing position. Normally, there are two pairs ․ of these hand cymbals and performers play their parts interlocking with each other (like sharbuka clapping). For the sangini introduction there is a more elaborate rhythm. A “dum” sound is produced by striking the cymbals directly together, and a “tek” by striking one cymbal on the rim of the other

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  157

One or two other musicians accompanied the nahhaˉm. There was always a man on a ․tabl bah․ri (barrel drum), and sometimes another who would play the small hand cymbals known as ․tuˉs/t․aˉsat (
‫اس\ا‬, Bahrain), or ․twysaˉt (‫ا\ات‬, i.e., “lids,” Kuwait; Fig. 9.3). Robust interlocking hand clapping called ․safqa, kaff, or sharbuka ( ، ‫ آ‬،€ ‚) likewise was always important for a proper performance of sea songs. One theory is that this idiophonic clapping sound developed because it resembles the sound of the waves slapping against the side of a vessel. Another speculation is that the sound is similar to that of the interlocking clanging produced by the hammers of those caulking, repairing, and building the ships that were being worked upon on the beach (Fig. 9.7).

BOX 9.2 ONE OF THE MOST MUSICAL CULTURES OF ITS TIME? The result, demographically and socially, of having professional musicians on so many pearling boats is remarkable. In 1907 J.G. Lorimer stated that Bahrain had 917 boats. If only half of the vessels had two musicians on board, in a population ca 70,000 that would indicate that 1.3 percent of Bahrainis were professional-level musicians. If we go back in time, the proportions are even greater. The Dutch explorer Carsten Niebuhr noted that by 1750 Kuwait actually had 800 pearl diving boats in a population of 10,000. If only 500 of the boats had one nahhaˉm, then 5 percent of the population of Kuwait were active musicians. This is a remarkable amount of people devoted to music in a lone community. Comparatively, in the US in 1910, not even a quarter of 1 percent were considered professional musicians (Lorimer 1907; Niehbur 1792, 127; Shamlaˉn 2000, 53; US Census Bureau; U.S. Census of Population). The large proportion of Gulf musicians did not just have an impact on the seamen but also on the greater community. After four months on the pearling boats, musicians returned and were heard by, and influenced, the local residents. For instance, as we have seen, the ∙t abl bahri spread into Gulf hadar music. Certainly, the Arabian Gulf is historically ∙ ∙ ∙ one of the most musical regions of the Peninsula.

Work Songs Sea musicians had the important task of performing the prescribed tunes for the chore at hand, although sometimes the song would actually make the job last longer than it would have otherwise. Villiers witnessed such as Gulf seamen were hoisting the yard: It took them [Kuwaiti sailors] litttle less than half an hour, though about a third of this time was taken up with dancing and singing. They stopped twice, once when the yard was two-thirds of the way aloft, and again just before it was mastheaded. How they worked, and how they danced and sang! Those Kuwaiti sailors never did things by halves . . . . There is a regular ritual about this yard hoisting which was always religiously observed. As soon as the order to hoist the yard was given, the sailors at once began to sing. (1969, 210)

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The trade off was worthwhile, as chores with song are far less tedious. The songs also had a secondary function. As a Kuwaiti sea band member explained: It was considered rude for an Arab man to bark out orders at another Arab man, so the captain would tell the musicians what to play and the musical sounds would cue the crew to a specific chore, i.e., raise the sail, row the oars, etc., without belittling anyone. (Kuwait B 2008)

Work “Song” Character In regard to work music, the term “song” is actually a misnomer. The men either chant a simple ostinato pattern; sing free improvisation over a group drone; or to a drumming rhythm a choir sings repeated motives. Because one chore may seamlessly follow another, various genres are often elided, creating a multi-sectioned continuous stream of sound. This constant combination of different shanties is partially why there is much confusion about the names of specific genres: some informants will describe all parts as being of one genre, or may be uncertain about the specific term of each section. Moreover, the genre names ascribed to work songs vary depending on the era and the region.2 Adding to the confusion is that many songs are not exclusive to just one task. For instance, yaˉmmaˉl is sung for rowing, but likewise, for any chore that calls for strong heaving motions. Also texts, especially that of the solo improvisatory nahhaˉm part, are changed freely on the spot. Likewise, many melodies are freely composed. Regarding sound color, both work and recreational Upper Gulf sea songs are marked by safqa, which is the regionally famed rapid interlocking clapping. “Deep throaty growls” are also an important part of the sea timbre (Villiers 1969, 45). This low humming roar is known as nah․bah (ƒ„). An elder Najdi Bedouin came to appreciate it: I could not understand why the singing crew made such grunts and guttural moans until I watched them working aboard ship and realized how the sounds connect with the work movements, and all of this occurs within the remarkable vastness of the sea. (Ajman 2009) Because of the low drones and the subsequent overtones, the sound has been described as otherworldly, eerie, like a supernatural being. Some say this resembles the sounds heard underwater, when there is pressure on one’s ears. Others say it sounds like the jinn who would visit the men under the sea as they were diving. Texts: Mawwa ˉ l or Zuhayri A nahhaˉm sings text on many subjects such as love, pride, passion, and he also regularly sings prayers. Before some work songs he chants an opening invocation. Sometimes it is almost spoken, but it is also sung in a melismatic improvisatory manner known as mawwaˉl (‫)…ال‬, which is a generic term for this kind of singing. The words are supplications to God and His Prophet. “Pray and work, pray and work. That is what we did on the pearl diving boats,” said Khalifa Al-Amıˉ ri (2009), a former pearl diver and head of the Amıˉ ri Sea Band of Kuwait. Indeed, to start the work song, the captain would order the nahhaˉm, “Pray” (†‚). A common nahhaˉm introduction before singing khat․ fa to raise the main sail or mainyard might be:

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  159

Oh, People of Muhammad, Religious people

. ‫ ا… …  ا‚ب ا‬

Peace and prayer be upon you, O Prophet of God

 ‫ŽŒ‹ اŠˆة واˆم‬ ‘‫ر
ل ا‬

[Sailors chant: Ya Allah, “Yes, with God”] O Allah, O Generous One, May we travel under God’s protection . . .  [Ya Allah . . . ]

‘‫ ا‬ “‫ ا‘  آ‬ ‘‫ ا‬

(Ma․t ar 1981, 83) Mawwaˉl or mawwaili (little mawwaˉl) is also the term for set poems that were sung in a mawwaˉl manner. Many poetic structures were sung, but mawwaˉl poems, which have simple meters and rhymes, were common for core work songs as well as in ijrah ․aˉn of recreational suites. There are three main types according to the number of lines in the stanza—four, five, or seven. Each type relies on paronomasia in the rhyme, so that a verse’s rhyming word in one line might be exactly the same as that of other lines, but have dual meanings. A favoured mawwaˉl with seven lines per verse is called zuhayri (plural zuhayriyyaˉt, ‫ ا•هة‬،‫)ا•هي‬, which is a poetic form from Iraq. The endings of the first three lines of a zuhayri have the same rhyme and the next three all have a different, unified rhyme. Then the seventh, the last line of the verse, brings back the rhyme of the first three lines so that the rhyme scheme is AAABBBA. Whether a nahhaˉm is referencing a sevenline zuhayri or a four-line mawwaˉl, it is of note that he often does not sing all the lines of a stanza, but chooses just a few. So the poetic structure may not be evident in the actual sea performance. The following example of a zuhayri stanza was sung on vessels and, along with others, was recounted by the Kuwaiti sea bandleader Hamid Bin Hussein and published in 1972 (Moslim 1972). It is still sung today: ‫ز اœو‚ف ذا™ …˜—  ي‬

A

‫وا„¡— Ÿ 
˜—  ي‬

A

‫ا“ …— „† 
ي  ي‬

A

Oh people, Come and judge me and be fair

‫وا‬¢£‫ ا‬¤‫ر‬¥‫‚ت Šت ¦ اه† ا‬

B

B

Bring her back to me

‫وا‬¢£‫— درب ا€ق ا‬¤ ‫˜ا œ„Šف‬¤

B

B

Bring her back to me

‫وا‬¢£‫وردوا اي …ل Ž درب ا † وا‬

B

A

Ask her to forgive me and forgive my mistake

‫روا ŽŒ© ا † — ز˜— واي‬

A

A

The one I love, I am passionate, forgive me

A

You rejected me, why, what did I do?

A

My body is weak, My Master, what was my mistake

B

Work Song Genres Not every work song is or was found in every Upper Gulf country. Even when genres are shared between different regions, the names and/or the functions of songs may not be the same. It is difficult to say whether there was more uniformity in the past during the days of

160  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 9.4 Pearl

divers in Qatar joining with musicians who encouraged them during their hazardous voyages (Victor Lambourne/Saudi Aramco World/SAWDIA)

a pearl-diving economy. Working seamen who were interviewed over the decades were not overly concerned with perfecting music terminology as they focused on their chores and they learned songs empirically, not by name or category (e.g., Rifaˉ’ıˉ 1982). Nevertheless, we can determine that the classifications and songs known in Kuwait, eastern Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Qatar are similar, and as one moves south, the repertoire and terminology differs more dramatically, especially along the Trucial Coast (Fig. 9.4). While in the past there were dozens of work songs, today just a handful survive and sea musicians perform these at festivals and during land entertainments, usually at the beginning of uns/fijiri. They include the following. H ․idwa/h․anda (‫ اة‬،‫ )اوة‬is basically filler music. This quick, low, repeated choral chant with no instrumental accompaniment is sung while the men move to another chore or adjust some seafaring items onboard (unroll the sail), or position themselves to begin a primary task. H ․idwa/h․anda will alert all that the captain may request a subsequent action. It frequently includes only two pitches, a main repeated note followed by something similar to a descending minor third. On some boats it is not unusual to have many work songs throughout the season prefaced by ․hidwa, especially with the chanted words, “holo ya” or “hey yamly,” or “howa yallah,” that are not exclusive to ․hidwa. Before the first sail, when the crew were all onboard and the captain ordered the anchor to be lifted, “fawk baura,” the syuˉb would go about their work to the rhythmic “hidwaˉt” (Mat․ar 1981, 83). In modern staged sea band performances, the musicians sing ․hidwa as background music while they are rearranging themselves in order to perform a new piece that might have a different staging or while they are getting out new instruments for the subsequent song. Therefore, in modern times ․hidwa serves as a staging “vamp.”

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  161

Khat․fa (  ‫ )ا‬is an important music used for raising the main sail or mainyard on the mast. It always begins with an unmetered sung prayer (mawwaˉl), which signifies the importance of raising that large sail.3 Sometimes, as with makhmuˉs (see below), khat․fa is sung as the boat sails towards the pearling beds. In Khat․fa the ․tabl bah․ri performs a thirty-two-beat pattern, that is, four 8-bar phrases. The crew offers one strong clap and stomp to begin the khat․fa cycle of raising of the sail, followed by a series of faster claps as the sail ascends (Al-Amıˉri 2009; Ex. 9.1). The stomping and clapping is so forceful during khat․fa that the son of one Kuwaiti seaman stated that his father’s foot went straight through the wooden deck, causing permanent damage to the appendage, which left him crippled (Kuwait C 2010). Villiers too mentions how the seamen “stamped their feet and clapped their great scarred hands in time with the song, hands like great drums” (1969, 212). Yaˉmmaˉl/mıˉdaˉf/jarra ( ‫ اة‬،‫ ااف‬،‫—)ا…ل‬from mijdaˉf, i.e., “oar,” or jarra, “drag, or pull”— is the song for a forceful heave, usually when the sailors draw the oars, but it can also be used for pulling a heavy anchor straight up out of the water, or pulling the ropes of the sails to change the direction of the ship. The music is free, non-metered, without drums, performed only by the nahhaˉm and the choir of working men who provide the background drone. It includes a group release “groan” sound.

EX. 9.1 Khat fa

sea rhythmic mode as performed in Kuwait, but represents the basic core found ∙ throughout the Upper Gulf

Jıˉb (‫ )ا‬is the name of the small triangular sail on pearl diving boats. The sail is relatively easy to raise so the pull is not strained, therefore, the music to raise it is quick and lively with much group clapping at the end of the repeated rhythmic mode. Jıˉb is performed immediately after the crew chant “yamlıˉ or ya mlaya” several times (Ex. 9.2). Dawwaˉri/Birikha (with khraˉb introduction, ‫ ا اب‬،‫ )اوّاري‬is an easy pull song and can be used for several functions that are not overly strenuous, such as raising the jıˉb sail. However, dawwaˉri is usually for pulling the vessel closer to an anchor when a great deal of rope has been

EX. 9.2  Jˉı b

sea rhythmic mode, which is basically the same in all the Upper Gulf nations (e.g., in Qatar, Kerbage 1980, 39)

162  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

let out, or pulling the boat back to shore when there is little resistance. The men walk in a circle (dawwaˉri means “circle”), grabbing the rope nearer to the anchor and dragging it to the back of the ship, then they wiggle-dance back to the starting point, grab the rope again, round and round (Fig. 9.5). The song is important, because the work is so monotonous and the rope so long, it can take hours to collect all of it. Villiers describes dawwaˉri moves: The singing sailors danced and sang and hauled all night. When they hauled on the kedging lines [of the anchor] they always went through the same ritual. The port side of the deck was clear, and they danced along this in a rough elliptical formation, half of them always hauling on the line, and the other half dancing back again to the forepart to take their turn. They kept up a continuous movement, round and round, each man hauling his section of the rope aft and then dancing and hand-clapping his way back to the front as he reached the break of the poop, ready to take up the burden again. This dancing, which they could keep up for hours under conditions such as these, seemed to refresh them and they never dreamed of doing any heavy work without it. (1969, 202–203)

FIGURE 9.5 Dawwaˉri

moves with clapping and song. Hauling a merchant ship ashore which is done by “kedging,” dropping the anchor closer and closer to the shore and pulling the ship in on a rising tide. This operation took all night. Alan Villiers, 1938–1939 (© National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London)

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  163

Dawwaˉri usually begin with a nahhaˉm singing mawwaˉl over a rasping drone produced by the crew: this section is often called “khraˉb” (“rope”), or “khraˉb ․sidri” (Urkevich Kuwait 2014). The texture of this khraˉb wailing solo singing over a drone is known as neh․ma (see below). The dawwaˉri proper begins when the drum enters (Ex. 9.3). There will be much clapping and the playing of ․taˉsat.

EX. 9.3 Dawwa ˉri

rhythmic mode in Kuwait, which is similar to that of Bahrain. The final bar can be added or omitted

A “dawwaˉri” device is actually a capstan, a large rotating wheel turned to help draw in rope, usually anchor rope. Dawwaˉri mechanisms can be placed on shore to draw a vessel to land, or on large merchant ships to haul up the heavy anchor (Fig. 9.6). On pearl diving boats, there is no “dawwaˉri” tool, but the easy pull song still maintains its name.

Shore Songs Some work songs are sung for chores on shore but are still considered part of the sea repertoire. Shore songs will often incorporate the ․taˉr frame drums, which are land instruments and thus are fitting for this category. Makhmuˉs (‫ )ا س‬is to accompany the dragging of the boat into the sea before a voyage. Makhmuˉs are known in Bahrain and Qatar but not in Kuwait. A ship that had been kept off shore all winter is brought into the water in the spring under the care of the sailors while crowds cheer. The whole community is involved, either participating in work or as observers. Cylindrical tree trunks called to’um are placed under the ship to allow it to slide into the water. During the song, a few dozen men pull the ropes that are attached to different places on the vessel. Mat․ar, who mentions the shore hauling function of makhmuˉs, also indicates that makhmuˉs can be sung while one is fixing a rope to a sail, and the genre has also been used for

FIGURE 9.6  Dawwaˉri

spool device (capstan) on shore (Al-Rashoud, Kuwait’s Age of Sail, 1993)

164  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

opening oysters and spreading ropes to dry (1981, 83; Mannaˉt∙ˉı 2002). In makhmuˉs, the ∙tabl bah․ri plays a repeated forty-eight-beat pattern, subdivided into six similar sections, each in 8/4, and along with a nahhaˉm, is accompanied by ․tˉıraˉn and a ∙tasaˉt player Deh․aˉn/Yaˉmli (ya hamli) is sung during the shoana process, when the boat hulls are cleaned and limed with a protective white powder paste in preparation for the next voyage. The crew rubs and sings while a team of about ten men stand by clapping, encouraging the workers with a deh․aˉn/yaˉmli song. In Kuwait this liming song is sometimes called raˉst∙abl, i.e., “head ∙tabl.”4 Sangini (—
\—€
\—«
) is technically not a work song, but a work-affiliated genre. It is a large, ritualistic “blessing” performed after a newly cleansed and caulked vessel is ready to go out to sea (somewhat similar to makhmuˉs in Bahrain). In some areas sangini was requisite for brand new ships before their initial voyage (Fig. 9.7). Many believe sangini is a Kuwaiti innovation, as Kuwait is the only place it is still known today and there are no extant accounts of it being performed regularly by other nationals in the Gulf.5 Moreover, its second movement contains the established Kuwaiti khammaˉri ˉı qaˉ’. And Villiers no doubt spoke of the art of sangini when he discussed the boats being caulked on shore. The musical ritual was so frequent in Kuwait that he tired of it: [The Kuwaiti said that] his brother had a new boom which the family had just bought, and that he would be sending both Abdulla’s boom and his own to Basra within a few days. Would I like to come down to the dancing when they were paid [caulked]? It would be

ship being caulked in Kuwait in the late 1980s, after which sangini would be performed. Often several men would caulk at once, and according to oral accounts the sound of their hammers inspired the famed interlocking clapping of the Gulf. Also, the name of the sea art haddaˉdi (literally “iron” or “spike,” the tool of the caulker, from ․haddaˉd, “blacksmith”) is related to the work of these shoremen (Al-Rashoud, Kuwait’s Age of Sail, 1993)

FIGURE 9.7 A

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  165

good. But I had my fill of dancing along the waterfront every morning, for all the booms in Kuwait were being paid [caulked], and the ceremony [sangini] had become commonplace. (1969, 355)

BOX 9.3  KUWAITI SANGINI While Bahrain was first in pearl diving, Kuwait was the most successful Upper Gulf country in merchant travel and was the starting point of commercial lines to India and Africa. Largely because of the dry climate, wood seasons better in Kuwait than in other Gulf localities and, therefore, Kuwait was also famed for its boat building. Because so many vessels were prepared and began their journeys there, Kuwait was more concerned with boat christenings than other Gulf States, and it is believed that this is why sangini flourished in Kuwait (Dickson 1951, 473).6 The bandleader Mohammed Bin Hussein has pointed out the significance of sangini and recounts how people came to Kuwait from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States upon hearing news that a celebration with sangini was to take place (2011). Moreover, a story told often in the Gulf tells of a Saudi businessman in the 1970s who hired Bahrainis to build a large merchant ship. Upon learning that it was finished and ready for sea, the Saudi requested that a sangini be presented. The Bahrainis responded that they did not perform this art, so Kuwaiti musicians traveled to Bahrain and sang and danced the sangini to “baptize” the vessel before its initial voyage (Olsen 2002, 102).7

Sangini is considered the most complex of all sea songs. Its name comes from the Persian word “sangıˉn,” which means “heavy,” and is used to describe tea that is dark and well seeped. A sangini performance is long and deliberate, comprised of three sections, the first of which has a lengthy sixty-four-beat rhythmic mode. Sections of Sangini 1. sangini (sixty-four-beat pattern), longest section in duration 2. ishbaithi (—¬‫ )¬—\إ‬Kuwaiti khammaˉrıˉ rhythm (fann bah․ri), sixteen-beat pattern (Ex. 6.4) 3. shaˉbuˉri (‫ )ا رى‬sixteen-beat pattern. Serves as a brief coda or closing “tail.” Performance Sanginıˉ instruments include half a dozen ∙t iraˉn, plus ∙tabl bah․rıˉ, twysaˉt, and interlocking clapping, sharbuka (). The surnaˉy is traditionally included, but has been omitted in the past decades so as not to overpower the voices. In the first part of sangini two lines of men face each other, make large slow, grandiose gestures before they clap or stomp, or drum, or move. The second movement ishbaithi with a new, quicker rhythmic mode begins seamlessly as the lines of men clap and sing in alteration with the tıˉraˉn players who take the lead as singers. The third section shaˉbuˉrıˉ, which likewise begins without a break, has an even quicker tempo. The men prance in a circle, sing repeated text and engage in interlocking clapping in a joyful manner (Urkevich Kuwait 2014).

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BOX 9.4  MUSICAL SOUNDS OF DAILY GULF LIFE PRE-1950 Musical sounds surrounded the people of the Gulf daily. Wherever one turned, there was singing, clapping, and hammering to rhythms. In 1939 Alan Villiers was overwhelmed by the musical sounds he encountered continuously (1969, 348): Ships, ships, ships, all along the sea. Sailors, quartermasters, carpenters, nokhodas [captains], all along the shore—what a place this Kuwait was. The ring of caulking irons, the throaty songs of sailors stepping the masts, the thump of Indian drums and the slapping of great hands as the undersides of the deep-watermen [merchant ships] were paid [coated] with tallow and lime, the clank clank of ancient capstans warping in a pearler to the beach, the shouts of the sailors hauling out her yards to a newly floated boom, the ring of the marine blacksmith’s irons as he beat out ironwork for the ships, the ripping of the Persian saws through the logs of Malabar teak high on the cutting stage, the thud of drums and the burst of joyful song from a pearling sambuk [boat] coming in from the ghaus [diving]—these were the sounds of the waterfront all day and every day with respite only for prayer.

Women’s Shore Songs Women through ritual and song would try to appease or coerce the sea to bring back their husbands, sons, and fathers. Beginning a few weeks before the end of the pearling season, they would engage in various activities. For instance, they might gather and pour a common laxative (given to the children annually) into the Gulf waters to symbolically cleanse the sea of evil and/or induce it to “expel” their loved ones. Females would place a burning palm branch into the water, as such a branch was a remedy to heal wounds, with the hopes that it would heal the Gulf and thus make it release the men and let them come home. A third tradition was for women to submerge a cat in the sea and if it screamed “meow,” which it obviously would, this indicated that the men would be coming home soon (“meow” sounds like “yaw” which in Gulf dialect means, “they’re coming”). The day of the return was called Yaum al-Gaffaˉl (‫)م ا€ ل‬, and the homecoming is merely gaffaˉl. There would be much merriment (Fig. 9.8). On the shore, women might perform songs to the ‘aˉshuˉri ˉıqaˉ’ or other fann al-khammaˉri, or in Bahrain, maraˉdaˉh (Mat․ar 1981, 122). Often they would just clap as they sang. The most widespread women’s shore song heard throughout the men’s deployment was “Tawb, Tawb” (  ‫¡ب ¡ب‬, “Repent, Repent, O’ Sea”). “Tawb, Tawb” verse performed in Bahrain Repent, Repent O’ Sea

Four [months] and the fifth has begun

Bring them back

With their pockets full

Don’t you fear God, O’ Sea?

Four [months] and the fifth has begun

O’ their Captain

Do not be hard on them

 . . .  I wish I were a cloud

So I could cast shade on them

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  167

FIGURE 9.8 Women

at the beach in Kuwait, awaiting the return of the young men who engaged in the summer pearl-diving expedition (2010). Many will still sing traditional songs to welcome their sons and brothers. One carries a basket on her head with treats to give the returning youth, as was done in the past

Recreational Sea Cycles Fijiri or Uns (°„ْ ُ‫ أ‬or ‫ي‬¤\‫ي‬¤) All-night musical suites that are still performed today were regularly performed when the divers and merchant seamen returned from their voyages. These are known as fijiri in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, which literally means “until Fajr,” that is, until morning prayer when the celebrations would end. Kuwaitis often call the sessions uns (“joyfulness”). After the arduous diving season the joyful music making would provide a psychological cleansing for the wearied pearlers. It would wash away the foulness of their experience, offer a collective release, and enable the men to celebrate their safe return. To alleviate boredom and elevate their spirits, seamen also regularly sang fijiri on larger trade ships that were at sea for long periods, or when vessels were docked during layovers in India, Yemen, Africa, and other places along the Peninsula coast. Locals or sailors from neighboring vessels, who were stationed at the same port or close enough to board if at sea, were invited to join in on the musical festivities. Fijiri was not sung on pearl diving boats because the crew was too exhausted in the evenings to take part in any revelry. Fijiri include a few nahhaˉma and large choirs of men, huddled together on the ground, facing inwards as would have been requisite onboard a vessel. All clap, sing, and dance (Fig. 9.9). There are no melodic instruments, just percussion—the work song percussion, that is, one or two ․tabl bah․rıˉ and two pairs of ․taˉsat/twysaˉt, along with up to a dozen clay water jugs called ijh․ala or jah․ala (Œ‫ا‬, singular jah․al), pronounced “ih․ala” in Kuwaiti dialect, and perhaps mirwaˉs/maraˉwıˉs (°‫…او‬/‫)اواس‬, which are small cylindrical hand drums (Fig. 9.11;

168  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 9.9  Bahrainis

performing fijirˉı in an outdoor courtyard at a male wedding celebration

Fig. 9.12; Plate 14). In Kuwait the haˉwan (‫)هون‬, a brass mortar that is struck on the outside with sticks, is used instead of the ․taˉsat, at least for seated “sea” pieces (i.e., the main fijiri songs; Fig. 9.13). In the opening works of the fijiri cycle performers play frame drums, ․taˉr/t․ˉıraˉn with baraˉshıˉm (camel bells). These drums might be brought out again later in the evening, should the participants choose to perform “party” music, which is not part of the fijiri/uns proper (Fig. 6.1). Merchant ships were often equipped with all of these instruments, and even an uˉd and imkabbis (uˉd player). One crewman might be directly responsible for the upkeep of the instruments and organize the night’s samra (Fig. 9.14).

BOX 9.5  WHAT IS A SEA BAND TODAY? In the same way that Bedouin are associated with a tribe or faction, men of the sea have been associated with a neighborhood and a central meeting place called a daˉr in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar and a dıˉwaˉniya in Kuwait. The daˉr is named after the district, but sometimes, especially in Kuwait, after the owner of the edifice, especially because dıˉwaˉniya are attached to homes. Olden daˉr were large rooms made of mud with ceilings of bamboo and palm branches. They served as general gathering places where men would discuss a variety of issues, including politics, or fraternize and play cards and board games. However, some daˉr were and are specifically associated with musical performance and at these daˉr men sing indoors in the winter, and outdoors in an adjoining courtyard when the weather is warmer. In the past when men returned from the sea, they would go to their daˉr and sing and play various songs, especially fijiri/uns cycles. The daˉrs/dıˉwaˉniyas served somewhat like “ships,” but on land, and provided a way for the men to stay unified throughout the year.

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  169

Sea livelihood began to dwindle in the 1940s and 1950s, but sailors and neighborhood men kept going to the da ˉrs and singing their songs, teaching them to their sons and other interested youth. It was common to gather at least once a week, if not several times, to perform the traditional pieces. Eventually, da ˉrs were the only place sea music was regularly heard. In the 1950s, members of da ˉrs began to officially label themselves as bands, “firaq,” so that they could organize and better perform for government entities and people in the community. In Bahrain, the bands usually go by the name of the da ˉr, and in Kuwait, by the name of the band’s founder.8 Because of political unrest in Bahrain and Qatar, at various times in the second half of the twentieth century, daˉrs were forced to shut down, including musical daˉrs, and this caused damage to the sea bands in these countries. By the time daˉrs reopened, many had lost interest in playing or wanted to avoid public gathering so as not to be held under government suspicion. While in the past there were many musical sea daˉrs/dıˉwaˉniyas, today around a dozen survive in the Upper Gulf states, thus there are roughly a dozen major sea bands. Consequently, these modern sea bands are precious, direct ties to the Gulf maritime past (Fig. 9.9, Fig. 9.10). Most members still meet weekly and hold open performances where all are welcome. (In eastern Saudi Arabia until the 1990s the “mother of all sea bands” was the Firqat Daˉrıˉn from an area near Dammam. Two other bands broke off from the Daˉrıˉn group to form the Firqat Al-Afraˉh∙ and Firqat Al-Dooh∙. In the early twenty-first century, the leading Saudi nahhaˉma are Qah∙t∙aˉn Ibraˉhıˉm and his younger cousin Mubaˉrak H∙usain (Al-Afraˉh∙ 2009).)

daˉr of the “LuLu” Sea Band under the direction of Khalid Al-Johar. Although it is in a residential neighborhood, it has a canvas tent-draped ceiling in homage to Qatar’s Bedouin-rooted past

FIGURE 9.10 Qatar

Khalifa Al-Amˉı ri with jah․ala/ih․ala clay water jugs that are used as musical instruments. The “dum” sound is produced by striking the opening of the jar with the flat palm, and the higher-pitched “tek” by tapping the side with the fingers

FIGURE 9.11 Bandleader

ja․hala come from the island nation. Musicians of Kuwait, a country that does not have quality clay, purchase large quantities of ja․hala from Bahrain or Persia. According to a leading sea musician, the ja․hala has only been a staple in Kuwait since the twentieth century

FIGURE 9.12 Bahrain is famous for its fine clay and pottery kilns, and thus some of the best

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  171

haˉwan, brass mortar, is traditionally played like a musical instrument by Kuwaiti seamen. When Kuwaitis perform in Bahrain and Qatar with locals, they often bring their haˉwan and add this idiophonic color to the ensemble. The outside is struck with two sticks. The haˉwan basically functions like an inverted bell

FIGURE 9.13 The

FIGURE 9.14 Kuwaitis

sailing into the harbor of Oman in 1939. On a merchant ship, a variety of instruments were available, including the “land” frame drums (․tˉıraˉn) that were almost never taken on diving dhows. Sea drummers use an under-handed grip and strike towards themselves, unlike Najdi drummers. Notice the ․tabl bah ․ri player in the forefront. Alan Villiers (© National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London)

172  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Fijiri Structure The fijiri cycle entails seated musicians and attendees performing a handful of song-genres in a prescribed order. A group can perform several individual pieces in each genre but once performers move to the next genre, they should not go back and play a piece from a previous one. The order is as follows: 1. ‘adsaˉnıˉ and/or bah․ri—khammaˉri arts (‫ ي‬،—„
Ž) (both include frame drums. The genre “bah․ri” does not exist in Kuwait) 2. ․haddaˉdıˉ, 12/4 (‫ادي‬£) 3. imkhaˉlif/imkhoˉlif/imkhaˉlfıˉ, 8/4 (  …‫\…  —\إ‬  …) 4. h․asaˉwi, 6/4 (‫وي‬£) All of these genres of the fijiri cycle are comprised of three sub-sections: ijrah․aˉn, tanzıˉla, and neh․ma. The one anomaly is in the art imkhaˉlif (which means “different”): it has no ijrah․aˉn, just two sections, the tanzıˉla and neh․ma 1. ijrah․aˉn (‫ن‬£µ) or jarh․ (“hurt”) is a free mournful solo improvisatory section (mawwaˉl) sung by the nahhaˉm who manifest the deep longing and passion of the men of the sea. At the end of ijrah․aˉn the choir enters with long, sweeping melodic phrases, without instruments, in preparation of the next section, tanzıˉla. 2. tanzıˉla (Œ•¡), the metered choral section marked by the entrance of the percussion 3. neh․ma („), a closing section. The chorus produces a light, repeated hum (wanna, ƒ„‫)و‬ while the nahhaˉm takes the lead resonating ardent wails, creating ∙taˉrab, musical rapture, as his pitch gets higher and his embellishments more intense. This is also the only section that includes dancing: participants will form small circles and clap and pat the ground. An individual will enter the circle (mead, ‫ )ا‬and shake and jump like a slippery fish (Fig. 9.15). This dancing is called nashah or la’ib. Note that neh․ma, the name of this section with its wailing nahhaˉm singing over percussion, is the same name as that of the texture heard in work songs, where the nahhaˉm wails freely but there is no percussion.

FIGURE 9.15  During

fijiri participants jump impressively

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  173

The rhythmic mode of the tanzıˉla and neh․ma is the same, and it is the rhythm that distinguished the various genres of fijiri. The texts for the first and third sections of each art, the ijrah․aˉn and neh․ma, are chosen by the nahhaˉm from mawwaˉl or zuhayri. The texts for section two of the seated sea songs, the tanzıˉla, are pre-established because all in the choir must known the words (Urkevich Kuwait 2014). Uns/Sea Samra Structure Often uns or sea samra are the terms used to describe a complete evening of recreational sea music that encompasses the fijiri cycle along with other works. Such might include arts of, or related to, the “land” (khammaˉri types or ‘ard․a, or arts that use frame drums), sea arts (fijiri, arts that use sea instruments) and the urban uˉd art of ․sauˉt, followed by lively ․had․ar pieces (e.g., besta, khashaˉba, naggaˉzi). The arts are always presented in this order—land, sea, city, followed by the carefree, danceable songs. The entire evening is preceded by laywa performances that serve as an announcement. Note that not every genre listed below will be performed in an evening: •• ••

••

•• ••

Prelude, laywa: to announce the evening Frame drum songs (Land) a. ‘ard․a bah․ri or ‘ard․a al-’amıˉrıˉa b. for a procession at a wedding, ‘ard․a bah․ri, ‘aˉshuˉri (with or without fraysa), razıˉf in Qatar c. sangini (in Kuwait only) d. sea imyailisi/imjailisi (Fig. 9.16; Ex. 9.4; Ex. 9.5) e. work song (although not “land” music, in recent times, sometimes bands will insert a work song re-enactment, e.g., dawwaˉri, khat․fa, at the beginning of a samra) Fijiri Proper (Sea) a. ‘adsaˉni or bah․ri (with ․taˉr so has some land association)9 b. h․addaˉdi (12/4 meter) c. imkhoˉlif/imkhaˉlfıˉ (8/4 meter)—only two movements, no ijrah․aˉn d. h․asaˉwi (6/4 meter) Uˉd Songs (City) S ․auˉt, and sometimes besta or khashaˉba optional Dance Music (“Shakshaka”)

EX. 9.4  Sea

imjailisi (imyailisi) rhythmic mode of Kuwait

EX. 9.5  Sea

imjailisi rhythmic mode of Bahrain

174  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

imyailisi/imjailisi is a dance with shepherd’s canes performed to a ․taˉr-based music also called imyailisi. The art is almost extinct, excepting a band in Kuwait

FIGURE 9.16 Sea

After the land-affiliated arts with frame drums are completed the men sit with their ․tˉıraˉn in hand and play some other ․tar-based sea genres, usually ‘adsaˉni or bah․ri. The word bah․rıˉ simply means “sea,” so often all sea music is referred to generically as “bah․rıˉ.” However, in Bahrain, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia the word applies to a specific musical genre that begins fijiri cycles. The texts of both ‘adsaˉni and bah․ri are religious, so in a way, they serve as a blessing before the main fijiri begins. ‘Adsaˉni and bah․ri are considered “fann bah․ri,” meaning they are khammaˉri of the sea. Bah․ri has basically the same rhythmic mode as Bahraini ‘adsaˉni. Kuwait does not have an art called “bah․ri.” Kuwaiti ‘adsaˉni has the Kuwaiti khammaˉri rhythmic mode. It is believed that “‘adsaˉni” was named after a Kuwaiti merchant family. In both Bahrain and Kuwait ‘adsaˉni has a thirty-two-beat cycle and a similar tempo (ca MM = 112), and the first bar of each has basically the same accents. Once the frame drums are put aside, sea instruments come out along with the Gulf mirwaˉs, which is considered a drum of seamen. H ․ addaˉdıˉ are performed first. This is the most popular art in fijiri, and in any single session, usually more ․haddaˉdıˉ are played than the other genres. Imkhoˉlif/imkhaˉlfıˉ means “different,” and this art heard next lacks the ijrah․aˉn. The last art of fijiri, ․hasaˉwi is named after the Al-H ․ asaˉ oasis region in eastern Saudi Arabia (Hofuf), which was comprised of a large population of Najdis who had migrated there from their earlier homestead in Zubayr (Iraq). The “Najdi” folk arts of ‘ard․a and saˉmri are noted for their stately triple meters, and likewise, ․hasaˉwi is in a triple meter (6/4). Following these fijiri sea arts, the uˉd is brought out and ․sauˉt is performed followed by the carefree dance pieces.

S.aut, Gulf Art Song

․Saut (s․awt, ‫‚ت‬, literally “voice,” plural aswaˉt) is the premiere art song genre of the Gulf. It is a

maqaˉm-based music performed by a solo singer supported by the uˉd (lute) and mirwaˉs. It was first

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  175

developed in the late nineteenth century as a chamber music to be performed in an intimate setting, in a dıˉwaˉniya/daˉr, with one instrument on a part. The violin was soon added to the ensemble, and by the mid-twentieth century, performances included qanuˉn (plucked zither) or Egyptian orchestral instruments. Early on, the sea community adopted ․saut and converted it into a robust, group entertainment. Seamen perform the songs with over half a dozen maraˉwıˉs, interlocking clapping, paired male dance (zifaˉn), and choruses. Sea ․saut are featured late in the evening following fijiri, as part of uns/samra (Plate 15). A typical ․saut opens with free instrumental improvisation (taqaˉsıˉm) and this is usually performed on the uˉd or perhaps violin if present. An improvisatory vocal section (mawwaˉl) may follow. Next comes the core strophic material and the entrance of the rhythmic mode on the mirwaˉs. Following each strophe is an instrumental interlude. Once all of the strophes are completed, the song concludes with a type of “coda” called tawshıˉha. Today, only one or two pre-set tawshıˉha are regularly played. These tunes are simply attached to the end of the main 10 ․saut, but it is believed that in the early days of the art, each ․saut had its own exclusive tawshıˉha. Historically, ․saut may have been labeled with a variety of designators, i.e., ․saut zanzibaˉri, ․saut hindi, ․saut bulbula, and so forth. But there is no consistency in the application of these names. One source may refer to a song as one kind of ․saut, and another may apply a different descriptor to the same piece (Al-Salhi 2012, 20). Thus, at least in the past forty years, ․saut are classified according to rhythmic modes: ․saut arabi in 6/4, ․saut shaˉmi in 8/4, and ․saut khayaˉli, which is a term that has been used as a catch-all for a myriad of meters (e.g., 12/8; 10/8). Khayaˉli (—), which means “fanciful, or imaginative,” is the least performed. It often has a hemiolia-like shift with twelve beats that are grouped or accented as 4+3+3+2 (Ex. 9.6; Ex. 9.7; Ex. 9.8).11

EX. 9.6  S ․aut

arabi rhythmic mode in 6/4

EX. 9.7  S ․aut

shaˉmi rhythmic mode in 8/4

EX. 9.8  S ․aut

khayaˉli rhythmic modes

S∙aut Jalsa The primary innovator of ․saut was the Kuwaiti ‘Abdullah Al-Faraj (d. 1901). During his time, and certainly during the decades of his disciples, a ․saut jalsa (chamber music gathering) would begin with a strophic song called istimaˉ ’ (“listening”) with just uˉd and solo voice. This piece

176  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

served to announce to all at the session that they should pay attention and listen since the main music was about to begin. Then performers would sing ․saut arabi and shaˉ mi, alternating between the two types, perhaps with a khayaˉli in the middle, and end with a type of song known as khitaˉm (“conclusion”). In a ․saut jalsa today most performers omit both the istimaˉ’ (of which only one is extant) and khitaˉm and begin with the ․saut arabi. S ․aut lyrics are lovelorn, usually about unrequited affections, and since they also invoke God with a pleading quality (“Oh Lord, why doesn’t she look at me . . . .”), ․saut has been coined the “Blues of the Gulf.” The texts are presented with short phrases and some melisma, which never detracts from the clarity of the words. Some lyrics are newly composed, but most are taken from sections of pre-existing classical Arabic poetry or from ․humayni vernacular poems as known in the Yemen. For a sea band the tradition is to perform at least a few ․saut following fijiri. During ․saut paired dancers engage in a dance called zifaˉn (Fig. 9.17). They move together in pre-set steps walking away from the musicians and then back towards them while attendees clap intermittently and perhaps sing a refrain. At the end, guests join the dancers and all will hunch over and walk, creepingly towards the musicians, like caricatures of “old men.” During this ending dance, the audience does a special clap, where they tap their palms together lightly (without a pocket of air) and make a “sticky” sound. This is known as the baithan clap (‫)ان‬, i.e., “almond” clap, since it replicates the sound of cracking almonds.

FIGURE 9.17  Zifaˉn

pair dance in sea ․saut with band leader Mohamad Bin Hussein (left)

Chapter 9: Sea Music Traditions, and S∙auˉt  177

NOTES   1 Recorded examples and further information on Gulf sea traditions can be found on L. Urkevich, Kuwait: Sea Songs of the Arabian Gulf, compact disc and booklet issued separately (2014).   2 Various terms designating work song genres are found on various recordings: Mannaˉ’ıˉ (2002); Jargy and Caussade-Jargy (1994, Vol. 2); and Olsen’s book CDs (2002). My findings are based on fieldwork and interviews with professional sea musicians from the Upper Gulf nations beginning in 2003 and are mostly in agreement with those of Mannaˉ’ıˉ . The Mannaˉ’ıˉ CD was issued in Qatar but actually features the “Saad bin Awwad Group” who are Bahraini.   3 Jargy and Caussade-Jargy (1994, Vol. 2) states that khat․fa starts with the “duhal,” then “ya mely is repeated many times . . . ”  4 Kuwaiti raˉst∙abl is like the ya hamli of Bahrain, for instance that heard on Jargy and Caussade-Jargy (1994, Vol. 2).  5 Mat․ar (1981, 81) states sangini is a Kuwaiti song but that Bahrainis and Qataris used to sing it. However, Kuwaiti sea musicians feel strongly that sangini is a Kuwaiti art. The bandleader Khalifa Al-Amıˉ ri (2009) who worked upon pearling boats, says it has always been Kuwaiti. Members of the Dammam Saudi sea band say they have never performed sangini (Al-Afraˉh ․ 2009). Likewise, two Bahrain musicians of the celebrated Ibrahim Bin Mersa’ad Band (Daˉr Ja’na) say they have never heard of sangini being performed by Bahraini musicians nor do they know of any early Bahraini recordings of sangini (2011). Other Bahraini musicians are not in agreement.   6 Kuwaitis were owners of dhows and boat building enterprises throughout the coastal region, including Yemen and India (Hijjıˉ 2001; Marafie 2002; Mat․ar 1981, 74; Villiers 1969, 50). ∙   7 Olsen (2002, 102) recounts the same story about the Saudi’s request for a sangini in 1975, but does not mention that Kuwaiti musicians were the one’s who performed it. He goes on to say, “real sangini is heard no more [in Bahrain], ostensibly because it is too difficult to sing . . . the last nahham capable of singing it . . . died in 1977.” In Kuwait sea musicians into the twenty-first century regularly perform sangini and all remember this story about the Kuwaitis performing it in Bahrain in 1975. They even provide names of the musicians who took part in the event.   8 Note that the rhythmic mode on the recording of the Bahraini “sangini” in Olsen’s book is not part of a heritage tradition. In 2010 I met with the person who organized the band for Olsen’s 1972 recording of “sangini makhmuˉs.” In the 1970s he worked for the Bahraini government and procured bands for events. He said that the Olsen “sangini” was newly created, only heard and performed that one time—the musicians “improvised” because Olsen wanted to hear a sangini, an art which the Bahraini musicians themselves never performed.   9 Bahraini groups like the long-standing Daˉr Ja’na band are now often referred to by the name of their leader, thus, they are also called the Ibrahim Bin Mersa’ad Band. This is especially done since Mersa’ad is so respected among all Gulf sea musicians. 10 Some say that any sea art with a ∙taˉr is not fijiri proper and only ․haddaˉdi, imkhoˉlif, and ․hasaˉwi are fijiri. At least in the last seventy years introductory ‘adsaˉni or bah․ri are regularly performed with these other three genres, thus most consider the ∙taˉr songs as part of the fijiri cycle. 11 This can be determined by early HMV and Baidaphone recordings made in Baghdad that demonstrate a variety of taswshıˉha (Al-Salhi 2012, 31). 12 S ․aut khayaˉli is extant mostly in Kuwait. Note that khayaˉli (“imaginative”) should not be confused with the Hijazi art and rhythm khayyaˉli (“horse”).

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PART II

The Hijaz and Southwest Region

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10 HIJAZI FOLK TRADITIONS

FIGURE 10.1  Map

of the Hijaz and southwest

182  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

The large northwestern section of Saudi Arabia, the Hijaz, is named after its dominant highland range. “Hijaˉz” actually means “barrier” and applies to the northern part of the Sarawaˉt/Saraˉt Mountains that run from Jordan to just below T ․aˉ’if. Within the Saudi State, the Hijaz is divided into three provinces: Tabu ˉ k (‫ )ك‬in the north, Medinah in the center, and Makkah in the south (Fig. 10.1). Since the Hijaz encompasses the venerable cities of Makkah and Medinah (al-Madıˉnah al-Munawwara), without a doubt, it is first and foremost viewed as the birthplace and spiritual center of Islam: it is the site of the ka’ba, the home of the Prophet Mohammed and his Islamic revelations, and the pilgrimage spot for millions of visitors each year. The Hijaz also houses the port city of Jeddah (which is the traditional entry point for Makkah-bound Hajjis and the primary shipping harbor of the region) and the petrochemical city of Yanbu’ that lies further north along the Red Sea aside a deep, well-protected harbor. Yanbu’ was the historical entrance for those traveling to Medinah. In the southern Hijaz, for centuries the leading economic center has been the mountain municipality of Taˉ’if.1 Throughout its remarkably long history the Hijaz has experienced an incredible amount of cultural interaction. It has been a part of the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates, and then under Egyptian and Ottoman authority. Many urban residents are of a non-indigenous or mixed origin. Before the age of airplanes and modern ships, pilgrims would journey for months and sometimes years, enduring great hardships to visit the Hijaz. They always stayed for a lengthy period of at least six months, and understandably, many never left. Over time, the shifting governance, the impact of pre-Islamic pilgrims and later hajjis, and the consequential trade and economic activity, resulted in a dynamic and diverse civilization. Communities outside of the large urban centers have also contributed to the overall varigated culture. Regional Hijazis live in the desert, the mountains, in valleys, and along the sea, and these more rural peoples have their own traditions and practices. Over the years, and especially in the twentieth century, many Arabian pastoral Bedouin and villagers migrated to the cities and brought their long-standing customs with them, and thus local rural arts likewise had some impact there. Therefore, Hijazi cultural identity is highly complex.

Groupings of Musical Arts As in the Arabian Gulf, in the Hijaz one will find urban “classical” music, along with that of Bedouin, settled peoples, the sea community, and “Incoming” subcultures. But the distribution is different. Because of the age, number, and size of Hijazi cities, urban music is more extensive than in the Gulf. Thus, arts are generally placed under two large rubrics of 1) “classical/art” urban music and 2) folk genres. The urban art music employs complex scales and rhythmic modes with featured solo singers and instrumentalists and is not accompanied by set dances. The folk arts, like those of the Najd, are largely comprised of collective song and dance supported by a strong percussion team. At least by the mid-twentieth century and no doubt long before, music that originated as part of folk traditions was adapted for urban instrumentation and thus has gained a second life within the city music repertoire. Such is a testament to the significance of the folk genres as well as to the deep roots of classical music in the Hijaz—which did not exist in places like the Najd until more recently. The Hijaz is the only region in Saudi Arabia or the Upper Gulf where this merging of folk and classical has existed for such a long time.

Hijazi Folk Arts The folk arts that today are considered “Hijazi” by locals have been performed in the region for at least 100 years and some perhaps for millennia. As mentioned, these can be divided into

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  183

four categories: a) village, b) Bedouin, c) sea, and d) Incoming/foreign. The most prevalent are those linked to specific villages or towns and these are performed by peoples of mixed heritage and enjoyed by all in the settled communities. There are also genres with clear tribal ties, performed by those who identify as Bedouin but who too are settled. Urban musicians may have arranged these Bedouin genres for city performance, but in their collective folk forms only Bedouin perform these tribal arts. Thirdly, the sea community has work and recreational songs and although they are no longer sung aboard a vessel, the songs remain extant in coastal socieites at weddings and heritage events. Lastly, there are folk arts, like Hijazi zaˉr and ․tanbuˉra in the fashion of those seen in the Gulf, that are clearly Incoming. These African inspired genres more so than most others can be found sprinkled up and down the Hijaz, and Bedouin, villagers, coastal, and urban peoples might take part in these Incoming musical rituals. In general, we can say that genres that are found along the lowland coast like sea arts often share characteristics with arts across the Red Sea in Egypt and Nubia, while mountain and waˉdi (valley) arts have a different musical character and tend to have either a poetic focus (sung text) and/or Bedouin flavor, i.e., no instruments and line dance. But since the Hijaz has been inhabited for so long, and there has been much immigration and migration both internally and externally, lines might be blurred.

Note on Khobayti and Mizma-r By far, the Hijazi folk music genre that is the most widespread in the Peninsula is that of khobayti. Today, its rhythmic mode is a standard throughout Saudi Arabia and the Upper Gulf States as well as in khalıˉji pop music (Ex. 10.1). It is because of khobayti that the zıˉr instrument, used for khobayti, spread from the west into central and eastern Arabia. The Hijazi folk dance art that above all others most publically represents the Hijaz at festivals and on television programs is mizmaˉr, with its mock “stick fighting.” Mizmaˉr is a staple at male Hijazi wedding parties today.

BOX 10.1  HIJAZI DRUMS In Hijazi folk music, drums dominate ensembles. Barrel drums, frame drums, and small– medium kettledrums are the main folk percussion. The terminology for the drums can be confusing since different names are used for the same instrument, depending on the genre or the function of the drum within the music.

Barrel Drum: Mirwa ˉs, Maradd, Ha ˉjir (‫ ا‬،‫ اد‬،‫) اواس‬ Mirwaˉs is a generic term for any double-headed barrel drum regardless of the size. Sea musicians tend to always call their large barrel drums mirwaˉs, and the drum body of a sea mirwaˉs is usually made of wood and ropes are used to attach the heads. Sea musicians usually play the mirwaˉs horizontally while standing, with a strap around one shoulder so they can strike both heads (Fig. 10.11). Arabian Gulf mariners refer to this latter drum as the tabl baˉhri or kaˉsir, and in the Gulf “mirwaˉs“ indicates a small handheld drum (Plate 14). (continued)

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(continued) Since the small Gulf mirwaˉs is a barrel drum, a Hijazi musician will still refer to it as a mirwaˉs, even though they are not commonly found in the region. However, if one asks a Hijazi to, “Bring the mirwaˉs,” without further clarification, he/she will bring the large barrel drum, which interestingly sometimes has a side handle in the fashion of a small Yemeni mirwaˉs (Fig. 10.9). A large barrel drum is also called a maradd (responder) or haˉjir, but the terms are not completely interchangeable with mirwaˉs: the maradd and haˉjir specifically refer to larger drums, while mirwaˉs can be any double-headed drum, regardless of size. Except for sea music, the haˉjir/maradd is played by a musician who is seated on the ground or in a chair and the drum is placed vertically before him/her with only one head showing (Fig. 10.2).

FIGURE 10.2 Maradd, also

known as haˉjir or mirwaˉs in the Hijaz, is a double-headed barrel drum

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  185

Frame Drums: Duff, T∙aˉr, Ulba, Maqfi, Nawba, Mirjaf

(‫ ا‬،‫ ا‬،‫ ا‬، ‫ ا‬،‫ ا ر‬،‫)اف‬

Hijazi frame drums can be of the lighter, thinner duff variety, or the thicker, heavier Najdi t∙aˉr style. Oftentimes musicians use the words t∙aˉr and duff interchangeably, regardless of the construction of the instrument. Some note that duff is the older term, and Farmer indicates that “duff“ was used in Makkah in the seventh century and t∙aˉr was found in Yemen writings in the twelfth century. Maqfi and ulba are the terms for frame drums placed across the performer’s shins while seated on the ground (Fig. 10.10). The ulba long ago was rectangular or square shaped, which was not unusual. Farmer mentions a rectangular frame drum in the Hijaz as far back as the 1200s (1929b, 502). Nawba and mirjaf are the names for frame drums when used in the art of khobayti. Frame drums come in a variety of sizes and performers tend to hold them with an overhanded grip (as seen in the Najd), with the exception of T ∙ aˉ’if majruˉr dancer-drummers and sea musicians who both use an underhanded grip (as seen in the Gulf).

Goblet Drum: Dum, T∙abl or T∙abla ( ‫ ا‬، ‫ ا‬،‫)ام‬ The goblet drum rests across the lap of the performer and does not play complicated rhythmic modes as one would find in Egypt, but usually just adds a simple bass drum element to music. It is regularly heard in urban party songs and in certain folk genres, like the majruˉr of T ∙ aˉ’if. In recent decades, this drum has a light metal body and a plastic head, and it is usually imported from Syria or Egypt (Fig. 16.13).

Kettledrums: Nagrazaˉn (Naqqaˉra) and Zıˉr (‫ ارة‬،‫ ا‬،‫) ازان‬ Kettledrums, that rest on the ground and are struck with sticks, can be played singly or in pairs, one pitched higher than the other. The nagrazaˉn, technically, is smaller and shallower than the zıˉr, which is believed to have come into the Hijaz from southwestern Arabia and Najran or Africa. The term naqqaˉra today denotes a specific kettledrum found in urban ∙sahba muwashshah∙ music and is basically a nagrazaˉn (Fig. 12.6). Both terms are derived from the word naqr (), “to tap or drum.” Often, Hijazi performers will play all arts on a larger set of zıˉr, but they will still call the instruments nagrazaˉn if they are performing an old art that called for it. It is believed that in earlier times kettledrums were not common among women musicians but since the late twentieth century, Hijazi females perform on nagrazaˉn and zıˉr.

Folk Arts Outside of the main cities, the Hijazi areas considered the most musical are Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima, Raˉbigh, Yanbu’, and T ․aˉ’if (Fig. 10.1). Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima is an inland agricultural locale that lies 30 km northwest of Makkah and about 75 km northeast of Jeddah. It is comprised of many villages, the largest being Al-Jumuˉ m. In Pre-Islamic times, it was an important camel caravan

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spot for those traveling between Makkah and Medinah. Its dominant tribes are Quraysh, H ․ arb, Lihyaˉn, Shyuˉ f, and ‘Otaiba (Katakura 1977). Musicians of the major cities regularly speak highly of the many musical arts in Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima, including zıˉr and kasra genres. Raˉbigh and Yanbu’ are the primary coastal towns. Raˉbigh, which means “comfortable living,” was historically called Al-Johfa, at least until the seventeenth century. It was a resting place for Hajji pilgrims coming from Egypt and the Levant, and those who were traveling between Yemen and the north also frequented it. The port town of Yanbu’, ca 150 km north of Raˉbigh, is home of the most prominent Hijazi sea music collectively called “Yanba’aˉwi.” And the mountain municipality of T ․aˉ’if is especially musical: throughout history many of the great artists of the Hijazi cities originally came from T ․aˉ’if. Hijazi folk arts can be grouped into the following categories: ••

•• ••

••

••

••

General Red Sea folk arts, found in several locales a. khobayti ‫ ا‬, aka mukhaˉlifa ‫ا‬ khobayti buˉs․ or just “buˉs․“ ‫( اص‬based in Yanbu’) khobayti simsimiya or just “simsimiya“ ‫( ا‬based in Yanbu’) Raˉbigh la’ib  ‫(  ­ را‬based in Raˉbigh) Rijıˉri, a khobayti-related dance art b. zıˉr ‫( ا‬based in Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima and valleys) c. mizmaˉ r ‫ا€ر‬ Unaccompanied genre (no instruments, no dance) d. kasra ‫( ا‚ة‬Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima to Medinah) Yanbu’ arts a. khobayti b. ‘ijil ƒ ‫ا‬ c. simsimiya/yanba’aˉwi ‫ا \ ا وي‬ Taˉ’if arts a. majruˉr ‫اƒر‬ b. qas․aymi †‫ا‬ c. h․iyuˉmaˉ €‡‫( ا‬T ․aˉ’if “Bedouin”) Unaccompanied Taˉ’if genres (no instruments, no dance) d. ․hadri ‫( Š‰ ˆري‬T ․aˉ’if) e. imjailisi ƒ‫( ا‬T ․aˉ’if) Incoming African-rooted arts a. t․anbuˉra ‫ا رة‬ b. zaˉr ‫اار‬

Khobayti (‫)ا‬ Khobayti music was originally the type performed in Hijazi zaˉr spirit rituals where the possessed patient would gyrate, rock, and leap. Since zaˉr are condemned according to local Islamic customs, and because khobayti is now often considered a rambunctious party music, some musicians shy from calling it khobayti and increasingly refer to it as mukhaˉlifa, which simply means something “different,” “weird,” “unique.” They seek to distance the beloved sounds from any kind of untoward behavior. Text of khobayti songs vary, but typically, they refer to love. An example heard at Hijazi saˉmer parties:

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  187

‫ ““  “““ آ واŠ‘Ž اŒع‬ Yaˉ laˉ laˉ yaˉ laˉ laˉ laˉ Be patient and understand what is going on ‰‫ ““  “““ وŠ‚  ˆ ز‬ Yaˉ laˉ . . .  And think carefully my darling ‫ ““  “““ • € ‘ د‬ Yaˉ laˉ . . . , Before we stop being together ‰ –‚—‫ ““  “““ ‡ ا‬ Yaˉ . . .  Let us solve the problem gently Performance and Dress Men and women can sing khobayti songs in almost any setting, but up and down the 400 km of Medinah Road, khobayti are regularly performed not just as songs, but as part of a folk-dance art. Musicians and participants sit in a circle, semi-circle, or two facing lines. There are two main singers, amplified in recent times, who perform antiphonally, or sometimes a soloist takes turns singing with the larger group who will also intermittently clap in an interlocking style (al-kaff ‚‫)ا‬, somewhat like that of seamen in Gulf bands although not as structured. If friends are performing khobayti in the desert or on shore, they might simply wear their daily clothes. If the khobayti is part of a formal heritage celebration, a wedding, or large party, and if the costumes are available, then all musicians and dancers will wear traditional dress. Otherwise, only the featured dancers are in costume, which includes a white or colorful garment (often yellow or blue) called a thobe al-h․uwaysıˉ or simple al-h ․uwaysıˉ (‡‫ا‬, implying “circular”). It is fitted at the top but has ample lower skirt material to allow it to fan out when the dancer spins. The celebrated khobayti rotating dance is called tah․wıˉs (˜‡ ), “twirling,” and in appearance manifests an Ottoman dervish character, which is understandable since the Ottomans had control of the Hijaz for hundreds of years before World War I. Dancers also wear a misbat (™€), that is, a cross belt, and a ghutra headscarf wrapped around the head like a turban. A dancer may wield two swords (i.e., sayfıˉn, ‰š) that will be maneuvered around his shoulders and head in intricate moves. Often, he will kneel while spinning the weapons (Plate 16). Normally in khobayti there is no collective group dancing, just solo dancing before a seated crowd. One, two, or perhaps three individuals can dance together in front of the others, synchronizing many of their moves. It is best if khobayti is performed outdoors where there is ample space so the soloists can leap and skip before they spin. It is common to hold the sides of the garment and flap it forward and back as one moves. This is a typical khobayti move—it is the spinning and the fanning of the wide thobe that typifies the dance (Fig. 10.3). Some women are especially gifted in traditional khobayti dancing and they present various detailed maneuvers. However, we see today that when khobayti songs are played at modern parties, most women will replace old moves with contemporary and regional dance styles, like “khalıˉji” steps. Free dance, without the formal spinning, is common. But regardless how one dances, partially because of khobayti’s zaˉr-related past, some individuals will work themselves into a frenzy, shaking their heads and rocking their torsos violently, falling into istinzaˉl. As one Hijazi musician noted, “Oh, the people, they love this khobayti too much! It is at weddings, at

188  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 10.3  A

traditional move of a khobayti performer is to flap his garment as he dances

school graduation celebrations. Everyone enjoys it. But it is too dangerous because when the people dance, sometimes they fall down backwards!” (Hijaz A 2013). Khobayti Instruments In traditional khobayti there are at least four frame drums of various sizes, each named according to its rhythmic function. Additional frame drums can re-enforce the main parts, and usually the zıˉr kettledrum is included (Fig. 10.4): a. maqfi € b. nawba  c. maradd ‫€د‬ d. mirjaf € e. zıˉr ‫( ز‬depending on region or group) The maqfi (€, pluarl maqfıˉn ‰€) is a slightly larger mid-sized frame drum. The performer sits on the ground with his/her legs outstretched in front and places the maqfi on the shins with part of the rim resting over the knees. In the twenty-first century, it is basically the same instrument, played in the same manner, as the ‘ulba found in the mizmaˉr dance (below), but as noted by musicians, the name of the instrument differs according to the rhythmic mode one is playing. It is believed that in earlier times there were physical differences between a maqfi and ulba (Fig. 10.10).

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  189

FIGURE 10.4  A

set of khobayti drummers. The maqfi is at the right end

The nawba () frame drum is slightly smaller than the maqfi. It is held with an overhanded grip and the performer plays a steady Hijazi sharqayn or “sa’uˉdi” type of additive rhythm where eight beats are accented into groups of 3+3+2, similar to Egyptian malfuˉf (see Chapter 12). “Nawba” is also used to describe the rhythm of this drum. A third frame drum is the maradd (‫)€د‬, “responder or refrain,” which is a term used for other drums in the Peninsula. It comes in various sizes, often being larger than the nawba (i.e., similar in size to the maqfi). This drum performs embellishing solo accents. The mirjaf (€), the largest frame drum of the set, plays a repeated simple bass beat, “dum ka, dum ka, dum ka,” etc.

EX. 10.1 Hijazi

khobayti polyrhythm, which is characterized by its quick core duple pulse with inner eight beats accented in groups of 3+3+2. It is similar to the primary Najdi dˉosari rhythm, so that Hijazi musicians refer to Najdi dˉosari as “khobayti Riyadh,” after the name of the capital city

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14 Khobayti (folk and pop)

The zıˉr is not always used in the khobayti of large Hijazi cities but it is found in the areas of Raˉbigh, Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima, and Yanbu’. The zıˉr drum has become quite popular Kingdom-wide and those in the Najd will almost never perform a khobayti/doˉsari rhythm in the twenty-first century without the zıˉr. Regional Khobayti of Rabigh and Yanbu’ Some Hijazi professionals assert that the best khobayti musicians, the true artists, come from the village of Raˉbigh ( ‫ )را‬along the Red Sea on Medinah Road. Most traveling from Jeddah to Medinah go past or through Raˉbigh and this frequent interaction with urban dwellers no doubt helped to spread Raˉbigh khobayti, which is sometimes called “Raˉbigh la’ib.” Known for its passionate, energetic dancing and the excitement that its percussionists instill, Raˉbigh khobayti performed outdoors at night will draw huge crowds. Unlike other khobayti it has no melodic instrument. This may be because many Raˉbigh residents stem from tribes, and melodic instruments are not a traditional part of Bedouin culture. A khobayti rhythm without melodic embellishment can be confused for Najdi doˉsari, since both are similar, and doˉsari traditionally has no melodic instrument either. Yanbu’ has two types of khobayti. One includes the simsimiya and the other the buˉs. The buˉ․s (‫ص‬, literally “bamboo”) is a wind instrument comprised of two small pipes, each with a single reed, that are tied together. It is like a small mijwiz as seen in other Arab countries (Fig. 10.5). Since the 1990s the buˉ․s is often replaced by an accordian or an electronic keyboard that is programmed to sound like some kind of reeded instrument (e.g., saxophone, bagpipe). The buˉ․s is used in zaˉr trance-spirit rituals and khobayti music. It might also be referred to by the generic name mizmaˉr, which in the Hijaz for at least a hundred years has indicated any aerophone (Farmer 1929b, 495).

FIGURE 10.5  The

buˉ․s comprised of two reeded bamboo pipes tied together

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  191

The simsimiya (‫ )ا‬is a mid-sized lyre, a strummed chordophone of the Red Sea (Fig. 10.6; Fig. 10.13; Box 10.2). It is played by strumming the strings with a dominant-hand plectrum all the while using the other hand to mute or unmute some of the strings according to the song/tonality desired. As with the ․tanbuˉra, one cannot change the pitch while performing but must adjust the tuning between pieces.

simsimiya lyre made out of a petrol can. The performer has attached a microphone to amplify the sound

FIGURE 10.6 A

The songs themselves of a simsimiya and buˉs khobayti can be structurally the same. Simsimiya khobayti originated in Yanbu’ but it is not clear whether buˉs khobayti did as well, however it is performed in Yanbu’ along with other Hijazi cities. Even though khobayti simsimiya is older than khobayti buˉs․, the buˉs and the Raˉbigh style of khobayti are more readily performed in the Hijaz. According to oral accounts, khobayti buˉs․ is the type preferred by jinns (spirits) and therefore the kind that will cause a spirit to reveal itself through movements. A possessed person can dance to khobayti simsimiya if the jinn within him/her happens to like that kind of khobayti, but simsimiya music is considered “lighter,” and thus not as potent in enticing or expelling the spirit. Since the late twentieth century the org, qaˉnuˉn, or uˉd, regularly replace the melodic simsimiya.

BOX 10.2  SIMSIMIYA The midsized lyre, which is considered a “poor-man’s instrument,” can be made of various materials. In earlier times the body was comprised of all wood or sometimes had a leather face/sounding board, but since the 1970s it has been made from petrol cans (ca 13 in./33 cm tall) that were discarded around oil companies and military camps. Inserted into the body is a wooden stick frame with tuning pegs to which are attached five wire strings. (continued)

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(continued) The simsimiya was favored among fishermen and was performed on both ship and shore. Types of it are well known throughout the Red Sea in various Saudi, Ethiopian, Sudanese, and Yemeni seaports, as well as to the north among the Bedouin of the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula. Like the buˉs∙, it is used in the art of khobayti and zaˉr spirit possession music. However, the simsimiya eventually moved into the cities, and in the late 1930s it was common in Jeddah. One visitor recounted, “There were 30 or 40 coffee houses where they made merry [they drank], smoked and listened to the music of the simsimiya“ (Shiloah 1972, 22). The strummed lyre has an extraordinarily long history in the Peninsula and can be seen in rock carvings in central Saudi Arabia near Najd Musamma dating from around 3000 bce, and there is also another rock carving in Qahrah that appears to show a simsimiya dating from 16,000 bce. Regardless of its phenomenal longevity, its use is rapidly declining in the twenty-first century. In the past few decades, many ensembles have an uˉd or org play along with the simsimiya, or they replace it altogether, especially with a qaˉnuˉn (plucked zither). But before the 1980s the simsimiya was used exclusively for songs that called for it, especially in the sea town of Yanbu’, the leading home of simsimiya music. Purists throughout the Hijaz still insist on a real simsimiya being used in traditional simsimiya pieces.

BOX 10.3  KHOBAYTI’S SPLIT PERSONALITY Khobayti comes from the word “khobt“ (™›), which indicates Hijazi desert or isolated area. Locals identify khobt as being on the mountainside (east) of Medinah Road. Khobayti music was used in zaˉr spirit rituals that were held away from residences in remote locales—khobt. In some ways the khobayti genre has a split personality. Some of its characteristics are shared with arts of inner Arabia, away from the sea. For instance, the rhythmic mode is like doˉ sari, and khobayti calls for various sized ∙tˉra ı ˉn, as is common in the Najd, and the name of the large ∙taˉr is mirjaf, which is the Najdi name for the largest drum. Moreover, khobayti performers hold their frame drums with an overhanded grip, like desert dwellers, not with an underhanded hold like maritime folks. And there are similarities between the performance of Hijazi khobayti and Unayza naˉguˉz (see Chapter 5). However, the most well known khobayti performance styles are associated with people on the coast, in Yanbu’ and Raˉbigh, and include Red Sea characteristics like the spinning thobe dancer, the interlocking clapping, and a drum called nawba. Thus, khobayti manifest both inland and coastal characteristics.

La’ib Al-Zıˉr The art zıˉr (aka, la’ib al-zıˉr), whose name comes from the drum zıˉr, is a khobayti-related art enjoyed in several Hijazi areas, especially Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima. The zıˉr kettledrum used is often quite large, similar to those of Eritrea. The art differs from khobayti in that it has a slow, hypnotic rhythm and participants sing a simple repetitive chant. But it is similar to khobayti in that individuals spin quickly in the middle of the rocking group, and in earlier times, the dancers would wear a thobe al-h․uwaysıˉ, in the fashion of khobayti dancers. Today, frame drums and barrel drums join the zıˉr kettledrum in performance.

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  193

Mizmaˉr (‫)€€ر‬ The mizmaˉr song-dance with mock stick fighting, above all others most publically represents the Hijaz at festivals and on television programs. “Mizmaˉr” is actually the generic term for most any wind instrument found in the Hijaz or Asıˉr, from the end-blown flute to the dual-piped buˉs․.2 But the name of the art mizmaˉr is confusing because the mizmaˉr song-dance does not call for any wind instrument—there is no mizmaˉr in mizmaˉr, just drums. Further complicating the matter is that in Upper Egypt (i.e., southern Egypt), in the ․sa’ıˉdi culture across the Red Sea, there too is an art called mizmaˉr that includes a battle stick dance (tah․․t ˉı b). However, it is unlike the Hijazi mizmaˉr, since it has a requisite double-reeded folk oboe (which in Egypt is actually called a mizmaˉr). It is of note though that the Egyptian art employs a different rhythm, drums, dance style, and dress than Saudi mizmaˉr. Indeed, aside from the canes and the name, the Egyptian and Saudi art forms have little in common (see Marcus 2007, 83–88). It is not clear whether the Hijazi style preceded that of Egypt. But there is no doubt that the cane staff has long been a common weapon in western Arabia. In 1855 Crichton remarked that, “Yembawees are all armed with dagger and spear” (1855, 203); and Burton and Burton concur (1893, 228): What we should call the peaceful part of the population never leave the house without the “Nabbut” [staff] over the right shoulder, and the larger, the longer, and the heavier the weapon is, the more gallantry does the bearer claim. The people of Yambu’ practise the use of this implement diligently; they become expert in delivering a head-blow so violent as to break through any guard, and with it they always decide their trivial quarrels. Single combat dance (la’ib, “play”) like that of mizmaˉr has been enjoyed by many northwestern Peninsula peoples because it is spectacular and gives the individual warrior an opportunity to distinguish himself while being observed by his tribesmen. The mizmaˉr dance in many ways has served as a training tool for young fighters, and in some cases, as a battleground itself. Even in recent decades there are accounts of a lone mizmaˉr dancer, injuring up to a dozen men during a performance. In fact, in the 1990s mizmaˉr dances were used in Jeddah as an excuse to engage in gang violence. There was such an elevated level of injured mizmaˉr dancers visiting the hospitals, that the government banned the art among youth (Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 175). Mizmaˉr dances may differ in their movements and to some extent their rhythms from place to place or from village to village.3 But in general young, strong males who can wield and rapidly twirl the cane are the main performers. A true mizmaˉr is always “played” at night outdoors around a fire, whether it be on a street, alley, public plaza, or rural locale. Today, if there is no fire available, there is still a desire to dance around some central object, so performers may put a pot or drum or some item in the middle of the dance area to represent the flames. The mizmaˉr dance is called joˉsh (‫)ش‬. ُ Dancers line up in two opposing lines or a large circle, each man holding a cane. Two individuals advance. If more try to engage, the remaining men will restrain or beat them. The dual begins as the pair spin around the flames, trying to strike each other with graceful and quick moves, all the while avoiding being struck themselves (Fig. 10.7).4 There are three sizes of sticks from which one can choose. The thickest stick is the shoˉn (‫)Ÿن‬. This meaty staff is a true fighting tool and can cause substantial harm to another dancer. Performers will sometimes immerse it in oil then put silver wrappings on its ends and in the middle, or decorate it in some way to make it stronger and appear more like a formal weapon.

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FIGURE 10.7  Mizmaˉ r

dancers engaging in a mock battle

A mid-sized stick is the mut․liq (¡ €), and the smallest stick that causes almost no damage is the mriwaˉd (‫)€واد‬. Folk troupes tend to use the lighter canes and will dress in a traditional mizmaˉr costume that includes a wide belt (baqsha, —), and scarf on the shoulder (al-mus․annaf al-yamaˉni, ‫ا† ا‬or ․halabi ˆ), sometimes a vest (s․adriyya, ‫ر‬¢), and upon the head, a turban called an ‘imma (£; Fig. 10.8). When youth perform mizmaˉr for recreation, they simply wear their daily Saudi dress, a white thobe.

mizmaˉ r dress, with a battle stick (mut․liq), wide belt (baqsha), scarf on the shoulder (h․alabi), and the ‘imma turban

FIGURE 10.8 Traditional

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  195

Today, the mizmaˉ r art is commonplace in male Hijazi wedding parties in all the major cities. Younger male guests will engage in a sedate version of group mizmaˉ r (Fig. 10.9). However, the best performers are usually not the guests, but members from professional folk troupes who lead the dance. The type of song that accompanies mizmaˉ r is called zuˉmaˉl (‫—)زو€ل‬or sometimes “mizmaˉr”—and features call and response singing that pertains to heroism, praise, chivalry, or love. Sometimes the lyrics are improvised so as to spur on the immediate participants. The group begins by alternating short phrases between the soloist and choir who add interlocking clapping. Then the percussion enters and the dance begins (Ex. 10.2). A typical mizmaˉ r text is: Mizmaˉr Oh Sariyah, tell me about what happened, tell me If you say it, I shall not be afraid of the three mates Peace to you people of honor and bravery

› ‫ ى‬£ › –‫šر‬ ‫وان •‘ € › “ ا§ت ا“ي‬ ‫– ه ا‚م وا—ƒع‬£ ‫وš§م š§م‬ 

What happened to my beloved? What distracts her?

 ©Ÿ ‫ ا‬ª‫ ا ا‬ª‫وˆ ا‬ 

If she became arrogant, patience shall remain

–‫ ا†  و‬£ ‚ ‫ان آن‬ ©‫“ ¬ ˆ €‰   «ل ا‬ 

As my beloved will return after her long absence Pigeons come from T ․aˉ’if, madly eager to meet their mates

“‫ˆم  €‰ ا  و‘ن © ا‬

And if she accepts, my heart is a gift for them

–‫  • ه‬£‫– ا‬£ 

 ‫وان آن‬

And we will live happily among the fresh flowers

–‫—– ه– وš® اهر ا‬£ ª ‫و‬ 

Salam, Salam, People of Jerwil, People of the ornamental pigeon

FIGURE 10.9  Male

‫š§م š§م اه ول اه ا‡م اول‬

wedding guests, non-professionals, dancing a mizmaˉ r

196  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

EX. 10.2  Mizmaˉ r

rhythmic pattern

Percussion There is no melodic instrument in a mizmaˉr ensemble, only the following percussion (Fig. 10.10):5

15 Mizmaˉr: “Hala”

a. ulba (literally “box” or “can”), a large frame drum that rest across the lower legs of a seated man, The ulba performs filler beats and embellishes. b. nagrazaˉn, kettledrum played with two sticks. Usually today the generic zıˉr is used. Note that there is a “nagrazaˉn” in Egyptian mizmaˉr, although it is hung around the neck and played with long sticks (Marcus 2007, 85). c. mirwaˉs or maradd, the large barrel drum, placed vertically and played with both bare hands. d. mirjaf, a large frame drum that keeps the main beat. e. s․afqa (¢), clapping.

FIGURE 10.10  Mizmaˉ r

musicians playing from left to right mirwaˉs, ulba, and “nagrazaˉn” (zˉı r)

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  197

Yanbu’ Sea Arts Yanbu’, 300 km north of Jeddah, is the historical entry point for those going to Medinah. Indeed, throughout its history of over 2500 years, Yanbu’ has been the main entrance of the northern Arabian coast, welcoming food suppliers and pilgrims from Syria, Egypt, and North Africa across the Red Sea. It was also a major stopping point on the spice and incense caravan route from Yemen to Egypt. Yanbu’ or Yanbu’ al-Bah ․r (‡‫“ )¬ ا‬Spring by the Sea,” gets its name from the fact that the region has much fresh water in the many springs and wells at the foot of the nearby escarpments. Since 1975 it has been a major petrochemical city with a large expatriot population. Yanbu’ and Egypt Historically, Yanbu’ has close ties with Egypt. The old city area of Yanbu’ is actually called H ․ aˉrat al-S ․a’aˉyda ( ‫)ˆرة ا† ة‬, i.e., S․a’aˉyda Lane—from S ․a’ıˉd Mis․r, the name for Upper Egypt. According to many oral accounts, Yanba’aˉwi sailors and divers regularly traveled to Egypt and there was a frequent exchange of citizens, songs, instruments, food, dress, and a variety of cultural customs. The relationship was reciprocal, so that when those of Yanbu’ were short on water or sustenance, or those of the Egyptian Red Sea were lacking in food or supplies, then the inhabitants of one side would assist and sometimes actually move to the other side (Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 200). Notably, in the eighteenth century Yanba’aˉwi traders and seamen along with their sheikhs from Yanbu’ and Jeddah, actually controlled the Egyptian Red Sea port of Al-Qus․ayr (Harre 2005, 100). There was further interaction since, until 1927, the kiswa, the black cloth the covers the ka’ba in Makkah, was made in Egypt each year, and those transporting it traveled across the Red Sea disembarking at the Yanbu’ port as they sang songs accompanied by the simsimiya. It is not unusual for Yanbu’ songs to mention the Nile and fruits of the Levant. One Yanba’aˉwi text reads. Why so, River Nile?

‫ وي‬

You laugh and my tears stream

‫– ˜ آە  ‡ ا‬

You promise, and let me down

  €‫ و أ د‬±‡² ™‫أ‬

Are you joking with me? I climbed the cinnamon trees And was kissed on the lips  . . . 

 ‫ و‬£ ™‫أ‬ –£ ±‡² “ ‫و‬ Š‫و « ™ Šق Ÿƒ ا‬ —‫و أ›´ت š €‰ ا‬ ‫و « ™ Šق ا—ƒا‬ £ ‫و • ™ ›› و‬  ‫˜ €  دي‬µ‫  ا‬ ‫آ§ ˆ– ƒ– إ“ أ‬ (Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 202)

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Because there is some connection including musical similarities between the socieites on the opposite sides of the Red Sea, there has been much debate about whether Egypt borrowed from Yanbu’, or vice versa. From several accounts, Yanbu’ arts are known to have spread beyond the Peninsula: a well-known song in Syria is from Yanbu’, and Jordanian seamen in the Gulf of Aqaba sing songs to a rhythm they clearly refer to as yanba’aˉwi (Revival 2010, 2). In any case, Yanbu’ musicians assert that their music for the most part is independent of Egypt and was developed on the Arabian side of the Red Sea (Al-Sharıˉ f 2008). Yanbu’ Sea Traditions Yanbu’ sea music was to relieve monotony, provide motivation during chores, and amuse the crew during times of boredom. The sailors had many songs for repairing or making fishing nets, hoisting sails, or weighing anchor. On a vessel fishermen and divers would sing, clap, play simsimiya, and accompany themselves on the mirwaˉs. However, since the economy changed and the practical function of sea songs has diminished, sea music and dance survives at weddings and national celebrations. In order to perform it, as we have seen elsewhere, in the 1970s–1980s formal groups began to organize that were comprised of members who came directly from the sea community. Today there are three primary Yanbu’ folk troupes entailing thirty to thirtyfive members each, although normally no more than twenty-five perform at a time. These bands perform up to eight different arts. Along with the two versions of khobayti, one with the buˉs․ and one with the simsimiya, the most substantial Yanbu’ art is ‘ijil, and there is also a genre known as “simsimiya”—which is not the same as khobayti simsimiya. In this study it will be called the “simsimiya genre.” ‘Ijil (ƒ ‫ا‬, literally “calf”) was originally sung when the main sail was lowered and folded as a vessel moved towards the harbor. While khobayti and the simsimiya genre are performed today by various bands in major Hijazi cities, ‘ijil is primarily performed by only Yanbu’ musicians and, therefore, there is a certain regional pride associated with it. On the boat, ‘ijil is accompanied by the buˉs․, mirwaˉs, and ․saˉjaˉt (‫)ا†ت‬, which are small hand cymbals, common among Yanbu’ sea musicians, that come in pairs like the Arabian Gulf ․tuˉs/t․waysaˉt. Performers sit in the middle of a circle of a spirited crew who would join them in song and clapping as they approached shore. If performed on the land, ‘ijil includes the nagrazaˉn, ․tˉıraˉn, and the mirwaˉs, which is slung over the shoulder with a strap (Ex. 10.3, Fig. 10.11).

EX. 10.3  ‘Ijil

rhythmic pattern of Yanbu’

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  199

Yanbu’ musician holding his mirwaˉs (barrel drum) with a strap on the shoulder, which is the fashion of seamen

FIGURE 10.11 A

Simsimiya Genre and Yanba’aˉwi Outside of the Yanbu’ area Yanbu’ sea arts are referred to generically as yanba’aˉwi, especially if a song includes the simsimiya instrument, but specifically this term applies to the yanba’aˉwi rhythmic mode or songs that use it. Today, this rhythm is basically the same as Egyptian maqsuˉm (Ex. 10.4), although in the Gulf of Aqaba, Jordanian seamen speak of the two rhythms as being distinct (Revival 2010, 2). The simsimiya art features the instrument simsimiya and includes the core yanba’aˉwi rhythm. Historically, it was performed for work tasks, for instance to raise the sail, and today the songs are sung while men re-enact these sea chores. Like the traditional crew on a vessel, the performers wear a black and white checkered sarong-like wrap around their waists (fuˉ․ta «Š) and a white T-shirt. The dancers, of which there are a handful who perform before the seated musicians, will enter the performance space with a cane resting across the shoulder attached to which is a fish basket (zanbıˉl ‫ ) ز‬made of bamboo leaves. They will also carry some netting, hooks, or items that represent maritime life. Throughout the song the men engage in a series of moves, for instance looking up and pulling on an imaginary halyard in unison, or walking in rhythm in a circle, acting as if they are turning a capstan, or making rowing motions together with their sticks in time to the music (Fig. 10.12). Today, this simsimiya genre can be performed anywhere, for instance at a night party after Isha prayer (ca 9pm), for wedding celebrations, during the daytime on the beach, or even on a boat. It has a light spirited yanba’aˉwi rhythmic feel (Ex. 10.5).

EX. 10.4  Core

yanba’aˉwi rhythmic mode

16 Yanba’aˉwi

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EX. 10.5  Simsimiya

genre percussion parts including the yanba’aˉwi rhythm

Jeddah band performing the genre simsimiya with a re-enactment of sea chores. Here performers “raise the halyard” to the sound of music

FIGURE 10.12 A

The instrumentalists and singer-clappers sit with the simsimiya instrument player (Fig. 10.13), and he strums to the pulse that is provided by a goblet drum, which when performed in Yanbu’ songs is simply called “dum,” since all it does it provide a steady “dum” beat. Two sea mirwaˉs placed vertically are struck with the open hands of players. The yanba’aˉwi rhythmic mode might be played by one of these drummers, but regardless, it is built into the melodic rhythm, so it is not necessary that it be literally sounded by a drum. The simsimiya instrument plays first and then the lead singer begins the piece with a free vocal improvisation (mawwaˉl), after which the percussion and dance begin. The choir sings in alteration with the soloist, followed by sections of interlocking clapping.

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  201

simsimiya player usually sits near the lead singer and adjusts his performance accordingly to complement the vocal part. The right hand strums the strings and the left mutes or frees them

FIGURE 10.13 The

BOX 10.4  KASRA: UNACCOMPANIED SONG Kasra is unaccompanied song, like mawwaˉl or majass. It is found from Waˉdi Faˉt∙ima to Medinah and is especially enjoyed by the Harb tribe. There is a subject and a soloist will sing about it in a call and response fashion with the group. Sometimes, kasra is used to introduce a metered, danced art, such as khobayti or radıˉh∙ (·‫رد‬, aka la’ib al-radıˉh), a Bedouin art of Yanbu’ and Raˉbigh. Sowayan (1989, 160) describes Hijazi kasra/kasraˉt as having two or three repeated lines, usually accompanied by a simsimiya. Radıˉh∙ is comprised of two lines of chanters who clap and sing while a few soloists dance. This art might be related to the radıˉh∙ of the Sinai Peninsula (Shiloah 1972, 17).

African-Rooted Art and Ritual: T∙anbu ˉra and Zaˉr According to Hijazi women drummers, ․tanbuˉra is still performed in the Hijaz today and it is similar to the ․tanbuˉra art of the Gulf in that a large lyre is played (the ․tanbuˉra) and one performer wears a cloth rattle skirt adorned with over a hundred sheep/goat-hooves. T ․ anbuˉra has an extensive history in the region. In the 1880s Hurgronje wrote about the African community in Makkah performing this art, which then included a mock stick-battle dance (Fig. 10.14): From Thursday afternoon to Friday morning they hold festival, regaling themselves with their national music, with song and dance. . . . The negro-orchestra consists of the sixstringed feathered tumburah (which word is also used for the whole orchestra) and of some drums (tubuˉl). Besides, a slave wears a rattling girdle of sheep’s hoofs wherewith he dancing and nervously shaking his body makes a great noise. With the musicians most of the people present form a circle and intone for hours together their monotonous “song” in which the following note-series is frequently repeated. The third bar is repeated as often as the voices can hold out, then the fourth is immediately succeeded by the first and so on. Within the circle two or more slaves dance round with long sticks in their hands and make movements as it were of fighting. (Hurgronje 1970, 11–12)

202  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 10.14 A

lithograph group portrait of a “tumbura” orchestra in Jeddah in the courtyard of the Dutch Consulate, 1884 (Leiden University Library, O.L.G. 95 6013_plate18)

Zaˉr, the Incoming spirit ritual with music, is an important event for the performance of African arts of the Hijaz. As in the Gulf, in recent decades zaˉr is far more prevalent than ․tanbuˉra, even though government and religious authorities have banned zaˉr. In the Hijaz, basically, there is a patient who is suffering from some mental or emotional ailment that is believed to have been caused by a jinn. If the patient goes through the correct lengthy rituals and dances for a few days to certain songs around a fire with incense thrown into it, the jinn can be forced out. If it returns or if the zaˉr leader advises, the patient must attend another zaˉr and perhaps return regularly. In the Hijaz, zaˉr is dominated by khobayti music, sometimes with no melodic instrument, sometimes with the added buˉs․ or simsimiya. An ensemble of female zaˉr percussionists includes the standard Hijazi ․tabla/dum, nagrazaˉn/zıˉr, and ․tˉıraˉn.

ˉR IN THE HIJAZ BOX 10.5  ZA Hind Baˉghaffaˉr attended several Hijazi zaˉr events (1994, 162–164): There are usually strong women who specialize in zaˉr. They have special characteristics, like nerves of steel and the ability to control themselves during hysterical situations that they encounter because of the patients’ dispositions. They might know strange words. Sometimes the zaˉr Sheikhs [leaders] are men, although most of them are women . . . .

Chapter 10: Hijazi Folk Traditions  203

The Sheikha can assess the patient financially from a first glance. If she appears rich the number of zaˉr days increases automatically. It usually last a day, three days, or a week maximum for the treatment. Since authorities have forbidden zaˉr parties for so long—because of the sorcery and lack of faith they entail—they are usually held in remote places such as open plains, houses on the outskirts of the community, and wilderness areas far away from the eyes of the government. As soon as a party is agreed upon, the Sheikha puts henna in a plate and kneads it with plants, hale, sugar, incense, aloes, wood, and rose water, adding seven candles to it. Then the entire concoction is placed in an open space under the dew. The purpose of this mixture—according to the Sheikha—is to help communicate with the masters or the jinn to find out which of them is residing in the patient, be it a man, woman, or child, and what it wants in return for leaving the body of the patient. In the morning, this mixture is rubbed on the patient’s hands and feet, then a lamb is brought forth, and it has to be a certain color. It is taken around the patient seven times and then slaughtered and some of its blood is applied on the patient’s face, hands, and feet. After that, the Sheikha and her girls [women assistants], the audience participants, and the patient stand in line and sing zaˉr songs . . . They sing a number of songs either khobayti, buˉs∙, qas∙aba, or ‘asıˉrıˉ.6 In most cases, only the beginning of a song is performed without completing it. Songs are interrupted and new songs start. All the while the patient is dancing or playing as they say [i.e., la’ib, jumping, etc.]. Zaˉr songs keep playing until the patient is possessed by a state called jadhba (´) or convulsions when she hears a certain song. The interpretation is that this song is the right one and is hammering on the heads of the spirits so they [the musicians] keep performing it fervently, which drives the dancing patient to a hysterical state, after which, she wobbles and falls into complete exhaustion and then goes into a coma. All this happens in the morning until lunchtime, then at lunch, special food is served: it is a form of pie watered with meat stock (from the slaughtered lamb). Also, they serve qalıˉa [savory stew], coffee sweetened with cinnamon, sugar and hale. Zaˉr parties go on for a few days . . . . Dancing goes on all day until the afternoon of the third day as mentioned before, then the Sheikha sits on the patient’s chest and starts massaging her and popping her toes and neck. Then she perfumes her with incense and pours a few drops of rose water on her, then leads her to a private room where the patient sleeps behind a curtain that veils her so that no one sees her except the Sheikha for seven days.

Khobayti song lyrics at zaˉr rituals are usually the same as at other celebrations, and can pertain to some unknown specifics and/or be metaphorical. For instance: Ya la la . . . . O space between two walls with branches sloping on it She looked at me from behind the door, what a pity, you didn’t talk to me O my brothers, forgive me [two times], she’s ignorant, can’t be blamed

204  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

...“ “  –£ ‘†¸‫ Š¸– € ‰ ›ر‰ و‬ ‫ €‰ ورا اب  ˆ € آ‬£ ™« –£ ­  “ ‫“  ›ا š€‡ )‚ر €‰) ه و‬ ‫ Š ا—ق ¸­ €  ¸ ا ي‬º²€ “‫وا‬ ‫  دوە اš زه € أ دوە‬£ ™š  (Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 169)

NOTES 1 In earlier times the official Hijaz extended to the town of H ․ aly or the Asıˉr edge of the Sarawaˉt. Regardless, people south of T ․aˉ’if do not consider themselves “Hijazi,” but rather “Januˉbi,” “southerners.” 2 Farmer, when writing about Mekkan instruments, states that the term mizmaˉ r is used for “every instrument of the wood-wind family,” but it is also applied specifically to the reed pipe. Such is still the case today. A buˉs, dual reed pipes, are considered more a mizmaˉ r than are oboe-like instruments (Farmer 1929b, 495). 3 Katakura (1977, 90) witnessed what is no doubt a mizmaˉ r dance at a wedding celebration in Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima. 4 If one wants to challenge another man to a mizmaˉ r dual, he drags his stick on the ground in front of the one he has targeted (Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 176). 5 Baˉghaffaˉr (1994, 174) mentions another mizmaˉ r drum, the ․sadim (‫م‬¢ , “impact”) that is rectangular in shape. 6 Buˉs․ is a type of khobayti common in zaˉr. Qas․aba and asıˉrıˉ have a southwest association.

11 ˉ’IF AND MUSIC T∙A

FIGURE 11.1  Map

of T ․aˉ’if and surrounding areas

206  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

T ․aˉ’if, an important mountain municipality and market town, is a subunit of Makkah Province. It is located near the summit of the steep escarpment of the Hijaz mountain range at a point where routes from the south intersect those from the east and west (Fig. 11.1). According to conventional wisdom, in the Qur’an “the two cities” (al-qariyyatain) paired together are Makkah and T ․aˉ’if (Holy Quran, Sura 43:31), which is understandable since they have long had a reciprocal existence. Because of the attractive landscapes, cool temperatures, and rose gardens, T ․aˉ’if has served as the leading haven for those escaping the heat and crowds of the Holy City, especially during the summer months when T ․aˉ’if’s population often doubles. The visitors boost the T ․aˉ’ifi economy as does the Makkawi dependence on T ․aˉ’if produce and food supplies. Because of this close relationship, most any traditional art that flourishes in T ․aˉ’if is also found in Makkah, and vice versa. Consequently, throughout history some of the most distinguished Makkah and Medinah musicians have been from T ․aˉ’if, and T ․aˉ’if music and poetry is among the most respected in the northwest.

Su ˉq Okaˉz (“Souk Okaz,” “Ukaˉd∙,” ‫)ق ظ‬ During the pre-Islamic and early Islamic periods, there were four sacred months out of the year when all warfare and raiding were banned and security was provided for trading caravans. This situation permitted the celebration of annual festivals, which were the only time members of different clans could interact freely. The most important Hijazi festival and arguably the most significant venue for music making was the Suˉ q Okaˉz, i.e., the Okaˉz Fair or Bazaar. The Suˉ q Okaˉz area was neither a city nor village, but an oasis outside of T ․aˉ’if, replete with a vast palm grove that was controlled by two Bedouin confederations. The festival, which especially flourished in the sixth century, was an unrivaled event for indigenous arts and provided a Peninsula-wide converging point where merchants and buyers could come for peaceful and profitable trade, and the pre-Islamic pilgrims could, around the same time, visit Makkah. Poets, minstrels, and a variety of singers flooded into the fair to try their hand at the great annual poetry contest where the texts were sung. Thus, the fair provided a venue for a singing and composition contest. Musical participants came from the Hijaz, the Najd, the Yemen, and other regions of the Arab world to sing qas․aˉ’id (qas․ˉı da ‫)ة‬, odes. The poet-musicians usually did not improvise, but recited poems that were prepared well in advance with the most deliberate care. During the twenty-day long event, all wanted to impress the master judges, because in a culture where literary achievement was held in the highest regard, victory in Okaˉz meant recognition and honor throughout Arabia (Nicholson 1969, 135). Suˉ q Okaˉz survived into the eighth century. Its vitality declined after the rise of Islam due to the change of trade routes and role of tribes. Sacked in 745 ce, Okaˉz never regained its glory. Until the early twenty-first century, the unguarded round archway and ruins were still visible, buried in dirt and overgrown with scattered shrubbery of the oasis (Fig. 11.2). But in 2008, the Saudi government opened a pavilion and tourist center near the site, and since then an annual Okaˉz Fall festival has been resurrected that features plays, poetry, visual art, and traditional dance troupe competitions. The new Suˉ q Okaˉz is second only to the Najdi Janadriya Festival as a Saudi heritage celebration.

Chapter 11: T∙aˉ’if and Music  207

FIGURE 11.2  Surviving

archway of the ancient Su ˉ q Okaˉz (Photo courtesy of Steven Skaggs)

ˉ’IF) HETEROGENEOUS POPULACE BOX 11.1  HIJAZI (T∙A T∙aˉ’if is inland and in the mountains, and normally such a place would have a homogenous, isolated population, but because of Okaˉz and T∙aˉ’if’s proximity to ancient caravan routes, the community, like that of the large cities, is heterogeneous. Long ago, many from Bedouin tribes settled in T∙aˉ’if, but likewise so did groups of non-Arabs and others from distant lands. While social codes often restricted local Arabs from extensive or public music making, incoming peoples, including Yemenis, Ottomans, Bukhaˉriyyıˉn, and Africans, were more free and have consequently contributed to the music culture or left an impression. Yemeni immigrants were absorbed over time, as T∙aˉ’if was a strategic point on the caravan route from the Yemen. In 1932 Louis P. Dame, a medical doctor visiting T∙aˉ’if related encountering Yemeni musicians: (continued)

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(continued)

T∙aˉ’if has many street singing minstrels, mostly boys with some men. They are all Yemanies [sic] and have quite a repertoire. The first time I heard them it was particularly good, an antiphonal chant by a man and a boy of ten or twelve. The boy had a very sweet soprano voice; I heard him a number of times during my stay and was always delighted with his performances . . .  (Dame 1933, 170) Ottoman’s too have had an influence. The first stage of Ottoman control of T∙aˉ’if began in 1517. So, as a matter of course, Ottoman Turkish culture, including music, was known in the mountain town. According to T.E. Lawrence, “Lawrence of Arabia,” ca 1915 a Turkish Military Mehter band, comparable to today’s modern military marching band, was in T∙aˉ’if and it played each night for the Governor General. When he was captured, the band was taken as well, but rather than send them off to Egypt for internment which is where other prisoners went, the precious musicians were transported to the Sheriff of Makkah: “[The band arrive,] . . . a pale crew of bearded, emaciated men with woe-begone faces, wearing tatters of military uniform, . . . and carrying tarnished brass instruments of music.” The Sheriff invited friends and had the band play Turkish airs over and over again, and then German tunes. Regardless of all the congratulations they received, the band “took no pleasure in our praises but begged to be returned to their homeland and freed from the Arabs.” Regardless, they were not released but “kept by the amused prince who built a bandstand for their use” (Lawrence 1935, 127, 130). There may be a connection between the fact that Mehter Military Bands were known in T∙aˉ’if in the early twentieth century, and T∙aˉriq ‘Abdul-H∙akıˉm, the founder of Saudi military music, comes from T∙aˉ’if, which consequently is the birthplace of Saudi army wind bands established in the 1950s. Another important community that has had an indirect effect is that of the bukhaˉriyyıˉn, or “Bukhara” (or known by the misnomer “burqa people”). Bukhara is the oldest city in Uzbekistan, along the Silk Road, but the designator in the Hijaz is applied to anyone whose ancestors come from central Asia, i.e., the “stan” countries.1 According to oral accounts, Bukhara have been coming to the region for over a thousand years and the ancestors of most arrived as Hajji pilgrims and simply stayed on. But there were two more recent waves of immigration. Between 400 and 800 thousand Uzbeks migrated to Saudi Arabia after the 1917 Uzbek revolution, and then there was another surge following independence in 1992 (Central Asia). In T∙aˉ’if, the East Asiatic features and taller height of this group make them stand out among other Arab Saudis. There are also large communities in Jeddah, Makkah, and Medinah. Bukhara are completely assimilated into Saudi society and dress and speak like any other regional Saudi, and musically they enjoy the same songs as other T∙aˉ’ifis. But it is of note that they have been highly active in music making. Since Bukhara are not directly descended from Arabian tribes, they have fewer social restrictions regarding music and have been able to fill a void. Many esteemed musicians of the Hijaz have some central Asian ancestory.2 African descendants, as in other Hijazi regions, have a solid population in T∙aˉ’if. Over the decades, they mixed with the greater community and, like Bukhara, are part of mainstream society. But there are still some tight-knitted African-descended communities, and many professional musicians come from this group.

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In any event, all these various peoples have integrated so much, that most T∙aˉ’if musicians do not feel there is any clear Incoming musical characteristic manifested in their arts, aside from some drumming practices that may be African influenced, and the spinning majruˉr dance which some locals have noted resembles that of Ottoman dervishes. Some assert that if any Incoming people did have an impact, it would have been Yemenis, since Yemeni musical characteristics would have been most smoothly absorbed: “Yemenis have the same faces, language, and culture as most people of T∙aˉ’if . . . ” (T∙aˉ’if 2012). But, all agree that T∙aˉ’if musicians, whether of Arab or other ancestry, all played a role in shaping both T∙aˉ’ifi and greater Hijazi musical culture.

T∙aˉ’if Folk Arts T ․aˉ’if is considered the poetry capital of the entire region, and everywhere throughout the Peninsula, musicians comment on the quality of T ․aˉ’if poets. T ․aˉ’ifis, influenced by their proximity to Suˉ q Okaˉz, for centuries have encouraged and fostered poetic-musical creativity. Prominent musical genres focus on texts, such as poetic dueling (muh․aˉwra), lengthy odes (h․adri), and special rhymed forms (imjailisi). However, the most famous art of T ․aˉ’if is the song-dance with drumlines known as majruˉr. Those who perform it also regularly perform imjailisi, and the poets write for both genres. Performing Groups In T ․aˉ’if young men form makeshift party ensembles that play in the countryside at evening gatherings. They perform a mix of traditional tribal arts and types of popular commercial music. Since women’s wedding parties are so frequent, there are countless female ensembles in the area. Indeed, they are more numerous and active than comparable male groups. The women drumming core are called ․taggaˉtıˉf (), like ․taggaˉgaˉt elsewhere in the Peninsula, but they are not purely of African descent. There is a cultural mix and many Arab women of the communities (as is the case in Asıˉr) play in women’s bands. As is standard in the Kingdom, these groups perform a combination of traditional and “modern” arts, and at female-only events they are often accompanied by a male org player who sits in another room and has his music piped in (Box 11.2). “Folk troupes” likewise flourish. There are well over fifty different local “troupes,” each belonging to its own village or tribe, with its own style or specific genre interpretations. Five have registered with SASCA (T ․aˉ’if 2013). The participants are men of the community who gather and perform for their own rituals. Only in recent years, since the opening of the new Suˉ q Okaˉz, have many of these groups performed in a large public venue. Because there is a competition with a trophy and a victor, they are enticed to take part. In 2012, twelve rival groups were chosen to present three or four different arts. At such events, each seeks to manifest their distinct character in order to stand out from the others. Since the early twenty-first century, for the first time in many years people from one community, including musicians, see and learn about the particular arts and interpretations of the others, which ironically was an outcome of the original Suˉ q Okaˉz over a millenium ago.

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ˉ’IF 1997–1998 BOX 11.2  WEDDING PARTIES IN T∙A Because T∙aˉ’if residents come from a myriad of backgrounds, many celebratory practices and types of musical performance exist. Particulars depend on one’s income, social status, family values, and heritage. Also, residents may come from other parts of the Kingdom and bring their traditions with them. Such is evidenced at various events in the late 1990s: • At a female wedding celebration in a T∙aˉ’if home, there was one hired musician, of African descent, who played the electronic keyboard and sang anything that was requested, from Saudi pop to traditional songs. Sometimes she would just accompany herself on t∙aˉr. As a solo performer, the singer noted that this was an exhausting “gig,” but she was well paid. • At a milka, engagement party in a home there was no live music, but cassette tapes were played, as male and female guests together sat on sofas that lined the walls. Some young men got up and briefly danced, and in a modest way, a few young women— family members—joined them. The father of the bride had two wives, and both of them were in attendance along with all of their children who interacted together. • At a royal wedding held in the ballroom of the Intercontinental Hotel, guests began arriving around 10:30pm, but the music did not begin until 11:15pm. The bride entered at 2am and all ate at 3am, then more dancing took place until 6am. Nine women provided the music: five were Arab and four were of African ancestry. They sat on one side of the koˉsha, somewhat facing the bride who was on the other side. One female musician played a pop-music drum kit, four more were on ∙tˉra ı ˉn, two on mirwa ˉs (barrel drum), one on the goblet drum, and one on s∙ˉaja ˉt (small cymbals). A man was in a back room playing the org. There was very little ululation, which according to guests was because it was the wedding of a prince and people were “uptight.” • Another wedding, far more modest, was held at an independent venue in a remote neighborhood. Women arrived with their husbands, and the men went into one building for their party while the women went into another area. The main female space was not a hall but a huge brightly lit theatre with a stage and blood-red velvet cushioned fold-down seats. Many women wore face veils, with the string between the eyes in a traditional Bedouin style (burqa), and others had on modest gowns and pantsuits.   The venue was not conducive to social interaction. There were hundreds of seats, over half were empty, and guests were sprinkled throughout. Moreover, because the backs of the seats were so high, one could not see the people in the row in front of them, nor speak to them. One could only converse privately with those sitting nearby. Unless one went onto the stage, the only place to dance was in the aisles or in the small area between the folded seats, and some young women made the attempt, but it was awkward.   A chair was placed on the stage for the bride. Near it were a dozen dark-skinned musicians, mostly wearing pantsuits. They included one lead singer, nine players on the ı ˉn, one on the ∙tabla, one on the ha ˉ jir, and no melodic instruments. The family was ∙tˉra conservative and felt that melodic instruments were “hara ˉ m,” sinful. The lead singer, Ghoshma, was well known in T∙’aˉ’if. She stood in the middle of the other musicians, who were seated on couches in a semi-circle with a coffee table before them on which was placed a tea service. The performers heated their drums right on the stage with an electric heater, rather than in the back out of sight, as was done at the royal wedding. The sound system was of poor quality, which caused a distorted drumming and vocal sound.   At one point, a large group of young women crowded onto the stage and began solo dancing. Then several of them grabbed hands and began performing a khut∙wa dance, as seen in the Asıˉr.

Chapter 11: T∙aˉ’if and Music  211

Major T∙aˉ’if Arts 1. majruˉr ‫ ور‬ 2. qas․aymi  3. h․adri ‫( ري‬unmetered solo singing) 4. h․iyuˉmaˉ  (tribal) Poetic unaccompanied tribal forms: 1. muh․aˉwara ‫ورة‬, aka mih․raˉf ‫ اف‬ 2. imjailisi 
‫ا‬ a. imthoˉlith 
 b. imroˉba’ ‫ و‬ c. imkhoˉmis  d. im’oˉshir  ­ 3. zih․am €‫ز‬

Majruˉr Throughout the Hijaz, T ․aˉ’if is associated with majruˉr, a folk art with dance that is performed by both men and women. Regardless of the city or town one is in within the Hijaz, if musicians are asked what kind of music is from T ․aˉ’if, the response is always, “Majruˉr!,” followed by raves about this art form. Regardless of this fact, majruˉr it is not a ubiquitous T ․aˉ’if genre. Indeed, only certain communities perform it, which is the case with most genres in T ․aˉ’if: they are village or tribe specific. Majruˉr from Waˉdi Muh arram (‫ م‬ ‫)وادي‬ is well noted, but there is also significant ․ majruˉr in the T ․aˉ’if suburbs of Al-Mathnaˉh (‫ )ا
…ة‬and al-’Aqıˉ q (†­
‫ )ا‬and among the T ․uwarik, al-Nuˉ r, T aqı ˉ b, al-Juwada, and Qurayshi tribes, as well as others. Folk majru ˉr also exists near ․ Makkah in Waˉdi Faˉ․t ima (T ․aˉ’if 2013). Because of the close ties between T ․aˉ’if and Makkah, T ․aˉ’if arts naturally spread to the larger cities. But majruˉr no doubt gained a foothold above some other folk arts during the initial decades of radio. The first radio station in the Kingdom was established in Jeddah in 1948, and around that time lead artists included T ․aˉriq ‘Abdul-H ․aˉ’if (majruˉr ․ akıˉm from Al-Mathnaˉh in T area) who moved to Jeddah early in his career, and T , who likewise was raised ․alaˉl Maddaˉh ․ in T ․aˉ’if. So both knew majruˉr very well and they along with others made several urbanized recordings of it or were heard performing uˉd versions of the art on the radio in the second half of the twentieth century, which helped to disseminate the art (Commins 2006, 110; AbdulH ․ akıˉm 2003; S․adaqah 1985). Majruˉr is considered to be almost a millennium old and therefore its origin is difficult to ascertain and a matter of controversy. Some assert it may have been related to the heritage of the north, but still more believe it was influenced by Africa, since traditionally many majruˉr performers have been of African descent. Baˉghaffaˉr (1994, 69) states that majruˉr was originally sung in an African language but that over time the early African features were completely lost. It is unknown how she came to this opinion; however, she is not alone in making an African connection. In a filmed interview of the famed majruˉr musician from the 1970s, Awad Ala Al-Juˉ di—a descendent of African slaves born and raised in T ․aˉ’if among the Sharıˉf tribe of Waˉdi Muhaˉram—he corroborates, stating that majruˉr was brought to T ․aˉ’if by Africans centuries ago (Al-Magrure ca 1975). “Majruˉr” literally means “to pull, to extend” and is named such because the texts are sung with longer note durations, and the singers hold the last syllable of each verse. The lyrics, which

212  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

have poetic meter, are romantic, eulogistic, and philosophic and can vary greatly. There are verses for the city, for the country, for national events, and those devised for weddings. T ․aˉ’ifi singers have a slightly different accent than those of the larger urban centers. Majruˉr The one with heavy breasts shot me with the arrow of love

And reopened my wounds

Wounds of passion increase in my heart

And my soul melted

Master of all masters, we said the neighbors

Want to joke

They said, O Son of a good family, your love has us

To my great happiness

They said, we hope the thread of hope grabs you

With a frank heart

Lips like rubies and teeth like pearls

That glow like lightning

And her saliva is pure honey that cures diseases

A cure for my soul

           

   ‫ و ‡د ‡ و‬

‫ر‰ ˆ€ ا
د  آز اŠ‰ˆد‬

        

     ‫ و أ‰ ذاب رو‬

‫‡ وح ا
ˆى • ˆ ” ا
“ ’داد‬

        

       ‫ ˜ ˜ ا
’و‬

‫و …  ˜“ ا
ار ˜  اŠد‬

                      

          ‫ و آ ة • و‬

‫™… ™€ ˜ … اŠ‡اد‬  ‫و 
ا‬

      ‰ “

‫و 
ا › ™š ا
‡ •€ ˜…د‬

        ˜   ‫ و‬

‫Ÿ˜ آ  ا
ت و ا
œ
œ أ•…د‬ 

‫Ÿ› ˜ ‰س
و‬             ‫• دوا € اŠم‬¢ š £˜‫ور‬ Performance Since the weather is so pleasant in T ․aˉ’if, the traditional way to perform majruˉr is outdoors in the hills among the vegetation during sunny winter days in the morning and afternoons with lunch (before the sun goes down and the chill sets in), or on fair summer evenings. A few large carpets are spread on the ground over the dance area so that no one trips on shrubs or rocks. The core dancers, each in a rank known as a taqsıˉm ( €), i.e., “division,” or tasnıˉm (€…), form two facing lines of about ten people each. Every participant sings and dances while playing a light duff (frame drum), which is 12–13 in. in diameter and held with an under-handed grip. Majruˉr dancing-drumming lines play their frame drum with both hands, even while dancing (Plate 17). A lead goblet drummer sits between the ranks but to the back side of the central dance area. A bass tabl (tabıˉr) rests across his/her lap and a small ․taˉr is held in one hand with an underhanded grip. Historically the drumbeat was called majrash and the faster parts where the solo dancer-drummer embellishes was shabshara (‫ ة‬¤™¤
‫)ا‬. “Majrash” is literally the name of a mill for grain that makes a beating sound (Al Juˉ di ca 1975). The lead drummer, who is the only one producing a bass sound, is a master musician who sets the tempo and style for the dancer-singers. He/she alternates between the two drums, striking each with the dominant hand (Fig. 11.3), although since ca 2000, drummers often omit the smaller ․taˉr and just use a ․tabla. The rhythm of the dancing drummers complements that of the master drummer (Ex. 11.1). The tempo of dancing majruˉr at least in the 1960s and 70s was fast, ca MM ♩=184. Since the twenty-first century, it tends to be somewhat slower because the art is

Chapter 11: T∙aˉ’if and Music  213

“Father of Saudi Music,” T ․aˉriq ‘Abdul-H ․aˉ’if, adorned in ․ akˉı m, who is from T majruˉr dress with ‘iqaˉl al-maqa․s ab playing the ․tar and bass-․tabla set

FIGURE 11.3 The

less prevalent and the dancers more novice, and thus cannot keep up with a quicker pulse. When majruˉr is performed on uˉd in an urban setting, the tempo is slower still, ca MM ♩=152.

EX. 11.1 Majruˉr

rhythm patterns. The linesmen drum part is on the upper staves and the bass-․tabla/

․taˉr player part is on the lower staves

17 Majruˉr (folk)

214  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

All the while drumming, one line of dancers sings the first verse of the majruˉr and when they are finished, the second line repeats it. This alternating goes on throughout the dance. The words were traditionally well known by all, but just to be on the safe side, a narrator recited them to the lead rank before they began each verse. In the twenty-first century the narrator is more important since younger performers do not know the texts by heart. There is a large space between the ranks, and this is where the main dancing, the “competing,” takes place. When one’s group is not singing, then it is their turn for some of their men to advance. Singly or in small groups self-appointed performers, drums in hand, move to the center and approach the opposing rank. Together, they might kneel, dip, or bow. The rank they are facing will often bow in unison in response but will not leave their position. Sometimes the advancing line will rush back to their own rank and bow, and likewise receive a response bow. Otherwise, the main ranks do not move from their location. Featured dancers will pirouette, and squat down, leap, and hop across the dance space, or engage in some other athletic move. It takes great physical prowess to dance majruˉr well. The featured dancer-drummers must return to their rank before the other rank finishes singing their verse. Thus, no individuals dance for a non-stop extensive period of time, although there is continuous dancing throughout a majruˉr performance. During the featured dancing, now and then an individual will begin freely embellishing upon the beat with his/her duff. This act is called “s․aq’ al-t․aˉr” (accenting the ․taˉr). To do it, as seen in the Najd, the soloist will strike the drum near the edge and produce a higher pitched tone that cuts across all the other sounds. This resulting sound, known as kisra (‫)آ ة‬, will inspire the other performers who will adjust musically by slightly altering their rhythm or increasing the tempo (Fig. 11.4). Dress The male dress for majruˉr includes a special thobe, similar to that of the khobayti thobe al-h․awaysıˉ, with a wide flaring lower half that fans out when the performers twirl like that of Ottoman dervishes. Thobes can be white or a solid color and for majruˉr are usually called thobe al-mah․aˉrıˉd (˜‫)ا
ر‬. Men wear a leather belt at the waist into which is inserted a straight or curved knife

FIGURE 11.4 The two lines of majruˉr performers square off against one another as a soloist approaches

the opposing line with acrobatic moves

Chapter 11: T∙aˉ’if and Music  215

(jambiya), and they wear a cross belt on the chest (naqil š‰), and this complete set up of items is called ․hizaˉm (‫)’ام‬. A ghutra is placed on the head with an‘iqaˉl to hold it. The majruˉr ‘iqaˉl is actually an ‘iqaˉl al-maqas․ab (“
‫) ل ا‬, brocaded ‘iqaˉl, which is an older type that has double rings, bound with gold or lighter color metal thread and includes knots of black wool at the four corners of the rings. It is the type that was worn by early Saudi kings (Fig. 11.3). Qas∙aymi Qas․aymi ( 
‫ )ا‬is a sister art to majruˉr but is considered the older of the two so that some locals refer to it as the “old majruˉr.” The performance structure of both genres is the same except the bass ․tabla player does not have a ․taˉr. Moreover, the qas․aymi rhythmic mode is slightly different, being rather simple (Ex. 11.2). The genre has been adapted for urban settings where the tempo is slower than that performed by folk troupes.

EX. 11.2  Qa․saymi

rhythmic mode

ˉR PERFORMERS (PRE-2003) BOX 11.3  THOUGHTS FROM MAJRU Majru ˉr Poet Abdullah Abu Zaid I am from T∙aˉ’if and I live in Al-Aqıˉq. I had difficulty earning my living and I endured hunger and thirst, but it never got to my soul. I poured all my unhappiness into the majru ˉr and in mastering the composition of majrur and imjailsi poetry, especially in the fantasies of love and flirtation . . . This is some of the poetry I provided the singers of majru ˉr . . .  Welcome O branch, you’re my obsession, You make my day, O life of my soul, scent of life . . .  etc. (‘Abdul-H∙akıˉm 2003, 264)

Buraik Al-’Alla ˉwi, “Dynamo of Majru ˉr Moves!” The beat of ∙tabuˉl and ∙tˉra ı ˉn in the old days used to ignite the enthusiasm and eagerness in the hearts of people to battle each other, and I cannot deny that when I hear s∙ag’a [¢, “drum accenting”] either on the ∙tˉra ı ˉ n or ∙tabl, and I am a master of this art, I am overwhelmed by love and brotherly feelings among people. It grows in me, and with it a harmony, happiness, and brotherhood. I am pleased hearing myself play the ∙taˉr among other players, wearing my white thobes, al-h ∙ uways, with my grey belt around the waist and my brocaded ‘iqıˉl on the head, stomping my feet on the ground to the beat of the ∙tabl, while moving so energetically right and left, swirling on the rhythm. (continued)

216  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

(continued) We have to preserve this music that we inherited from our ancestors and teach it to our children from an early age, as it represents happy memories that give hope and love. This is the life characterized by simplicity and forgiveness. There were no police to break up fights . . .  the primary resort [for confrontation] was the competition through moves [dance]. In this way, differences were settled among the players. [We would compete] in outfits, performance, moves, and spirit of the al-majru ˉr player. (‘Abdul-H∙akıˉm 2003, 265)

Creating a Majruˉr Texts, ‘Abdullah Al-Wadyuˉd By T∙aˉriq ‘Abdul-H ∙ akıˉm The majru ˉr artist ‘Abdullah Al-Wadyuˉd of vast experience . . . he used to write his poetry with a great artistic sense in terms of the performance of the game [dance]. He had a warm capable voice, engaged in sleek moves and had a far-reaching reputation for his ∙sag’a al-t∙aˉr [accenting on the frame drum]. Some of his poetry is still circulated to date. There was a large wedding party in Qarwa in T∙aˉ’if’, and the competition in majruˉr was at its height between the Waˉdi Al-Mathnaˉh group and the Qarwa group. Then a tall dark guy with sunglasses appeared with a large ∙taˉr in hand and jumped among the players with his hand so close to his right shoulder at one time, and then his left shoulder another time playing the beat, with one foot at the first line of players while the other foot was at the other line of players. The audience was amazed at the moves of this man and that’s when ‘Abdullah Al-Wadyuˉd thought of the following verses and gave them to the first line of players: Da’mar was struck by love

And the jinn sang to him with t∙ˉra ı ˉn

O jinn, who taught you this art

I do not think you are human

‫ § ان‬£
¨…© ª
‫ وا‬

‫د رە ا
ˆى‬

‫ ا®…¬  ا‰¨ ا‰ن‬

ªŸ
‫  ¬ ه¯ا ا‬ª …‡ ˜

The entire night was spent singing the two improvised verses and they have remained part of majruˉr forever and ever. (‘Abdul-H∙akıˉm 2003, 264–265)

Other T∙aˉ’if Arts Along with majruˉr and qas․aymi, T ․aˉ’if is recognized for its sung odes, ․hadri, that have spread into Hijazi cities. In addition, tribal peoples have several significant arts: ․hiyuˉmaˉ, which includes drums, and other forms of sung poems, without percussion. H ․ adri (‫ )ري‬is a long, unmetered song that originally was for solo voice but since the 1950s includes uˉd or some kind of melodic instrument accompaniment that performs with the voice in a heterophonic fashion. H ․ adri is sung in both rural and urban settings, and in cities in the past it was like mawwaˉl, serving as a prelude to a metered song. Women as well as men enjoy

Chapter 11: T∙aˉ’if and Music  217

performing ․hadri, but women tend to sing it more often. The Jeddah singer Tuha is still composing and recording ․hadri into the twenty-first century. In T ․aˉ’if, it is especially popular at weddings and during visits to the outside gardens. Those of Waˉdi Muh ․aˉrram are considered leaders in ․hadri. H ․ adri include many verses, usually about love, but the content can be disjointed, so that the stanzas are not necessarily related to one another. Although the verses are short, just a few lines, the songs are quite long, sometimes comprised of well over one hundred stanzas. Therefore more than one person would usually sing one song, with different individuals singing different stanzas in turn. Sometimes throughout an event, all women or men present will join in a ․hadri, either creating new verses on the spot or singing lines that had been memorized from earlier songs. Hadri verse related to T ․aˉ’if: No sir, roots of hale O flower, who came to us from T ․aˉ’if I’d like to come to you in the middle of the night But I fear my folks

š‫ ˜ © وس اه‬±  ˜ ²§
‫ ا‬ª ‰‡ ‫˜ ورد‬ š
‫ودي أ‡
¬ ه˜ ا‬ ˜³ ‫ ’و‬ª ª
(Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 44)

H ․ adri verse noting Turkish presence: My Turkish master isn’t Turkish

‫ي  آ  ه  آ‬

He’s white, legitimate and a joker

‫ ™ ’اح‬  ´‫ا‬

He’s not from Medinah or Makkah

 ±‫ ه ˜… و‬±

How many souls would die for him

‫ ارواح‬£ ‫˜ Ÿدت‬

H ․aˉ’if. Like ․ iyuˉmaˉ ( ) is tribal collective song-dance, especially enjoyed by the Quraysh of T many other tribal arts it is musically uncomplicated with an emphasis on the words. It serves for group solidarity and community bonding. Two lines of ten to a few dozen participants each face one another. A poet presents a verse then each line takes turns chanting a refrain to a repetitive melody with a short ambitus. When participants chant, they will play a duff, beating out a simple rapid triple rhythm: “dum, tek, tek,” and jump up and down in place to the pulse (not just bouncing at the knee, but jumping off of the ground; Plate 18). Between verses, they stop temporarily and catch their breath as the poet provides new texts, so the performance is not smooth, not without interruption. Since the words are newly created and pertain to some tribal event, usually weddings and festive occasions, and the singing is rather high pitched and repetitive, ․hiyuˉmaˉ resembles zaˉmil as heard among Bedouin in the south of Arabia. Although ․aˉ’if.” ․hiyuˉmaˉ is not a procession like zaˉmil, some have referred to it as the “zaˉmil of T

Poetic Unaccompanied Tribal Forms There are several other arts that are comprised of sung poetry with no drums. Muh․aˉwara, with poetic couplets known as mih․raˉf, is poetic dueling: it is the galt․a of T ․aˉ’if. T ․aˉ’if is noted for its clever soloists who verbally battle with others, creating texts on the spot. Even musicians as far away as H ․aˉ’if’s muh․araˉf. As explained by T ․aˉ’if musicians, their ․ˉa’il and Qas․‒ı m rave about T

18 Hadri: sung as an introduction to khobayti

218  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

poetic success is because they have honed their skills for centuries, since T ․aˉ’if is the home of great poetry competitions (T ․aˉ’if 2013). Imjailisi ( 
‫)ا‬, a term found throughout the Peninsula, is another T ․aˉ’if sung poetic form. Most traditional musicians engage in it. A soloist, who performs from wherever he is seated in the circle, presents the text and the choir/audience sing some humming notes or a short refrain at the end of each verse, depending on the type of imjailisi. The shortest verses will have three lines of text, in which case the poems are called imthoˉlith (
 ), and the longest can have ten, called im’oˉshir (  ­). Some of the most widely performed have four and five lines: imroˉba’ have four lines in each stanza, three that end with the same word or rhyme and a fourth that is different (see Najdi marbuˉ’ ). An imkhoˉmis has five lines and is exactly like an imroˉba’ except the fifth line is a repeated choral refrain, which has its own final rhyme different than that heard in the previous four lines.

NOTES 1 The “Stan” countries are Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, which are predominantly Muslim. 2 Tuha, the Hijazi artist, stated she believes the famed singer Ibtisaˉm Lut․fi who is apparently of Bukhara lineage “is not of Saudi nationality, but she acquired it later on,” and that this is why Lut․fi was able to appear on television in the 1980s while other female singers could not (Mukharish 2005, 28).

12 ART MUSIC OF THE HIJAZI CITIES

“I do not know one of the learned in the Hijaz who dislikes music and singing . . . ” Islamic jurist, Al-Shaˉfi’i (767–820) (Farmer 1929a, 29)

FIGURE 12.1 Musicians

being recorded onto wax cylinders in Jeddah, 1909 on the earliest recordings of the Arabian Peninsula (Leiden University Library, Ms. Or. 26.365 D 44)

220  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Contrary to outside perception that the Hijaz, home of the Holy City of Makkah, is one of the most conservative places on earth and therefore shuns music, in actuality the Hijaz is a vibrant musical center. Historically, it was a melting pot—the New York, the London, the Hong Kong—of the Islamic World, and for centuries cities like Makkah and Medinah had a musical life that rivaled or even surpassed those of Cairo, Damascus, and Baghdad. Within today’s Saudi Arabia, the most highly musical area is still the Hijaz and premiere Saudi artists, both male and female, were either born or mastered their craft there. Moreover, while music institutes are almost non-existent in other parts of the Kingdom, one survives in Makkah where locals can study regional performance on the Arab uˉd and violin, or even learn some Indian raga, along with works of Beethoven and Bach. The Hijaz is extraordinary for yet another reason: it is the only major region of the Kingdom that has a long-standing “art” or “classical” music. Regardless of this remarkable reputation, extant documents on the history of Hijazi music are irregular. Musical writings survive from the heyday of pre-and early Islamic periods, and then there is a dearth of information until the nineteenth to twentieth centuries when incoming visitors penned accounts with marginal comments about music. However, an assessment of the various materials, along with fieldwork, attests to the musical richness of western Arabia.

Hijazi Musicians of the Past Hijazi cities set musical standards for other parts of the Islamic world in pre- and early Islamic times. Indeed, some sources have asserted that the Hijaz is the fountain of all Arab music. The writer Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih (860–940 ce), who concentrates on Arab culture from ca 550 ce to ca 940 ce, posits that Arab music origins can be traced to the market towns of Medinah, T ․aˉ’if, Khaybar, and Wadi al-Qura, among a few others (2011). In the major music source dealing with contributions from the seventh through tenth centuries, the monumental Kitaˉb al-aghaˉni, “Book of Songs,” Al-Isfahani (897–967) likewise gives special attention to the Hijaz, declaring that musicians from Makkah and Medinah were relished at outside courts. Medinah in particular was viewed throughout the Arab world as the musical center par excellence, especially for singers. T ․aˉ’if too produced the finest caliber of poet-musicians (Al-Isfahani 2004, XVI: 15; III: 186): “ . . . the Arabs agree that of all the townsmen those from Yathrib (Medinah) are the most poetically inclined, followed by the Abd al-Qais [‘Adanite tribe], and then the Thaqıˉf [main tribe of T ․aˉ’if].”

BOX 12.1  EARLIEST RECORDINGS OF HIJAZI MUSIC (1906–1909) The Dutch scholar Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje visited Arabia for a year (1884–1885), spending half of his time in Makkah, and his experience was documented and published in the two volume German Mekka (1888–1889), of which the second volume was translated into English as Mekka in the Latter Part of the 19th Century (Hurgronje and Monahan 1970). The work contains details of daily life, and although Hurgronje’s offering is not an in-depth study of music per se, he does provide significant glimpses into musical activities along with a few musical transcriptions and names of genres. In addition to writing this account, Hurgronje assigned assistants to acquire many photographs, some of which are of musical interest (see Fig. 12.1; Fig. 13.1). He also had them collect musical instruments, although unfortunately, many names and details were never noted.1 His greatest contribution to Hijazi music no doubt is commissioning the capture of local sounds. After he resettled in Holland in 1906, he sent recording equipment

Chapter 12: Art Music of the Hijazi Cities  221

to the Hijaz. Thus, in the twenty-first century about twenty hours, or over three hundred individual recordings, survive on wax cylinders made between 1906 and 1909 (Christiaan 2014). Although these are dominated by “non-musical” sounds such as stories, Call to Prayer, street life, and Qur’anic recitations, there are a few hours of music, that is, wedding songs performed by women, children’s songs, work songs, and art songs by professional musicians. These are the oldest surviving recordings of music from the Arabian Peninsula. Hurgronje was far removed from the actual task of recording. He had been a professor of Arabic in the Dutch colony Batavia (Jakarta, Indonesia), and when he returned to Holland he conveyed directives for the sound acquisition to an Indonesian in Batavia named Muhammad Sa’id Tag Al-Din. Al-Din in turn sent written instructions to his brother Gamal in Makkah. In a document dated September 7, 1906, the Makkah sound collector is instructed to mention the name of the performer or the name of the piece; make twenty cylinders with Yemeni singing; make twenty cylinders of pieces of local artists (Witkam 2007). Much basic information about the recordings was never logged. After the sounds were captured the cylinders were shipped back to Leiden between 1907 and 1920 and were stored in the Oriental Institute as of 1927 when it was founded. They were then forgotten for decades. In 1984 a team of Harvard Semitic Museum researchers, who were inspired by a 1909 photograph showing musicians in Jeddah performing before a recording device (Fig. 12.1), sought and located the cylinders. At this point the sound was restored and re-recorded in Vienna over a six-year period. In 1994, ten years after their “discovery,” the recordings were to be released onto compact discs as a joint venture of the Harvard Semitic Museum, the Oriental Institute in Leiden, and the Phonogrammarchiv in Vienna. But these CDs were never issued (Kesting 1993). Digital copies of the recordings became the property of the Leiden University Library. In 2000 when questioned about the recordings, administrators indicated that future plans were nebulous. If researchers wanted to hear the sound files, they would have to come to Leiden. At the time copies of the recordings were in the possession of private individuals in the United States, but these too were not to be shared. Saudis in the Kingdom had copies. A commercial artist was given three cassette tapes from the collection and, in 2010, he said he did not feel comfortable sharing them: they were a private gift from a Saudi businessman. He noted that the tapes included Hijazi daˉna songs with which he was familiar. I heard the recordings in Leiden in 2009 but my time was brief: there was heterophonic qanbuˉs playing, several majass/mawwaˉl, sahba songs (including dawr), daˉna—even that with the common refrain, “yaˉ layla daˉna,” daqqaˉqıˉn with frame drums, a piece that resembled or contained segments of Kuwaiti s∙aut, and ‘adani Yemen styles. In 2013 a Leiden library representative stated that the recordings would be issued online shortly, but by August 2014 they were still unavailable. In any event, the overall delay in greater accessibility has been unfortunate. The 110-year-old recordings, lost and forgotten for almost eighty years, were only sought and found by a miraculous chance. Yet for thirty years they were not publically released or shared with the generation of Hijazi masters who could have provided vital input. Unfortunately, now all these individuals are but gone.

222  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Hijazi Art Music “The people of Makkah sing in markets and cafes as well as during work time, even while they walk. Only people of Makkah can do this, although people in Medinah, Jeddah and T ․aˉ’if used to sing as well, but each in his own way.” Darwıˉsh Doˉ sh ‫( درو دوش‬fl. ca 1964–1975), ․sahba singer and naqqaˉqıˉr player (‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm 2003, 290) For the most part, traditional Hijazi urban songs in the twenty-first century reside in the realm of “classical” or art music, since these pieces can be technically challenging to perform, require mastery of maqaˉmaˉt (especially those of Makkah), and a certain quality of lyrics and presentation. Unlike the percussive-driven folk arts that flourish in the villages and suburbs, urban genres historically comprise the music of the elite upper classes. Hijazi art songs can be grouped into a handful of categories:2 a. ensemble pieces unique to the cities b. ensemble pieces based on regional folk arts c. unaccompanied solo singing d. s․ahba ‫ا‬: a “muwashshah․” art.

Daˉna and Related Arts3 (‫اا‬, plural daˉnaˉt, ‫)اات‬ The predominant art-music category of the Hijaz is daˉna, which initially emerged in Makkah from where it spread to other cities, including Taˉ’if. Daˉna songs are performed alongside urbanized folk arts, and free, unaccompanied singing can precede all. The daˉna and related folk genres are quite old and were in place by the 1800s, although they may have existed centuries before.4 Regardless, we certainly known that daˉna was at the forefront at least 130 years ago. In his book Mekka (1888– 1889), Hurgronje mentions daˉna more than any other song grouping (1970, 133, 137, 143). And as attested to by the contents of the 1906–1909 Leiden recordings—the earliest recordings of music in the Peninsula—daˉna remained a significant art in the early twentieth century (Box 12.1). There was a lull in daˉna performance around the 1970s, but the master musician Mohammad Ali Sindi (d. 1985), who searched for and recovered many lost songs as well as assessed historical performance styles, re-introduced daˉna to the greater public. It is of note, though, that daˉna never died. Over the years, daˉna has been performed consistently, especially in Makkah. As a young Mekki musician commented, “Of course I know daˉna! Daˉna is like mother’s milk. We are raised on it. You will not meet one decent Makkah musician who does not know daˉna” (Mekki A 2013).5 Daˉna is performed by both men and women. Indeed, every instance of daˉna performance mentioned by Hurgronje was by females, both “amateurs” and professionals (Hurgronje 1970, 133, 137, 143). A leading daˉna singer in the twenty-first century, the Makkan Mohammad Hasheim (b. 1982), was actually taught daˉna by his grandmother who, along with her female friends, yet “adores it” (Hasheim A 2012). As the Hijazi Mai Yamani reminds us, “charismatic older women guard the musical traditions . . . ” and hold mixed gender musical evenings (2004, 37). Professionals like Tuha continue to sing daˉna at women’s wedding parties, although when females perform it, the pieces tend to be shorter (a male daˉna can last fifteen minutes or more) and women will omit certain types, like roadamaˉn. The texts of daˉna are passionate and pertain to love and/or have racy, suggestive lyrics. Even in the nineteenth century among women performers, Hurgronje described the daˉna he heard as “expressions of sensual desire” and stated that this “erotic” music “was condemned by the

Chapter 12: Art Music of the Hijazi Cities  223

FIGURE 12.2  Hijazi

daˉna ensemble

Law . . . [it] is permitted to the women only because most of them are already nothing but fuel for hell fire” (1970, 136). Performance Daˉna can be performed by a variety of people with a small or large ensemble (Fig. 12.2). The Makkawi percussionist Darwıˉsh Do ˉ sh recalled from the 1950s, “We were a band of more than fifty people in Suˉ q Al-Layl [area of Makkah], famous for yamaˉni al-kaff [daˉna], and all the alleys in Makkah used to sing this art. Even some desert tribes used to sing it” (‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm 2003, 290). A classic male ensemble, since at least the early twentieth century, includes a lead singer who plays the uˉd (or is accompanied by one) and performers on the violin and qaˉnuˉn (plucked zither), along with a contingent of drummers who also serve as a choir. The drums will be selected according to the type of genre. To perform those works of the specific daˉna category, a lone percussionist plays two drums in a unique setup special to the Hijaz: in the fashion of a T ․aˉ’if majruˉr lead drummer, he/she will sit with a ․tabla resting across the lap, which sounds a bass part, and hold a frame drum in a hand that plays a treble part. Women musicians use basically the same instruments as in the T ․aˉ’if majruˉr, that is, a ․tabla and a mid-sized ․taˉr (Fig. 11.3). Either one woman will play both instruments, or the parts will be shared between two drummers. Urban male performers do not split the parts, and the one percussionist will wield not a ․taˉr but a very small frame drum, about seven inches in diameter, called a mis․qaˉ’ (‫ا ع‬, accenting drum). The mis․qaˉ’ can produce a great variety of sound color even though it is only struck with one hand because the percussionist can mute or unmute the back of the membrane with the fingers on his holding hand and strike the skin in a variety of ways and spots on the head, adjusting the timbre and pitch. This one drummer on two drums is all that is needed to perform many classic Hijazi pieces, notably daˉna, although he is usually reinforced by more percussion (Plate 19). Since the 1990s the mis․qaˉ’/t․abla player might be buttressed by a set of bongos (“bingiz”) that are held upright vertically, between the lap and shoulder in imitation of the mis․qaˉ’/t․abla drummer (Fig. 12.3). The bongo player’s part will mirror and complement the main percussionist. In certain pieces a half-dozen frame drums will be added, along with the small nagrazaˉn kettledrum (or zıˉr), or the barrel drum placed vertically (maradd/haˉjir/mirwaˉs).

224  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 12.3 Bongo

drums (bingiz) held vertically are common in the Peninsula and regularly added to urban ensembles

In Makkah an evening with daˉna music, a jalsa, begins with a qaˉnuˉn player freely introducing a melodic mode (maqaˉm), then in the same mode the lead singer performs majass, a traditional type of unaccompanied solo singing similar to mawwaˉl. The violinist is featured next, and then the singer will re-enter alongside the violin, followed by the core daˉna song with percussion. Among Makkah musicians the first song of a “daˉna” evening must be a daˉna, and after that, the ensemble can perform majruˉr, khobayti, or any of the other related arts, or go back and play more daˉnat, so long as the group started with one of the daˉna proper. Performances are taken seriously and the audience is expected to be polite and well mannered, and if there is dance, it is limited and might only take place late in the early hours of the morning after more reserved guests have departed. As ․Sadaqah reminds us, during an art song performance among men of the past, no one dared even whisper to his neighbor lest the musician would stop in the middle of his piece and lay aside his instrument indicating that he would wait till they had finished their conversation. This implies, of course, that the evening was for music and enjoyment and not for chatter. (1985, 149)

Chapter 12: Art Music of the Hijazi Cities  225

Daˉ na “Types” Daˉna arts in the twenty-first century include six types and any one might be referred to generically as “daˉna.” However, younger musicians tend to use the lone term “daˉna” to specifically indicate the daˉna known as “yamaˉni.” Therefore, to avoid confusion, veterans apply the full designators, e.g., daˉna ․san’aˉni, daˉna yamaˉni, or just “s․an’aˉni,” etc. Beyond the six major daˉnaˉt, Hijazi ensembles will perform six other arts, most of which stem from folk music, and sometimes will include Hijazi ․saut and doˉsari (Mahmoud 2013). Daˉna: 1. yamaˉni al-kaff ‫  ا‬ 2. yamaˉni  ‫ا‬ 3. s․an’aˉni ‫ا‬ 4. roadaˉmaˉn ‫ اودان‬or sometimes spelled ‫اودن‬ 5. t․arıˉqa ‫ا‬ 6. tatrıˉb
‫ا‬ Daˉna-related arts: 1. sharqayn  ‫ا‬ 2. khayyaˉli  ‫ا‬ 3. mizmaˉ r ‫ا ر‬ 4. majruˉr ‫ور‬  ‫ا‬ 5. qas․aymi

‫ا‬ 6. khobayti  ‫ا‬ Miscellaneous arts performed by daˉna ensembles: 1. hijazi ․saut 2. doˉsari Yamaˉni al-kaff, viewed as the premiere daˉna—the “al-daˉnaˉ al-makkiyya” (“daˉna of Makkah”)—is considered to be the oldest and perhaps first daˉna art (‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm 2003, 283). Originally, it was performed without instruments, with just a soloist and choir who add special hand sounds. The main rhythmic mode comprises an additive eight-beat pattern accented as 3+2+3 (Ex. 12.1). In order to enhance and help maintain this irregular rhythmic shift, audience members or singers are to clap to it. The clap is important, and indeed, the art is named after it: al-kaff, literally means “palm.” Participants clap twice and slide/rub their hands together forward and back to the final three beats of the eight-beat pattern. Today, the actual clapping is done during the instrumental interludes. Regardless, the percussion performs throughout presenting the clapping part (Ex. 12.2).

EX. 12.1  Yamaˉni

al-kaff clapping pattern

226  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

EX. 12.2 Yama ˉni

al-kaff rhythm which is accented with beats grouped 3+2+3: 1 2 3, 1 2, 1 2 3

An introductory section called istibda is often added and since yamaˉni al-kaff are slow, frequently performers will also attach a quick-paced coda ending called shabshara. There are a few of these generic shabshara tags that might be added to any Hijazi music; however, shabshara is not exclusive to classic ensembles. As an independent piece, shabshara is heard at weddings. Shabshara is also the name of a rhythmic element in T ․aˉ’if majruˉr. Yamaˉni al-kaff were often performed by Makkah ․sahba groups who accompanied their ․sahba songs, that likewise had additive meters, with clapping (see below).

ˉ’IGH (­€‚ ƒ„…): PERFORMER OF YAMA ˉNI BOX 12.2 ALI S∙A AL-KAFF [Speaking in the early 1980s] I started forty-five years ago [1930s]. I was twelve years old and I had memorized a lot of yamaˉni al-kaff of different types (h∙usayni, sıˉkaˉh, banjika, doˉka, maya, raˉst, rakbi al-h∙iraˉb, yamaˉni al-h∙ijaˉz, yamaˉni al-sıˉkaˉh [names of maqaˉmaˉt]), and I still love this art to this day, and that can never change.  . . .  This art first appeared in Makkah, then in Jeddah, and the ensemble Bah∙aˉra Al-Nazala started performing it. Yamaˉni al-kaff does not require any special conditions for performance, except to have a group of people with balanced voices . . .  There was a major competition between different neighborhoods such as Al-Qashaˉshıˉa, and Suˉq Al-Layl, who used to sing kaff al-yamaˉni like al-h∙iraˉba or any al-h∙arbi [maqaˉm] using naqaˉqqıˉr [kettledrum], riqq [tambourine], and mis∙qaˉ’ only. Our “music institute” was our coffee place. We used to sing over a pot of tea (brewed slowly). We used to lower our voice while singing in order not to be heard, as singing was a bit controversial during these conservative times. I remember once we were singing and they caught us and took us to the police station and there someone said to us, “You eat for free,” and I replied: “How can you say that? We work from dawn till after dusk and we earn our living.” Then we signed a statement and were let out. The first thing that affected my voice was smoking, I had an unrivaled voice—no exaggeration—in all of Hijaz, [there was] another one [singer] called H∙assan Ba ˉnwıˉr, and I. (‘Abdul-H∙akıˉm 2003, 289)

Chapter 12: Art Music of the Hijazi Cities  227

Another primary daˉna is that with the designator yamaˉni (Yemen). It has an asymmetrical, attention grabbing rhythm usually in an additive eight-beat meter, with 6+2 grouping accents. The mis․qaˉ’ performing a sixteenth–eighth note motive is featured in the second half of the pattern (Ex. 12.3). In many yamaˉni daˉna there is mixed meter, for instance there is a bar in 8/4 where the singer sings, followed by a bar in 6/4 that features an instrumental response, The six-bar phrases are similar to those of eight beats, but the last two beats of the 6+2 additive meter are removed. This mixed meter, and the fact that the mis․qaˉ’/t․abla player always plays somewhat off of the beat and accents freely, adds to the quirky nature of daˉna yamaˉni.

Daˉna Yamaˉni Al-Jumay’i [poet] says: In a loving graceful woman, my feelings flamed Falling into passion is to no avail May Allah requite those who enchanted me with love Ever since I was a little boy They hid themselves  . . . 

‫Žƒ ا‹ام ا’ع‬ ƒ†‫زي ا˜ي ه– •†ى و‬  š‫ا‬ .. ‫ †م œ†•ƒ ذراع‬ .. ƒ†Œ‫†ا ‡– … žي وا‬ Œ‫ه– ا‬ .. ‫و’†ا و…„†ا ااع‬ ..ƒ‫ ’¡ƒ واŸ زودو‬¢ £ ¤•‫أر‬

O people of fondness, If I am to die Bury me between the bosom Not beneath the earth

EX. 12.3  Yama ˉni

.. ƒ† ‡ ˆ‰‫ ƒ Žƒ Œ
ا‹  ه‬ ‫ل ا‬

.. ‫واŸد¦ ƒ ع‬ .. ƒ†Ž‫ ا†ى •  ا†د اد‬£‫وان ˆ ه‬ ..‫©¡Ž†ƒ ِ• َع‬

rhythmic frame

Daˉna ․san’aˉni (Sana’a) is in a stately 4/4 meter with much embellishment by the mis․qaˉ’ player (Ex. 12.4). Note the typical flirty daˉna text:

19 Daˉna yamaˉni: “Qalim Al-Jumay’i” (“Jumay’i Says”). Includes intermittent meter shift from 8/4 to 6/4

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Daˉna ․san’aˉni O my beloved, for goodness sake! Seize the moment, for you are still young and a Taihani I fear that you will regret

ª‫ا«– ز‬ –«‫ ا Œ
ا‬ª‫إ«– ز‬ ƒ ¡ Ÿ‫ا«– و…دك ‚‹  ا‬

Once you are 16

‫ ¦ ¡م‬١٦ • ª „… ±

Forgetting your youth, your loved ones, and myself

ƒŸ¡‫ و‬ª•Œ‫ وا‬ª•‡ Ÿ¡

O you, honey is the taste of your lips Feed it to me

– „± ª¡’‡  £Ÿ‫„ƒ ا‬  ƒ …‫ ‰ ة ا‬³• ƒ‫وار‬

O sweetheart, become my lover Unbutton

–‡ ‫ ‚رك ا •‡– ‚رك‬ªŽ‫و‬ ƒ‫وا†ت •  ه˜ا ا وا‬

I will breathe your breast And die between your bosom

‫ ‹م‬ª Ž‫ وا ه– و‬ª†‫ †م ه‬ ƒ‚ ‫Œ ا†خ ¡’ح‬

 . . . 

EX. 12.4  S ․ an’aˉni

rhythm pattern

Roadaˉmaˉn is a very rare daˉna and only one roadaˉmaˉn song is remembered and performed into the twenty-first century (“Ya Allah, ya/Illa Subh․aˉnaka Allah,” “Glory to God”). One will find minor variations in the text among different artists. Roadaˉmaˉn has a quintuple rhythmic pattern with 10-beat phrases and is considered the most musically complicated daˉna (Ex. 12.5).

EX. 12.5  Roadaˉmaˉn

rhythm pattern

T ․ arıˉqa features an energetic duple rhythmic pattern (on the mis․qaˉ’/t․abla) over which is placed a largely syllabic smooth melody. Other instruments, like ․tˉıraˉn and even riqq (tambourine) can be added to enhance the rhythmic color (Ex. 12.6). The text here includes the refrain, “yaˉ layla daˉna.”

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EX. 12.6  Tarıˉqa

․

rhythm pattern

Tatrıˉb is a daˉna that is performed for general entertainment, but it is especially heard at weddings to honor the bride and groom as part of the Makkah zaffa procession. It is heard after the young couple are united on the koˉsha, and thus serves somewhat like dazza in Gulf weddings today. Sometimes during its performance, the couple will walk around and greet the guests. The rhythm is quirky and is played behind the beat (Ex. 12.7).

EX. 12.7 Tatrˉı b

rhythm pattern. There are two parts: one for frame drums and the other can be either a lone ․tabla or a drummer playing the combination ․tabla/misqaˉ’ set

Daˉna and the Yemen Connection According to folklore, around 900 years ago yamaˉni al-kaff was devised by a young man named Yaman Ja’far Al-Bayti from a renowned Makki family. He was fond of this music and taught it to his eight brothers, with whom he formed a highly active band. In order to perform the art properly and maintain the accents, the special clapping/rubbing was formulated. Therefore the name “yamaˉni al-kaff ” is the result of combining Yamaˉn Al-Bayti’s name and the art of clapping, kaff. Regional artists like ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm recount this story and profess, “It is not as some claim that this art came down from Yemen [because of the designator yamaˉni] . . . in Makkah we find that is a very common name. Lots of families in Makkah name their children Yaˉman” (2003, 193–195).6 But there are two other daˉna types with names that call Yemen to mind—yamaˉni and ․san’aˉni— and art forms actually called “daˉn” are well known in the Yemen (‘Abıˉd 2000; Hassan 1998). Moreover, there is no question that Yemeni musicians have had a notable presence in the Hijaz for some time. Attesting to their prevalence in the early 1900s, Hurgrone requested that half of all musical pieces recorded in the Hijaz include Yemeni singing (Box 12.1) and in the 1930s Dame certainly witnessed the Yemeni musical presence in T ․aˉ’if (1933, 170; see Box 11.1). More recently, we see that some of the most active musicians in the Hijaz have clearly come from the Yemen, including Faisal ‘Alawi (1949–2010), Abu Bakr Salim (b. 1939), Abdalrab Idrıˉs (b. 1946), and they along with leading Saudi Hijazi artists like Fawzi Mah ․alaˉl Maddah ․suˉ n (d. 1988), T ․ (d. 2000), and Mohammad ‘Abdu regularly performed Yemen ‘adani works (‘Abdul-H akı ˉm 2003, ∙ 142). In addition, as Baˉghaffaˉr asserts, Yemen-rooted arts were the leading music in the Hijaz at least until the 1980s when “khalıˉji and sa’uˉdi songs [began to] flourish” (1994, 130).

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That being said, most Hijazi musicians are adamant that daˉna is Hijazi. They agree that because of trade and immigration other cultures influenced their region. S․adaqah concurs, stating that music in Jeddah in the early–mid-twentieth century was “an amalgam of Kuwaiti, ‘adani, ․san’aˉni, yamaˉni and Egyptian tunes and music . . . . [Hijazi musicians] rearranged it to form a unique Hijazi type with a distinctive style of its own.” In turn, those from outside cultures would borrow from the newly devised Hijazi music (1985, 148). As the “Father of Saudi Music,” T ․ aˉriq ‘Abdul-H ∙ akıˉm commented, “They took things from us, and we took things from them” (Campbell 2007, 8). There are arguably many reasons daˉnaˉt bear “Yemen” labels. One can see similar cases in Kuwait where Gulf songs called ․saut zanzibari or ․saut hindi are certainly not Zanzibari or Indian music, albeit Kuwaiti sailors visited India and Africa and were influenced by their experiences. Likewise, Hijazis interacted with Yemenis, and Yemeni musicians no doubt had an effect on Hijazi arts, but this does not indicate that daˉna is a Yemen genre. So far nothing quite like Hijazi daˉna has been proven to exist in the Yemen or pre-date the Hijazi art. H ∙ ad∙ramaut daˉn and other southern daˉn-daˉn are not like Hijazi daˉna. What is certain is that daˉna has been part of Hijazi culture for a very long time, it pervades the classical music of the region and it is considered a premiere art form from Makkah.

ˉNA“ MEANING BOX 12.3  “DA There has been much speculation on the meaning of “daˉna.” The category’s name is connected to the fact that many songs include a refrain with the word “daˉna“ such as, “yaˉ layla daˉn yaˉ laˉ daˉna (‫  „ دان  © دا‬, Oh night daˉna, Oh daˉna . . .”; see ∙tarıˉqa above). This refrain is also common in a type of Kuwaiti s∙aut art, “s∙aut yaˉ layla daˉna,” sung by seamen, and a current Najdi subversive music, kasraˉt (see Appendix). Today, as in the past, it is used as a “filler” chorus with no literal meaning, like “tr la la” (Hurgronje 1970, 133). In Kuwait and the Gulf where the economies were sustained by pearl diving, daˉna is a beautiful pearl, and most feel that the “daˉna” word is associated to this sea treasure. Some in the Gulf speculate that the refrain reflects hopes that the night (layl) will be a daˉna for them, a pearl, a gem. Others posit that “layl“ may have something to do with the Makkah neighborhood Suˉq Al-Layl famed for its daˉna performances (Hijaz A 2013). It is likely that seamen who sing about daˉna are correct in purporting that the word originally referred to a pearl. Sailors would travel from northern spots like Kuwait, around the southern Peninsula and into the Red Sea, which in the south likewise had pearl divers. There was frequent cultural interaction via the sea community. Thus, the term “daˉna“ in its relationship to music among coastal peoples is far reaching. In Oman there is a women’s art called daˉn, and the term is well known in the Yemen—an uˉd music in the H∙ad∙ramaut is jalsaˉt al-daˉn. A Yemeni folk type is daˉn-daˉn and a mawwaˉl before ‘adani-H∙ad∙rami pieces is referred to as daˉn. Through Yemenis the word even migrated to Indonesia as dana-dana songs. Yet another daˉn, called daˉna farasaˉniyya, survives on Farasaˉn Island off the coast of Jizan in southern Saudi Arabia. These southern daˉn are musically nothing like the daˉna of the Hijaz, but still, the association of the word with coastal peoples cannot go unnoticed and gives added credibility to the “pearl” meaning (‘Abıˉd 2000; Berg 2007, 61; Christensen and Castelo-Branco 2009, 226; Hassan 1998).

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Dana-Related Arts Alongside daˉna the repertoire of Hijazi ensembles includes pieces that for the most part are urban versions of folk arts. The percussion instruments during these performances will be more in line with drums that accompany the folk dance arts, for instance some rural genres use more ․tˉı raˉn, in which case daˉna musicians will add more frame drums when playing these genres. The predominant folk genre of daˉna musicians is majruˉr (‫ور‬  ‫ )ا‬from T ․aˉ’if. In an urban non-dance setting, the tempo is slower than heard in the highlands, although often attendees still want to dance to the music, if just freely. Urban majruˉr should always be played with the misqaˉ’/t․abla which was inspired in the first place by the majruˉr folk performance drumming setup (Ex. 12.8). Qas․aymi (

‫)ا‬, a majruˉr-associated art from T ․aˉ’if, is also played by classical musicians. In the cities it is sometimes called “badawi of waˉdi fatima” ( ¶Ž ‫)اوى •†ادى‬. Khobayti (  ‫ )ا‬as an urban interpretation of the spinning folk dance is a favorite in the Hijaz as it is throughout the Peninsula and is not exclusive to Hijazi ensembles. City bands also perform mizmaˉr (‫)ا ر‬, from the widespread folk stick dance.

EX. 12.8  Urban

majruˉr rhythm pattern. One plays either the top two staves, or the bottom two

Sharqayn7 and khayyaˉli are not associated with any regional folk tradition, but are still played by daˉna ensembles. Sharqayn ( ‫ )ا‬is considered the most entertaining, danceable, lively art of a Hijazi group.8 Sharqayn in recent decades was adapted by commercial artists and is related to the khalıˉji rumba rhythm, so sharqayn are sometimes mistaken as “modern” Peninsula songs. The eight-beat additive meter that divides into accents of 3+3+2, as found in sharqayn, is extensive in the Peninsula (e.g., found in mizmaˉr, khobayti, “modern” doˉsari, Najraˉ ni la’ib), so that this combination in and of itself calls to mind Saudi and Gulf cultures. Therefore, nonPeninsula Arab musicians sometimes refer to sharqyn and similar rhythms as simply “sa’uˉdi” or “khalıˉji.” The Egyptian malfuˉf ˉı qaˉ’ is likewise like sharqayn, although it emphasizes one “dum“ and two “teks,” while sharqayn/sa’uˉdi usually has two “dums” followed by a lesser “tek.” (Note that Hijazi bands will also play entertainment pieces that mix sharqayn and malfuˉf—so the “dums” are toyed with.) The melodic phrasing of sharqayn is in 12/4, but the rhythm can be reduced to a duple or quadruple meter (Ex. 12.9).

20 Majruˉr (urban): “Salaˉm Yaˉ ally” (“Greetings to You”)

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EX. 12.9  Sharqayn

rhythmic frame compared to that of a malfˉuf

Khayyaˉli (ƒّ ‫ )ا‬indicates a horse and the genre’s rhythm is gallopy and quick, but it is in a triple meter so is more unusual than others (Ex. 12.10). There is a khayaˉli rhythm in the Gulf— which means, “imaginative,” and is transliterated with only one “y” in this study—and there is an ‘adani H∙ad∙raˉmi art also labeled as khayaˉli, but these are different than the Hijazi khayyaˉli horse rhythm.

EX. 12.10  Khayya ˉli

polyrhythm

Other genres performed by the urban ensembles include Najdi doˉsari, to lighten an evening, and perhaps a Hijazi ․saut, a regional art related to Gulf ․saut. But these genres are newer additions and are not historically grouped among daˉna arts.

Maqaˉmaˉt (Melodic Modes) Hijazi maqaˉmaˉt are unique within the Arab world and are in need of a great deal of research and study. With the exception of sıˉkaˉh al-huzaˉm, which is believed to come from Medinah, they are said to come from Makkah but long ago spread into Jeddah and Medinah and various regions of the Hijaz. Local musicians assert that the Arab-world maqaˉm that is actually called “Hijaz” likewise originated in Makkah. In general, the notes or overall structure of a maqaˉm from the Hijaz may be the same as that of maqaˉmat found elsewhere, but the practice, the way the melodic sections are performed, is exclusive to western Saudi Arabia. “The Egyptian system of maˉqaˉm study does not apply here because there are many special modulations within Hijazi maqaˉm” (Hijaz A 2013). Musicians remember the names of the fifteen Makki maqaˉmaˉt by recalling the phrase “bah․umri dasij,” ¸¦‫  د‬³• . Each one of its consonants represents at least one of the maqaˉmaˉt listed below (e.g., B, H, M, R, D, S, J: i.e., B is for banjika, H is for ․hijaˉz, and ․husayni, etc.). A Hijazi maqaˉm in performance is broken into four segments, each representing sets of a few notes (jins) or a tetrachord. The sections are called:

Chapter 12: Art Music of the Hijazi Cities  233

a) mashaq ¹ ‫ا‬ b) bah․ar ³‫ا‬ c) jawaˉb al-maqaˉm ‫‰†اب ا م‬ d) mah․at․ »³ ‫ا‬ Primary maqaˉmaˉt of Makkah (Mahmoud 2012; Ex.12.11):  1. yamaˉni al-sıˉkaˉh (‫ ) ƒ اŸ ه‬is structured with the first section, mashaq being rakbi, the bah․ar is sıˉkaˉh, the jawaˉb al-maqaˉm is hijaˉz, and the mah․at․ is yamaˉni al-hijaˉz, which is basically no different structurally than a general hijaˉz found in pan-Arab music (h․ijaˉz and nahaˉwand tetrachords)  2. banjika ( ‫ )ا‬of the Hijaz is considered unique to the Hijaz. It is structured as a sıˉkaˉh on C. The term banjika is also used for a maqaˉm found in Iraq, but that banjika is a type of raˉst and is different  3. rakbi (ƒ‫ )اآ‬is considered a highly complex maqaˉm. Even a qaˉnuˉn player must adjust his instrument and retune in a special fashion to perform it   4. h․ijaˉz (‫ز‬ ³‫ )ا‬is the standard maqaˉm in the Arab world—said to have come from Makkah  5. maˉya ( ‫ )ا‬is a sıˉkaˉh and starts up in the high register  6. maˉhuˉr (‫ )ا ه†ر‬is like raˉst but begins on the seventh note of maqaˉm­—high and tense (Um Kulthuˉ m sang some songs in maˉhuˉr). It is found throughout the Arab world but is embraced in Makkah  7. mushawrak (‫ )†رك‬is similar to sıˉkaˉh. It is heard in Makkah Call to Prayer  8. doˉka (‫ )اوآ‬is similar to ․husayni maqaˉm in structure, but has several modulations within. See ․husayni al-makki   9. h․usayni al-makki (  ‫Ÿ ƒ ا‬³‫ )ا‬is the bayyaˉti of Makkah. It and doˉka are related, but in ․husayni the bah․ar is raˉst on sol and in doˉka the bah․ar is sıˉkaˉh. The movement, the way the Hijazis perform the melodic lines, determines the maqaˉm 10. raˉst al-h․ijaˉzi (‫زي‬ ³‫)اا¦ˆ ا‬ 11. h․iraˉb (‫اب‬³‫ )ا‬is like rast al-h․ijaˉzi 12. sıˉkaˉh al-makki (  ‫ )اŸ ە ا‬has a bah․ar of bayyaˉti rather than raˉst like other sıˉkaˉh 13. jahaˉrkaˉh (‫رآە‬ ‫ )ا‬is like a major mode or maqaˉm ‘ajam on F 14. yamaˉni al-h․ijaˉz (‫ز‬ ³‫ ) ƒ ا‬is structurally like ․hijaˉz. It is one of three major “hijaˉz” maqaˉmat each with a unique bah․ar rendering 15. ‘ushaˉq (‫“( )اق‬lovers”) is an old Makkah maqaˉm used by Hijazi muezzin and heard on early recordings 16. *Medinah Maqaˉm: sıˉkaˉh al-huzaˉm (‫ )اŸ ە اام‬is not considered one of the fifteen core melodic modes of Makkah, but is considered “Hijazi,” and is believed to have originated in Medinah. It is a pan-Arab maqaˉm, the most widespread version of sıˉkaˉh, with a second tetrachord of hıˉjaˉz. Its Medinah origins are asserted because of its significance in Medinah culture and because it is apparently the maqaˉm of the welcome song sung by girls who greeted the Prophet when he migrated from Makkah to Medinah in 622 ce (Ali 2012)

Unaccompanied Solo Singing Unaccompanied solo singing features the Makki maqaˉmaˉt and can be secular or religious. H ․ adri (‫) Ž Œري‬, kasra (‫)آŸة‬, and imjailsi (ƒŸ„   ‫ )ا‬are sung in urban areas and are similar to the folk versions from which they are derived. The texts vary from poetic story telling to discussion

21 Yamaˉni al-Sıˉkaˉh Maqaˉm

22 Banjika Maqaˉm

23 Doˉka Maqaˉm

24 ‘Ushaˉq Maqaˉm

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EX. 12.11  Structure

of primary maqaˉmaˉt of the Hijaz

of a subject, often with metaphor. H ․ adri is especially well known in Jeddah where the female singer/composer Tuha is a leader in this art. Far’i (ƒ…’‫ا‬, plural faraˉ’in …‫ )ا’ا‬is another free improvisatory mawwaˉl-like genre, similar to ․hadri, but the melody differs and it is usually only heard in cities. Religious singing, al-inshaˉd al-dıˉni (ƒ‫)ا¿د ا‬, sung by chanters known as munshidıˉn ( ‫ )ا‬is naturally quite popular in the Holy City of Makkah. Chants, which are part of a stand-alone joyful art form, have texts that give thanks to God, praise the Prophet and his family, preach, make requests for forgiveness, and celebrate specific Islamic occasions. There is a network and a system among inshaˉd singers that includes a structured organization where master sheikhs/imams are ranked and they have assigned apprentices and rules for advancement. These same munshidıˉn, while in a more secular setting, will often perform songs called majassaˉt (singular majass), which are by far the most popular and arguably viable of all the traditional arts in Makkah today.

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Majass/Majassaˉt (‫Ÿت‬  ‫ ا‬،Á  ‫)ا‬9 Majass/majassaˉt, which comes from the verb jass (to feel)—since the singer, who can be male or female, is to evoke deep emotional response—is sung poetic texts in classical Arabic (al-fus․․ha). It is like free, unmetered, improvisatory mawwaˉl found in other places of the Arab world, but mawwaˉl is often in a colloquial language.10 Also majass is different in that it should be sung in one of the standard Makkah maqaˉmaˉt. The texts can cover a wide range of topics, from love, to God; also Call to Prayer can be performed in a majass style with the same melodic delivery. Along with the vocalist, a qaˉnuˉn or uˉd player might provide instrumental improvisation known as “qasıˉm” (i.e., taqaˉsıˉm, – ¦¡) in imitation of the singer. But often the majass vocalist performs unaccompanied. The male soloist who specializes in this art is called a jassıˉs (Á Ÿ ‫ا‬, plural jasıˉsıˉn). He dresses in a particular fashion, wearing a turban with a point known as an ‘imma or ․halabi, a scarf on the shoulder, and a belt and/or bisht (cloak; Fig. 12.4; Fig. 14.14). This is classic Hijazi dress, and ․sabha artists as well as mizmaˉr performers wear a similar fashion (but with no bisht). Jassıˉs will even sometimes wield a mizmaˉr stick. He is only called a jassıˉs if he is primarily performing majass.11 Performers often sing majass to introduce daˉna songs at a gathering wearing regular street clothes (thobe), and if this is the case, then he would not be called a jassıˉs, at least not in that instance.

jassıˉs Abdulazˉı z Bukhaˉri in traditional Hijazi dress singing at a male wedding celebration

FIGURE 12.4 The

236  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Whether one is male or female, it takes a competent vocal ability to sing majass. As the Medinah master musician Ghaˉzi Ali noted (2012): Not anyone can sing majass. He needs to have a big voice, to practice, to be an excellent musician. He must sing in his head—they hum strongly at the end of phrases—and not in his throat. A good jassıˉs can sing for hours without tiring. Because majassaˉt calls for such proficiency, decades ago primary jasıˉsıˉn came from the group of muezzins who served the Grand Mosque of Makka, thus they were among the finest vocalists in the world.

BOX 12.4 MOHAMMAD HASHEIM ON MAKKAH MAJASS (2012) . . . in Makkah, al-majass is performed in a stronger way  . . .  how can I say it . . .  Makkah is a mountain area and it is known to be harder. Medinah people have more kindness . . . in Medinah [the sound] is very warm, but in Makkah, they “show off” . . . . well, not really “show off,” but it has strength and domination, “ga’taba“ in Makki language . . . being a stud! They say, watch out for this one!

In the twenty-first century, of all the traditional urban Hijazi arts majass is the most well known and that through which singers have the most performing opportunities. This is because, whether one is rich or poor, Hijazis include majassaˉt in their weddings. Moreover, majassaˉt are also heard at informal parties, festivals, or any festive event of men or women. They sing celebratory songs (ahazıˉj, ¸‫ )اهز‬in colloquial Arabic for milka ceremonies (marriage contract signings).12 Consequently, there are countless jasıˉsıˉn active today. Many from this new generation have made efforts to listen to old cassettes, analyze the performance styles and texts, and maintain tradition. At wedding events a jassıˉs serves as both a performer and a master of ceremonies, controlling and pacing the evening. As a vocalist, he is needed to sing prayers or songs of praise and congratulations that include the names of involved families. He will escort the groom and male relatives when they travel to the women’s wedding party, and when the bride and groom enter this main venue, he will walk with them and sing songs that include their names or family names. Earlier, at the male side of the wedding celebration, he often works with a folk band, at first motivating the crowd alone, but then on certain songs he is joined by folk percussionists. Then at various times in the evening, he will step back and the band will take the lead. Whenever the jassıˉs performs, whether in an all male or mixed crowd, the guests will hum at the end of each of his phrases or actually sing along with him. This is a form of encouragement and provides feedback for the singer so that he can gauge how he will proceed musically or textually. Many young people listen to majass music in their automobiles or on their phones and other personal electronic devices. Not only are majassaˉt enjoyed for their beauty, but also because they are in classical Arabic and often include no instruments and therefore fit with the conservative religious sensibilities of many. In many ways majass resembles religious inshaˉd, and few parents complain about youth enjoying it.

Chapter 12: Art Music of the Hijazi Cities  237

ˉN BOX 12.5 COMMENTS FROM A JASSIˉS: MOHAMMAD AMA PRE-2003 (Fig. 14.8) Majass means a lot to me. It is my specialization and I am famous for it. It is also my world, the place I run to whenever I feel distressed in my own voice or in others’ voices. It is the essential school of music for every artist. Each can learn what they want from it. Any artist with absolutely no background on majassaˉt and its maqaˉmaˉt is an incomplete artist who lacks artistic expertise. Majass owes a great deal to ‘Abdul Rahman Al-Moˉathin. From the beginning I was greatly influenced by him and his style of majass performance. He was a pioneer of majass at that time and very famous for it. I used to follow news of him and try as much as possible to be present at his concerts to listen to him and learn, as I love this style so much. This, however, never stopped me from benefiting from others as well, such as Hassan Jaˉwa, the late Sa’ıˉd Abu Khashaba, Hassan Labani, Mahmoud Moˉamina, and Mohammad Baˉjuˉda. Each of them has his own special style; my method of singing is not recent. I also performed daˉnat composed by others and then marketed it, seeking audience approval. (‘Abdul-H∙akıˉm 2003, 186)

S∙ahba ‫ا‬ Although its popularity has dwindled greatly, ․sahba, evening entertainments or the entailed songs, are still performed in the large Hijazi cities and in T ․aˉ’if, where certain communities consider it a staple at male wedding celebrations. In the Holy City ․sahba is called the “muwashshah․ of Makkah,” from where it originally took hold—a ․sahba evening can feature muwashshah․ or adwaˉr (singular dawr) type songs similar to those found in Egypt (Abkar S ․ahbah 2012). Today, as in the past, one can hear ․sahba in both public and private settings. In earlier times ․sahba evenings provided regular entertainment for smaller communities, as each Makkah alley (neighborhood) had its own ․sahba performers. Men would gather at the host’s designated spot, which was usually in the open air in a wide area of the alley (Abkar 2012; ‘Abdul-H ․akıˉm 2003, 288). Sometimes, groups from different neighborhoods would compete. Now, it is only through the efforts of a few semi-professional units that the art is kept alive. S ․ahba is considered quite difficult to sing and follows strict rules and systems, employing Makkah maqaˉmaˉt. Groups of seated, turbaned men (in traditional Hijazi dress) gather around a player of one or two kettledrums called naqqaˉqıˉr ( ‫ )ا‬or naqqaˉra (plural naqqaˉraˉt), which are smaller, more shallow, and higher pitched than the modern-day nagrazaˉn that are heard in other urban ensembles (Fig. 12.5). Drums are struck with long sticks and their rhythm is accompanied by unison group handclaps, al-kaff, that help the performers keep the beat.13 There are several percussive rhythmic modes in ․sabha songs that complement the melodic rhythm, and since the placement of the accents is often uneven, the clapping or drumming is needed to help the singers keep their place (Ex. 12.12). This is similar to the practice of performing the daˉna yamaˉni al-kaff, which has requisite handclaps, and there is some connection between this and ․s ahba: yamaˉni al-kaff might be performed as part of a ․sahba evening, and historically ․sahba drummers would accompany daˉna arts (Fig. 12.6; Ali 2012).14

FIGURE 12.5  Naqqaˉqıˉr,

kettledrums

FIGURE 12.6 Darwˉı sh

Doˉ sh, the master of naqqaˉqˉır who specialized in yamaˉni al-kaff in Su ˉ q Al-Layl in Makkah. As his contemporary observed, “Wherever you find him, you will see him holding two sticks, ready to drum if asked” (H ․ akˉı m 2003, 186)

EX. 12.12  S ․ahba

song rhythm pattern performed in Makkah in 2013

Chapter 12: Art Music of the Hijazi Cities  239

The maestro of the ․sahba, called the hadi, begins singing with a mawwaˉl primarily in the maqaˉmaˉt bayyaˉti, ․hijaˉz, maˉya, raˉst, doˉka-sıˉkaˉh, jahaˉrkaˉh (no banjika). After the hadi has sung, an assistant, referred to as shawoˉsh, might continue with the song. Then the group of between twenty to thirty men (the more, the better) enters singing with the hadi or shawoˉsh in the second hemstitch of each verse (Abkar 2012; S ․ahbah 2012). S ahba arts are viewed as a combination of Andalusían muwashshah․ and Turkish classical ․ music, although some assert an Egyptian influence, albeit Ottoman-Egyptian. From 1517 the Ottoman Empire had oversight of the Hijaz, with an especially prominent presence between 1845 and 1916 when it took direct control from local leaders. Arab and Ottoman communities remained distinct, but still, Ottomans had a cultural impact. Ghaˉzi ‘Ali of Medinah (b. 1937) remembers regularly hearing Turkish music as a child (2012): The first time in my life I remember hearing music, I was about five or six years old. I am from Medinah. And my uncle turned on the radio and I heard these very nice choral songs, and I cried. I cried, because it was so beautiful. And to this day, I have loved music. And many times later, I asked about this kind of music and I was told it is Turkish muwashshah․. My uncle said, “This is Ankara music [city in Turkey]. This is the Ankara radio station that is in Medinah.” Therefore, it is understandable that some ․sahba songs invoke Turkey. For instance, Ali recalls the song “Turkish Gazelle [Darling],” which he identifies as “a very old muwashshah․. It has few words but the performers stretch them out, which is the method of treating text when singing ․sahba” (2012): “Turkish Gazelle”: ‫ي‬ ³‫«ال ¡آƒ ¡آƒ „  ا‬ The Turkish deer who left me alone In general, ․sahba lyrics deal with three topics: a) flirty love; b) wine and drinking; or c) description of environment, i.e., landscape, sea, rain, forest, etc.

BOX 12.6  HIJAZI–KUWAITI CONNECTION When S∙adaqah speaks of foreign arts that influenced Hijazi music in the early twentieth century he mentions Kuwaiti music first, alongside Yemeni and Egyptian (1985,148). Yemen and Egypt are large countries with great populations and over the centuries countless of their citizens emigrated to the Hijaz, so their influence is understandable. But Kuwait is a small state far from western Arabia with virtually no Hijazi immigrants. That Kuwaiti music has had such an impact is remarkable. The situation is somewhat reciprocal: according to the famed Jewish Kuwaiti s∙aut master Saleh Al-Kuwaiti, before 1930 the only [“art”] music known in Kuwait was “Kuwaiti, Bahraini, Yemeni, and Hijazi” (Al-Kuwaiti 1979). Several musical commonalities are scattered between the regions. For instance, the term roadaˉman used in relationship to music to date is only formally noted to be in Kuwait and the Hijaz: roadaˉmaˉn is a type of daˉna in the Hijaz and in Kuwait there is a type of s∙aut called s∙aut roadmaˉni, no longer extant, that includes the pervasive yaˉ layla daˉna text refrain (continued)

240  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

(continued) (Al-Salhi 2012, 28) that is standard in Hijazi daˉna. Although Hijazi daˉna is not heard in Kuwait, in the past Kuwaiti s∙aut songs were well known in both the H∙ad∙ramaut and in the Hijaz. Arguably the most famous Kuwaiti s∙aut song, “Ya Badei Al Jamal,” was recorded by the Saudi T∙alaˉl Maddaˉh∙ in the second half of the twentieth century, and into the twenty-first century is regularly sung by the Hijazi singer Tuha at Hijazi weddings. Moreover, because of a penchant for the Gulf sound, classic Hijazi ensembles now perform a song-type they call “Hijazi s∙aut,” which usually has the same rhythmic structure as Gulf s∙aut shaˉmi. We see that both Kuwaitis and Hijazis enjoy music of the category ‘adani, which has roots in the Yemen. Indeed, currently Kuwaitis and H∙ad∙ramis are the leading exponents of the art and musicians from each region regularly perform together. Until the last few decades ‘adani was the most prevalent uˉd-based art in the Hijaz, and was only superseded by modern commercial music (Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 130). The connection between the Hijaz and Kuwait no doubt comes through interaction with and emigration from the Yemen H∙ad∙ramaut that before the 1940s was frequented by Kuwaiti sailors. Later, in the 1970s–1980s many Hijazi musicians came directly to Kuwait to make use of the recording studios. These included, Maddah∙, ‘Abdu, ‘Abdullah, Itaˉb, and Yemenis residing in the Saudi Kingdom (see Appendix).

NOTES   1 Farmer noted (1929b, 490), “Even Dr. Snouck Hurgronje has not been able to furnish me with many precise details concerning instrumental music among the Meccans, for the simple reason that during his sojourn in the Holy City (1884-5) as a student of the sacred law, he was, naturally, obliged to keep aloof from anything like musical entertainments.”  2 ‘Abdul-H ∙ akıˉm (2003, 285) mentions a lost song type: al-juˉk ‫†ك‬ ‫)ا‬, “an old Makki art that the old people of Makkah used to perform . . . Al-Qashaˉshıˉa alley  . . . was famous for (juˉk) . . . ” Burckhardt (1829, 265) also mentions al-juˉk: “The merry Mekkawys formed themselves into parties, singing the jovial songs called djok, accompanied by clapping of hands; and the coffee-houses scattered over the plain were crowded the whole night with customers.”   3 Recordings and lyrics of daˉna songs can be found on forthcoming L. Urkevich, Daˉnah and Art Songs of Makkah (2015). Amaˉn (2001) includes daˉna sung by Mohammad Amaˉn.   4 Ghaˉzi ‘Ali (2012) asserts the long history of daˉna, stating that the Kitaˉb al-aghaˉni (ca 900) mentions it or infers a rhythm that appears to be a daˉna.   5 Baˉghaffaˉr (1994), a Hijazi who documented lyrics in the Kingdom, chronicled more daˉna than any other genre, attesting to its pervasiveness in the Hijaz. With “modernization” daˉna performance has dwindled. Tuha feels that Amaˉn was the premiere daˉna performer, and laments a daˉna decline since his incapacitation. She adds that ‘Abdullah Rashad, “can really perform such forms of art, but rarely does” (Mukharish 2005).  6 Baˉghaffaˉr (1994, 193, 195), citing Doˉ sh, gives basically the same account; however, she states she believes the art is not as old as purported. Abkar agrees (2012, 146–147) asserting that the man’s name is Ja’far Al-Bayti Al-Yamaˉni b. ca 1698, that he was a respected poet, his works are compiled in a book still extant in Medinah where he died, and his family originated in the H ∙ ad∙ramaut,Yemen.   7 In the booklet of Amaˉn (2001, 11), sharqayn is listed as a “daˉna mekkiyyah” but Mahmoud (2012) asserts sharqayn is not, but rather a related amusement piece. His position is supported by the fact that the common daˉna drum setup, a mis․qaˉ’/t․abla, is usually not used to perform sharqayn.  8 Sharqayn literally means “the two easts,” such as found in the Qu’raˉn, “Lord of the two easts and two wests” ( •‹ ‫( )رب ا   و رب ا‬Holy Quran Sura 55, verse 17). In the Hijaz, “Sharqyan” might imply the Arabian Gulf area.

Chapter 12: Art Music of the Hijazi Cities  241

 9 Majassaˉt by Amaˉn can be heard on Amaˉn (2001). 10 There are many differences in the details of mawwaˉl and majass performance, for instance in mawwaˉl one might sing “ya la . . . ” but in majass, it is just “la,” never any “ya.” 11 Women who sing majass, like Tuha and ‘Itaˉb, also sing a great variety of other song types and are not referred to as jassıˉs. 12 Songs called ahazıˉj are also found among the Yemeni (‘adani) category. See Appendix. 13 Drummers in recent decades, who have been influenced by the presence of the zıˉr drum, might use short thick sticks, but this is not historically accurate for naqqaˉra. 14 Doˉ sh was both a ․sahba and daˉna drummer.

13 HIJAZI WOMEN AND MUSIC MAKING

Throughout the history of the Hijaz, women have often been at the forefront of music making, at times more than men. Early Islamic-period sources, late nineteenth to early twentieth-century writings, and twenty-first-century accounts provide information about the female musical experience.

Qayna (‫ ا‬pluarl Qiyaˉn)1 Although male musicians were important to the cultural fabric, in the pre- and early Islamic periods when music was considered a professional art, it was women and girls who took the lead. Known as qayna (plural, qiyaˉn), these female artists came from an elite class of slaves, servants, or concubines).1 Some entertained in taverns or in their own residences but they were consistently found in every Arab household of the wealthy where they participated in celebrations alongside women and girls of the home. In fact, in the pre-Islamic era and through the time of the Prophet, women enjoyed “almost as much liberty as men” when it came to performing on instruments at family festivities (Farmer 1929a, 10). Often known for their great beauty, the slave-singers, tastefully dressed and perfumed, would deliver poetic text with virtuosic singing. Those who showed aptitude would receive a broad education, not only in music, but also in literature and other essentials of refined culture. Occasionally they became wives of caliphs (Crone and Moreh 2000). In any event, qiyaˉn were certainly musical confidants to powerful men. An elder woman of this early period who had been a slave girl recounted: I was one of the girls that (the caliph) al-Muqtadir liked. . . . He was one of God’s most accomplished creatures when it came to playing the lute and he had a most moving voice, though did his best to keep it a secret. He would only play and sing when he was alone with his slave girls. . . . and with me. (Campbell et al. 2009, 107) Qiyaˉn took part in an assortment of music making. Sometimes they functioned as solo singers, accompanying themselves on a lyre or uˉd, or they could perform in larger ensembles with song and dance and be joined by frame drummers or a performer of the reeded aerophone. In any event, it is these females who are considered the first important singers of the Arab world during a time when music was held in high regard.

Chapter 13: Hijazi Women and Music Making  243

Nineteenth to Early Twentieth Centuries Although qiyaˉn eventually disappeared, musical women remained in the vanguard. In the early 1800s, the Spanish explorer Ali Bey who made the pilgrimage to Makkah wrote, “I never once heard the sound of a musical instrument or of song during the whole of my stay that was executed by a man; but my ears were struck once or twice by the songs of some women” (Farmer 1929b, 489). In 1925, Rutter noted the musicality of Makkah females: “Many of them are more or less accomplished players on the lute and the drum, and in this amusement they take great delight, although it is not considered to be highly respectable.” He goes on to give an account of a friend who overheard women performing and, amazed, had to witness such firsthand. Finally having observed the women, the friend declared repeatedly that such musical proficiency was not possible and that spirits must have possessed them: “These are not girls. They are afrıˉts [ifrits]” (1930, 83, 85). Hurgronje who was in Makkah 1884–1885 remarked on both specialists and laywomen partaking in wedding music: “the lady friends regale themselves with song and music; not always professional singers are called in, but the women often accompany their own songs with tambourines [t․aˉr] or hand-clapping” (1970, 137, 132–134; Fig. 13.1). He describes a wedding ensemble similar to that which survives today: “the singing woman (meghanniya) is one only; the others, her slaves, accompany her either by beat of tambourines [t․aˉr or duff]; or by joining in the rhyming words or last words of the verses.” He labels the drummers as “daqqaˉqıˉn,” and the “last-word chanters” as “raddaˉdin” [responders] (1970, 133–134). (Note, in the early twentieth century a female lead singer might be called al-la’iba, “the player” (‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm 2003, 234). Today, she is a mut․riba or a fannaˉna (“artist”).)

FIGURE 13.1  Makkan

Bride, 1887 (Leiden University Library, O.L.G. 95 6013_plate25)

244  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Hijazi Versus Najdi Performers There is great variety in the social class of women musicians in the Hijaˉz, much more so than one will find in the Najd. Burckhardt spoke of their status: “[professional female Makkah musicians] have, it is said, good voices, and are not of that dissolute class to which the public singers and dancers belong in Syria and Egypt” (1829, 216). Likewise, Marianne Alireza, an American married into a Saudi family in the 1940s, recalls “respectable” Saudi women musicians coming to her home in Jeddah in the 1950s (2001): In the old days there were just a few women musicians. There were these three little ladies . . . well two were a pair of twins and they were all we had, and they sang too. One played the violin and the other the drum . . . . Musicians were not Yemeni or African, they were regular Saudis. Well, yes, a lot of the drummers are black, but they are Saudis, part of the society. Even before 1962 during the days of slavery, women musicians were not necessarily black slaves. The twins I told you about . . . they were Makkah ladies, very proper and sedate, true ladies of a higher class.2 Historically, “art” music has been more appreciated in Hijazi culture than in the Najd. In the twenty-first century women of a high social standing should “hold evenings for many guests, preferably with a traditional singer. Tarab (music) is an important factor in determining status and regional distinctivemess . . .  (Yamani 2004, 37). Both Hijazi laywomen and professionals have a lengthy tradition of performing urban instruments like the uˉd or other melodic instruments. In 2000 a Makkah woman, who had lived in Riyadh and T ․aˉ’if and attended many women’s celebrations in all three cities, recounted, “I have never seen women play the uˉd in the Najd and only once in T ․aˉ’if, but many times I have seen it performed in Makkah. I even have a friend who plays the uˉd” (T ․aˉ’if 2000). Professional solo singers at Hijazi weddings, who are accompanied by drummers, at least until recently were capable of playing the uˉd or org, and one of the chief assistants might also perform on the violin. The lead musicians often arrange or newly compose songs. In other words, female Hijazi musicians are more likely than those of the Najd or Gulf to understand maqaˉmaˉt and various technical musical complexities. Artists still active today like Tuha, and Safiya Shetawi are gifted composers and they and others such as the deceased Itaˉb and Mary Sa’ıˉ d are (were) all accomplished Hijazi uˉdists and experts of daˉna arts (Fig. 13.2).

Wave of Inexpert Artists Regardless of the quality of many female performers, because of Peninsula wealth and the fluctuating social restrictions on Saudi female musicians, foreign individuals and bands have been increasingly tapping into the Hijazi music market. In 2005 Tuha expressed her concern: Now in Saudi Arabia we have numerous “wedding” singers but most of them are from other Arab countries and perform khalıˉji singing or saˉ’udi songs but without mastering the Saudi accent . . .  Unfortunately, such artists are presented as the great artist or wonderful singer while she’s unknown. Weddings are full of singers who have absolutely no musical background who are only in it for the money. (Mukharish 2005)

Chapter 13: Hijazi Women and Music Making  245

FIGURE 13.2  Hijazi

mut․riba Safiya Shetawi (on uˉd) with some band members, 2012

Tuha and others are also disheartened by the ever-increasing crassness of the performance: “They scream instead of singing and no voice can last if treated that way” (Akeel 2004). In 2009 an attendee at a Jeddah wedding likewise lamented this style of crude presentation, and commented on: . . . [the] unimaginably loud music . . .  banging – in sync –  . . . with a lady singing at the top of her lungs, all magnified to 1000x its original volume . . . .[and the lead singer is shouting things like], “Shake your hips, girl in red! “Yes, you live [‫* ]و‬sings part of song* “Come on, mother of red, mother of blue, mother of black!” *sings part of song* “Come on mother of mauve, YESS [sic],” *sings part of song*, finishes but “beat” goes on  . . .  (Insomniacrebel’s 2009)

BOX 13.1  CHARACTER OF HIJAZI WEDDING PARTIES As in any large city, there will be much variety in wedding celebrations depending on individuals. The norm is to have segregated parties, but the very wealthy or westernized families have mixed events, often in huge elaborate “tents” (makeshift halls) by the sea. Marianne Alireza (2001) recalls attending these when a full male Arab orchestra performed, and men and women danced together freely. However, all-female wedding parties are most prevalent. In the Hijaz, the bride can have her procession before that of the groom, but often the pair enters together around 1–2am frequently accompanied by a jassıˉs. In 2010 expatriates who had attended dozens of Jeddah weddings gave their perspective, especially in regard to dancing (Jeddah 2010):3 (continued)

246  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

(continued) Dancing nowadays is to Arab songs . . . well they are also playing English music . . . it depends on the bride and groom, but they are required to play some Arabic music. Dancing is a special kind  . . .  the dance floor is completely bright; there are hundreds of other women watching you . . . and when you are completely sober and you have to dance, it is a lot of pressure. There is the Gulf Arabic dance, which is very lady-like. It is a walk that they do, and they slightly move their arms. They have perfected this dancing so that they don’t actually bump into each other. And then there is Egyptian belly dancing . . . Basically it is a show. You want to rehearse . . . . Don’t smile too much or laugh too loudly. Normally people on the dance floor have this serious expression on their faces.

NOTES 1 There are several early sources that refer directly to talented female Hijazi musician-poets: Al-Nadıˉm (d. ca 995 ce) in his index of books lists them, also Qiyaˉn al-Hijaz by Ishaq ibn Ibrahim ibn Mahan ibn Bahman ibn Nusk; and two volumes by Abu Ayyuˉ b al-Madina, one entitled Qiyaˉn al-Hijaz, and the other Qiyaˉn Makkah (Ibn Al-Nadim 1970, I: 309, 317, 324). 2 It is possible that the pair of musicians of which Alireza speaks are the two Makkah artists Al-‘Otaibia and Al-Gharibia. These were the best performers “of their art in Makkah, Jeddah and T ․aˉ’if and families used to compete to get them and book them ahead of time for their weddings. They both had quite strong and beautiful voices and were skillful singers.They were mostly famous for far’i, daˉnaˉt and majarıˉr [majruˉ r]” (‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉ m 2003, 231). 3 Several sources are available that describe Hijazi weddings (Campbell 2002; Sabbagh 2009; Wedding 2004).

14 DISTINGUISHED HIJAZI ARTISTS

The most celebrated Saudi musical artists come from the western region, and even if they were born in southern areas, they honed their skills in the large Hijazi cities or T ․aˉ’if. The inter­national stars Mohammad ‘Abdu and ‘Abdul Majıˉd ‘Abdullah, both of whom are featured singers in national “operas,” have had much commercial success and perform at the most elite concerts and wedding celebrations in the Kingdom and Gulf. Over the years, they and others have been rewarded handsomely and are treated with great respect. But there are a slew of musicians who have made outstanding contributions to regional culture yet did not achieve the same level of notoriety. National treasures like T ․aˉriq ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm, T ․alaˉl Maddaˉ․h, Tuha, Siraˉj ‘Omar, Mohammad Ali Sindi, Mohammad Amaˉn, Ghaˉzi Ali, and Safiya Shetam are greatly admired within their milieu, but they never received comparable prosperity or international fame. As one Hijazi musician stated, after Maddaˉ․h unexpectedly died in 2000, “It was a national disgrace when we all found out how meager was his wealth” (Hijaz A 2013; Qahtani 2009). One theory is that those who were involved in musical arts before the late 1960s, that is before oil money had a noticeable impact in the Kingdom, were viewed as “old fashioned,” so not needing or deserving of the new lavish lifestyles and incomes. Moreover, these musicians were “local,” closely tied to folk arts, and were not eager or able to tap into the commercial markets of the Levant and Gulf States. In any event, these Hijazi artists, along with ‘Abdu and ‘Abdullah, remain national icons.1

Mohammad ‘Abdu, ‫(  ە‬b. June 12, 1948) Known as “Artist of the Arabs” (Fig. 14.1).2 Born in the sea region of Jizan (Al-Darb village), ‘Abdu was the son of a well-known sailor who died when Mohammad was a toddler. He was left an orphan, eventually raised in Jeddah. He received his early vocal training through the study of Qur’anic recitation and adhaˉn, which he presented at school. Around the age of thirteen, he became involved with other amateurs, learned to play the uˉd, and eventually gained knowledge from masters of Yemeni styles. He initially pursued a career in shipbuilding, in line with his father’s maritime life, but gave up this path for musical endeavors. By the mid-1960s

248  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 14.1  Mohammad

‘Abdu, “Artist of the Arabs”

he was acquiring serious recognition as a musical artist. He would go on to record over 100 albums, adapting with the times, covering a variety of styles including folkloric, urban Saudi (e.g., daˉna), and commercial khalıˉji. ‘Abdu is the most internationally celebrated Saudi musician into the twenty-first century.

‘Abdul Majıˉd ‘Abdullah, ‫( ا ا‬b. August 18, 1963) Born in Jizan, as a youth ‘Abdullah traveled frequently to the sea city and Qunfudah before settling into life in Jeddah (Fig. 14.2). While a student, he participated in extra-curricular activities like singing and acting. He was discovered by Ibrahim Sultan who introduced him to Jeddah radio: at the age of thirteen, he sang on air and gave his first concert. He then met the famed composer Sami Ihsan who took him to Cairo in 1979 where he recorded four songs. He began singing khalıˉji music and started working with a Bahraini composer, and subsequently acquired a house in Kuwait, which he maintained for years. Thus, he was well known by Gulf peoples and performed at many of their events, along with giving concerts in Riyadh and throughout the Kingdom. Because of the nature of his songs—he sings from the perspective of the “lover”—and his warm performance style, he is viewed as the charming, “hopeless romantic” artist, but one who is consistently tasteful and thoughtful with his performance choices.

T∙alaˉl Maddaˉh∙, ‫( ل اح‬1940–2000) Maddaˉh ․ was a composer and singer born in Makkah (by his own account) with the birth name T ․alaˉl Abu Rab al-Shaikh bin Ah ․mad bin Ja’far al-Jaˉbri (Fig. 14.3). Upon the death of his mother not long after his birth, his aunt and uncle raised him. Welcoming him as a son, they changed his name to that of his aunt’s husband, Maddaˉh ․. While still a lad, he moved to T a ˉ ’if with his family, and there he regularly sang for his schoolmates as well as provided ․

Chapter 14: Distinguished Hijazi Artists  249

FIGURE 14.2  ‘Abdul

Majıˉd ‘Abdullah

adhaˉn and recitation of the Qur’an (tajwıˉd). Later, he worked for the Post Office in T ․aˉ’if, but became more and more involved in music. T ․aˉriq ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉ m, who was also in T ․aˉ’if as commander of an army division, took notice of Maddaˉh and introduced him to theatre tel․ evision in the mid-1950s. Not long thereafter, Maddaˉh ’s career escalated. He became a pio․ neer of twentieth-century Saudi Hijazi music, including all the classic genres, and he often sang Yemeni songs or used lyrics that came directly from H ․ ad․rami poets. For two decades he was engaged in a friendly rivalry with the artist ‘Abdu. Maddaˉh ․ is responsible for discovering two of the most significant Saudi women performers, ‘Itaˉb and Ibtisaˉm Lut․fi, Lut․fi herself being from T ․aˉ’if. Maddaˉh ․ died in 2000 following a cardiac arrest during a televised broadcast while singing and playing ․ud in Abhaˉ.

T∙aˉriq ‘Abdul-H∙akıˉm,  ‫(  رق  ا‬1922–2012) Known as the “Father of Saudi Music” (Fig. 14.4 and Fig. 11.4). ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm was born in the Mathnaˉh suburb of T ․aˉ’if (a “majruˉr” center). His father died before he completed his elementary education. ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm was fond of music early on and was highly engaged in it during his youth. As a young man he joined the army school and eventually reached the rank of Brigadier. Because of his talent, he was the first student that the Saudi Army sent abroad to study music. He attended the Egyptian institute of military music where he excelled and subsequently collaborated with many artists. When he returned, ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm became the major proponent of Saudi arts, especially the T a ˉ ’if genres, and from the 1940s until his death in 2012, ․ was among the most revered musicians in the country. He founded a military music school in T ․aˉ’if and thus became the musical father to many disciples. He is noted for making contributions to the development of folklore and assisting in its preservation.

250  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 14.3  T ․alaˉl

Maddaˉh ․

FIGURE 14.4  T ․a¯riq

‘Abdu¯l-Hakıˉ m ·

Tuha,  (b. 1934) According to her own account, Tuha was born in 1934 in the Al-H∙asaˉ region, eastern Saudi Arabia, under the name Fath ․iya Hasan Ahmed Yeh ․ya, and moved to Makkah when she was

Chapter 14: Distinguished Hijazi Artists  251

FIGURE 14.5  Tuha

five years old (Fig. 14.5). She was the youngest of four sisters and one brother. Her father, brother, and male family members all played the uˉd, and she was encouraged by her father to learn the instrument: he bought her a “small Yemeni uˉd [qanbus],” as she describes it. Her brother, with whom she was close, likewise supported her interest and nurtured her talent, and eventually taught her to play, and she continues to be a skilled uˉdist. After her father’s death, the family moved to Jeddah, and when thirteen years old T ․uha began singing at parties. Eventually, her music-making revenue would support the family. From older women, she learned traditional Hijazi arts like daˉna and majass. In a short period of time she gained a substantial fan base and became the premiere wedding singer of the Hijaz, sought after by the grandest families. Tuha is among few Saudi woman who publically compose. She has written hundreds of songs, penned into large notebooks that she keeps in her home in Jeddah, over 300 of which have not yet been recorded. However, she has issued over thirty recordings, mostly of her own compositions, many with lyrics by her brother the poet Dr. Mohammad Amin Yehya, who also composed some of her music before his death, ca 1990. Fawzi Mah ․uha’s lyrics, and she ․suˉ n wrote some music for T has also collaborated with Maddaˉ․h and composed pieces that were sung by Abdallah Rashad.3

Jamıˉl Mahmoud, ‫(  د‬b. 1940) Mahmoud, known as the “Pyramid of the Hijaz,” was born in Makkah in the Misfalah neighborhood, and is one of the last living Makkah musicians of his generation who specialize in daˉna and related arts (Fig. 14.6). He was the first artist from the Kingdom to be featured on Saudi television, and for six years hosted his own Makkah TV program on folk arts (Wat․an wa Samer). From a young age, Mahmoud adored music and was punished regularly for partaking in it (beaten with a stick). He recalls events in his musical life (2012):

252  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

When I was five or six, a man came to our school and picked me out as a good singer and took me to the broadcasting center. If I heard a song in the morning, I could play it by the afternoon . . . then I also learned by reciting tajwıˉd, and I sang for myself. I have performed all over the Kingdom. I have been to the eastern regions, and performed for King Saud. He came there in 1960, 53 years ago. I sang for fifteen nights for him and an audience of thousands and thousands. After that everyone called my friends and told them that I should sing for television. Because of that, I am the first artist from Saudi Arabia who was on TV. The only television station was that of Aramco. That was in 1969. Since then, I have been an artist, but a “special” artist [not a full-time public performer]. My television program was for heritage, music and songs. We combined the ancient and the new to keep the [young] interested. It was every week for an hour. We would have two uˉds, two qaˉnuˉn, kamanja [violin] and ˉıqaˉ’iyyıˉn [percussionists], five or six of them. Each week five or six songs would be performed and I would sing some “ancient” songs, and some in a new manner. I sang for all of those six years.

FIGURE 14.6  Jamı¯l

Mahmoud, the “Pyramid of the Hijaz”

Ghaˉzi ‘Ali, 
 ‫(  زي‬b. 1937) His birth name is Ghaˉzi ‘Ali Bararad, and he was born in 1937 in Medinah, as was his father, but his ancestors came from the H ․ ad․ramaut of the Yemen (Fig. 14.7). He is a composer, musician, and leading Hijazi teacher of traditional music and uˉd playing. As a child, ‘Ali was surrounded by constant music. His grandfather especially adored singing and other family members were patrons of the art. He himself had such a love for music that his family used it to calm him or control any naughty boyish behavior. In 1957 he began performing on Saudi radio. Wanting to advance his musicality, but realizing there were no music schools in the

Chapter 14: Distinguished Hijazi Artists  253

FIGURE 14.7  Gha ˉzi

‘Ali

area, he left the Kingdom in 1964 to attend the Conservatory in Cairo, and in Egypt became a student of Riyaˉd․ Al-Sunbaˉ․t i. He graduated in 1969, being one of the first Saudis to formally be granted a music degree. Thus, because of his rare formal education he is often referred to as “Dr. Ghaˉzi,” and his structured musical training contributed to his impressive career as a teacher. On Ghazi ‘Ali, Ibtisaˉm Lut․fi said, “He is a well-cultured artist and an epic in the wrong time” (Faqandash and Qat․․t aˉn 2006, 16).

Mohammad Ama¯n, ‫(  ا ن‬c. 1960–2013) Amaˉn was the premiere jassıˉs and munshid of his generation, considered among the most creative Saudi singers of the twentieth century (Fig. 14.18). He was born in Makkah and first learned from Abdulrahman Mo’athen, a leading performer of daˉnaˉt from the previous generation. Other jassıˉs like Mohammad Abu Jawda and Hamza Sharbajy helped introduce Amaˉn to the sophisticated audiences of Makkah, and when he was only sixteen years old, they would permit him to sing a majass/mawwaˉl before they would sing their own offerings. He was a muezzin and also worked for Saudi television. Thus he gained a quality reputation and began to be invited to sing at weddings and private and public parties throughout the Kingdom. He even performed at weddings in Cairo. Around 2004 he was in a tragic car accident and after being hospitalized for two months, was released but remained crippled and disabled. Thereafter he suffered from several strokes and died in 2013.

254  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 14.8  Mohammad

Amaˉn

Mohammad Ali Sindi, ‫(  
 ي‬d. 1985) The Makkah musician was an innovative artist who gained the titles the “Pearl of Makkah” and “Singer of Al-Hijaz” (Fig. 14.9). He was a leading reviver of heritage who experimented with singing Hijazi stanzas with different melodic modes, and he played a major role in revitalizing the art of ․sahba. He was especially lauded for breathing new life into daˉna, modernizing it, composing many daˉna poems, and performing the music with such quality that he inspired an entire generation. He founded a musical band dedicated to Hijazi arts with the lead performers Muhanna Saˉ’aˉti, Moh ․sin Shalabi, Jamıˉl Mubaˉrak, and Hussain Fad’aq on qaˉnuˉn.

Fawzi Mah·su ˉn, ‫ن‬  ‫( ­زي‬d. 1988) He was an expert in a variety of traditional styles, including daˉna, majruˉr, and ‘adani (Fig. 14.10). His family was exceptionally accepting and encouraging of his music activities. He was taught to play uˉd by Mohammad Ali Sindi and also studied performance practices under Maddaˉh ․. He composed many popular pieces, drawing on topics from everyday life, and was known for his performances of both new and old material. He worked as a controller in the foreign department of the telegraph authority in Jeddah.

Siraˉj ‘Omar, € ‫( €اج‬b. 1946) Born 1946 as ‘Omar ‘Abdul Qaˉdir Al-Amuˉ di, he is a singer and leading composer of “modernized” folk arts (Fig. 14.11). As a young man he was a violin player in an established Saudi TV

Chapter 14: Distinguished Hijazi Artists  255

FIGURE 14.9  Mohammad

FIGURE 14.10  Fawzi

Ali Sindi

Mah ․su¯n

band (Nojoum), but left around the age of twenty to start his career as a composer. He spent a great deal of time learning about folk songs from elder heritage musicians, and this had a major impact on his compositions. He then quit his job with Saudi Airlines and dedicated his life to his art. For decades he has been a major composer of national “opera” staged performances, like those seen at the Janadriya Festival. He has collaborated many times with the poet/lyricists

256  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Prince Khalid Al-Faisal. His most famous piece is the national song “Al Wat․an” (lyrics by S’aıˉ d Fıˉyaˉd․) that became an important state anthem, heard in every school during the morning class formations (Al-Bashıˉ r 1980). He was and is respected by colleagues and professionals for both his musicianship and demeanor. On Siraj ‘Omar, Lut․fi said, “When I think of friends, Siraˉj ‘Omar lies in my memories . . . ‘The human being’” (Faqandash and Qat․․t aˉn 2006, 16).

FIGURE 14.11  Siraˉ j

‘Omar

‘Itaˉb, ‫( „ ب‬d. 2007) She began singing in 1987 and became a major Saudi female international star, beloved in both the Kingdom and the Gulf (Fig. 14.12). She performed works by Saudi, Kuwaiti, and Yemeni composers, and achieved commercial success beyond that of any Saudi woman in history. A gifted musician, who played uˉd, violin, and a variety of rhythmic instruments, she sang in both Saudi and Gulf dialects. Since women were not allowed to record their voices in the Kingdom, ‘Itaˉb, recorded in Kuwait at studios that had a wide distribution and this contributed to her fame. She collaborated with some of the most esteemed male artists of the time and performed at many festivals in the Arab world. She lived in Kuwait for a while but eventually moved to Cairo where she managed her own nightclub. Near the end of her life, she resided in the United Arab Emirates. Like Mohammad ‘Abdu, ‘Itaˉb adapted to the rapidly changing times. She was originally a Hijazi wedding singer, discovered by Maddaˉh ․ who recorded duets with her. Indeed, he is credited with changing her name to ‘Itaˉb (from T ․arfa Abdalkhayr Adam) and helping her become a commercial artist. She started out singing folk songs and developed a good grasp of traditional

Chapter 14: Distinguished Hijazi Artists  257

FIGURE 14.12  ‘Itaˉb

music, then she sang romantic and classical Arab songs, followed by “khalıˉji,” the latest innovative commercial music that was emerging in the late 1980s. As a performer, she was well respected. She would gracefully move around the stage with a light spirit and closely engage her audience, charming them. Her voice was sweet, yet strong and clear and she had a wide vocal range and could reach high notes unlike others.

Ibtisaˉm Lut∙fi, …† ‫ م‬ „ˆ‫( ا‬b. 1951) Lut․fi was born in T ․aˉ’if, blinded at an early age, and was a singer and uˉdist of pan-Arab, commercial types of music during the 1970s and early 1980s (Fig. 14.13). “Ibtisaˉm Lut․fi” was the stage name given to her by Maddaˉh ․—her birth name was Khayrıˉa Qurbaˉn Abdalhaˉdi. Maddaˉh ․ was the one who convinced her to sing and introduced her as an artist. One of her first songs was one of his compositions. She is the first Saudi woman permitted to have her voice recorded and aired on Saudi radio. According to Lut․fi, Dr. Mohammad ‘Abdu Yamaˉni, the former Minister of Information, was responsible for helping her in airing her songs publically and assisting her in overcoming the many obstacles that she encountered while navigating through the world of men, music, and media of the time. She sang both contemporary and traditional poems or qas․ˉıda and was successful at both. She worked with internationally acclaimed composers like Riyaˉd∙ Al-Sunbaˉ․t i who composed her major hit, “Wadaˉ’,” a ten-minute piece. The account is: Al-Sunbaˉ․t i was hired around 1974 to write a song for a Saudi singer, but assuming that there were no Saudi women of much proficiency, he approached the studio session halfheartedly. Upon hearing Lut․fi, he stopped the recording, returned the money to the Saudi backer, and apologized to her for his earlier thoughts. Afterwards he collaborated with her on other pieces. She later said, “I still remember with great pride the words of

258  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

FIGURE 14.13  Ibtisa¯m

Lut․fi

the genius Riyaˉd∙ Al-Sunbaˉ․t i when he expressed his extreme sorrow for not believing in my talent at first and then went back to wish me the best of luck . . . and Ahmed Rami [lyricist] wrote to me in his own hand wherein he called me, “The Star of Al Jazıˉ ra [Peninsula],” and the “Singer of the Arabs.” (Faqandash and Qat․․t aˉn 2006, 12) Lut․fi was considered a popular commercial singer, in the style of Um Kulthuˉ m whom she admired, and indeed, Rami also referred to her as “Um Kulthuˉ m Junior.” However, she embraced Saudi folkloric tunes, and was able to keep the content and rhythmic modes intact while updating the presentation. Professionals lauded her for her vocal clarity, high range, incredible breath control, and ability to smoothly tackle the most difficult melodies. Others commented on her sultry timbre. Lut․fi retired while in her 30s. She later attributed this to the grief and loss of support she experienced upon the death of her beloved mother. She was also despondent following several failed surgeries in Spain that were to help her regain her eyesight. In 2013 Lut․fi emerged from retirement, initially performing on the Sout Al Khaleej radio program of Qatar with Abaˉdi Al-Johar and Talal Salama (Sout Al Khaleej 2013).4

H∙assan Al-Iskandiraˉni, ‰‫اŠ را‬ ‫ا‬  ‹  From T ․aˉ’if, he is a musician-composer of the early twenty-first century who continues to rep�resent Hijazi heritage. Born H.assan ‘Abdulrah ı Al-Qurashi, the composer, singer, and folk․ˉm lorist is from a musical family. His twin brother, Hussein, is a majess singer, and their father ‘Abdulrah ı Al-Qurashi was also a noted musical artist (Fig. 14.14). The twins, along with ․ˉm other brothers, once had a well-established band called the Al-Iskandiraˉni Band, which regularly performed in the western region.

Chapter 14: Distinguished Hijazi Artists  259

FIGURE 14.14  H ․assan

Al-Iskandiraˉni (left) and his brother Hussein

Al-Iskandiraˉni’s talents have been recognized by government organizations, and he has been commissioned to compose or sing/play uˉd at national events. He has performed internationally, including in Paris and London, and has been lauded by the masters of the Hijazi tradition, such as Maddaˉh ․, ‘Abdu, Siraˉj ‘Omar, and ‘Ali.

Bandar Al-Sharıˉf, ŒŽ€‘‫( ˆر ا‬b. 1976) Al-Sharıˉf, from Makkah, is a gifted qaˉnuˉn player and leader of a premiere contemporary daˉna band (Fig. 14.15). His father and grandfather were daˉna musicians, and he has been performing classic Hijazi arts for over twenty years. He was a qaˉnuˉn player for Mohammad Amaˉn and also has worked with Jamıˉl Mahmoud. In the twenty-first century, Al-Sharıˉf and his ensemble have been making a concentrated effort to share Makkah music with the wider world. With lead singers Mohammad Hasheim and Saud Al-Sharıˉf, the band has performed in several countries around the globe and has played a major role in reinvigorating traditional art music in the Hijaz.

Abaˉdi Al-Johar €‫(  دي اه‬b. 1953) Born in Jeddah, Al-Johar is a composer and preeminent Saudi uˉdist, known as the “uˉd octopus” because of his performance finger dexterity (‫) أ•†ط ا“د‬. He plays in a style he refers to as arabi-khalıˉji, indicating a pan-Arab flavor. He is especially known for melancholy songs and was thus coined the “Abdassador of Sadness,” a title he does not embrace. According to his own he taught himself to play the uˉd at the age of eleven, although the “society of the time did not support or appreciate such efforts.” Later he went to Cairo and studied music formally (Al-Johar 2013).

260  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Al-Sharıˉf Band, from the left: ‘Abdıˉn Al-Rajh ․i (t․abla), Bandar Al-Sharıˉf (qaˉnuˉn), Mohammad Hasheim (front uˉd), Mousa Al-Rifai (bingiz), Saud Al-Sharıˉf (uˉd), Hashim Mo’awad․ (violin).

FIGURE 14.15 Bandar

Other Notable Women Musicians/Singers Safiya Shetwai (Fig. 13.2), who began her career as an uˉdist for Noura Jassass, has been a premiere artist for decades in both Riyadh and the Hijaz. Along with her, Tuha, ‘Itaˉb, and Lut․fi, (mentioned above) other significant Hijazi women musicians include, Mary Sa’ıˉ d, “Mada,” Mariam Bari, Ghandaˉra, Joharıˉa, Sonya Ahmad, Fattuˉ, Fatem Kaka, Hajia Salem, Khamisia Al-Bobo, Janna, and Wa’ed and Sarah Gazzaz.

NOTES 1 Biographical information draws from ‘Abdul-H.akˉı m (2003); S․adaqah (1985); and personal interviews with the artists. 2 Some assert that “Artist of the Arabs” was originally a pejorative title, coined by those in Cairo or the Levant to single out ‘Abdu as an “Arab” of the Peninsula, that is, from a culture that many non-Peninsula Arabs viewed disparagingly. 3 Two articles on Tuha (Akeel 2004; Mukharish 2005) indicate that one of her songs was “made famous” by the Kuwaiti singer ‘Abdullah Al-Ruwaishid. According to both Al-Ruwaishid and as later corrected by Tuha, this is inaccurate (Al-Ruwaishid 2009; Tuha 2008). The authors likely meant the Saudi musician ‘Abdullah Rashad, to whom Tuha gave several of her compositions, some of which he recorded. 4 On Lut․fi, Tuha also asserts, “I introduced Ibtisaˉm at a wedding in the city of T ․aˉ’if where I had seen her in a [music] session, and I liked her. Afterwards, I introduced her at a wedding of one of the prestigious families, which eased her introduction to television. At the time, there was no female artist on television, and I believe she is not of Saudi nationality [but of Bukhara ancestry of Central Asia], but she acquired it later on, that’s why I never appeared on television because at the time, no Saudi woman was permitted on television (Mukharish 2005, 28).

15 INTRODUCTION Southwestern Arabia

FIGURE 15.1 View from Mt. Su ˉ da, the highest point of the Asıˉr (Photograph courtesy of Mr. Mohammed

Babelli)

262  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

While the mountain area outside of Makkah is considered the Hijaz, that south of T ․aˉ’if initiates the official Southwestern Region, a vast land comprised of highlands, valleys, foothills, and hot coastal plains, with an added inland oasis—Najraˉ n. In the nineteenth century the Ottomans, who held key positions from the Hijaz to the Yemen, referred to the entire area as “Asıˉr,” and some residents still use the term comprehensively.1 However, since twentiethcentury Saudi governance, the area is formally categorized according to the province structure: the southwest comprises the provinces of Baˉh ․a, Asıˉr, Jıˉzaˉn, and Najraˉ n, plus a small strip of Makkah Province along the coastal lowlands. Residents refer to themselves as januˉbi (‫)ا‬, southerners. The area is dominated by the impressive southern section of the Sarawaˉt (Saraˉt) Mountains (‫ )اوات ب‬that begin in Jordan but only run without interruption in the januˉb, from T ․aˉ’if to the Yemen. The moderate highland climate and periods of heavy rainfall result in a fertile terrain considered the most beautiful in the Kingdom. Geographically, the land falls into four zones: the lowland sea coast (Tihaˉma, ); the transverse ranges and valleys on the western side of the peaks (Tihaˉmat Asıˉr,   ); Sarawaˉt proper running north to south, which includes the crests and massive escarpments; and the eastern transitional slopes that lead into the central Arabian plateau. The seaward side of the upper mountains is steep and marked by great gorges, while the eastern flank has gentler slopes with drainage that flows through fractured zones creating the major waˉdi systems of Bıˉsha and Tathlıˉth: their flood waters eventually empty into Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir of the Najd (Fig. 15.2). Topography has had an impact on cultural

FIGURE 15.2  Map

of southwestern Arabia

Chapter 15: Introduction: Southwestern Arabia  263

characteristics (e.g., food, dress, dwellings), thus indigenous peoples are regularly categorized according to one of the four locales. Also populations are customarily divided into two classifications: agricultural settlers and nomadic herders or their descendents, the latter of which are referred to as “Bedouin” (Plate 22). The mountainous southwest differs greatly from other areas of the Kingdom because of its vibrancy, fresh water, green landscapes, artistic stone architecture with vividly painted interior walls, and homes full of bright baskets and rugs. Traditional dress includes detailed red, yellow, and orange geometric embroidery, which is visually striking on black cloth, aromatic flowers and herbs in the hair, eyes painted with dark liner (both males and females), silver jewelry, and the ever-important men’s dagger (jambiya,    /khanjar,  ). “Asıˉr” (  ), which applies to both the region and a confederation of tribes who reside around the capital of Abhaˉ, means “difficult,” and according to oral history, is called such because traversing by foot in the mountains is demanding, dangerous, and time-consuming. There are many sections of land steppes that break into wild jagged ranges, and small isolated plateaus that are separated by deep steep-sided valleys. The mountains abruptly rise from the Tihaˉma lowlands and foothills in successive stages, reaching the high point at Mount Suˉ da (‫) دﮦ‬, which is 3000 meters above sea level (Fig. 15.1). The Tihaˉma reef-lined Red Sea coast spans from Al-Lıˉ th, west of Makkah, to the lowland capital of Jıˉzaˉn. Because of the rapid elevation, there is substantial contrast between the Tihaˉma and Asıˉr highlands. With the most abundant rainfall in the Kingdom, the Asıˉr is replete with many forests and extraordinarily varied vegetation and wildlife (including the legendary hamadryas mountain baboons), resulting in a stunningly scenic landscape. But as one descends, the tall colorful stone villages and terraced farmlands give way to one-story dwellings and Tihaˉma foothill earth-crop embankments placed along waˉdi beds. At sea level, the Tihaˉma proper, verdant views vanish and the extreme heat takes hold, as the southern Saudi coast is one of the hottest places on earth. At the very top of the mountains the rains and environment can be harsh and, lower down, the flooding is often deadly; therefore, the most pleasant villages lie between. This middle, overlapping area that contains communities like Rijaˉl Alma’ ( ‫ )رل أ‬is called the “Tihaˉmat Asıˉr.”2 Although the southwest came under Saudi governance in 1932, social change arrived late. It was not until the 1950s that health services and food availability increased and tribal raiding was abandoned, which freed locals from a constant concern for their defense. Salient economic and urban transformation appeared in the 1980s. At this time villagers and Bedouin moved from rural to suburban neighborhoods, the population increased, and the workforce was restructured (Saleh 1998). Before, many still lived in the same manner as their ancestors had for hundreds if not thousands of years. For instance, the extraordinary “Hanging Village” (H ․abala, ‫)ا‬, situated on a hillside deep beneath a steep cliff was unnoticed by the outside world and many in the region until it was accidently spotted by a mining helicopter in the late 1970s. For at least 300 years it was self-sufficient, lowering livestock and people by rope. In such an isolated moutain environment, the numerous villages and settlements were able to maintain traditions that comparably had became extinct in larger urban centers. In recent decades television, radio, mobile phones, and the Internet have exposed locals to a world of information and introduced them to commercial Peninsula music, which they have welcomed. But traditional arts endure. No celebration would take place without a fair amount of customary performance, even among the youthful, “modernized” generation.

264  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

Characteristics of the Southern Arts The prevalent genres are “folk,” that is, work songs and collective music-dance arts. As seen among other tribal peoples, maqaˉm-based “classical” songs are not part of the tradition, regardless of the fact that Yemen, a land of many uˉdists, borders the region (in actuality it takes almost as long for an Abhaˉ resident to travel Sana’a as it does to T ․aˉ’if in the Hijaz). Moreover, until recently, many dwelled in small remote villages and were not exposed to, nor cared to adopt, urban arts. Today, uˉd songs and music with melodic instruments like the org are enjoyed, but such is not considered part of the southwest historical repertoire.3 Differences in timbres and performance styles depend on one’s location or tribe. Along the severe, hot Red Sea Jıˉzaˉn coast, zıˉr and zalafa drums are predominant, the music is highly rhythmic, often with no melody at all, and frenetic dancing is common. At the tops of the mountain chain, where it is more verdant, the dance is smoother and many tribes favor bright idiophone sounds. Between the two, along the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr, one might find both lowland membranophones and highland idiophones, but since there is abundant wildlife, dancers manifest the gazelle and are nimble and bounding. Tribes that are closer to the Najd or on the eastern slope might perform with frame drums and have characteristics found among the plateau, inland peoples.

Isolation and Musical Character Development There are many distinct flavors of songs in the south. Locals attest to over 113 types of line-dance arts in the Asıˉr and Tihaˉma (Abhaˉ 2012). Over centuries, each confederation has established styles and, within these, each society has proudly honed their own essence. This is largely due to the environment and the fact that the Sarawaˉt inhabitants dwell in a brutally rugged terrain that historically has made them the most isolated people in the Kingdom—isolated both from outsiders and, to some extent, from one another. While driving to the Asıˉr village of a man in his 60s, he recalls: When I went from this village [Sh’abain] to my village [Rijaˉl Alma’, Fig. 15.3] as a child, it was over an hour and a half walk. I remember every footstep along the way. It took so long. Now it is one minute [by car]. And there is a bank now, when before we never heard about banks. . . . When I was a boy, if the tribes needed to meet, it was arranged by firing rifles. That is how we notified each other. Or by firelight signals on the peaks above the village. Communication was difficult and took a great deal of time, even if another tribe was just a few kilometers away! (Abhaˉ C 2012)

Early Foreign Influence, Ottomans In key settlments there was some outside interaction. For centuries before the 1920s, certain villages served as strategic stops for the Ottoman, Yemen, and Hijazi caravans. Convoys would travel to and from Aden (Yemen), through Jıˉzaˉn (and from here, back and forth to Africa) and into the Asıˉr, and onto the Hijaz. Therefore, one can find some shared characteristics with outlying cultures, for instance both east Africa and the Jıˉzaˉn have polyrhythmic drumming and quick dance steps, and instruments found in the Yemen Tihaˉma, like the zıˉr and zalafa/s․ah․fa, are found in the Saudi Tihaˉma and Asıˉr. Turkish melodies survive in some southern Tihaˉma songs (Bakewell 1985, 106; fn 3). Sarawaˉt locals assert that certain residents physically have “European” features because their ancestors

Chapter 15: Introduction: Southwestern Arabia  265

Alma’ Village, which lies between the peaks and the lowlands of the Asıˉr, outside of Abhaˉ

FIGURE 15.3 Rijaˉl

mixed with the Ottomans. Turkish words are sprinkled in the dialect, remnants of Ottoman forts speckle the land, Turkish rifles decorate the walls of homes and museums, and when both men and women dance, they use their hands to perform the “Turkish snap,” commonly seen in the Middle East where the two hands are clasped, index fingers extended, one “snapping” against the other. Locals exclaim, “Our ancestors learned it from the Ottomans!” (Abhaˉ 2012).4 After the fall of the Ottoman Empire there was a rapid decrease in interaction with outside cultures. During the bulk of the twentieth century and periods of international innovation, residents were notably insulated and unexposed to many forms of technology. An elder tribesman from a village outside of Abhaˉ recalls: When I was a boy [1960s] we had no electricity, no phones, nothing. It took three hours to go down Snake Road on a donkey and it would stop in the middle for a rest. Now I have a car and it takes no time . . . I remember the first time I saw a television. I graduated from high school and went to Riyadh to study at the university [late 1970s]. I didn’t even know what a hotel was. When I got out of the car, I saw a television, black and white inside the hotel window. A singer was on—she was a beautiful lady; I now know she was a famous Jordanian singer. I did whatever I could to stay in the lobby. I bought dinner and spent too much just to remain there. I remember trying to find a reason to go behind the television. I had to see if she was inside the TV . . . [laughing]! (Abhaˉ D 2012)

Musical Arts Work Songs Mountain and foothill residents are famed as builders of stone and mud dwellings and they have countless songs to accompany their construction chores. Likewise, farmers have set pieces

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associated with their labor and are especially known to sing while walking behind their oxdrawn ploughs, tilling the soil or sowing seeds (Fig. 15.4). Herders, all the way from Baˉh ․a to Jıˉzaˉn, are unique in that they actually play a conventional instrument, an end-blown flute, while “on the job.” Or unaccompanied, they will sing of the merits of their sheep, goats, and cattle in a high-pitch voice. Most work songs are solos, but at times all involved in the chore will join as a choir and the tool of labor (the hoe or the mill) will sound a percussive rhythm. For instance, traditionally women sing while they use the grindstone to mill sorghum flour and cornmeal. The rhythm of the stone, as it moves forward and back striking against the base, accompanies their voices. A common grindstone song of the Rijaˉl Alma’ has the lyric: “I grind the corn while the other girls sleep” (Fig. 15.5).

Collective Performance Arts The more prevalent major music of the region is that of collective dance accompanied by a small ensemble of percussionists (although some tribal genres have no instruments, just voices). In certain songs a herder’s flute will occasionally join in. Throughout the southwest region, there is a basic core rhythm or chanted rhyme scheme for each tribal art, but it is usually modified according to the tribal branch, as is the case with the dance steps themselves. Indeed, countless details and intricacies exist, especially in context of each group and male and female applications. Also, lyrics are often generated locally and frequently melodies as well. Groups normally form a long forward-facing line with a gap in the middle, so there are two separate units with the soloist between them (sometimes, participants form two lines that face each other). Some lines can be extremely long, such as in the wildly entertaining art raˉyyeh․ (‫ )را‬from Bıˉ sha where at times up to a hundred participants form a lone rank. The line dancers engage in various steps that in general are forward and back or side to side, perhaps with

FIGURE 15.4 Farmers

with oxen plowing a field. While singing one man will dig a furrow and a second man sows the seeds (Tor Eigeland/Saudi Aramco World/SAWDIA)

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grinding sorghum to prepare dough. Tihaˉmat Asıˉr, 1980s (Photograph by Thierry Mauger)

FIGURE 15.5 Woman

some dipping or more intricate moves added, but regardless as a rule the whole unit does not move far from its initial spot. The exception is at women’s parties, where the lines are shaped in semi-circles that rotate around a dance area, each woman taking an extra step to the right to move the line. In most song-dance arts it is common for one to four individuals to leave the ranks and in the center of the performance area offer independent dances, some of which call for extreme vigor. The solo dancers are called (plural) raqqaˉ․sˉın (  ‫ )ر‬or muzawwal (plural, muzuˉ’ıˉn,  ‫ ­و‬،‫)ُ­ َوّل‬. Khut∙wa (‫) †ة‬ More than any other art khut․wa (‫ ) †ة‬represents the southwest. It is the most frequently performed song-dance of men and women in both traditional celebrations and contemporary parties. The art as a whole is found throughout the entire region (from Baˉh ․a to Jıˉzaˉn), with the exception of Najran. Khut․wa, which means “step,” is the name of a dance and a music genre within which “there are over forty types of songs” (Abhaˉ B).

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25 Khut․wa (‘Asıˉr): performed at a women’s wedding party

Khut․wa pieces, with light lyrics usually related to love, start off with the singing of a soloist. There are variations of detail regarding rhythmic mode, melodies, texts, and performance rules of both the music and dance. But in general, the movements are similar and the tempo tends to be around MM ♩=102. Participants link arms or sometimes hold hands and sing in unison during the main portion of the dance. There is a special step called hagh’a (‡ˆ‫ )ه‬that features a large group “stomp” preceded by a motion where, among most, the knee is bent and elevated and held in half time to the music (Fig. 15.6). Tribesmen and women take pride in their hagh’a, and that of one group might be extremely different from that of another. For instance, certain branches of the Qah ․․t aˉn and Shahraˉn tribes perform hagh’a with considerable athleticism, dipping low and bending the upper body far back, parallel to the ground. In general, men exaggerate the hagh’a more than women.5

FIGURE 15.6  A

demonstration of the celebrated hagh’a dance step of the southwest. Ali Mughawi (center, heritage specialist), munshid Abdullah Al-Sharıˉ f (right, of Qah ․․t aˉn heritage), and Ahmed Ibrahim Al-Sarawi (seated), Director of Culture, SASCA, Abhaˉ branch

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BOX 15.1  B  AD’ AND RADD: VOCAL CALL AND RESPONSE OF THE SOUTHWEST In many arts like types of ‘ard∙a there are call and response sections between a solo singer/ poet and the group participants. When the poet is chanting text, the drums cease and no one dances. This is the bad’ (‫)ا‹ء‬, the introduction or “creation,” which comes from the verb bada’a, “to improvise.” It serves as the “call” of the call and response. The poet repeats the last hemistich of the last verse in order to help the linesmen/women remember it. Then the drumming resumes and during the drumming section the participants, or part of the group, engage in their dance steps as they repeat the poet’s final chant in time. This drumming-choral section is the “response,” the radd (‫)اد‬. The participants sing the verse again and again. The drums will then stop and the poet resumes with new text and the process repeats itself. So musically, there is no continuous rhythm in a performance that has bad’ and radd and the flow is choppy.

Arts with Shared Designators While khut․wa is somewhat uniform throughout the region, there are arts that go by the same name but are different. For instance, every large tribe has an ‘ard․a weapon dance ( Œ ) but many have moves and rhythmic modes specific to their group. Likewise is the case with arts referred to as la’ib (women’s la’ib of Najraˉ n is nothing like a men’s la’ib of Baˉh ․a). Zaˉmil ( ‫ )زا‬in the mountains, which is drumless, is a different art than zaˉmil of the Jıˉzaˉn coast, which is highly percussive. So when speaking about southern arts, one must be regionally, or tribally, specific.

BOX 15.2  MIXED GENDER PERFORMANCE IN THE ASIˉR Most celebrations are segregated and men dance with men and women with women. But before the 1980s, men and women would dance together at private and semi-private parties. An Asıˉri man recalls his first encounter with mixed dancing (Asıˉr A 2012): When I was in my first year of high school, I went to the Tuesday market [of Abhaˉ] . . . I had use of a car, a 1971 model, it belonged to my grandfather. He told me to leave our village and take some people to the market and sleep there and the next morning I could come back to my village. After dinner that first evening, these people I was driving said there was a samra [night party, usually outdoors] and they invited me. I drove them for a while, down into the valley. I remember well, when we got there, there were only three lanterns and it was getting dark. We parked the car in the valley and walked about 500 meters, climbing into the forest, wrestling through the trees. We began to notice voices, and then I heard the most beautiful sound. There were no drums, just the sound of ladies . . . singing . . . mixed with the voices of men, and flutes. I could hear flutes. It was a gorgeous and enchanting sound. (continued)

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(continued) When I arrived in the clearing I saw two dance lines with maybe fifteen people in each line. Of course, I knew how to dance, but I was so shy, I was still young. And there were ladies! It was not well lit, and I was nervous. So an older male who I knew there nudged me, “Go ahead, dance.” Girls came to me and they danced near to me . . . ohh . . . and I was not used to that in my village [laughing]. So I found two men and went between them and I started to dance. Suddenly, I found girls beside me, and it was amazing! You know, in the khu․twa we link arms, but for this dance, the rabkha (‘‫)ر‬, we put our arms around each other’s waists—and you can just imagine how I felt when a girl put her hand around my waist! . . . so when she put her arm around me like that to dance, I got shy! [laughing] But it was thrilling, and the sound of the voices blending with the flutes was amazing. It was one of the most wonderful nights of my life. You know, in my daily life, I used to be with the girls, the ladies, at the market, at farms, in the mountains, everywhere. When we were kids, we played games together. Now even in our own houses there is one entrance gate for the women and one for the men. So you can imagine the change . . . it began maybe thirty years ago . . . I am from the sad generation because I remember how it used to be.

Performers Folk Troupes Most men and women in the southwest, whether of tribal or non-tribal lineage, know how to perform traditional dances. At parties and festivities, it is expected that community members will rise and participate heartily. Brotherhood/sisterhood is at the core of the interaction, as participants join hands, link arms, cup waists, or stand tightly shoulder to shoulder and perform these movements of solidarity. Formality found in some other regions of Arabia is not historically part of the southwest culture, and the dancing is jubilant, full of laughter, and done with a spirit of abandon. Community members themselves perform their arts. However, as in other regions of the Kingdom, folk troupes comprised of locals formalized in the 1980s to take part in the Janadriya and other festivals. In Asıˉr Province alone in 2012 thirty-two line-dancing troupes were registered with the SASCA Abhaˉ Branch, including the notable groups: Firqat Rijaˉl Alma’, Firqat Asıˉr, Firqat Rijaˉl Hajir, Firqat Shahraˉn, Firqat Al-Wadıˉn, and Firqat Waqasha (Abhaˉ 2012). The large number is testament to the individual character of each community, each with its own performance idiosyncracies, styles, and pride (Abhaˉ 2012). Poet-Singer: Munshid In the foothills and Sarawaˉt Mountains the one who served as the solo poet-singer in group arts was a well-respected individual, admired in the fashion of the Najdi warrior bards whose texts were viewed as fine cultural gems. Beginning in the second half of the twentieth century, as locals became more fully exposed to incoming religious codes, the status of the solo-poet began to diminish. As one Asıˉri elder affirmed:

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When I was younger, the singing-poet was very famous. Everyone liked him and aspired to be like him. Then things changed and some people vilified music and dance. So, people still like these art forms, but they lost their commitment to them. When it comes to performers, singers, the level of self-confidence has decreased greatly. We don’t have the breadth and variety that we once did. But, God willing, these arts will be thoroughly revived. (Asıˉr A 2012) Although their numbers are reduced, distinguished poet-singers survive but they intentionally distance themselves from the concept of “music.” In the early twenty-first century, such a tribal man is never called a mut․rib, “singer,” but rather a munshid (‹’) a “chanter.” In the same spirit the pieces are not “songs” (aghaˉnıˉ, “”•‫ )ا‬or even poems (qas․aˉ’id, ‹–— ), but rather viewed as canticles or hymns (anaˉshıˉd/nashıˉd, ‹ ’‫)ا‬.6 The verb for chanting or presenting this music is “intasharat,” “spread,” as one spreads the words, and is also the verb used to describe the spreading of Islamic teachings. The munshid is the most celebrated in the group, the one who deals with the media, talks to the Press, and represents the ensemble in the name of his tribe before the Ministry or other officials. As in the past, he usually writes his own poetry, and, regardless of the beauty of his singing voice or melodic interpretation, the focus is always on the words. Thus, one never asks, “Who is the singer/chanter?” but rather, “Who composed the poem?” In the Asıˉr, paid female drummer-singers are not as common as in other places. Local non-professional women will compose songs and lyrics, although they do not publicize such. Likewise they will often perform at private celebrations of family members and sing, clap, or play percussion instruments, including kitchen items like pans and trays. At a more public party, some might have a rhythm band with an electronic org and sound system. A female singer may be provided some type of remuneration, but if she is a tribal women at a tribal wedding and not considered a “professional” per se, then she is not viewed as a mut․riba or even fannaˉna (artist) but a munishida (chanter) and her performance is not dishonorable. Percussionists Male percussion ensembles that accompany line dancers in the Asıˉr mountain areas often perform on idiophones, although in the village of Baˉh ․a tribesmen form kettledrum ensembles. With the exception of Baˉh a, which still has a “small-town” feel, non-tribal paid musicians nor․ mally play membranophones, especially the spoked zalafa drums that come from the Tihaˉma coast. As is seen elsewhere in the Peninsula, their job is not esteemed. One southern mountain tribesman elaborates (Asıˉr B 2012): All of society looks at one who professionally plays the drums [zıˉr, zalata, ․t aˉr] as being of a low level. So it is not easy for anyone to do it. A regular tribesman cannot play drums in a public performance. If they gave me a million riyals [Saudi currency] to play the drums for just one minute, I would not do it. It would ruin my reputation and that of my family. You know, throughout the Peninsula the tribes view some jobs as being shameful. We can work with camels and tend herds, that’s fine . . . but anything with your hands or providing a “paid service” . . . this is not good. Now things are changing. The society will accept more things. Sometimes the drummers are black people . . . or sometimes they are related to the tribes . . . but . . . I don’t want to speak about this. I feel sad. Nonetheless, you see, we are all brothers. You see how we still treat them [drummers] with respect . . . but . . . I feel sad talking about this . . . 

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ˉR/TˉI RA ˉN BOX 15.3  “FIRE DRUMS” T∙A ∙ Since the late twentieth century, the Najdi type of frame drums, ∙taˉr/t∙ˉra ı ˉn, with the wider rims and various diameters have become more common throughout the entire southwest for parties that may include both traditional and non-traditional music and dance. Some in the mountains refer to these drums as “fire drums,” since more so than the local zıˉr and zalafa, they must be heated throughout a performance in order to tighten the skins (Fig. 15.7).

Drums” (․tˉıraˉn) performed by a troupe from Baˉh ․a (Photograph courtesy of Mr. Mohammed Babelli)

FIGURE 15.7 “Fire

NOTES 1 Before Saudi rule Baldry (1976) includes the Asıˉr (with Jıˉzaˉn and Najraˉ n) as historically part of Yemen. 2 “Tihaˉmat Asıˉr” also might indicate the Red Sea coast directly beneath the mountains. 3 In 2000 T ․alaˉl Maddaˉh ․ suffered a heart attack on stage in Abhaˉ and died not long thereafter. He was not Asıˉri, but a Hijazi performer and an expert in Yemeni styles. 4 Other than the finger snap, locals in the Asıˉr do not attribute any other musical device to the Ottomans, although the long-standing Ottoman presence is unquestionable (Philby 1952, 141, 138–173). 5 Baˉghaffaˉr (1994, 304) states that hakba (“˜‫ )”ه‬is the move where one lifts the foot, with no mention of hagh’a, which was the term I encountered around Abh ․a among the Qah ․․t aˉn and Rijaˉl Alma’ tribes. 6 “Islamic ․taggaˉgaˉt” of the Najd likewise call their songs anaˉshıˉd/nashıˉˉıd.

16 ASIˉR GENRES AND TRADITIONS

FIGURE 16.1  Map

of Asıˉr and Baˉh ․a Provinces

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The dominant province of the southwest, the Asıˉr, which is roughly the size of Austria (or Maine, USA), has less than two million inhabitants scattered through its six governorates. Nevertheless, in a historical context, the current population is rather large. In 1936 Philby was surprised by the modesty of the capital: “Abha! A great name in Arabian history, but little more than a village after all” (1952, 140). Within the official province boundaries, those of the highlands and valleys, from Abhaˉ and Khamis Mushayt up through Nimaˉs, can be grouped together musically, and those on the northeast edge of the province, coming out of the mountains in the governorate of Bıˉsha () have a different, more Najdi-related style. Directly north in the small remote Baˉh ․a Province that separates Makkah from the south, the music shares some characteristics with the Hijazi town of T ․a’if as well as with the Asıˉr, but still, to a great extent, Baˉh a is unique (Fig. 16.1). ․

Asıˉr Tribes Regardless of where one is in the Sarawaˉt Mountains, music is directly tied to tribes and branches, as group performance functions to enforce or display tribal unity. When one asks about regional arts, the response is always, “Tribe A does this,  . . . that munshid sings in that manner because he is from Tribe B . . . this dance move comes from the branch of such and such . . . who are the ‘grandson’s’ of Tribe C, etc.” The arts are not independent from the character of the tribe. Even folk troupes at national events do not represent a pan-Asıˉri or southern style, but go out of their way to make sure that the special character of their own community is evident. As among Bedouin of the Najd, two large categories of arts exist in the Asıˉr: martial and pastoral (love). Martial musical arts are song-dances of men, usually wielding weapons, singing prideful or bellicose texts. “Love” or pastoral arts are lighter, have romantic or idyllic lyrics, and are performed by both males and females. The lyrics often include symbolism or metaphor involving something to do with a tribe or a rustic locale, but in recent decades this is not necessarily the case. Also, especially today, pastoral arts might exist in just their musical form, without a specific prescribed dance. For instance, a wedding band might sing a raˉyyeh․ song, but the guests will do a khut․wa dance or move in an independent sa’uˉdi/khalıˉji style rather than engaging in traditional raˉyyeh․ line-dance moves.

Badˉ u Arts Although the majority of Asıˉri citizens are qabıˉli and have a lineage that leads to a tribe, they are not referred to as Bedouin or baduˉ. This term is applied to a special category of people who are actually sub-groups of larger tribes or confederations like the Shahraˉn, Qah ․․t aˉn, Rijaˉl Hajir, and Asıˉr proper tribes. They are not like the Bedouin of the Najd in that they are not identified as camel breeders, but rather their nomadic existence was based on herding goats and sheep.1 Thesiger describes the Bedouin he encountered living in the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr in the 1940s:2 We were now out of the cultivated country and in the land of the Baduˉ , for here this term is used of the pastoral tribes dwelling in the broken country between the mountains and the coastal plain. They are primarily goat-herders . . . and cultivate small patches along the wadi banks. No “bait sh’ar,” the black tents of central Arabia, are to be seen west of the Hijaz mountains, for these Badu dwell in small mat shelters known as “khadur,” their sole furniture a few string bed-steads.

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To outsiders, the baduˉ are visually beautiful and pleasantly scented. Both men and women dress colorfully, adorn their eyes with kohl (‫)آ‬, and wear an assortment of flowers and herbs, especially basil, in their hair. It is believed that long ago, most Asıˉris fashioned themselves in the same manner. In the 1980s Thierry Mauger referred to the stunning Sarawaˉt baduˉ as “Flower Men of the Asıˉr.” However, like desert Bedouin, they were also warriors (Mauger 1988). In the twenty-first century it is the remaining baduˉ who best recall certain arts such as Asıˉri work songs and intricate solo dance steps that were once pervasive. Since they come from a pastoral culture, Bedouin are also leaders in playing the flute (referred to as a mizmaˉr), which is a shepherd’s instrument, and will often be the only participants who can assist a folk troupe in the performance of regional aerophonic melodies (Plate 20). Bedouin will perform line dances of the greater tribe to which they belong. But they also engage in arts considered more exclusive to their subculture. For instance, sayf (‫)ا‬, which means “sword,” is such a Bedouin art. Combining both a warrior and َ pastoral heritage, the lone sayf dancer, brandishing a weapon, is accompanied by a shepherd’s flute. There is no song, but a clapping group of tribesmen stand about the soloist encouraging his steps. Usually a second male will dance after the first, each engaging in intricate footwork and stabbing motions in a type of competition that manifests athleticism and agility (Plate 21).

ˉR: FLUTE OF THE ASIˉR BOX 16.1  MIZMA In the Hijaz, mizmaˉr (‫ )ر‬is the generic term for any wind instrument, especially a reeded instrument, but among the Asıˉri baduˉ, it designates the end-blown shepherd flute (sometimes called qas∙aba along the coast; known elswhere in the Arab world as naˉy).3 It is made of cane, or in earlier times, from antelope horns. Today, flutes are usually constructed from plastic or rubber tubing or wood. The mizmaˉr players of the Jıˉzaˉn and the Asıˉr both use circular breathing, since melodies should be long and continuous (Plate 20).

Some baduˉ groups present a martial/celebration procession known as zaˉmil. Zaˉmil is prevalent in many southern areas, and although the majority of tribesmen never include instruments, when the Rabi’ah Bedouin of Wadi Dala’ present it, they include a unique percussive sound—the jingle of chains terminated by bells (or metal keys) attached to their shields (Plate 22; Fig. 16.2; Mauger 2012). The use of the shield instrument/ weapon has greatly diminished since most Bedouin were relocated into government settlements. However, in the twenty-first century when some folk troupes perform zaˉmil, for instance members of the Qah․․t aˉni clan, they will feature one or two dancers wield�ing these jingly shields in honor of their past, even if they are dressed in contemporary thobes. Among the few known “instruments” of Asıˉr baduˉ is the mortar and pestle, whose main function is to grind coffee and crush spices. But both Bedouin women and men play it like a percussion instrument as they sing warm greeting songs (Plate 23).

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FIGURE 16.2 Badu ˉ shield that serves as a percussion instrument during a wedding zaˉmil. The groom holds

a long dagger (sabiki) in his right hand and a leather shield in his left on which is attached bells. He recites the genealogy of his family as a child immortalizes him on a tape recorder. Rabi’ah Tribe, Wadˉı Dol’ah, Asıˉr, 1980s (Photograph by Thierry Mauger)

Collective Arts The surviving pastoral and martial musical arts of the Asıˉr include the following: ••

••

Pastoral 1. khut․wa ‫ا ة‬ 2. zah․fa  ‫( ا‬aka shahri, mountain tribe origins) 3. rabkha  ‫ا‬ 4. badawi ‫وي‬ 5. ‘akıˉri ‫اي‬ 6. raˉyyeh․, raˉyyeh․ bıˉsha or bıˉshıˉ 
‫( ‬ را‬Bıˉsha origins; see Chapter 17) Martial 1. damma ‫( ا‬similar to dil’a of Jıˉzaˉn) 2. mi’raˉ․d ‫ااض‬

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3. ‘ard․a ‫ا‬ 4. zaˉmil ‫اا‬ 5. midgaˉl ‫ل‬ 6. gezaw’i  ‫ا­و‬ 7. jaysh €‚‫ا‬ 8. misayyara (‫ ة‬, associated with Bıˉsha) 9. sayf ‫( ا‬baduˉ art) If we look at the three large related southern areas—Asıˉr and Baˉ․ha Provinces and the Bıˉsha governate—we can summarize that khut․wa is found everywhere and raˉyyeh․ too is ubiquitous, but as a music genre or rhythmic mode, not in its traditional raˉyyeh․ dance form. In regard to martial musical arts, all peoples have an‘ard․a, although performance practices differ from place to place. Zaˉmil with its basic procession character likewise is pervasive and even found in the Yemen, and most southwest tribes who perform zaˉmil also perform the rifle-display art of midgaˉl. The exceptions are the tribes of the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr, who do not perform either zaˉmil or midgaˉl. A community will gather for a wedding celebration or other occasion and choose the genres to be performed accordingingly. If women are taking part, the focus is on pastoral arts. But if men are performing at a government event they will tend to perform militaristic arts. Often there is a mix, with martial preceding pastoral ones. Certain genres like rabkha and raˉyyeh․ with especially amorous texts are normally not performed publically by official “folk troupes,” but rather reserved for private or semi-private celebrations of men and/or women. In the Asıˉr region not every community performs every extant art. For instance, the official “Asıˉri” proper tribes around Abhaˉ (Bani Mughaith, Bani Maˉlik, Al-Qam, Rabıˉ a wa-Rufayda, Asam) and those who dwell in the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr manifest musicial similarities with the lowland Red Sea coast, especially in their use of drums rather than idiophones as are found among other mountain tribes.4

Percussion Instruments Idiophones Idiophones are significant in khut․wa and ‘ard․a genres, especially of the large tribes of Qah ․․t aˉn and Shahraˉn north of Abhaˉ and around Khamis Mushayt, and of the Rijaˉl Hajir. In recent decades some groups add membranophones or use them exclusively and omit idiophones because the clangy sound and loud volume of idiophones overpowers the voices. Many in the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr western slopes assert that they used to play idiophones long ago, although this is no longer the case. The fact that those who identify as Asıˉri “Bedouin” have a proclivity to use idiophones supports the assertion that they have been in the Asıˉr longer than drums. Moreover, idiophones are normally not performed by paid professionals but by tribesmen themselves, further attesting to their local roots. Idiophones are fashioned from everyday household items. One of the most frequently played is the tanaka (tank, ƒ„‫)ا‬, a mid-sized rectangular date tin or container that is open at one end, usually with the sides perforated. It is especially used for mountain khut․wa. It is primarily held against the body with one arm and the underside is struck with both hands, alternating quickly (Fig. 16.3).5 Men regularly perform it, and although it is not part of the culture of women of Abhaˉ proper, it used to be quite common among females of the Qah ․․t aˉn and other tribes beginning about 10 km outside of Abhaˉ. Since women do not always have a tanaka in the

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FIGURE 16.3 Tanaka

performed among the Qah ․․t aˉni tribe for a Ramadan Feast, 1980s. Notice the mifraˉz (mortar and pestle) being performed as a musical instrument on the left (Photograph by Thierry Mauger)

home, in its stead, they might perform on a metal tray or large pot or some other metallic kitchen item that is readily available. A female Qah ․․t aˉni percussionist commented on the sig�nificance of her tanaka instrument: This is the most requested instrument of the south, the tanaka . . .  Few people play this. A lot of drummers play the tar, and tubul (cylindrical clay drums), but this is rare. You take a date or olive tin and put holes in it like this . . . I also play the zir ardhi, the ․tabl and the zalafa. (Campbell 1999, 51) The brass mortar and pestle, the mifraˉz (‫ )ا از‬as found among Bedouin, is likewise an important musical instrument of both men and women (Fig. 16.3; Plate 23). To produce the “dum” sound the bottom of the vessel is pounded with the pestle, and for the higher “tek,” the inner side is struck. Often the performer will dampen the rim with his/her free hand while playing the “tek” sound. Some performers will strike the outside of the mortar with the pestle, especially if they seek greater volume. The mifraˉz is used for many kinds of music and is requisite in “nashiya” bridal and engagement songs in both the mountains and the valleys. Large metal barrels, barmıˉl (†‫)ا‬, which can be seen dispersed around the highways used as trash bins or roadblocks, serve as rather dignified instruments (Fig. 16.4). The male performer usually stands. He holds a dagger (jambiya ‎†‡/khanjar ‚ƒˆ) in his dominant hand and with the blade, strikes the side of the barrel or the closed metal end. With his non-dominant hand, he completes the rhythm, hitting the barrel with an open palm. Senior men usually play this instrument partially because it is somewhat prestigious, and partially because they are the only

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  279

FIGURE 16.4  A

metal barrel, barmˉıl, is often used as a musical instrument

ones who have mastered the technique. With great agility and spectacle, a barmıˉl player will dangerously cross the blade quickly over his flat hand and strike different parts of the barrel with the weapon. Sometimes a second or third percussionist, also wielding a dagger, will join the main performer stabbing the barrel. The barmıˉl is favored at weddings of mountain tribes. The precursor of the barmıˉl that is not seen much in the early twenty-first century is the jizza (‫)‡ة‬, a low-walled metal basin that served to contain fire for heat in the winter or coals for brewing coffee and tea (Fig. 16.5). In recent decades, most household jizza are rectangular. In the days when it was a common musical instrument, jizza tended to be round and was sometimes fashioned from metal barrels (barmıˉl) that were cut in half or quartered. As an instrument it is considered extremely old and its presence only began to lessen around the time the full-sized barmıˉl appeared, meaning, when road construction and modern trash bins started to be found in the Asıˉr (1960s). Membranophones The traditional drums in Asıˉr Province are the kettledrums, zıˉr, and the spoked “chest” drum, zalafa. Normally, there is one to three zıˉr in a group and three or so zalafa. In any case, there are always more zalafa than zıˉr. These instruments are found throughout the southwest, from the lowland sea Tihaˉma into the northern mountains near Nimaˉs. Zıˉr (
‫ )ا‬is the generic name for a kettledrum with a lone head made of camel or ox skin that is played with long sticks (Plate 24). Many zıˉr in the southwest have skin on both the top and bottom, and both sides can be flat, so it appears as if the instruments are double headed, but in fact they have a solid bottom and the skin is just wrapped around the lower half for structural support and to dampen the timbre. The zıˉr body can be made of clay, but since the late twentieth century, it is regularly constructed of less fragile metal. In Baˉh ․a a zıˉr might rest on a small metal stand and the drummer sits in a chair or stands to perform, but in most of the southwest, the zıˉr is usually played while one sits on the ground, thus it is sometimes called the

26 Khut․wa with idiophones: includes barmıˉl and tanaka

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metal basin in the center that is performed like a musical instrument. Zalafa and zˉır performers complete the ensemble. Group portrait of men lined up to dance in a circumcision ceremony. Nimaˉs, Asıˉr Region, 1946 (© Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford)

FIGURE 16.5 Jizza

zıˉr ard ․i (ground zıˉr). With a flat bottom, it will not wobble when beaten. The shape of the zıˉr has changed over the decades. The sound of the zıˉr is loud and strong and it is considered the most important drum in the ensemble. In militaristic genres it is sometimes the only instrument permitted. In joyful works it directs the dancers’ footwork. The zıˉr player must closely watch the feet of the performers and be in sync with their steps. If the drummer and dancers are not together, the drummer will stop and adjust accordingly. The dancers in turn always listen to, or glance over at the zıˉr player. It is possible for a Tihaˉmat Asıˉr group to dance without zalafa, but never without a zıˉr (or someone imitating the zıˉr part). The zıˉr player tends to play a repeated steady rhythm, but he/she will also embellish depending on the dance moves. The spoked chest drum, zalafa ( ‫ )ا‬has roots in the Tihaˉma where these instruments are often made (Fig. 16.6). The zalafa is found throughout Asıˉr Province, although its use dwindles north of Nimaˉs (it is not common in Baˉh ․a and Bıˉsha). This drum is made of a heavy clay basin coated in a hard tar, which makes it sturdy. A strong sheepskin, thicker and more durable than the head of a Najdi framedrum, covers the front. The back has a large open hole that is positioned against the lower chest when played. In order to mute and adjust the tone, the

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  281

zalafa being heated by a fire. View from the back. Note the metal holding ring near the top

FIGURE 16.6 A

male percussionist will lift his shirt (if he is wearing one) and press the drum close to his flesh, covering the hole and dampening the sound, or he will lean the zalafa forward, pivoting it at his waist, and uncover the hole (women drummers use the same moves but remain clothed). Because of the relatively heavy weight, the drum is attached to the waist by a leather belt or strip of cloth: a spoke will be inserted in the belt or the instrument is secured by running the belt through a metal ring that is attached to the drum body. If one is not wearing a belt, a performer will hook his/her arms under the spokes while playing to support the weight. Zalafa drums must be heated (and the skin tightened) before played, although not as frequently as ․tˉıraˉn. Because the membranes are thick, drums are placed quite near to the strong flame or embers and such strengthens the clay body and also often chars the back side near the hole, leaving the instrument with an unusually strong woodchip fire smell. There are three sizes of zalafa and normally all three are performed, although sometimes, as in many women’s ensembles, there are only one or two. The drumhead of each is an inch or two wider in diameter than the next in size. The small zalafa has a face diameter of ca 13 in./33 cms, mid-sized is ca 14 in., and large, ca 15 in. (Plate 24). a. Small zalafa, called makazza (‫ )ة‬in the Asıˉr, and makazza or maradda (‫ادة‬, responder) in Jıˉzaˉn. This drum plays the core rhythm around which the others layer their parts. It is only struck with the right or dominant hand and is positioned pivoting out slightly at an angle so that the hole in the back is not constantly muted against the drummer’s body. b. Medium zalafa, called sah․ba (†Š) in Tihaˉmat Asıˉr, and in Jıˉzaˉn ga’ib (‹­‫ )ا‬or ․sah․fa ( Œ‫ا‬, dish). “Sah․ba” is likely a corruption of the lowland designator, “s․ah․fa.”6 This drum plays a counter rhythm against the smaller bass zalafa. It tends to drag behind the main pulse, the extent to which is at the discretion of the performer. c. Large zalafa, called tashkıˉl in Asıˉr (Ž), and in Jıˉzaˉn ga’ib (‹­‫ )ا‬or simply “zalafa.” Tashkıˉl is the drum that freely improvises, plays variations, encourages and accents the steps of the solo dancers.

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Asıˉri Genres Pastoral Arts Khut․wa is found at all Asıˉri festivities. Participants lock arms, or push together shoulder to shoulder, or sometimes hold hands (Campbell 1999, 51). A soloist starts with shayla (‘’), unaccompanied poetic-metered singing, intoning “ya, la, la, la, la . . . ” syllables to establish the tune. This is then repeated by the singer-dancers, and their vocal part is called “shıˉl”—from shayla (to rise up). The soloist then sings text to one rank that respond antiphonally, repeating the words or sometimes completing the poet’s stanza. The soloist then presents a hemstitch to the second rank that likewise responds, after which, the percussionists enter, the dance commences and the choir sings a refrain repeatedly. The basic khut․wa dance step is similar throughout the southwest, excepting that women’s movements are smoother and more contained than that of men. Each foot taps two beats—one beat forward the other back (similar to a restrained “Charleston”). The special hagh’a step that is performed throughout the khut․wa is the most important. Normally, the dancers are tapping their feet on each beat, but during the hagh’a, they raise one foot and hold it for two beats while singing a corresponding long note, then bend deep and conclude with a stomp, and return to the steady step and refrain singing. Sometimes the participants will cease singing if the dancing has become heated so that they can focus on their moves, in which case all that is heard in folk performances are drums. One should keep in mind that the khut․wa dance can be performed to a variety of music, not just that with a standard khut․wa rhythmic mode. At women’s celebrations, the khut․wa is so enjoyed it is performed to music genres of raˉyyeh․, badawıˉ, and rabkha. According to oral accounts there are dozens of melodies that accompany the khut․wa art and countless texts, which are often newly composed. The lyrics are in a colloquial dialect and are considered “soft” unlike those of martial songs. They are flirtatious, or involve pastoral scenes, or life philosophies. It is common to invoke the names of villages or recall landscapes. Songs include much metaphor and symbolism that has meaning to locals but may be elusive to outsiders. If the performers find the lyrics enjoyable then they will extend one dance to five or even ten minutes, but if they do not like them, they will end the dance quickly, in less than a minute, and the poet must present another khut․wa, preferably one with more favorable texts. An example of lyrics from one of the most prevalent khut․was found throughout the southwest, “Qamar ‘alaˉi,” are: The light is high atop the palace roof

And the moon high above it beams

And light upon light met

Oh, good one, within the home of Qas Dıˉma

His heart beats for an onlooker

Who feared the danger of the rooftop ‫و ا­ •
” ƒرە‬

‫ •ق Š  —ره‬  Œ


‫
 ‘ إ› Šš ™ د‬

‫‘› —ر‬  ‫و ا‡„” —را‬

  ‫žر ا‬  š ‫ˆف‬

¡ Œ† †‘ ¢‚Ž


Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  283

Among Qah ․․t aˉn, Shahraˉn, and related tribal branches, the traditional khut․wa rhythm instruments are the boisterous idiophones, barmıˉl, tanaka, and mifraˉz, usually performed by tribesmen. Among other tribes, like many of Asıˉr, Rijaˉl Alma’, and Rijaˉl Hajir, one zıˉr and three zalafa are used and the drummers are hired “professionals,” not asıˉl tribal members. The khut․wa idiophone and membranophone sets of instruments are relative to each other. There are three rhythmic roles, and although the instruments might differ between mountain and Tihaˉmat Asıˉr peoples, the percussive functions remain basically the same. Mountain idiophone parts: a. keeps a steady pulse: mifraˉz (metal mortar) plays basically the same part as the small zalafa spoked drum, the makazza, in a membrane band b. repeated fixed rhythm but with a focus on the dance step beat; can be modified slightly to encourage and excite the participants: barmıˉl (barrel), which corresponds to the zıˉr c. poly- or counter-rhythm (against mifraˉz or makazza): tanaka (tank) plays the same rhythm as the mid-sized zalafa (sah․ba), although the tanaka also may break into soloistic accenting patterns in the fashion of the zalafa tashkıˉl of the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr Regardless of the instrumentation, tempos tend to be slightly faster in the mountains among 7 the Qah ․․t aˉn/Sharaˉn than in the foothills (Ex. 16.1).

EX. 16.1  Khu․ twa

rhythm pattern, Tihaˉmat Asıˉr

Zah․fa, another pastoral art, is an exciting, fast-paced, highly aerobic song with dance. “Zah․fa” literally means “crawling” or “serpentine” and is named such because the dancers who will stand tightly together in a long row or two curved facing lines (pushing their shoulders against one another to maintain the rank), “crawl” in that they move with short, quick, shuffle steps, almost as if their legs are shackled, while quickly bouncing their upper bodies up and down. The moves appear subtle, but in reality the dance is exhilarating and can be tiring, leaving the participants breathless and perspiring. In both male and female groups, dancers break from the ranks and perform as featured soloists in the middle area. There are several variations to zah․fa.8 Men, such as those of the Rifayda tribe, the Shahraˉn of Khamıˉs Mushayt, the Bani Shahr of Rijaˉl Hajir, and the Qah ․․t aˉn will bounce or march to the fast tempo and then, at strategic points, take a large step forward and engage in a complicated, “hagh’a” type of dip. An especially complex version is noted among the Bani Shahr people and thus some in other tribes actually refer to zah․fa as “shahri,” or the “khut․wa of the Bani Shahr.” This genre is not historically danced by men of Rijaˉl Alma’, but women from most Asıˉri places

284  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

27 Zah․fa/shahri (folk and pop): folk version performed outdoors with dancing tribal linesmen followed by a “modernized” zah․fa performed at a women’s wedding celebration

will perform it. In any event, zah․fa of Asıˉr Province should not be confused with the zayfa genre of Jıˉzaˉn. In male zah․fa performances, bad’ and radd (call and response) ensues: drums and dancing stop, a soloist sings some lines, then the movement and drumming resumes and the cycle repeats. Thus, there is not a continuous flow to the music. Throughout, the poet-singers, of which a few may take turns, compete in their quest to create verses that will rouse the crowd. When performed by women, there is more focus on the dance than the words, and women tend not to want breaks in their dancing to listen to a poet, so the percussion never ceases and the singer fits in her verses the best that she can on top of the drumming. Traditionally, the main percussion instruments are zalafa and zıˉr, although zah․fa has been performed on mountain idiophones in northern and eastern regions. At contemporary female and male parties, ensembles will add melodic instruments like the uˉd or org. The remaining pastoral arts, rabkha, badawıˉ, and ‘akıˉri, are related to one another. They are usually performed with arms wrapped around waists. The music of the three differs. Rabkha songs are performed without drums. The smooth swaying motion of the participants is interrupted occasionally by synchronized stomping steps, thus the only sounds heard are the singing choir, the pounding feet, and the melody of a shepherd’s flute if available. As attested to by these timbres and lack of drums (as with the baduˉ art of sayf, above), rabkha has strong Bedouin roots and is considered quite old. Like other pastoral arts, in the past rabkha was performed by men and women together (see Box 15.2).9 The music of badawıˉ is basically similar to that of rabkha but with drums. Therefore, sometimes it is called rabkha badawıˉ, or simply “rabkha with drums.” However, there are several versions of badawıˉ depending on the area. Badawıˉ songs are heard at twenty-first-century women’s celebrations where electronically amplified singers and drummers perform them. ‘Akıˉri, which too includes drums, was a celebratory music performed after harvest work or other chores of livelihood (such as building construction), that were undertaken by both males and females of a tribe in the days when they labored alongside one another. It includes singing to a tempo faster than khut․wa. Because labor in the southwest has changed in the twentieth century, ‘akıˉri is almost extinct, although the Rijaˉl Alma’ men still perform it (Ex. 16.2). Martial Musical Arts The nine militaristic collective performance arts were historically used in the same manner as Najdi ‘ard․a, that is, as a music-dance to incite men for battle. A few genres are also important

EX. 16.2  ‘Akˉı ri

rhythm pattern. ‘Akˉı ri are also called “rabkha with drums,” Tihaˉmat Asıˉr

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  285

FIGURE 16.7 Well-known Asıˉri procession move; both hands raised in triumph and pulsing outwards

as processional types, for warfare or conciliatory tribal meetings (Fig. 16.7). Since tribal fighting has ceased, martial genres are common at weddings and other formal celebrations. In damma, jaysh, ‘ard․a, mi’raˉ․d, and sayf, the dancers’ arms are normally not locked but free, since one hand wields a weapon. Damma is performed by many tribes in Asıˉr Province, both those of the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr and the Asıˉr Mountains. A Rijaˉl Alma’ performer proudly labeled it, “the best dance in the whole Peninsula.” Damma has militaristic lyrics, e.g., “Our armed soldiers do not fear the enemy . . . ,” performed with much gusto, power, and speed. There is a great deal of solo dancing with high leaping and bared weapons (Fig. 16.8). According to oral accounts, damma dates back centuries and men used to sing it as they marched rapidly towards a battleground or place where they would meet another tribe. Consequently, hoots and hollers and cheers of encouragement are expected throughout. Since tribal fighting has ceased, lyrics now can concern many issues, from honoring a community, or God, or thoughts of guidance through life. Damma has long been favored at wedding celebrations, festivals, and circumcisions. The rhythmic mode is among the most complex in the region (Ex. 16.3), and the solo dance moves are considered some of the most difficult to master. Damma normally begins with a procession of men marching in two parallel queues, side by side, led by the tribal leader. They position themselves according to seniority, with the elders near the front of the ranks. The tribesmen can parade and dance to just the sound of their rhythmic feet accompanied by the firing of guns, or as is more common in recent times, the zıˉr and zalafa drums play along. In times of peace, when the warriors would near their host tribe,

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FIGURE 16.8  Damma

EX. 16.3  Damma

featuring a baduˉ dancer, Rijaˉl Alma’

rhythm pattern

they would announce their arrival by sending ahead a few quick dancing tribesmen, called muqtah․ama („­‫)ا‬, who would jump and leap and fire more shots. They in turn were greeted by the host tribe’s muqtah․ama who would reciprocate (Plate 25).

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  287

In twenty-first-century performance, when the marchers arrive at the venue they form a semi-circle or one long forward-facing line and sing and step in place with their weapons held high while solo dancers break from the ranks and jump in the air and spin and skip. This leaping is reflective of the Asıˉri environment where bounding gazelles would thrive. Moreover, sights of soaring heights surround Asıˉris, especially those in the valleys, and so the upward bounding movements manifest transcending gravity and reaching for the sky. In the bad’–radd fashion, there will be breaks in the drumming when the marching ceases and the poet will feed the men new lines in short stanzas. The damma rhythm in the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr is similar to that of jaysh, but because of the elaborate solo dancing, there is more embellishment on the tashkıˉl zalafa drum in damma. A faster version (damma/dil‘a) survives in Jıˉzaˉn Province. Jaysh, which literally means “army,” is a term used for a battle dance of the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr foothills. There are no words to jaysh, no singing, just percussionists drumming, which is a common practice for line dances of Jizan—there are clearly cultural ties between the Red Sea coast and the western slopes. In any event, jaysh is found throughout the southwest, even just outside of T ․a’if. In 1947 Thesiger, while visiting a village northwest of Baˉh ․a (Baid․an), witnessed a Sarawaˉt jaysh during a circumcision ceremony: Each afternoon and night the crowds assembled and the initiates danced. The musicians were negroes and their instruments were the “zalafa,” a large drum beaten with the hands, two small drums “zair” [zıˉr] beaten with sticks, and a double-pipe called “sofraga” [like the Hijazi buˉs]. The complicated and stylized movements of the dance were controlled by the zalafa. Together and singly the initiates danced, crouching and prancing, while with naked daggers they made passes before their bodies. Two small boys joined them to learn the steps and other children practised on the outskirts of the crowd, while behind them the “jaysh” of warriors swayed in line with bared swords held high, dancing flowercrowned and half-naked in the moonlight to the insistent throbbing of the drums. (1947, 193) In the Asıˉr, the practice is for the jaysh ensemble to be a large regiment, since originally those who were intending to fight performed jaysh. The men bear arms, often a spear (rimh․/rimaˉ․h) or a jambiya. The performers will parade in long ranks, marching two by two, side by side, holding their weapons high, stepping in unison, where four beats are marched as: right, left, right, left up (left leg held up on the fourth beat), then left, right, left, right up (right leg held up on the fourth beat), so the foot sound is: dum, dum, dum, rest. If stopping in one place, as with damma, the performers will form a line or semi-circle and maintain the step while individuals break from the ranks and dance with their weapons before the others (Ex. 16.4). ‘Ard ․a is the most pervasive militaristic art. In Rijaˉl Alma’ ‘ard․a the soloist poet begins with a melody sung to nonsense syllables (“la la la la . . . ”) in order to establish the main tune and to announce to the listeners that the text is commencing. Two groups of aligned men take turns singing a hemstitch that the poet has given them, or respond to his text, depending on how they are guided by the poet-singer. The bad’–radd practice follows with intermittent drumming. A few individuals engage in a mock battle before the others, weapons raised, often pushing both arms forward away from the body in a stylized mountain move (Plate 26). There are many calls and cheers and signs of encouragement for the solo dancers. The rhythmic mode for ‘ard․a is the same as mi’raˉ․d (Ex. 16.5). Mi’raˉ․d is a martial procession with parallel lines in the fashion of jaysh, but with a simple march step. It is performed by the Mazin tribe and that of Rijaˉl Alma’, among others.10 With weapons

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EX. 16.4  Asˉıri

jaysh rhythm pattern

EX. 16.5  ‘Ard ․a

or mi’raˉ․d rhythm pattern of Asıˉr

held above the head, tribesmen parade to the sound of their feet and chanting alone, or, if drums are present, they beat the same rhythms as used for ‘ard․a (Fig. 16.9). Those in the front of the line will chant the march tune, which is then repeated by those in the back. When the procession stops, the men group into one long row. Two solo dancers emerge, and normally at least one will have a rifle and will fire off some shots. Brandishing their weapons, the pair will run very fast towards each other, passing, and then return, crossing one another’s paths while leaping. When the first pair finishes, two more young men will take their place, and so forth. In folk troupe performances, because of limited space, the solo dancers may have to prance in place somewhat rather than run the usual 100 meters away from the group and back as they did in the past.

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  289

FIGURE 16.9  Mi’ra¯․ d

procession lines marching to the same beat as that of ‘ard․a

Zaˉmil, gezaw’i, and midgaˉl (‫ ال‬، ‫ ا­و‬،‫ )اا‬are martial/celebration group song-dance genres found among the highland men of the Qah ․․t aˉn and Shahraˉn, and among the Ghamid and Zahraˉn of Baˉh a, with midga ˉ l being a specialty of the Asıˉri Rijaˉl Hajir. Some refer to zaˉmil ․ and/or midgaˉl—which are both “greeting” forms that are often paired with ‘ard․a—as the “‘ard․a of the Qah ․․t aˉn” or “‘ard․a of the Rijaˉl Hajir,” or name of a specific tribal branch who perform these arts. Zaˉmil are regularly performed into the twenty-first century, especially after a tribal dispute is resolved (Al-J’ara 2012). The Qah ․․t aˉn are especially famed for their zaˉmil processions. No instruments or drums are used in zaˉmil. It is performed by the men of a tribe usually after a dispute has been resolved or in almost any circumstance where one tribe is approaching another, such as a wedding between families of differing communities or a tribal meeting.11 In earlier times, zaˉmil was performed to celebrate the harvest season, the completion of construction work, or any other substantial community job. The lyrics are “strong,” and straightforward, without romantic metaphor as found in khut․wa and zah․fa. The texts of zaˉmil will be carefully chosen or created to fit the circumstance. A poet presents a verse to half of the large group who will repeat it, and then the second half responds in kind. The men sing the text repeatedly until the poet offers a new line. The melodies tend to be comprised of many motives that end with sustained notes. The participants are usually arranged in a long forward-facing line, but if the number is large, several lengthy ranks will form, one in front of the other. Throughout the performance, there is solo dancing with running, and leaping, and weapon display. The related art gezaw’i is believed to have developed in the eastern regions of the Arabian south, far from the sea. It has characteristics of both zaˉmil and pastoral arts like khut․wa. It is similar to zaˉmil because it is performed to only group singing with no instruments and the poems are replete with boastful rhetoric, pride, and tribal praise. However, performers lock arms (as in khut․wa), stomp feet in various intricate dance moves, and sing in rhythm in a celebratory

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nature, in the fashion of pastoral arts. There is a version of gezaw’i among some Yam sects in Najraˉ n, which is understandable since the Yam share a border with the Qah ․․t aˉni tribe of Asıˉr. The third related battle art is the rifle/weapon dance midgaˉl, which is performed to drumming without singing. It is regularly enjoyed by the tribes northeast of Abhaˉ in Rijaˉl Hajir (Bani Amir, Bani Shahr, Bal Asmar, Bal Ahmar) and among those of the Shahraˉn and Qah ․․t aˉn. Midgaˉl performances are also considered quite extraordinary in regions further north like Tanuˉ ma (ƒŽ) and Nimaˉs, and among the Ghamid and Zahraˉn of Baˉh ․a Province. Similar to zaˉmil, midgaˉl comprises a tribal processional greeting: it is performed when one tribe is meeting another. In recent decades it is commonly held at weddings, especially when the bride and groom are from different tribes, or for a conciliatory or invitation meeting between two tribes. Before the 1970s it was well known as a major music-dance in circumcision celebrations. As described by Alamri (2008) of the Rijaˉl H ․ ajar tribe: For midgaˉl a large group of men, often hundreds, prepare themselves in advance. They polish their long jambiyas or qadıˉma/khanjar (‚ƒ ‫ا­
\ا‬, various daggers) that they wear around their waists. They prepare their gunpowder, which is carried on, and tucked under, their belts. They shine and check their rifles (bundiq, ƒ†‫ا‬/‫)ا†ƒق‬. Under each man’s ‘iqaˉl (head band) is a gharraˉz (‫از‬¤‫)ا‬, a compilation of fragrant plants. The men meet at the designated area and a leader offers a rousing talk, which reminds all to be proud and perform their best. The large group breaks into lines of about a dozen men each and they pair off, two by two, marching forward, led by a tribal leader. This is an ‘ard․a. They frequently hold their rifles above one shoulder (like spears ready to be thrown). A poet begins reciting his two-versed section and the tribe takes up parts of the text as the drummers begin playing: zalafa players perform a slow, steady beat.12 When the men reach the performance area, a zıˉr player or two sit near the center of the excitement and midgaˉl proper commences (Fig. 16.10; Fig. 16.11). One rank approaches and begins their moves, which are considered quite difficult, with only elders being truly capable of the detailed methods of performance. The men will proceed to spin the rifles in front of their faces or over their heads. Soloists come forth and perform elaborate motions, including ziqaˉf (‫)اف‬, that is, throwing the rifle over 30 ft. into the air and catching it with one hand, and ․h adwaˉ’ (‫)اواء‬, which is tossing the weapon back and forth in the hands quickly. Throughout all of these upper-body moves, the men are marching and skipping to the even rhythmic pulse. When one group is finished, they fire their guns that expel much smoke, and then they leave the space as the next line approaches and performs the same moves. This goes on until all units have performed, at which time all line up and fire in unison, and the loud volume, the smell of gunpowder, and the massive cloud of smoke that temporarily hides the men provides a magnificent climax to the end of the performance. After midgaˉl, a poet might sing some verses, then a meal is eaten, followed by more poetry and much ‘ard․a.

Women’s Music in the Asıˉr Women of the Asıˉr favor pastoral “love” genres.13 The music of raˉyyeh․ bıˉsha is enjoyed at twenty-first-century celebrations where the leading dance is still khut․wa along with contemporary Peninsula solo sa’uˉdi/khalıˉji dancing. Pre-recorded music is becoming the norm at female parties.

FIGURE 16.10 Midgaˉ l in Nimaˉs in 1946 during a circumcision ceremony. The men are firing muskets

above their heads and are being watched by a large number of others sitting on walls. The man standing to the left of the zˉır is playing a zalafa. A closer view of the instruments can be seen in Figure 16.5 (© Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford)

FIGURE 16.11 A midgaˉl in Nimaˉs in 2011, 65 years after Thesiger witnessed a midga ˉl in the same town

(Fig. 16.10). The number of zalafa has increased from one to three. There is no jizza, no idiophone sound. The size of the zˉır drum has decreased (see Fig. 16.5; Note that zˉır were still large through the 1980s)

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Asıˉr Wedding Traditions As elsewhere in the Peninsula, marriage celebrations provide the main venues in which women enjoy music. The traditional process is similar throughout the southwest: there is a prefatory henna night, celebration at the bride’s home, procession, and celebration at the home of the groom. It is replete with ritual, warm hospitality, and both prescribed and free music. The traditional structure is as follows:14 1. Invitation Once a union is agreed upon, the bride’s family extends invitations. The tradition was to send loaves of bread to every home in the village along with the date of the marriage. This was considered a lovely, welcoming gesture that instilled added interest and excitement in the nuptials. 2. Henna Party 3. (Milka) ‘ard ․a/midgaˉl On the wedding day, men gather at the groom’s house (fifty men or more including the groom and his family wearing their best clothes and weapons) and parade to the home of the bride before whom they perform the regional ‘ard․a and/or midgaˉl, and fire their rifles into the air. The formal marriage contract is signed, under the guidance of the village sheikh, and lunch is served. 4. Masht․at al-‘aruˉs After lunch the bride has her “arrange the bride’s hair” party (masht․at al-‘aruˉs,   ‫ )اوس‬to prepare for her wedding procession (zaffa), where she will go from her father’s house to that of the groom. At the prefatory event her hair is scented (Fig. 16.12) and

FIGURE 16.12 Asıˉr bride scent-making tools. Notice the brass mortars (mifra ˉz) that are always present at

mash․tat al-‘aruˉs and are played as musical instruments. The millstone is similar to the one used while grinding sorghum, when work songs are sung (Fig. 15.5)

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  293

carefully braided, sometimes with up to eight plaits. She is adorned with as much silver jewelry as possible. Kohl eyeliner is put on her eyes, which complements the henna that was dyed onto her feet and hands for the first time in her life the day before during her Henna Party. The songs for this “hair” event are called nashiya (ƒ‫ )ا‬and they always include the mortar and pestle (mifraˉz) played as a musical instrument (Plate 23; Plate 27). There are two main lyric types for the initial nashiya song. The first is sung as the neighbors and female relatives arrive, and the second, using the same melody and rhythm but new words, is sung for the hairdresser. In the welcoming nashiya song, the singers proudly mention themselves. In the second nashiya song (below) the mother of the bride herself will sing along with the musicians. I. Nashiya song Part A. Welcoming song, sung as guests, relatives and neighbors enter the family house. § ¨ƒ‫ Š¨  š وآ‬

š

‫‘› ا „ر‬  ‫©‘ا‬

ƒ‡ ‫ • ر‡ل وذا ام‬

‫† ا§ وš أ‡ Š‘ ن‬  ‫š ’ن‬

I call the name of Allah believing in Him Pray for our chosen Prophet, our audience We are the band of Rijaˉl Alma’ [or name of tribe] coming today For Abdullah and for Sultan [fathers’ names] The mother of the bride starts to dress her daughter, adjusting her silver belt, adorning her with ankle bracelets, rings, thick silver earrings, and a necklace made of silver coins. And then she and the band start to sing out, calling for the hairdresser. Part B. Song for the hairdresser ƒŽ „ƒ ‫
’  • راس‬ ‫دي‬ ‫¯ Žهƒš ا¯ ƒ† و‬ Hairdresser, take good care of my daughter’s head Only put but ambergris (y’anbar) and agar (‘uˉdi) It is at this preparation party that the bride’s female family officially greets that of the groom. One reason that historically the nashiya musical pieces must include the mortar is because the clanging sound reminds one of crushing cardamom and preparing coffee, and coffee is a beverage for accepting guests into the home. Therefore, anytime women sing and play the mortar in the southwest, it is a heartfelt sign of welcome. The bride’s family is excessively hospitable with their new relatives, and they dance and sing a special song for them.

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II. Entry of the groom’s family song Welcome is a word we perfume with cardamom,

 † ‫„ ر‬  


For the honorable unmarried virgin

‫و•’  زوال‬

Continuing Party at the Bride’s house (h․afla ‘ ) a. Groom entrance song

The groom’s new mother-in-law welcomes him to the women’s party, which has been ongoing, and arranges a seat for him. The song that is sung upon his entrance actually addresses the bride: 
­‫€ ا— •„ ال ا‬  š‫ا‬ Your strong cousin is here as if a pouring river

b. Songs of departing bride

The “departing song” is sung at the beginning of the main celebration by the bride’s family before she and the groom leave together. ‫
 ذا اŒš ˆ‘ „ƒ اا‬ › Œ 
  
ƒƒŠ 
You, the virgin who preserved herself, May you leave us with blessings You are the most beautiful and kind [literally, “Oh, our lard, our honey, so pure”] H ․ adiya )
‫)ا‬, departure from bride’s parents’ house. Bride leaves her home with her new husband to go and live with his family: • —  • ‹Š • —  ƒ
  The groom will be coupling with his bride [literally, “pulled the blanket over himself”] And we do not fear the groom Zaffa is the procession when the husband escorts his bride to his parents’ house where he lives. They are accompanied by her mother or a female relative (called the taˉba’a, “the follower”). This older woman will stay with the bride for a few days until she becomes acclimated and less nervous. The zaffa has music that features the mifraz (brass mortar), which has been played throughout the day. When they arrive at the groom’s home, his friends fire guns into the air and the groom’s female family welcomes the women. There would be some music and dancing, but this would cease around sunset. Grand celebrations begin at the groom’s home the next day, with much music and dancing, and khut․wa dominates. Festivities might continue during the daytime for three days or so. Thus, the seventh and last stage of an Asıˉri wedding is this main party.

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  295

Twenty-First-Century Weddings In twenty-first-century weddings, some customs survive intact. For instance, marriages are arranged and some people still insist that the mother of the bride accompany her daughter to the husband’s house for a few days. Most traditions, however, have been adapted for contemporary society. The zaffa procession music, rather than being played as the bride moves between homes, is heard as she enters the wedding venue. Most female guests dress in contemporary long or short dresses, and the bride wears a white, European style gown— braids and kohled eyes are no longer common, at least around Abhaˉ. However, it is of note that guests might still attend events wearing traditional embroidered Asıˉri clothing, with snug straight sleeves, a fitted waist, and silver jewelry. This is much different from women of the Najd and Gulf who traditionally wore wide loose garments.15 Also surviving today are the mifraˉz mortar songs. Indeed, the mifraˉz is always on hand for guests to grab and play as they dance, especially if traditional nashiya songs are being sung, which is frequent. In fact, the mifraˉz is almost requisite at current engagement parties (milka, ‘). As one Asıˉri woman noted, “The mifraˉz is a sign of heritage and shows others [for instance, guests from the Tihaˉma lowlands], that you are from this area or from this culture, and that you are proud of it” (Asıˉr C 2012). One can hold the mifraˉz while she dances, or sit and play (Plate 27). At the main party, the ritual of naqd (­—, literally “cash”), another custom in which all engage, is a blessing with money. A woman will stand before the line dancers and touch the tops of their heads with bills, walking down the row, tapping one after the other. This is a means of encouragement and indicates that the one holding the cash likes the dancers or thinks they are doing well. Likewise, if someone touches the musicians’ heads with money it indicates that they are doing a good job—if the musicians are professionals, they are given the money. One can also touch heads with silver jewelry, which has the same implications. Silver is considered lucky and a woman might take off her own silver necklace and place it on her own head for self-encouragement or just to joke with the others, indicating to them that she thinks she is a good dancer.

Musicians Increasingly music comes from “homemade” CDs purchased in town shops featuring local musicians. Some individuals are becoming well known through this local distribution, such as the singer Sıˉta from an area outside of Baˉh ․a: her recordings are known all the way into Najraˉ n. If one does have a band in attendance at a party, as was the case historically, performers might still be laypeople, friends or family, especially if they are serving as singers. The greater stigma is attached to the drummers (see Chapter 15). More and more since the 1980s the concept of the hired ‘t․aggaˉgaˉt has seeped into the culture from the Najd and these performers tend to be non-tribal, although this is not always the case. The norm for a women’s band is to always have a zıˉr and at least one zalafa drum, and then added to these core instruments are other percussion, like an hourglass ․t abla (constructed in Syria or Egypt), or some frame drums (Fig. 16.13). Every now and then a group will include an org or uˉd. There is usually more than one soloist, as the second woman will relieve the first when her voice tires or she will take the lead singing the response part in a call and response piece. In the past, female guests themselves served as the singing responders. Most bands bring their own sound systems with microphones and reverberation technology that enhances the voices.

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FIGURE 16.13  Instruments

used at an Asıˉri women’s party, 2012. T ․ aˉr (with a few bells), zıˉr, ․tabla, and hajir/maradd, which at this one event was only used when the zıˉr player was absent. A zalafa (not shown) was also part of the ensemble. No melodic instruments were used

BOX 16.2  ASIˉR WOMEN’S PARTY, APRIL 2012 The female-only party was held at a formal hall, an isolated building that is a fifteen-minute drive outside of the city center of Abhaˉ. It is a common venue for wedding celebrations. It is located in a secluded area among a few simple mountainside one-story homes at the top of a rocky, unpaved road overlooking a steep ridge. Husbands, sons, and brothers, that is, males who serve as both drivers and “guardians,” park their cars (or trucks in this agricultural community) on the dusty road in front of the hall.16 Some edge their vehicles toward a large opened gate that leads into a small empty inner parking area and the main doors. The males patiently wait as the perfumed, veiled, and cloaked women emerge from their vehicles, taking their time, careful not to snag their garments on their high heels or disturb the coiffures concealed under their hija ˉ bs (headscarves). Some carry trays or bags with food as they enter into the anteroom where they remove their abayas, face veils, and headscarves and greet one another with cheek (air) kisses. There is great variety in dress. Some have on long formal gowns, some short “party” dresses, a few wear pantsuits, and several women, mostly those over forty years of age along with a few young girls, are outfitted in traditional Asıˉri dress—a black dress with colorful embroidery, silver belts, and fragrant leaves in their hair. Some garments are made of cloth with prints, but the cut, along with the silver jewelry and orange headscarf, is unmistakably Asıˉri. Henna is on the hands of a few as is kohl (black eyeliner). The feeling is one of a friendly small town, without the cattiness seen in the larger cities, and even though there is a mix of socio-economic levels, no one is judged derisively by their appearance. The large main hall, which is well lit, is simple. Upon the cold red and white-checkered linoleum flooring are long tables covered in red plastic tablecloths around which are velvet red banquet chairs. In the middle of the room is a substantial dance floor at the end of

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  297

which is a small red stage (ko ˉsha). A cushioned red love seat framed by two large vases of flowers is placed in the middle for a bride and groom. A band of women musicians seated on the ground level to the right of the ko ˉsha is beginning to perform. They have microphones and are amplified. The band is comprised of two lead singers, both around twenty years old, who are members of the same tribe. Sometimes they sing while playing a t∙aˉ r or t∙abla (hourglass drum), because otherwise the ensemble is musically thin. Three percussionists join them: one on a mid-sized zalafa, one on a large metal t∙abla that she calls a “darabuka,” and one on a zıˉr. The zıˉr player, who is exceptionally skilled and appreciated by the dancing guests, is around thirty years old while the remaining drummers are in their early twenties. The three percussionists are not of tribal lineage and they wear no headscarves, while the tribal singers are careful to remain covered, regardless of the fact that the all-female guests are uncovered. As one involved in the increasingly suspicious art of music, a tribal singer is under scrutiny. Therefore the young tribal singing women are extra modest. The music is light and not overly loud. Some take the floor, hold hands and begin dancing khut∙wa. One or two step from the line and present a freestyle saˉ’udi type of solo dance. In less than an hour, by 8:30pm, the music stops and all adjourn to eat in a long rectangular furniture-less back room. Each guest has brought a dish to share and this is placed on plastic sheets that rest on the ground. At Najdi and Hijazi wedding and engagement parties the guests usually eat quite late, at the end of the event. Eating so early is a characteristic of the southwest, including Najraˉn. Everyone takes off her shoes before entering the room and sitting on the floor before the grand meal. The guests come from varied regions and those of the mountains are excited to eat the food of those from the Tihaˉma plains, especially an oatmeal type of dish for which the lowland women are famed. The guests finish their meal by 9:15pm and crowd around large sinks at the back of the venue to wash their hands before returning to the dance floor, and at this point, the music resumes but at a much louder volume with fiercer intensity. After one song finishes, the next begins immediately and it seems the guests never rest, but dance continuously, song after song, line dance after line dance. Even the heavyset and older women keep up the pace. They have a healthy, robust appearance, with tanned creases in their faces like those who enjoy the sun and fresh air. The fitted Asıˉri dresses make them appear even more conditioned, as the clothing compels them to stand up straight and tuck in the waist. Throughout, the zıˉr player is constantly watching the feet of the dancers, accenting or adjusting her beat accordingly. Regardless of the fact that the genres and rhythms change, the dancers often still perform the khut∙wa line dance. It seems as if they can dance khut∙wa to almost any kind of beat. Throughout the evening, women dance as soloists in front of or around the lines and, while doing so, often snap their fingers in the “Turkish snap.” When one started to do it, many joined in. The solo dance style is similar to that of the urban centers of the Peninsula. There is never Egyptian “belly dancing” at these celebrations, such as one finds in other areas of the Kingdom. A favorite dance music is ra ˉ yyeh∙, which the women call bishıˉ. Male musicians note that ra ˉ yyeh∙ is so beloved by females who dance khut∙wa to it, that it is referred to as the (continued)

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(continued) “khut∙wa of women.” Women also dance a few times to zah∙fa, which many refer to as shahrıˉ (named after the Bani Shahr). Ra ˉ yyeh∙ and zah∙fa are different from khut∙wa in that the lines do not curve as much and do not rotate, but stay in place, as the women tap their feet and bounce. That said, these dances are still physically demanding. In zah∙fa the two lines face each other closely, and the dancers do not hold hands but push shoulders against each other and spring up and down quickly. Even though they do not move from their location, the speed and intensity of the bouncing causes the women to pant and perspire. The guests say that dances like zah∙fa and shahri (which are the same or similar arts) are from the mountains and the northeastern Asıˉri tribes, therefore the lines do not move in a circle. When other music is performed, like local khut∙wa and nashiya, the lines move because these are dances of the Tihaˉma western slope region. They gave no historical reason for this. The band played several songs that the guests call badawıˉ or sometimes misawıˉga. Also, as is requisite at engagement parties, old nashiya were sung and invariably one or two women or girls would grab a mifra ˉ z (mortar—there were three of them in the room) and play while they danced, or sometimes they sat on the koˉsha the step to play, since this solid metal instrument is actually rather heavy. The mifra ˉ z accompanied a variety of songs, not just special wedding pieces. One guest asserted that so long as the mifra ˉ z was heard, the song automatically became a nashiya piece regardless of the text. It is the timbre that determines the character, and “nashiya“ with mifra ˉ z to her did not just mean “hair preparation” song but rather “spirit of wedding” song.

NOTES   1 In 1989 there were still a substantial amount of unsettled inhabitants living a nomadic existence. By 2012, this number had decreased drastically (Saud 1989, 72).   2 Thesiger (1947, 190) noted that the Bedouin were clans of the “Tahahin, Rabi’a, Musayfara, Bani Hilal, Minjaha, and to the south . . . the Bani Numar, Shahran, Qahtan, Khaulan, and the Raith.” See also Mauger (1993).   3 According to Farmer (1929b, 500), the pre-Islamic word for flute was qa․saba (cane) and the Persians brought the word naˉy to the Hijaz region.   4 On tribe locations, see Thesiger (1947, Appendix).  5 The Asıˉri performance method of the tanaka is different from that of the Gulf, where the sea instrument is placed on the ground and struck with sticks.  6 The name for the mid-sized drum is sahba in the Asıˉr and sa․ hfa in the Jıˉzaˉn Tihaˉma. In 1982 Bakewell (1985, 104) who was further south in the Yemen Tihaˉma describes the ․safha (dish) as being made of clay and having one long spoke that protrudes through the body, thus two visible spokes.This is actually similar to the zalafa found on the Saudi Farasaˉn Islands. A photograph is in Bakewell (2002). The ․safha of the Saudi Tihaˉma and Asıˉr differs from that of Yemen as Bakewell describes, in that it has many spokes and they do not pass all the way through the instrument, but are rather wedged into holes to help secure the skin and serve as forearm handles.   7 Rhythms of Asıˉri arts presented here are based on performances of Rijaˉl Alma’ males in 2012.   8 Bakewell in the Yemen Tihˉa ma mentions a za․ hfa that was reported but not seen (1985, fn. 6, 106).  9 Tihaˉma coastal people like those of Qunfud․a have a rabkha genre but it is different from that of the highlands and foothills.

Chapter 16: Ası¯r Genres and Traditions  299

10 Baˉghaffaˉr (1994, 291) states that mi’raˉ․d is only performed by the Mazin tribe; however, in 2012 it was still performed by the Rijaˉl Alma’ tribe as well as others. 11 The zaˉmil of the southwest Kingdom is similar to that which Caton mentions in the Yemen (1990, 128). Both entail a procession with armed marching men and high-pitched chanting. 12 Because this ‘ard․a parade precedes midgaˉl proper, midgaˉl is sometimes called the “‘ard․a of [Tribe name],” and because midgaˉl is a greeting genre, some non-tribesmen have called it a “zaˉmil.” 13 Sometimes women perform battle arts. Campbell remarked on women from Muh ․aˉyil dancing at the Janadriya Festival in 1998, partaking in a “stamping dance holding small daggers, their ankle bracelets sounding out the feverish rhythm” (1999, 47; see Jıˉzaˉn chapter). 14 Representatives of the Women’s Cultural Society of Abhaˉ provided the wedding structure presented here. As confirmed by women of Rijaˉl Alma’ and of the Tihaˉma foothills, the organization and texts are found throughout the Asıˉr. This is in agreement with Saud (1989). Baˉghaffaˉr (1994, 317) includes song lyrics for a bride’s zaffa and a groom’s family greeting song. 15 Ross (1981, 132) says that the fitted waist is a “modern” innovation. 16 Women are forbidden to drive in Saudi Arabia, and in public places, depending on the locale, a male “guardian” must escort females.

17 BIˉSHA AND BAˉH∙A ARTS

FIGURE 17.1  Bı¯sha

drummers, Janadriya Festival 2008

Chapter 17: Bıˉsha and Baˉh∙a Arts  301

Although Bıˉsha (, aka “Bıˉsha Fortress,” qal’at bıˉsha) is an official governorate of Asıˉr Province, for the most part its culture differs from that of the rest of Asıˉr (Philby 1952, 108). It lies near the lower eastern inland area of the Sarawaˉt Mountains and is comprised of ca 250 villages mostly spread throughout the east of Bisˉha town, although some are in the slopes that rise to the west. Being extremely fertile with plentiful water supplies from the waˉdis and underground lakes, Bıˉsha is known for a wide variety of dates that are cultivated on literally billions of palm trees. Bıˉsha is strategically located at the converging point where the Asıˉr, Najd, and the H ı ˉz all ․ˉja meet. For hundreds of years, and into the twenty-first century, it has served as a center of trade and commerce. Like much of Asıˉr, it was under strong Ottoman occupation in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. In the 1920s it became part of the Saudi Kingdom. The leading peoples of the region come from tribes and branches of the Qah ․․t aˉn, Shahraˉn, Ghamid, or are mixed African-Arabs or slave descendants, the latter of whom historically manned or owned the date palms. Since Bıˉsha borders the great Najd plateau, it shares musical characteristics with central Arabia that are not found in the mountains. For instance, the ․taˉr (frame drum), historically foreign to the Asıˉr highlands, is a foundation in traditional Bıˉ sha music, as it is in Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir, directly to the east. The music of Bıˉsha is intense and highly spirited, regardless of whether it is for enjoyment or is martial based. Indeed, Bıˉ sha is the home of the “fire drums” of which some Asıˉri people speak (Fig. 17.1).

Raˉyyeh∙ Bıˉsha Without a doubt, the most important song genre of Bıˉsha is raˉyyeh․ (  ‫)را‬. According to oral history, raˉyyeh․ dates back centuries; however, it does not belong to a specific tribe but to the region. Like Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir, Bıˉsha long ago was the home of many slaves as well as other khad ․ˉıri who worked the land and abundant palm groves, so the art of raˉyyeh․ developed among a heterogenous group: baduˉ, khad ․ˉıri, ‘abd. Unlike most other genres of the southwest, raˉyyeh․ music is familiar throughout the Kingdom where it is known as “raˉyyeh․ bıˉsha,” or simply “bıˉsha” or “bıˉshıˉ.” In the early twenty-first century it has been adopted in the H∙ˉja ı ˉz and is considered the “latest rage” among youth. In the greater Asıˉr Province, raˉyyeh․ has been in vogue for several decades. The raˉyyeh․ rhythmic mode falls within the same family as that of the western khobayti and central doˉsari genres. Thus, since 2000 and the expansion of the Internet, mobile phones, and various electronic modes of communication, raˉyyeh․ has been embraced as part of the popular khalıˉji music scene and gained a foothold at celebrations in central Arabia as well as the Gulf. Consequently, premiere commercial artists like ‘Abdul Majıˉd ‘Abdullah have recorded raˉyyeh․ for the mass market (e.g., “Maˉ jaˉnaˉ,” , “He/she did not come to us,” 2012). ‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬ Raˉyyeh․ is both the name of a song genre alone and a music-dance art. In the raˉyyeh․ dance long lines of participants lock arms and rock their limbs quickly in unison up and down to the music, raising them high above their heads as the musical excitement intensifies, all the while stepping in place with haste in a forward–backward khut․wa-type move. The length of the lines can be huge, and sometimes all men at an event, even well over a hundred, will form a long rank and participate. If space is limited, then several shorter lines will form. In front of the group, one or two men dance as soloists with great enthusiasm and athleticism, squatting, jumping, and spinning. Both solo dancers and linesmen may dance with a shepherd’s stick, pumping it up and down, or if a soloist has more space, he will twirl his stick and raise it above the heads of the linesmen in merriment.

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28

Raˉyyeh․: as performed at a women’s wedding celebration, ‘Asıˉr

While dancing, the large group repeatedly sings an uncomplicated, lyrical refrain, which is important in raˉyyeh․ and one of the characteristics that distinguish it from khobayti and doˉsari. The chorus may simply entail “ya, la, la, la,” or other easy-to-remember lyrics. Soloists-poets only sing at the beginning of the piece, before the percussion enters, merely to offer the tune and refrain text. Frequently, there is no soloist, but still the refrain is of great importance and sung regardless, or at least an attempt is made—sometimes the band is so amplified guests’ voices are inaudible. Thus, in general, part of the popularity of traditional raˉyyeh․ rests in the fact that there is much group interaction: participants are moving together, they can learn the steps quickly, all get to sing, and the general rhythm is familiar throughout the Peninsula. As one young partygoer from the H ․ijaˉz commented: “I love raˉyyeh․! They stomp and everyone goes crazy!” The drumming ensemble, which in the twenty-first century is usually accompanied by an org, sit near the dancers. There are no zalafa or idiophones as are found in other regions of Asıˉr Province. Drums include up to four zıˉr each pitched differently, all performed by one percussionist, in the fashion seen in the Jıˉzaˉn. The zıˉr embellish upon the main beat, which is provided by the ․tˉıraˉn, of which there are usually six of various sizes, including the accenting “misqaˉ’ ” as seen in Najdi music. T․ ˉıraˉn are held with an overhanded grip, the same as doˉsari drums. It should be noted that because raˉyyeh․ is so widespread, the instrumentation as a matter of course is often altered and adapted to the locale and availability of musicians. For instance, women in Abhaˉ and Bah ․a perform raˉyyeh․ with just one zıˉr and may add a goblet ․tabla.

Bıˉsha ‘Ard∙a and Misayyara Another distinct art of the region is bıˉsha ‘ard․a. It has a faster tempo than most other ‘ard․a, and is like raˉyyeh․ in that the refrain is singable and quick, with improvised embellishing zıˉr drums and much ․taˉr playing. Because differing tribes or branches dwell in the Bıˉ sha region, more than one version of ‘ard․a exists. But in the ‘ard․a that carries the name of the region, fully adorned performers will wear cross belts and/or colorful waist belts, and wield jambiya/khanjar or sticks. An ‘ard․a-related art is the Bıˉsha march, misayyara bıˉsha ( ‫) ة‬. It is known throughout the Asıˉr but is often credited with having originated in Bıˉ sha. Men can stand in place or march about during the performance. Like other Bıˉsha genres, the dance is accompanied by zıˉr and ․tˉıraˉn. The poet sings short phrases that end with long extended notes. The focus is on the poet and poetry with a constant interplay between the soloist and the percussion performing in the bad’–radd fashion. Participants stand side by side touching shoulders or locking arms while holding sticks or weapons, and move in a small bouncing shuffle step, two steps on the right foot and then two on the left, similar to khut․wa but with no forward–backward moves.1‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬ Bıˉsha women dance khut․wa, yet have different practices than those of the rest of the Asıˉr. For instance, women will dance with the hair toss, as in the Najd.2 And the Bıˉ sha bridal procession, zaffa, is usually in a triple meter and does not employ the mifraˉz (morter) as found among southern highlanders (Ex. 17.1).

Baˉh∙a The Province of Baˉh ․a (literally “Abundant Water”), which borders that of Makkah to its north and lies about 100 km northwest of Bıˉsha, is the smallest province in the Kingdom (Fig. 16.1). Resting in the Sarawaˉt Mountains, this fertile area with cattle farms and plentiful sheep and goat herds is known for its fog and cool weather, sometimes resulting in snowfall.

Chapter 17: Bıˉsha and Baˉh∙a Arts  303

EX. 17.1  Bˉı sha

zaffa rhythm pattern

The province spreads down to the coast, and thus has its own “Tihaˉma” where the lowland culture is similar to that of the Tihaˉma of the Asıˉr. In the past the area was known as the Ghaˉmid () and Zahraˉn (‫ )زهان‬Region, and these tribes, with about a dozen of their branches, are still the most prominent in the province. Most tribal peoples have been settled for centuries, but some who follow the flute-playing mountain “baduˉ” traditions survive.3

Drumming Ensemble: Naqqaˉ’ıˉn Al-Zıˉr ( ‫) ا‬ The percussion ensemble of Baˉh ․a is like no other in the Kingdom as it is comprised of primarily three sizes of zıˉr played by three drummers who position themselves and their instruments in a specific fashion. The percussion group is called naqqaˉ’ıˉn al-zıˉr (“beaters of the zıˉr,” singular naˉqqi’ al-zıˉr  ‫) ا‬. They are traditionally not paid professionals, but tribesmen. The zıˉr are usually made of cut metal barrels, but sometimes clay pots are used that are covered with a thick skin (Fig 17.2).

naqqa¯’ˉın al-zˉır of Bˉa h ․a. Instruments left to right: mi․sqaˉ’ al-duff, asaˉs (mi․sqaˉ’), haq maradd/mithloˉth, two mul․

FIGURE 17.2 Standard

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The large bass zıˉr, the mulh․aq (), might be placed on a short stand but it conventionally rests on the ground and is tilted toward the player who squats before it, beating a steady pulse with one stick. Often for the sake of volume, he will play a second similar drum with his free hand in unison with the first, or another musician may play a second bass drum. A mid-sized zıˉr responds to it, thus this drum is called the maradd (‫—)ا د‬the responder—or the mithloˉth (‫ث‬, indicating a triple rhythm as it plays off of the asaˉs triplets). It rest on a short stand so that the performer must either sit in a chair or crouch over slightly while standing in order to perform it. The smallest zıˉr, the asaˉs (‫س‬ ‫ا‬, “foundation”), is placed on a tall metal support and is performed by a standing percussionist. Sometimes, this instrument actually has a metal head hidden beneath the skin that covers the top, and in such a case, because the stick is striking both metal and skin together, its volume is strong and it has a brighter sound than a plain drum. A second name for this small zıˉr is mis․qaˉ’ (‫ )ا €ع‬because like other drums referred to as mis․qaˉ’ in the Peninsula, it is free to embellish upon the beat and adjust with the dancers movements. However, it usually plays the core rhythm.4 Contemporary ensembles will have a duff/t․aˉr join with them, in which case the asaˉs will surely play the core, repetitive beat, while the frame drum does the embellishing. If the duff plays the embellishing part it can be referred to as the mis․qaˉ’ al-duff. Some bands add as many as ten ․tˉıraˉn for large performances. However, a band with three to six percussion instruments in total is the norm. All kettledrums are played with long sticks. Since the 1990s frame drums and “modern” instruments have been seeping into male ensembles, although, historically, in Baˉ․ha men do not use frame drums for martial line arts. Sometimes, a Hijazi buˉs-like instrument, a double-reed pipe, is played, not performing a full melody but rather short, punctuated motives here and there. In the twenty-first century, when laypeople hire musicians they sometimes request that the zalafa drum from the south be included as well as an org, even for dignified arts like ‘ard․a. Traditional musicians frown on these innovations (Sa’ıˉd 2011).

Collective Arts Baˉ․ha men are particularly well known for their public performances of three genres: ‘ard․a (‚ƒ„ ‫ ;)ا‬the celebrated Baˉ․ha mish ․abaˉni ( …† ‫ ;)ا‬and an art called la’ib (‡„ ‫)ا‬. ‘Ar․da and mish ․abaˉni are danced with weapons and clearly have a marital character. Male la’ib (“play”) is somewhat lighter in nature. ‘Ard∙a Al-Baˉh∙a In general ‘ard․a is either performed with rifles, which are called bundiq (‚ˆ† ‫ا‬/‫ )ا †ˆق‬or sektuni, decorated sticks/spears, or jambiya/khanjar daggers that the men wear in a belt around their waists (Fig. 17.3).5 A group enters the performance area holding the weapons, both arms extended upward and pushing outward and waving their arms together, which is a celebrated “Baˉ․ha” dance move. As they march to the rapid pulse (over MM ♩ = 130) in two parallel lines, they perform a step known as naqla (‚ˆ ‫ )ا‬where one places the right foot forward, then brings the right knee up, then back down, followed by the left foot forward, left knee up, back down, and so forth, somewhat like a skip in that there are two pulses on each leg. Participants stop and form a circle or semi-circle and the bad’–radd fashion of performance ensues between solo poet and group. During their response, when the drums have re-entered, group participants sing and lift their knees to the rhythm, two beats each leg in the manner of their procession. Individual dancers jump and skip in support of the proud texts. The drums die down and another poet begins reciting, challenging the first with his cleverness and the eloquence of his words, and as with the first poet, the drumming and dancing interject throughout the sung poetry (Ex. 17.4).

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FIGURE 17.3  Ba¯h ․a

men performing ‘ard․a al-baˉ․ ha (Photograph courtesy of Mr. Mohammed Babelli)

‘Ard ․a of Baˉh ․a can be performed with two different rhythmic modes that are often manifested in the maradd, second zıˉr, part (Ex. 17.2; Ex. 17.3).

EX. 17.2  One

of the Baˉh ․a ‘ard․a rhythmic modes

Baˉh ․a ‘ard․a rhythm pattern as performed by drummers affiliated with the Zahraˉn tribe, 2012

EX. 17.3 Second

EX. 17.4  A

Zahraˉni poet’s solo melody of Baˉh ․a ‘ard․a

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29

La’ib al-baˉ․ha

La’ib al-baˉ․ha (‚Š† ‫ ) „‡ ا‬is a quick, exciting, aerobic step dance that regularly lasts over fifteen minutes, leaving the participants panting, perspiring, and in past times, regularly fainting from exhaustion. It is a weaponless dance, and technically, not as militaristic as as ‘ard․a or mish․abaˉni. But it is like ‘ard․a in that the two poets compete. The tribal men form two facing lines and standing close together, elbow to elbow, interact with the poet in a bad’–radd manner. When the percussion enters and the participants chant their response, they quickly bounce up and down, all the while limply holding their empty hands before themselves, as if they are loosely wielding the reigns of a running camel or horse. (Occasionally, they might wield weapons.) Hoots and cheers accompany the solo dancers who demonstrate great agility, hopping and leaping. Then there is calm again as the next poet sings. The bass zıˉr plays on the downbeat, and at points in the dance, the lined men will raise their hands high near their faces and clap on the “upbeat” or bend their knees and dip down moving against the bass pulse (Ex. 17.5). The participants often conclude with a quasi ‘ard․a dance, weapons drawn, and marching in a raised-knee skip.

EX. 17.5  Baˉh ․a

la’ib polyrhythm pattern

Mish․abaˉni is like ‘ard․a and la’ib in its bad’–radd style and essence of competition. The texts are judged for their rhyme and emotional content. Like la’ib dancers, men may hold their hands in front of their midsections, and they bounce up and down with the footsteps. However, since dancers’ arms are intertwined and the tempo is slower (MM ♩ = 108, rather than the ♩ = 130 of la’ib; Ex. 17.6), the hands are more stable and move in a rocking motion as opposed to the loose flop seen in la’ib. Another difference is that in ‘ard․a and la’ib the last verse of the poem

EX. 17.6  Mishabaˉni

polyrhythm of Baˉh ․a

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is taken up by the dancers and repeated, but in mish․abaˉni, the two ranks sing different sections of the verses in an antiphonal fashion, or repeat each line after one another. The dance step entails: right foot forward then back, left foot up then down (a little like khut․wa), and there is a hagh’a-like pause/raise of the left foot. The rows are usually long and straight. Although many Saudis tend to associate mish․abaˉni with Baˉh ․a Province, mish․abaˉni is also performed in the mountain town of Bani Malik in Jıˉzaˉn Province on the Yemen border.

Mish ․abaˉni Poem of the Zahraˉn tribe Poet Daghsaˉn Al-Ghaˉmdi Bad’/Call: Group 1 Oh you, Beautiful with those eyes, said Daghsaˉn One time, it is your delicious lips and another, it is your body I see all when you arrive in Baˉh ․a, smiling and waving As the tree leaves follow you Radd/Response: Group 2 Oh God, may she be protected from harm I see her beautiful body and I freeze She’s like a gun bullet that has branded him And once she is revealed, the pretty gazelles shyly hide [etc.]

‫ا †ء‬ ˆ ‫ل دن ز أه‘ ذي‬ ‫–… ˜و— –• وا „د ن‬ ™ّ‫ه†› ˆر ا †Š ™ و‬     ‫هى‬  ‫وا رق‬ ‫ا د‬ ˆ ‫ ه†Ÿ ž… و ا ذي‬  ¡ ّ ‫ د ن‬ ‫‘ ا „‡ إ‬ ™ّ‫ ™ و‬££‫ ر‬¤ ‘‫ه‬ ّ ً ‘‫آ‬ „ …ž …ˆ (Daghsaˉn 2006)

Pastoral Music At private events and parties both men and women of Baˉh ․a dance khut․wa, and as in Asıˉr Province, the men’s steps are larger and more exaggerated than those of the women. The song genre raˉyyeh (of Bıˉ sha) is also very popular at Baˉh ․a samers held outside and men will sit in a circle and sing it, and dance khut․wa, and sometimes perform la’ib or martial arts. At women’s parties the most important art is women’s la’ib (which differs from that of the men, Ex. 17.7), but also khut․wa, and raˉyyeh․ bıˉsha. La’ib is a term used for both a dance move and for a song genre/rhythmic mode. Women can perform the khut․wa dance, in the same fashion as Asıˉri women, to la’ib or raˉyyeh․ music. Female ensembles tend to use only frame drums and a basic zıˉr. Historically, women performed on the thinner, lighter duff and the tribal women/guests at an event played these drums themselves as they danced (Fig. 17.4). Many community women still sing and drum today.

Women’s Wedding Traditions The Baˉh ․a traditional wedding structure is similar to that of the Asıˉr. There is a Henna Night of preparation, then the official wedding day where the bride’s family welcomes the groom’s, and then a third day of festivities at the groom’s home following the consummation (Plate 28).

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FIGURE 17.4 Frame

drums of Baˉh ․a with leather heads that have split. Note the narrow rims and lightwood

Throughout the wedding festivities, there is much emphasis on “greeting of guests” rituals, referred to as tarh․ˉıbat al-d ․ayf (§¨ ‫)©Š†‚ ا‬, that includes abundant music and dance. On the Henna Night, the bride’s female family sings a special welcoming song to that of the visiting groom at which time a unique dance is offered, a women’s la’ib. This is similar to the baddaˉwi/ faras of the Najd and Gulf. The individual women skip and “charge” with one leg leading and one hand held high at head level, in a prominent fashion. But it differs from the Nadj/Gulf dance in that the Baˉh ․a woman’s posture is more upright with the chest elevated, they do not toss their hair, and the rhythm is somewhat slower thereby making the steps smaller, more like paces than skips. In the welcoming song a soloist sings one line and then the other family members repeat after her, at which time the light duff frame drums enter and or women clap along to the refrain. There are many high, loud sounds of ululation and encouragement that accompany the dance. The Baˉh ․a welcoming song is as follows: Greeting of Guests Greetings, like the greeting at rain time In a country where one is joyous and their neighbor is joyous Our house has been blessed by your presence, and in our house the universe flourishes Great greetings at the flood with passing flowers By the number of clouds that have appeared and the spreading of the color green Greetings in our benevolent country; in your presence, happiness has increased and joy has reached our skies

Chapter 17: Bıˉsha and Baˉh∙a Arts  309

‫‚ آ… † اري «ك‬ ..‫‚  ¬ن  ا ••‘ و ا ن‬... ..® ‫ Š† ©Š†‚ ˆ ا‬ ..‫ و „ ا ¯ر‬°± ‫ž… د© ©„ ا‬ ..‫ˆ „ ا ¬ن‬² …ž ‫–žŸ  ƒ•ˆ و‬ ..‫ Š† Š‘ ˆ ا ‘ —زهر آن‬ ..‫ أ«¨ ا ن‬³²‫أاد  ه‘ ™ و ا‬ .. Ÿ£‫ « ž… و¬™ زادت ا •Š‚ و‬µ‫ Š† ž… د©ˆ آ‬ Baˉh∙a Zaffa Procession With the arrival of the wedding day, there is a grand procession (zaffa) after Asr prayer (afternoon, ca 3pm) with singing and ululation, as friends and family accompany the bride (who historically was on camelback) to the groom’s house. When they reach their destination, the men and women segregate into different areas to continue with the festivities: men often celebrate in the village square or other large outdoor area. The bride, followed by her close female family members, enters the home (presently, it might be a banquet hall) in a continuation of the outdoor zaffa procession to the sound of women’s la’ib music.6 When the bride arrives at her seat, both families stand back and provide her space so she can easily face her guests and visitors. On this night the groom’s female family sing a la’ib song to the bride’s family with courteous words of praise and welcome (Ex. 17.7). Since traditionally this party would be held in the groom’s home, this song is actually a response to the welcoming song that the bride’s family sang to his kin on the Henna Night. The groom enters some time after the bride and sits next to her, and family members dance and parade in front of the couple. The two mothers-in-law dance together, waving their hands towards one another as a sign of greeting (a typical Baˉ․ha move). They publicly display friendship and their new family bond.

EX. 17.7  Baˉh ․a

women’s la’ib polyrhythm used for a zaffa procession

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NOTES 1 Because a variety of peoples live in the Bıˉsha region, such as the Qah ․․t aˉn, Shahraˉn, and Baˉni Malik, other arts exist there, some of which are found in the Asıˉr proper, such as midgaˉl. 2 Campbell (1999, 51) commented on “Bıˉsha women” dancing at the Janadriya Festival, “Some of them loosened their long hair and swung it from side to side as they hopped.” This is the style of Najdi women’s badaˉwi/faras dance. 3 For an overview of Baˉh ․a see Sayaˉyrıˉ (2004). 4 “Mis․qaˉ’ ” merely means that the drum serves to “accent.”The Baˉh ․a mis․qaˉ’ might be a small kettledrum or a frame drum, but this should not be confused with the mis․qaˉ’ of the Hijaz, which is a very small frame drum. 5 Among the Ghaˉmid and Zahraˉn tribes one will often find the longer daggers with a length between that of a knife and a sword. Even in 1945 Thesiger (1947, 189) noticed men of these tribes, “wearing long sword knives . . .” 6 In twenty-first-century weddings there is usually no outdoor procession.

18 ˉN MUSIC AND DANCE JIˉZA

FIGURE 18.1  Map

of Jıˉzaˉn Province

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Jıˉzaˉn (‫ ان‬, also Jaˉzaˉn ‫زان‬, Jizan, Gıˉzan, Gazan, DJıˉzaˉn), an area inhabited for at least a millennia, has served as a stopping place for pilgrimage caravans to and from Sana’a. It is situated in the southern most Saudi province bordering Yemen, across the Red Sea from Eritrea (Fig. 18.1). The topography is diverse, and along with a hot seacoast, includes fertile plains, forests, and mountains. Agriculture has long been important for livelihood, and it has been estimated that up to 75 percent of Jıˉzaˉnis have been involved in the profession of farming (Jazan 2003). Into the twenty-first century, through the mass production of grains and other crops, Jıˉzaˉn has gained the title: “Bread Basket of the Kingdom.” Date palm farming and animal husbandry also provide means of support for those of the foothills and mountains. Since the sea runs along Jıˉzaˉn’s longest border (ca 300 km) fishing and other maritime activities have also had a major impact on regional peoples. In the past pearl diving was based from the port city of Jıˉzaˉn, as was salt mining: the commercial mine has an open salt face that is five meters thick. The diversity of the land and consequential related labor throughout the fourteen towns of Jıˉzaˉn Province, along with interaction with other cultures—there are many Somali and Eritrean descendants in Jıˉzaˉn—has spurred the development of several categories and genres of traditional music. Jıˉzaˉni herders sing light tunes and play flutes (mizmaˉr), seamen offer shanties, mountain tribesmen perform unaccompanied group battle arts. But it is those of the Tihaˉma, the coastal area, who most represent the region with their rapid-fire stomping dances and vibrant drumming (Plate 29). Indeed, there is more variety in drum pitch and polyrhythm in Jıˉzaˉn than found anywhere else in the Kingdom.

ˉNI HERITAGE BOX 18.1  M  OHAMMED BIN AHMAD AL-’AQIˉLI: JIˉZA SPECIALIST The most extensive initial research on the traditional arts of Jıˉzaˉn was conducted by Mohammed Bin Ahmad Al-‘Aqıˉli (‫)   أ ا‬, born in S∙ibyaˉ’ City of Jıˉzaˉn Province, May 9, 1918. For his livelihood, he worked for the Jıˉzaˉn Ministry (1937) and for the Orphan Institute (1957), but was involved with the arts his entire life. He was a poet and researcher who recorded information that he acquired first hand as well as from his father and the many Sheikhs (elder leaders) of Jıˉzaˉn city. Of his thirty books, two volumes housed at Kind Saud University in Riyadh especially focus on traditional arts: Folk Literature of the South, parts 1 and 2 (see ‘Aqıˉli 1982).

Tihaˉma Collective Performance In many instances rhythm is the only musical element present or audible in the arts of the Jıˉzaˉn Tihaˉma. Many Jıˉzaˉnis assert the licit nature of their rhythmic art and boast that even religious mut․awwa’a, who often condemn music in other places in the Kingdom, welcome the percussive Jıˉzaˉni dances because they have no melody and therefore are less of a “diversion” from God. There are only two primary drum types in the Saudi Tihaˉma, the zıˉr and zalafa, which are basically the same as those of the Asıˉr, although the sea air causes the instruments to need more heating (Fig. 18.2). The zıˉr player is considered the key drummer (Fig. 18.3). Although in the Asıˉr foothills one drummer plays one zıˉr, in Jıˉzaˉn the norm is for one male to play from four to six instruments. Females might play just two zıˉr. Among men, the number of zıˉr is determined by the skill of

FIGURE 18.2  Drummers

FIGURE 18.3  Jı¯za¯n

heating their zˉır and zalafa by a fire in Jıˉzaˉn

zı¯r player. Each drum is of a different pitch

314  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

the performer, and a drummer with six is widely admired. Each zıˉr is pitched differently and has a distinct name according to its pitch: these designators can vary slightly from group to group. The percussionist will arrange the zıˉr before him/herself, changing the position of the pitched drums throughout the evening based on the genre to be performed. Three zalafa ( ‫ )ا‬sizes are used in Jıˉzaˉn, but often in men’s ensembles six or more zalafa are played simultaneously, sometimes each with its own rhythm or variation (Plate 30). Jıˉzaˉni women bands usually include two zalafa. In either case the individual drum names are slightly different than those of Asıˉris (see Chapter 16). Women drummers might often call all zalafa simply ga’ib ( ‫)ا‬. Nevertheless, the function of the drums remains the same in both provinces: the main pulse is played on the small zalafa, the counter rhythm on the mid-sized ․sah․fa, and the accenting sound is produced on the large ga’ib. The only melodic instrument in a traditional band will be the end-blown flute, referred to as “mizmaˉr” as in Asıˉr.1 However, the flute, the instrument of shepherds, is only used to accompany the non-martial, pastoral arts such as ․tarq and ma’asha.

Folk Troupes Almost all who are from the Tihaˉma lowlands know how to dance the vigorous line dances of Jıˉzaˉn. Even if one is no longer youthful or fit, he/she will still often join in with great zest and pride. As is the case elsewhere in the Kingdom, in recent decades local men have formed official folk troupes and in public performances, these groups take the lead. Of the sixteen traditional bands registered in 2013 with the Jıˉzaˉn branch of SASCA, thirteen of them are of the colorful fast-stepping lowland type, while three are sea bands.2 The dances are performed at weddings, religious festivals, and in the past, especially at the famed young-adult male circumcisions. In Jıˉzaˉn most of those who sing and dance publically for pay are not of “asıˉl” lineage.

ˉN BOX 18.2  TRADITIONAL FOLK TROUPE DRESS OF JIˉZA In Jıˉzaˉn the dress of elders and those who want to represent regional pride has three main parts: the iza ˉ r (‫ )إزار‬or fuˉt∙a (“towel,”  ), which is a sarong-like cloth that is often striped, wrapped around the waist; the shmaˉgh (‫ )اغ‬head scarf, which is wrapped around the crown and rolled with fresh smelling herbs; and a fitted jacked, shamıˉz (‫)ا‬. Traditionally, dress is important in Jıˉzaˉn and he/she with the most beautiful outfit will catch the eye of all the others (Plate 30). Male folk troupes wear traditional clothing with izaˉrs that have bright colors related to the natural environment. In lieu of this they may add a vibrant vest to their daily white thobes. Fastened around the waist is a belt for the jambiya and often across the chest is a cross belt. Drummers have no weapons.

Dance As in Asıˉr Province, in Tihaˉma long lines of men dance facing forward and step or march in unison while soloists or small groups perform intricate physical moves. The act of leaving the line and serving as a featured dancer is known as t’arıˉsha (
). Jıˉzaˉni dancers are considered quite impressive both physically and artistically. They engage in elaborate synchronized moves

Chapter 18: Jıˉzaˉn Music and Dance  315

and, while outdoors in extreme heat, dance at a quick pace, dipping, kicking, and stabbing their weapons into the air for relatively lengthy periods. Jıˉzaˉni coastal dancing is the most spectacular in the Kingdom.

Jıˉza–ni Arts The coastal militaristic genres, which lead at public festivals and national events, include sayf, jıˉzaˉni ‘ard․a, jaysh, ‘azzaˉwi, damma/dil’a, and zaˉmil. Sayf, ‘ard․a, and ‘azzaˉwi entail only drumming and dancing without singing. However, sometimes the group adds some simple sung melodic phrases in unison, for instance one might find this in jaysh. Nevertheless, because of the loud drumming, the voices are difficult to hear, and thus the song is often omitted as a matter of course. The arts, referred to locally as laown (‫ن‬, color, plural alwaˉn, ‫)اان‬, that have metaphorical or romantic lyrics are rabsh (khut․wa), zayfa, ma’asha, and ․tarq. In the mountainous regions of the province there are also tribal genres like zaˉmil, razfa, and mish․abaˉni as found in other southwest locales. The following include some of the more substantial arts of various categories: ••

••

••

••

••

Martial a. sayf  ‫ا‬ َ b. jaysh ­€‫ا‬ c. ‘ard․a ‚‫ا‬ d. ‘azzaˉwi ‫…اوي‬ e. damma/dil’a †‫د‬ “Love” Arts a. rabsh/khut․wa ­‫ر‬ b. zayfa
‫ز‬ c. ma’asha ˆ d. t․arq ‫اŠق‬ Tribal Mountain Arts a. zaˉmil ‹ ‫اا‬ b. razfa ‫از‬ c. mish․abaˉni ŒŽ  ‫ا‬ Other Arts a. daˉn/daˉna Œ‫دا‬ b. zaˉr ‫اار‬ Sea Music a. kaˉsir al-bah․ri

Martial Musical Arts a. Sayf ( ‫ا‬ َ , “sword”) is a standard military music art of Jıˉzaˉn that usually features a pair of solo dancers. It encourages warriors and manifests dignity and pride. There is just drumming, perhaps with chanted words of praise or pride, which are adjusted according to the occasion or individuals who are being honored. Folk troupes often enter the venue marching to a Jıˉzaˉni ‘ard․a. Then the stomping men form a long forward-facing line (or large circle) standing shoulder to shoulder. Commonly there are at least twenty men performing but hundreds can join in from the general audience, in which case many new, shorter lines will develop around the venue.

30

‘Azzaˉwi and rabsh

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In sayf groups of two but sometimes up to six men or boys step forward and through synchronized dance, display their fighting abilities and strength, for instance dipping down on one leg while stabbing their weapons in the air. During part of the dance the men may turn and face each other, continuing with their matching moves. Then they recede as others take their place. Because it is exhausting, the featured dancing is brief and last less than sixty seconds. However, if the males are fit and motivated, and many sub-groups take part, a sayf performance can last for almost an hour. The movement is contained within a limited space; there is no leaping and running as found in the Asıˉri genres, so there is no need for a large area. b. Jaysh (­€‫ ا‬, “army”) is considered the most spectacular dance of Jıˉzaˉn. Teams leave the dance line and form regiments, that is, several small groups of five or so men who stand near to one another. Sometimes there is just one battalion, and the dancers space themselves out equidistantly, and in such a case the unit looks something like a large group in a sayf dance (which can be all the more confusing since both sayf and jaysh have a similar 6/8 meter; Ex. 18.1). The males dance in unison with complicated steps, dipping, jumping from foot to foot, swinging their legs out, and brandishing their weapons in a fast overhanded, stabbing motion. The drummers watch the dancers closely and accent their moves.

EX. 18.1  Jıˉzaˉni

jaysh polyrhythmic pattern

Onlookers admire jaysh for both for its fighting spirit and the great athleticism and coordination it elicits. Sometimes the larger line group will sing a simple refrain. In jaysh the linesmen stomp strongly when they march in place, like ‘ard․a, and exude virility and a great feeling of power (Fig. 18.4). c. ‘Ard ․a of Jıˉzaˉn (‚‫ )ا‬is to a great extent a march that was regularly performed as part of the infamous Jıˉzaˉni circumcision ceremonies, where large chunks of a male’s skin were removed as he stood bravely before a crowd, proving he could withstand pain. In ‘ard ․a there are no words, just drums. The men line up into one or two columns, each facing the back of the one in front of him. They move like soldiers in unison with a hard step, striking the ground firmly, making a rhythmic sound with their feet: right, left, right, left knee high, followed by left, right, left, right knee high. Swords, sticks, or jambiya are in their raised right hands. Led by a skilled dancer, the moving group will watch for cues to alter their steps so that together they may all dip or stab their weapons into the air. The men usually march in a circle and then will stop, face an audience if there is one, and form semi-circles or rows, one in front of the other, something like a marching battalion. They continue to move in place to the drumming. At a special event or circumcision ceremony, later into the dance, a poet might interrupt and sing some words in praise of the dedicatee or his family, and then the marching will resume (Fig. 18.5).

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FIGURE 18.4  Jı¯za¯n

jaysh regiment

FIGURE 18.5  Jı¯za¯ni

‘ard․a march in front of a traditional lowland hut in Jıˉzaˉn City

d. ‘Azzaˉwi (‫ )…اوي‬is one of the oldest line dances of Jıˉzaˉn. This war dance/rhythm without song or lyrics is considered historic and powerful, being one that instills motivation and courage. The group dancers approach the venue in single file lines, one man following the other, marching in an energized, almost hopping, high skip fashion, two beats on each leg. They form a long forward-facing stationary rank.

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The focus of ‘azzaˉwi is on the solo dancers. Like sayf, individuals take turns performing, although in ‘azzaˉwi, only one male dances at a time. He must closely follow the beat and hold his jambiya in a strong downward, stabbing position (Ex. 18.2). He engages in the most difficult, nimble moves, such as quickly squatting far down so that his bottom touches his heels, or thrusting his chest abruptly forward and back, which calls for great flexibility of the spine as it bends contortedly. Thus, although ‘azzaˉwi is attempted by men of a mature age, it is considered best when performed by children and young males. Indeed, males (fifteen to twenty-five years old) traditionally danced it at their own circumcision parties. In the twenty-first century, usually only the best dancers in the group will attempt ‘azzaˉwi. Each will offer five to six moves before he retreats or one lone dancer may dance, march in place to catch his breath, and then resume his moves. The command to instruct a young man to do the ‘azzaˉwi dance is “ti’azwa,” that is, “do ‘azzaˉwi” (Fig. 18.6).

FIGURE 18.6 ‘Azzaˉwi

solo dancer. The curved jambiya plays an important part in the dancing, and even if the weapon is not present, as here, the dancer must move his arm as if brandishing one. Since the dancers gyrate their limbs at such fast speeds, these sharp knives can place the performers and their band mates in a fair amount of danger

Chapter 18: Jıˉzaˉn Music and Dance  319

EX. 18.2  ‘Azza ˉwi

rhythm pattern of Jıˉzaˉn

e. The damma/dil‘a of Jıˉzaˉn ( ‫ ا‬، †‫ )د‬is comparable to that of Asıˉr. A poet stands in the middle of those who have gathered around and he sings verses, repeating a phrase until it is memorized and taken up by the group. The drummers enter, and the dance, with weapons, proceeds (Ex. 18.3). The participants may initially walk in a circle before forming a long forward-facing line, all the while singing (damma/dil‘a is sometimes used as a procession song). Functionally it is something like Jıˉzaˉni zaˉmil (but with excited drumming), both because it is sung by an advancing group, and also because the texts are adapted for specific occasions. It should be noted that the term dil‘a is also used for a purely poetic art (Aqˉılˉı 1982; Baˉghaffaˉr 1994, 328).

EX. 18.3  Damma/dil’a

rhythm pattern. There are two zˉır players for this genre, each on one drum

“Love” Arts a. Rabsh (­‫ )ر‬is comparable to the khut․wa (‫ )ا“Šة‬of Asıˉr and Baˉh ․a but with more zıˉr drum color (Plate 31). Some call it the “khut․wa of Jıˉzaˉn,” and near the Jıˉzaˉn Mountains it is actually called khut․wa. It is performed especially in the summer at nighttime during samra parties. The lyrics tend to include much metaphor related to love. A poet, choosing from many melodies, begins singing unaccompanied, then the choir of men/women enters, followed by the drummers and the dance. The performers can link arms (as in Asıˉri khuˉtwa) or put their arms around one another’s waists (as in Asıˉr rabkha) as they step forward and back. In the 1980s, the Saudi singer Mohammad ‘Abdu recorded some well-loved rabsh. The word “rabsh” describes someone who is always rushing and taking action without thinking. A “fast” man, one who overreacts is called “barbuˉsh.” That being said, the rabsh genre is not an overly excited dance, at least not compared to the martial dances of Jıˉzaˉn (Ex. 18.4).

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EX. 18.4  Rabsh

(Jıˉzaˉni khu․twa) rhythm pattern

b. Zayfa (
‫ (ز‬is an art that has text mostly about love. Like rabsh it is performed during the long summer nights, late in the evening. The primary footwork follows the zıˉr beat, and as in Asıˉr, dancers watch the zıˉr drummer and follow him/her. The dancers link arms (and might hold a stick in their right hand) and step forward left, right, then back right, left, a bit like khut․wa. The formation is a long forward-facing line with a gap in the middle where the poet stands and sings along with the drumming, often creating his texts on the spot (Ex. 18.5).

EX. 18.5  Jıˉzaˉni

zayfa rhythm pattern

c. Ma’asha ( ˆ ) means “after Isha” prayer (ca 8 pm) which is when this art is performed. It is considered a light dance with soft melodies and a calm rhythm (Ex. 18.6). Often an endblown flute (mizmaˉr) accompanies the singing, though in recent times some bands add an org or even an uˉd to replace or embellish upon the traditional flute part. Ma’asha is a favorite in samra gatherings where the heads of each tribe will sit together and talk and listen to the music. The performing men will stand in rows and link arms, and as with zayfa, perhaps hold a sword or stick in their right hand. The moves are simple. In time with the beat, dancers raise one knee, then the other, bending down slightly when they lower each leg. In days past, men and women danced ma’asha together. The texts are often flirty and use the moon and stars as metaphors. d. T ․ arq (‫اŠق‬, or fann al-t․arq, i.e., the art of ․tarq) is viewed primarily as a poetic genre, but one that is presented with singing and humming. It also serves as an introduction to dance genres like ‘azzaˉwi. A poet-singer, who is required to have a beautiful voice, may or may not be accompanied by a flute or a substitute org or uˉd. Also softly accompanying the voice is an

EX. 18.6  Ma’asha

rhythm pattern of Jıˉzaˉn

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unobtrusive zıˉr rhythm and a male choir. The instruments and choir are viewed as “background” sounds, since all must hear and focus on the poet’s words. The poems of ․tarq are far ranging and can deal with anything from love to tribal pride.

Tribal Mountain Arts a. Tribal peoples of inner Jıˉzaˉn Province, far from the sea, perform zaˉmil ( ‹ ‫ )اا‬in a similar manner to tribes of Asıˉr, Baˉh ․a, and Najraˉ n Provinces. Zaˉmil is a large group procession of men in long forward-facing lines singing a simple, high-pitched tune with text specific to the occasion. In Jıˉzaˉn, zaˉmil is well known among the mountain tribes of Faifa ( )3 and the Bani Khuli village, along with others. Jıˉzaˉni peoples of the Tihaˉma coast, those represented by most folk troupes, perform a type of zaˉmil with drums. If they are marching, the zıˉr player holds his drum under his arm or in his hand, like the Najraˉ ni drummers. The rhythm is slow and less complicated than that of most other Jıˉzaˉni line dances. A solo singer, with a microphone if available—needed because of the volume of the drums—stands before the forward-facing ensemble line and sings verses that the men take up. While repeating the phrases, the men march in place, especially raising their right knees and right arms high in synchronicity. If tribesmen are present, they will stand before the group and fire rifles into the air, which is also a tradition found in mountain and Najran zaˉmil. b. Razfa ( ‫ )از‬is found in the Al-’Abaˉdel Mountains of Jıˉzaˉn Province (‫ )Žل اŽدل‬which lie east of Jıˉzaˉn city, near the Yemen border (Fig. 18.1). Like the Najraˉ ni razfa, ‘Abaˉdel razfa is performed without drums, just voices, and is comprised of two lines of men each taking a turn advancing on the other line which remains stationary. The performers who are from tribes (as․ˉıl) usually wear their traditional dress (with izaˉr and jacket). The first line begins with three hard swinging stomps of the right foot (like a horse pawing the ground) and then the men move forward with small shuffled steps while bouncing their interlocked arms up and down so that it appears as if they are holding reigns. When they are within a few feet of the second line, the men of the first line all lean forward and outstretch their right arms in a sword attack thrusting motion. They do this twice and then recede with the shuffle step, and then the second line approaches the first in the same fashion. While moving, each line sings a hypnotic chant in which each short verse ends with a long sustained note.4 c. Mish․abaˉni (ŒŽ  ‫ )ا‬is an art that many people of the Kingdom associate with tribes around Baˉh ․a such as the Ghaˉmid and Zahraˉn; however, there is also a version of it in the mountain village of Bani Maˉlik, which is 150 km from Jıˉzaˉn city near the Yemen border.

Other Arts a. Daˉn or daˉna (Œ‫ )اا‬is described by the elder daˉn specialist Ibrahim Muftah ․ as “a very, very deep art on Farasaˉn islands,” but one that is in its, “last stages towards death” (2013). Daˉn is a social music with a soloist and refrain-singing choir that is performed at private gatherings. It is not like daˉna of the Hijaz, which is a completely different genre category. Farasaˉn daˉn features an a cappella singer, and local women have a particularly impressive daˉn in which they play frame drums and sing.5 Consisting of about eight song types daˉn is named after its choral refrain “daˉna, daˉna,” similar to that found in the H ․ ad․ramaut of Yemen. (Note, some use the word “daˉn” to generically mean “arts,” or “genres”; for instance, one may refer to fisherman songs as “sea daˉn” (Serjeant 1951, 427).) Male daˉn in Jıˉzaˉn Province, on the mainland, might be accompanied by zıˉr and zalafa. In one kind of daˉn a poet stands before a dancing group and

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sings three of the six verses of his daˉn texts, repeating them until they are memorized by the group, at which point he sings the last three verses. Then, the group starts singing the poet’s first three verses (which they have learned now by rote), to which the poet dances. He stops and sings the last three verses and the choir repeats the process. b. Another art of Jizaˉn is zaˉr (‫)اار‬. Because of the proximity to Africa, zaˉr ceremonies affiliated with spirit possession especially survive in Jıˉzaˉn, although they are frowned upon by most tribesmen. Many zaˉr songs have a slow, hypnotic rhythmic mode and participants will line dance to the beat, linking arms, moving up and down, two steps on each foot (Ex. 18.7).6

EX. 18.7  Rhythm

pattern played in zaˉr songs of Jıˉzaˉn

ˉMAT ASIˉR AND BOX 18.3  C  OMPARISON BETWEEN TIHA ˉ ˉ JI ZAN COASTAL ARTS The clothing style, weapons, instruments, and some of the dances and rhythms of Jıˉzaˉn are similar to those found in the mid-mountain Tihaˉmat Asıˉr. This is because of the proximity (the Jıˉzaˉn north borders Asıˉr), and the centuries-long interaction between the coastal and mountain people. Both use the zıˉr, zalafa, and mizmaˉr instruments, although in Asıˉr there are fewer drums and in the twenty-first century only the Asıˉri percussionists wear the izaˉr and shmaˉgh wrapped around the head. Dancers from both provinces brandish jambiya and perform line moves with featured soloists. The names for some genres are shared (‘ard∙a, sayf, jaysh, damma, khut∙wa, ∙tarq) and in some cases the rhythmic modes and dances between the two peoples are similar, especially khut∙wa/rabsh and damma (triple feel). In some Jıˉzaˉni women’s wedding songs, Asıˉr is even mentioned. Still, the overall styles of the two regions are quite distinct. Jıˉzaˉn dance is far more agitated and percussive, while that of the Asıˉr features running and leaping gazelle-like soloists and music that is melodic and smooth with greater emphasis on texts. By far, those of the temperate mountains and those of the hot lowlands do not consider themselves musically bonded.

Sea Music The musical genres of the sea communities are quickly becoming extinct. Seamen had work shanties and recreational songs, but as their professions died out and the Jıˉzaˉni pearl divers ceased to exist, sea music naturally dwindled. Traditional arts have also undergone much recent modification on the islands, especially on Farasaˉn Island where rhythmic modes including those of the Farasaˉn daˉna have been contemporized (Ghizaˉ wıˉ 2012). Sea bands of Jıˉzaˉn are comprised of between fifteen and thirty men who wear a checkered izaˉr wrap around their waists, similar to the traditional seamen of the Arabian Gulf (Fig. 18.7). They clap when they perform in an interlocking fashion, although not as robustly as the Gulf musicians. Today sea songs can be heard at maritime festivals and formal sailboat race ceremonies.

Chapter 18: Jıˉzaˉn Music and Dance  323

FIGURE 18.7  Jıˉzaˉni

sea musicians

The primary sea drum is the treble-sized barrel kaˉsir (•–‫)ا‬, also found in Yemen and Oman and among Incoming arts of the Gulf. It is struck on both sides, one with an open hand and the other with a stick. The haˉwan (‫ )هون‬brass or sometimes glass mortar is played held in one hand and also hit with a stick on the outside of the body. A second idiophone, a large metal tray/ shallow bowl (t․asht ˜Š‫)ا‬, is held against the chest like a zalafa and is played with two sticks inward, toward the body. If seated, the ․tasht is placed on the ground and sticks strike downward. Along with this core group are several players of the duffuˉf ( ‫اف‬, thin frame drums), with the drummers holding their instruments with an overhanded grip. Sea bands are known for performing a music genre known as kaˉsir al-bah․ri (“sea kaˉsir,” ‫)ا–• اŽ ي‬. A version of these songs in triple meter with an accompanying male dance is important at traditional weddings, especially during the building of a wedding awning on the afternoon of the marriage celebration (Fig. 18.8). Kaˉsir pieces are popular inland as well as near the sea, as they are found in such villages as Abu Arish between Jıˉzaˉn city and the Jıˉzaˉn waˉdi. Long ago those of the sea community also performed a type of zaˉmil before they went pearl diving.

Women’s Arts Traditional Jıˉzaˉni female bands perform on the zıˉr and zalafa like the men, but will use the ․tasht (metal plate), which is considered an old-fashioned instrument. They hold it against their chest and tap it with metal rings on their fingers, producing a unique sound. Sometimes women will also play the duff frame drum. The ․taˉr of the Najd is not considered a regional instrument, although it has found its way into some female ensembles since the 1990s. Wedding celebrations in Jıˉzaˉn take place over a few days and are elaborate and include a great variety of arts.7 Some of the leading genres of women performed at wedding parties include:

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FIGURE 18.8  Wedding

platform of a Jıˉzaˉn bride

a. t․ab’a †ŽŠ‫ا‬ b. khamra ‫ا“ة‬ c. maghni ˆš›‫ا‬ d. s․aff œ‫ا‬ e. h․aml ‹ ‫ا‬ f. takhyila “ž‫ا‬ g. zah․fa  ‫ا‬ h. sayf  ‫ا‬ i. tanshıˉr šž‫ا‬ Of this list zah․fa is found among both men and women. Likewise, women’s sayf is similar to that of the male art. During sayf, women hold jambiya daggers and thrust them downward in a quick motion as they stomp and dance around the bride. Tanshıˉr is one of the more unique arts of Jıˉzaˉn. The women maintain an erect posture as they stand in lines and slowly move clockwise. They engage in a variety of fast upper body “shimmy” moves, particularly they bounce the chest in a rapid pulsing manner, thrusting it back and forth so it almost looks as if the dancers are provocatively panting for breath. Some singers put their arms upwards and fan out their fingers.

Chapter 18: Jıˉzaˉn Music and Dance  325

ˉ MA BOX 18.4  “AFRICAN” DRUMMERS OF THE TIHA Although tribal musical performers are still appreciated, paid drummers tend to be fringe tribal members or descendants of African slaves or immigrants of a lower social status.8 In 1982 Anderson Bakewell, who was in the Yemen Tihaˉma, placed drummers into the social group variously call “servants,” akhdaˉm (‫)أ¡ام‬, h∙abashıˉ (Ž, Ethiopian), or aswad (‫أ•د‬, black): “Drumming, considered by the Tihaˉmah Arab to have strong associations with Africa, is generally the domain of the Akhdaˉm, while it is acceptable that other instruments . . . are taken up by a former slave (‘abd) or even a tribesman (qabıˉlıˉ).” He states that the akhdaˉm: . . . are spread throughout the Yemen, where they live very much outside the traditional tribal structure. Not allowed to marry into the tribes, nor own land, they dwell in isolated quarters outside the walls of most large Tihaˉmah towns, where they are engaged as entertainers, porters in the suˉq, and street sweepers. The origins of the Akhdaˉm are the subject of ample speculation by both Arab and European observers. They causally trace their own ancestry to Africa. (1985, 105, fn. 12)

NOTES 1 Bakewell refers to the reed flute (end-blown flute) as qas․aba and reed pipes as mizmaˉ r (1985, 104). 2 Although singer-uˉdists like Mohammad ‘Abdu were born in Jıˉzaˉn, uˉd music is not considered part of traditional Jıˉzaˉni culture, and in the early twenty-first century, along with the org, was just starting to infiltrate wedding gatherings (Jizan 2012). 3 Faifa is not like coastal Jıˉzaˉn. A verdant area with perennial trees, it rests 110 km to the northeast of Jıˉzaˉn city. “No one here [in Jıˉzaˉn] can understand their accent, even people from Farasaˉn Island. It doesn’t sound like Arabic” (Jizan 2012). 4 Razfa/razıˉf is a southern art also found in the Gulf. See Chapter 2. 5 Culturally, Farasaˉn is distinct from the mainland, and although Farasaˉn Island is not far from Africa, African descendents are not substantial. Islanders assert that African music and culture has had only a minor impact on their society (Farasaˉn 2014). 6 Bakewell (1985, 119) describes a zaˉr ceremony in the Yemen Tihaˉmat. 7 For more details on Jıˉzaˉni wedding structures, see Ba¯ghaffa¯r (1994, 329–338) and Aqıˉlıˉ (1982). 8 Christensen and Castelo-Branco (2009) mention African-descended drummers who play a significant role in Omani music.

19 ˉN MUSICAL ASPECT OF NAJRA

Najraˉ n (‫)ان‬1 is the term used to identify the great southern province, its main town, and primary waˉdi. Najraˉ n differs vastly from the other southwest areas in that it is not mountainous or coastal, but rather an oasis that rests near an extensive strip of the Yemen border, with the Asıˉr Mountains in the west and the great sand desert of the Empty Quarter to the east. The capital city of Najraˉ n is most fertile. During the two-month rainy season mountain water that flows through its waˉdis is collected by the Najraˉ ni wells, which proudly never run dry. Because of the high concentration of sediments, the area is rich in agriculture, boasting a myriad of crops, from bananas to potatoes, with notable grapes and oranges. Historically, dates were the most cultivated produce. Into the twenty-first century over 70 percent of the population work in the agricultural sector, and today many still survive through semi-nomadic means and are involved in animal husbandry. Najraˉ n is among the oldest settlements in Saudi Arabia, being first mentioned in the seventh century bce during a time when it served as an important stop on the incense route. In the fifth and sixth centuries, well before the time of the Prophet Mohammad, the population was primarily Christian, and at various times, significant Jewish communities have resided there as well. In the twenty-first century a preponderance of Najraˉ nis refer to themselves as Isma’ili Shia Muslims, and within the greater Sunni region, they are often singled out because of this. Nevertheless, a preponderance of Najraˉ nis are of the powerful Yaˉm tribe that stems from the prestigious Qah ․․t ˉa ni (their neighbors in the Asıˉr and Najd), and Najraˉ ni culture is held in esteem. Interestingly, Najraˉ ni Yaˉ m peoples manifest characteristics of both desert communities as well as those of the Asıˉr and Yemen mountains. Although influenced by Yemeni governance, Najraˉ n was autonomous in recent centuries until it came under Saudi jurisdiction in 1934.

Najraˉni Collective Arts The leading genres of Narjaˉ ni men that are still regularly performed include the tribal zaˉmil and gezawi, both of which are regional versions of the same forms found in the Asıˉr. Najraˉ nis also perform razfa, which differs slightly from that of the mountains of Jıˉzaˉn Province to Najraˉ n’s

Chapter 19: Musical Aspect of Najra– n  327

west. As seen elsewhere, men tend to sing these tribal genres in a higher vocal range, permitting the sound to carry for long distances. The genre most performed for enjoyment and dancing is that called la’ib, which has both male and female styles (Najran la’ib differs from those of Baˉ h ․a). Instruments are never played in official arts of tribesmen. Tribal people chant and sometimes produce a rhythmic pulse with their feet, but other than that, there are no external melodic or percussive sounds. Drums are not considered “respectable”; therefore, pieces without drums, like zaˉmil, are viewed as more befitting dignified events. If drums are present, for instance in arts like la’ib, the drummers are always non-tribal, usually African descendents. Drums include the tıˉraˉn and four zıˉr of differing sizes that are held under the arm or buttressed in the hand and are struck with one stick. This stick is shorter and thicker than those used on Asıˉr and Baˉ h ․a Province zıˉr drums (Plate 32)

Najran Genres a. Of all the arts, zaˉmil (‫ )اا‬holds a special place in Najraˉ ni culture. As an elder noted, “You will not find any male in Najraˉ n who does not know zaˉmil because it is part of our tribal life. Even the very young know how to perform it” (Najran 2012). Zaˉmil is a procession performed by large groups of men, sometimes thousands, who all move together in ranks that may be comprised of over a hundred men each. Individuals will dance before the larger group in a skipping “khayyaˉli” (‫ا‬, horse) fashion,2 firing guns or brandishing swords. There are no drums in zaˉmil, just the chanting voices of the men who repeat verses that are provided to them by a poet. They respond as two alternating choirs. Zaˉmil is normally performed as a tribe approaches a peace conference, gathering, or reception with another tribe. It stems from an era when there was much intertribal feuding and warfare, and consequently, the need for many episodes of reconciliation. There are set tunes and some of the text is standard, but most of the lyrics are adapted to fit the event, freely changed according to the purpose. For instance, at a wedding tribesmen will sing that they are from a certain faction and are bringing this gift of whatever it may be, and then describe it, include the name of the tribe they are visiting, and so forth. The Qah ․․t ˉa n tribe who live across the border in Yemen also perform some of the same zaˉmil songs that are popular in Najraˉ n. b. Gezaw‘i (‫ )او‬is a simple form, spread throughout the south, found in the Asıˉr and the Tihaˉ ma foothills as well as Najraˉ n. Arms are locked and lines take turns chanting unaccompanied easy melodies as they step to and fro with complicated footwork. Participants must know the dance well in order to take part, so as not to disturb the rest of the dancing line. c. Razfa ( ‫)از‬, also spelled raˉzfa (‫)ااز‬, is a collective music-dance performed at wedding celebrations and religious feasts. Two lines of men with their arms around one another’s waists or shoulders, wearing leather belts and jambiya daggers, face each another and antiphonally chant brief high-pitched verses that pertain to tribal or national pride, or romantic feelings of love and passion (Ex. 19.1). One line moves towards the other, and then retreats (a Najrani living in Kuwait said that it reminded him of Gulf fraysni). The stationary rank, keeping their feet close together, will bounce to the rhythm of the chant. Two or more soloists perform a mock

EX. 19.1  Najra ˉ ni

razfa melodic line

31

Zaˉmil of Najran

328  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

battle dance in the middle of the group. They prance somewhat like horses and imitate a fight with each other wielding swords, knives, or sticks in their raised right hand. Razfa historically was performed without drums, just vocal chanting, though some add a percussion team. However, a razfa is considered much more dignified and representative of tribal traditions when it is offered without instruments. d. La’ib ( ) is also known as muraˉfa’ ( ‫ )ا ا‬or the “muraˉfa’ of the Men of Yaˉ m” (i.e., Rijaˉ l Yaˉ m tribe). Some refer to Najraˉ n la’ib as la’ib ․tˉıraˉn (frame drums) or la’ib tabuˉl (zıˉr). In other words, they bring attention to the fact that drums are used because drums are not part of official tribal genres (Najran B 2012). In men’s la’ib, a line of twenty to twenty-five singing tribal men face a rank of about a dozen professional percussionists who are performing on zıˉr and tıˉraˉn (Ex. 19.2). The drummers never play seated. A typical drumming line has eight tıˉraˉn and four zıˉr of differing sizes. Between the ranks of men, two or more individuals re-enact a mock battle through dance: one leg leads as the male moves like a skipping horse (or a warrior riding one), while waving a stick or weapon, This dance is called sa’ib ( ). The drum line will approach the solo dancers who in turn face them and assertively walk toward them, in a fun, antagonistic way, which causes the drummers to retreat to their original spot.

EX. 19.2  La’ib/mura ˉfa

rhythm pattern of Najraˉ ni men

Women’s la’ib is the primary music of women at Najraˉ ni female celebrations. The rhythmic mode is not like that of the males, but rather resembles doˉsari/khobayti (Ex. 19.3). Women drummers play the zıˉr and ․taˉr, but unlike men, they perform la’ib while seated. An uˉd or org might be added to the group who along with la’ib music often perform other danceable, popular commercial songs of the Peninsula. Increasingly, there is no live band, just pre-recorded music. Najraˉ n women will wave their hands above their heads, left and right in unison, especially to la’ib. In earlier times, women performed a kind of “s․aff baduˉ” (Bedouin line genre) where they would form two lines flanking the bride or guests and clap and chant without instruments.

EX. 19.3  Najra ˉ ni

women’s la’ib polyrhythm

Chapter 19: Musical Aspect of Najra– n  329

¯N WEDDING PRACTICES BOX 19.1   NAJRA There is great variety in Najra- n wedding parties. A standard practice in modern weddings is for the bride to be seated in a special room within the wedding venue or home where she waits, having a “quiet time,” while her female guests enjoy their buffet dinner. This is similar to the practice in contemporary Asıˉr Province, where the main meal is actually eaten before the celebration. Next, her groom arrives and she, in a white gown, and he, wearing a thobe and a bisht (cloak), enter the party venue together in a zaffa procession. The music is usually pre-recorded. The couple takes their seats on a ko ˉ sha platform area. Her father and male family members may enter for a short period, during which time all women cover. However, if the groom is the only male in the room, then the women may not. After some time the bride and groom depart together to his car and then onto a hotel.

NOTES 1 For a review of Najraˉ n see Tchekof, Massari and Dagher (1983) and Hamza (1935). 2 Najraˉ nis are renowned as equestrians.

APPENDIX Comments on Contemporary Arts and ‘Adani

In large urban centers, KSA and Gulf nationals enjoy a variety of music in their daily lives, including Egyptian and Levant pieces, and some patronize western commercial songs, referred to as “English music.” People often listen to music passively in their cars or through their portable audio devices, but they also interact with music actively, in many ways, much more so than those in the western world. In the Gulf, weekly parties with live music making are held and professionals might be invited or hired to lead the evening in song. But frequently participants themselves, both male and female, bring out drums or an ‘uˉd and sing and dance. The gatherings are more common among the young, but are enjoyed by all ages, including elders: grandmothers and mothers will sing with daughters and friends, or sons with fathers and neighbors, or there may be mixed-gender socials. Traditional songs are heard, but in coastal cities and Riyadh, those most patronized are khalıˉji/sa’uˉdi “shakshaka” (music that makes you shake) and ‘adani.1

‘Adani (‫)ا‬ Named after the Gulf of Aden along the Yemen H ․ ad․ramaut, ‘adani is a popular, danceable category of music that in many ways has served as a precursor to commercial khalıˉji/sa’uˉdi styles. It still flourishes in the early twenty-first century and is especially appreciated by males of Kuwait, eastern Saudi Arabia, Riyadh, and the Hijaz. Yemen cultural influence along the coasts has been recognized for centuries, and Kuwaitis and Hijazis especially have a history of musically interacting with Yemenis (Chapter 12). Kuwaiti seamen frequented the H ․ ad․ramaut as sailors traveled along the Yemen shore, engaging with local culture. It was in Aden that Villiers first encountered Kuwaitis in the 1930s and from there subsequently sailed with a Kuwaiti crew. He writes about the principal H ․ ad․rami port of Mukalla, and how Kuwaiti musicians would go off into the community with their uˉds no doubt to share their music and be reciprocally

Appendix: Contemporary Arts and ‘Adani  331

inspired. Also a substantial Kuwaiti dhow-owning merchant family had a major office in Aden that guaranteed constant exchange between Kuwaitis and H ․ ad․ramis (Villiers 1969, 50, 56). Over the years, many Yemenis migrated to Kuwait, and before the 1990 Gulf War, Kuwait had the second largest Yemeni population in the Gulf, after Saudi Arabia. The Kuwaiti ‘adani musician Rashid Al-H ․ amli (2005) recalls learning ‘adani from immigrants when he was young: There were these Yemen people who moved next door to my family and we took over food to welcome them to the neighborhood. In return, they invited me over whenever I wanted to hear their songs, and eventually, they taught me their music. A major boost of ‘adani occurred in the 1950s through the influence of the H ․ ad․rami artist Mohammad Jum’a Khan (1903–1963/4) who regularly performed in Kuwait and Bahrain. Later, the famed Yemeni musician Abu Bakr Salim (b. 1939) came to Kuwait, via the Hijaz where he was a disciple of the Saudi artist T ․alaˉ l Maddah ․. As was the case with Maddah ․, Bakr Salim not only spirited ‘adani but actually became a leader in inspiring the burgeoning khalıˉji/ sa’uˉdi style of the time. Today, there are many evening parties that only feature ‘adani music and they generate a great deal of dancing and audience singing. As a principal member of a Saudi Dammam Band noted, “We like ‘adani very much. We especially love sharah․ [genre] and the dance that goes with it” (Al-Afraˉ h ․ 2009). The Riyadh bandleader Jum’a commented, “Everyone loves ‘adani, of course. It is number one for ‘party’ music in our area” (2012). In Kuwait ‘adani is the most significant live music among males and Kuwaiti musicians are leaders in the performance today (see Box Appendix 1). The khalıˉji singer Fahad Al-Kabaysi of Qatar among others has re-issued Gulf ‘adani songs of previous generations, thus integrating them into the twenty-first-century commercial milieu.

‘Adani Genres/Rhythmic Modes The full instrument ensemble for ‘adani music includes the uˉd, violin, naˉy, and iqaˉ’aˉt (i.e., a drum contingent, often with an hour-glass shaped ․tabla and bongos), along with some clean, interlocking clapping that might be substituted by the playing of wood blocks, all of which is accompanied by H ․ ad․rami (or Kuwaiti) dancing. According to a leading H ․ ad․rami musician (2011): We have four major categories of music in Yemen, which are Sana’a, H ․ ad․rami, Laˉ chi, and Yaˉ f’i. The one that mostly reached Kuwait is the H ․ ad․rami music. We in Yemen have a few thousand iqaˉ’aˉt, and a few dozen have been established and adapted in Kuwait, and of these, a handful are prevalent. A favored ‘adani rhythm in the Gulf is shah․ri, which is like “khalıˉji rumba.” There is also sharah․/ naggaˉzi, khayaˉli (12 beats, subdivided 3+3+2+4),2 awaˉdi, and hindi (Fig. Appendix).3

‘adani rhythmic modes/genres with titles of representative pieces (Al-Mulla 2010)

FIGURE APPENDIX Primary

Appendix: Contemporary Arts and ‘Adani  333

BOX APPENDIX 1: COMPARING ‘ADANI IN KUWAIT AND THE YEMEN Yemeni musicians of the ‘Omar and Lut∙fi Band residing in Kuwait (2012) Samraˉt these days in Kuwait have incredible iqaˉ’ speed and there is a lot of sharbuka [interlocking clapping], which we find to be noisy and disturbing. Back in Yemen when we played this music we listened more to the words and it was slower. Also what is different is the organization in Yemen. We used to play songs with slow rhythmic modes, then gradually moved towards songs with faster ones, and we would only dance to the fast ones. Here in Kuwait you begin with anything and you dance to every song. Also, here you give a lot of consideration to the percussion player. When you ask about the samra musicians, the first person you ask about is the percussionists. But back home we take the singer into consideration first and don’t care much about who is playing the iqaˉ’aˉt. Also here you hold samra after samra. In Yemen after a samra we talk and criticize the samra and talk about its pros and cons, and the discussion can make or break a musician. Also here these days Kuwaitis will dance to every piece of music and all of the people get up and dance. But in Yemen we dance to only some of the pieces and only two people dance, not the whole audience. However, Kuwait is not like Qatar or the UAE. Kuwait is a special case because the musicians have developed or absorbed many kinds of music. The ‘adani music is not an exception. They have perfected it and are very knowledgeable about it. There are many times when we go to a samra and the Kuwaitis take over and they do a pretty good job at it and also they have many very talented artists on the uˉd, violin, and percussion. To be honest, the second and third generation of ‘adani musicians, who are Kuwaiti, perfected the music. When we hear them, it is just like hearing music from home. There are good Kuwaiti musicians such as Fahad Al-Hadad and Abdulaziz Al-D∙uwayh·i, and Salmaˉn Al-Amaˉri. Salmaˉn is so good that I have friends in Yemen who listen to him daily.

Subversive Arts: Kasraˉt and Dagni As found in most any culture, especially one in which there are strict social mores, subversive arts sometimes develop. In the past ten years a musical category has emerged around Riyadh known as kasraˉt (‫)آات‬, which literally means, “crumbs, shards, pieces,” i.e., “junk.” These are songs by non-professionals (males) and have lyrics that deal with illegal and socially offensive topics, which according to youth, are the reason for the designator, “shards.” Texts might contain the foulest of language, be sexually graphic, pertain to drugs, alcohol, provide details on how to evade police or smuggle illegal items into the country (“use this road in the south and avoid this checkpoint”). Some songs speak of lust from the perspective of a man singing

334  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula

to an adolescent male. Because the composers are non-professionals and the pieces are created haphazardly, often not much thought is put into the refrain and therefore it often entails the catch-all chorus lyrics of the Gulf-Hijaz, “yaˉ layla daˉna” (“Oh night daˉna,” see Chapter 12). Since kasraˉt recordings are made at private parties on mobile phones, the quality is quite poor.4 Frequently the sound is distorted, as the original rendering was so loud the volume overwhelmed the recording device. CDs of kasraˉt are not readily available in the city, but can be purchased in outside areas, at some small gas stations and rest stops. Most people find kasraˉt songs distasteful, but still, Riyadh youth know about them, have heard one or two, and some of even the most respectable citizens may have a kasraˉt song stored on their electronic devices. Dagni (‫)د‬, also known as um allaˉya ( ‫)ام‬, is a subversive “dance” performed at private parties, at least in Bahrain and the Emirates. A pair of women will tie a scarf around their waists or lower hips, bend over, touch the ground, and gyrate lewdly to the beat of drums with repetitive sung chanting. Sometimes instead of females, two or more men will perform these moves. This dance and its music is described as equivalent to that of “strippers,” and is in league with the 2013 western craze of “twerking,” which in popularity, dagni may pre-date. Like twerking, dagni has African roots. Its performance is not part of mainstream society, but the practice exists in the region and is a curiosity among many: there are several online videos of dagni.

Notes 1 In the Hijaz there is both ‘adani and a related art “s․an’aˉni.” 2 Hassan (1998) provides an example of a Yemen song she refers to as “khayyali.” 3 Note that on the chart, in regard to ahazıˉj, in the Hijaz this term is used for celebratory songs sung at a milka. There was also a rhythmic mode in the days of early Islam in Medinah known as hazaj that may be related: “Tuwais (b. 632) was the foremost exponent of the hazaj rhythm” (Farmer 1929a, 50). ∙ 4 Many kasraˉt are performed with drums and uˉd only.

GLOSSARY ‘abaya (‫ ا‬،‫)اءة‬ ‘abaˉyat raˉs (‫) راس‬ ‘abd (‫)ا‬ ‘adani (‫)ا‬ ‘adsaˉni () akhdaˉm (‫)أ ام‬ ‘akıˉri (‫)ا ي‬ anaˉshıˉd/nashıˉd ( ‫)ا‬ ‘aqıˉqa ( ) ‘ard․a ( ‫)ا‬ ‘ard․a al-amıˉrıˉa ( ‫)ا‬ ‘ard ․i ( ‫)ا‬ ُ arubi /‘urabi ( ) asaˉs (‫)اس‬ ‘aˉshuˉri (‫)ري‬ as․ˉı l ( ‫)ا‬ aswad (‫)أد‬ ‘azzaˉwi (‫)­اوي‬ bad’ (‫)اء‬ badawıˉ (‫)اوي‬ baddaˉwi (‫)ااوي‬ baduˉ (‫)ا َ ْو‬ bah․ar ( ƒ‫)ا‬ bah․ri or bah․riyya (‫)اƒ ي‬ baithan (‫) …ان‬ banjikah (†‡‫)ا‬ baqshah () baraˉshıˉm (ˆ ‫) ا‬ barmıˉl ( ‰ ‫)ا‬ barriyya ( ‫)ا‬ baˉtuˉ (Š‫)ا‬ batuˉla’ (‹‫)ا‬ baysrıˉ (‫) Œ ي‬ bayt al-sha’ar ( ‫) Ž ا‬ besta (‘Œ‫)ا‬ bin dawsir bingiz (­‫)ا‬ birıˉkha (’ ) bıˉsha or bıˉshıˉ (‬† ) bisht (Ž‫)ا‬ bıˉtaˉ (‘ ‫)ا‬ bukhaˉriyyıˉn (“ ‫)’ر‬ bukhuˉr bukhnaq (”’‫)ا‬

woman’s cloak, usually black a cloak that is placed over the head so that the female silhouette appears like a triangle general term, black slave; see muwaˉl adjective of “Aden, Yemen”; a music category that includes several song-types. Especially prevalent in Kuwait, the Hijaz and central Arabia frame drum-based sea genre of Gulf fijiri/uns “servants” a pastoral art of the Asıˉr general Arabic word for “hymns or songs,” often religious in the Najd, a party with music for a newborn male patriotic or battle song-dance that exists in various regional styles in the Gulf, a sea ‘ard․a that includes small hand cymbals a saˉmri art believed to have been named after the former appellation for Riyadh. No longer extant a ․had․ar “land” genre of the Gulf, except for Kuwait “foundation”; smallest zıˉr in a Baˉh ․a percussion ensemble, also called a mis․qaˉ’ in the Gulf, a processional genre for weddings, also known as radh ․a especially in Kuwait; the rhythm also accompanies group grain crushing songs, dagg al-h ․abb purebred, trueborn, often applied to specific Bedouin peoples and tribes or horses “black” Jıˉzaˉn martial line dance “the start, or commencement,” the “call” of a call and response art singular and adjective “Bedouin,” also ibduwi; a pastoral art of the Asıˉr the prevalent dance or music genre/rhythm of modern-day Najdi and Gulf Bedouin; see ibduwi and raqs․ faras plural of “Bedouin”; nomadic desert dwellers or modern descendants who identify as “Bedouin” second section of a Makkah melodic mode general adjective, “of the sea”; bah ․ri is also the name of a frame drum genre that is part of fijiri in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar “almond”; a type of clapping done in the closing section of sea ․saut Makkah maqaˉm a wide belt camel bells attached to the inside of frame drums in the Gulf general Arabic word for “barrel”; large metal barrel that is played as a percussion instrument among southwest tribes general term, “land, desert, wilderness” used to describes musicians or genres in the Gulf that are not associated with the “sea” laywa idiophone made from rectangular metal container, usually an empty petrol can short firm face mask that does not cover the mouth, worn by women of Qatar and some parts of Bahrain and Saudi Arabia literally one from Basra, Iraq; adjective used for non-tribal people in Kuwait; synonym of khad․ˉıri “house of hair”; traditional Bedouin tent made of sheep, goat, or camel hair a light Gulf art with roots in Iraq a dance of the Dawaˉsir tribe bongo drums in the Gulf an easy pull song; dawwaˉri an area on the edge of Asıˉr province; another term for the art raˉyyeh ․ from Bıˉsha male flowing over-cloak worn over a thobe/dishdaˉsha at formal occasions like weddings the term for a modern drum set in bagpipe ensembles in the Hijaz, those of Central Asian ancestry incense headscarf sewn closed near the neck, historically worn by maidens or pre-pubescent girls

336  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula bundiq (•‫)اق\ا‬ burqa (—• ‫)ا‬ buˉs․ (‫)اص‬ chappuˉwwa (‫)š™ا‬ chatfy (›‘š) chechaˉnga (  ‡‫)ا‬ dagg al-h․abb (œƒ‫)دق ا‬ dagg al-harıˉs (ž Ÿ‫)دق ا‬ dagla (¡•‫)ا‬ dagni (•‫)د‬ dah ․․ha (¢‫)ا‬ dallaˉl (‫)ال‬ damma (‰‫)ا‬ daˉn/daˉna (‫)دان‬ daˉna, plural daˉnaˉt (‫)اا‬ danaˉdıˉsh (¤‫)دد‬ daqqaˉqıˉn (“ ••‫)ا‬ daˉr (‫)اار‬

darraˉ’a (‫)ارا‬ dawaˉsir ( ‫)اوا‬ dawwaˉri (‫)ا ّواري‬ dazza (‫)ازة‬ deh․aˉn (‫ن‬¢‫)د‬ dil‘a (—‫)د‬ dishdaˉsha (‫)اا‬ dıˉwaˉniya ( ‫)اا‬ doˉhal (‫)اوه‬ doˉka (†‫)اوآ‬ doˉsari (‫)دو ي‬ duff, plural duffuˉf (‫ف‬ª‫ ا‬،‫)اف‬ dum fann, plural funuˉn (‫ ا›ن‬،“›‫)ا‬ fann al-asıˉl ( ‫)ا›“ ا‬ fanuˉn al-waˉfida (‫ة‬ª‫)ا›ن اا‬ far’i ( ›‫)ا‬ faras (‫)ا› س‬ farmaliyya ( ¡‰ ›‫)ا‬ fijiri (‫‡ ي‬ª\‫‡ ي‬ª) firqa (• ›‫)ا‬ firqat al-bah․ri (‫ • اƒ ي‬ª) fraysa (Œ ›‫)ا‬ fraysni (Œ ›‫)ا‬ fus․․h a («ƒ¬›) fuˉt․a (®ª) ga’ib (œ‫)ا‬ gaffaˉl (‫)ا›ل‬ galt․a (†‹¡‫)ا‬ gargaˉ’oˉn/girgıˉ’aˉn/garganga’oˉh ( ‫ • •ه‬،‫ • •ن‬،‫)• • ن‬ gezaw’i (‫)ا­و‬

term for “rifle” in the southwest; see sektuni woman’s face veil with a small string between the eyes “bamboo”; double-piped aerophone in the Hijaz; a type of khobayti art that uses the buˉs instrument laywa drum; same as chechaˉnga and chatfy “shoulder”; laywa drum same as chechaˉnga and chappuˉwwa laywa drum that is slung over the shoulder (same as chappuˉwwa and chatfy) group grain grinding songs, same as dagg al-harıˉs group grain grinding songs in Kuwait, same as dagg al-h ․abb a long ornamented jacket worn in Najdi ‘ard․a. Similar to ․saˉya subversive modern musical “art” with a lewd dance; see um ‘allaˉya dah ․․hˉıya; primary collective art of northern male Bedouin general term for “broker”; wedding planner who coordinates the hiring of female musicians a martial art of Asıˉr and Jıˉzaˉn, also known as dil‘a in Jıˉzaˉn a musical art with soloist and verse/refrain form on Farasaˉn Island; a mawwaˉl in the Yemen; specific music arts or musical sections in Oman and the Yemen art music category of the Hijaz believed to have originated in Makkah one of several colorful tassels that adorn Najdi or desert ‘ard․a drums women drummers in Makkah in the late nineteenth century (t․aggaˉgaˉt) meeting room, usually a small edifice with an adjourning courtyard. Daˉr also indicates “legion” or “club” often with official members and officers. A place that serves as a general social or political discussion area; the primary meeting place of organized musicians. Similar to dıˉwaˉniya in Kuwait a women’s loose garment (thobe) name attached to both an area (Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir) and tribe “capstan”; also a Gulf work song; similar to birıˉkha “sending/pushing” dowry presentation and its song; also a genre of fast music that usually follows wedding procession music Gulf work song for cleaning and preparing vessels on shore, similar to yaˉmli a Jıˉzaˉn martial art (damma); a poetic art men’s long white garment in the Gulf, known as a thobe in Saudi Arabia term used in Kuwait for a meeting chamber annexed to a home (see daˉr). Modern sea bands are affiliated with dıˉwaˉniyas barrel drums in Gulf habbaˉn (bagpipe) music Makkah maqaˉm singular and adjective form of Dawaˉsir (tribe); a genre that uses the khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ rhythm frame drum, especially that which is lighter and thinner than the ․taˉr lower pitched drumming sound; also the name for a goblet drum in the Hijaz general term for “art” or “musical genre”; in the Gulf a rubric for the category of khammaˉri arts “pure art”; term used for traditional music, especially at events that are dominated by popular commercial music “Incoming arts,” musical arts that locals identify as coming from outside cultures but that were long ago absorbed and accepted by the local community free improvisatory mawwaˉl-like art of the Hijaz mare, horse a decorated vest or a short jacket, in modern times worn by drummers performing Najdi ‘ard․a cycle of songs performed in a prescribed order by Upper Gulf seamen/musicians in the evening general term for performing ensemble, band, troupe “sea band” “mare”; a special dramatic procession that accompanies ‘aˉshuˉri music in the Gulf with three “actors,” one of whom wears a horse costume group Gulf art of villagers or Bedouin with love or pastoral lyrics and foot-stomping dancing ranks. Maraˉdhaˉh is often considered the female fraysni classical or literary Arabic “towel”; a sarong-like wrap of men in the Hijaz and southwest medium or large sized zalafa; see sah ․ba and ․sah ․fa in the Gulf, the homecoming when the men, especially pearl divers, return from the sea a genre featuring improvised poetic dueling between poet-singers of two opposing tribes or groups. Often referred to as muh ․aˉwara, or in Qas․ˉı m, riddiyya Tradition during Ramadan in the Gulf in which children visit homes, door to door, sing songs, and receive treats a marital art of the southwest and Najraˉ n

Glossary  337 ghazaˉl (‫)ا¯­ال‬ ghut․fa (†›‹¯‫)ا‬ ُ ghutra (‫‘ ة‬ َ °) gurawi, plural gruˉwiyıˉn (‫ ُ• َ وي‬,“ ‫)ا و‬ h․abashıˉ (¢) habbaˉn (‫)اŸن‬ ․had․ar, singular ․had․ari ( ±ƒ‫)ا‬ ․h addaˉdıˉ (‫ادي‬¢) ․h adiya )ƒ‫)ا‬ ․h adri (‫ري‬¢) ․h afaˉl (‫›ل‬¢) ․h afla (¡›ƒ‫)ا‬ hagh’a (¯‫)ه‬ haˉjir ( ²Ÿ‫)ا‬ ․h alabi (¡¢) haˉma (‰Ÿ‫)ا‬ ․h aml (ƒ‫)ا‬ ․h asaˉwi (‫Œوي‬¢) ․h aˉshi (ƒ‫)ا‬ haˉwan (‫)هون‬ ․h awt․i (®ƒ‫)ا‬ ․h idaˉ’ (‫)اƒاء‬ ․h idwa/h․anda (‫ اƒة‬،‫)اƒوة‬ ․h ijaˉb (‫)اƒ‡ب‬ ․h ijaˉz (‫)اƒ‡ز‬ hijeˉni ( ‡Ÿ‫)ا‬ hijin (“‡Ÿ‫)ا‬ hilaˉli (´Ÿ‫)ا‬ ․h iraˉb (‫)اƒ اب‬ ․h iyuˉmaˉ (‰ ƒ‫)ا‬ ․h izaˉm (‫­ام‬¢) hocket

․h umayni ( ƒ‫)ا‬ ․h uˉraˉb (‫)اƒراب‬ ․h usayni al-makki («‫)اƒŒ  ا‬ ibduwi (‫)إوي‬ ijh․ala (¡ƒ‡‫)ا‬ ‘ijil (‡‫)ا‬ ijrah․aˉn (‫ن‬¢ ²) ikhwan (‫)إ ان‬ im’oˉshir ( ‰) imjailisi (Œ¡ ‡‫)ا‬ imkabbis (žّ‫)ا‬ imkhaˉlif/imkhoˉlif/imkhaˉlfıˉ (¶’‰‫)‰’¶\‰’›\إ‬ imkhoˉmis (ž‰’‰) ‘imma () imnaykhil (’ ‰) imroˉba’ (—‫)‰ و‬

general term “gazelle”; a dance of Dawaˉsir women unaccompanied female Najdi Bedouin battle song, no longer extant male head scarf “villager”; Bedouin and khad․ˉıri or their descendants who settled in smaller communities outside of major cities; gruˉwiyıˉn often identify with Bedouin culture “Ethiopian”; or “African” “bagpipe”; in the Gulf, the art performed by the bagpipe with percussion. Synonym of jirba settled people or town dwellers; an antonym that is juxtaposed with baduˉ in Arabic literature blacksmith spike; Gulf fijiri/uns genre in 12/4 in the southwest, departure of the bride from her parent’s house genre of sung odes, especially well known in T ․aˉ’if a musical party in the Gulf, especially Bahrain, where slaves would dance or rock to music in representation of their owners general term for party or large festive gathering special dance step in the southwest, usually seen in khut․wa double-headed barrel drum of the Hijaz, may also be called mirwaˉs or maradd a scarf worn on the shoulder of men in traditional Hijazi dress small gold beanie worn by females in traditional Gulf weddings and certain celebrations women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn Gulf fijiri/uns genre in 6/4 baby camel or the most succulent young camel meat; a female who dances among men in dah ․․ha, or today, a male who dances the part a brass mortar; sea musicians perform it as a percussion instrument (see mifraˉz) male art of Qas․ˉı m with a quick triple meter solo Bedouin song performed for battle (sometimes on horse or camel) or camel driving. Normally not accompanied by rebaˉba Gulf work song with short repeated motives a headscarf worn by Muslim females “barrier”; northwestern Saudi Arabia; a standard Middle East maqaˉm a category of solo Bedouin song originally sung to the footsteps of a camel. Can be performed with rebaˉba “camel” a solo song art named after the Bani Hilaˉl tribe. Can be performed with rebaˉba Makkah maqaˉm a tribal collective song-dance art especially known in T ․aˉ’if men’s dancing costume including chest and waist belts and weapons music technique of creating linear rhythm or melody by alternating notes or sounds; usually heard in Gulf clapping passages where one person or group claps on one beat and a second person or group claps on the next in alternation vernacular poetry of the Yemen zealous military text of ‘ard․a poet-singer Makkah maqaˉm adjective and singular “Bedouin”; Bedouin women’s galloping dance; see baddaˉwi and raqs․ faras pronounced “ih ․ala” in Kuwait; clay water jugs performed as instruments by sea musicians; same as jah ․ala literally “calf”; sea art of Yanbu’ a free mournful solo improvisatory section of a Gulf fijiri song “brothers,” Islamic militia who served under the first Saudi king sung poems with ten-line verses seated group Gulf art with love or pastoral lyrics performed by villagers or Bedouin—like a seated fraysni; in T ․aˉ’if, a sung poetic form; see also imyailisi of the Gulf in the Gulf, an uˉd player who usually sings. The term comes from the earlier Gulf name for the uˉd, kabbuˉs, that is likely related to the word for the Yemen lute, qanbuˉs Gulf fijiri/uns genre in 8/4 sung poems with five-line verses “turban,” especially used in the Hijaz sheer netting worn over the hair by Najdi elders and traditional women; also worn by female African guards at female events sung poems with four line verses

338  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula imthoˉlith (·¸‰) imyailisi (Œ¡ ‡‫)ا‬

inshaˉd al-dıˉni (‫د ا‬¹‫)ا‬ intasharat (‫)ا‘ ت‬ ˉı qaˉ’; plural ˉı qaˉ’aˉt (‫ع‬¹‫)ا‬ ‘iqaˉl (‎‫)ال‬ ‘iqaˉl al-maqas․ab (œ¬‫)ل ا‬

ishbah․ (¼‫)إ‬ ishbaithi (¸ ‫) ¸\إ‬ istimaˉ’ (‫)ا‘ع‬ istinzaˉl (‫)إ‘­ال‬ ‘itba (‘) izaˉr (‫)إزار‬ jadhba (…²) jah․ala (¡ƒ‡‫)ا‬ jahaˉrkaˉh (‫)ا‡Ÿرآه‬ jalaˉ’aˉt (‫´ت‬²) jalsa (Œ¡²) jalwa (‫)ا‡¡ة‬ jambiya ( ‡‫)ا‬ januˉb (‫ب‬²) jaraimbaˉ (‰ ‡‫)ا‬ jarrah (‫)ا‡ ة‬ jaˉruˉr (‫)ا‡رور‬ jassıˉs plural jasıˉsıˉn (ž Œ‡‫)ا‬ jawaˉb al-maqaˉm (‫اب ام‬²) jaysh (¤ ‡‫)ا‬ jıˉb (œ ‡‫)ا‬ jirba ( ‡‫)ا‬ jizza (‫)ا‡­ة‬ joˉsh (‫ش‬²) ُ jurma (‰ ‡‫)ا‬ kaff (¶‫)آ‬ kaˉsir ( ‫)ا‬

kaˉsir al-bah․ri (‫)ا اƒ ي‬ kasra (‫)اŒ ة‬ kasraˉt (‫)آŒ ات‬ kaˉsuˉr/kaˉsuˉra (‫)ارة‬ khad ․ˉı ri (‫ ي‬± ) khafıˉf (¶ › ) khalıˉji (‡ ¡’‫)ا‬ khamishi (’‫)ا‬ khammaˉri (‫)ا’ري‬

implies “three” or triangle; a type of saˉmri dance and/or music; an ‘ard․a drum (see mithlaˉth); sung poem with three-line verses, especially in T ․aˉ’if a Gulf sea art with frame drums and a dance with shepherds sticks, spelled imjailisi [In Kuwait the general rule is, if the “j” is followed by a “kasrah” (“i”) then it stays as a “j.” Otherwise, it is changed to a “y”] special religious singing “spread” general term in the Arab world for rhythmic mode male head ringlet brocaded ‘iqaˉl with double rings and knots of wool at the four corners of the rings. Worn by majruˉr performers of T ․aˉ’if and those especially from the western region who want to represent traditional tribal culture in the Gulf, the practice of tightening the bindings on a barrel drum, whether it be a ․t abl bah ․ri or a mirwaˉs second movement of sangini cycle that includes the Kuwaiti khammaˉrıˉ rhythm “listening,” a type of song that begins a musical session of chamber ․saut “deducting, ask to step down, to make someone descend.” In the Najd and Gulf, term used to indicate a state of trance, one moving or dancing as if possessed: “He experienced istinzaˉl” “step, door stoop,” a duple saˉmri of the Dawaˉsir tribe sarong-like wrap worn by seamen of the Gulf and Red Sea as well as inland men of southwestern Arabia possessed state in zaˉr rituals clay water jugs performed as instruments by sea musicians; same as ijah ․ala Makkah maqaˉm “moving from place to place,” in the Gulf, traditional practice of female musicians singing door to door in return for money or food during Eid musical session or seated gathering with a singer and uˉd (lute). Jalsa are more intimate than saˉmer/samra ceremonial “blessing” ritual in the Gulf of the bride/groom; synonym of yalwa curved dagger worn in the front of a man’s belt; khanjar south pron. “charemba”; in the Gulf male head scarf without ‘iqaˉl, with the sides flipped up on the head “the pull, or the drag”; term for a Bedouin rebaˉba genre or the melody performed by the player or singer. Similar to ․t arq a rebaˉba player or one who sings along with the rebaˉba majass singer third section of a Makkah melodic mode “army” or “battalion of a hundred camels”; a type of saˉmri in the Najd; a battle dance of the southwest; a spectacular dance art of Jıˉzaˉn in the Gulf, a small triangular sail; also the name of a genre sung to raise the sail “bagpipe”; the art performed by the bagpipe with percussion. Synonym of habbaˉn a low-walled metal basin that serves to contain fire or coals that is played like a percussion instrument in the southwest mizmaˉr dance “guilt”; a Dawaˉsir genre with a fast khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ percussive rhythm and no singing. Jurma incites istinzaˉl palm or clapping generic term in the Upper Gulf for a large barrel drum that is less bulky than the ․t abl bah ․ri. They come in two sizes: the smaller is called the kaˉsir/kaˉsur and the larger is the rah ․maˉni (¢ ‫)ا‬. Used for Gulf bagpipe music. Also, a mid-sized treble-barrel drum of sea musicians in Jıˉzaˉn that is also found in Yemen and Oman; an art performed at Jıˉzaˉni weddings “sea kaˉsir”; an art of sea musicians of Jıˉzaˉn unaccompanied free singing genre in the Hijaz subversive twenty-first-century music, often with vulgar lyrics, found in central Arabia long narrow hour-glass drum especially used for khashaˉba and sometimes besta songs “green”; adjective describing those who are not of pure tribal descent (not qabıˉli); historically khad․ˉıri were free-born and lived in the desert alongside Bedouin, as well as in settled areas general term for light, nimble music; used to describe genres like types of saˉmri that have a sprightly dance or music adjective “Gulf”; see sa’uˉdi; popular commercial music of the Arabian Peninsula solo Bedouin song named after the Al-Khamish branch of the ‘Anizza tribe. Can be accompanied with rebaˉba in the Gulf, an overall category of certain genres traditionally played on frame drums; an individual genre/rhythm with regional variations; a prescribed female dance that accompanies khammaˉri songs

Glossary  339 khamra (‫)ا’ ة‬ khanjar ( ‡’‫)ا‬ khashaˉba (’‫)ا‬ khat․fa (›‹’‫)ا‬ khayaˉli ( ) khayyaˉli (ّ ’‫)ا‬ khidrah (‫) ره‬ khitaˉm (‫) ‘م‬ khobayti (‘ ’‫)ا‬ khobt (Ž ) khraˉb (‫) اب‬ khut․wa (‫) ‹ة‬ khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ (­ ) kisra (‫)آŒ ة‬ koh․l (ƒ‫)آ‬ koˉsha (‫)ا‬ la’buˉni () la’ib (œ¡‫)ا‬ lafh․a (†ƒ›‫)ا‬ laown, plural alwaˉn (‫)ا¡ن؛ ا¾ان‬ laywa (‫) ة‬ loˉlaˉsh (‫)ش‬ ma’asha («‰) madıˉ․h (¼‫)ا‬ maghni («¯‫)ا‬ mah․at․ (Àƒ‫)ا‬ maˉhuˉr (‫)اهر‬ majass (ž‡‫)ا‬ majlis (ž¡‡‫)ا‬ majruˉr (‫)ا‡ر‬, plural majarıˉr makazza (‫)‰­ة‬ makhmuˉs (‫)ا’س‬ mulh․aq (”ƒ¡‰) manjuˉr (‫)ا‡ر‬ maqaˉm, plural maqaˉmaˉt (‫)ام‬ maqfi, plural maqfıˉn (“ ›‰ ،›‫)ا‬ maraˉdaˉh (‫)ا اداة‬ maradd (‫)ا د‬

marbuˉ’ (‫)ا ع‬ mashaq (”‫)ا‬ mashiya ( ‫)ا‬ mashmuˉm (‫)‰م‬ masht․at al ‘aruˉs (‫)‰‹ ا وس‬ mash․uˉb (‫)اŒƒب‬ mawwaˉl (‫)‰ال‬ maˉya (†‫)ا‬ maydaˉn (‫)ا ان‬ mead ( ‫)ا‬ meghanniya ( ¯‰) meh․zam (‫)‰ƒ­م‬

women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn curved dagger worn in the front of a man’s belt; jambiya a light Gulf art with Iraqi roots that includes the kaˉsuˉr/kaˉsuˉra narrow hour-glass drum Gulf work song for raising the main sail “fanciful, or imaginative”; a hemiola-like rhythmic mode of Gulf ․saut “horse”; gallop-y quick daˉna-related art and rhythm large green cloth held and waved over the bride during a jalwa “conclusion”; a special piece of music that ends a session of ․saut music music genre that originated in the Hijaz but is now widespread; a rhythm based around an additive 3+3+2 core; a Hijazi art with dance that may induce trance “desert or isolated area” after which the art of khobayti is named “rope”; Gulf work song with wailing solo singing over a drone “step”; most well-known music-dance of southwest Saudi Arabia a primary rhythm of the Dawaˉsir tribe especially when the zıˉr drum is included accented frame drumming in T ․aˉ’if dark eyeliner; traditionally worn by men and women of the southwest small stage area at a wedding party with a sofa for the bride and groom adjective, related to Mohammad ibn La’buˉ n; a Gulf land art of the khammaˉri category in sextuple meter; another name for the overall khammaˉri category “play/game”; genre with dance in Bedouin culture or the general term for the dance itself; implies that the dance or singing performance entails some kind of “competition,” as found in a sport hair toss dance move of Bedouin women in the Najd and Upper Gulf literally “color, shade”; genre or art, especially that with dancing or body movement among Bedouin an Incoming art from Africa that is part of Gulf culture. It includes the double-reeded surnaˉy Najdi Bedouin word for “ululation” literally “after Isha [prayer]”; a pastoral art of Jıˉzaˉn often accompanied by a flute praise, compliment, panegyric, a main feature of many Bedouin song arts women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn fourth section of a Makkah melodic mode Makkah maqaˉm Hijazi art featuring unmetered improvisatory singing in classical Arabic a sitting place where people meet and talk; an assembly, council an art with singing/dancing drum lines from T ․aˉ’if; a musical genre stemming from the T ․aˉ’if song-dance small zalafa drum Gulf work genre sung for moving a boat into the sea a large bass zıˉr in Baˉh ․a a wrap-around rattle skirt on which is sewn hundreds of goat hoofs, performed during ․t anbuˉra general term for Arab melodic mode frame drum placed on the shins in the Hijazi khobayti art women’s art comprised of a cycle of line songs with dance; especially found in Bahrain and Qatar. The Kuwaiti version is radh ․a “responder”; mid-sized ․t aˉr in a Najdi set of frame drums that Doˉ sari drummers sometimes call shaˉ․h․t ah (†‹¢‫ ;)ا‬in the Hijaz maradd is the word for a large barrel drum, which is also called a mirwaˉs or haˉjir; or a maradd is a frame drum in Hijazi khobayti music; in Baˉh ․a it is a mid-sized zıˉr kettledrum; in Jizan the term, or the related “maradda,” is used to denote the small zalafa spoked-chest drum term found in various regions of the Peninsula to describe poems or music genres with verses of four lines, usually sung by soloists, especially Bedouin. In certain areas can be performed with rebaˉba first section of a Makkah melodic mode ‘ard․a procession music a type of basil found in the Gulf bride’s “hair preparation” party in the southwest a rebaˉba art in which the last notes of each melodic line are elongated free unmetered improvisatory singing usually with colloquial poetic text; also in the Gulf the name of a poetic structure sung in an improvisatory manner Makkah maqaˉm “field, or arena”; term for dance area at an event in the Gulf, the area where men solo dance during sea songs; see maydaˉn singing women in Makkah in the late nineteenth century cross belts worn on the chest

340  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula mi’raˉ․d (‫)ا اض‬ midgaˉl (‫)‰•ل‬ mifraˉz (‫)ا› از‬ milka/milcha ( ‡¡‰\¡‰) miqwada (‫)ادة‬ mirjaf (¶² ‰) mirwaˉs/maraˉwıˉs (ž‫‰ او‬/‫)ا واس‬ misayyara (‫)‰Œ ة‬ misbat (ŽŒ‰) mish․abaˉni (ƒŒ‫)ا‬ mis․qaˉ’ (‫)ا¬ع‬

mis․qaˉ’ al-duff mithlaˉth/mithloˉth mithloˉth (‫)‰¸¡ث‬ mizmaˉ r (‫)ا­‰ر‬ mla’iba (¡‫)ا‬ monaˉsabaˉt khaˉ․s․sa ( ‫)‰ت‬ mriwaˉd (‫)‰ واد‬ mudlaq muh․aˉwara (‫)‰ƒورة‬ mukhaˉlifa (›’‫)ا‬ munshid/munshidıˉn (“‫)ا\ا‬ muqtah․ama (ƒ‘‫)ا‬ muraˉfa’ (—ª‫)ا ا‬ murawdin (‫)ا ودن‬

a martial procession genre in the southwest a rifle/weapon art of the southwest brass mortar and pestle in the southwest for grinding coffee and spices, but is performed like a percussive musical instrument signing ceremony of a marriage contract or sawaˉrıˉb (œ‫ اŒار‬singular sirba) riflemen in Najdi’ard․a who parade and circle around the larger group, hopping, yelling, tossing their guns and firing them the largest ․t aˉr in a Najdi set of frame drums. Doˉsari drummers sometimes refer it as a raˉkhıˉ ( ‫)ا ا‬ in the Gulf and Yemen, small hand-held barrel drum; in the Hijaz, any barrel drum, usually larger instruments “march”; a military art, often associated with Bıˉsha a cross belt famed military art of Baˉh ․a, also known in some other communities, such as those of Jıˉzaˉn province an “accenting” membranophone; the smallest frame drum in a Najdi frame drum set (also called ․sagaˉl/s․aguˉl); a very small frame drum used in Hijazi art music, especially daˉna; name for a small zıˉr drum in a Baˉh ․a ensemble; see ․saq’a al-t․aˉr a frame drum that performs embellishing accents ‘ard․a drum (see tathlıˉth) a mid-sized zıˉr in Baˉh ․a a music with stick-dance art of the Hijaz; a general term for any wood-wind instrument; another name for the double-piped buˉ․s; an end-blown flute in the Asıˉr playground, battlefield (modern stadium), dance floor a private home party for a special occasion or religious holiday a small, light mizmaˉr stick see murawdin “conversation,” recent media designation for galt․a “different”; a more recent designation for khobayti general Arabic word for a chanter, vocalist, singer often of religious songs or hymns

leaping, gun firing tribesmen in southwest arts “la’ib” martial art of Najraˉ n that features a rank of “dancing” drummers versus tribesmen or mudlaq under-gown with long white sleeves that flow to the ground, worn beneath Nadji ‘ard․a coats (dagla). Murawdin is also the sleeve of a female saˉmri dancer in the Najd mus․annaf al-yamaˉni ( ‫ )ا¬¶ ا‬a scarf worn on the shoulder of men in traditional Hijazi dress, see ․halabi Makkah maqaˉm mushawrak (‫)‰رك‬ tall laywa drum musuˉnduˉ/masnuˉd (‫)اŒو‬ mut․awwa’, plural mut․aww’ıˉn “religious police” or enforcers in Saudi Arabia; in English the singular form is commonly used for the (‎“ ‹‫)ا‬ plural meaning mut․awwa’ah/mullaya (´‰ ،‹‰) female religious person two reeded pipes attached to the bag of a Gulf bagpipe. Also the term for a double-piped aerophone mut․bag/mut․big (”‹‫)ا‬ of some Najdi Bedouin mid-sized mizmaˉr stick mut․liq (”¡‹‰) mut․rib/mut․riba (masculine/feminine) general word for professional singer; singer of ․t arab general term, black slave; see ‘abd muwaˉl (‫)‰ال‬ Arabic sung ode in strophic form muwashshah․ (¼‫)ا‬ dancer or participant in a martial art in the southwest muzawwal, plural muzuˉ’ıˉn (،‫‰ُ­ َّول‬ ‫)‰­و‬ vernacular poetry of the Najd and Gulf, especially of Bedouin nabat․i (‹‫)ا‬ a light music-dance art of the Gulf (see shakshaka); also applies to a specific Gulf genre naggaˉzi (‫)ازي‬ kettledrums in the Hijaz nagrazaˉn (‫)ا زان‬ a lively, celebratory male art of Qas․ˉı m with “love” lyrics naˉguˉz (‫)ا•ز‬ low humming roar made by Gulf seamen nah․bah (†ƒ) in the Gulf, male solo singer of traditional “sea” songs who performs in a stylized plaintive, wailing nahhaˉm (“ ‰Ÿ‫)ا‬ fashion central Arabian plateau stretching from Jabal Shammar in the north to beyond Waˉdi al-Dawaˉsir in the Najd (‡‫)ا‬ south, and from the Hijaz mountains in the west to the Dahnaˉ’ desert in the east; homeland of the Saudi royal family “Najd” adjective; musical art of the Gulf, also known as raddaˉdi, with a triple-beat meter najdi /naydi (‫)‡ي‬ “cash”; a blessing ritual in which one is touched with money or jewelry at wedding celebrations naqd () cross belt on the chest naqil () marching step in Baˉh naqla (¡‫)ا‬ ․a

Glossary  341 naqqaˉ’ıˉn al-zıˉr ( ­‫) “ ا‬ naqqaˉra, plural naqqaˉraˉt (‫ )ارة‬or naqqaˉqıˉr ( •‫)ا‬ nashah (†) nashiya ( ‫)ا‬ nawba (‫)ا‬ neh․ma (ƒ) org (‫)أورج‬ qabıˉli (¡ •) qaˉdri (‫)ادري‬ qah․fiyya ( ›ƒ‫)ا‬ qanbuˉs (‫)•س‬ qas․aba (¬‫)ا‬ qas․aymi ( ¬‫)ا‬ qas․ˉı da, plural qas․aˉ’id (‫)•¬ ة‬ qasıˉm (ˆ Œ•) qayna, plural qiyaˉn ( ‫)ا‬ raˉbigh la’ib (Å‫)œ را‬ rabkha (’ ‫)ا‬ rabsh (¤‫)ر‬ radd (‫)ا د‬ raddaˉdıˉn (“‫)رداد‬ radh․a (¢‫)ا د‬ rakbi (‫)ا آ‬ raqqaˉ․s (f. raqqaˉ․sa), plural raqqaˉ․sˉı n (“ •‫)ر‬ raqs․ faras (‫ س‬ª ƕ‫)ر‬ raˉs (‫)ا اس‬ raˉst al-h․ijaˉzi (‫)ا اŽ اƒ‡زي‬ raˉyeh or bayraq (‫ ا ق‬،‫)ا ا‬ raˉyyeh․ (†ƒ‫)را‬ razıˉf (¶‫)ا ز‬, razfa (ª‫)ا ز‬, also spelled raˉzfa (ª‫)ا از‬ rebaˉba ( ‫)ا‬ riddiyya (‫)رد‬ rimh․/rimaˉ․h (‫ ر‰ح‬،¼‰‫)ر‬ roadaˉmaˉn (‫ ا ود‰ن‬،‫)ا ودا‰ن‬ roadmaˉni (‰‫)رود‬ sa’ib (œ) sa’uˉdi (‫)دي‬ ․sadriyya (‫)ر‬ ․saff (¶¬‫)ا‬ ․saff al-baduˉ (‫)¶ او‬ ․saffaˉgaˉt (•›) ․safqa (›) ․sagaˉl/s․aguˉl (‫)ا¬ل‬ ․sahba (Ÿ¬‫)ا‬ sah․ba (ƒ) ․sah․fa (›ƒ¬‫)ا‬ ․saˉjaˉt (‫ت‬²¬‫)ا‬

zıˉr kettledrum ensemble of Baˉh ․a kettledrum that is traditionally more shallow than the zıˉr; used in ․sahba arts in the Gulf, solo dancing during fijiri female wedding songs in the southwest, especially those for hair preparation. Nashiya include the playing of the mifraˉz (mortar) a hand-held frame drum in khobayti a closing section of a Gulf fijiri song with nahhaˉm solo singing, group humming and clapping; in Gulf work songs, it is the biphonic texture of solo singing over a drone electronic musical keyboard or digital piano stemming from an original aristocratic tribe (qabıˉla, ¡ ‫)ا‬ a ․had․ar genre category in the Gulf with religious text. Qaˉdri were traditionally part of observations of the Prophet’s birth (mawlid, ‰). There is also a ․t anbuˉra genre called qaˉdri a white skull cap worn under an ‘iqaˉl a lute-like chordophone made of a solid wooden body, believed to have come from the Yemen “cane or reed”; end-blown flute, known as naˉy elsewhere in the Arab world aT ․aˉ’if sister art to majruˉr, which can also be performed as a musical genre with no dance poems, odes or songs i.e., “t․aqaˉsıˉm”; free instrumental improvisation female musicians and singers of the pre- and early Islamic periods from the Hijaz who came from the class of slaves, servants, and concubines a regional khobayti of the Hijazi town of Raˉbigh a pastoral art of the Asıˉr pastoral art, the “khut․wa of Jıˉzaˉn” “response” of a call and response art; often with drumming and group singing last-word song chanters in Makkah in the late nineteenth century Kuwaiti women’s art comprised of a cycle of continuous songs with dance which is similar to maraˉdaˉh of Bahrain and Qatar; in the Gulf, another name for ‘aˉshuˉri Makkah maqaˉm dancer “mare” dance of female Bedouin; sometimes used interchangeably with baddaˉwi “head,” term used for drum heads on the Gulf ․t abl bah ․ri Makkah maqaˉm flag or banner famous art/musical genre from Bıˉsha a battle song-dance of tribal men of southern roots. It is traditionally performed with no drums, just chanting voices. Variations of the art are found in the Gulf—it is especially well-liked in Qatar— and among areas of Jizaˉn and Najraˉ n (as razfa) one-stringed chordophone of northern Bedouin made of a wooden frame around which is stretched wolf, goat, camel, gazelle skin, or in modern times, x-ray paper term used in Qas․ˉı m sometimes for the art of galt․a “spear” daˉna genre in quintuple time type of Gulf ․saut no longer extant a dance with featured male “combating” performers in Najraˉ n adjective “Saudi”; popular commercial music that incorporates Saudi dialects, rhythms, and genres. Viewed as a compatriot of khalıˉji (see khalıˉji). Also the name of a specific rhythmic mode vest line, row, rank; women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn type of performance in Bedouin culture with two facing lines with group chanting and clapping without drums professional lineswomen at Najdi and Gulf weddings who clap and sing clapping accenting drum or the higher-pitched, sharp accents themselves in a frame drum ensemble a muwashshah ․-like art of Makkah and the Hijaz medium sized zalafa in the Tihaˉmat Asıˉr; see ga’ib and ․sah ․fa “ dish”; medium sized zalafa; see ga’ib and sah ․ba cymbals, includes women’s dancing finger cymbals, small hand cymbals, especially of Yanbu’ seamen and of women musicians in the Hijaz

342  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula ․sakhri (‫)ا¬’ ي‬ saˉmara ( َ َ ‰) saˉmer ( ‰Œ‫)ا‬ samra (‫)اŒ ة‬ saˉmri (‫)اŒ‰ ي‬ saˉmri gurawi (‫)‰ ي ا وي‬ saˉmri imthoˉlith ․san’aˉni («¬‫)ا‬ sangini (\\È)

․saq’a al-t․aˉr (‫(— ا‹ر‬ sardi (‫) دي‬ SASCA ․saut, plural as․waˉt (‫)ا¬ت‬ sawaˉrıˉb ․saˉya (¬‫)ا‬ sayf (¶ Œ‫)ا‬ َ sayfıˉn (“ › ) sektuni sha’abi () shaˉ’ar ( ‫)ا‬ shabshara (‫)ا ة‬ shaˉbuˉri (‫)ا رى‬ shah․ri (‫)اƒ ي‬ shakshaka (†) shaˉmi shamıˉz (­ ‫)ا‬ sharah․ (‫)ا ح‬ sharbuka ( ) sharqayn (“ • ‫)ا‬ sharqi (• ) shayla (¡ ) sheikh, feminine sheikha (’  ،Ê ) shmaˉgh (‫)اغ‬ sıˉfıˉ (› ) sıˉkaˉh al-huzaˉm (‫) ه اŸ­ام‬ sıˉkaˉh al-makki (‫) ه ا‬ simsimiya ( ŒŒ‫)ا‬ ․sulayb/s․ulubba (‎¡)

suˉq (‫)ق‬ ․surnaˉy (‫)ا¬ ي‬ t’arıˉsha († Š) ․t ab’a (—‹‫)ا‬ taˉba’a (‘‫)ا‬ tabıˉr ( Š) ․t abl (‹‫)ا‬ ․t abl al-‘oad (‫)ا‹ اد‬ ․t abl bah․ri (‫)® ƒ ي‬ ․t abla (¡‹‫)ا‬

a Bedouin solo song genre named after the Bani ․Sakhar ( ’ ), a northern tribe in present-day Jordan. to stay up at night talking, singing, and making merry late-night gatherings with music; see samra; saˉmri late-night gathering with music, term used especially in the Gulf; see saˉmer a music genre(s); type of dance; late-night party with music (see saˉmer); musical gathering that includes spirit possession or trance village saˉmri genre of the Gulf in duple meter “triangle saˉmri”; the name of a dance and of a musical genre daˉna genre; ‘adani genre; art with Yemen roots a three-movement Gulf shore song with surnaˉy that serves as a kind of musical blessing for a vessel before it goes out to sea. Predominantly found in Kuwait. Also the name of the first movement of a sangini cycle accenting on the ․t aˉr (frame drum) first part of a jalwa ceremony Saudi Arabian Society of Culture and Arts literally “voice”; art song genre of the Gulf featuring the uˉd and solo male singer see miqwada a long jacket lighter and thinner than a dagla, worn in Najdi ‘ard․a “sword”; a Bedouin art of the Asıˉr; a military art of Jıˉzaˉn; women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn swords term for “rifle” in the southwest; see bundiq “folk” or “popular” poet quick musical coda added to Hijazi pieces; section where solo drummer provides embellishing accents in majruˉr third movement of a sangini cycle well-liked rhythmic mode of ‘adani and of the southwest “skake, shake”; fast, danceable music that can be traditional or modern commercial; see naggaˉzi “Shams; Greater Syria”; a Gulf ․saut rhythm in 8/4 a crown with rolled fresh herbs in the southwest rhythmic mode of ‘adani with an uneven subdivision interlocking hand clapping of the Gulf a lively Hijazi daˉna-related art general Arabic term for “eastern” “to raise or lift the voice”; chanted metered singing by a soloist or group; performed as an introduction to Najdi genres before the drums enter in the Gulf and Najd, a wealthy or powerful person usually of pure tribal lineage; in the modern Gulf, a member of a royal family red and white checkered head scarf (ghutra) worn by men, especially in Saudi Arabia beach, coast maqaˉm believed to have come from Medinah Makkah maqaˉm strummed Red Sea chordophone; a specific art of Yanbu’ that includes the simsimiya instrument and yanba’aˉwi rhythm; a type of khobayti “s․ulubba” is the generic term for this community while ․sulubbi is the singular, and ․sulayb, the plural. Group found in the northern half of the Arabian Peninsula, believed to be of non-Arab descent who labored as smiths, menders, and musicians and resided among, and worked for, the as․ˉıl (pure) tribes marketplace or fair double-reeded aerophone performed with a circular breathing technique, used in sangini and laywa in Jıˉzaˉn, the act of leaving a dancing line and performing as a solo or featured dancer women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn “the follower”; an older woman, sometimes the bride’s mother, who accompanies a bride to her new home for a few days bass goblet drum in majruˉr “drum”; in the Najd and Gulf, usually has two membranes; also used for goblet drum largest laywa drum “sea drum,” Gulf barrel drum made of wood with two thick drumheads general word for “hand drum,” especially goblet drum

Glossary  343 ․t abla ․h adıˉd (¢ ¡®) ․t aggaˉgaˉt, also known as daggaˉgaˉt or daqqaˉqıˉn (‫)®•ت‬ ․t aggaˉtıˉf (¶ Š®) tah․wıˉs (žƒŠ) takhmıˉr ( ’‘‫)ا‬ takhyila (¡ ’‘‫)ا‬ tanaka (‘‫)ا‬ ․tanbuˉra (‫)ا‹رة‬

tanshıˉr ( ‘‫)ا‬ tanzıˉla (¡­Š) taqaˉsıˉm (ˆ Š) taqsıˉm (ˆ ŒŠ) ․t aˉr, singular (‫ ;)ا‹ر‬plural, ․tˉı raˉn or ․t aˉraˉt (‫ ا‹رات‬،‫)ا‹ ان‬ ․t arab (‫)® ب‬ tarh․ˉı bat al-d ․ayf (¶ ±‫  ا‬¢ Š) ․t arıˉqa († ‹‫)ا‬ ․t arq (‫)ا‹ ق‬

tashkıˉl (  Š) ․t asht (Ž‹‫)ا‬ tathlıˉth (· ¡¸‘‫)ا‬ tatrıˉb (œ ‘‘‫)ا‬ tawshıˉh․a (ƒ Š) tek thaqıˉl ( Ì) thobe (‫)ا¸ب‬ thobe al-h․uwaysıˉ (Œƒ‫)ا‬ thobe al-mah․aˉrıˉd (‫)اƒر‬ thobe al-tuˉr (‫ب ا‘ر‬Ì) tihaˉma (‰ŸŠ) ․t uˉs/t․aˉsat (‹‫)ا‹س\ا‬ ․t wysaˉt (‫)ا‹Œ\ا‹Œت‬ ‘uˉd (‫)اد‬ ughaˉni (°¾‫)ا‬ ‘ulba (¡‫)ا‬ um ‘allaˉya (†´ ‫)ام‬ uns (žْ ُ‫)أ‬ uns․ayfi (› ¬‫)ا‬ Upper Gulf ‘urs (‫)ا س‬ ‘ushaˉq (‫)اق‬ wad’aˉni (‫)ود‬ waˉdi (‫)اادي‬ wanna/wanıˉn (“ ‫ ا‬،‫)ا‬ yadi (‫)ي‬ yalwa (‫)¡ه‬ yamaˉni (« ‫)ا‬

metal goblet drum, especially common among women musicians in Saudi Arabia female frame drummers and “choir” singers female drummer-singers in T ․aˉ’if (see ․t aggaˉgaˉt) “twirling”; khobayti rotating dance large ‘ard․a drum with two skin heads over a frame, supported by a strap around the shoulder and/or a curved handle on the top women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn “tank”; a metal container that is played like a percussion instrument by mountain tribes in the southwest or as part of Gulf laywa—in the later case, it is also called baˉtuˉ an Incoming art in the Gulf and the Hijaz from Africa associated with spirit possession; also the name of the large lyre chordophone played during ․t anbuˉra performances and the song genre that accompanies the dance women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn main choral section of a Gulf fijiri song; light doˉsari song general Arabic term for free instrumental improvisations “division, section:” men’s dancing rank especially in T ․aˉ’if majruˉr; singular of taqaˉsıˉm a frame drum comprised of a single membrane of goat, sheep, or rabbit skin attached to a wide wooden frame “rapture,” general term in the Arab world for the ecstasy a listener can feel when hearing emotionally moving music or performances “greeting of the guest” ritual, especially in Baˉh ․a daˉna genre “melody,” which can be sung or performed on the rebaˉba in the Gulf and Najd; the term is especially used for shayla; in Jıˉzaˉn ․t arq is a poetic genre with singing and humming. T ․arq tends to be pastoral or non-militaristic large zalafa in the Asıˉr “pan”; in the south, a metal tray or basin played like a percussion instrument smaller ‘ard․a drum with two skin heads over a frame which is held by a long handle and adorned with colorful tassels called danaˉdıˉsh; see mithlaˉth daˉna genre especially played for the bride and groom at weddings musical ending section of ․saut higher pitched drumming sound general term for “heavy, weighty”; used to describe genres with a slower or more deliberate rhythm and dance style men’s long white garment in Saudi Arabia, known as a dishdaˉsha in the Gulf; general word for “garment,” including sheer over-cloak of women worn at weddings men’s garment that fans out during spinning dances majruˉr dancer’s thobe sheer women’s garment worn for dancing saˉmri or khammaˉri in the Gulf low-land sea coast of western Saudi Arabia small hand cymbals of sea musicians in the Gulf; see ․t wysaˉt small hand cymbals of sea musicians in Kuwait; see ․t uˉs/t․aˉsat Arab pear-shaped lute general Arabic word for “songs” frame drum placed on the shins in the Hijazi mizmaˉr art subversive dance; see dagni “joyfulness”; term used for a musical gathering in Kuwait of those associated with the sea that includes a fijiri cycle along with land arts and ․saut ‘ard․a drum, Gulf version of the Najdi tathlıˉth but without tassels. It is held by wrapping a long strap around the shoulder and buttressing the drum body against the palm of the hand States of Kuwait, Bahrain, Eastern Saudi Arabia, and Qatar general term for “wedding,” used to indicate the wedding party with music, the ․haflat al-‘urs Makkah maqaˉm duple saˉmri of Waˉdi Al-Dawaˉsir with the khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ rhythm; named after the Al-Wad’aˉni tribal branch valley or river bed that is dry for most of the year except during times of heavy rain. In the Peninsula communities settled around waˉdis because of irrigation and protection humming or “warm-up” singing; in Doˉsari arts it is a style of introductory vocal improvisation “my hand” Kuwait pronunciation of jalwa daˉna genre

344  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula yamaˉni al-h․ijaˉz (‫) اƒ‡ز‬ yamaˉni al-kaff (¶‫)« ا‬ yamaˉni al-sıˉkaˉh (‫) اŒ ه‬ yaˉmli (ya hamli) yaˉmmaˉl/mıˉdaˉf/jarra ( ‫ ا‡ ة‬،‫ ا اف‬،‫)ا ‰ل‬ yanba’aˉwi (‫)ا وي‬ yibaˉb (‫)ب‬ zaffa (ª‫)ز‬ zah․fa (›¢­‫)ا‬ zalafa (›­‫)ا‬ zaˉmil (‰‫)ا­ا‬ zanbıˉl ( ‫)ز‬ zaˉr (‫)ا­ار‬ zawaˉj (‫)ا­واج‬ zayfa (†›‫)ز‬ zifaˉn (‫ن‬ª‫)ز‬ zıˉr ( ­‫)ا‬ zıˉr ard ․i (‫)ز أر‬ zubayri (‫)ز ي‬ zuhayri, plural zuhayriyyaˉt (‫ ا­ه ة‬،‫)ا­ه ي‬ zuˉmaˉl (‫)زو‰ل‬

Makkah maqaˉm daˉna genre with hand claps and slides Makkah maqaˉm Gulf work song for cleaning and preparing vessels on shore, similar to deh ․aˉn hard pull work chant “song” in the Gulf “of Yanbu’”; an art from Yanbu’; a specific Yanbu’ rhythm Gulf word for ululation, especially in Kuwait bride and/or groom procession or music that accompanies the procession “crawling” or “serpentine”; an exciting, fast-paced song genre with dance of the Asıˉr; women’s art of Jıˉzaˉn spoked chest drum of the southwest a male tribal procession art of southwestern and southern tribes (e.g., Najraˉ n) that is either martial or celebratory; except for that of Jıˉzaˉn, it has no instruments, just voices fish basket made of bamboo leaves the “visit”; African-rooted name, spirit possession ritual with music general term for “marriage,” sometimes used among females to denote the actual wedding party, the ․haflat al-zawaˉj a pastoral art of Jıˉzaˉn pair dance performed during ․saut of sea musicians in the Gulf kettledrum originally from the west coast; the name of a khobayti-related art in the Hijaz ground zıˉr kettledrum a Gulf subcategory of la’buˉni named after Zubayr, Iraq poetic form from Iraq with seven-line verses and a rhyme scheme AAABBBA. Sections are sung by the Gulf nahhaˉm for ijrah ․aˉn and various songs, including work songs a type of song that accompanies mizmaˉr

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INDEX abayas 42; tossing 48 ‘Abdu, Mohammad 229, 247–8, 319 ‘Abdul-H ․ akıˉm, T ․arıˉq 208, 211, 213, 215, 216, 230, 247, 249, 250 ‘Abdul’azıˉz ibn Sa’uˉd 7, 21, 62, 65 ‘Abdullah, ‘Abdul Majıˉd 247, 248, 249 Abu Zaid, Abdullah 215 ‘adani 240, 330–3; comparison of Kuwait and the Yemen 333; genres/rhythmic modes 331, 332 ‘adsaˉ ni 172, 173, 174 African influences: drummers of the Tihaˉma 325; Hijazi folk arts 183, 201–4; T ․aˉ ’if 208, 211 “Aisha Al-Marta Day” 55, 61 akhdaˉ m 325 ‘akıˉri 276, 284 Al-’Allaˉwi, Buraik 215–16 Al-Amaˉri, Salmaˉn 333 Al-Amıˉri, Khalifa 155, 158 Al-Amjad Band 70 Al-Aqaˉd, Abbaˉs 65 Al-Aqili, Mohammed Bin Ahmad 312 Al-Bayti, Yaman Ja’far 229 Al-Din, Muhammad Sa’id Tag 221 Al-D ․ uwayh․i, Abdulaziz 333 Al-Faraj, ‘Abdullah 175 Al-Faraj, Saˉlih 84, 87, 89, 90 Al-Ghaˉmdi, Daghsaˉn 307 Al-Hadad, Fahad 333 Al-H ․ amli, Rashid 331 Al-Haˉmra, Wahda 58, 59 Al-Isfahani, Abu Al-Faraj 220 Al-Iskandiraˉni, H ․ assan 258–9 Al-Iskandiraˉni, Hussein 258, 259 Al-Johar, Abaˉdi 260 Al-Juˉdi, Awad Ala 211 Al-Kabaysi, Fahad 331 Al-Khalıˉfa royal family 155 Al-Khalıˉfıˉ, Aishah 129, 130–1 Al-Kuwaiti, Saleh 239 Al-Marta, Aisha 55, 61 Al-Mjabıˉl, Saˉlem 96 Al-Moˉathin, ‘Abdul Rahman 237 Al-Muhanna, Ouda 50, 51, 55, 60–1 al-Qaˉdir Al-Jıˉlaˉni, Abd 111 Al-Qas․aˉr, Sulıˉmaˉn 37, 55, 117 Al-Radhaˉn, Baˉsm 135 Al-Sarawi, Ahmed Ibrahim 268 Al-Sharıˉf, Abdullah 268 Al-Sharıˉf, Bandar 259, 260 Al-Sharıˉf, Saud 259, 260 Al-Shibli, Tariq 109 Al-Shitawi, Safiya 244, 245 Al-Srowr, Juma 139

Al-Sunbaˉ․ti, Riyaˉd 257–8 Al-Wadyuˉd, ’Abdullah 216 Al-Wahhaˉb, Abd 52 Al-Wahhaˉb, Muhammad ibn Abd 6 Al-Watan 23 Al-Yitaˉma, Yacoub 154, 156 ‘Alawi, Faisal 229 “Alayk Sa’ıˉ d” 128–9 ‘Ali, Ghaˉzi 236, 239, 247, 252–3 Alireza, Marianne 244 Amaˉn, Mohammad 237, 247, 253, 254 Amersha, Mona 134–5 “Amıˉna fıˉ amaˉnıˉha” 125, 126 ‘Anizza 2; dah ․․ha 26–7 Arabian Peninsula 1–3; national groupings 2; people 2–3 ‘ard․a 28–9, 63–71, 269, 277; Asıˉr 277, 287, 288, 292; Baˉh ․a 304–5; Bıˉsha 302; costume 66–7; Doˉsari 79, 80; drums 67–9; in the Gulf 70–1; H ․ aˉ’il 92; Jıˉzaˉn 315, 316, 317; in the Najd 64–70; performance practices 65–6; sea ‘ard․a 71, 72; Unayza 69, 90, 91 ‘ard․a al-’amıˉrıˉa 71, 72 art (classical) urban music 182, 219–41 ‘arubi/urabi 99, 101, 102 asaˉs 303, 304 ‘aˉshuˉri 99, 105–7, 127–8 Asıˉr province 262, 263, 264, 273–99; collective arts 276–90, 291; mixed gender performance 269–70; martial arts 274, 276–7, 284–90, 291; pastoral arts 274, 276, 282–4; percussion instruments 277–81; tribes 274; women’s music 290–8 ‘azzaˉwi 315, 317–19 bad’ and radd 269, 284 badawıˉ 276, 284 baddaˉwi 47, 48, 132; and matchmaking 36–44; times when it is requisite 42 baduˉ 3, 274–6; see also Bedouin Baˉghaffaˉr, Hind 75, 202–3, 211 bagpipe music 150 Baˉ․ha province 273, 274, 302–9 Bahrain 1, 2, 14, 99; links to Qatar 153; pearling 153; weddings 133 bah ․ ri 172, 173, 174 Bakewell, Anderson 325 Bakr Salim, Abu 229, 331 banjika 233, 234 baraˉshıˉm 96, 97 barmıˉl 278–9, 283 barrel drums 183–4 Basuˉs War 26 battle 14–15, 26–7 battle arts see martial/battle arts baˉtuˉ 140 Bedouin 3, 13–32; Asıˉ r 274–6; collective arts 22–32; Hijazi folk arts 183; origins of saˉmri 73; solo arts 16–21; traditional characteristics 14–16; weddings 33–44, 46–8; women’s arts 33–49

352  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula besta 99, 108 Bey, Ali 243 bin dawsir 46 Bin Hussein, Hamid 159, 165 Bıˉsha 300–2 “Bless and pray for the Prophet” 124 bongo drums 224, 225 brides: bridal blessing 122, 124–6; hair party 292–3; henna night 122, 126–7, 308; songs written for 35; zaffa 122, 128 Bukhara peoples 208 Bukhaˉri, Abdulazıˉz 235 Burckhardt, J.L. 15, 18, 33, 73, 244 Burton, I. 193 Burton, R.F. 193 buˉs․ 190, 191 call and response 269, 284 “camel limp” 8–9 camels 25; breeding 14–15 caulking boats 164 chechaˉnga 140 cheer to the Prophet 124 cheering dancers 46–7 circumcision ceremonies 290, 291, 316, 318 classical urban music 182, 219–41 collective arts: Asıˉ r 276–90, 291; Baˉh․a 304–7; Bedouin 22–32; Najraˉn 326–9; Southwestern Arabia 266–7 commercial music 3–4, 145 costume see dress/costume culture, and stigma 6–8 dagg al-h․abb 106–7 dagni 334 dah․․ha/dah․․hiya 24–8, 92; history of 26–7; Rwala 28 Dame, Louis P. 207–8 damma 276, 285–7, 315, 319 daˉn/daˉna (Jıˉzaˉn) 315, 321–2 daˉna/daˉnaˉt (Hijaz) 222–30; meaning of 230; performance 223–4; types 225–9; and the Yemen connection 229–30 daˉna-related arts 225, 231–2 Daˉr Unayzeh Band for Traditional Arts 83–91 daˉrs 168–9 Dawaˉsir see Doˉsari dawwaˉri/birikha 161–3 dazza 122, 128–9 deh ․ aˉn/yaˉmli 164 D ․ ˉı Qaˉr combat 26–7 Dickson, H.R.P. 8, 45 dil’a 315, 319 dıˉwaˉniya 168–9 doˉka 233, 234 Doˉsari: ․had․ar 75–82; dancers 45–6; drums 76–8; genres 79–82; performance 78, 79 Doughty, C.M. 83 dress/costume: ‘ard․a 66–7; folk troupes in Jıˉ zaˉn 314; Hijazi 235; khobayti 187–8; majruˉr 214–15; mizmaˉr 194 drummers/percussionists see musicians drums/percussion instruments 6; ‘ard․a 67–9; Asıˉr 277–81; Baˉh․a 303–4; daˉna 223, 224; Doˉsari 76–8; Gulf 96–8; Hijazi 183–5; Jıˉ zaˉn 312–14; khobayti 188–90; laywa 139–41; mizmaˉr 196; in Najda ‘ard․a 67–9; ․taggaˉgaˉt 52; ․tanbuˉra 142, 143–5 duff 185 dum 185, 200 duple-meter saˉmri 72, 73–4, 81–2, 112–14

Doˉsh, Darwıˉsh 222, 223, 238 Dykstra, Minnie 146 Egypt: mizmaˉr 193; Yanbu’ and 197–8 Eid 130–1 exorcism sessions see spirit possession Fahad, Bo 148–9 family recognition 41–4 fann al-khammaˉri 99–114; complementary arts 99, 107–14 faras 36, 38 far’i 234 Fatuma 145 “Faz Qalbi” fraysni 30 fijiri 5, 167–73; structure 172–3 fire drums 272 Firqat Daˉrıˉ n 169 flag-bearer 66 flutes 275, 314 folk troupes 4–5; Jıˉ zaˉn 314; Southwestern Arabia 270; Ta’if 209 frame drums 76–7, 97, 186 fraysa 107, 108 fraysni 29–31, 129 galt․a 22–4 gargaˉ’oˉn/girgıˉ ’aˉn/garganga’oˉh 118–19 gatherings 5 German nightclub 40 gezaw’i 277, 289–90, 326–7 ghazaˉl 46 ghut․․fa 21 ghutras 85 goblet drums 185 groom’s zaffa 122, 123, 127–8 Gulf 2; ‘ard․a in 70–1; combining the Gulf arts in practice 117; comparison of wedding parties with the Najd 135–7; ․h ad․ar in the Upper Gulf 95–120; incoming arts 95, 138–51; musical sounds of daily life 166; sea traditions of the Upper Gulf 95–6, 152–77; ․t aggaˉ gaˉ t 55–61; village arts 29–32; wedding practices and songs 121–37 gurawi arts 29–32 “Habb as-sa’ad” 127, 128 habbaˉn 150 ․had․ar 3; comparing ․had․ar weddings in the Najd and Gulf 135–7; from the Najd 62–94; mix of genres in practice 117; in the Upper Gulf 95–120 ․haddaˉdıˉ 164, 172, 173, 174 hadi 239 ․hadiya 294 ․hadri 211, 216–17, 233–4 ․hafaˉl parties 56 ․hafla 5 hagh’a dance step 268, 282 H ․ aˉ’il 23, 63, 64, 92–3 hair parties 292–3 hair-tossing 39–40, 45 haˉjir 184 hand clapping, interlocking 157, 158, 187 ․hasaˉwi 172, 173, 174 Hasheim, Mohammad 222, 236, 259, 260 ․haˉshi 25, 27, 28 haˉwan 168, 171 ․hawt․i 84, 88–9 henna 41

Index  353 henna night 122, 126–7, 308 ․hidaˉ’ 20–1 ․hidwa/h ․anda 160 Hijaz 2; classical urban music 182, 219–41; connection to Kuwait 239–40; distinguished artists 247–60; folk traditions 181–204; T ․aˉ’if see T ․aˉ’if; women musicians compared with those in the Najd 244; women’s arts 242–6 ․hijaˉz 233 hijeˉni 19–20 hilaˉli 20 Hind 26–7 ․hiyuˉmaˉ 211, 216, 217 ․hiraˉb 233 ․huˉraˉb 65 Hurgronje, Christiaan Snouck 201, 220–1, 222–3, 243 Husain, Mubaˉrak 169 ․husayni al-makki 233 “I Could Not Sleep” imjalaisi 31 ibduwi 36–44 Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih 220 Ibn La’bun, Mohammad 103, 104, 105 Ibraˉhıˉm, Qah․․t aˉn 169 idiophones 277–9 Idrıˉs, Abdalrab 229 Idrıˉs, Aisha bint 59 ijh․ala/ih ․ala 167, 170 ‘ijil 198 ijrah․aˉn 172, 173 Ikhwan 6–7 imjailisi 29, 31, 233–4; sea imjailisi 173, 174; T ․aˉ’if 209, 211, 218 imkhaˉlif/imkhoˉlif/imkhaˉlfıˉ 172, 173, 174 imkhoˉmis 211, 218 imnaykhil 41 im’oˉshir 211, 218 imroˉba 211, 218 imthoˉlith 112–14, 211, 218 incoming arts: Gulf 95, 138–51; Hijaz 183 inexpert artists 244–5 inshaˉd al-dıˉni 234 interlocking hand clapping 157, 158, 187 invitations, wedding 292 ‘iqaˉl 25; for majruˉr 215; waving 48 Iraqi influence 108–11, 112 Islamic Awakening 7, 83 Islamic ․taggaˉgaˉt 52–3 isolation 264 istinzaˉl (trance) 71, 73–4, 138, 145–9 ’Itaˉb 244, 249, 256–7 jah ․ala 167, 170 jahaˉrkaˉh 233, 234 Jah․ra 42–4 jalaˉ’aˉt 57 jalsa 5 jalwa/yalwa 122, 124–6 jambiya 316, 318 jassıˉs 235, 236, 237 jaysh 277, 287, 288; Jıˉzaˉn 315, 316, 317 Jeddah 181, 182 jewelry 41 jıˉb 161 jinn see spirit possession jirba 150

Jıˉzaˉn province 311–25; martial arts 315–19; pastoral arts 315, 319–21; sea music 315, 322–3; tribal mountain arts 315, 321–2; women’s arts 323–4 jizza 279, 280 Jum’a, Sa’ad 331 jurma 82 kaˉsir al-bah․ri 315, 323 kasra 201, 233–4 kasraˉt 333–4 kaˉsuˉr 109, 110 kettledrums 78, 185 khad․ˉı ri 3 khalıˉji/sa’uˉdi 3–4, 145 khammaˉri 99, 100–1, 102 Khan, Muhammed Jum’a 331 khashaˉba 43, 99, 108–11, 112 khat․fa 161 khayyaˉli 225, 231, 232 khobayti 90, 183, 186–92; doˉsari and 82; instruments 188–90; performance and dress 187–8; regional of Raˉbigh and Yanbu’ 190–1; split personality 192; zaˉr and khobayti music 202, 203–4 khut․wa 267–8, 269; Asıˉr 276, 277, 282–3, 297; Jıˉzaˉn 315, 319–20 khwıˉz’aˉnıˉ rhythm 81, 82 King Fahd Causeway 58 koˉsha 34, 35, 121 Kurpershoek, M. 16 Kuwait 1, 2, 14; comparison of ‘adani in Yemen and 333; connection with Hijaz 239–40; milcha 123; radh ․a 129, 131–2; saˉmri/zaˉr 148–9; sangini 165; sea tradition 155; wedding parties 46–8, 123, 133–5, 150; Yemeni immigrants 330–1 la’buˉni 99, 103–4, 105 lafh ․a 39–40 la’ib 269; Baˉ․ha 306, 307, 308, 309; Bedouin weddings 38–41; Najraˉn 327, 328; women’s 307, 308, 309, 328 la’ib al-zıˉr 192 land arts 95–6, 173–4 Lawrence, T.E. 208 laywa 138–42; instruments 139–41; texts 141–2 Leiden wax recordings 219, 220–1, 222 liming of boats 164 “love” arts see pastoral arts Lut․fi, Ibtisaˉm 249, 253, 256, 257–8 ma’asha 315, 320 Maddaˉh․, T ․alaˉl 211, 229, 247, 248–9, 250, 256, 257 madıˉh ․ 41–2 “Maftuˉn Qalbi” fraysni 31 Mahmoud, Jamıˉ l 251–2 Mah․suˉn, Fawzi 229, 254, 255 maˉhuˉr 233 majass/majassaˉt 234–7 majruˉr 209, 211–16, 225, 231; dress 214–15; performance 212–14 makazza 281, 283 makhmuˉs 163–4 Makkah city 181, 182, 206 Makkah province 181, 182, 236 manjuˉr 142, 143–5 maqaˉmaˉt 232–3, 234 maqfi 185, 188, 189 maraˉdaˉh 129–31 maradd 184, 189, 196, 303, 304 marbuˉ’ 20 mares 38

354  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula martial/battle arts 15; ‘ard․a see ‘ard․a; Asıˉr 274, 276–7, 284–90, 291; Baˉh․a 304–7; female Bedouin 21; Hijaz 193–4; Jıˉzaˉn 315–19 mashiya 65 masht․at al’aruˉs 292–3 mash ․uˉb 19 Mat․ar, B.A. 131 matchmaking 36–44 Mauger, Thierry 275 mawwaˉ l 158–9 maˉ ya 233, 234 Mayouf, Sulıˉmaˉn 70 Mayouf Band 143, 145 Medinah city 181, 182 Medinah province 181, 182 membranophones 279–81 merchant family wedding 133–5 mesamer 73 midgaˉ l 277, 289, 290, 291, 292 mifraˉ z 278, 283, 292, 293, 295, 298 mih ․raˉ f 211, 217–18 milcha/milka parties 122–3, 292, 295 military bands 208 mi’raˉ ․d 276, 287–9 mirjaf 185, 189, 196 mirwaˉ s 183–4, 196, 199, 200 mish ․abaˉ ni 306–7, 315, 321 misıˉra bıˉsha 302 mis․qaˉ ’ 223, 303, 304 mis․qaˉ ’ al-duff 303, 304 mithlaˉ th/uns․ay ․ fi 70, 71 mithloˉth 303, 304 mixed gender dancing 269–70 mizmaˉ r 183, 190, 193–6, 231, 314; Asıˉr 275; percussion 196 money, blessing with 295 mortal and pestle 275, 278, 292, 293 Muftah, Ibrahim 321 Mughawi, Ali 268 muh ․aˉ wara 211, 217–18 mulh ․aq 303, 304 munshid/munshidıˉ n 234, 270–1 muraˉ fa’ 328 mushawrak 233 musicians 4–5; “African” drummers of the Tihaˉma 325; Asıˉr weddings 295–6; folk troupes see folk troupes; pearling industry 156–7; sea bands 168–9; Southwestern Arabia 270–1; ․taggaˉ gaˉ t see ․aˉ ’if 209–10 ․taggaˉ gaˉ t; T musuˉnduˉ 140 nabat․i texts 16–17 naggaˉ zi 99, 107, 112–14 nagrazaˉn 185, 196 naˉ guˉz 89–90, 91 nah ․bah 158 nahhaˉ m 156–7, 158–9 Najd 2; ․had․ar arts 62–94; Najdi regions 63, 64, 75–93; ․taggaˉ gaˉ t in 53–5; wedding parties compared with the Gulf 135–7; women musicians compared with the Hijaz 244; see also Bedouin najdi/raddaˉdi 99, 102–3 Najraˉn 326–9 naqla 304 naqqaˉ ’ıˉn al-zıˉ r 303–4 naqqaˉ ra/naqqaˉ qıˉr 185, 237, 238 nashiya 293, 298 national groupings 2

nawba 185, 189 neh ․ma 163, 172, 173 Niebuhr, Carsten 157 Oman 1, 2 ‘Omar, Siraˉj 247, 254–6 Ottomans 208, 239; Southwestern Arabia 264–5 party ensembles 209, 210 pastoral arts: Asıˉ r 274, 276, 282–4; Baˉh․a 307; Jıˉzaˉn 315, 319–21 pearling 152, 153–8, 167 pesta 108 pestle and mortar 275, 278, 292, 293 “Pity the Heart” 104 poet-singers 270–1 poetic unaccompanied tribal forms 211, 217–18 political commentary 23 popular commercial music 3–4, 145 qabıˉli 3 qaˉdri 99, 111, 112, 113 “Qamar ‘alaˉ i” 282 qas․aymi 211, 215 Qas․ˉm ı 7, 63, 64, 82–91; Unayza male arts 86–91; work songs 85, 86, 92 Qatar 1, 2, 10, 14, 99; links to Bahrain 155; weddings 133; zaˉ r in 147 Qat․if 155 qayna/qiyaˉn 242, 243 Raˉbigh 185–6; khobayti 190, 191 rabkha 276, 284 rabsh 315, 319–20 radd 269, 284 raddaˉdi 99, 102–3 radh ․a 99, 105–7, 129–32 radıˉ․h 201 raiding 14–15 rakbi 233, 234 raˉst al-h ․ijaˉzi 233, 234 raˉyyeh 276, 277, 297–8, 301–2 razif/razfa: Bedouin 28–9; Jıˉ zaˉn 315, 321; Najraˉn 326–7, 327–8 rebaˉba 17–19 recreational sea cycles 167–76 Regency Palace Hotel wedding, Kuwait 46–8 religion 6–8 rhythm, and the “camel limp” 8–9 riflemen 66 Rıˉ ․hˉanıˉ , Amıˉ n 83 Rijaˉl Alma’ village 264, 265, 286, 287 Riyadh 63, 64; ‘ard․a 64–5, 69, 70; ․taggaˉ gaˉ t homes 53–4 roadaˉ maˉ n 225, 228 royal families 2, 155 Rutter, Eldon 243 Rwala dah ․․ha 28 S․adaqah, H ․ amdaˉn 224, 230, 239 ․s aff 33–6 ․s affagat 34–5 ․s afqa 157, 158 ․s ahba 237–9 sah ․ ba 281 sa’ib 328 Sa’ıˉd, Mary 244, 259 Sa’ıˉ d, T ․alaˉ l I ‘Uthmaˉn al-Muz’il 21 S․ˉaigh, Ali 226

Index  355 ․s akhri 20 Salafism 6 saˉmer/samra 5; sea samra 5, 167, 173–4 saˉmri 5, 63, 71–5; Bedouin origins 73; at Bedouin weddings 47; Doˉsari 79–82; duple-meter 72, 73–4, 81–2, 112–14; exorcism sessions in the Gulf 145–9; of the Gulf 112–17; H ․ ˉa ’il 92, 93; Najd 71–5; solo 19–21, 72; and trance 71, 73–4; triple-meter 72, 73–4, 75, 81, 114–15; women’s 75, 81 saˉmri gurawi 29, 31–2 saˉmri naggaˉzi/imthoˉlith 112–14 saˉmri unayza 84, 85, 86–8 ․s an’aˉni 225, 227–8 sangini 164–5 sardi 124 Saudi Arabia 1, 2, 14 ․saut 239–40; Gulf 174–6; Hijazi 232 ․saut arabi 175, 176 ․saut jalsa 175–6 ․saut khayaˉli 175 ․saut shami 175, 176 sayf 275, 324; Jıˉzaˉn 315–16 sea ‘ard․a 71, 72 sea arts: Hijaz 183; Jıˉzaˉn 315, 322–3; Upper Gulf 95–6, 152–77; Yanbu’ 197–201 sea bands 168–9 sea imyailisi/imjailisi 173, 174 sea samra (uns) 5, 167; structure 173–4 shabshara 226 Shammar wedding 42–4 sharqayn 225, 231–2 shawoˉsh 239 shayla 16–17, 88, 282 Sheraton Hotel wedding, Kuwait 133–5 Shiite dazza texts 129 shore songs 163–7; women’s 166–7 sıˉkaˉh al-huzaˉm 233 sıˉkaˉh al-makki 233 silver 295 simsimiya 190, 191–2; genre at Yanbu’ 198, 199–201 Sindi, Mohammad Ali 247, 254, 255 Sıˉta 295 social standing 53–5 solo arts: Bedouin 16–21; unaccompanied solo singing 16–17, 201, 211, 217–18, 233–4 solo saˉmri 19–21, 72 Southwestern Arabia 2, 261–72 Sowrayan, Saad Abdullah 87, 88 spinning/twirling 187 spirit possession: the Najd 71, 73–4; pearl divers 154; zaˉr in the Hijaz 202–4; zaˉr/saˉmri in the Gulf 145–9 stick-fighting 193–4 stiff-kneed Bedouin dance 45 stigma of music making 6–8 subversive arts 333–4 Sulaiman ibn Abdullah 6 Suˉq Okaˉz 206, 207, 209 ․s urnaˉy 140–1 ․tabl: Doˉsari 79, 80; Hijaz 185 ․tabl al’oad 139–40, 141 ․tabl bah ․ ri 96–8, 115, 143, 171 ․tabl nuˉbia 142, 145 ․tabla 185, 212, 213, 223 Tabuˉk province 181, 182

․taggaˉ gaˉ t 34, 50–61, 135, 136–7, 295; in the Gulf 55–61; historic role 55–6; instruments 52; Islamic 52–3; in the Najd 53–5; notable Gulf ․taggaˉ gaˉ t 59–61; in the twenty-first century 57–61 T ․ˉa ’if 181, 182, 185–6, 205–18; folk arts 209–10; heterogeneous populace 207–9; major arts 211–17; poetic unaccompanied tribal forms 211, 217–18 takhmıˉr 67–8 tanaka 140, 277–8, 283 ․tanbuˉra: Gulf 142–5; Hijaz 201, 202; instruments 142, 143–5 tanshıˉr 324 ․tanzıˉ la 172, 173 ․taˉr/t․ˉıraˉn 212, 213, 302; Gulf 96, 97, 171; Hijaz 185, 223; Najd 76–7, 78; saˉ mri/zaˉ r with 147–8; Southwestern Arabia 272 ․tarıˉqa 225, 228–9 ․tarq 315, 320–1 ․taˉsat/t․wysaˉt 156, 157 tashkıˉl 281 “Tasruˉn wala sarayna” 132 tathlıˉth 67–9 ․tatrıˉb 225, 229 “Tawb, Tawb” 166 Thesiger, W. 274, 287 thobe al-h ․uwaysıˉ 187, 188 thobe al-tuˉr 116 thobes 85 Tihaˉ ma 262, 263, 264; “African” drummers 325; Jıˉzaˉ n 311–25 Tihaˉmat Asıˉ r 262, 263, 264; comparison of coastal arts from Jıˉzaˉ n and 322 trance 71, 73–4, 138, 145–9 tribal mountain arts 315, 321–2 triple-meter saˉmri 72, 73–4, 75, 81; Upper Gulf 114–15 Tuha 217, 234, 244, 245, 247, 250–1 ulba 185, 188, 196 ululation 43 Um Fadel, Sana’a 50, 51 Um Nader 130 Um Rashid, Fatimah 60 Um Zaˉ yid, Amıˉ na 58, 59 Um Zaˉ yid, Makıˉ ah 60 unaccompanied solo singing 16–17, 201, 233–4; T ․ˉa ’if 211, 217–18 Unayza 82–92; ‘ard․a 69, 90, 91; male arts 86–91; work songs 92 United Arab Emirates 1, 2 uns 5, 167; structure 173–4 uns․a․y fi/mithlaˉth 70, 71 urban art music 182, 219–41 ‘ushaˉq 233 village arts: Bedouin 29–32; Hijaz 183 Villiers, Alan 155, 157, 162, 164–5, 166, 330–1 “Wa-trıˉmbo” 124 Waˉ di al-Dawaˉsir 63, 64, 75–82 Waˉdi Faˉ․tima 185–6 wax cylinder recordings 219, 220–1, 222 weapons 66 weddings: Asıˉ r 292–8; Baˉh․a 307–9; Bedouin 33–44, 46–8; comparison of the Najd and Gulf 135–7; differences among the Gulf states 133; the Gulf 121–37; habbaˉ n at a wedding party 150; Hijaz 195, 236, 243, 244–6; Islamic 52; Jıˉ zaˉn 323–4; Kuwait 46–8, 123, 133–5, 150; Najraˉ n 329; ․taggaˉ gaˉ t 53, 58; T ․aˉ ’if 210 welcoming songs: Asıˉ r 293, 294; Baˉh․a 308–9

356  Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula women: ‘aˉ shuˉri and work songs 106–7; Asıˉ r 290–8; Baˉh․a wedding traditions 307–9; Bedouin 33–49; Gulf saˉ mri dance 116–17; ․had․ar in the Gulf 96, 114; ․haˉ shi role 25, 27, 28; Hijaz 242–6; Hijazi vs Najdi performers 244; Jıˉ zaˉn 323–4; la’ib in Najraˉ n 328; saˉ mri in the Najd 75, 81; shore songs 166–7; ․taggaˉ gaˉ t see ․ˉa ’if 209, 210; watching ‘ard․a 65; zaˉr in the Hijaz 202–3 ․taggaˉ gaˉ t; T work songs: Qas․ˉm ı 85, 86, 92; sea arts in the Upper Gulf 157–67; shore songs 163–7; Southwestern Arabia 265–6; women in the Upper Gulf 106–7, 166–7 “Yaˉ m’ayrıˉs” 127–8 “Yaˉ naˉ s daloˉ ni” 113, 114 “Ya Sa’uˉ d” 102–3 Yamani, Mai 222 Yamaˉ ni, Mohammad ‘Abdu 257 yamaˉ ni 225, 226–7 yamaˉ ni al-h ․ijaˉ z 233 yamaˉ ni al-kaff 225–6, 229, 237 yamaˉ ni al-sıˉ kaˉ h 233, 234 yaˉ mmaˉ l/mıˉdaˉ f/jarra 161 yanba’aˉ wi 199–201

Yanbu’ 181, 182, 185–6; and Egypt 197–8; khobayti 190–2; sea arts 197–201 yard hoisting 157 Yemen 1, 2; ‘adani 330–1, 333; and daˉ na 229–30; influences in T ․ˉa ’if 207–8, 209 zaffa: Asıˉ r 294, 295; Baˉh․a 309; Bıˉsha 302, 303; bride’s 122, 128; groom’s 122, 123, 127–8 zah ․ fa 276, 283–4, 298 zalafa 280–1; Jıˉzaˉ n 312, 313, 314 zaˉ mil 269, 275, 276, 277; Asıˉr 277, 289; Jıˉzaˉn 315, 321; Najraˉn 326–7 zaˉ r: in the Hijaz 202–4; Jıˉ zaˉ n 315, 322; zaˉ r/saˉ mri in the Gulf 145–9 zayfa 315, 320 zifaˉ n 176 zıˉr 302; Asıˉ r 279–80; Hijaz 183, 185, 190, 192; Jıˉzaˉ n 312–14; Najd 78, 81 Zubayr district 105 zubayri 99, 104, 105 zuhayri 159

Qas․‒ı mi woman working her grinding stone at a festival singing a solo saˉmri that she refers to as both jaysh and saˉmri jaysh

PLATE 1  A

PLATE 2  Professional

darraˉ’a thobes

saffaˉqaˉt (line clappers) at a combination baduˉ-h․ad․ar Gulf wedding wearing

PLATE 3 Qatari

ard․a performers at a royal wedding celebration in full dress with swords

Qatari engaging in ‘ard․a swordplay. Note the sea band behind him. Some Qatar ‘ard․a are considered quite spectacular because they combine desert and sea traditions

PLATE 4 A

drummers from Qas․‒ı m wearing farmaliyya jackets. The drums are held by both a strap and a handle and decorated with colorful danaˉdˉı sh tassels

PLATE 5 Takhmıˉr

PLATE 6 Tathlˉıth

player from the Qatari Firqat Al-Manaˉn’a, a troupe that bears the name of a large regional tribe. It is common for tribesman from the Al-H ․ asaˉ Saudi region to drive to an event in Qatar (or vice versa) and perform alongside their brethren

PLATE 7  ‘Ard ․a

PLATE 8 Zıˉr

in Qatar for a royal wedding held on the beach with camels and horses

kettledrums resting before a Saudi band member from the Eastern region. The zıˉr, which is a west coast instrument, was first adopted in central Arabia in the 1990s and not long thereafter was regularly played in the Gulf States. In 1986 the causeway linking Bahrain and Saudi Arabia was opened which increased cultural exchange

PLATE 9 In

Qas․‒ı m saˉmri unayza lines of drummer-singers compete as each row of men takes turns

engaging in steady, spectacular moves

musicians in Kuwait tightening the ropes on a ․tabl bah ․ri. Whether one is on ship or shore, the drumheads must be loosened after every performance or they warp. Because the membranes are so thick, it takes a team of men to properly tighten the ropes. The h (‫)إشبح‬: “yishba․h al-․tabl,” “tighten the drum” practice is known as ishba․

PLATE 10 Sea

PLATE 11 Jalwa

being re-enacted by Bahrainis in 2010. A green cloth (khidrah) is fanned over the head of the bride as all sing. A religious woman, standing on the left, chants prayers and leads the ceremony

participants parading around musicians in a Kuwaiti dˉı waˉniya courtyard. The ․surnaˉy (left) plays continuous uninterrupted tones by using the circular breathing technique. Laywa serves as an “announcement” before a sea band fijiri/uns

PLATE 12 Laywa

PLATE 13 Habbaˉn

and kaˉsir musicians in Kuwait who play and march in a circle with “handkerchief dancers.” Habbaˉn musicians also sit and perform with a featured singer in a samra setting

mirwaˉs of the Upper Gulf is played with two hands. For the lower “dum” sound (bat․en) the top head is struck and both heads ring freely. The higher-pitched “tek” sound (t․araf) is played closer to the rim and one must mute the bottom head with the free hand

PLATE 14 The

band performance ․saut with Ahmad Al-Salhi (violin) and Khalid Bin Hussein on uˉd (imkabbis)

PLATE 15 Sea

performers wearing colorful thobe al-․ huwaysıˉ that fan out when they spin hwˉı s). A common move in khobayti is to manipulate two swords in intricate patterns, (ta․ often while one is kneeling

PLATE 16 Khobayti

PLATE 17 A

majruˉr performance in T ․aˉ’if. A performer uses both hands to play the frame drum

PLATE 18  A

․aˉ’if. For ․hiyuˉmaˉ usually only one hand strikes the drum ․hiyuˉmaˉ performer in T

PLATE 19  Mis ․qaˉ’

PLATE 20 Asıˉri

and ․tabla set performed in the traditional manner by Hijazi Hasan Eilfilan

Bedouin playing the end blown flute, which is referred to as a “mizmaˉr”

PLATE 21  Asıˉri

Bedouin boy dancing a sayf solo, bounding with gazelle-like lightness, 2012

Bedouin men performing zaˉmil. The new groom is distinguished by his orange shirt. The shield is in his right hand, and a mass of chains is attached to it terminated by bells that provide the dance rhythm as he jumps up and down. Wadıˉ Dol’ah, Asıˉr, 1980s (Photograph by Thierry Mauger)

PLATE 22 Rabi’ah

woman of the Shalawah tribe near Bıˉ sha grinding coffee beans in the mifraˉz (mortar) which is played as a percussion instrument by southwest Bedouin women to spread a message of welcome—“music of hospitality,” 1980s (Photograph by Thierry Mauger)

PLATE 23 Bedouin

Asıˉr zıˉr and zalafa group. From left to right, the specific drum names are: tashkıˉl, sah․ba, zıˉr, makazza, 2012

PLATE 24 Tihaˉmat

PLATE 25  A

leaping Asıˉri tribesman in the role of a muqtah․ama

an Asıˉri ‘ard․a, two youths engage in a mock battle, bounding and thrusting their daggers forward

PLATE 26 In

PLATE 27 Asıˉri

girls at a female celebration in traditional dress with detailed embroidery, holding a mifraˉz for nashiya songs. The silver headbands, belts, and jewelry are customary and considered “good luck”

PLATE 28  A

traditional Baˉh ․a wedding dress

performers with raised jambiya daggers (Photograph courtesy of Mr. Mohammed Babelli)

PLATE 29 Jıˉzaˉni

percussion ensemble with six zalafa and a set of four zıˉr. Male drummers especially of the large improvising ga’ib drum lift their shirts and press the open hole against their body, opening and closing it to adjust the tone. The pitch is higher when the drum is dampened against the skin

PLATE 30 Jıˉzaˉn

PLATE 31  Young

Jıˉzaˉni men performing a rabsh, the “khu․twa of Jıˉzaˉn”

PLATE 32  Najra ˉn

drummers with zˉı r and ․taˉr