Music and ceremony at the court of Charles V : the Capilla Flamenca and the art of political promotion 9781846158346, 1846158346

The presentation of Charles V as universal monarch, defender of the faith, magnanimous peacemaker, and reborn Roman Empe

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Music and ceremony at the court of Charles V : the Capilla Flamenca and the art of political promotion
 9781846158346, 1846158346

Table of contents :
Charles V : defender of the faith and universal monarch --
The genesis of the chapel --
The reconstruction of the Capilla Flamenca --
The chapel ordinances : ritual and repertory at the court --
Music and ceremony at the court of Charles V --
Charles V as crusader and Christian knight --
The presentation of the emperor --
Appendix A: Chapel rosters --
Appendix B: Chapel statutes and ordinances --
Appendix C: Selected chapel personnel --
Appendix D: Musical manuscripts, prints, and editions.

Citation preview

spine 24.5mm P 20 Jan 11

Music and Ceremony reconstructs musical life at the court of Charles V, examining the compositions which emanated from the court, the ordinances which prescribed ritual and ceremony, and the Emperor’s prestigious chapel which reflected his power and influence. The presentation of Charles as universal monarch, defender of the faith, magnanimous peacemaker and reborn Roman Emperor became the mission of artists, poets, and chroniclers, who shaped contemporary perceptions of Charles and engaged in the political promotion of the Emperor. Music was essential as well as integral to image-making, and Mary Ferer’s study reveals how it was used to present Charles as the pious and devout defender of the faith and the invincible heroic warrior who was magnanimous in victory; she also shows how music and ceremony enabled Charles to project himself as the universal monarch, a Renaissance Caesar, and the most powerful sovereign in Europe in his time. Mary TIFFANY Ferer is Associate Professor at the College of Creative Arts, West Virginia University. Cover image: Leoni, Emperor Charles V and Fury Restrained (Madrid, Museo del Prado).

Series: Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music Tess Knighton (ICREA - IMF/CSIC, Barcelona) Helen Deeming (Royal Holloway, University of London)

GENERAL EDITORS:

an imprint of BOYDELL & BREWER Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge IP12 3DF (GB) and 668 Mt Hope Ave, Rochester NY14620-2731 (US) www.boydellandbrewer.com

Music andSociety Ceremony at the V (ed)Ferer NORTH Haskins Journal 22Court : 2010of Charles

A major contribution, offering new documentary material and bringing together the widely dispersed information on the music composed to mark the major events of Charles's life... a very useful insight into music as one of many elements that served to convey the notion of the emperor-monarch in the Renaissance. TESS KNIGHTON

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V The Capilla Flamenca and the Art of Political Promotion

MARY  TIFFANY FERER

studies in medieval and renaissance music 12

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V The Capilla Flamenca and the Art of Political Promotion

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Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music issn 1479-9294 General Editors Tess Knighton Helen Deeming This series aims to provide a forum for the best scholarship in early music; deliberately broad in scope, it welcomes proposals on any aspect of music, musical life, and composers during the period up to 1600, and particularly encourages work that places music in an historical and social context. Both new research and major re-assessments of central topics are encouraged. Proposals or enquiries may be sent directly to either of the editors or to the publisher at the addresses given below; all submissions will receive careful, informed consideration. Professor Tess Knighton, Institucio Mila i Fontanals/CSIC, c/ Egipciaques 15, Barcelona 08001, Spain Dr Helen Deeming, Department of Music, Royal Holloway College, University of London, Egham, Surrey tw20 0ex Boydell & Brewer, PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk ip12 3df Previously published titles in the series are listed at the back of this volume.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V The Capilla Flamenca and the Art of Political Promotion

Mary Tiffany Ferer

the boydell press

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© Mary Tiffany Ferer 2012 All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner The right of Mary Tiffany Ferer to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 First published 2012 The Boydell Press, Woodbridge isbn 978-1-84383-699-5 The Boydell Press is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk ip12 3df, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc. 668 Mt Hope Avenue, Rochester, ny 14620, USA website: www.boydellandbrewer.com A CIP catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library The publisher has no responsibility for the continued existence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Papers used by Boydell & Brewer Ltd are natural, recyclable products made from wood grown in sustainable forests

Designed and typeset in Adobe Arno Pro by David Roberts, Pershore, Worcestershire Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, cr0 4yy

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Contents List of Illustrations  vi List of Tables  vii Preface and Acknowledgements  ix List of Abbreviations  xi chapter 1 Charles V: Defender of the Faith and Universal Monarch  1 chapter 2 The Genesis of the Chapel  26 chapter 3 The Reconstruction of the Capilla Flamenca  66 chapter 4 The Chapel Ordinances: Ritual and Repertory at the Court  126 chapter 5 Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V  160 chapter 6 Charles V as Crusader and Christian Knight  203 chapter 7 The Presentation of the Emperor  220 a ppendix a Chapel Rosters  241 a ppendix b Chapel Statutes and Ordinances  244 a ppendix c Selected Chapel Personnel  246 a ppendix d Musical Manuscripts, Prints, and Editions  265 Glossary  281 Bibliography  283 Index  297

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Illustrations page viii Monasterio de Yuste and the Palacio del Emperador Carlos V Photograph by Martin V. Ferer, used by permission page 5

Charles V’s Plus ultra device from Girolamo Ruscelli, Le imprese illustri (1566) Courtesy of The Rare Book & Manuscript Library at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign page 220 Titian, Emperor Charles V at the Battle of Mühlberg (1548) Madrid, Museo del Prado, used by permission page 222 Leone Leoni, Emperor Charles V and Fury Restrained (1549–55) Madrid, Museo del Prado, used by permission

vi

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Tables 1.1 Plus ultra settings 7 2.1 The chapel of Philip the Fair: paylists January–July 1506 31 2.2 The chapel of Juana, Queen of Castile: paylists 1506 35 2.3 The fate of Philip the Fair’s chapel 37 2.4 The chapel of Charles V: paylists 1509–14 45 2.5 The chapel of Charles V, 1515 63 3.1 The first journey to Spain: chapel paylists 1517 and 1518 68 3.2 The first journey to Spain: chapel benefice lists 1517 and 1519 70 3.3 The return to the Netherlands and the visit to the Empire: chapel paylists 1521 and 1522 77 3.4 The return to the Netherlands and the visit to the Empire: chapel benefice lists 1520 and 1521 80 3.5 The reconstruction of the chapel of Charles V: the coronation at Aachen and the Diet at Worms 81 3.6 Chapel roster: Casa Real Emperador 1522 –8 85 3.7 The return to Spain: chapel paylists 1523–8 87 3.8 The return to Spain: chapel benefice lists 1523 and 1526 90 3.9 The distribution of voices, 1522–8 93 3.10 Italy, the Empire, and the Netherlands: chapel benefice list 1531 95 3.11 Italy, the Empire, and the Netherlands: chapel paylists 1530–1 96 3.12 The Empire and Spain: chapel rosters 1532 and 1534 99 3.13 Spain: chapel paylists 1534–5 102 3.14 The Netherlands: chapel benefice list 1540 104 3.15 Spain and the Empire: chapel rosters 1543–8 108 3.16 The final years of the chapel: benefice lists 1550 and 1553 113 3.17 The final roster: chapel paylist 1556 117 3.18 Changes in the chapel, 1543–56 122 4.1 Crecquillon motets for prescribed feast days 145 4.2 Crecquillon motets for the Veneration of the True Cross 152 4.3 Crecquillon motets for the Veneration of the Sacrament 154 4.4 Crecquillon motets as Prayers for Peace and Deliverance 156 5.1 Ceremonial motets, masses, and chansons 161 6.1 Repertory for meetings of the Order of the Golden Fleece 208 7.1 Repertory for triumphal entries and the presentation of the emperor 228

vii

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Monasterio de Yuste and the Palacio del Emperador Carlos V

viii

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Preface and Acknowledgements

Y

uste, 19 May 2007. Our journey began that morning in Valladolid. The  itinerary took us south through the cities and villages of Old Castile – Medina del Campo, Peñaranda, Alaraz, Gallegos, Barco de Ávila – retracing the route taken by Charles V in 1556 as he made his way toward retirement in Spain. At Puerta de Tornavacas, the wind-swept high plains seemed to disappear, the road began to climb, and we suddenly found ourselves crossing the Sierra de Tormantos. As we navigated the treacherous pass through the mountains along narrow gorges and past sparkling waterfalls, dense fog obscured our view. But as we descended, the beautiful and peaceful valley of La Vera appeared before our eyes, and the rocky landscape gave way to cherry trees, giant oaks, and chestnuts. The orange trees held both blossoms and ripened fruit, roses bloomed along the roadway, and now we had arrived at our destination, the Monasterio de Yuste and the Palacio del Emperador Carlos V. Charles V chose this remote corner of Extremadura for his retirement, amid the walnut, almond, and fig trees for which the area was renowned, but far from the centers of imperial power. Built on a hill, the palace adjoined the Hieronymite monastery and overlooked the valley. The royal apartments were constructed so that Charles was able to see the High Altar of the monastery chapel from the doorway of his chamber, and when bedridden, follow the celebration of mass. It was here that he died on 21 September 1558.

T

his book began with a phone call on Thanksgiving Day, 2000. Herbert Kellman, friend, mentor, and former teacher, was on the line. After preliminary exchanges, he posed the question which would define my research for the next ten years: ‘Why don’t you look into music at the court of Charles V?’ Herbert has remained a constant supporter of this research, suggesting new lines of inquiry, asking probing questions, always encouraging the completion of this project. His generosity was without limits. To put it quite simply, this book would not have been possible without him. Heartfelt thanks go also to Susan Parisi, always the gracious host, who, like Herbert, shared her expertise, stimulating conversations, and good news as well as bad news over the past ten years. Midway through work on this book, it occurred to me to turn again to the motets of Crecquillon, chapel master of the Capilla Flamenca in the 1540s and one of its most prestigious composers. My earlier work on Crecquillon’s motets had convinced me of the particular beauty of this repertory and to Barton Hudson I owe great thanks for the invitation to join him and Laura Youens in collaboration of the edition of Crecquillon’s complete works. Barton guided that work and Laura has continued to be a valued friend and supporter these many years. I extend special thanks to my colleague and friend at West Virginia University, Christopher Wilkinson, who read an early version of several chapters and encouraged this project in countless ways. To a large extent, it has been Chris as well as my students, who have made my years of teaching music history at West Virginia University a rewarding and pleasurable experience. The support and encouragement of colleagues and friends at West Virginia University, especially ix

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

Christine Kefferstan, John Beall, and Jack Crotty, have also been particularly gratifying. Beth Royall and the library staff at West Virginia University proved invaluable to me as they went to great lengths to acquire sources that were often difficult to obtain. I owe them my most sincere thanks. One of the pleasures of research in this period is the opportunity to visit libraries and archives in this country and abroad. The initial identification of this repertory was determined at The Musicological Archives for Renaissance Manuscript Studies at the University of Illinois. I wish to thank its director, Professor Herbert Kellman, and assistants, Sarah Long and Stacey Jocoy, as well as the staff of the music library at the university who ensured that my visits to the archive were productive. In the summer of 2007, I traveled to the extraordinary Archivo Général de Simancas in Spain. Director José Luis Rodriguez de Diego and archivists Isabel Aguirre and Blanca Tena were indispensable for my research and unfailingly gracious in their efforts to assist me. I also wish to thank the staff at the Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan in Madrid for sending materials to me electronically and Dr Javier Marín of the Universidad de Jaén for so promptly and carefully answering inquiries by email as I tried to complete this project. The earliest stages of this research were supported by a West Virginia University Senate Grant for Research and a West Virginia Humanities Council Fellowship Grant. Some production costs were supported by a subvention from the West Virginia University School of Music. I am indebted to these institutions for their assistance. To my daughters, Elise and Rachel Ferer, I send thanks for listening respectfully to conversations about Charles and understanding why this project was so important to me. To my husband, Marty Ferer, I owe my deepest gratitude. He never seemed to tire of hearing about Charles V, asked the right questions, and made the sacrifices to see this book to completion. Above all, it was Marty who took me to Yuste.

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Abbreviations archives AGS Casa Real AGS CySR AGS E BAGR CC BAGR E&A BAGR EMSG BAGR ICM BBRB LADN MBN MIVDJ VHHS

Archivo Général de Simancas, Casa Real Archivo Général de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales Archivo Général de Simancas, Estado Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Chambre des Comptes Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, État et Audience Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, État des maisons des souverains et des gouverneurs généraux Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Inventaire des Cartulaires et Manuscrits Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique Lille, Archives départementales du Nord Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional Madrid, Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv

bibliographical details in footnotes CMM MGG1 MGG2 NG2

Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Friedrich Blume, 17 vols (Kassel, 1949–86) Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Ludwig Finscher, 27 vols (Kassel, 1994–2007) The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd edition, ed. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell, 29 vols. (London, 2001)

bibliographical details in tables and appendices Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, Documentos sobre música española y epistolario, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio, Legado Barbieri 2 (Madrid, 1988) Doorslaer, Charles G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, Musica Sacra (1933), pp. 215–30 Doorslaer, Philippe G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art 4 (1934), pp. 21–57, 139–65 Douillez Jeannine Douillez, ‘De muziek aan het BourgondischeHabsburgse hof in de tweede helft der xvde eeuw’ (PhD diss., Université Royale de Ghent, 1967) Duggan Mary Kay Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, Musica Disciplina 30 (1976), pp. 73–95 Durme Maurice van Durme, Les Archives générales de Simancas et l’histoire de la Belgique (ixe–xixe siècles), vol. 3 (Brussels, 1968) Barbieri Papers

xi

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xii Federhofer Gachard, Collection Gachard, Retraite Haggh Inventaire sommaire

Knighton La corte de Carlos V Nelson Robledo Rudolf Schmidt-Görg Steinhardt

Straeten Wessely

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Hellmut Federhofer, ‘États de la chapelle musicale de CharlesQuint (1528) et de Maximilien (1554)’, Revue belge de musicologie 4 (1950), pp. 176–83 Louis Prosper Gachard, ed., Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, 4 vols (Brussels, 1874–82) Louis Prosper Gachard, Retraite et mort de Charles-Quint au monastère de Yuste, 3 vols (Brussels, 1854–5) Barbara Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the BurgundianHabsburg Courts, 1467–1506’ (MMus thesis, U. of Illinois, 1980) Inventaire sommaire des Archives départementales antérieures à 1790, Nord: Archives civiles, Série B: Chambre des Comptes de Lille, ed. A. Desplanque, Chrétien César Auguste Dehaisnes, and Jules Finot (Lille, 1865–95) Tess Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon, 1474–1516’, 2 vols (PhD diss., U. of Cambridge, 1983) José Martínez Millán and Carlos Javier de Carlos Morales, eds, La corte de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid, 2000) Bernadette Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel, c. 1559–c. 1561’, Early Music History 19 (2000), pp. 105–200 Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias. Antecedentes: Las casas reales hasta 1556’, Revista de Musicologia 10 (1987), pp. 753–96 Homer Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’ (PhD diss., U. of Illinois, 1977) Joseph Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Kaiser Karls V: Leben und Werk (Bonn, 1938) Milton Steinhardt, ‘The “Notes de Pinchart” and the Flemish Chapel of Charles V’, Renaissance-Muziek, 1400–1600: Donum Natalicium René Bernard Lenaerts, ed. Jozef Robijns (Leuven, 1969), pp. 285–92 Edmond vander Straeten, La musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, 8 vols (Brussels, 1867–88); facsimile edition in 4 vols (New York, 1969) Othmar Wessely, ‘Hofkapellmitglieder und andere Musiker in zwei Preces-Registern Karls V’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft: Beihefte der Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 40 (1991), pp. 7–14

Sigla for musical manuscripts, prints, and editions are listed in Appendix D.

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For Marty and Herbert •

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chapter 1

Charles V: Defender of the Faith and Universal Monarch

O

n 24 February 1530 Charles V, King of Spain, Ruler of the Netherlands, and   King of the Romans, was crowned Holy Roman Emperor by Pope Clement VII in an elaborate ceremony at Bologna marked by pageantry and symbolism. Charles ruled over an extensive empire which stretched from the North Sea to the Mediterranean, and from the Danube across the Atlantic to the New World. His realm included the Netherlands and Flanders, Aragon and Castile, the Habsburg territories in Austria and Germany, the duchy of Milan, Bohemia and Hungary, the kingdom of Naples, and the Spanish colonies in the Americas. It was an empire acquired through the fortunes of birth, dynastic marriages, and conquest. His court was one of the most significant political centres of the early 16th century. The events which brought him to the thrones of Spain and the Holy Roman Empire are familiar to scholars of the 16th century. At his birth he was expected to inherit extensive territories in the Low Countries from his father, Philip the Fair, Duke of Burgundy, as well as the Habsburg territories in Germany and Austria through his paternal grandfather Maximilian, Holy Roman Emperor. Charles’s mother was Juana, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. Through the tragic deaths of two older siblings and a nephew, Juana became heiress to the thrones of Castile and Aragon. In 1504, when Isabella died, Philip and Juana became rulers of Castile, and extensive territories in Spain were added to the Habsburg Burgundian holdings in the Low Countries already controlled by Philip the Fair. In 1506, during his second journey to Spain to claim his throne as king, Philip the Fair died. Juana, who had for some time exhibited signs of mental instability, was declared unfit to rule. Thus at the age of six Charles inherited a vast empire from both parents. Until Charles came of age, the Spanish territories of Castile and Aragon were ruled by his maternal grandfather, Ferdinand, and the Habsburg Burgundian territories by his paternal grandfather, Maximilian. Ruling such a vast and far-flung empire was an immense task, which Charles addressed by almost continuous travel to its various regions. He has been called an ‘itinerant monarch in the Burgundian, indeed medieval, tradition’, with the estimate that approximately a quarter of the period 1517 to 1555 was spent on the road.1 His reign as emperor was also marked by almost constant military campaigns. In fact, he was engaged in warfare for 23 of the 41 years of his reign.2

1 Wim Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558, trans. Isola van den Hoven-Vardon (London, 2002), pp. 34, 176. 2 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 139.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

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C

charles’s view of his role as emperor harles spared no expense in acquiring the title of Holy Roman Emperor.   In 1519 he wrote to Margaret of Austria,

To win the election, we are resolved to spare nothing and to commit everything we have, since there is nothing in the world we want more and which lies closer to our heart.3

While claiming that the acquisition of the imperial crown was necessary to protect the Low Countries, he denied any desire for territorial gain.4 Yet throughout his reign he continued to annex and conquer new lands and provinces.5 As he left Spain in 1520 for his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor, he wrote I have not taken up this great task for my own pleasure. I would have been content with the Spanish Empire, with the Balearics, Sardinia, the kingdom of Sicily, a large part of Italy, Germany and France and with that other goldbearing world … But there has been a fatal exigency concerning matters which force me to sail. This decision had to be made out of respect for the faith whose enemies have become so powerful that the peace of the commonwealth, the honour of Spain and the prosperity of my kingdoms can no longer tolerate such a threat. Their continued existence can only be assured if I unite Spain to Germany and add the title of Caesar to that of King of Spain.6 In 1543, as he left Spain for yet another military campaign, Charles wrote to his son Philip that it was ‘to conserve … what God has given me in order not to leave you impoverished’, adding, ‘what I have done has been forced upon me to safeguard my honour.’7 Comments such as these have led scholars to conclude that Charles waged war throughout his reign not to conquer new territories, but to defend his inheritance, that extensive empire which, in his own words, he had acquired ‘by the unique consent of Germany with God’.8 In the political testament

3 Hugo Soly, ‘Introduction: Charles V and his Time’, trans. Alastair Weir, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 11–25, at p. 22. 4 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 177, cites the 1555 abdication speech in which Charles ‘justified his pursuit of this crown, “not for his own sake, but for the defence of his lands, in particular the Low Countries”’. 5 William Maltby, The Reign of Charles V (Houndmills and New York, 2002), p. 1. 6 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 118, from J. M. Headley, ‘Germany, the Empire and Monarchia in the Thought and Policy of Gattinara’, in Das römisch-deutsche Reich im politischen System Karls V., ed. H. Lutz and E. Müller-Luckner (Munich and Vienna, 1982), p. 19; also see John M. Headley, The Emperor and his Chancellor: A Study of the Imperial Chancellery under Gattinara (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 10–11. 7 Geoffrey Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 113–225, at p. 174, from Manuel Fernández Álvarez, ed., Corpus documental de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid, 2003), vol. 2, p. 105. 8 Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, p. 123, from Headley, The Emperor and his Chancellor, pp. 10–11.

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Charles V: Defender of the Faith and Universal Monarch

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he drafted in 1548 Charles wrote to Philip, who would succeed him as King of Spain: Avoiding war and keeping it at bay is not always in the power of those who want it … especially of those who rule realms and as numerous and as far-flung as God, in His goodness, has given me and which, if He pleases, I shall leave to you. Rather this depends on the good or ill will of neighbours and other states.9 It is apparent that in his struggles with the Protestants and the Turks, Charles viewed himself as the defender of Christianity and as a soldier of Christ (miles Christi), the image depicted in Titian’s famous portrait. He continually sought to explain that his military objectives were above all to preserve Christian unity10 and were motivated by a deep sense of duty as well as by a vision of himself as a leader and defender of the Catholic faith.11 War with France commenced almost immediately after Charles’s coronation as King of the Romans in 1520 and was fought intermittently for 16 years of his reign. Beginning in the 1530s, he turned his attention to the threat of Islam and the Ottoman Empire, and engaged in several campaigns against the Turks. At the same time the Protestant Reformation, set in motion by Martin Luther in 1517, constantly threatened the stability of the Empire and challenged his sovereignty and power.12 In the end the Protestant Reformation continued unabated and the Turks persisted in threatening the borders of Europe. On 25 October 1555 in Brussels, Charles, exhausted from years of warfare and ravaged by disease, transferred his rule in the Netherlands to his son Philip. In the abdication speech which followed, Charles recalled his many years of travel, both on missions of war and peace, and apologized ‘for his inability to take his leave as a prince of peace, although he had striven for peace throughout his whole life and had sacrificed everything for it’.13 In his memoirs he attributed his victories to God, who, ‘in his great mercy, was pleased to grant the emperor’.14 9 Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, p. 194, from Corpus documental de Carlos V, ed. Fernández Álvarez, vol. 2, pp. 572–3; for the political circumstances which prompted the testament, see Henry Kamen, The Duke of Alba (New Haven and London, 2004), p. 34. 10 Soly, ‘Introduction: Charles V and his Time’, p. 22. 11 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 177; A. W. Lovett, Early Habsburg Spain, 1517–1598 (Oxford, 1986), p. 41, who also shares this view, observes that Charles believed he was called to ‘defend Christianity from the Turks and preserve the internal unity of Europe from heresy’, and adds that ‘throughout the Middle Ages the German Emperors had projected themselves as the secular defenders of the church.’ Lovett, p. 41, also observes that ‘Pedro de Quintanilla, councillor to Ferdinand the Catholic, had impressed upon his master that Aragon should concern itself primarily with the defeat of the Ottomans; and Cardinal Cisneros had likened himself to a latter-day Joshua, leading the Christian hosts against the infidel of North Africa.’ 12 Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 4, 32. 13 Soly, ‘Introduction: Charles V and his Time’, p. 11. 14 Mia J. Rodríguez-Salgado, ‘Charles V and the Dynasty’, in Charles V 1500 – 1558 and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 27–111, at p. 102, who cites Fernández Álvarez, ed., Corpus documental de Carlos V, vol. 4, p. 564.

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One scholar has observed: Charles saw himself as the bulwark of Christian Europe against the Ottoman Empire, as the sword of Catholic civilization against the spread of Protestantism, and as a brake on the ambitions of the king of France, who perversely threatened the peace of Christendom, made alliances with the Turk, and refused to take his place – after the Emperor and the king of Spain – in the defence of the Church and Catholic Europe.15 Further evidence of Charles’s view of his role can be found in the instructions he sent to his son, Philip II. In a letter of 1539 Charles counselled the 12-year-old Philip ‘to live in the love and fear of God, to live in observance of the faith and to obey the Roman Church and the Apostolic See in the manner of his ancestors’.16 As Philip began his regency in 1543, Charles’s letters urged him ‘to hold God always before his eyes and offer all his works to God, and … to be subject always to good advice … to uphold the Inquisition, suppress heresy, defend religion, and dispense justice’.17

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the plus ultra device and the universal monarchy

n 1516 Charles took as his personal device or impresa the image of the Pillars of   Hercules encircled with a banner carrying the motto Plus ultra (Even further). The legendary Pillars of Hercules stood at the Straits of Gibraltar and represented the extent of Europe in the ancient world. The adoption of this device signalled Charles’s intent to extend his empire beyond ‘the boundaries of the antique world’,18 and came to symbolize his vision for his empire, signifying his intention of retaking the Holy Land from the Turks and of expanding his empire to the New World. By the adoption of the Plus ultra device Charles also acknowledged the inheritance of his Spanish forebears, Ferdinand and Isabella, and signalled his desire to continue their crusade against Islam by taking the Spanish Reconquista into North Africa. As he made his triumphal entry into Burgos in 1520, an inscription on one of the triumphal arches read Plus ultra, and on its reverse, ‘All of Africa weeps because it knows that you have the key [Gibraltar] [and] have to be its master.’19 In a larger sense this personal device can be said to reflect Charles’s 15 Peter Pierson, Philip II of Spain (London, 1975), p. 131. 16 Michael Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs, 1563–1700 (Rochester, 1998), p. 26; Fernández Álvarez, ed., Corpus documental de Carlos  V, vol. 2, p. 33. Noone, p. 83, explores Philip II’s obedience to his father’s instructions. 17 Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy, p. 27; Fernández Álvarez, ed., Corpus documental de Carlos V, vol. 2, pp. 92–3; also see Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, p. 174, and the discussion in Henry Kamen, Philip of Spain (New Haven and London, 1997), pp. 10–12. 18 Roy Strong, Splendor at Court: Renaissance Spectacle and the Theater of Power (Boston, 1973), p. 80. 19 Earl E. Rosenthal, ‘The Invention of the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V at the Court of Burgundy in Flanders in 1516’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 36 (1973), pp. 198–230, at p. 225.

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Charles V’s Plus ultra device, from Girolamo Ruscelli, Le imprese illustri (1566)

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conception of his role to protect, defend, and advance the faith as the champion of Christendom.20 The Plus ultra device was created by Luigi Marliano, Charles’s personal physician, who outlined Charles’s aspirations in a sermon at the 1516 meeting of the Order of the Golden Fleece,21 when the device was adopted. Marliano justified the propriety and even the normalcy of the rule of a single monarch over the entire world. Citing the uniqueness of God in the Heavens, the sun and the moon in the sky, and the pilot on a ship, he reasoned (according to the same logic) that one ruler was destined to govern the earth. Then, turning to the fortuitous circumstances that made possible the realization of that ideal by the new Master, Marliano noted that Charles’s forebears of the Houses of Burgundy, Austria and Spain had left him the prospect of an extraordinary inheritance and also a legacy of ambition to world dominion … Obviously these unusual circumstances afforded the new Master [Charles] a unique opportunity to unify Christians for the protection and expansion of the Faith and the recovery of Africa and Asia … he counselled the new Master to maintain his rule over the inherited realms and to secure peace among Christians by a combination of administrative prudence and military force, and then to expand his empire through the conquest of Africa and Asia … Thus, Marliano, like his friend Erasmus, envisioned a global empire, larger

20 In ‘The Invention of the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V’, and ‘Plus Ultra, Non Plus Ultra, and the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971), pp. 204–28, Earl E. Rosenthal has explored the origins and early depictions as well as various interpretations of the motto and the device both in the 16th century and more recently. When the device was taken to Spain in 1517, the original form of the motto, Plus oultre, was translated from French into the Latin Plus ultra because of the hostility of the Spanish towards the French advisors and courtiers who accompanied Charles on his first voyage to Spain. The French form of the motto, Plus oultre, continued to be used in France and the Low Countries. Extant in Barcelona is a panel bearing the device, painted in 1519 for the second meeting of the Order of the Golden Fleece at which Charles presided. While Plus ultra has often been seen as reflecting the expansion of the Empire to the New World, in his exhaustive studies Rosenthal convincingly argued that it represented an intention to spread Christianity both east as well as west, to the very ‘ends of the earth’. The Plus ultra device is also discussed in Owen Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, Early Music History 12 (1993), pp. 19–54, at p. 50, and in Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 29, who observes that Charles saw ‘his primary duties as Emperor were to foster peace among Christians and to advance the faith’, adding that ‘his concept of the latter drew heavily upon the medieval crusading tradition’. Maltby also argues that the Plus ultra device ‘referred, not to conquest as yet unmade in the New World, but to the task of carrying Christianity into Africa as a logical extension of the Spanish reconquista.’ 21 The device was first depicted on the back of the seat occupied by Charles in the choir stalls of the Church of St Gudule at Brussels where the 1516 meeting of the Order was held. John Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies: State Entries and Royal Funerals in the Low Countries, 1515–1791: A Bibliography (Nieuwkoop and Leiden, 1971), p. 66, cites the publication of a poem written for this meeting at Brussels in 1516.

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Table 1.1  Plus ultra settings Composer

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Anonymous Plus oultre pretens VienNB 9814 Brussels/Mechelen, 1515–34; parvenir c. 1519–25 Netherlands Court Complex

Modern edition RobiVA, p. 217

MunU 328–31 Munich or Augsburg, after 1523; 1526–30

Anonymous Plus oultre

Lupi

VienNB Mus. 18810

Munich or Augsburg, c. 1524–33

RegB C120

Southern Germany or Tyrol, early 1520s possible connections to imperial court chapel at Innsbruck or Augsburg

Missa Plus oultre/ CambraiBM 3 Cambrai, c. 1526–30 Missa Mijn vriendinnea MontsM 771

Gombert/ Lupib Festa

Plus oultre j’ay voulu marcher Plus oultre

LupiO, III, p. 1

Brussels, c. 1540 copied at the court of Mary of Hungary

VatS 19

Rome, c. 1535–7

1540/16

Lyon, Moderne

LupiO III, p. 159

1552/29c

Louvain, Phalèse

LenAN, p. 75

Lost

a  Missa Mijn vriendinne in CambraiBM 3 and VatS 19; Missa Plus oultre in MontsM 771. b  Attributed to Lupi in 1540/16 and Gombert in 1552/29; Gombert is the more likely composer. c  Tablature; 1552/29 = Brown 1552/11.

and more powerful than any previously known, under a single Christian ruler – the new Master of the Order of the Golden Fleece.22 The Plus ultra device appeared as a textual motto in a number of musical works composed throughout Charles’s reign. They include two anonymous chansons, a mass entitled Missa Plus oultre by Johannes Lupi, a chanson and intabulation for two lutes by Nicolas Gombert, and a lost chanson by Costanzo Festa (see Table 1.1). An anonymous setting of the motto, Plus oultre pretens parvenir, was most likely composed near the beginning of Charles’s reign. Its text affirms his vision of expanding his realm and advancing the faith, as well as his resolve to establish a universal empire. It quotes not only Plus oultre, the motto of Charles V, but also Qui vouldra, the motto of Philip the Fair, as well as the opening of Margaret of Austria’s poem, Pour ung jamais, set by Pierre La Rue in BrusBR 228. Plus oultre pretens parvenir is extant in VienNB 9814, a manuscript probably copied between 22 Rosenthal, ‘The Invention of the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V’, pp. 222–3.

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1519 and 1525 and part of the Alamire Netherlands court complex.23 It was brought to my attention by Herbert Kellman who discussed it at some length in his study of the sources copied at the workshop headed by Pierre Alamire. The text of Plus oultre seems to voice the promises of Charles to govern well as he ascends the imperial throne, ‘in wisdom I want to help anyone who so desires, in peace and war … I have undertaken to maintain my moderation in all things that may come …’, and by evoking Charles’s father, and his aunt and former guardian within these declarations, it demonstrates that the work is a dynastic statement, indeed a state chanson.24 The physical appearance of VienNB 9814 suggests that it was a gathering of performing parts, possibly from the chapels of Charles or Margaret of Austria. Kellman speculates that Plus oultre pretens parvenir may have been composed shortly after the election of Charles as emperor in June 1519.25 It is also possible that the chanson could be connected with the first meeting of the Order of the Golden Fleece at which Charles presided in 1516 when the Plus ultra device was adopted. Another anonymous setting of Charles’s motto also survives from the early years of his reign. It is extant with only the incipit of the text, here as Plus oultre, in a single source, RegB C120. At one time believed to be by La Rue,26 the attribution has recently been discredited.27 RegB C120 dates from the early 1520s and may have ‘possible connections to the imperial court chapel at Innsbruck or Augsburg’.28 A texted version attributed to Johannes Lupi, Plus oultre j’ay voulu marcher, is extant in 1540/16, a collection printed by Moderne, and as an intabulation for two lutes by Gombert in 1552/29 (Brown 1552/11), printed by Phalèse. The attribution to Lupi is now regarded as doubtful.29 The text by an unknown poet seems to convey an image of military power and could reasonably date from the period of the late 1520s and 1530s when Charles experienced some of his most spectacular victories on the battlefield. Johannes Lupi’s mass on the device is extant in three sources, copied between 23 Herbert Kellman, ed., The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts, 1500–1535 (Ghent and Amsterdam, 1999), p. 146; untexted versions of Plus oultre pretens parvenir also appear in MunU 328–31 and VienNB Mus. 18810, sources which emanated from either Munich or Augsburg between c. 1524 and 1533. 24 Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, p. 146. 25 Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, p. 146. 26 Rainer Birkendorf, Der Codex Pernner: Quellenkundliche Studien zu einer Musikhandschrift des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, Sammlung Proske, Ms. C120) (Augsburg, 1994), vol. 1, p. 233. 27 Honey Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford, 2003), pp. 164–5. 28 Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, 1400–1550, ed. Herbert Kellman, Renaissance Manuscript Studies 1, 5 vols (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1979–88), vol. 3, pp. 102–3. 29 Johannes Lupi: Collected Works, ed. Bonnie J. Blackburn, CMM 84 (American Institute of Musicology, 1989), vol. 3, p. xxxiii.

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1526 and 1540, and is entitled Missa Mijn Vriendinne in CambraiBM 3 and VatS 19, but Missa Plus oultre in MontsM 771, a choirbook that had been copied at the court of Mary of Hungary.30 The model for this mass has not been located, but it does not appear to be related to any of the surviving chansons on the motto. The Plus ultra motto also appeared in a work that unfortunately has been lost. In 1536 Costanzo Festa, at the time a singer in the chapel of Pope Paul III, reportedly composed a chanson based on the motto. On 25 April of that year it was sent to Ercole II d’Este, Duke of Ferrara.31 This occurred shortly after Charles’s visit to Rome, and presumably had been prompted by his triumphal entry into the papal city. The chanson was most likely written for the lavish and elaborate festivities welcoming the emperor and celebrating his recent victories in North Africa. The idea of a universal monarchy, which Marliano put forward, captivated Charles’s advisors, particularly the imperial Chancellor Mercurino Gattinara and the Spanish humanist Alfonso de Valdés, who reasoned that universal peace could be achieved only by a universal monarchy. Gattinara’s vision was fashioned from the ideas in Dante’s De monarchia, with its call for a universal monarchy led by a sole sovereign.32 In 1519 Gattinara wrote to Charles, ‘Sire, God has been very merciful to you: he has raised you above all the Kings and princes of Christendom to a power such as no sovereign has enjoyed since your ancestor Charles the Great. He has set you on the way towards a world monarchy, towards the uniting of all Christendom under a single shepherd.’ 33 In a work written several years earlier, De novissima orbis monarchia ac futuro christianorum triumpho (On the new world monarchy and the future triumph of the Christians), Gattinara had referred in the dedication to Charles as ‘the last world Emperor’.34 The prophecies of a last world emperor who would bring about universal peace date back to the fifth century and the writings of Paulus Orosius. It was believed that the church would undergo a period of conflict culminating with the reign of a so-called last world emperor, who would renew and reform the church. During his reign the infidels and the non-believers would be converted and a thousand years of peace would follow. The last world emperor became the biblical ‘one shepherd’ 30 Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, vol. 2, pp. 180–1; Glenda Goss Thompson, ‘Spanish-Netherlandish Musical Relationships in the Sixteenth Century: Mary of Hungary’s Manuscripts at Montserrat’, in Musique des Pays-Bas anciens – Musique espagnole ancienne (ca. 1450–ca. 1650): Colloquia Europalia III, Actas del Coloquio Internacional de Musicología (Brussels, 28–29 October 1985), ed. Paul Becquart and Henri Vanhulst (Louvain, 1988), pp. 69–113. 31 Lewis Lockwood, ‘Music and Religion in the High Renaissance and the Reformation’, in The Pursuit of Holiness in the Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion. Papers from the University of Michigan Conference, ed. Charles Trinkaus with Heiko A. Oberman (Leiden, 1974), pp. 496–502, at pp. 498–9; Andrea della Corte, ‘Ferrara’, MGG1; K. Jeppesen, ‘Festa, Costanzo’, MGG1. 32 Discussed in detail in Frances A. Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London and Boston, 1975). 33 Yates, Astraea, p. 26, n. 1, who argues that ‘Gattinara’s ideas originate’ in those put forth in Dante’s De Monarchia. Also see Martyn Rady, The Emperor Charles V (London and New York, 1988), p. 51. 34 Peter Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 393–475, at p. 424.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

who cares for ‘one flock’ in the 14th-century writing of Jean de Roquetaillade, whose interpretation was founded on John 10:16: ‘I am the good shepherd: I know my own and my own know me … And I have other sheep, that are not of this fold; I must bring them also, and they will heed my voice. So there shall be one flock, one shepherd.’ 35 As Charles won decisive victories in Italy in the 1520s, both Gattinara and Valdés interpreted these as signs that he was destined to achieve a universal peace and rule over all Christians. After the Battle of Pavia Valdés wrote, ‘And at last, as the prophets foretold, the whole orb will be put under this very Christian prince and will receive Our Faith. So will be fulfilled, the words of Our Redeemer, Let there be one flock and one shepherd.’ 36 As the Protestant heresy spread and gathered momentum, the period of conflict in fulfilment of the prophecy appeared at hand, and for some it offered the opportunity to reform the church.37 It has been observed that ‘in the age of Luther, it was especially tempting to view Charles as the long-expected agent of the “Renewal of the Church”, particularly when he threatened the pope with a General Council and when his army sacked Rome.’38 Charles had become King of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor through a sequence of unforeseen circumstances which were interpreted as having been possible only through divine intervention. Fresh in the minds of his advisors was the conquest of Granada in 1492 with the expulsion of the Moors from Spain; and at the beginning of his reign, the defeat of the Ottoman Empire, the resolution of the Protestant problem, and the conversion of the American Indians all were on the verge of fulfilment. Thus the victory at Pavia was interpreted as fulfilment of the prophecy of a universal monarch, the so-called last world emperor, who would go on to lead the crusade against Islam and recapture Jerusalem and Constantinople. Charles was the natural choice. In 1530 he was King of Spain, Duke of Burgundy, and Holy Roman Emperor. He held Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples, and controlled other areas in Italy and the coast of North Africa. He claimed vast territories in the New World as well as Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary through his brother Ferdinand. It was an empire that extended far beyond the boundaries of the Roman Empire. As early as 1525 Charles had held 72 official titles.39 He was called ‘Lord in Asia and Africa, as well as King of the Indies’.40 When this is taken into consideration, the dream of a world monarchy was not unrealistic. Charles was urged by Gattinara and others at court to fulfil the prophecy and to extend the Empire with new conquests in order to bring about Christian unity and 35 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 414. Charles V as the fulfillment of the prophecy of a last world emperor has been traced by Marie Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas: The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven and London, 1993), pp. 119–30. 36 Rady, The Emperor Charles V, p. 51. 37 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 430. 38 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, pp. 424–5. 39 According to Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 25, this included 27 kingdoms, 13 duchies, 22 counties, and nine seigniories. 40 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 415, provides a complete list of titles held.

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peace. It was advice that Charles did not always appear to accept, maintaining that his military campaigns were primarily to protect his inheritance.41 But at the same time he saw himself as the champion of Christendom and defender of the faith, and to that extent the military excursions into North Africa and the campaigns against the Protestants were justified. And his efforts early in his reign to convene a general church council to address the Protestant problem can be interpreted as an attempt to achieve unity and peace among Christians. Charles had been influenced during his early years at the court of Margaret of Austria by the Dutch humanist Erasmus, who in his writings counselled that a Christian prince should be educated in the Classics, but guided by Christian virtues in his actions.42 Erasmus dismissed the idea of a world monarchy and the restoration of the Empire but instead advocated a world ruled by a consensus of Christian princes.43 He warned of the ‘violence of war’44 and wrote It would be my most heartfelt wish that all Christian princes should use true arguments to ponder the immense advantages that could be gained by him who chooses an unjust peace over the most just of all wars.45 and directed the following specifically to Charles: Emperors are anointed and consecrated to protect, rectify and spread the religion of the evangelists. Thus is the Emperor not a scholar of the Gospel, but rather its champion.46 The authority of these Erasmian ideas may have prevented Charles’s unequivocal acceptance of the notion of a universal monarchy and a world empire. Yet at the same time he inherited both the ideas of the Reconquista in Spain and the crusading tradition from the Burgundians and the Order of the Golden Fleece in the North, and seems to have accepted without reservations the Plus oultre (Even further) device with its implication of new conquests. In 1531 the Italian poet Ludovico Ariosto presented Charles with his most famous work, Orlando Furioso. It included new verses which spoke of a world ruled 41 Soly, ‘Introduction: Charles V and his Time’, p. 22. It was as defender of the faith that Charles justified many of his policies and military campaigns. 42 Fernando Checa Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, trans. Annie Bennett, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 477–99, at p. 477. 43 Erasmus, The Education of a Christian Prince, trans. Neil M. Cheshire and Michael J. Heath with the Panegyric for Archduke Philip of Austria, trans. and ed. Lisa Jardine (Cambridge, 1997); Yates, Astraea, p. 19. 44 In his Institutio principis Christiani, dedicated to Charles, as cited in Dagmar Eichberger, ed., Women of Distinction: Margaret of York and Margaret of Austria (Leuven, 2005), p. 128. 45 Wim Blockmans, ‘Prosperous Times’, in The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts, 1500–1535, ed. Herbert Kellman (Ghent and Amsterdam, 1999), pp. 7–9, at p. 8, from J. C. Margolin, ed., Guerre et paix dans la pensée d’Erasme (Paris, 1973), p. 268. 46 Blockmans, ‘Prosperous Times’, p. 8, from La Correspondance d’Erasme, vol. 5: 1522–1524, ed. R. Verdière (Brussels, 1976), p. 13.

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by the most wise and just emperor. Ariosto styled Charles as the ‘new Augustus, in whose time the golden age would return together with Astraea, the goddess of justice’.47 Astolfo hears the prophecy of the future empire of Charles V. The prophetess foretells that the world will be put under a universal monarchy by one who will succeed to the diadem of Augustus, Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, and Severus. This ruler will spring forth from the union of the houses of Austria and of Aragon; and by him Astraea, or Justice, will be brought back to earth, together, with all banished virtues.48 In this sense the universal monarchy advocated by Gattinara and others became a restoration of the Roman Empire, now Christianized. Charles was compared not only to his medieval predecessors such as Charlemagne but also to the emperors of ancient Rome. Charles was also presented as the descendant of illustrious ancestors who included not only the Habsburg emperors, but also the Visigoth conquerors and kings of Spain. Some genealogies traced his lineage back to both Hector of Troy and the biblical figure of Noah.49 Writing at the beginning of the 17th century, Prudencio de Sandoval began his account of Charles’s life with his ancestry traced from Adam.50 The descent from Charlemagne received particular emphasis. As an emperor and king with the same name, Charles was seen as the fulfilment of the prophecy of a second Charlemagne, a link that was made clear at the time of the 1521 coronation at Aachen, Charlemagne’s capital. Charles was crowned on Charlemagne’s throne, and a helmet fashioned like the head of Charlemagne was ceremoniously displayed. While Charlemagne was presented as magnus (great), it was Charles, who by comparison, was considered maximus (greatest).51 Comparisons were also made with mythological heroes. Charles was presented as Jupiter ruling the world, as Jason questing after the Golden Fleece, and as Atlas ‘carrying the world on his shoulders’. Parallels were made with Classical heroes such as Alexander the Great, Scipio Africanus, Hannibal, Constantine, Justinian, Marcus Aurelius, and Trajan. Historians titled their accounts as commentaries calling to mind the commentaries of Julius Caesar. It was from the images of imperial Rome evoked by the artists, chroniclers, and historians of the period that Charles emerged as a Renaissance Caesar and his universal monarchy as a revival of ancient Rome.

47 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 421; also see Hugh Trevor-Roper, Princes and Artists: Patronage and Ideology at Four Habsburg Courts, 1517–1633: The Yaseen Lectures I, SUNY College at Purchase, New York, October 1974 (New York, 1976), p. 24. 48 Yates, Astraea, p. 23, as an interpretation of Ariosto’s Orlando furioso, XV, xxv, xxvi. 49 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 418. 50 The fascination with lineage and its role in royal myth making in this period is examined in Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas. 51 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, pp. 418–21; Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, p. 480.

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image-making at the court of charles v

n his essay ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’ the historian Peter   Burke explored the literary and visual images of the period which shaped ‘contemporary perceptions of the Emperor’.52 Burke’s illuminating study takes into account the role of painting, sculpture, tapestries, engravings, and architecture, as well as public ritual, poetry, letters, and speeches, in creating a flattering image of Charles which is at times at odds with reality. Burke cautions that these images should not be viewed as ‘unproblematic “reflections” of the reality of the time’, but that ‘they always represent viewpoints and on occasion they were subject to conscious manipulation.’ 53 It is in this context that Burke speaks of    ‘“propaganda” for Charles V’.54 The perceptions of Charles that have survived to the present day are largely those which were fashioned by his image-makers,55 artists such as Titian and Leoni, as well as courtiers, poets, historians, and the chroniclers of his reign. It was they who were responsible for the presentation of the emperor to the world, and who managed, elaborated, and manipulated his image. The visual and literary images created for Charles V were designed to promote particular perceptions of the emperor. They were ‘attempts to impose an official interpretation on specific events’56 of his reign. Significantly they had at their core the conviction that painting, statuary, tapestry, poetry, and historical commentary could shape, control, and sway public opinion. Charles was celebrated as victorious, pious, and magnanimous and his realm as the Renaissance embodiment of the Roman Empire by his poets, his chroniclers, his artists, and, as we shall see, by his musicians. As a type of propaganda, the images reflected the political climate of the time and in some respects were mandated by the particular conditions at hand. For example, the images of a powerful and heroic emperor modelled on those of ancient Rome by Titian and Leoni contrasted rather sharply with reality in the years following the victory at Mühlberg. With a string of military and political defeats in the early 1550s along with his deteriorating health, it became crucial as well as advantageous to present the emperor as victorious and strong. Charles was depicted not only as the triumphant knight on horseback, but also, in a series of tapestries portraying the conquest of Tunis, as the magnanimous victor, who rescues and forgives his foes. Created by Willem de Pannemaker from the cartoons of Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen, the tapestries themselves have been described as ‘the perfect embodiment of Charles V’s taste in propaganda, and the most important expression in art of his Idea of Empire’.57 Designed to 52 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 393. 53 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 393. 54 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 393. 55 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, pp. 394, 396, refers to a type of ‘stage-management’ and to the image-makers as ‘managers of the imperial image’. 56 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 426. 57 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 434, who quotes from Hendrik J. Horn, Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen: Painter of Charles V and his Conquest of Tunis (Doornspijk, 1989), p. xi.

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commemorate and to provide accurate accounts, tapestries were also viewed by the image-makers as opportunities to interpret events.58 The tapestries depicting the conquest of Tunis easily accompanied Charles on his journeys as constant reminders of his prowess in war and his nobility and generosity in victory. As portable objets d’art they travelled on his campaigns and were hung in the palaces where he held court and thus were used to ‘frame his public appearances’.59 It has been observed that ‘they did not simply decorate important ceremonial areas. They orchestrated environments and proclaimed key political messages.’60 The musical metaphor is apt. The musical compositions, also portable objets d’art, likewise orchestrated environments and proclaimed key political messages. Music played an extremely significant role in the presentation of the emperor’s public image and also emerges as a means of political propaganda. Musical settings of Latin texts extolling his exploits and celebrating his triumphs and military victories were often written at crucial periods during his reign in order to bolster his image; these settings can sometimes be seen as attempts to impose official interpretations on specific events as well as to affect contemporary perceptions of the emperor. Although it has long been recognized that music enhanced the splendour and magnificence of royal spectacle, its role in political promotion and presentation has to a large extent been ignored. While poetry and painting have long been acknowledged as vehicles for the political promotion of the emperor, music at the court of Charles V likewise was designed to impress and, as a type of royal propaganda, enhance the imperial image. This study emphasizes that music played a comparable and very significant role in image-making.

A

reconstructing the chapel and the repertory

lthough the political importance of Charles’s court has long been   recognized and made the subject of scholarly investigation, music and music-making there have not been studied in a thorough or systematic fashion. References to music at the court are scattered through the musicological literature of the past 140 years, yet a comprehensive and contextual picture has failed to emerge. Studies by Tess Knighton and Michael Noone have focused on the courts of Charles V’s predecessors, Ferdinand and Isabella,61

58 Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, pp. 486–7. The tapestries commemorating the conquest of Tunis were commissioned by Mary of Hungary and are now found at the Patrimonio Nacional de España, Palacio Real at Madrid. The cartoons designed by Vermeyen can be found at the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. Vermeyen was embedded with the troops from their departure from Spain until the victory over the Turks had been won. Thus his sketches for the tapestries are based on his first-hand knowledge of the campaign. 59 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 399. 60 Marina Belozerskaya, Luxury Arts of the Renaissance (Los Angeles, 2005), p. 102. 61 Tess Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon, 1474–1516’, 2 vols (PhD diss., U. of Cambridge, 1983); Tess Knighton, ‘Devotional Piety and Musical Developments at the Court of Ferdinand and Isabella’, Iberian Discoveries

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and his successor, Philip II,62 yet there has been no comparable examination of Charles’s court. Paula Higgins has remarked that ‘the task of reconstructing the cultural, social, and devotional contexts for the production and distribution of fifteenth-century century musical works remains a central priority of early music scholarship.’63 The same holds true for works composed in the 16th century, so that one of the primary tasks of this study is to identify the cultural, social, and devotional contexts of this repertory connected with Charles V. In the attempt to reconstruct the tradition of Franco-Flemish music at the court of Charles V, this study examines the chapel, that is, the emperor’s prestigious retinue of singers and chaplains, the so-called Capilla Flamenca, as well as the ordinances which prescribed its ritual and ceremony and the many compositions which emanated from the court and glorified the emperor. The known payroll records and benefice lists of the Capilla Flamenca,64 as well as chapel rosters previously unknown to the field, make it possible to establish which chaplains, singers, and instrumentalists were part of the retinue of the court and to reconstruct the composition of the chapel at various stages of the emperor’s reign. The surviving ordinances are investigated in order to determine how the chapel was organized as well as how it functioned. The religious rituals as well as the duties and responsibilities of the chapel are considered, and a repertory of devotional motets that fulfilled the liturgical requirements stipulated in the ordinances issued by the court are proposed. This study identifies the musical compositions which commemorated the events of the emperor’s reign and celebrated him as King of Spain, Duke of Burgundy, and Holy Roman Emperor, and it connects these celebratory works to their political contexts. It investigates the court celebrations and rituals that were occasions for music in order to distinguish new repertory destined for those ceremonies. This study is informed by new findings, but also aims to bring together the important contributions of a number of scholars in order to provide some perspective on our present understanding of musical life at the court of Charles V. Indeed, this study is indebted to the work of those scholars. The reconstruction

2001 Online Document URL: http://www.sun.rhbnc.ac.uk/Music/ILM/IDVol_0/ Art1/twk.html, accessed 29 September 2005; Tess Knighton and Carmen Morte García, ‘Ferdinand of Aragon’s Entry into Valladolid in 1513: The Triumph of a Christian King’, Early Music History 18 (1999), pp. 119–63; Tess Knighton, ‘Ritual and Regulations: The Organization of the Castilian Royal Chapel during the Reign of the Catholic Monarchs’, in De musica hispana et allis: Miscelánea en honor al Prof. Dr. José López-Calo, S. J. en su 65o cumpleaños, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio and Carlos Villanueva Abelairas (Santiago de Compostela, 1990), pp. 291–320. 62 Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy. 63 Paula Higgins, ‘Celebrating Transgression and Excess: Busnoys and the Boundaries of Late Medieval Culture’, in Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music, ed. Paula Higgins (Oxford, 1999), pp. 1–20, at p. 10. 64 While these sources provide lists of all musicians and chaplains in service at the chapel at particular periods during the reign of Charles V, it is not always possible to determine exactly who performed on given occasions.

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of the repertory and the chapel personnel attempted here has been possible only because of the careful and detailed investigations that have preceded it.

T

the chapel

he reconstruction of the chapel of Charles V has relied on several different types of documents that list the members of the chapel at various points during the emperor’s reign. The États journaliers de l’hôtel, or the records of daily paylists for the emperor’s entire household, record the expenditures of a given day. Chapel members are listed first with their wages, no doubt reflecting the importance attached to the chapel, and the États journaliers de l’hôtel, also called escroes, provide a very clear picture of the singers and chaplains in residence on that day. In the early years of Charles’s reign no differentiation is made between chaplains and singers. Voice designations as well as the names of choristers with unchanged voices are not included, making it difficult to determine exactly who performed polyphony. In addition, personnel lists, which included the names of chapel members, were drafted on several occasions during the emperor’s reign, often coinciding with an important event at court or the departure of the chapel on a voyage. However, over a period of years, some names were added, others crossed out, reflecting the fluid nature of the chapel membership and making it difficult to determine the membership at any given time. Another problem is that the extant paylists and rosters often fail to record the names of trumpeters and other instrumentalists. Lists of benefices containing the names of chapel members holding or eligible for prebends were also periodically issued. While the benefice lists can be very useful in connecting individual singers and chaplains with the court, it is not always possible to determine whether the musicians cited were still active in the chapel or had already retired. Studies of the Capilla Flamenca of Charles V began at the end of the 19th century with Edmond vander Straeten’s eight-volume La musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, published between 1867 and 1888. Straeten’s pioneering study of music in the Netherlands, the result of extensive archival research not only in the Low Countries, but also in France, Italy, and Spain, continues to be of vital importance to scholars today. Its inclusion of documents, pertaining to the recruitment and enrolment of chapel members, as well as of paylists, drawn from the imperial financial accounts from the earliest record in 1509 to the final list in 1556 shortly before Charles left for retirement in Spain, has been singularly valuable in the reconstruction of the chapel.65 Although he did not often cite his sources, Straeten apparently drew from the financial accounts of the court extant in the Archives Départementales du Nord at Lille. A summary of the holdings of the archive was published between 1865 and 1895 with the États journaliers de l’hôtel, records of household expenditures, cited 65 Edmond vander Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, 8 vols (Brussels, 1867–88); facsimile edition in 4 vols (New York, 1969). Although Straeten often failed to provide the sources for the paylists, later studies have identified some of them. Only one list, the final roster of chaplains and musicians issued in 1556, was located in a Spanish archive; see the list of chapel rosters in Appendix A below.

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and in some cases inventoried in full with the daily wages for the chapel listed first.66 Unfortunately, no États journaliers de l’hôtel for the emperor’s household after 1534 are listed in the Inventaire sommaire. Thus, paylists for the later years of Charles’s reign are apparently not to be found at Lille, but must be sought in other archives. Sixteenth-century accounts of the voyages of Charles by the court chroniclers Jean de Vandenesse and Laurent Vital were published in 1874 and 1881 by Louis Prosper Gachard as part of the four-volume Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas. Gachard was able to reconstruct the itineraries of the court from these accounts and thus provided a context for the repertory and the rosters.67 He included a number of 16th-century accounts of triumphal entries along with several paylists also published by Straeten. As additional rosters were discovered, it became apparent that the surviving court records were widely scattered, a natural consequence of Charles’s incessant travel. In 1933 G. van Doorslaer published a paylist extant in the Archives Générales du Royaume at Brussels drafted on 22 May 1522, as Charles departed the Netherlands for his second trip to Spain.68 The biographical section of Doorslaer’s article made reference to various studies by other scholars and traced the careers of many of the chapel musicians. In 1950 Hellmut Federhofer announced the discovery of a paylist compiled on 1 July 1528 extant in the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna.69 Federhofer’s article clarified Gombert’s position in the chapel in this period as well as those of others in leadership roles. In an article published in 1969 Milton Steinhardt examined the unpublished notes now housed at the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique in Brussels that had been made in the 19th century by Belgian archivist Alexandre Pinchart.70 As conservateur of the Archives Générales du Royaume, Pinchart had copied many documents, including benefice lists for the chapel of Charles V. From Pinchart’s notes Steinhardt was able to reconstruct the chapel membership as it most likely existed in 1549 and to conclude that a considerable turnover in personnel occurred about 1550. Joseph Schmidt-Görg’s study of Nicolas Gombert, published in 1938, made clear that it was possible to establish the membership of the chapel from surviving 66 Inventaire sommaire des Archives départementales antérieures à 1790, Nord: Archives civiles, Série B: Chambre des Comptes de Lille, ed. A. Desplanque, Chrétien César Auguste Dehaisnes, and Jules Finot (Lille, 1865–95), vols. 7 and 8; see the list of chapel rosters in Appendix A below. 67 Louis Prosper Gachard, ed., Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, 4 vols (Brussels, 1874–82); see the list of chapel rosters in Appendix A below. 68 G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, Musica Sacra (1933), pp. 215–30; in the following year Doorslaer also published a study of the chapel of Philip the Fair, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 4 (1934), pp. 21–57, 139–65. 69 Hellmut Federhofer, ‘États de la chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint (1528) et de Maximilien (1554)’, Revue belge de musicologie 4 (1950), pp. 176–83. 70 Milton Steinhardt, ‘The “Notes de Pinchart” and the Flemish Chapel of Charles V’, in Renaissance-Muziek, 1400–1600: Donum Natalicium René Bernard Lenaerts, ed. Jozef Robijns (Leuven, 1969), pp.  285–92.

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collation and benefice lists.71 In addition to documents detailing Gombert’s tenure with the chapel, Schmidt-Görg included several paylists as well as a number of benefice rolls compiled between 1517 and 1540, most of which were extant in the Archives Générales du Royaume in Brussels. A single Spanish source, a personnel list from 1534 at the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, was cited. The reliance on collation lists to determine chapel membership was continued by Homer Rudolf, whose study of the imperial chapel master Cornelius Canis cited documents detailing ecclesiastical benefices contemporary with the tenure of Canis at the court,72 including Pinchart’s copy of a collation list for 1550 at the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique in Brussels. Documents relating to the recruitment of singers as well as a report describing the wages and responsibilities of various chapel positions as they had existed in 1545 were also included. Although Rudolf frequently drew from the work of Straeten and Schmidt-Görg, he printed a newly discovered benefice list for 1553. A more recent addition to the list of published benefice documents was made in 1991 by Othmar Wessely, who presented newly found chapel rosters, extant at the Vienna Haus-, Hof-, and Staatsarchiv, which can be dated from 1531 to 1537.73 While these studies focused on the emperor’s Capilla Flamenca, his Capilla Espanola was explored in Higinio Anglès definitive account of music and musicians at the Spanish court of Charles V, published in 1944. Anglès extended his study to include the chapels maintained by the Empress Isabella, the Infantas Maria and Juana, and the heir to the Spanish throne, Prince Philip. Anglès emerged as the first scholar to make extensive use of sources held in Spanish archives, in particular the paylists for the chapel extant at the Archivo Général de Simancas.74 The groundbreaking work begun by Anglès was continued in the publication in 2000 of La corte de Carlos V, a five-volume study of the court by the Sociedad Estatal para La Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V. Included were three chapel rosters from 1515, 1534, and 1543, now part of the collection of documents at the Biblioteca Nacional and the Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan, both in Madrid. Until now these had escaped the attention of musicologists.75 The latter two rosters proved to be particularly valuable for the 1530s and 1540s, a period when fewer documents seemed to have survived. In addition, research for this monograph in the summer of 2007 at the Archivo Général de Simancas uncovered a previously unpublished chapel list from 71 Joseph Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Kaiser Karls V.: Leben und Werk (Bonn, 1938), pp. 256–303. 72 Homer Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’ (PhD diss., U. of Illinois, 1977), pp. 103–11; Rudolf, p. 87, explains the various types of documents relating to benefices in this period. 73 Othmar Wessely, ‘Hofkapellmitglieder und andere Musiker in zwei Preces-Registern Karls V.’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft: Beihefte der Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 40 (1991), pp. 7–14. 74 Higinio Anglès, ed., La música en la corte de Carlos V, Monumentos de la música española, vol. 2 (Barcelona, 1944). 75 José Martínez Millán and Carlos Javier de Carlos Morales, eds, La corte de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid, 2000).

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152276 as well as a roster from 1562.77 The former allows a more complete analysis of the composition of the chapel and the latter establishes the fate of the emperor’s chapel after his death. However, there continue to be a significant number of years for which no payroll records or benefice lists are extant. The report that in 1541 ‘150 ships sank during a storm, taking men, supplies, munition and a large part of the imperial archive to the bottom [of the Mediterranean]’78 might account for some of the missing records, but certainly could not begin to account for the number that seem to be lost. This remains the fundamental obstacle to a comprehensive study of the personnel of the chapel. The ordinances that governed the court and prescribed both protocol and ritual for the chapel also began to receive attention at the end of the 19th century. In 1874 Gachard published the earliest of these, the Statutz et ordonnances sur le faict de nostre grande chapelle, which had been issued in 1515, shortly after Charles came of age.79 There followed in 1885 and 1888 Straeten’s publication of four ordinances as part of his study of composers active at the court.80 In 1893–4 appeared Alfred de Ridder’s study of the Relacion de la orden de servir que se tenia en la casa del emperador don Carlos nuestro señor el año 1545, y la misma se guarda agora en la de su Magestad, a document which stipulated the responsibilities of various positions in the chapel.81 Joseph Schmidt-Görg in 1938 turned to the ordinances in his study of court chapelmaster Nicolas Gombert, and included several of these documents in his monograph.82 Homer Rudolf ’s 1977 study of Cornelius Canis once again focused attention on the ordinances, printing several and drawing on them to describe positions in the chapel as well as rituals and ceremonies.83 The discovery by Bernadette Nelson of a previously unknown document, La Orden que se tiene en los Officios en la Capilla de Su Magestad in the Biblioteca da Ajuda at Lisbon, resulted in a new reappraisal of the ordinances;84 while the focus of Nelson’s article was on the ceremonies detailed in La Orden, the valuable review of the other statutes of the court revealed the presence of Burgundian traditions and suggested Castilian practices. These studies by Rudolf and Nelson have clarified the role of music making at court within the contexts stipulated in the ordinances. In a series of articles, Luis Robledo Estaire examined Burgundian and Castilian 76 Archivo Général de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales Legajo 29, Folio 13/777 = Casa Real Emperador 1522 a 1528. 77 Archivo Général de Simancas, Contraduriá Mayor de Cuentas, 1aep. Legajo 1339. 78 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 152. 79 Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, vol. 2, pp. 491–501. 80 Straeten, La musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 278–81, 398–403, 183–6; vol. 8, pp. 178–82. 81 Alfred de Ridder, ‘Les Règlements de la cour de Charles Quint’, Messager des Sciences historiques, ou Archives des Arts et de la Biographie de Belgique (1893), pp. 392–418; (1894), pp. 36–52, 180–201, 280–91. 82 Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 337–42. 83 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 342–3, 367–70, 409–12; also see Chapter 4 below. 84 Bernadette Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel, c. 1559–c. 1561’, Early Music History 19 (2000), pp. 105–200.

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traditions in the rituals and organization of the chapels that were inherited by Philip II from Charles V.85 In 2000 Robledo, along with Tess Knighton, Cristina Bordas Ibáñez, and José Carreras, contributed to an exhaustive study of music at the court of Philip II.86 While focused on the structure of the court at the time Philip II assumed the throne, Robledo’s essay explored precedents in the etiquetas (ceremonials) and ordenanzas (ordinances) issued during the reign of Charles V as well as in Burgundian statutes dating back to the period of Philip the Good. Many of the relevant documents were included in the extensive appendices included in this publication.

A

the repertory

repertory of motets, masses, and chansons can be connected with   ceremonial occasions as well as with religious rituals at the court of Charles V. Composed by internationally known composers of the period, including members of the court chapel, as well as figures of local or regional significance, the repertory includes newly composed works as well as pre-existing compositions that were pressed into service for the occasion at hand. Motet texts which celebrated the emperor were often composed to fit the occasion by court poets, some yet to be identified, while the texts of devotional works were drawn from liturgical and biblical sources. Although the repertory exhibits a style of pervasive imitation and dense polyphony characteristic of the period, the occasional departures from this style often underscore the political and religious themes embedded in the texts. The political or state motets were composed to celebrate specific events at court. As Lewis Lockwood has observed, Such compositions were meant to enhance the artistic and political solemnity of a state occasion. They employ music as a means of symbolic expression of the stature of the ruler: the music is written for him, about him, is normally produced by a composer in his service, and is performed by his own musicians.87 The celebration of state occasions by means of Latin motets composed specifically for ceremonial events has a long history, particularly in the courts of the Habsburgs, 85 Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘‘The Form and Function of the Music Chapel at the Court of Philip II’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 135–43; Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, in Felipe II y su época: actas del simposium, I/5-IX-1998, Colección del Instituto Escurialense de Investigaciones Históricas y Artisticas 14 (San Lorenzo del Escorial, 1998), pp. 141–67; Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias. Antecedentes: Las casas reales hasta 1556’, Revista de Musicologia 10 (1987), pp. 753–96. 86 Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘‘La estructuración de las casas reales: Felipe II como punto de encuentro y punto de partida’, in Luis Robledo Estaire et al., Aspectos de la Cultura Musical en la Corte de Felipe II (Madrid, 2000), pp. 1–34. 87 Lockwood, ‘Music and Religion in the High Renaissance and Reformation’, p. 498.

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where they could be said to date at least back to 1439–40, with the accession of Friedrich III as Holy Roman Emperor.88 As part of public spectacle, state motets continued to play an important role during the reigns of succeeding Habsburg Burgundian rulers, including Charles V. While the Latin state motet has been identified as a genre connected with Habsburg Burgundian traditions, by contrast in Spain, genres such as the villancico and romance fulfilled a comparable role. In Spain the earliest Latin state motet dates from 1539 and commemorates the death of the Empress Isabella, wife of Charles V.89 As ceremonial motets, these works were often composed to celebrate one particular occasion. However, instead of surviving in a single source, many that commemorate Charles and a specific event during his reign are extant in multiple sources, sometimes widely dispersed, suggesting subsequent performance on multiple occasions. The ceremonial works are identified and are placed within their appropriate political context, along with a chronological review of the years in question. Albert Dunning’s landmark monograph of 1970 on the state motet identified a body of political motets composed between 1480 and 1555.90 An extensive section of his work was devoted to the study of political motets connected to the court of Charles V, examining stylistic aspects, situating the motets contextually, and identifying sources for texts when possible. Dunning’s work has been extensively cited in studies and editions of this repertory, and his research provided the basis for the discussion of repertory in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, a collection of essays published in 1999 to complement a concert series of works associated with the emperor at the Flanders Festival as part of the commemoration of the 500th anniversary of his birth.91 More recent scholarship has expanded the repertory first identified by Dunning. In an examination of works composed by imperial chapelmaster Adrien Thiebault, Robert J. Snow used liturgical evidence to connect two motets with funeral ceremonies for the Empress Isabella and a third motet with Charles’s coronation at Bologna in 1530.92 Herbert Kellman first proposed that Constanzo Festa’s Ecce advenit dominator could also be linked to the coronation, and an article by 88 Louise Cuyler, ‘The Imperial Motet: Barometer of Relations between Church and State’, in The Pursuit of Holiness in the Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion: Papers from the University of Michigan Conference, ed. Charles Trinkaus with Heiko A. Oberman (Leiden, 1974), pp. 483–96, at p. 485. 89 Tess Knighton, ‘“Music, Why Do You Weep?” A Lament for Alexander Agricola (d. 1506)’, Early Music 34 (2006), pp. 427–41, at p. 435. The motet was Nicolas Payen’s Carole, cur defles Isabellam, which is discussed in Chapter 5 below. Also see Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, pp. 222–5, for music which celebrated political and state occasions during the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. 90 Albert Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, 1480–1555 (Utrecht, 1970). 91 Francis Maes, ed., The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V (Leuven, 1999). 92 Robert J. Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault, Maestro of the Flemish Chapel of Charles V, 1526–1540’, Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicologia 12 (1996), pp. 459–509.

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Klaus Pietschmann made a persuasive case for the connection.93 Kellman also recognized that the text of the anonymous setting of O sancta Maria, virgo virginum in LonBLR 8G.vii, one of the Netherlands court manuscripts, was a prayer for the protection of Charles, most likely composed early in his reign.94 Music and ceremony for the Order of the Golden Fleece has been the subject of a series of articles by William Prizer, who in 2001 focused on the meetings over which Charles presided.95 By examining statutes of the Order as well as descriptions of the meetings, Prizer was able to situate several works within its rituals and proposed that settings of Andreas Christi famulus by Crecquillon and Morales were sung at meetings held in 1546 and 1556. Masses on L’homme armé and their connection with the Order of the Golden Fleece have been the subject of articles by Owen Rees and Emilio Ros-Fabregas.96 In his doctoral dissertation Martin Ham explored the link between works by Crecquillon and the imperial court, and, in an article which followed, he connected the composer’s Missa Mort m’a privé with commemorations of the death of the empress and identified the chansons on which it was based as expressions of the emperor’s grief.97 A search of the Archives for Renaissance Manuscript Studies at the University of Illinois and the Motet Database Catalogue Online compiled by Jennifer Thomas also uncovered settings previously overlooked that celebrated Charles V and were often connected with the court. The identification of this repertory has been determined by references to Charles in both the manuscript and print sources as well as in the texts of the compositions. A case in point is the text of the well-known motet Jubilate Deo, by Cristóbal de Morales, which commemorated the Treaty of Nice and celebrated the role of Pope Paul III in the successful negotiations between Charles and Francis I: Jubilate Deo omnis terra, quoniam suadente Paulo Carolus et Franciscus convenerunt in unum, et pax de caelo descendit. Vivat Paulus! Vivat Carolus! Vivat Franciscus!

Sing joyfully to God, all the Earth, because at the urging of Paul, Charles and Francis have come together into one, and peace descends from heaven. Long live Paul! Long live Charles Long live Francis!

93 Klaus Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa for the Coronation of Charles V’, trans. Kevin N. Moll, Journal of Musicological Research 21 (2002), pp. 319–54. 94 Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, p. 110; Herbert Kellman, ed., London, British Library, MS Royal 8 G. vii., facsimile edition (New York and London, 1987), pp. vi–vii. 95 William F. Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, in Essays on Music and Culture in Honor of Herbert Kellman, ed. Barbara Haggh (Paris and Tours, 2001), pp. 161–88. 96 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’; Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, Early Music 23 (1995), pp. 374–91. 97 Martin Ham, ‘Thomas Crecquillon in Context: A Reappraisal of his Life and of Selected Works’ (PhD diss., U. of Surrey, 1998); Martin Ham, ‘Crecquillon’s Mass Mort m’a privé and the Empress Isabella’, in Beyond Contemporary Fame: Reassessing the Art of Clemens non Papa and Thomas Crecquillon; Colloquium Proceedings Utrecht, April 24–26, 2003, ed. Eric Jas (Turnhout, 2005), pp. 233–54.

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Contemporary accounts of the travels of Charles V have established accurate itineraries for the court. These chronicles also provide descriptions of rituals and ceremonies for which music played a vital role, and occasionally identify musical works that accompanied royal ceremonies. For example, on 20 January 1540 Charles made his entry into Cambrai on the way to put down a revolt in Ghent. The arrival of the emperor at the gates of the city was announced by trumpeters and the motet Venite populi terrae composed by Jean Courtois was sung by the bishop’s chapel both as Charles arrived at the palace and at mass on the following day.98 However, more characteristically the accounts mention performers and ensembles, but musical compositions performed are not specified.99 For example, on 18 November 1517 Charles made a triumphal entry into Valladolid. Trumpets and drums mounted on horseback accompanied the royal procession into the city, and the 12 trumpeters of Charles’s Flemish household were most likely joined by trumpeters of the Spanish court. The coronation ceremonies, which took place in that city on 7 February 1518 included ceremonial trumpet fanfares and a solemn mass that may have been celebrated with polyphony provided by Charles’s Flemish chapel. The surviving documents and accounts of the ceremony do not indicate which mass was sung.100 In the absence of definitive evidence, scholars have used a variety of clues to deduce the likely performance of certain works on various ceremonial occasions. The designation ‘a la incoronatione’ in two of the extant sources101 of Gombert’s Missa Sur tous regretz has helped to link this work with Charles’s coronation as Holy Roman Emperor in Bologna in 1530. Charles entered the city accompanied by instrumentalists – trumpets, drums, and wind instruments. A contemporary chronicler reported that ‘so great were the sounds of voices, trumpets, drums, and artillery, that it seemed that Bologna was turned upside down.’102 Regrettably the contemporary accounts of the coronation do not identify the musical works which accompanied these elaborate ceremonies. However, Gombert had joined the

98 Craig Wright, ‘Performance Practices at the Cathedral of Cambrai 1475–1550’, The Musical Quarterly 64 (1978), pp. 295–328, at pp. 307–8; Nanie Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai, le 20 janvier 1540’, in Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, vol. 2: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1960), pp. 235–53. 99 As indicated in Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 164–5, 174–5, the court chronicler Vandenesse cites a number of religious and secular occasions celebrated by the court, but fails to identify the music performed. 100 Soterraña Aguirre Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid, 1517–1539’, in Music and Musicians in Renaissance Cities and Towns, ed. Fiona Kisby (Cambridge, 2001) pp. 106–17, at pp. 111–13; Jean de Vandenesse, ‘Journal des voyages de CharlesQuint, de 1514 a 1551’, in Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 2, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1874), pp. 53–464, at pp. 58–9. 101 1542/2 and TrevBC 2. 102 Anthony M. Cummings, The Politicized Muse: Music for Medici Festivals, 1512–1537 (Princeton, 1992), p. 128, who quotes from Marino Sanuto, I diarii, vol. 52 (Venice, 1879–1903), cols. 184–5, 189–90, 194, 264–6, 268–9.

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imperial chapel as a singer in 1526,103 and as part of the retinue of Charles, he was presumably present for the coronation ceremonies. The evidence seems to suggest that Gombert’s work was most likely composed for this coronation. While the court ceremonies, which provided a context for much of the repertory, have been examined104 and, in some cases, a number of masses and motets unequivocally connected with them, a number of tributes, in the form of masses, motets, and chansons that clearly celebrate Charles V have not yet been connected with any particular event or occasion in his reign. And although many of the significant political and ceremonial events in the life of the court were enhanced by celebratory motets, masses, and chansons, there are many other occasions with which no specific musical compositions can be associated.105 A motet by Senfl commemorates the arrival of Charles V at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530; however, no comparable work has been identified for his arrival at the Diet of Worms in 1520. And while several works by Morales were apparently performed at memorial services for the emperor in Mexico in the year following his death,106 the detailed descriptions of the funeral ceremonies at Brussels in the previous year contain no references to music. As part of the obsequies in Brussels on 29 December a great ship was solemnly drawn through the streets. Adorned with the arms of all the countries over which he had ruled, it was richly decorated with scenes and inscriptions recording the Emperor’s triumphs. Before the central mast, on a stone labelled Christus, sat Faith bearing a cross, while Hope rode at the prow and Charity navigated from the helm. Behind arose the two imperial columns on rocks in the midst of the sea. In this way the imperial motto, ‘Plus oultre’, now celebrated Charles’s conquest of a heavenly kingdom. For the last time the pillars of Hercules and the ship of Jason and the Argonauts, the two heroes of the House of Burgundy, paid tribute to an emperor whose piety now carried him to greater glory in the world to come.107

103 See the discussion of Gombert’s service to the chapel in Chapter 3 below. 104 Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai, le 20 janvier 1540’; Cummings, The Politicized Muse, pp. 128–39; Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa for the Coronation of Charles V’; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’; Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’. 105 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 164–5, 174–5, has cited a number of such occasions, mentioned in the journal of court chronicler, Jean de Vandenesse. Likewise, the account of the visit of Philip the Fair to Toledo in 1502 as described by Tess Knighton, ‘A Meeting of Chapels: Toledo, 1502’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 85–102, at pp. 91–2, does not identify the polyphony performed. 106 Robert Stevenson, ‘Morales, Cristobal de’, MGG1. 107 Strong, Splendor at Court, p. 113; also see Barbara Haggh, ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece and Music’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 120 (1995), pp. 1–43, at p. 12, n. 64, and Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 3–5.

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The problem of connecting accounts of ceremonies with extant repertory was addressed by Kenneth Kreitner, who commented First, it is usually impossible to connect the official ceremonial accounts securely to specific, known pieces of music. Second, it is the nature of secular documents to omit beneath their purview many of the musical details that we today regard as indispensable – the chroniclers were always maddeningly more interested in the musicians’ clothing than in, say, their instrumentation.108 The crucial task of reconciling the extant repertory with the descriptions of court ceremonies and festivities as well as with the liturgical requirements of the chapel remains a difficult one. A repertory of state motets connected with political events and ceremonial occasions has emerged from the research, but a comparable repertory of devotional motets for the daily celebrations of the mass and the office at the court of Charles V has not been identified. While political motets have been linked to descriptions of court ceremonies and festivities, connections between the liturgical stipulations of the court ordinances and an extant repertory of devotional motets emanating from the court have been relatively unexplored. The list of feast days singled out for polyphonic performance in the Statutz et Ordennances, the first ordinance issued by Charles in 1515, suggests the possibility of reconciling the liturgical requirements prescribed in the ordinances with an extant repertory. While a number of musicians at the court were active as composers, the most extensive repertory of motets belongs to Thomas Crecquillon, who began his tenure with the chapel about 1540. The recently published edition of the complete works of Crecquillon includes devotional works which can be connected with the prescriptions embedded in this ordinance. They are examined at the conclusion of Chapter 4, and some, as prayers for peace, reflect a fervent desire for deliverance from the ravages of war which typified much of Charles’s reign.

108 Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Music in the Corpus Christi Procession of Fifteenth-Century Barcelona’, Early Music History 14 (1995), pp. 153–204, at p. 153.

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chapter 2

The Genesis of the Chapel

I

the burgundian and spanish inheritance

n what has been described as ‘the greatest armada ever seen’1 a fleet of 133 ships and an escort of 15,000 men set sail from Spain for the Low Countries in August 1496. Aboard was Juana of Castile, third child and second daughter of Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon, rulers of Spain, on her way to the Low Countries to marry the Archduke of Burgundy, Philip the Fair, and, in so doing, advance Spanish interests in the region and forge an alliance between Spain and the Holy Roman Empire against France.2 The marriage was celebrated on 20 October 1496. A daughter, Eleanor, was born on 15 November 1498. Two years later a son arrived, born on 24 February 1500 at the Prinsenhof in Ghent; he was named Charles after his paternal great-grandfather Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy. His baptism on the evening of 7 March was celebrated with the kind of elaborate ceremonies that would accompany significant milestones throughout his life. The contemporary chronicler Jean Molinet reported that … the people of Ghent had constructed a wooden gangway 1 metre high, 2 metres wide and 700 metres long, along which the procession could make its way from the Prinsenhof to St John’s Church,3 visible to and unhindered by the people. The gangway was decorated with three times thirteen gates, some of which were larger than the others and had allegorical names: the Gates of Wisdom, Justice and Peace. All the gates were decorated with coats of arms and torches, 10,000 of them altogether, according to the candlemakers’ guild involved. On the Lys the clarions sounded from a brilliantly lit ship and the dragon on the belfry spewed fireworks. A walkway had been stretched between the spires of the belfry and the church of St Nicholas. The designer of the spectacle walked on planks above his construction to place a cartwheel with torches on top of the spire of St Nicholas’ church. As was customary, some three or four hundred dignitaries took part in the procession. First, the masters and administrators of the craft guilds, the town magistrates, knights and squires of the court, members of the Council of Flanders, knights in 1 Bethany Aram, Juana the Mad: Sovereignty and Dynasty in Renaissance Europe (Baltimore and London, 2005), p. 69, 33. 2 Aram, Juana the Mad, pp. 31–3. A manuscript depicting Juana’s entry into Brussels at the time of her marriage can now be found at Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, MS 78 D 5. Dagmar Eichberger, ed., Women of Distinction: Margaret of York and Margaret of Austria (Leuven, 2005), p. 81, remarks that the tableau vivant, staged along the route, made reference to the marriage. One in particular, a depiction of the beheading of Holofernes by Judith, accompanied by a text, ‘explains to the reader that Juana of Aragon-Castile will defend her people as did the biblical Judith’. 3 Now St Bavo’s Cathedral.

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the Order of the Golden Fleece and, lastly, the close relatives of the young prince.4 An early biographer of Juana of Castile related that After the church ceremony the Te Deum was performed by the singers and organ, the trumpets blew, and the sound of shawms, slide-trumpets, clarions, and drums accompanied the procession back to the palace.5 At his birth Charles was expected to inherit extensive territories in the Low Countries from his father, Philip the Fair, as well as the Habsburg territories in Germany and Austria from his paternal grandfather Maximilian, Holy Roman Emperor. Although it was not anticipated that his mother Juana of Castile, as the third child of Ferdinand and Isabella, would ever inherit the throne of Spain, through the tragic deaths of two older siblings and a nephew, she became the heiress to the thrones of Castile and Aragon.6 As heirs to the thrones of Spain, Juana and Philip left for the Iberian peninsula in November 1501 in order to take their oaths. Philip assembled a chapel designed to impress, recruiting new singers throughout the Low Countries for the journey to Spain. Nine trumpeters, three musette players, and two tamburins d’Alemaigne accompanied the grande chapelle which numbered 26.7 In his study of Josquin des Prez published in 1962, Helmuth Osthoff reported that the famed composer was among those recruited for the trip but without success. David Fallows has argued in a recent monograph that Josquin did in fact make the trip to Spain as part of Philip’s entourage, systematically refuting arguments to the contrary.8 Philip chose to travel overland through France and was met by the French court at Blois where mass was celebrated by the French and Burgundian chapels, performing together in the Te Deum, and the engagement between the infant Charles and Claude, the only child of the French sovereigns, was announced, reaffirming an alliance between Burgundy and France. The arrival in Spain was 4 Wim Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558, trans. Isola van den Hoven-Vardon (London, 2002), p. 13, from Jean Molinet, Chroniques (1474–1506), vol. 3 (Brussels, 1937), pp. 468–70. 5 Antonio Rodríguez-Villa, La Reina Doña Juana La Loca (Madrid, 1892), p. 53, as reported in Mary Kay Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, Musica Disciplina 30 (1976), pp. 73–95, at p. 80. 6 In 1497 Juan, the eldest child and only son of Ferdinand and Isabella and thus heir to the Spanish throne, died. Shortly after his death his wife, Margaret of Austria, gave birth to a stillborn child. The death in childbirth of Isabella, the eldest daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella and wife of Prince Manuel of Portugal, followed in 1498. Her son, Miguel, heir apparent to the thrones of both Spain and Portugal, died in July 1500. 7 Louis Prosper Gachard, ed., Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, 4 vols (Brussels, 1874–82), vol. 1, pp. 366, 370; Inventaire sommaire des Archives départementales antérieures à 1790, Nord: Archives civiles, Série B: Chambre des Comptes de Lille, ed. A. Desplanque, Chrétien César Auguste Dehaisnes, and Jules Finot (Lille, 1865–95), vol. 7, pp. 229, 231. 8 Helmuth Osthoff, Josquin Desprez, vol. 1 (Tutzing, 1962), p. 46; David Fallows, Josquin (Turnhout, 2009), pp. 199–202, 227–8.

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celebrated by triumphal entries in Burgos, Valladolid, Medina del Campo, Segovia, and Madrid. At festivities in Toledo, Juana was proclaimed heiress to the throne of Castile and Leon, and Philip was recognized as prince consort.9 Unfortunately the contemporary chronicler Antoine de Lalaing does not report what music was performed during the ceremonies in Toledo, where the cathedral choir was joined by the Burgundian and Spanish chapels, nor at ceremonies throughout Castile in the months of June, July, and August of 1502 when the Burgundian court was in residence.10 Festivities in honour of the monarchs that followed throughout Spain came to an end when Philip returned to the Low Countries in February 1503 and Juana followed in May 1504. In December 1504 word reached the Low Countries that Isabella had died. Wasting little time, Philip had himself proclaimed ruler of Castile, Leon, and Granada in elaborate funeral ceremonies at St Gudule in Brussels, adding the extensive Spanish territories to the Burgundian holdings in the Low Countries which he already controlled.11 However, Isabella’s will included a clause to the effect that ‘if Juana was absent from Castile at the moment of her mother’s death or otherwise unable or unwilling to rule, King Fernando should govern on her behalf ’,12 and accordingly the cortes in Spain recognized Ferdinand’s right to the throne. A struggle between Philip and Ferdinand for the throne ensued, and at the beginning of January 1506, Philip and Juana set sail for Spain to claim the throne. Again, new singers were recruited for the trip and an impressive entourage of musicians with ‘trumpets and minstrels sounding forth’ 13 filled a separate ship. Travelling by the sea route to Spain, the royal party was shipwrecked off the coast of England and forced to spend three months at the court of Henry VII. As a consequence, their arrival in Spain was delayed until April. A compromise between the competing parties for the Spanish throne was finally reached in June 1506 at Juana’s expense when Ferdinand and Philip reached an agreement without her. Ferdinand agreed to leave Spain and Juana, who had for some time exhibited signs of mental instability, was declared unfit to rule. 9 Tess Knighton, ‘A Meeting of Chapels: Toledo, 1502’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 85–102, describes ceremonies at Toledo; later that year Juana was acknowledged as heir to the throne of Aragon, and Philip was recognized as consort. 10 Antoine de Lalaing, ‘Voyage de Philippe le Beau en Espagne en 1501’, in Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 1, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1876), pp. 121–340, at pp. 174–98; also see Martin Picker, ed., The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria: MSS 228 and 11239 of the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1965), pp. 24–5; G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 4 (1934), pp. 21–57, 139–65, at pp. 49–52; and Honey Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford, 2003), pp. 34–7, for Lalaing’s account of the festivities in Spain and Philip’s return voyage to the Netherlands. 11 Described in detail in Aram, Juana the Mad, pp. 79–80. 12 Aram, Juana the Mad, p. 79. 13 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 85.

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Bethany Aram’s well-documented study of Juana of Castile refrains from concluding whether the queen, who became known as Juana La Loca, was in fact insane. Instead, she presents Juana’s madness within the social, political, and religious context of 16th-century Spain, arguing that ‘various studies have suggested that the definition and treatment of madness can reveal more about a given historical moment than about the “mad” individuals themselves.’ 14 Aram’s study reveals a long history of deliberate and successful attempts to manipulate and marginalize, as well as to deny Juana’s sovereignty and her attempts to govern the territories she had legitimately inherited.15 Philip’s reign as King of Castile, Leon, and Granada was short lived. With his death at Burgos on 25 September 1506, the struggle for the throne resumed, now between daughter and father, Juana and Ferdinand.

P

juana’s chapel, 1506–8

hilip had set out from the Low Countries on his final journey to Spain on 4 January 1506 with 12 trumpeters and a chapel of 36.16 A special boat was reserved for the musicians. It was reported that ‘it was a pleasure to hear trumpets, drums, and other instruments sounding everywhere on the ships, making good cheer.’17 As indicated in Table 2.1, the size and composition of Philip’s chapel remained fairly consistent in the months leading up to his death. On 22 July 1506,

14 Aram, Juana the Mad, p. 9, refers to Colin Gordon, ‘Histoire de la folie: An Unknown Book by Michel Foucault’, in Rewriting the History of Madness: Studies in Foucault’s ‘Histoire de la folie’, ed. Arthur Still and Irving Velocy (New York, 1992), p. 239. 15 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, pp. 83–4, 86, 89, details several episodes of what could be characterized as the result of mental instability and recounts that Philip sought to have Juana declared insane and incarcerated when the court arrived in Spain. However, Duggan, observes on p. 73 that ‘public declarations of the Queen’s insanity made by her mother, father and husband were motivated chiefly by their own avarice for power.’ Sara T. Nalle, ‘Review of Bethany Aram, Juana the Mad: Sovereignty and Dynasty in Renaissance Europe’, The Sixteenth Century Journal 37 (2006), pp. 534–5, at p. 535, remarks that ‘… the level of deceit, psychological cruelty, physical abuse, and manipulation to which the queen was routinely subjected throughout her life is truly shocking.’ 16 Lille, Archives du Nord, B3463, 121661; This paylist is printed in Jeannine Douillez, ‘De muziek aan het Bourgondische-Habsburgse hof in de tweede helft der xvde eeuw’ (PhD diss., Université Royale de Ghent, 1967), p. lxvii, and Barbara Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts, 1467–1506’ (MMus thesis, U. of Illinois, 1980), pp. 172–3. According to Martin Picker, ‘The Habsburg Courts in the Netherlands and Austria, 1477–1530’, in The Renaissance, ed. Iain Fenlon (Englewood Cliffs, 1989), p. 221, Philip’s instrumentalists in 1506 included ‘twelve battle trumpeters, eight slide trumpeters and “pipers” (shawms), two lutenists and four viol players’. 17 Anonymous, ‘Relation du deuxième voyage de Philippe le Beau en 1506’, in Collection des voyages de souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 1, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1876), pp. 387–480, at pp. 407–10, 501, as reported by Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 38; also see the account of the voyage in Edmond vander Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, 8 vols (Brussels, 1867–88); facsimile edition in 4 vols (New York, 1969), vol. 7, p. 160.

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in one of the last paylists issued before his death, Philip’s grande chapelle included 33 chaplains and singers.18 The fate of these chaplains, singers, and instrumentalists, who had travelled to Spain with Philip the Fair, has long been uncertain and the subject of speculation. Whereas Higinio Anglès in his study of music at the court of Charles V determined that, following the death of Philip the Fair in 1506, ‘the singers of his chapel went immediately to Brussels where they continued their functions in the ducal palace at the chapel of Charles V and his sisters Eleanor and Mary’,19 G. van Doorslaer concluded in his study of Philip’s chapel that ‘some (of the musicians) stayed in Spain, others, more numerous, returned to their native land.’20 In an article published in 1976 Mary Kay Duggan argued that documents at the Archivo Général de Simancas indicated that ‘the chapel did not return immediately to Brussels but remained in Spain as a functioning body.’21 According to Duggan, the following singers, who had appeared on one of the last extant paylists for Philip’s chapel issued on 22 July 1506, reappeared in an 11 October 1506 paylist for Juana’s chapel:22 Marbrian de Orto,23 Jean Lomel, Pierre de la Rue, Philippon de Bruges, Pierre de Clite, Rubert Vinet, Jean Moneta, Guillaume Chevalier, Rogier Herben, Gilles Reyngoot, Clais Liégois (Nicolas Champion), Henri Zantman, Guillaume Anglois, and Antoine Riche. This reduced chapel also included Joos Steelandt, who had left the Low Countries with Philip in January 1506, but who is missing from the July paylist for the chapel. Juana also retained three members from Philip’s petite chapelle: organist Gilles Brugeman, bellows operator Jean Baudouin, and altarboy Gilles Moreau. Duggan’s list can be found on Table 2.2 along with a slightly different paylist for the chapel, also issued on 11 October 1506, published by Edmond vander Straeten in vol. 7 of La musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle. It omits Marbrian de Orto, Rogier Herben, and 18 Lille, Archives du Nord, B3463, 121703; modern editions in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 164–5; Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, p. 176; Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, pp. 53–4. 19 Higinio Anglès, ed., La música en la corte de Carlos V, Monumentos de la música española 2 (Barcelona, 1944), p. 4, as quoted in Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 73. 20 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 54, as quoted in Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 73. 21 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 73. 22 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, pp. 87–8, cites the present location of the pay voucher at the Archivo de Simancas, Casa Real, Legajo 14, fol. 1. The fate of Philip’s instrumentalists is unclear. José Martínez Millán and Carlos Javier de Carlos Morales, eds, La corte de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid, 2000), vol. 5, pp. 86–7, list three tañedores de la vihuela and six trompetas in the household of Queen Juana between 1505 and 1516. All appear to have Spanish surnames and none can be identified as instrumentalists who had accompanied Philip to Spain in 1506. 23 Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, pp. 39–40, reports that by December 1506 de Orto’s name was absent from the paylists, and concludes that the position of premier chapellain apparently was assumed by La Rue.

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xxxvi s.

xxx s. xxx s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s.

xii s.

Evesque de Salubrie

L. de Wenrey M. Orto

J. Braconnier B. Presel J. Moneta F. Rétis P. Rue P. Clite P. Bruges A. François P. Brule

J. Mathijs J. Steenllant G. Chevalier

messire Rogier A. Agricola

C. Liegeois

H. Zantman

Philip the Fair 4 January 1506 • Middelbourg

Henry Zautmann/ Zantman

messire Clais Le Liégeois

messire Rogier Alexandre Agnièla/ Agricola

Johannes Mathytz/ Mathijs Josse Styenland/ Steenllant Guillaume Chevalier

messire Louis de Wenrey messire Mabairen des Orts/ Orto messire Jehan Braconnier Vynet Prezel/ B. Presel Johannes Moneta Fransquin de Rétyts/ Rétis Pierchon de la Rue Pierre Clute/ Clite Philippot de Bruges Hennequin François Pierre Brule

l’évêque de Salubrie

xii s.

xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xxx s. xxx s.

xxxvi s.

Philip the Fair 27 March 1506 • Penryn, England

Johannes Mathyz/ Mathys/ Mathijs Gillequin de Bailleul

Messire Clais le Liégeois Hanry Zantman

Bynet Prezel/ Presel Johannes Moneta Fransquin de Retyz/ Rétis Pierchon de Rue Sire Pierre Clitre/ Clite Phelippot de Brughes/ Bruges Anthonin Françoys/ François Pierre Brulle/ Brulé Joosse Stienlland/ Stienllant/ Steenllant Guillaume Chevalier Messire Rogier Alexandre Agricola

L’évesque de Salubrye/ Salubrie Me Mabarien de Orto Messire Jehan Braconnier

xii s.

xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xxx s. xii s.

xlviii s.

Philip the Fair 8 June 1506 • Orance, Spain

Table 2.1  The chapel of Philip the Fair: paylists January–July 1506

Sire Anthoine Divititz/ Davtitz/ Riche

Binet Presel/ Vinet Presel Johannes Monneta/ Moneta Fransquin de Retis/ Réte Pierchon de Rue Sire Pierre Sclictre/ Clite Philippe de Brughes/ Bruges Anthoine Franchois/ François Pierre Brulle/ Brulé Guillaume Chevalier/ Chevallier Messire Rogier Alixandre Agricolla Messire Clais le Liegeois/ Liégois Henry Zantman Johannes Mathitz/ Mathyz/ Mathijs Gillecquin de Bailleul

Me Marbarian de Orto Messire Jehan Braconnier

Eveque de Salubrie/ Sallubry

xii s.

xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xxx s. xii s.

xlviii s.

Philip the Fair 22 July 1506 • Valladolid

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CHARLES V ebook.indb 32

xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. ix s.

ix s. ix s.

ix s.

ix s. Pierre François vii s. vi d. Gillet Moreau vii s. vi d. Johannes Friart vii s. Adolphe de la Verde/Verderue vi s. Martin Hombourg/ Hoombourg iiii s. Bauduin/Bauduyn

H. Bredemers

Lucas J. Bonnel

G. du Sablon R. Robins

G. Seneschal J. de Revelles

P. Duret

P. François G. Moreau J. Friart A. de la Verderue M. Hoombourg

Bauduyn

xii s.

G. Langlez

xii s.

xii s.

xii s.

x s. ix s.

Jennin Loys

Gillequin du Sablon Messire Robert Robens/ Robins Sire Gilles le Séneschal Messire Jehans de Renelles/ Revelles Pière Françoys/ François Gilles Moureau/ Moreau

Sire Anthoine Dantiz/ Davtiz/ Riche/ Divitis Messire Guillaume Lenglez/ Langlez Me Henry Biédemarche/ Bredemarche/ Bredemers Me Jehan de Bonnel

iiii s.

Messire Robert Robins Sire Gilles le Seneschal/ Scéneschal Messire Jehan de Revelles Pierre Duret

Guillequin du Sablon

Messire Guillame Lengles/ Langlez Messire Harry Bredmer/ Bredimer/ Bredemers Me Jehan Bonnel

vii s. vi d. Adolf de Hietveld/ Liestvelde/ Verderue vii s. vi d. Gilles Moureau/ Moreau vi s. Martin de Hoombourg iiii s. Bauduin/ Bauduyn

vii s. vi d. vi s. iiii s.

vii s. vi d.

viii s. vii s. vi d.

ix s. ix s.

ix s. ix s.

x s.

xii s.

xii s.

xii s.

Philip the Fair 22 July 1506 • Valladolid

viii s. Pierre Franchois vii s. vi d. Johannes Friart

ix s. ix s.

x s. ix s.

xii s

xii s.

xii s.

xii s.

Philip the Fair 8 June 1506 • Orance, Spain

viii s. Adorlf de la Verderue vii s. vi d. Martin Hoombourg vii s. vi d. Bauduyn vii s. vi s.

Gilles le Scéneschal/ Seneschal ix s. messire Jehan de Renelles/ ix s. Revelles Pierre Duret ix s.

Gillequin de Sablon messire Robart Robin

maître Henry Bredemerch/ xii s. Bredemers messire Lucas xii s. messire Jehan Lormel/ Bonnel xii s.

messire Guillaume Langlez

Antoine Duntiz/Riche

xii s.

A. Riche

Gillequin de Bailleul

xii s.

Philip the Fair 27 March 1506 • Penryn, England

G. Bailleul

Philip the Fair 4 January 1506 • Middelbourg

Table 2.1 continued

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xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

ix s. ix s.

Trumpeters P. Nacroix C. Zeellande

J. Italye J. Morfalize

Augustin I. Galiare C. Aire C. Austrice

J. Angele P. Combel

J. Baptiste J. Anthoine

Philip the Fair 4 January 1506 • Middelbourg

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

Hans Nayele Michel du Châtel

ix s. ix s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

Augustin de Lascarpier Innocent Galera/ Galiare Christophe d’Aire Christophe d’Autriche/ Austrice Jehan Angele Pierroquin de Comble/ Combel Jehan Baptiste Jehan Antoine/ Anthoine Instrumentalists Josee Denys Pierre Houdin

Trumpeters Piencenot Nacroix Cornille de Zélande/ Zeellande Jehan d’Italie/ Italye Jehan de Morfalise

Philip the Fair 27 March 1506 • Penryn, England

Jehan Baptiste Jehan Anthoine Instrumentalists Joosse d’Ems/ Denys Pierre Lourdan/ Houdin/ Jourdan Hans Naglel/ Nayele Michel du Chastel/ Chatel/ Chartel

Jehan Angele/ Angels Purquin de Comble/ Combel

Jehan de Calys/ Italye Jehan de Morfalys/ Morfalize/ Merfalys Augustin de la Carperie Innochent Gallera/ Galiare Phelippe d’Aires Christoffle d’Austrice/ Autrice

Trumpeters Pierre Nacroix/ Nacrois Cornille de Zeellande

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

ix s. ix s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

Philip the Fair 8 June 1506 • Orance, Spain

Table 2.1 continued

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

Jehan Baptiste Jehan Anthoine

ix s. ix s.

Jehan Angele xii s. Pierquin de Comble/ Combel xii s.

Augustin de Carperie Innochent Gallera/ Galiare Philippe d’Aires Cristoffle d’Autris/ Austrice

Trumpeters Pierre Nacroix Cornille de Zellande/ Zeellande Jehan d’Itallie/ Italye Jehan de Morfalis/ Morfalize

Philip the Fair 22 July 1506 • Valladolid

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LADN B3463, 121661 Douillez LXVII Haggh, pp. 172–3

Philip the Fair 4 January 1506 • Middelbourg

ix s. ix s. ix s. viii s. viii s. xii s.

Bernard Broumard

Guillaume Turoul Mathytz de Veldre Joachin Trooslaghe

Jehan le Phiffre

Alonze le Gysternier (guitariste)

LADN B3463, 121690 Inventaire sommaire, VIII, pp. 100,102 Haggh, pp. 174–5

xii s.

Jehan van Houtre

Philip the Fair 27 March 1506 • Penryn, England

LADN B3463, 121701 Gachard, Collection, I, pp. 524–33 Straeten VII, pp. 163–4 Haggh, pp. 174–5

Jehan vander Vincle/ van Houtre Bertrand Bronart/ Broumard/ Brouart Guillaume Arroul/ Turoul Mathitz de Wildre/ Veldre Joannin de Tronslagere/ Trooslaghe Jehan de Phliffele/ Phiffre/ Phiffere viii s.

ix s. ix s. viii s.

ix s.

xii s.

Philip the Fair 8 June 1506 • Orance, Spain

Table 2.1 continued

LADN B3463, 121703 Doorslaer, Philippe, pp. 53–4 (trumpeters not listed) Straeten VII, pp. 164–5 (trumpeters listed) Haggh, p. 176 (trumpeters listed) Straeten and Haggh do not show Agricola.

Philip the Fair 22 July 1506 • Valladolid

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Table 2.2  The chapel of Juana, Queen of Castile: paylists 1506 Juana Queen of Castile 11 Oct. 1506 • Burgos Marbrian de Orto Jean Lomel Pierre de la Rue Philippon de Bruges Pierre de Clite Rubert Vinet Jean Moneta Guillaume Chevalier Rogier Herben

Juana Queen of Castile 11 Oct. 1506 • Burgos Alonso Ximenes, capellan miçer Juan, capellan de misa alta Pierchon de la Rue, cantor Felipe de Brujas/ Bruges, cantor Petrus Bule/ Brule, cantor Petrus De Clita/ Clite, cantor miçer Rubert Vinent/ Presel, cantor Juanes Moneta, cantor

Juana Queen of Castile 25 Sept. – 25 Dec. 1506 • Spain Pierchon de la Rue micher Juan Lomel Felipe de bruxas/ Phelippot de Brughes Petrus brule/ Pierre Brulle Petrus de clita/ sire Pierre Clitre micer Raberto/ Bynet prezel Juanes Moneta/ Johannes Moneta Guillem chibilier/ Guillaume chevalier Jos de Stelante/ Joosse Steinlland micer Rojer/ Messire Rogier

Guillaume Anglois Antoine Riche

Guillen Chivalier/ Chevalier, cantor Josse Estelant/ Steenllant, cantor Giliquin Reynot/ Reyngot, cantor micer Clais Liejois/ Liegeois, cantor Herri Zantman, cantor miçer Antoyne Riche, cantor

Joos Steelant

Giliquin, organista

Gilles Brugeman

maestre Pier Ronner, posentador e portero Guilet Moreau, moço de capilla Juan de Anchieta: added to paylist 25 Dec. 1506 – 25 March 1507 Bauduy/ Bauduyn

Gilles Reyngoot Clais Liégois/ Nicholas Champion Henri Zantman

Jean Baudouin Gilles Moreau AGS CySR leg. 14, fol. 1 Duggan, pp. 87–8

AGS Casa Real, leg. 1º, fols. 420, 421 Straeten VII, pp. 167–8 Haggh, p. 176

Guillequin Reynote/ Gillequin de Bailleul micer clays liejois/ Messire Clais de Liegeois henricus zant/ Henry Zantman micer guillelmus Anglois/ Messire Guillaume Lenglez micer Antonio Riche/ Anthonin Francoys Guillequin brugman ‘organista’

AGS CySR. leg. 14, fol. 1/24 Knighton, vol. 2, p. 54

Guillaume Anglois, but includes Petrus Brulé and Pier Ronner.24 Also found in Table 2.2 is a paylist for the period 25 September to 25 December 1506.25 Juan de 24 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 167–8, and also reproduced in Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, p. 176. Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 253, identifies the source as Archivo de Simancas, Casa Real, Legajo 1º, fols. 420–1. 25 Archivo de Simancas Casa y Sitios Reales, Legajo 14, fol. 1/24; Tess Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon, 1474–1516’, 2 vols (PhD diss., U. of Cambridge, 1983), vol. 2, p. 54.

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Anchieta, a Spanish singer and composer, who had been a member of Isabella’s chapel since 1489 and maestro de capilla for her son Prince Juan, was later added beginning with the pay period 25 December 1506 to 25 March 1507. Anchieta had joined Juana’s chapel in the Low Countries following Isabella’s death in 1504 and had returned to Spain with Juana in 1506.26 Absent from the rosters are the names of Alexander Agricola, who had died of the plague at Valladolid in mid-August 1506,27 and of Jean Braconnier, who can be found at the French royal chapel by April 1507.28 While many of Philip’s singers remained in Spain, as indicated in Table 2.3, a number did return to the Netherlands in the aftermath of his death; others disappeared without further trace. Fransquin de Rétis, Anthoine François, Henry Bredemers, Robert Robins, Pierre Duret, Adolf de la Verderue (Adolf de Hietveld), and Martin de Hombourg apparently returned north; their names appear on paylists issued for the chapel of Charles V beginning in 1509.29 While no accounts for the chapel survive before then, ‘court poet Jean Lemaire’ observed that on 18–19 July 1507 ‘the singers of the late King, singing piteous lamentations, began the Introit of the requiem’ 30 at funeral ceremonies for Philip held at Mechelen. It is unclear whether members of the chapel who had returned to the Netherlands participated. Tess Knighton’s study of the paylists for Juana’s chapel confirmed that most of the singers cited in the October 1506 list continued to serve her until the summer of 1508.31 However, Pierre de Clite had left by 25 June 1507 and Henry Zantmann by 25 September 1507. In the final pay period from 25 June 1508 to 25 September 1508 the chapel numbered just 11 singers, with the singers Petrus Brulé, Rubert Vinet, Antoine Riche, and organist Gilles Brugemen absent from the rosters. In the months following Philip’s death, a distraught Juana appeared unable to govern. She travelled throughout Castile with his coffin, and while his body 26 Tess Knighton, ‘“Music, Why Do You Weep?” A Lament for Alexander Agricola (d. 1506)’, Early Music 34 (2006), pp. 427–41, at pp. 431–2; Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 88; Robert Stevenson, ‘Anchieta, Juan de’, NG2. Anchieta was apparently the only Spaniard among the chapel musicians. 27 See Rob C. Wegman, ‘Agricola, Bordon and Obrecht at Ghent: Discoveries and Revisions’, Revue belge de musicologie 51 (1997), pp. 23–62, at p. 49; Knighton, ‘Music, Why Do You Weep?’, pp. 429–31; Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, pp. 70–1; Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, pp. 40–1. 28 Lewis Lockwood and John T. Brobeck, ‘Braconnier, Jean’, NG2. 29 According to Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, pp. 139–59, all trace of Pierre François, Guillaume Sablon, Gilles le Sénéchal, Jean Revelles, and Jean Friart disappears after the last paylist issued for the chapel of Philip the Fair on 22 July 1506. Jean Mathys may also be among the singers who returned to the Low Countries. 30 Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 26; Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 254, n. 106, reports that a description of the funeral ceremonies, Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale 7386–7394, fols. 26ff, has been published in Jean Lemaire de Belges, Œuvres, ed. J. Stecher, 4 vols. (Leuven, 1882–91), vol. 4, pp. 243–66. The singers are not identified by name. 31 Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 2, p. 54.

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Table 2.3  The fate of Philip the Fair’s chapel Chapel of Philip the Fair Chapel of Juana, Queen 22 July 1506 of Castile • 11 Oct. 1506

Chapel of Charles V beginning in 1509

Me Marbarian de Orto X – departed by Dec. 1506 Messire Jehan Braconnier Binet Presel X – also listed as Rubert Vinet Johannes Monnetta X Fransquin de Rétis Pierchon de Rue X Sire Pierre Sclictre X – listed as Pierre de Clite Philippe de Brughes X

X – first listed in 1509

Anthoine Franchois Pierre Brulle

X – first listed in 1509

Guillaume Chevalier Messire Rogier Alixandre Agricolla Messire Clais le Liegeois Henry Zantman Gillecquin de Bailleul

Messire Guillame Lengles Messire Harry Bredmer Me Jehan Bonnel

X – first listed in 1515 X – first listed in 1509 X – first listed in 1509 X – first listed in 1509 no trace after 25 Sep. 1508 no trace after 25 June 1508

X X – listed as Rogier Herben

X – first listed in 1510

X

X – first listed in 1509

Church of Notre Dame at Antwerp 30 Nov. 1514 died Spain Aug. 1506 X – first listed in 1510 X – first listed in 1509 Chapel of Anne of Brittany 1510; French Royal Chapel 1514 no trace after 25 Sep. 1508

X – listed as Guillaume Anglois X – first listed in 1509 X – listed as Juan as well as Jean ( Juan) Lomel

Guillequin du Sablon Messire Robert Robins Sire Gilles le Seneschal Messire Jehan de Revelles Pierre Duret Pierre Franchois Johannes Friart Adolf de Hietveld Gilles Moureau X Martin de Hoombourg

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French court beginning 1507 no trace after 25 June 1508

X

X X – listed as Gilles Reyngoot Sire Anthoine Divititz X – listed as Antoine Riche

Other

X – first listed in 1509 as Lonniel no trace after July 1506 X – first listed in 1510 no trace after July 1506 no trace after July 1506 X – first listed in 1509 no trace after July 1506 no trace after July 1506 X – first listed in 1509 as Verderue X – first listed in 1514 X – first listed in 1510

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Table 2.3 continued Chapel of Philip the Fair Chapel of Juana, Queen 22 July 1506 of Castile • 11 Oct. 1506 Bauduin

Chapel of Charles V beginning in 1509

Other

X X – first listed in 1509 X – first listed in 1509 Joos Steelandt, member of Philip’s chapel; missing from 22 July 1506 paylist no trace after 25 June Gilles Brugeman, 1508 organist in Philip’s chapel Pier Ronner – added no trace after Oct. 1506 remained in Spain; Juan de Anchieta – Chapel of Ferdinand added to paylists 1512; later Chapel beginning 25 Dec. of Juana at Tordesillas 1506 – 25 Mar. 1507 until retirement 1519

remained unburied, the Office of the Dead was sung daily by Philip’s Flemish musicians, who had remained with her in Spain. Although Philippe had never seen most of his subjects, Juana appeared determined that they would witness evidence of his presence. The queen’s four nighttime pilgrimages with her husband’s coffin from December 1506 through August 1507, surrounded by torches, presented her people with the image of Philippe as king and father of their future sovereign. … The queen also oversaw prayers for the dead … [and] provided Philippe’s former chaplains, whom she now called ‘my cantors’, with robes of black camel hair and velvet appropriate for their office.32 Juana’s refusal to allow Philip’s body to be buried has often been cited as additional evidence of her madness. However, as Bethany Aram has pointed out, Juana was determined to bury her dead spouse at Granada as he had wished, alongside the body of her mother, thereby legitimizing Philip’s brief reign as King of Castile and securing the succession of her son Charles to the throne.33 It has often been noted that in her grief and distress, Juana neglected matters of state, but while court officials remained unpaid, the musicians continued to receive their salaries, which exceeded those paid to Ferdinand’s singers.34 One of her priests, Peter Martyr of Anghiera, reported at the end of 1506: From her they could wrest neither signature nor word … From a little window she heard the Archbishop of Toledo and other dignitaries requesting remedies but she paid no attention to them. As yet she had touched not a single paper save the pay voucher of the Belgian singers who alone of Philip’s entourage were admitted to her household, for she took delight in musical 32 Aram, Juana the Mad, pp. 97–8. 33 Aram, Juana the Mad, pp. 89, 97. 34 Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, p. 106.

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melodies, an art which she had herself studied from childhood. (10 days before the calends of December 1506 [22 November 1506])35 Likewise, Antoine de Lalaing, chronicler of Philip’s second voyage to Spain, observed: Thus the good woman passed her time without wishing to know more than a new-born child of the affairs of the kingdom … except that she retained the greater part of the singers of the chapel of her late husband and treated them very well … she took pleasure in no other thing.36 Juana’s fondness for music is well known, having been documented by contemporary court chroniclers. She was fond of singing and dancing and had received musical instruction on several instruments.37 That musicians were among her favoured retainers should come as no surprise. However, a number of other documents bearing Juana’s signature recently have been discovered. It appears that she did in fact sign documents providing household expenditures and salaries for other trusted servants, while at the same time refusing to sign documents mandating policies with which she disagreed; such conduct has been interpreted as an exercise of royal authority rather than symptomatic of her illness.38 In August 1507 Ferdinand returned from Naples,39 then in Aragonese hands, where he had retreated just before Philip’s death, and claimed his right to rule the kingdom of Castile, Leon, and Granada on Juana’s behalf. Citing once again Isabella’s will, which had given him the right to govern were Juana unable to do so, as well as rumours of Juana’s reluctance to govern, Ferdinand justified his right to assume power in Castile and ordered a halt to Juana’s journey with Philip’s body. In February 1509 Juana was retired to the Convent of St Clare at Tordesillas, where she was in effect incarcerated for the rest of her life and ‘the 1510 Cortes of Castile and Leon confirmed the Aragonese king as “legitimate administrator and governor for the very high and very powerful lady, the queen, doña Juana, our lady, his daughter,” and affirmed Charles as his mother’s successor.’40 Juana’s Flemish singers, who had been dismissed and sent back north in August 1508, were 35 Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, ‘Opus Epistolarum’, Opera, intro. Erich Woldan (Graz, 1966), pp. 447–8, as quoted by Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 87. 36 Anonymous, ‘Relation du deuxième voyage de Philippe le Beau en 1506’, p. 463, as quoted by Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 26. Drawing from the same account, Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, p. 45, reported that Juana paid the musicians ‘three months in advance and gave them clothes and horses to keep them in her service in Spain’. 37 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, pp. 76–7, quotes from the ‘Opus Epistolarum’ of Pietro Martire d’Anghiera cited above. 38 Bethany Aram, ‘Juana “the Mad’s” Signature: The Problem of Invoking Royal Authority, 1505–1507’, The Sixteenth Century Journal 29 (1998), pp. 331–58, at pp. 351–2, 357–8. 39 Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, p. 106, reports that Ferdinand returned to Castile with his chapel of Spanish musicians, which ‘did result in direct contact’ with Juana’s Flemish singers. 40 Aram, Juana the Mad, pp. 102–3.

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replaced by Spanish chaplains and musicians who served Juana until her death in 1555.41

A

margaret of austria and the education of the archduke charles

t the age of six Charles had thus inherited a vast empire from both parents.   Until he came of age, the Spanish territories of Castile and Aragon would be ruled by his maternal grandfather, Ferdinand, and the Habsburg Burgundian territories by his paternal grandfather, Maximilian. Charles was left to the care of his aunt Margaret of Austria42 and was educated by Franco-Flemish and Spanish scholars43 at her court at Mechelen in the Low Countries, no doubt benefitting from the artistic climate of the court. Margaret’s court has been described as a ‘center for patronage of the arts’,44 and ‘one of the most important cultural centers of Northern Europe during the era of transition from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance’.45 In a treaty negotiated with Louis XI of France, at the age of two Margaret (1480–1530), the daughter of Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy, had been betrothed to the French dauphin, Charles. She was sent to France and educated at the court at Amboise until the age of 11, when the betrothal was annulled and the dauphin married Anne of Brittany. In April 1497, as part of the same treaty which had united in marriage her brother,

41 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 90, identifies some of the musicians who were part of the chapel after Juana was removed to Tordesillas. Paylists for the queen’s household can be found among the documents for the Casa Real at the Archivo Général de Simancas. It is unclear whether polyphony was performed by the queen’s chapel at Tordesillas; also see Anglès, La música en la corte de Carlos V, p. 3. Tordesillas is located approximately 28 km from Valladolid, where Charles frequently resided during his sojourns in Spain. Several visits to Tordesillas to see Juana have been recorded during his reign. Although Juana’s retirement at Tordesillas is easily interpreted as an attempt to marginalize her, Aram, Juana the Mad, p. 10, explains that the practice of the ‘retreat’ of royal widows to a convent was called recogimiento and was a ‘common practice’ in Spain dating back to the Visigoth period. Aram, p. 168, also reports that Charles referred to his mother as ‘indisposed and recogida’. 42 Following the death of Philip the Fair, Margaret was appointed governor general of the Burgundian Netherlands on 18 March 1507 by Maximilian. On 22 April 1509 she became regent of the Netherlands and held that position until Charles came of age in 1515. She resumed her position as regent and governor general of the Netherlands on 1 July 1519 and held this position until her death in 1530. Following her death, the regency passed to Charles’s sister, Mary of Hungary; see Eichberger, Women of Distinction, pp. 49–55. 43 Mia J. Rodríguez–Salgado, ‘Charles V and the Dynasty’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 27–111, at p. 49. 44 Wim Blockmans, ‘Prosperous Times’, in The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts, 1500–1535, ed. Herbert Kellman (Ghent and Amsterdam, 1999), pp. 7–9, at p. 9. 45 Martin Picker, ‘The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria: MSS. 228 and 11239 of the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels’, Annales Musicologiques 6 (1958–63), pp. 145–285 at p. 145.

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Philip the Fair, and Prince Juan’s sister, Juana, Margaret wedded Prince Juan, heir to the throne of Spain. Margaret’s marriage was short-lived, for Juan died the following October. Margaret gave birth to a stillborn child before returning north to the Low Countries. In 1501 she maried Philibert II le Beau, Duke of Savoy, but this marriage also ended tragically, with his death in 1504. Following the death of her brother Philip the Fair in 1506, Margaret was appointed first governor general and then regent of the Netherlands, and was charged with responsibility for the education of Charles and his three sisters, Eleanor, Isabella, and Mary.46 Once back in the Netherlands, Margaret surrounded herself with artists and intellectuals. Of these, many, such as poet and historiographer Jean Lemaire de Belges and Italian humanist Mercurino di Gattinara, who would be the ‘architect’47 of Charles V’s foreign policies and play a decisive role as grand chancellor in his court, had followed Margaret north from Savoy to Mechelen, where she now established her court. The Latin poet Johannes Secundus was resident at the court; Albrecht Dürer was a visitor in 1521; and the Dutch humanist Erasmus, who dedicated to Charles his treatise on the virtues of a Christian prince, Institutio Principis Christiani, was an advisor between 1515 and 1518.48 Baldassare Castiglione remarked that Margaret governed ‘with the greatest wisdom and justice’,49 and Lemaire described her accomplishments as follows: Besides feminine work of sewing and embroidery, she is excellently skilled in vocal and instrumental music, in painting and in rhetoric, and in the French as well as the Castilian language. Moreover, she loves erudite, wise men. She supports good minds, expert in knowledge; and frequently she reads noble books, of which she has a great number in her rich and ample library, concerning all manner of things that one can or should know. Yet not content merely to read, she has taken pen in hand and described elegantly in prose as well as in French verse her misfortunes and her admirable life.50 It has recently been observed that ‘through her love of music, art and poetry, she transformed her palace … into a centre of courtly culture, with a reputation that extended far beyond the boundaries of Mechelen.’51

46 See Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, and his definitive article, ‘The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria’. 47 See Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, pp. 15–20, for a discussion of the artists, poets, and intellectuals at Margaret’s court. Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 59, refers to Gattinara as the ‘architect of Charles’ Italian policy’. 48 According to Eichberger, Women of Distinction, p. 128, Erasmus recommended that the young prince study Classical as well as Christian texts, and that his education include journeys throughout his realm. 49 Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 13, from Baldesar Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier, trans. Charles S. Singleton (New York, 1959), p. 236. 50 Picker, ‘The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria’, p. 148, n. 2; Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 14, from Lemaire, Oeuvres, vol. 4, pp. 110f. 51 Eichberger, Women of Distinction, p. 49.

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As tutor for Charles, Margaret appointed Adrian Floriszoon Boeyens of Utrecht, who would become Pope Adrian VI in 1521. According to a recent biographer, Charles’s tutors, including the future Pope Adrian of Utrecht, instilled in him deep piety and a solid grounding in politics without managing to interest him in academic pursuits … [Charles] preferred hunting, tournaments, and martial exercises to books.52 In his definitive study of Margaret’s court, Martin Picker remarked that ‘her enlightened patronage of artists and musicians was worthy of her Burgundian heritage, reminders of which were ever-present in her magnificent library, art collection, and in the musical repertoire of her chapel and chamber musicians.’53 Thus it comes as no surprise that as a child Charles expressed a desire ‘to play all instruments’.54 That his musical gifts were still evident many years later at the time of his retirement was reported by Prudencio de Sandoval. The Emperor understood Music, felt, and tasted its charms: the Fryers often discovered him behind the door, as he sate in his own apartment, near the high altar, beating time, and singing in part with the performers; and if any one was out, they could overhear him call the offenders names, as Redheaded Blockhead, &c.55 Charles’s earliest musical instruction most likely came from the Spanish singer and composer Juan de Anchieta, who was described in the Burgundian accounts for 1505 as ‘maistre d’escole de noz enffan’,56 and thus responsible for the education of Charles and his sisters, Eleanor and Isabella. Anchieta had joined the chapel of Queen Isabella in 1489, and in 1495 was cited as maestro de capilla in the chapel Isabella had formed for Prince Juan, her son and heir. Following Prince Juan’s death in 1497, Anchieta returned to the chapel of Isabella, but in 1503 he can be found as a singer in the chapel Juana provided for her second son, Ferdinand, who had been born in Spain. After Isabella’s death in 1504, Anchieta joined Juana in the Low Countries as she apparently attempted to duplicate the style of musical instruction that she and her siblings had enjoyed as children in Spain.57 Juana 52 William Maltby, The Reign of Charles V (Houndmills, 2002), pp. 7–8. 53 Picker, ‘The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria’, pp. 148–9. 54 Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 41, from Anonymous, ‘Relation du deuxième voyage de Philippe le Beau en 1506’, p. 461. 55 D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, ed. D. Carlos Seco Serrano, 3 vols (Madrid, 1955–6), vol. 3, p. 498, as quoted in Charles Burney, A General History of Music: From the Earliest Ages to the Present Period (1789), ed. Frank Mercer, 2 vols (New York, 1957), vol. 1, p. 800. 56 Lille, Archives du Nord, B2195 no 74 346; Pedro Aizpurua, ‘Presentación de las Pasiones y biografía musical’, in Juan de Anchieta (c. 1462–1523): Cuatro Pasiones Polifónicas, ed. Dionisio Preciado (Madrid, 1995), pp. 18, 21; Knighton, ‘Music, Why Do You Weep?’, p. 439, n. 27; Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 85. 57 Aizpurua, ‘Presentación de las Pasiones y biografía musical’, pp. 19–20; Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague, 1960), pp. 127–35, provides documentary evidence that Anchieta visited the Low Countries. Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, pp. 74–6, describes the musical

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may have particularly remembered music-making in the household of her brother, Prince Juan. … the prince had very delightful ministriles altos, players of sackbuts, shawms, cornets and trumpets and five or six pairs of drums, all very skilful in their professions, as was fitting for the service and household of such an exalted prince.58 In 1506 Anchieta returned to Spain with Juana, and following Philip the Fair’s death he was among the singers who remained in the chapel until it was dissolved in 1508.59 On 15 April 1512 he entered the chapel of Ferdinand, but later returned to Juana’s chapel and served her at Tordesillas until 1519 when he retired.60 Charles also received musical instruction under the tutelage of court organist Henry Bredemers, who played a decisive role in the musical education of Charles and his sisters, and was later a member of Charles’s own chapel. Bredemers had accompanied Philip on both trips to Spain, but shortly after the death of Philip the Fair he appears to have returned to the Netherlands with the music books belonging to the chapel.61 In 1509 Bredemers appears to have been in charge of the musicians in the chapel,62 being responsible for instruction on the clavichord and education provided for the children of Ferdinand and Isabella and on p. 76 cites a contemporary chronicle which reported that Juana ‘took delight in musical melodies, an art which she herself had studied from early childhood’. In addition to singers, instrumentalists (ministriles) were also included among the musicians the Catholic Monarchs provided for their children. Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 75, reports that Prince Juan ‘had five instrumentalists (a rebec player, a player of the small drum or tabor, a flageolet player, an organist, and one unspecified instrumentalist)’. He apparently played a number of instruments. 58 Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, p. 204, as quoted from G. Fernández de Oviedo, Libro de la cámera real del príncipe Don Juan (Madrid, 1870), p. 182. 59 Anchieta’s career and connection with the Spanish royal family with corroborating extant archival documents are discussed in Aizpurua, ‘Presentación de las Pasiones y biografía musical’, pp. 17–24. Also see Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, esp. pp. 75–7, 84–5; Knighton, ‘Music, Why Do You Weep?’, pp. 431–2; Stevenson, ‘Anchieta, Juan de’, NG2; Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, pp. 251–3; Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Juan de Anchieta and the Rest of the World’, in Queen Isabel I of Castile: Power, Patronage, Persona, ed. Barbara F. Weissberger (Woodbridge, 2008), pp. 169–85; Kenneth Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain (Woodbridge, 2004), pp. 104–26. 60 Anglès, La música en la corte de Carlos V, p. 4; Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, pp. 74, 89. 61 Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 26, as reported in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 170. 62 Eugeen Schreurs, ‘‘Musical Relations between the Court and Collegiate Chapels in the Netherlands, 1450–1560’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 103–20, at p. 105, who cites Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 268, and Lille (Rijsel), Archives Départementales du Nord, B2.210, fol. 190v: ‘Henry Bredemers, organiste, tant pour lui comme pour quatre petitz enffans aussi chantres qu’il entretenait.’

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other instruments,63 and in 1512 he was paid to teach ‘the art of music and to play on many melodious instruments’.64

I

the chapel, 1509–14

t was in this period under the guardianship of Margaret that Charles established   his chapel modelled on that of his father Philip the Fair and in the rich tradition of the Burgundian court. Philip the Fair had travelled to Spain in 1506 with a retinue of 12 trumpeters, 11 instrumentalists, and a chapel that numbered 36,65 and on 22 July 1506, in one of the last paylists issued before his death, Philip’s grande chapelle had included 33 chaplains and singers.66 In Spain, the chapel of Isabella had included 16–20 cantores, while the adult cantores in the chapel of Ferdinand had numbered 14 in 1491, and 32 in 1508.67 Ferdinand’s chapel included 40 singers at the time of his death in 1516.68 As Table 2.4 indicates, the first extant rosters from Charles’s court show numbers approaching those levels, with a combined total for the grande chapelle of 27 in 1510, and 26 in 1512 and 1514.69 The chapel that emerged in the years between 1509 and 1514 drew its personnel from the chapels of Philip the Fair and Queen Juana. It took as its model the Burgundian tradition established by Philip and his predecessors, 63 The career of Henry Bredemers is discussed in Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, pp. 15, 23–4, 28; Bredemers’s career is the subject of an article by G. van Doorslaer, ‘Herry Bredemers, organiste et maître de musique, 1472–1522’, Annales de l’Académie royale d’archéologie de Belgique 66 (1914), pp. 209–56. Also see Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 90, and Martin Picker, ‘Bredemers, Henry’, NG2, who reported that Bredemers was engaged as organist in 1507 in the chapel of Charles. Also see Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 199ff. 64 Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 28. The musical training that Charles would later arrange for his own son has been the subject of a paper presented by Tess Knighton, ‘The Musical Education of a Renaissance Prince: The Musical Life of the House and Chapel of Philip II until 1556’, at the 24th Conference on Medieval and Renaissance Music, York University, 1998. 65 See Table 2.1. 66 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 164–5. 67 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 75. 68 Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, p. xix. See Knighton, vol. 1, p. 87, for the number of singers in the respective chapels of Ferdinand and Isabella. As Knighton, vol. 1, p. 88, has pointed out, ‘In comparison with other fifteenth-century rulers, neither Fernando nor Isabel had large chapel choirs at the beginning of their reigns, but the numbers increased steadily as the prestige and wealth of the monarchs grew. The size of the chapel choirs of fifteenthcentury European rulers was largely dependent upon political circumstances and the wealth surrounding each court.’ 69 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 274–7; Inventaire sommaire, ed. Desplanque et al., vol. 8, p. 105. Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 75, reports that in Spain the chapel of Isabella included 16–20 cantores, while the adult cantores in the chapel of Ferdinand numbered 14 in 1491 and 32 in 1508.

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Escripvain et garde de livres Alamire

Clerc Johannes de Bovere

Garde et porteur des orgues Colin de Bredemers

Fourrier Pierre Duret

Quatre petitz enffans aussi chantres

Organiste Henry Bredemers, organiste

Receipt no. 1 Chantres messire Clais Van Lyere François Rétis messire Gilles Dupont messire Damien Presteau messire Johan Manghelaere messire Johannes Molinet messire Gillequin De Fourmanoir

[June] 1509 • (Malines/Mechelen)

Grande Chappelle Messire Anthoine Vande Berghe Pierre De la Rue Sire Clais le Liégois Sire Jacques Favyer Franskin de Rétys Guillaume Chevallier Anthoine Franchois Henry Zantmant Josse Stiellant Philippe Paillette Johannes Willebrot Gillis Reyngotz Henry de Bredemers Sire Johan Boniel Sire Alart Théodricy Sire Gilles du Pont Sire Adrien le Latteur Gillis du Fourmanoir Johannes Du Moulinet Sire Jehan Maingheelerre Jehan Loys Pierre Du Ret Jenin Mathieu Adolf De la Verderue Martin de Hombourg Pierre Alamire Bauwin xviii s. vii s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s. vi s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iii s. ii s.

27 Dec. 1510 • Malines (Mechelen) Grande Chappelle messire Antoine de Berghes Pierre de la Rue Fransquin de Retys sire Clais le Liégeois sire Jacques Farner sire Jehan Lommel sire Alard Théodricy sire Henry Sautman Guillaume Chevalier Josse Steelandt Philippe Paillette Johannès Wilbroot Gilles Renigotz Henry de Bredeniers sire Gilles du Pont sire Andrieu le Lecteur sire Jehan Manghelaëre Gilles du Fromonnier Johannès du Molinet Jehan Loys Pierre Duret Adolphe de la Verde Rue Jennin Mathieu Martin de Hambourg Pierre Alamire Bauduwin 18 sols. 11 sols. 10 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 9 sols. 8 sols. 8 sols. 8 sols. 8 sols. 8 sols. 8 sols. 6 sols. 4 sols. 4 sols. 4 sols. 3 sols. 2 sols.

3 April 1512 • Malines (Mechelen)

Table 2.4  The chapel of Charles V: paylists 1509–14 Grande Chappelle Maistre Marbrian de Ortho Henry Bredemers Fransquin de Rétis Sire Nicolas Lyégois Sire Alard Théodrici Sire Jehan Paniet Sire Jehan Lomel Guillaume Chevalier Anthoine Franchois Henry Santman Philippe Paillette Johannes Willebroot Gilles Reingots Johannes Bosquet Johannes de Lillers Gilles du Fourmanoir Johannes du Molinet Johannes Willebroot le jeusne Sire Damien de Florbeke Pierre Duret Jeanlet du Breuck Fransquin du Breucq Jehan Loys Colin Bredemers Pierre Alemire Bauduwyn

1 April 1514* • Brussels xviii s. x s. x s. x s. x s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. ix s. viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s. vi s. vi s. iiii s. viii s. iii s. iii s. iii s.

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Fourrier Pierre Duret

Quatre petit enffanz

Organiste Henry de Bredemers

Pbres maistre Nicolas de Lyere maistre Gilles Dupont maistre Jehan Manghelair maistre Damien de Florbeke Chantres Johannes Molinet Gilles Fourmanoir Franchois de Réthys

Receipt no. 2 Clerc de la chapelle domesticque Cornille de Grave

Joueurs d’instruments Hans Naghele Jehan Van Vincle

[June] 1509 • (Malines/Mechelen)

Petite Chappelle Messire Michiel de Panye Messire Pierre Ruys Sire Robert Robbins Messire Jachues Colmain Messire Martin Bourgois Frère Jehan de Witte Messire Gilles Reingotz Jehan Le Blanc Guillaume de Vandenesse Johannes De Rover xxiiii s. xviii s. viii s. vii s. vi s. vi s. vi s. v s. iii s. ii s.

27 Dec. 1510 • Malines (Mechelen) 24 sols. 18 sols. 8 sols. 6 sols. 6 sols. 5 sols. 3 sols.

4 sols. 4 sols. 4 sols. 4 sols. 4 sols. 4 sols. 4 sols.

Petite Chappelle maître Michel de Pavie messire Pierre Ruys sire Robert Robins maître Jacques Tolman maître Martin Bourgois maître Jean de Helcleux sire Guillaume de Vandeness

Instrumentalists Michelet le Tambourin François de Henbergher Frédéric Heydorf Georges Habz Hanse Naghel Joachim Translayer Hans Keyser Feyffer

3 April 1512 • Malines (Mechelen)

Table 2.4 continued Petite Chappelle Maistre Michel de Panye Messire Pierre Ruys Maistre Pierre Numan Maistre Robert le Preux Sire Guillaume de Vandenesse Messire Jacques le Roy Messire Jehan Turreau Gilles Moreau Anthoine du Pont

1 April 1514* • Brussels xxiiii s. xviii s. viii s. viii s. viii s. vi s. vi s. vi s. iiii s.

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Chantres maistre Pierre De la Rue maistre Franchois Réthys maistre Anthoine François messire Pierre de Clita Jacques Favier Clais Liégeois Gilles Reyngot Gilles Dupont Clais de Lyere Johannes Biest Guillaume Damiers Josse Steelandt Johannes de Bruxelles Johannes Molinet Gillekin de Fourmanoir

Receipt no. 3 Premier chappellain maistre Marbrian de Orto

Garde des orghes Colin de Bredemers

Clerc Cornille de Grave

[June] 1509 • (Malines/Mechelen)

27 Dec. 1510 • Malines (Mechelen)

3 April 1512 • Malines (Mechelen)

Table 2.4 continued 1 April 1514* • Brussels

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LADN B2210, fol. 360r–v Compte troisieme de Jehan micault, 1509 Trois extraits de la comptabilité générale de 1509 Straeten VII, pp. 268–9

Escripvain de la chapelle domesticque Alamire

Porteur et souffleur des orghes Colin de Bredemers Bauwin

Clercs Cornille de Grave Adolf De la Verderue

Fourrier Pierre Duret

Pbres et chapellains messire Jehan Lonniel messire Damien de Flobergue

Organiste Henry de Bredemers

[June] 1509 • (Malines/Mechelen)

LADN B3464, 121705 Straeten VII, pp. 274–5

27 Dec. 1510 • Malines (Mechelen)

LADN B3465, 121764 Inventaire sommaire, VIII, pp. 105–6

3 April 1512 • Malines (Mechelen)

Table 2.4 continued

* according to the modern calendar

source unknown Straeten VII, pp. 276–7

1 April 1514* • Brussels

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and included musicians, some dating back to 1492, who had held positions in the Habsburg Burgundian chapels of Philip the Fair and Juana of Castile. While it is not clear exactly when a musical chapel was first founded for Charles, three receipts for payment dated 1509 appear to be the earliest extant rosters for the chapel.70 Described as a ‘lump-sum payment’, the receipts were for ‘the good services that they have done and do daily in the said chapel … singing daily in discant the hours and masses of the day before monseigneur’.71 At this time the chapel numbered 31, and included 17 singers, four choirboys, an organist, two pbres/ chappellains, a fourier, three clercs, and two garde et porteur des orgues. Marbrian de Orto was identified as premier chapellain and Pierre Alamire as escripvain et garde de livres de la chapelle domestique de mondit sr larchiduc.72

Marbrian de Orto Marbrian de Orto,73 who had spent the early part of his career from about 1483 to at least 1494 at the papal court in Rome, was engaged as a singer by Philip the Fair between 31 October 1504 and 24 May 1505, and was appointed premier chapellain before the second journey to Spain in 1506.74 De Orto was retained in that position by Queen Juana following Philip’s death, as evidenced by his name on two October 1506 paylists. However, by December of that year he had apparently returned to the Low Countries and he was replaced as premier chapellain by La Rue. It has been suggested that de Orto may have been responsible for the organization of Charles’s

70 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 268–9, no source given; Inventaire sommaire, ed. Desplanque et al., vol. 8, p. 97, cites an earlier list for the chapel of Charles and his sisters Eleanor and Isabella dated 23 January 1505. Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, pp. 79, 85, observed that Gilles Reyngot was listed in the account books as sommelier of Charles’s chapel in 1501 and again in 1505 as in the service of Charles as well as his sisters. Four published rosters for the period 1509 to 1514 can be found on Table 2.4. Additional paylists for this period are extant at Lille, Archives départementales du Nord (see Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 41 and Appendix A). 71 Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 255; LADN B2210, fol. 360r–v (Compte troisieme de Jehan micault, 1509). 72 Eugeen Schreurs, ‘‘Petrus Alamire: Music Calligrapher, Musician, Composer, Spy’, in The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts, 1500–1535, ed. Herbert Kellman (Ghent and Amsterdam, 1999), pp. 15–27, at p. 17, cites documents in which Alamire is also referred to as a singer and chaplain in the chapel of the Archduke Charles. 73 Listed on some documents as Marbrianus Dujardin. 74 Martin Picker, ‘Orto, Marbrianus de’, NG2; For a more detailed account of de Orto’s career see Martin Picker, ‘The Career of Marbriano de Orto (ca. 1450–1529)’, in Collectanea II: Studien zur Geschichte der Päpstlichen Kapelle, Tagungsbericht, Heidelberg, 1989, ed. Bernhard Janz (Vatican City, 1994), pp. 529–7. According to Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 152, de Orto was enrolled as premier chapellain in a chapel roster issued on 24 May 1505, taking the place of Anthoine de Berghes, who had held that position between 1501 and 1503.

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chapel about 1508.75 He is listed again as premier chapellain on the payment receipt issued by Charles in June 1509, the first surviving document from the court after the return of the chapel to the Netherlands (Table 2.4). Between 1510 and 151776 he rotated every six months in that position with Anthoine de Berghes, with de Orto being listed first with the highest salary on some of the paylists and de Berghes found in that position on others. He is found on the chapel rosters until 1515 and in benefice lists issued in 1517 and 1520.77

Pierre Alamire Pierre Alamire served the court for 25 years as a copyist, scribe, spy, ‘diplomatic courier’,78 and head of a workshop in the Netherlands that produced more than 60 manuscripts of polyphonic music. In 1503 Philip the Fair paid him for ‘a large book of music, made up of 26 cahiers of parchment, containing several masses and other pieces used in the divine service which is celebrated daily in the domestic chapel of the household of this lord.’ 79 Alamire also produced manuscripts for Maximilian, Margaret of Austria, and Charles for use in their chapels as well as for presentation as gifts to other courts. He is listed in the 1509 pay receipts for the chapel of Charles as escripvain et garde de livres. Although his name does not appear on the chapel accounts after 1517,80 Alamire’s connection with the Habsburg Burgundian court continued until 1535. Court documents from this period record payments to him for manuscripts produced for the emperor. In 1523 and again in 1525/26 and 1530, he was paid ‘pour la chapelle de l’empereur … aucuns livres de musique’.81 On 1 January 1534 he was granted a pension on behalf of Charles by Mary of Hungary. His death has been recorded as 26 June 1536.82 ••• 75 Picker, ‘Orto, Marbrianus de’, NG2; also see Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, pp. 73–5, who remarks that no evidence supports the claim that de Orto helped organize Charles’s chapel. 76 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 152, reported that although de Orto was enlisted for Charles’s first trip to Spain in 1517, he did not make the voyage and his name does not appear on a document listing singers and chaplains for the trip. 77 J. Duverger, ‘Florequin Nepotis, orgelist van Margareta van Oostenrijk en van Karel V (na 1495–1537)’, in Miscellanea Musicologica Floris van der Mueren (Ghent, 1950), pp. 99–113, at pp. 109–10, as cited by Picker, ‘The Career of Marbriano de Orto’, p. 537, reported that de Orto was among the chaplains for whom clothing had been bought for the return voyage to Spain in 1522. There is no indication in other chapel documents that de Orto made the trip. 78 So described by Schreurs, ‘Petrus Alamire: Music Calligrapher, Musician, Composer, Spy’, p. 15. 79 Herbert Kellman, ‘Alamire, Pierre’, NG2. 80 Schreurs, ‘Petrus Alamire: Music Calligrapher, Musician, Composer, Spy’, p. 17. References to archival documents which corroborate details pertaining to Alamire’s career are included in this study. 81 Schreurs, ‘Petrus Alamire: Music Calligrapher, Musician, Composer, Spy’, p. 21. 82 Schreurs, ‘Petrus Alamire: Music Calligrapher, Musician, Composer, Spy’, p. 22; Kellman, ‘Alamire, Pierre’, NG2.

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The chaplains and singers of the grande chapelle, responsible for the celebration of High Mass and those of the petite chapelle, responsible for spoken or Low Mass,83 are distinguished in the three paylists which followed for 27 December 1510,84 3 April 1512,85 and 1 April 1514,86 as cited in Table 2.4. It is not possible to determine who were singers and who fulfilled other functions in the chapel. The size of the chapel in this period had increased slightly to 33–7 members and presumably included boys with unchanged voices, although they are not listed as such. A comparison of the daily escroes with those listed for the chapel of Philip the Fair in Table 2.1 indicates a decrease in the amounts paid to each member. The chapel was led in this period by Marbrian de Orto and Anthoine de Berghes, both of whom had held the position of premier chapellain under Philip the Fair.87 The personnel listed in the pay receipts from 1509 and the paylists issued between 1510 and 1514 were partially drawn from the chapel of Juana of Castile, which had been disbanded in August 1508 when the musicians were sent back to the Low Countries. In addition to Marbrian de Orto, the names of Pierre de la Rue, Pierre de Clita, Nicolas Champion (Nicolas le Liégeois), Gillecquin de Bailleul (Gilles Reyngot), Jehan Lommel, Jehan Bauduwin, and Josse Steelandt, singers retained by Juana following Philip the Fair’s death, can be found on the three receipts for payment issued in 1509, as indicated in Tables 2.3 and 2.4. By 1510 Guillaume Chevalier and Henry Zantman, also members of Juana’s chapel, appear on a paylist dated 27 December of that year; and Gilles Moreau and Johannes Moneta, who also had remained in Spain with Juana, can be found on the paylists issued in 1514 and 1515.

83 Picker, ‘The Habsburg Courts in the Netherlands and Austria’, p. 221, reports that ‘Philip instituted a “petite chapelle” for private devotions, consisting of a confessor, almoner, two chaplains, two clerics and three sommeliers. Its membership drew upon the “grande chapelle,” but it appears to have been limited to the celebration of Low Mass.’ Schreurs, ‘Musical Relations between the Court and Collegiate Chapels in the Netherlands’, p. 104, reports that ‘the petite chapelle [was] intended more for the monarch’s private oratory. This “small chapel” chiefly consisted of members of religious orders who were more entrusted with spiritual tasks, such as a confessor, a varlet daulmosnier (assistant almoner), two chaplains for the basses messes (spoken masses), two priests who assisted in these spoken masses and two sommeliers de l’oratoire (oratory grooms).’ Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 160, reports that this division of the chapel occurred in 1496. 84 LADN B3464, 121705, printed in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 274–5. 85 LADN B3465, 121764 printed in Inventaire sommaire, ed. Desplanque et al., vol. 8, pp. 105–6. 86 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 276–7, no source given. 87 At 18 sols. each, de Orto and de Berghes were the highest-paid members of the chapel.

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Pierre de la Rue Pierre de la Rue, the most celebrated member of Philip’s chapel, had joined the Habsburg Burgundian household in November 149288 as a member of the chapel of Maximilian. He was subsequently enrolled in the chapel of Philip, and travelled with him to Spain both in 1501 and 1506. Following Philip’s death he served Juana as premier chapellain, replacing de Orto, until the chapel was disbanded in 1508. La Rue returned north with the other musicians of Juana’s chapel and his name appears on paylists for Charles from 1509 until his retirement in 1516 to Kortrijk where he died in 1518.89 La Rue was a member of the Habsburg Burgundian chapel for about 24 years and is named on 270 documents that emanated from the court.90

Pierre de Clita According to Doorslaer,91 Pierre de Clita was recruited for Philip the Fair’s first voyage to Spain in 1501; he returned to Spain with Philip in 1506 and following the latter’s death, remained there as a member of Juana’s chapel until the chapel was disbanded in 1508. He can be found on only the first pay receipt from the chapel of Charles V issued in 1509.

Nicolas le Liégeois (Nicolas Champion) Nicolas le Liégeois (Nicolas Champion) also began his tenure in the chapel of Philip the Fair as a chaplain-singer in November 1501. From that point on he is found on the rosters and benefice lists of Philip the Fair, Juana, and Charles through 1526. He accompanied Philip on both voyages to Spain and was among the musicians retained by Juana. Returning north in 1508, he appeared on the first surviving paylist for Charles issued in 1509. While he travelled with Charles on his first trip to Spain in 1517, he returned north the following year, charged with the recruitment of singers for the chapel. In 1523 he served temporarily as maître de chapelle and was again responsible for recruitment.92

88 Honey Meconi, ‘La Rue, Pierre de’, NG2. Honey Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 23, cautions that the interpretation of 17 November 1492 by Gachard and Straeten as the date when La Rue joined the chapel ‘should now be looked on as the terminus ante quem for La Rue’s joining the chapel rather than the precise date itself ’. 89 Meconi, ‘La Rue, Pierre de’, NG2. Honey Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford, 2003), presents the most extensive and comprehensive study of La Rue’s career. 90 Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 83. 91 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 144. 92 G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, Musica sacra 34 (1933), pp. 215–30, at pp. 223–4; Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 142; Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 73; Eugeen Schreurs, ‘Champion, Nicolaus’, MGG2; Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 80; see also G. van Doorslaer, ‘Nicolas et Jacques Champion, dits Liégeois, chantres au début du xvie siècle’, Mechlinia 8 (1930), pp. 4–13.

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Gilles Reyngot (Gillequin de Bailleul) Gilles Reyngot, born in the city of Bailleul, was listed as Gillequin de Bailleul in documents emanating from the chapel of Philip the Fair. Reyngot accompanied the duke on both voyages to Spain and was listed for the first time in the chapel rosters on 1 November 1501 among the musicians who were engaged for the first voyage.93 From 1498 to 1500 he was a member of the chapel of Savoy, and also apparently served in the chapels of the infant Charles and his sisters in the Low Countries in 1501 and for a short period in 1505, before he was again engaged by Philip for the second voyage.94 Retained by Queen Juana following the death of Philip the Fair, Reyngot was among the musicians who returned north in 1508. His name is found on paylists for the chapel of Charles V between 1509 and 1517, and he is listed on benefice lists between 1517 and 1523 as chaplain and singer for Charles’s sister, Eleanor. A document dated 30 September 1529 indicates that at that time he was active in the Low Countries recruiting singers to send to the chapel in Spain.95

Jehan Lommel Jehan Lommel joined the chapel of Philip the Fair just before the second voyage in 1506.96 The last record of Lommel in the chapel of Charles V is a benefice list dated 6 March 1523.

Jehan Bauduwin Porteur d’orgue Jehan Bauduwin was apparently enrolled for Philip the Fair’s second voyage to Spain, as he first appears on a paylist issued 4 January 1506. From then on, he appears continuously on the chapel rosters until he is last cited on 15 September 1532. He was among only three of the 11 members of Philip’s petite chapelle who were retained by Juana in 1506.97 He is found on the chapel rosters for Charles until 1532.

Josse Steelandt According to Straeten,98 Steelandt had been recruited for Philip the Fair’s first voyage to Spain in 1501; however, a document issued on 1 November 1501 before the voyage has an annotation which indicates that Josse Steelandt did not join the 93 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 154; also see G. van Doorslaer, ‘Gilles Reyngoot: chantre-compositeur xve–xvie siècles’, Mechlinia 7 (1928–9), pp. 167–71. 94 Marie-Thérèse Bouquet, ‘La cappella musicale dei Duchi di Savoia dal 1450 al 1500’, Rivista Italiana di Musicologia 3 (1968), pp. 233–85, p. 243, as cited by Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, pp. 79, 85. 95 Homer Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’ (PhD diss., U. of Illinois, 1977), p. 113; a report which relates to Reyngot’s recruitment of singers for the chapel is included as Document 1529.2 on p. 349. Also see Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 270. 96 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 141. 97 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 88. 98 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 152.

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chapel until 22 May 1504.99 While absent from the paylist drafted on 22 July 1506, Steelandt’s name appears on the extant paylists for Juana’s chapel beginning on 11 October 1506. As a member of Charles’s chapel, Steelandt can be found on the first paylists issued by the chapel, but disappears from the rosters after 3 April 1512.

Guillaume Chevalier According to Doorslaer, basse-contre and chapellain Guillaume Chevalier was listed as a member of Philip the Fair’s chapel on 20 January 1503 and accompanied Philip on his second voyage to Spain.100 Chevalier can be found on paylists and benefice lists for the chapel of Charles V beginning on 27 December 1510 until 6 March 1523. It has been reported that in 1527 he became a member of Margaret of Austria’s chapel.101

Henry Zantman Zantmann was recruited for the chapel in 1501102 and accompanied Philip the Fair on both voyages to Spain. He remained in Spain following Philip’s death and apparently returned to the Netherlands when Juana’s chapel was disbanded in 1508. Zantmann can be found on rosters for Charles’s chapel from 27 December 1510 to 1 June 1521.

Gilles Moreau Gilles Moreau first appears on a list of chapel members issued on 7 March 1497.103 He apparently accompanied Philip on both journeys to Spain. Moreau, an altarboy from Philip’s chapel, was among the singers retained by Juana following Philip’s death.104 He next appears on a paylist for Charles’s petite chapelle drawn up on 1 April 1514.

99 See Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 1, p. 347. See Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, pp. 33–4, for a discussion of the details which led to the error. 100 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 143. However, the paylists printed in Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, p. 170, indicate that Chevalier must have been added to the chapel sometime between 6 May 1503 and 24 October 1505. 101 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 322; Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 143; Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 29. 102 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 159. 103 According to the paylists found in Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, pp. 163–4, and Baron F. de Reiffenberg, ‘État de l’hôtel de Philippe-le-Bel, duc de Bourgogne, en l’an 1496, à Bruxelles’, Académie royale de Belgique: Bullétin de la Commission Royale d’Histoire 11 (1846), pp. 677–718. According to Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 151, Moreau did not appear on a list of chapel members until 1 February 1500. 104 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, p. 88.

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Johannes Moneta Originally from Cologne, Johannes Moneta had been a priest and basse-contre of the Habsburg Burgundian chapels of Maximilian and Philip the Fair.105 Moneta was one of the singers who remained in Spain as a member of Juana’s chapel following Philip’s death. Although it has been reported that Moneta is cited on a chapel list for December 1513,106 his name does not appear on the published rosters for Charles’s chapel until the État de l’Hôtel issued on 25 October 1515. He died in June 1516. ••• Charles also sought out singers and chaplains who had not stayed in Spain but apparently had returned to the Low Countries following Philip’s death in September 1506. Thus he engaged Fransquin de Rétis, Anthoine François, Henry Bredemers, Robert Robins, Pierre Duret, Adolf de la Verderue, Martin de Hombourg, and Jehan Loys, who, while absent from Juana’s paylists, are recorded on various payrolls for Philip’s chapel between 1492 and 1506 and on payrolls issued by Charles starting in 1509, as indicated in Table 2.4. Their whereabouts between September 1506 and 1509 have not been documented, and the possibility exists that their names appeared on paylists for Charles’s chapel between 1506 and 1509 which are no longer extant.

Fransquin de Rétis Fransquin de Rétis, who had been a member of the Habsburg Burgundian chapel since 1492, likewise accompanied Philip the Fair on both voyages to Spain.107 He is cited on the rosters for Charles V from 1509 to 1515 and on benefice lists issued by the chapel between 1517 and 1523. On a roster issued on 15 September 1532, he is identified as the feu Fransquin de Rétis.

Anthoine François The service of Anthoine François to the Habsburg Burgundian court can also be traced back to 1 December 1494.108 He accompanied Philip the Fair on both voyages to Spain and served continuously until Philip’s death in 1506. François’s name appears on both paylists and benefice lists issued by the chapel of Charles V between 1509 and 1520. Doorslaer reported that François accompanied Charles on his first voyage to Spain, but that after 1517 all trace of him disappears.109

105 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 151, reports that although Moneta had been a member of Philip the Fair’s chapel since 1501, his name was omitted from the chapel rosters until 1505. 106 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 151. 107 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, pp. 153–4. 108 Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 23. 109 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 145.

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Henry Bredemers Henry Bredemers had in fact left Spain shortly after Philip the Fair’s death and had been entrusted with the transfer of the chapel’s music books back to the Low Countries.110 He was appointed to the position of organist in Philip’s chapel in February 1500,111 and thereafter appears continuously on the paylists of the chapel until the time of Philip’s death, having accompanied Philip on both trips to Spain. While he was not retained by Juana, Bredemers is recorded on the paylists for the chapel of Charles from 1509 through 1514, as indicated in Table 2.4. He is reported to have accompanied Charles to Spain in 1517 and to England and the Empire in 1520, although his name does not appear on any of the extant paylists from those journeys. He was perhaps present at the coronation of Charles in October 1520 at Aachen, and as a member of the chapel during the subsequent trip to Germany.112 He reappeared on a paylist for the chapel in June 1521, but did not return to Spain with Charles the following year. He died shortly thereafter in May 1522.

Robert Robins Robert Robins had been engaged at the time of the departure of Philip the Fair’s second trip to Spain in 1506. A mandement of 1507 named him as counsellor and aumônier of Archduke Charles.113 He is found in the petite chapelle of Charles on the paylists for 27 December 1510 and 3 April 1512, and his name continues to be found on extant paylists and benefice lists until 1523.

Pierre Duret Pierre Duret had joined the Habsburg Burgundian chapel on 1 November 1494114 and had accompanied Philip the Fair on both voyages to Spain in 1501 and 1506.115 According to the extant paylists, Duret can be found continuously as a member of the chapel of Charles V from 1509 until 1 December 1517. His name appears on benefice lists issued by the chapel in 1517, 1519, 1520, and 1521.

Adolf de la Verderue Adolf de la Verderue had been enlisted for Philip the Fair’s second trip to Spain and appears on several paylists under the name Adolphe de Liestvelde. Verderue 110 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 55. 111 Picker, ‘Bredemers, Henry’, NG2; Picker also reports that Bredemers previously had been employed as an organist in the chapel of the Confraternity of Our Lady at Our Lady’s Church in Antwerp. Philip must have recognized Bredemers’s particular abilities as, according to Doorslaer, ‘Herry Bredemers, organiste et maître de musique’, pp. 216–17, he placed Bredemers in charge of organizing the chapel for the first trip to Spain and awarded him a manicordion for his efforts. 112 Picker, ‘Bredemers, Henry’, NG2; Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 28, reported that in 1519 Bredemers can be found as a member of the chapel of Margaret of Austria. 113 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 155. 114 Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 23. 115 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 144.

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apparently accompanied Charles on his first trip to Spain in 1517,116 and while his name disappears from paylists after 1 December 1517, it continues to be found on benefice lists until 1521.

Martin de Hombourg Martin Hombourg is found on the Habsburg Burgundian paylists for the first time on 4 January 1506117 and travelled with Philip the Fair on the second voyage to Spain. His name continues to be found on the paylists issued in Spain, but he apparently returned to the Netherlands after Philip the Fair’s death. He reappears in Charles’s chapel according to the paylist drawn up on 27 December 1510 and remained in the chapel until at least 12 July 1521 as evidenced from the surviving paylists and benefice lists.

Jehan Loys Jehan Loys is first found on a paylist drawn up at Orance on 8 June 1506.118 While he does not appear on subsequent lists from the chapels of Philip and Juana, he reappears on the 27 December 1510 paylist for Charles’s chapel. It has been reported that Loys was part of Juana’s chapel before his service to Philip.119 ••• Charles also engaged singers who had not travelled with Philip on the second voyage to Spain but who can be traced back to the Habsburg Burgundian chapel in an earlier period.

Anthoine de Berghes Anthoine de Berghes appears at the head of the list of chapel members in the paylist issued on 27 December 1510, and in that position received the highest salary. He had been engaged as premier chapellain on 1 November 1501 for Philip the Fair’s first voyage to Spain and can be found on paylists at least until 6 May 1503.120 Marbrian de Orto subsequently replaced him as premier chapellain. While 116 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 158. 117 Lille, Archives du Nord B3463 121661; Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, pp. 172–3; Douillez, ‘De muziek aan het Bourgondische-Habsburgse hof in de tweede helft der xvde eeuw’, p. lxvii. However, Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 146, reported that Hombourg’s name appeared on the chapel lists beginning on 24 July 1505, but adds that he may be the same as Martin Evrard, who appeared in the same position on the chapel lists between 1492–5 and 1505. 118 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, pp. 148–9. 119 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, pp. 80, 85. 120 Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, pp. 170–1, cites Lille, Archives du Nord B3461, 121412; Douillez, ‘De muziek aan het Bourgondische-Habsburgse hof in de tweede helft der xvde eeuw’, p. lx. De Berghes is listed in the chapel as late as 6 May 1503, although Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle Musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 222, claimed that the name of de Berghes appeared only up to a list issued on 25 March of the same year.

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de Berghes apparently was not part of the retinue who made the second journey to Spain in 1506, he reappeared on the paylists of the chapel of Charles from 1510 until 1522 as premier chapellain, a position which alternated between de Berghes and de Orto every six months.121 He is found for the last time on a benefice list dated 2 October 1526. His date of death has been recorded as 17 April 1540.122

Nicolas de Lyere Nicolle de Lyere is recorded in the Habsburg Burgundian chapel on the list of payment receipts for 1492–5. He travelled with Philip on the first voyage to Spain, but then disappeared from the chapel rosters after 12 October 1502. He is next found on the list of payment receipts issued by Charles in 1509. No later trace of him has been found.

Philippe Paillette While Philippe Paillette’s name is first found on a paylist issued on 1 February 1500,123 he did not participate in either of Philip the Fair’s voyages to Spain. He reappeared in the chapel of Charles on the paylist issued 27 December 1510 and travelled with Charles on his first trip to Spain in 1517. Paillette’s name appears continuously on the paylists and benefice lists until 1521. His death has been recorded as 16 August 1523.124

Johannes Biest The first record of Johannes Biest in the Habsburg Burgundian chapel can be found in the list of payment receipts for 1492–5. He apparently made only the first voyage to Spain with Philip, as his name disappears from the rosters after 30 November 1505,125 except for one occasion in the list for payment receipts issued by Charles in 1509. •••

121 Picker, ‘Orto, Marbrianus de’, NG2. Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 74, remarks that since de Berghes alternated with de Orto in the post of premier chapellain, his name is sometimes missing from the extant paylists. Meconi cites paylists on which de Orto’s name appears. Meconi, p. 17, indicates that while de Orto began his service in January, de Berghes began his in June. 122 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle Musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 222. 123 Archives Générales du Royaume at Brussels EA22, fols. 103–105v; Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, pp. 166–7; Douillez, ‘De muziek aan het Bourgondische-Habsburgse hof in de tweede helft der xvde eeuw’, p. liv. 124 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 153; according to Doorslaer, Paillette was engaged by Philip the Fair on 6 April 1501. 125 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 141; also see rosters printed in Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, pp. 161–72.

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By 1515 Charles had engaged 24 singers and chaplains who had served in the chapels of Philip the Fair and Juana of Castile. In 1506 Philip the Fair had travelled to Spain with a retinue that included 12 trompettes de guerre and 11 joueulx d’instruments.126 A description of a performance of Philip’s instrumentalists at Innsbruck on the return from the first voyage to Spain is one of the ‘earliest specific references to participation [of instruments] actually within the liturgy’.127 [during the mass] which was sung by the King’s singers … the sackbuts of the King began the Gradual and also played the Deo gratias and the Ita missa est, and the singers of the monseigneur sang the Offertory.128 Evidence for the participation of instruments with voices in the celebration of mass can also be found in descriptions of ceremonies at Maximilian’s court at Innsbruck in 1503.129 On the contrary, evidence for the combined performance of voices and instruments in liturgical services in Spain is ‘scarce’, and in her study of music at the court of Ferdinand, Tess Knighton concluded that ‘it would seem most probable that polyphony in the royal chapels of Fernando and Isabel was sung a cappella and with men’s voices.’ 130 However, trumpeters and the ministriles altos played important roles in the ceremonial life of the Spanish monarchs, and as Knighton observed, ‘at the height of their reign the monarchs supported the average, or slightly more than the average, number of instrumentalists for that time.’131 126 Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, vol. 1, p. 531. According to Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, pp. 25–6, in 1506 the Venetian ambassador to the court reported that Philip’s retinue included 12 battle-trumpets, eight trombones and pipers, and four viol players. 127 Keith Polk, ‘Susato and Instrumental Music in Flanders in the Sixteenth Century’, in Tielman Susato and the Music of his Time: Print Culture, Compositional Technique and Instrumental Music of the Renaissance, ed. Keith Polk (Hillsdale, 2005), pp. 61–100, at p. 65. The role of instruments in the performance of sacred polyphony as well as patrons, performers, and instrumental ensembles are discussed in Keith Polk, ‘Instrumental Music in the Low Countries in the Fifteenth Century’, in From Ciconia to Sweelinck: Donum natalicium Willem Elders, ed. Albert Clement and Eric Jas (Amsterdam and Atlanta, 1994), pp. 13–29. Bruno Bouckaert and Eugeen Schreurs, ‘Hans Nagel, Performer and Spy in England and Flanders (ca. 1490–1531)’, in Tielman Susato and the Music of his Time, ed. Keith Polk (Hillsdale, 2005), pp. 101–15, at p. 102, report a performance of Philip the Fair’s cornettist, Augustine Schubinger, during mass in 1501 and observe that ‘Augustine’s performances on the cornetto, with singers, may well have set off a fundamental change in performance practice – in any case performances of cornettists in sacred music and cooperation between wind players and singers became a general phenomenon in the Low Countries soon after Augustine’s appearances.’ 128 Polk, ‘Susato and Instrumental Music in Flanders in the Sixteenth Century’, p. 65, as quoted from van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 52. 129 Lalaing, ‘Voyage de Philippe le Beau en Espagne en 1501’, p. 317, as cited by Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, pp. 102, 206. 130 Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, pp. 101, 102. 131 Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, p. 195. The role of the instruments as well as the increase in the number of trumpeters and

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While the fate of Philip’s instrumentalists in the aftermath of his death is unclear, in 1509 Hans Nagel and Jan van Winkel, two sackbut players who had been employed by Philip,132 were paid ‘for having served continually before the above stated lord [archduke Charles] in his chapel, in the singing and playing daily in discant the hours and divine services’.133 Their service to the court was apparently on a part-time basis, as at that time both held positions in the civic ensemble of instrumentalists in Mechelen. In 1501 Nagel, originally from Leipzig and a member of a prominent family of instrumentalists, was recorded as a jouer de sacqubute at the court of Henry VII.134 His tenure with the court of Philip the Fair dates from 1506.135 The careers of Nagel and van Winkel included positions in the civic ensembles of several cities in the Netherlands, among them Mechelen, Utrecht, and Antwerp, and tenures at the English courts of Henry VIII as well as Henry VII.136

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the chapel, 1515

n 5 January 1515 Charles, Archduke of Burgundy, was proclaimed of age   in a ceremony in Brussels, and Margaret of Austria’s guardianship of him came to an end.137 The following 25 October, also in Brussels, Charles issued the Ordonnance de Charles, prince d’Espagne, archiduc d’Autriche, duc de Bourgogne, etc. pour le gouvernement de sa maison, the first État de l’hotel to outline the organization and regulations governing his household. Two copies are extant at the Archives ministriles altos in the Aragonese and Castilian households is traced by Knighton in the discussion which follows. 132 Bouckaert and Schreurs, ‘Hans Nagel, Performer and Spy’, p. 107. Nagel and van Winkel were among five sackbut players employed by Philip the Fair. 133 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 269, as quoted by Polk, ‘Susato and Instrumental Music in Flanders in the Sixteenth Century’, p. 65, and Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, p. 27. 134 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 272, as cited by Bouckaert and Schreurs, ‘Hans Nagel, Performer and Spy’, p. 104. 135 Keith Polk, German Instrumental Music of the Late Middle Ages: Players, Patrons and Performance Practice (Cambridge, 1992), p. 78; Bouckaert and Schreurs, ‘Hans Nagel, Performer and Spy’, p. 104, place Nagel at the court of Philip the Fair between 1 August and 31 October 1504 and refer to Douillez, ‘De muziek aan het Bourgondische-Habsburgse hof in de tweede helft der xvde eeuw’, p. 343, who cites court records now found at Lille, Archives Départmentales du Nord. 136 Polk, ‘Susato and Instrumental Music in Flanders in the Sixteenth Century’, pp. 64–7; Polk, German Instrumental Music of the Late Middle Ages, p. 78. Bouckaert and Schreurs, ‘Hans Nagel, Performer and Spy’, pp. 101–15, examine several aspects of Nagel’s career including his espionage activities. 137 In the months that followed, Charles moved his court from Mechelen and made a series of triumphal entries in a number of cities in the Netherlands. Accounts of these entries are published in Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas. Accounts of the triumphal entry into Bruges in April are cited in John Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies: State Entries and Royal Funerals in the Low Countries, 1515–1791: A Bibliography (Nieuwkoop and Leiden, 1971), pp. 65–6. An account commissioned by Margaret of Austria was written by Remy du Puys and later printed with woodcuts depicting the entry.

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Générales du Royaume in Brussels: a 17th-century copy, on which several modern editions are based, which does not include the list of chapel personnel;138 and an earlier 16th-century copy, which includes the list of chapel members but is incomplete in other respects.139 A Spanish version now found in the Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan in Madrid has only recently been published in modern edition and has yet to receive close scrutiny from musicologists.140 It includes a list of the chapel membership in 1515 that totalled 52 chaplains and singers as indicated in Table 2.5. Two premier chapellans head the list of the capilla mayor:141 Marbrian de Orto served from 1 January to 1 July, and Anthoine de Berghes from 1 July until the end of the year. Their names are followed by 25 capellanes y musicos, with Pierre de la Rue and organist Henry Bredemers listed first and drawing the highest salaries.142 One forrier, two moços de la capilla, two levantadores de folies, Pierre Alamire as guardalibros, and Bauduwin as portador de órganos complete the list of the capilla mayor. The capilla menor143 included a confessor, a limosnero mayor, three tenientes de limosnero mayor, four capellanes de missas reçadas, five sumeliers de cortina, two moços del oratorio, and two moços de la capilla. This list of personnel indicates that Charles continued to employ the singers and chaplains who had served in the chapels of Philip the Fair and Juana and who had figured prominently in the paylists of 1509, 1510, 1512, and 1514. The roster also includes seven jugadors de instrumentos, two pifanos and one tanbourin, as well as ten trompetas (Table 2.5). Hans Nagel and Jan van Winkel, who had previously served in the court of Philip the Fair and whose names had appeared on the 1509 pay receipt from the court of Charles V cited above, can be 138 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds: Papiers d’État et de l’Audience, reg. 23, II, fols. 10vff. Modern editions are published in Joseph Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Kaiser Karls V.: Leben und Werk (Bonn, 1938), pp. 337–8; Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 278–81; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 342–3; and Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, vol. 2, pp. 491–501. 139 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, MS divers 796, fols. 63r–103v (État de la maison de Charles Quint). Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the HabsburgBurgundian Court, p. 62, provides a list of the chapel positions with their appropriate salaries as found in this document although the names of individual members are not included. 140 Madrid, Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan Ms. 26-I-28 (Spanish translation of copy in Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, Salazar y Castro, 9/682); modern edition published in Millán and Carlos Morales, La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, pp. 137–68. Salaries are given in Spanish monetary amounts. 141 Capilla major is the Spanish equivalent of the French grande chapelle. 142 Although not identified, this group of musicos must have included boys with unchanged voices. Regulations relating to the education of the cantorçios (choirboys) were included in the Estatutos de la Capilla del Emperador Carolos quinto al vzo de la Caza de Borgoña, an ordinance governing the organization of the chapel, issued by Charles in 1517. The Estatutos are discussed in Chapter 4 below. Their regulations have been summarized and published in modern edition by Bernadette Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel, c. 1559–c. 1561’, Early Music History 19 (2000), pp. 105–200, at pp. 121–2, 188–91. 143 Capilla menor is the Spanish equivalent of the French petite chapelle.

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found along with Joachin Tronslagher, Cornille de Zellande, Pierre Nacroix, Jehan de Morfalize, Jehan Angel, and Innocent de Galeras, who had also been part of the retinue of instrumentalists at the court of Philip the Fair. The musical establishment thus assembled by Charles in the early years of his reign would become among the most prestigious and impressive of the period. Only the most eminent composers, singers, and instrumentalists were recruited for service in his chapel and household, and this distinguished retinue of well-paid musicians contributed to the image of Charles as wealthy and powerful.144 As a music-loving patron of the arts, Charles chose to include them on his travels,145 and the imperial chapel of singers, instrumentalists, and composers accompanied him on virtually all his journeys throughout his 41-year reign. They were essential for the daily celebration of the mass and office, as well as for the imperial image.146 The prestige and size of the emperor’s chapel was emulated but rarely matched in this period, and was described in 1551 by Marin Cavalli, the Venetian ambassador at Charles’s court, as ‘the most respected and most excellent chapel in the whole of Christendom’.147

144 Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘The Form and Function of the Music Chapel at the Court of Philip II’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 135–43, at p. 138, observes that the prestige of Charles’s chapel was continued by his successor Philip II through ‘the regular recruitment of chapelmasters, singers, organists, organ builders and choirboys from the FrancoFlemish provinces’. 145 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 150–1, reports that in the early part of his reign Charles left the command of the troops to his generals, but beginning about 1535 he began to travel with his armies, often at great personal risk and discomfort to himself. 146 Lewis Lockwood, ‘Music and Religion in the High Renaissance and the Reformation’, in The Pursuit of Holiness in the Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion. Papers from the University of Michigan Conference, ed. Charles Trinkaus with Heiko A. Oberman (Leiden, 1974), pp. 496–502, at p. 498. 147 Bruno Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca: The Composition and Duties of the Music Ensemble at the Court of Charles V, 1515–1558’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 37–45, at pp. 40–1.

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Table 2.5  The chapel of Charles V, 1515 25 October 1515 • Brussels Capilla mayor Dos primeros capellanes pagados por medio año … por día 18 placas Maestro Marberian de Uvto sirvirá el primer término que comiença el primer día de enero Messe. Antonio de Berghas el 2º que commiença el primer día de julio cada año Otros capellanes y músicos de la dicha capilla siempre pagados Pedro de la Rue Henrique Brederniersch, organista Franquino de Ritis Se. Nicolas el Liejés Se. Alardo Theodriey Pasquiero Pastoris Se. Daniel Arents Juan de Man Se. Jacques Fanyer Se. Juan Panchet Se. Juan Lommel Se. Juan Moneta Guillelmo Cav.ro Antonio francisco henrique Lantman Felipe Paillette Juan Willebroet Gilles Reyngot Juan Bocquet Gil de Formanoir Juan del Molinet Juan Luys Juan Willebroet el moço

a ii placas por día a 9 placas por día

a 9 placas por día

a 8 placas por día

Otros dos capellanes pagados por medio año a 8 placas por día Se. Damiano Florbeche Se. Juan Manghelaire Un forrier de la dicha capilla siempre pagado a 6 placas por día Pedro Duret Dos moços de la capilla pagados por medio año a 6 placas por día Moulet du Bruech Juanino Matieu Dos levantadores de folies pagados por medio año a 4 placas por día Fransquino du Breuck Martin de Hombourg

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 2.5 continued 25 October 1515 • Brussels

Un guardalibros, siempre pagado a 3 placas por día Pedro Alamire Un portador de órganos, siempre pagado a 3 placas por día Bauduwino Capilla menor Un confessor siempre pagado a 24 placas por día Maestro Miguel de Panye Deano de Cambray Un limosnero mayor siempre pagado a 18 placas por día Messe. Pedro Ruyz llamado Mota Tres tenientes de Limosnero mayor pagados cada uno a 8 placas por día, de los quales dos sirvirán el primer término de medio año Messe. Nicol Mayoul los dos primeros meses Messe. Pedro Numan los otros quatro meses Messe. Roberto Robins sirvira solo el otro medio año Dos capellanes de missas reçadas pagados por medio año cada uno a 6 placas por día Mro. Jacques Leroy el primer término Se. Cornelio de Grave, el 2º Otros dos capellanes de dichas missas reçadas pagados por medio año cada uno a 6 placas por día Messe. Juan Torreau Mro. Juan Temerman Un sumeliers de cortina pagado por medio año a 8 placas por día Messe. Simon de Weury Otros dos sumeliers de cortina que sirven el otro medio año, cada uno tres meses pagados también a 8 placas por día Juan Leblanch Mro. Juan de Helviez Otros dos sumeliers de cortina, de los quales el uno sirvirá y será pagado por medio año a 8 placas por día Se. Guillelmo de Vandenesse Se. Juan de Honte Dos moços del oratorio pagados por medio año a 4 placas por día Antonio du Pont Juan Morel

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Table 2.5 continued 25 October 1515 • Brussels Dos moços de la capilla pagados por medio año a 6 placas por día Gilles Moreau Adolfo de la Verde Rue Nueve trompetas siempre pagados a 9 placas por día Cornelio de Leelande Pedro Nacroix Juan de Morfalize Pierquino de Gante Macabeo Nacroix Estefan du Bois Juan Angel Su sobrino llamado Sepulchro Inoçençio de Galeras Pedro de Mongiere Un tanbourin siempre pagado a 4 placas por día Carlos de Lacy, llamado Monsieur Seis jugadores de instrumentos siempre pagados a 4 placas por día Francisco Kemberghe Frederico Eydorffer Evrardo Haghenaw Jaspar Gorge Hafz Hans Naghel Sacqueboute Juan Vander Winckele Dos pífanos también siempre pagados a 4 placas por día Joachin Tronslagher Hans Keyser MIVDJ Ms. 26-I-28 La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 137–68

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The Reconstruction of the Capilla Flamenca

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n 23 January 1516 Ferdinand died, and Charles, as heir to the thrones of Spain, claimed the title of King of Castile, Leon, and Aragon. In ceremonies at the church of St Gudule in Brussels on 13 March of the same year, Juana and Charles were declared co-rulers of Spain. As the words, ‘Long live doña Joanna and don Carlos, the Catholic kings’ rang out, ‘Charles set aside his mourning robe and raised a consecrated sword from the altar to the acclamation of the masses.’1 Like Ferdinand, Charles went on to deny Juana her rights as sovereign of Spain and claimed to rule on her behalf.2 Although deemed unfit and unable to rule, Juana would remain proprietary Queen of Spain until the end of her life in 1555, and Charles would rule in her place. As has been pointed out, ‘without trusting Juana, Charles and his councillors would use the queen to sanction their exercise of royal authority in Spain.’ 3 However, Charles had assumed the thrones of Castile, Leon, and Aragon without setting foot on the Iberian peninsula and without the consent of those he presumed to govern. In Spain Cardinal Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros of Toledo refused to recognize Charles’s kingship, perhaps reflecting the resentment of the Spanish towards a king they viewed as a foreigner.4 Thus on 8 September 1517 Charles departed from the Netherlands for Spain in order to claim his inheritance, be recognized as king, and make peace with the Spanish.

1 Wim Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558, trans. Isola van den Hoven-Vardon (London, 2002), p. 7, quoted from Karl Brandi, The Emperor Charles V: The Growth and Destiny of a Man and of a World Empire, trans. C. V. Wedgwood (London, 1939), p. 60. An account of the funeral ceremonies is cited by John Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies: State Entries and Royal Funerals in the Low Countries, 1515–1791: A Bibliography (Nieuwkoop and Leiden, 1971), p. 65. William Lawrence Eisler, ‘The Impact of the Emperor Charles V upon the Visual Arts’ (PhD diss., Pennsylvania State U., 1983), pp. 46–7, describes some of the ceremony and cites an account of the obsequies printed by Remi du Puys, Les exeques et pompe funerale de feu eternelle et tres glorieuse memoire Don Fernande, roy catholique, faicte et acomplie en lesglise Saincte-Goule a Bruxelles, le vendredi 14 Mars 1515 … 2 Bethany Aram, Juana the Mad: Sovereignty and Dynasty in Renaissance Europe (Baltimore and London, 2005), pp. 108, 111. 3 Aram, Juana the Mad, p. 111. 4 Royall Tyler, The Emperor Charles the Fifth (London, 1956), p. 324, notes that on 13 March 1516 in Spain, ‘Cardinal Jiménez de Cisneros declines, in Charles’s absence, to proclaim him [sovereign of Spain]’; see William Maltby, The Reign of Charles V (Houndmills and New York, 2002), pp. 18–19, on conditions in Spain.

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1517–20: the first journey to spain

harles arrived in Spain with a chapel designed to impress as well as reflect his newly acquired status as heir presumptive to the thrones of Castile, Leon, and Aragon. A paylist (Table 3.1) drawn up on 1 December 1517 at Valladolid,5 a few months after his arrival, shows 39 singers and chaplains as well as seven trumpeters and five instrumentalists. It most likely corresponds to the chapel Charles had assembled for this first voyage to Spain, and was comparable in size to the chapel Philip the Fair had brought to Spain in 1506.6 It also matched the size of Ferdinand’s chapel, which had numbered 32 in 1508,7 and had increased to over 40 by the time of his death.8 Anthoine de Berghes with the highest salary was listed first as premier chapellain, a position now no longer shared with de Orto.9 For some chapel members, like Henry Bredemers,10 Anthoine François,11 Pierre Duret,12 Nicolas Liégeois (Champion), Gilles Reyngot, and Henry Zantman, it was their third voyage to Spain.

5 Edmond vander Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, 8 vols (Brussels, 1867–88); facsimile edition in 4 vols (New York, 1969), vol. 7, pp. 294–5; Louis Prosper Gachard, ed., Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, 4 vols (Brussels, 1874–82), vol. 2, pp. 502–10, also includes the trumpeters and instrumentalists. 6 Philip had left the Netherlands with a chapel of 36 singers and chaplains. By 22 July, the date of his last paylist, that number had been reduced slightly to 33; see Chapter 2 above. 7 Mary Kay Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, Musica Disciplina 30 (1976), pp. 73–95, at p. 75. 8 Tess Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon, 1474–1516’, 2 vols (PhD diss., U. of Cambridge, 1983), vol. 1, p. xix. 9 Martin Picker, ‘Orto, Marbrianus de’, NG2, notes that while de Orto apparently had been engaged for the voyage, his name is crossed out on a paylist issued on 21 June 1517. However, a document issued almost a year later on 18 May 1518 lists de Orto as ‘councillor and first chaplain’ to the chapel. As Charles prepared to return to Spain in 1522, de Orto’s name again appears on court documents, but Martin Picker, ‘The Career of Marbriano de Orto (ca. 1450–1529)’, in Collectanea II: Studien zur Geschichte der Päpstlichen Kapelle, Tagungsbericht, Heidelberg, 1989, ed. Bernhard Janz (Vatican City, 1994), pp. 529–57, at p. 537, concludes that he did not make the journey. Also see G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 4 (1934), pp. 21–57, 139–65, at p. 152, for a discussion of de Orto’s career. 10 Although Bredemers does not appear on the paylist issued in Valladolid in December 1517, he is believed to have travelled to Spain with Charles as reported by Martin Picker, ‘Bredemers, Henry’, NG2; also see Michael Zywietz, ‘Bredemers, Henry’, MGG2. 11 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 145, reported that the name of Anthoine François, who had accompanied Philip the Fair to Spain in both 1501 and 1506, was recorded in the chapel that had been formed to accompany Charles on his first journey to Spain in 1517. It should be noted that his name does not appear on the list drawn up at Valladolid on 1 December 1517 as indicated in Table 3.1. 12 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 144, observed that after 1 December 1517 any trace of Duret disappears.

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Table 3.1  The first journey to Spain: chapel paylists 1517 and 1518 1 Dec. 1517 • Valladolid

1 Sept. 1518 • Sarragosse (Zaragoza)

Grande Chappelle

Messire Anthoine de Berghes Sire Nicolaes Liégeois/ Nicolaes Liégois Sire Alardt Theodrici Guillamme Chevallier Henri Santman Philippe Paillette Johannes Willebroot Johannes Willebroot le filz Gilles Reyngots/ Gilles Reingotz Johannes Bosquet Sire Pasquier Pastoris Sire Daniel Arents Henrion Burals/ Thirion Burals Joannes Deman/ Johannes de Man Sire Jehan Lommel Sire Damien de Fleurbeque/ Damien de Florebèque Gilles du Fourmanoir Jehan Loys/ Jehan Lois Joannes de Lillers/ Johannes de Lillers Sire Hugues de Couleure/ Sire Hugues des Couleurs Sire Jehan Mauguelerie/ Sire Jehan Mauguelerre Sire Cornille du Bois/ Sire Cornille de la Vère Pierre Duret/ Pière Duret Jennin Mathieu Bauduwin, porteur d’orgues Johannes Boucault Willekin Scoutet Fransquin du Breucq/ Franskin du Breucq Petite Chappelle

L’abbé d’Aumont L’évesque de Badatoz/ L’évesque de Badajoz Messire Robert Robins/ Messire Robbert Robins Le doien de … Sire Guillaume Vandenesse Messire Jaques le Roy/ Maistre Jacques Le Roy Messire Jehan de Helcheulx/ Maistre Jehan de Helchudoz

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Grant Chappelle xxx s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

Messire Anthoine de Berghes Sire Allart Theodrichy Cornille Chevalier Philippe Paillette Johannes Willebroot Sire Pasquier Pastoris Sire Daniel Arents Henrion Burals Johannes Deman Sire Damien de Florbecke Gilles de Formanoir Johannes de Lillers Sire Hugues des Couleurs Sire Jehan Mauguelaire Messire Mahieu Batonier Arnoult de Lieuwere

xxx s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. ix s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

Jenin Mathieu Jenin Morel Bauduwin Fransquin du Breuc

viii s. viii s. vi s. iiii s.

xii s. xii s. ix s. viii s. vi s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s.

Petite Chappelle xlviii s. L’abbé Daumont xxx s. L’évesque de Badatoz

xlviii s. xxx s.

xviii s. Sire Guillaume de Vandenesse

xviii s.

ix s. ix s. ix s.

Messire Jaques le Roy Messire Jehan de Helcuez Messire Jehan Prévost

ix s. ix s. ix s.

ix s.

Messire Oudart Bersaques

ix s.

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Table 3.1 continued 1 Dec. 1517 • Valladolid Messire Cornille de Grave Gille Moreau/ Gilles Moreau Adolf de la Verderue/ Adolf de la Verde Rue Anthoine du Pont

1 Sept. 1518 • Sarragosse (Zaragoza) ix s. Anthoine du Pont viii s. Rogier Van den Berghe viii s.

viii s. viii s.

viii s.

Trumpeters

Cornille de Zeellande Jehan de Morfalize Pierquin de Gand Macabeus Nacroix Estienne Dubois Innocent Sépulcre

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

Instrumentalists

Franchois Kenberghe Frédéryck Heydorff Jaspar Gerris Huffz Joachin Tronslagher

viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s.

source not identified Straeten VII, pp. 294–5 (trumpeters and instrumentalists not listed) Gachard, Collection, II, pp. 502–10 (trumpeters and instrumentalists listed)

source not identified Straeten VII, p. 295

It is also possible to determine the chapel membership on this first journey to Spain from contemporary collation lists. Immediately before departure, Charles issued a list of benefices on 24 August 1517 at Middelbourg (Table 3.2),13 and while missing from the paylist issued the following December after the arrival in Spain, Fransquin de Rétis,14 Johannes Molinet, and Martin de Hombourg, all with extended service at the Habsburg Burgundian court, appear on the August list of benefices. It could be assumed that all chose not to travel again to Spain but to retire from active service with the chapel. Each appears on subsequent collation lists, but all are absent from the daily escroes. Other names had also disappeared from the rolls. Pierre de La Rue, the most prominent member of the chapel, had by this time retired. Alamire, escripvain et garde de livres, remained in the Low Countries and continued to serve the 13 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds: Papiers d’État et de l’Audience Nr. 1249a; modern edition in Joseph Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Kaiser Karls V.: Leben und Werk (Bonn, 1938), pp. 256–65. 14 Rétis, whose service to the Habsburg Burgundian chapel can be traced back to 1492, is cited on a chapel roster issued on 15 September 1532 as feu Fransquin de Rétis.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 3.2  The first journey to Spain: chapel benefice lists 1517 and 1519 24 Aug. 1517 • Middelbourg

Sire Daniel aerts Bau porteur Dorghes/ Bauduin Le porteur Dorghes Maistre Anthoine de Berghes

1519 • (Spain) Mess[ir]e daniel arutz (Mess[ir]e daniel aruts)

Rogier vand[en] berghe Messire odart de bersaques parord[onnance] Johannes Bosquet Maistre martin bourgoiz/ Maistre martin Bourgoiz Maistre henry Lorganiste/ Maistre henry bredemers Organiste Guill[eaum]e chevalier/ Guillame chevalier Guill[eaum]e chevalier pour son filz Le filz de Guill[eaum]e le chevalier Sire hugues des couleurs

M[aistr]e martin bourgeois

Guill[eaum]e ch[eva]l[ie]r

Hughes des couleurs (s[ir]e Hughes des couleurs)

Maistre damien Johannes Deman/ Johannes De man, Johannes de man Maistre pierre duret M[aistr]e pierre duret Gilles formanoy/ Gilles formanoir M[aistr]e Laurens foquier Anthoine francois Anthoine francois pour son filz/ Le filz de Anthoine francois Mess[ir]e Cornille de grave Mess[ir]e cornille de grave Maistre Jehan de helcuez M[aistr]e Jehan helchuelz Martin de hombeque/ Martin de honbeque Mess[ir]e anthoine Leritier (Mess[ir]e anthoine Lheritier) Sire Clais le Liegoiz/ Messire Nicole Le Liegoiz Johannes de Lillers Joh[ann]es de lilliers Mess[ir]e Jehan lommel/ Sire Jehan Lommel Mess[ir]e Jehan lommel Jehan loys dit hennequin/ Jehan Loys, Johannes Jehan loys Loys Johannes mahieu Joh[ann]es mahieu al[ia]s hauret Sire Jehan manghelaire s[ir]e Jehan mangleraire Mess[ir]e Nicole mayoul/ Sire Nicole mayoul Mess[ir]e nicole mayoul Johannes Molinet Johannes molinet Johannes molinet pour son filz Gillet moreau Maistre pierre Numan Le premier Chappellain de orto Philippe paillette Ph[ilipp]e paillette (Ph[ilipp]e paillet) Sire Jehan panchet sire Jehan pancet Sire pasquier pastoris Pasquier pastoris

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Table 3.2 continued 24 Aug. 1517 • Middelbourg Anthoine Dupont

1519 • (Spain) Anthoine du pont (Anthoine du pont [nachträglich] par ord[onnan]ce M[aistr]e Jehan prevost

Maistre gilles Reyngot chappellain de madame Maistre gilles Reyngot chap[pell]ain de lyenore madame lyenore Maistre gilles Reyngot Chantre Fransquin de Ritis Le filz de fransquin de Ritis Messire Robert Robins Messire Jacques Le Roy/ Mess[ir]e Jaques Le M[aistr]e Jaques le Roy Roy/ Maistre Jaques Le Roy Sire Alard theodrici Le Baz Thiry le nouveau chantre Mess[ir]e Jehan torreau/ Sire Jehan torreau Mess[ir]e Jehan turreau (Mess[ir]e Jehan torreau) Sire Guill[eaum]e de vand[en]esse Maistre Guillame de vand[en]esse/ Sire guillame vandenesse Adolf de la verde Rue Le filz de maistre Charles de La verde Rue Johannes willebroit le Jeusne/ Johannes willebroit Le filz, Le filz de Johannes willebroit, Le filz de Wilbroot Le filz de Willebroit ou lieu de son pere Johannes willebroit Le pere Joh[ann]es willebrot Le pere Johannes Wilbroot/ Wilbroot Sire henry santman/ Sire henry zantman, s[ir]e Henry santman Mess[ir]e henry zantman BAGR E&A 1249a Schmidt-Görg, pp. 256–65

BAGR E&A 1249a Schmidt-Görg, pp. 266–9

Burgundian court for some time. In 1519 Alamire was in Augsburg and Wittenberg at the request of Margaret of Austria for the election of Charles as Holy Roman Emperor, and on 1 January 1534 was provided with a pension by Mary of Hungary, Margaret’s successor as regent of the Netherlands.15 A paylist issued at Saragossa (Zaragoza) on 1 September of the following year (1518),16 also cited on Table 3.1, shows a chapel that numbered 29, somewhat smaller than the previous year.17 The depleted size may be accounted for by the return of several singers and chaplains to the north with Charles’s brother 15 Herbert Kellman, ‘Alamire, Pierre’, NG2. 16 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 295; source is unknown. 17 Anthoine de Berghes, who is first on the list with the highest salary, continued to serve as maître de chapelle.

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Ferdinand18 and the departure of the retinue that accompanied Charles’s sister Eleanor for her marriage to the King of Portugal. Pierre Duret, Jehan Loys, and Adolf de la Verderue, singers and chaplains who can be traced back to the chapel of Philip the Fair, are no longer found, although their names continue to appear on benefice lists. Gilles Reyngot, described as chappellain de madame lyenore on benefice lists issued in 1517, 1519, 1520, and 1523, may have travelled to Portugal with Eleanor.19 By 1518 Nicolas Liégeois (Champion) had returned to the Low Countries to recruit singers and an organist for the chapel.20 Victor Clita, Anthoine Lhéritier, Tristan de Menin were among those singers recruited that year.21 Their names appear, along with Jehan Pauchet, Cornille de Grave, Jacques Champion, Mahieu Ouzeau, Anthoine Grégoire, Laurens de Foucques, Augustin de Medico, and Anthoine de Gand, in a document dated 21 February 1519, detailing payment for service to the chapel, which may have included the funeral of Maximilian and the ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece in March at Barcelona.22 The extended tenures of Odart Bersaques and Rogier van den Berghe in the chapel begin during this period in Spain. Bersaques was enrolled in 1518 as a chappellain des basses messes, promoted to sous aumônier in 1525 following the death of Cornille de Grave, and eventually assumed the titles of aumônier in 1535 and premier aumônier in 1547.23 Van den Berghe, as a clerk of the petite chapelle, can be found on chapel rosters until 1540.

the casa de borgoña del emperador and the casa de castilla del emperador y la reina juana

W

hen Charles arrived in Spain in 1517 to assume the throne, he inherited a Spanish household which included musicians. From this time on, and throughout his reign, Charles maintained two households, the Casa de Borgoña del Emperador and the Casa de Castilla del Emperador y la Reina Juana. The Casa de Borgoña del Emperador included the Flemish Chapel, the Capilla Flamenca, which had been established in the Low Countries and whose musicians had made the journey to Spain with Charles. At this crucial moment Charles chose

18 According to Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, Early Music 23 (1995), pp. 374–91, at pp. 388–9, n. 26, by the time the paylist was drawn, Jehan Lommel and another chaplain had left for the Netherlands in the retinue of Ferdinand. Johannes Boucault had apparently died. 19 Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, pp. 388–9, n. 26, cites Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 286, 294. 20 G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, Musica Sacra (1933), pp. 215–30, at pp. 223–4. 21 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, pp. 224, 225, 229. 22 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 299–300, indicates the source as the Recette générale des finances for 1520; Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, p. 382 and p. 389, n. 27. 23 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, pp. 222–3; SchmidtGörg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 65.

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to preserve the Flemish chapel, comprised solely of Netherlanders, as a distinctly separate entity. The Casa de Borgoña del Emperador, including the Capilla Flamenca, continued to travel with him throughout his reign, while the Casa de Castilla del Emperador y la Reina Juana remained in Spain.24 The Casa de Castilla del Emperador y la Reina Juana apparently replaced the earlier Casa de la Reina Juana, which had served the queen following the return of the Burgundians to the Low Countries in August 1508. The newly formed Casa de Castilla del Emperador y la Reina Juana included a chapel comprised exclusively of Spanish musicians, and remained split between mother and son, serving each as necessary.25 A study of the court by Emilio Ros-Fábregas has identified the personnel of not only the Casa de la Reina Juana up to 1516, but also the Casa de Borgoña del Emperador and the Casa de Castilla del Emperador y la Reina Juana from 1516 until 1556, confirming the existence of separate Burgundian and Castilian households and that the Castilian household was shared between Juana and Charles.26 The Castilian household is likewise referred to in paylists, housed at the Archivo Général de Simanas, as the Casa de Castilla del Emperador y La Reina Juana.27 24 The organization of the chapel has been studied by Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘The Form and Function of the Music Chapel at the Court of Philip II’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 135–43. Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias. Antecedentes: Las casas reales hasta 1556’, Revista de Musicologia 10 (1987), pp. 753–96, at p. 770, distinguishes between positions that were part of the Casa de Borgoña with those of the Casa de Castilla, and on pp. 764–6, explains that each household had its own budget and administration. The Burgundian household accompanied Charles on all of his journeys. There are only two recorded cases when members of the Castillian household accompanied Charles on journeys outside Spain. Spanish chaplains travelled with the emperor to his coronation at Aachen in October 1520 and Spanish chaplains and ministriles were present at the coronation in Bologna in February 1530; see Higinio Anglès, ed., La música en la corte de Carlos V, Monumentos de la música española 2 (Barcelona, 1944), p. 36. 25 Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias’, pp. 764–5; Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La estructuración de las casas reales: Felipe II como punto de encuentro y punto de partida’, in Luis Robledo Estaire et al., Aspectos de la Cultura Musical en la Corte de Felipe II (Madrid, 2000), pp. 1–34, at pp. 14–15. 26 Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘“Foreign” Music and Musicians in Sixteenth-Century Spain’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 65–84, at p. 81. Chapel members for the Casa de Castilla del Emperador y la Reina Juana are listed in José Martínez Millán and Carlos Javier de Carlos Morales, eds, La corte de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid, 2000), vol. 5, pp. 7, 81, 47. Trompetas, ministriles, and atabaleros are recorded on pp. 68–9 and can also be found in Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, Documentos sobre música española y epistolario, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio, Legado Barbieri 2 (Madrid, 1988), pp. 41–3; also see La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, p. 72, for the Casa de Aragón del emperador y la reina Juana, which Charles maintained for a time. 27 Angel de la Plaza Bores, Guia del Investigador: Archivo Général de Simancas (Madrid, 1992), p. 174. The classification of documents for the Casa Real – Obras y Bosques,

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

When Isabella died in 1504 the Castilian Capilla Real had not been dissolved, as was at one time thought, but instead many of her musicians became part of Ferdinand’s chapel at the Aragonese court.28 At the time of his death, Ferdinand’s chapel was one of the largest in Europe, including over 40 singers.29 When he died in 1516 his singers were dispersed.30 Only a small band of instrumentalists – eight ministriles, six trompetas and four atabaleros (drummers) – found employment in the court of Charles V. Their names appeared for the first time in 1518 on the paylists of the Castilian court of Charles.31 These instrumentalists were apparently the only musicians from the courts of Isabella and Ferdinand who became part of the retinue of Charles V. The emperor also maintained separate Spanish chapels for other members of the royal family.32 A chapel was established for the Empress Isabella in 1526 at the time of the imperial wedding. After her death in 1539 it was transferred to Prince Philip, the heir apparent,33 and to the Infantas Maria and Juana.34 housed at the Archivo Général de Simancas in Spain, reflect the organization of the Spanish court with the relevant legajos for each household appropriately gathered together. 28 Tess Knighton, ‘“Music, Why Do You Weep?” A Lament for Alexander Agricola (d. 1506)’, Early Music 34 (2006), pp. 427–41, at p. 438, n. 19; Ros-Fábregas, ‘“Foreign” Music and Musicians in Sixteenth-Century Spain’, p. 81. 29 Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, p. xix. 30 Herbert Seifert, ‘The Institution of the Imperial Court Chapel from Maximilian I to Charles VI’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 40–47, at p. 41, likewise reports that following the death of Maximilian, his chapel was disbanded by Charles. 31 Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias’, pp. 764–5; Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, pp. 197, 204; Anglès, La música en la corte de Carlos V, p. 6. The trumpeters and ministriles altos maintained respectively by the Ferdinand and Isabella are discussed in Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony in Late Fifteenth-Century Barcelona’ (PhD diss., Duke U., 1990), who, on p. 86 observed that ‘Ferdinand had a large and impressive group of trumpeters at his disposal.’ 32 Millán and Carlos Morales, La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, identify the musicians and chaplains for the following households: Casa de la emperatriz Isabel, Casa de Castilla del príncipe Felipe, Casa de Borgoña del príncipe Felipe, Casa inglesa del príncipe Felipe, Casa de las infantas Juana y María, Casa de la infanta Juana, Casa de la regente María de Austria, Casa del príncipe don Carlos, and the Casa de la princesa María Manuela. 33 Philip’s musical education and chapel are examined in Tess Knighton, ‘La música en la casa y capilla del Príncipe Felipe (1543–1556): modelos y contextos’, in Luis Robledo Estaire et al., Aspectos de la Cultura Musical en la Corte de Felipe II (Madrid, 2000), pp. 35–97. The Burgundian as well as Castilian traditions as they relate to Philip’s chapel and household are discussed in Robledo Estaire, ‘La estructuración de las casas reales: Felipe II como punto de encuentro y punto de partida’, pp. 1–34. 34 Ros-Fábregas, ‘“Foreign” Music and Musicians in Sixteenth-Century Spain’, p. 81; Bruno Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca: The Composition and Duties of the Music Ensemble at the Court of Charles V, 1515–1558’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 37–45, at p. 37; Homer Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’ (PhD diss., U. of Illinois, 1977),

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This chapel included the famous organist and composer Antonio de Cabezón, who travelled with Prince Philip to England at the time of his marriage to Mary Tudor in 1554. Undoubtedly the Flemish and Spanish Chapels were often in close contact with each other during the periods when Charles resided in Spain. There were certainly many opportunities for joint performances between the Flemish and Spanish musicians. There is also compelling evidence for the presence of northern styles and for musical exchange between northern and Spanish musicians before the reign of Charles V. In an article of 1987 Tess Knighton traced the influence of Burgundian court ceremonial and northern musicians and musical styles in Spain in the years leading up to the period of Charles V,35 and in a later study explored the contacts between the Burgundian chapel, the royal Castilian and Aragonese chapels, and the choir of the Toledo Cathedral during the visit of Philip the Fair and Juana of Castile to Spain in 1502.36 She has argued persuasively that the ceremonies that attended this stay in Toledo should be viewed as occasions for ‘reciprocal cultural enrichment’ as well as ‘cultural hybridization’, and that ‘cultural assimilation and adaptation resulted from the desire on the part of both sides to rival and emulate the other, as well as from a less deliberate but nonetheless important process of cultural osmosis.’37 The presence of ‘foreign’ music and musicians in Spain has also been documented by Emilio Ros-Fábregas, who cites an extensive list of studies which have addressed this issue.38

p. 112. See Ignace Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music: Chronological Outline of Charles’ Political Career through Music’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 83–160, at pp. 155–6, for a discussion of the musicians who served in the chapels of the Empress Isabella, Prince Philip, and the Infantas Maria and Juana. 35 Tess Knighton, ‘Northern Influence on Cultural Developments in the Iberian Peninsula during the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies 1 (1987), pp. 221–37. Also see Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon’, vol. 1, pp. 14–15, 19–20, for a discussion of Burgundian and Spanish cultural exchange. 36 Tess Knighton, ‘A Meeting of Chapels: Toledo, 1502’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 85–102; also see Tess Knighton, ‘Transmisión, difusión y recepción de la polifonía franco-neerlandesa en el reino de Aragón a principios del siglo xvi’, Artigrama 12 (1996–7), pp. 19–38. 37 Knighton, ‘A Meeting of Chapels’, pp. 87, 90; also see Peter Burke, The European Renaissance: Centres and Peripheries (Oxford, 1998), pp. 9, 13. 38 Ros-Fábregas, ‘ “Foreign” Music and Musicians in Sixteenth-Century Spain’, pp. 65–84; also see Charles Jacobs, ‘Sixteenth-Century Instrumental Music: Interrelationships between Spain and the Low Countries’, in Musique des Pays-Bas anciens – Musique espagnole ancienne (ca. 1450–ca. 1650): Colloquia Europalia III, Actas del Coloquio Internacional de Musicología (Brussels, 28–29 October 1985), ed. Paul Becquart and Henri Vanhulst (Louvain, 1988), pp. 115–38.

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C

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

1520–2: the return to the netherlands and the first visit to the empire

harles’s first journey to Spain lasted almost three years. It was during this visit that his paternal grandfather, Emperor Maximilian, died on 12 January 1519. Charles was elected as his successor the following June, and after he was able to secure the funds for the return to the Netherlands, left Spain on 20 May 1520 for his coronation as King of the Romans and Holy Roman Emperor elect at Aachen in October of that year. The next two years would be spent in the Low Countries and the Empire. The two paylists as well as three benefice lists that are extant from this period make it possible to reconstruct the chapel that was present at the subsequent ceremonies in Aachen and at the Diet in Worms. Twenty-seven singers and chaplains, who had appeared on the paylists drawn up in Spain,39 made the journey back to the Low Countries and can be found on a paylist issued 1 June 1521 at Mayence (Mainz)40 (Table 3.3). Anthoine de Berghes as premier chapellain is listed first with the highest salary. Several other chaplains and singers who had also served in the chapels of Philip and Juana continue to appear: Jehan Bauduwin, Philippe Paillette, Henry Bredemers, Nicolas le Liégeois (Champion), Henry Zantman, and Robert Robins. Although reported to have made the journey with Charles to Spain in 1517, Bredemers cannot be found on the rosters issued there, and is believed to have retired in 1518.41 However, he apparently rejoined the chapel for the coronation at Aachen in October 1520, and possibly travelled with Charles during the subsequent trip to the Empire and to England. Nicolas Liégeois (Champion), Henry Zantman, Robert Robins, and Cornille de Grave, who had travelled to Spain in 1517 but are missing from the paylist issued at Saragossa (Zaragoza) the following year,42 were also once again engaged by Charles. Liégeois (Champion) had returned to the Low Countries in 1518 to recruit singers and an organist for the chapel.43 In December 1518 de Grave was paid 25 livres for accompanying 11 singers and an organist to Spain.44 The whereabouts of Zantman and Robins are unknown. 39 See Table 3.1. The rosters issued in Spain in 1517 and 1518, before the trip to the Empire, can be found in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 294–5, and Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, vol. 2, pp. 502–10. 40 Lille, Archives du Nord B3473; modern edition published in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 301–2; Inventaire sommaire des Archives départementales antérieures à 1790, Nord: Archives civiles, Série B: Chambre des Comptes de Lille, ed. A. Desplanque, Chrétien César Auguste Dehaisnes, and Jules Finot (Lille, 1865–95), vol. 8, p. 120; and Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, vol. 2, pp. 511–18. 41 Picker, ‘Bredemers, Henry’, NG2; Zywietz, ‘Bredemers, Henry’, MGG2. Bredemers death has been recorded as May 1522. 42 See Table 3.1. 43 During the intervening period, Liégeois, Zantman, Robins, and de Grave are found on the benefice lists issued by the chapel (Tables 3.2 and 3.4). 44 Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 65; Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de CharlesQuint en 1522’, p. 225.

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Table 3.3  The return to the Netherlands and the visit to the Empire: chapel paylists 1521 and 1522 1 June 1521 • Mayence (Mainz)

22 May 1522 • Bruges

GR ANDE CHAPPELLE

Messire Anthoine De Berghes/ Antoine de Bergues Philippe Paillette/ Phelippe Paillette Sire Hugues des Couleurs Sire Pasquier Pastoris Joannes Deman/ Johannès de Mau, Johannes de Man Franskin de Cambray Sire Nicole Champion Sire Henry Santman/ Henry Sautman, Henry Santeman Sire Henri Bredemers/ Henry Bredeniers Sire Daniel Arents/ Daniel Arentz Anthoine de Dames/ Antoine de Dames Joannes de Lillers/ Johannès de Lillers Sire Allart Théodricy Joannes Willebroot le père Joannes Willebroot le filz Maistre Chrestien de Louvain/ messire Chrétien de Louvain Maistre Jacques Champion Gilles De Formanoir Messire Victor Clita Messire Tristran de Menin/ Tristan de Menin Messire Henry Bredemers/ maître Henry Bredeniers Messire Damien de Florbecke/ maître Damien de Florbèke Messire Mahieu Bastonier/ maître Mahieu Bayomer, Mahieu Bajomer Messire Robert Lestendu Messire Jehan De Braye/ maître Jehan de Braye Jenin Mathieu/ Jennin Mathieu Franskin du Brueck/ Breuck Jehan Baudewin/ Jean Bauduwin, Jehan Bauduwin Henry Semette/ Henry Sermette

xxx s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. ix s. viii s. viii s. vi s. iiii s.

GR ANT CHAPPELLE Ung premier chappellain a xxx s. par jour Sire Anthoine de Berghes, absent et depuis mort Ung maistre de chappelle a xxiiii s. Maistre Claes Liegois, absent et royé Quatre bascontres a xii s. par jour Sire Alard Theoderici Joes Willebroot Maistre Xpien de Louvain Me Rodolf le frezon, absent Quatre haultecontres a xii s. par jour Joes de Lillers Sire Anthoine Lheritier Gobelet Anthoine de Damas, absent et royé Quatre haulteneurs aussi a xii s. par jour Maistre Jacques Champion Gilles de Formanoir Sire Victor Clita Sire Tristan de Menin Maistre Jean Deken Quatre dessus aussi a xii s. par jour Sire Hughes des Couleurs Sire Pasquier Pastoris Fransquin de Cambray Martin Bauduwin, absent et royé Ung maistre des enffans a xviii s. par jour Maistre Nicole Carlier, mort Huyt enffans de chappelle a xiii s. par jour Chappellains de haultes messes a xii par jour Sire Jehan Bouxhoren Sire Pierre Duval Sire Augustin Michiel Sire Pierre Carpentier Ung organiste a xv s. Fleurens Nepotis Ung porteur dorghes a vi s. Bauduwin Ung souffleur a iiii s. Henry Smets Deux clercs de chappelle a viii s. chacun Joes Mathieu Me Jehan Champepin Ung fourrier de la chappelle a x s. p. jour Baudechon le jeusne

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 3.3 continued 1 June 1521 • Mayence (Mainz)

22 May 1522 • Bruges

PETITE CHAPPELLE

Messire Robbert Robins/ Robert Robins L’Évesque de Palerme/ l’évêque de Palance [Palenzia] Sire Guillaume de Vandenesse Maistre Jehan Prévost/ maître Jean Prévôt Messire Cornille De Grave/ messire Cornille Degrave Messire Anthoine Dupont/ messire Antoine Dupont/ Anthoine du Pont Messire Oudart Bersagues/ messire Oudart Bersaques Jenin Morel/ Jennin Morel Rogier Van den Berghe/ Rogier vanden Berghe

xl s.

PETITE CHAPPELLE Ung aulmosnier a xxx s. par jour Sire Guille Vandenesse

xxx s.

Ung soubzaulmosnier a xviii s. par jour, servant de sommelier d’oratoire xviii s. Sire Cornille de Grave mort en son lieu: Odart ix s. de Bersacques ix s. ix s. ix s. viii s. viii s.

TRUMPETER S Jehan de Morfalize/ Morbalize Pierquin de Gandt/ Gand Macabeus/ Macchabeus Nacroix Innocent Estienne du Bois Sépulcre Bastien Bancqsa

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

INSTRUMENTALISTS Franchois/ François de Kenberghe Frédrick/ Frédéric Heydorff Jaspar/ Gaspard Jorys/ Joris Hafz Joachin Tromslagher

viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s.

Trois chappellains des basses messes a ix s. Sire Anthoine du Pont Sire Odart Bersacques Maistre Franchois Screvere Ung sommelier doratoire a ix s. par jour Maistre Jehan Prevost, absent et royé, le soubz aulmosnier sert en son absence Ung clerc doratoire a viii s. par jour Mathieu Hujoel Ung clerc de la petite chappelle a viii s. par jour Rogier Van den Berghe

LADN B3473 BAGR ICM N0391, f098 Straeten VII, pp. 301–2 (trumpeters and Doorslaer, Charles, pp. 219–21 instrumentalists not listed) Inventaire sommaire, VIII, pp. 120–1 (trumpeters and instrumentalists listed) Gachard, Collection, II, pp. 511–18 (trumpeters and instrumentalists listed) a  Not listed in Inventaire sommaire, VIII, p. 121

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While the paylist issued in Spain on 1 September 1518 had shown a chapel reduced in number after the departure of ten chaplains and musicians, by 1 June 1521 the size of the grande chapelle had once again increased to 29 singers and chaplains while the petite chapelle stood at nine. Seven trumpeters and five instrumentalists are also identified (Table 3.3). Guillaume Chevalier, Anthoine François, Martin Bourgeois, Adolf de la Verderue, Fransquin de Rétis, Gilles Moreau, Pierre Duret, Jehan Lommel, Gilles Reyngot,45 and Jehan Loys, all of whom had been associated with the Habsburg Burgundian chapel for some time, no longer appear on this or any subsequent paylists, although their names are cited on benefice lists issued during the period Charles spent in the Empire and the Low Countries (Table 3.4).46 Marbrian de Orto is also missing from the paylist but is identified as le premier chapellain on a benefice list issued at Cologne on 15 November 1520 (Table 3.4), approximately six months earlier and just one month following the ceremonies at Aachen.47 Table 3.5 attempts to reconstruct the chapel present at the coronation at Aachen on 20 October 1520 and at the Diet of Worms during the first half of the following year. Presumably the chapel at Aachen and Worms included the 27 singers and chaplains found on the 1 June 1521 paylist who can be traced back to the paylists issued in Spain. Assuming each served in the chapel continuously in the intervening period, they would have been present at the coronation and the Diet of Worms. To this group may be added Liégeois (Champion), Zantman (Santman), Bredemers, Robins, and de Grave, who can be found on the paylist issued 1 June 1521 at Mainz. They may have rejoined the chapel by October 1520 in time for the coronation.48 Additionally, Jacques Champion most likely was also among the musicians and chaplains who performed at the coronation. His name appears on a benefice list issued on 15 November 1520, less than a month after the ceremonies (see Table 3.4). He is also listed with the singers in a document dated 21 February 1519 detailing payment for service to the chapel.49 The chapel assembled for the coronation may also have included Victor Clita, Anthoine Lhéritier, and Tristan de Menin, among

45 Reyngot was designated ‘chap[pell]ain de madame eleonore’ on several benefice lists. 46 Likewise, Jehan Manghelaere, Jehan Helcheulz, and Jacques Le Roy, whose names have disappeared from the paylists, can be found on benefice lists issued from Spain in 1519 and from Cologne in November 1520 (see Tables 3.2 and 3.4). 47 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds: Papiers d’État et de l’Audience Nr. 1249a; modern edition Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 274–9. Although the document does not indicate where the list was issued, on that date Charles was in Cologne. According to Picker, ‘Orto, Marbrianus de’, NG2, de Orto was also identified as ‘councillor and first chaplain of Charles’s chapel’ on a document issued on 18 May 1518. While de Orto apparently had been engaged to travel to Spain with Charles in 1517, his name is crossed out on a paylist before the voyage. As Charles prepared to return to Spain in 1522, de Orto’s name again appears on court documents, but Picker, ‘The Career of Marbriano de Orto’, p. 537, concludes that he did not make the journey. 48 See Table 3.5; Liégeois (Champion), Zantman, Robins, and de Grave can be found on benefice lists during the intervening period; see Tables 3.2 and 3.4. 49 See n. 22 above.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 3.4  The return to the Netherlands and the visit to the Empire: chapel benefice lists 1520 and 1521 15 Nov. 1520 • (Cologne)

15 May 1521 • Ourme (Worms) 12 July 1521 • Anvers (Antwerp)

Mess[ir]e odart chappellain des Mess[ir]e daniel aruts/ s[ir]e basses messes Daniel arutz mess[ir]e odart chappellain Mess[ir]e mayeu bajomer/ s[ir]e mahyeu bajomer/ mahieu bajome Bauduyn le porte[u]r dorghes Bauwin porte[u]r dorghes

guill[eaum]e le ch[eva]l[ie]r M[aistr]e damyen de florebeke gilles fourmenoir pour ph[ilipp]es son filz Cornille de grave Martin de hombeque s[ir]e nicolas mayoul

Mess[ir]e anthoine de berghes Rogier vand[en] berghe M[aistr]e martin bourgeois M[aistr]e Jaques champion M[aistr]e Jaques champion Le filz de guill[eaum]e ch[eva]l[ie]r Hughes des couleurs Mess[ir]e hughes des couleurs Anthonin du pont M[aistr]e pierre duret Joh[ann]es de man Adolf de la verderue Ernoul fourier de la chapelle M[aistr]e pierre duret Joh[ann]es Willebrot M[aistr]e Laurens foquiere Ernoul de leeuwere fourrier de la chappelle M[aistr]e damyen de florbeke Messire Laurens fouquiere Gilles fourmanoir M[aistr]e damien de florbeke Anthoine francois gilles fourmenoir/ fourmanoir M[aistr]e Jehan helchuelz/ de Francequin souffle[u]r des helchuelz orghes Joh[ann]es de lillers Francisquin de le mer chantre Mess[ir]e Jehan Lommel mess[ir]e cornille de grave Mess[ir]e Jehan mangelaire Johannes de haurecke clerc de chapelle Jehannin morel Mess[ir]e nicole le liegeois/ s[ir]e claes le liegeois M[aistr]e pierre numan Sire Jehan lommel Le p[re]mier chap[pell]ain de Mess[ir]e nicole mayoul orto ph[ilipp]e paillet gillet moreau Mess[ir]e Jehan pancet Pasquier pastoris M[aistr]e Jehan prevost Anthoine du pont Mess[ir]e alard theoderici/ M[aistr]e gilles Reyngot theodorici chap[pell]ain de madame eleonore; chantre Fransquin de Ritis Mess[ir]e tristan chantre Mess[ir]e Robert Robins Mess[ir]e Jehan turreau/ s[ir]e Jehan turreau M[aistr]e Jaques Le Roy sire guill[eaum]e de vendenesse Mess[ir]e alard theodorici Adolf de la verde Rue Thirion de haulx chantre de la Joh[ann]es villebrot le pere chap[pel]le Mess[ir]e guill[eaum]e de vendenesse Adolf de la verde Rue/ verderue BAGR E&A 1249a Schmidt-Görg, pp. 274–9

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BAGR E&A 1249a Schmidt-Görg, pp. 270–1

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Table 3.5  The reconstruction of the chapel of Charles V: the coronation at Aachen and the Diet at Worms Paylist 1 Sept. 1518 • Saragosse (Zaragoza) Grande Chappelle de Berghes Theodrichy Chevalier Paillette Willebroot

RECONSTRUCTION Coronation/Diet at Worms Oct. 1520/ Jan.–May 1521 • Aachen/ Worms de Berghes Theodorici Paillette Willebroot

Paylist 1 June 1521 • Mayence (Mainz) Grande Chappelle de Berghes Theodrichy

Pastoris Arents Burals Deman Florbecke Formanoir Lillers Couleurs Mauguelaire Batonier Lieuwere Mathieu Morel

Pastoris Arents

Paillette Willebroot le père and Willebroot le filz Pastoris Arents

Deman Florbecke Fourmanoir Lilliers Couleurs

Deman Florbecke Formanoir Lillers Couleurs

Batonier

Bastonier

Mathieu Morel

Bauduwin du Breuc

Bauduwin du Brueck

Mathieu Listed under the petite chappelle Baudewin du Brueck

Absent from 1518 paylist; found on benefice lists which follow Champion (Liegeois) Santman Bredemers

N. Champion (Liegeois) Santman Bredemers

Recruited in 1518 Clita Lheritier

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Tristan

Clita Not listed but appears on subsequent paylists Tristran de Menin

Can be traced to the chapel as early as 1519 Jacques Champion

J. Champion

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Table 3.5 continued Paylist 1 Sept. 1518 • Saragosse (Zaragoza)

Petite Chappelle Vandenesse le Roy Helcuez Prévost Bersaques du Pont vanden Berghe

RECONSTRUCTION Coronation/Diet at Worms Oct. 1520/ Jan.–May 1521 • Aachen/ Worms

Paylist 1 June 1521 • Mayence (Mainz)

Date of entry in chapel uncertain ? de Cambray ? de Dames ? de Louvain ? Lestendu ? de Braye ? Semette

de Cambray de Dames de Louvain Lestendu de Braye Semette

Vandenesse

Petite Chappelle Vandenesse

Prevost Bersaques du Pont vanden Berghe

Prevost Bersaques Dupont vanden Berghe

Absent from 1518 paylist; found on benefice lists which follow Robins de Grave

Robins de Grave

Listed under grande chappelle on 1 September 1518 Morel

Morel

the singers recruited for the chapel by Liégeois in 1518.50 Also possibly present was a group of singers and chaplains, first recorded on the 1 June 1521 paylist. The date on which they were enrolled in the chapel has not been determined, leaving the possibility that they may have been part of Charles’s retinue at Aachen in October 1520 or Worms between January and May 1521. Charles chose to remain in the Low Countries for another year. A paylist issued 22 May 1522,51 three days before he departed for Spain, appears to indicate the chaplains and singers who most likely had served in the chapel during the previous year (Table 3.3). Thirty singers and chaplains are listed for the grande chapelle and nine for the petite chapelle. The singers were paid 12 sous per day, consistent with earlier documents. With premier chapellain Anthoine de Berghes listed as absent 50 See n. 21 above. 51 Brussels, Archives du Royaume, Inventaire des Cartulaires et Manuscrits, No.391, fo.98; modern edition in Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, pp. 219–21.

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et depuis mort and maître des enffans Nicole Carlier as mort, it is unclear who led the chapel as they left for Spain. Carlier had served at the Church of Our Lady in Antwerp until 1522,52 immediately before the first record of his enrolment in the chapel of Charles V. On the face of it, the document is unclear as to whether he made the voyage to Spain. However, the designation as mort must have been added later. Carlier’s tenure with the chapel was apparently very brief, as he died in 1523.53 It is also possible that de Berghes may have travelled with the chapel to Spain. He did not die until 17 April 1540,54 so the notice of his death on the paylist must have also been entered at a later date. Maître de chapelle Nicolas le Liégeois is listed as absent et royé with his name crossed out. Although it does not appear that Liégeois departed with the chapel in 1522,55 a year later he was in Spain, holding the position of interim maître de chapelle. By 1524 he can again be found in the Netherlands on a mission to recruit six new singers and a new maître des enffans, following the death of Carlier.56 He can also be found on a benefice list issued on 2 October 1526. His death has been recorded as 26 September 1533.57 Several other chapel members are also cited in this roster as either absent, dead, or their names crossed out: Rodolf Bascontre (le Frezon), Anthoine de Dames, Martin Bauduwin, Cornille de Grave and Jehan Prévost. A significant change in the organization of the chapel is apparent in this paylist for 22 May 1522. This is the first extant paylist to designate a maître de chapelle and a maître des enffans. Up to this point the chapel had been led by the premier chapellain, a position that had been held since 1510 by Anthoine de Berghes and Marbrian de Orto with a daily salary of 18 sous. In 1517 that sum had been increased to 30 sous. At the onset of the second journey to Spain, and possibly reflective of Charles’s new status as King of the Romans and Holy Roman Emperor elect, the leadership of the chapel was shared with the maître de chapelle and the maître des enffans at 24 and 18 sous per day respectively. This roster is particularly valuable since it lists for the first time the distribution of voices in the chapel: four bascontres, four haultecontres, five haulteneurs, four dessus, and eight enffans de chappelle. It also indicates some significant changes in the composition of the chapel. Singers who had travelled with Charles during the past two years continue to fill most of the positions in the choir.58 However, new personnel can be found, replacing members who had died, retired, or were unable to make yet another trip to Spain. The organist Fleurens Nepotis is listed for the first time. His name would appear consistently in subsequent paylists extant from 52 Kristine K. Forney, ‘Music, Ritual and Patronage at the Church of Our Lady, Antwerp’, Early Music History 7 (1987), pp. 1–57, at p. 46. 53 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 223. 54 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 222. 55 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 224. 56 Eugeen Schreurs, ‘Champion, Nicolaus’, MGG2. 57 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 224; Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 142. 58 Bascontres: Theoderici, Willebroot, and de Louvain; Haultecontres: de Lillers, Lheritier and Gobelet; Haulteneurs: Champion, de Formanoir, Clita, de Menin and Deken; Dessus: des Couleurs, Pastoris, and de Cambray.

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1524, 1525, and 1528, although he may have returned in 1525 to the chapel of Margaret of Austria, where, before his departure to Spain in 1522, he had held the position of assistant to the organist Henry Bredemers.59 On the other hand, Marbrian de Orto, Henry Bredemers, Philippe Paillette, and Henry Zantman, whose tenures with the Habsburg Burgundian court date back to the period of Philip the Fair, have disappeared from the chapel rosters.60 Only the porteur d’orghes Jehan Bauduwin can be traced back to the chapels of Philip and Juana. Missing as well are Robert Robins, Daniel Arents, Johannes Deman, and Mahieu Bajomer, whose tenures with the chapel date back a number of years.61 At the same time the group of singers and chaplains assembled for the return to Spain reflect a chapel that would remain reasonably stable throughout the 1520s during the seven years Charles spent in Spain, his longest sojourn on the Iberian peninsula. A newly discovered document in the Archivo Général de Simancas62 also may date from the period immediately before Charles’s departure for Spain (Table 3.6). Described as the ‘Casa Real Emperador 1522 a 1528’, in the inventory of documents at the archive, the roster would seem to date from the beginning of that period. The positions of premier chapellain, maître de la chapelle, and maître des enffans are cited without name at the head of the list of chaplains and singers. While it is unclear who might have filled the positions of maître de la chapelle and maître des enffans, Anthoine de Berghes is identified as premier chapellain by his signature at the end of the document. This undated document thus predates the departure of de Berghes from the chapel. Since it is among the very few chapel rosters of the Capilla Flamenca found today in Spanish archives, it may have been drafted in Spain: this suggests the intriguing possibility that de Berghes did accompany Charles there in 1522.63

59 Martin Picker, ‘Nepotis, Florens’, NG2. Nepotis is recorded at the court of Mary of Hungary after Margaret’s death, but apparently returned to the chapel of Charles V in 1532; see also Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 57–8; Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 217, 305–6; Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, pp. 226–8. Bruno Bouckaert, ‘Nepotis, Florens’, MGG2, contends that the return to the court of Margaret of Austria in 1525 cannot be defended by documents. According to Martin Picker, ed., The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria: MSS 228 and 11239 of the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1965), p. 30, after Margaret’s death, Nepotis served in the chapel of Mary of Hungary. 60 According to Picker, ‘The Career of Marbriano de Orto’, p. 537, de Orto did not return to Spain with the chapel although clothing for the journey had been bought for him; see J. Duverger, ‘Florequin Nepotis, orgelist van Margareta van Oostenrijk en van Karel V (na 1495–1537)’, in Miscellanea Musicologica Floris van der Mueren (Ghent, 1950), pp. 99–113, at pp. 109–10. Picker also reported in ‘Bredemers, Henry’, NG2, that in 1521 Bredemers can be found as provost at Saint-Aubain in Namur. His death occurred in May 1522. 61 Robins, Deman, and Bajomer are found on subsequent benefice lists. 62 Archivo Général de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales Legajo 29, Folio 13/777. 63 According to Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 222, de Berghes did not die until 17 April 1540.

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Table 3.6  Chapel roster: Casa Real Emperador, 1522–8 Monsieur le premier chappellain Monsieur le maistre de la chappelle Le maistre des enfans Pour les huyt enfans Mess[ir]e hughes des caullers Mess[ir]e pasquie[r] pastoris franchois de le met[niet] martin de son(u)gnie[r] Johannes de Liters Mess[ir]e anthone Brayart [Te]hunequin des dames Mess[ir]e Jehan Gobelet Gilles Formanoir Mess[ir]e Victor Mess[ir]e Trascony maistre Jacques mess[ir]e allart Johannes Wilbroit maistre crstian mess[ir]e Jehan Con[u]tse[o]r [Coustre] Organiste fleurquin

Hugues des Couleurs Pasquier Pastoris

Dessus Dessus

Johannes de Lillers

Haultecontre

Anthoine de Damas Jehan Gobelet Gilles Formanoir Victor Clita

Haultecontre Haultcontre Haulteneur Haulteneur

Jacques Champion Allart Théodricy Johannes Willebrot Chrestien de Louvain Jehan de Coustre

Haulteneur Bascontre Bascontre Bascontre

Fleurens Nepotis

Organist

Chappellains des haultes messes Maistre Pierre du val Mess[ir]e Pierre caspentier Mess[ir]e augustin de liers

Pierre Duval Pierre Carpentier Augustin Michiel

Chappellain des haultes messes Chappellain des haultes messes Chappellain des haultes messes

Clercs de chappelle Johannes han[u]rech fransquin du breuch

Johannes de Haurecke Franskin du Brueck

Anthone de Berghes, premier chappellain

Anthoine de Berghes

premier chappellain

AGS CySR Legajo 29, fol.13/777

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T

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

1522–8: the return to spain

he arrival of the court at Santander on 16 July 1522 marked the beginning of a continuous seven-year period Charles would spend in Spain. During this time he travelled with his chapel throughout Spain; the rosters emanating from Burgos on 1 June 1524, Toledo on 1 June 1525, and Monzon on 1 July 1528 reflect the itinerant nature of his reign. The paylists provide evidence of a gradual increase in the size of the grande chapelle (Table 3.7). Altough the size of the petite chapelle remained constant at seven, the grande chapelle increased from 31 and 33 in two paylists from 1524 and 1523, to 37 in 1525 and 41 in 1528.64 A degree of stability emerges. The amount allotted on the daily escroes remained consistent, and while new singers and chaplains were recruited as the size of the chapel increased, few left its ranks. At the end of this period, in 1528, most of the singers and chaplains who had been recruited for the trip to Spain in 1522 were still on the rolls. While some members of the chapel, who had made the trip north for the emperor’s coronation as King of the Romans, either retired or chose not to make the second journey back to Spain, their positions were filled by singers and chaplains who would remain with the chapel throughout the 1520s. Although the paylists issued from Spain in 1523, 1524, 1525, and 1528 (Table 3.7) provide no designation of either premier chappellain or maître de chapelle, Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart is identified as maître de la chapelle, in a benefice list issued on 2 October 1526 (Table 3.8).65 In a paylist issued two years later, on 1 July 1528 (Table 3.7), he drew the highest salary. Thiebault would serve in the chapel for about 12 years. He was identified as maestro de capilla on a chapel roster issued from Spain in 1533–466 and in a document dating from 27 August 1538 was recorded as chapel master ‘receiving funds for the travel expenses of three singers and five choirboys who were to join the court in Spain’.67 The position of maître des enffans in this period was held successively by Nicole Carlier (1522–3), Nicolas le Liégeois (Champion) (1523), Jacques Champion (1524–8), and Nicolas Gombert (1529–c. 1538).68 64 Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 62, identified 12 choristers with unchanged voices on the paylist dated 1 June 1525. Although it is not clear whether they were so designated on the paylist, almost all are identified on the 1526 benefice list as enfant de chapelle. 65 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds: Papiers d’État et de l’Audience Nr. 1249a bis; modern edition in Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 279–90, 67–8; also see Robert J. Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault, Maestro of the Flemish Chapel of Charles V, 1526–1540’, Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicologia 12 (1996), pp. 459–509; Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 1, pp. 184–5; vol. 7, pp. 308–13; vol. 8, pp. 356, 369; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 22–4. 66 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. 3.825, fols. 57–66; modern edition published in Millán and Carlos Morales, La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, pp. 169–78. 67 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 116, who adds that ‘in this case they were to travel by land on horseback as safe passage across French soil was possible due to the Peace of Ten Years.’ Also see Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, p. 41. 68 Eugeen Schreurs, ‘Musical Relations between the Court and Collegiate Chapels in the Netherlands, 1450–1560’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music

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Messire Rodolf Bascoutre

xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s. xviii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

Sire Victor Clita Sire Hughes des Colleurs

Sire Pasquier Pastoris Fransquin de Cambray Maistre Nicole de Carlier Sire Pierre du Val Sire Augustin Michiel Sire Pierre Carpentier Fleurkin Népotis

* Date determined by Doorslaer, Charles, p. 217.

Messire Jaques Champion Sire Pierre Duval Sire Augustin Michiel Sire Pierre Carpentier Fleurens Népotis Messire Jehan Deken Baudechon le Jeusne

Sire Pasquier Pastoris Franskin de Cambray

Messire Chrestien de Louvain Sire Jehan Boxphoren Johannes de Lillers Sire Anthoine Lhéritier Sire Obelet Gilles de Formanoir Sire Hugues des Couleurs

GR ANDE CHAPPELLE Johannes Willebroot Sire Alart Théodericy

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xviii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. x s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

1 June 1524 • Bourghes (Burgos)

Maistre Chrestien de Louvain Maistre Jehan Bouxhoren Antoine/Anthoine/ de Dames Joannes de Lillers Sire Anthoine l’Héritier Gobelet Maistre Jacques/ Jaques/ Champion Gilles de Fourmanoir

GR ANDE CHAPPELLE Joannes Villebroot Sire Alard Théodrici

(1523)* • (Spain)

Sire (me.)Rodolf Bascoutre/ bascontre Sire Pasquier Pastoris Sire Frasquin de Cambraiz/ Fransquin de Cambray Sire (me.) Jaques Champion Sire Pierre Duval Sire Augustin Michiel Sire Pierre Carpentier Sire Leurens/ fleurens Nepotis Messire Jehan Deken Sire Josse Vanden Bruck/ Bruele

GR ANDE CHAPPELLE (se.) Johannes Willebroot Sire Allart Théodricy/ Alard theodericij (me.)Sire Chrestien de Louvain Sire Jehan Bouxhoren Johannes de Lillers Sire Anthoine Lhéritier Gobelet Gilles de Formanoir Sire Hughes des Couleurs

xviii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

xii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

xii s. xii s.

1 June 1525 • Tholedo (Toledo)

Table 3.7  The return to Spain: chapel paylists 1523–8

se. pierre Duval me. Jacques champion me. Augustin michiel se. Pierre carpentier Floris nepotis Michiel de wolf me. Jehan Deecken

se. pasquier pastoris franskin de cambray

me. Rodolf bascontre

me. chrestien de louuain se. Joannes bouxhorens Joannes lilleers se. anthoine lheritier Gobelet Gilles de formanoir se. hughes des couleurs

GR ANDE CHAPPELLE Joannes willebroet se. alardt theoderici

1 July 1528 • (Monzon)

xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f.

xii f. xii f.

xii f.

xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f.

xii f. xii f.

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Messire Jehan Champepin Jehan Baudewin Henry Smetz

Léo Pautemer Ancelmus du Rieu Colin Payen Jacobus Alardi Baltazar Doye Joachin du Quesne Johannes Robbert dit Pickart Joannes de Paniero

x s. viii s. viii s.

vi s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s.

Baudeken Le Jeusne Jennin Mathieu Fransquin du Breuck/ Franskin du Breuck Jehan Baudewyn/ Bauduwyn Henry Smets Joannes Courcelle Anchelmus Du Rieu Colin Payen Jacobus Alardy Baltazar d’Oye/ Paltazur d’Oye Joachin du Quesne

Joannes Robert dit Picquart iiii s. Joannes de Panerio/ Joannes de iiii s. Punerio

Jennin Mathieu

iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s.

viii s. vi s. iiii s.

viii s.

1 June 1524 • Bourghes (Burgos)

Maistre Jehan Decken/ Deeken xii s.

(1523)* • (Spain)

iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s.

†Jaquet Valckenere †Jaquet Orschotte †Johannes Wittenbroot †Woutre Van den Dycke

Jacobus alardi Joannes Robert dit pickart Joannes de punero Jacquet valckenere Joannes wittenbroet Laurens de la Heye Wouter vanden dycke Joachim du quesne

Jehan baudewin Cornelis swaen

Mathias Roydumel Jacques Liegois Henry bonte se. adrien bracquet Godtscale koem Baudechon le Jeusne se. Joannes mathieu me. Jehan champepin

me. adrien pickart me. Nicolle gumbert Philippe ymer

se. Josse vanden bruele

1 July 1528 • (Monzon)

† Unchanged voices identified by Schmidt-Görg, pp. 62–4

iiii s. iiii s.

vi s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s. iiii s.

x s. viii s. viii s.

xii s.

Jehan Baudewin Henriz Smetz/ Smets †Léo Poutemer/ pantenir †Ancelmus du Rieu †Colin Payen †Jacobus Alardy †Baltazar Doye †Joachim Du Quesne/ duquesne †Johannes Robert dit Pickart †Johannes de Paniero/ punero

Franchois de Merseille/ dey merselle Baudechon le jeusne Jennin Mathieu Messire Jehan Champepin

1 June 1525 • Tholedo (Toledo)

Table 3.7 continued

iiii f. iiii f. iiii f. iiii f. iiii f. iiii f. iiii f. iiii f.

vi f. iiii f.

xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f. xii f. x f. viii f. viii f.

xx f. xviii f. xii f.

xii f.

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Sire Anthoine Dupont Sire Odart Bersaques Messire Franchois Screvere

Mathieu Hujoel Rogier Van den Berghe

ix s. ix s. ix s.

viii s. viii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s.

viii s. vii s. vii s.

TRUMPETER S Pierquin de Gand Macabeus Nacroix Estienne Du Bois Sépulcre Baptiste Bancqs

INSTRUMENTALISTS Frederick Heydorffer Joris Haffz Joachin Tromslagher

source not identified Straeten VII, p. 304

Sire Cornille de Grave

xviii s.

BAGR EMSG, Tome II, fol. 55 Straeten VII, p. 307 (trumpeters and instrumentalists not listed) Gachard, Collection, III, pp. 389–96 (trumpeters and instrumentalists listed)

PETITE CHAPPELLE Sire Guillaume de Vandenesse

xviii s.

viii s. viii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s.

xviii s.

xxx s.

1 June 1524 • Bourghes (Burgos)

PETITE CHAPPELLE Sire Guillaume/ Guillame/ Vandenesse Sire Cornille De Grave/ Cornille Degrave Sire Anthoine Dupont Sire Odart Bersaques Maistre Franchois Schrever/ Schermer Rogier Van den Berghe Mathieu Hujoel

(1523)* • (Spain)

LADN B3475 Straeten VII, p. 303 Schmidt-Görg, pp. 47–8

Rogier Van den Berghe Mathieu Hujoel

Sire Anthoine Dupont Sire Odart Bersacques Sire Franchois Screvere

Sire Cornille de Grave

PETITE CHAPPELLE Sire Guillaume de Vandenesse

viii s. viii s.

xii s. xii s. xii s.

xviii s.

xxx s.

1 June 1525 • Tholedo (Toledo)

Table 3.7 continued

VHHS OMeA SR 181 Federhofer, pp. 176–7

Rougier vanden Berghe Nicolas Loys

se. anthoine du pont me. franchois screuere me. laurens faulcquer

se. odart bersacquis

PETITE CHAPPELLE se. guillaume de vandenesse

1 July 1528 • (Monzon)

viii f. viii f.

xii f. xii f. xii f.

xii f.

xxx f.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 3.8  The return to Spain: chapel benefice lists 1523 and 1526 6 March 1523 • Valladolid

Mess[ir]e odart guill[eaum]e chevalier pour son filz Joh[ann]es de man Mess[ir]e anthoine leritier Joh[ann]es de Lillers s[ir]e Jehan Lommel Joh[ann]es mahyeu al[ia]s de hauret s[ir]e Jehan mangelaire Jenin morel Anthonin du pont Maistre Jehan prevost m[aistr]e gilles Reyngot: chapp[ell]ain de madame eleonore Le filz de franskin de Ritis Mess[ir]e Robert Robins

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2 October 1526 • Granada Jacobus adrian enfant de chappelle Jacobus alardi enfant de chappelle Mess[ir]e/ M[aistr]e odart de bersac/ bersackes soubz aulmosnier Mess[ir]e mathieu bajomer fre[re] de colin Baudesson le Josne fourr[ier] de chappelle Baud porteur dorghes Rogier vand[en] berghe clerc des basses messes/ clerc de chappelle M[aistr]e anthoine de berghes †Henricus bont chantre †M[aistr]e Jehan boxornen/ boxorne chantre †M[aistr]e adrian/ Adrien bracquet chantre M[aistr]e/ Messire Josse van der belre/ broele chantre M[aistr]e rodolphe/ adolp campin chantre Alphonse carlier filz de m[aistr]e nicole feu m[aistr]e des enfants M[aistr]e pierre carpentier/ capentier chappell[ain] Johachin du cayne enfant de chappelle M[aistr]e Jacques/ Jaques champion m[aistr]e des enfans Nicolas champion M[aistr]e hugues des couleurs chantre M[aistr]e Jehan deke chantre Baldesar Doyen enfant de chappelle Mess[ir]e/ M[aistr]e pierre duval chappell[ain] de haultes mes[ses] Valterus vand[en] dick/ vandick enfant de chappelle M[aistr]e Laurens faulquier chappell[ain] France fine chantre Gilles fourmanoir chantre ph[ilipp]e de formanoir filz de gilles chantre M[aistr]e chr[est]ien frizon chantre M[aistr]e Jehan gobelet chantre M[aistr]e nicolas gobert chantre Laurens de la haye enfant de chap[pel]le †Henry le souffleur M[aistr]e anthoine lheritier chantre M[aistr]e Jaques le liegeois chantre Mess[ir]e/ M[aistr]e Johannes/ Jehan de lillers chantre Mess[ir]e Jehan de lizon Le filz de Jehan loys jad[is] chantre Johannes mathieu dit cappelleman

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Table 3.8 continued 6 March 1523 • Valladolid

2 October 1526 • Granada Francisquin/ Francois delmer/ del mayre (maire) chantre †M[aistr]e augustin michiel chappellain Florequin/ Florekin nepotis organiste Mathieu ogienel clerc doratoire †Johannes panin clerc de laulmosnier/ chappell[ain] de laulmosn[ie]r M[aistr]e/ Mess[ir]e pasquier pastoris chantre Leon pantener/ panthenier enfant de chappelle Nicolas payen enfant de chappelle Johannes de pomereux enfant de chapp[el]le M[aistr]e anthoine du Pont chappellain Anselmus/ Ancelmus du Reux enfant de chappelle Mathias ridemont chantre Johannes roberti enfant de chap[pel]le M[aistr]e françois screvere chappellain Sepulchre de brusis filz du trompette †Mess[ir]e/ M[aistr]e alard/ allard theoderici/ theodorici chantre M[aistr]e adrian/ Adrien/ adriain th[iebau]lt maistre de la chapelle/ chantre Johannes villebrot chantre Johannes vittebrot enfant de chappelle Phelippe /Phellipes/ Ph[ilipp]e) yuer/ yner chantre

BAGR E&A 1249a Schmidt-Görg, pp. 269–70

BAGR E&A 1249a bis Schmidt-Görg, pp. 279–90 Rudolf, pp. 344–8

Carlier, who had appeared as maître des enffans but was designated as mort on the roster issued 22 May 1522 (Table 3.3),69 was apparently replaced in 1523 by Nicolas le Liégeois (Champion), who had been a singer and chaplain successively in the chapels of Philip, Juana, and Charles since 1501.70 His brother Jacques Champion, who had joined the chapel in 1519, assumed the post of maître des enffans in 1524 until he was replaced in 1528 by Nicolas Gombert, who held the position until he left the chapel sometime before 1540.71 and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 103–20, at pp. 105, 108. 69 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 220. Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 23, reported that Carlier held the position of Knabenkapellmeister in 1522–3, but was already dead by 1524. 70 See discussion above. 71 Schreurs, ‘Champion, Jacobus’, MGG2.

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The composition of the chapel in this period changed relatively little, with only a few singers disappearing and being replaced.72 Although the paylists which emanated from Spain between 1523 and 1528 fail to indicate voice designations, it is possible to reconstruct the distribution of voices as it existed in this period (see Table 3.9).73 Although there is some variation, generally three voices are assigned to each of the three lower parts while three adult dessus plus between seven and ten unchanged voices are assigned to the highest part. The most prestigious of the emperor’s musicians in this period was Nicolas Gombert, found for the first time on a benefice list dating from 2 October 1526 (Table 3.8) and subsequently appointed maître des enffans in 1529. However, Gombert may have held this position as early as 1 July 1528, when he, along with Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart, received higher salaries than the rest of the chapel (see Table 3.7).74 In 1555 the Spanish theorist Juan Bermudo described Gombert’s compositions as profound,75 and the originality of Gombert’s style and its influence on other composers was noted by theorist Hermann Finck, who, in his 1556 treatise Practica musica, observed Yet in our own time there are innovators, among whom Nicolas Gombert, pupil of Josquin of fond memory, shows all musicians the path, nay more, the exact way to refinement and the requisite imitative style. He composes music altogether different from what went before. For he avoids pauses, and his work is rich with full harmonies and imitative counterpoint.76 In his first two years as a member of the emperor’s chapel, Gombert provided motets for two important royal occasions: the marriage of Charles and Isabella of Portugal and the birth a year later of a son and heir, Philip II. Gombert’s Missa Sur tous regretz was most likely composed for the emperor’s coronation at Bologna in 1530.

72 By 1526 the names of Cornille de Grave and Jaquet Orschotte had disappeared from the chapel rosters. Found for the first time on the benefice list issued 2 October 1526 were Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart, Nicolas Gombert, Adrien Bracquet, Philippe Ymer, Henri Bonte, and Mathias Reydummel. Tenor Michiel de Wolf (Lupus), who served in the chapel until 1553, is found for the first time on the roster issued 1 July 1528. 73 Singers had been identified with voice designations on the roster issued immediately before the departure for Spain. Many continued to serve in the chapel. It has been possible to identify the voice designations of others who subsequently joined the chapel. Additionally, the benefice list issued at Granada on 2 October 1526 clearly designates some singers as enfant de chapelle thus making it possible to identify those with unchanged voices. 74 Jacques Champion, who had previously held the position of maître des enffans, is shown on this paylist with a salary that has been reduced. 75 Juan Bermudo, Declaración de instrumentos musicales, 1555, facsimile edition, ed. Macario Santiago Kastner, Documenta Musicologica 11 (Kassel and Basel, 1957), fol. xviii verso; George Nugent and Eric Jas, ‘Gombert, Nicholas’, NG2. 76 Hermann Finck, Practica musica (Wittenberg, 1556), facsimile edition (Bologna, [1969]), folio Aii; translation from Nugent and Jas, ‘Gombert, Nicholas’, NG2.

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Table 3.9  The distribution of voices, 1522–8 Paylist 22 May 1522 Bruges

Paylist (1523)

Paylist 1 June 1524 Burgos

Bascontres Alard Theoderici Alard Théodrici Alart Théodericy Joes Willbroot Joannes Villebroot Johannes Willebroot Xpien de Louvain Chrestien de Chrestien de Louvain Louvain Rodolf le frezon Rudolf Bascoutre Haultecontres Joes de Lillers Anthoine Lheritier Gobelet Anthoine de Damas Haulteneurs Jacques Champion Gilles de Formanoir Victor Clita Tristan de Menin Jean Deken Dessus Hughes des Couleurs Pasquier Pastoris Fransquin de Cambray Martin Bauduwin Huyt enffans

Joannes de Lillers Johannes de Lillers Anthoine Anthoine l’Héritier Lhéritier Gobelet Obelet Antoine de Dames Jacques Champion Gilles de Fourmanoir Victor Clita Jehan Decken

Allart Théodricy Johannes Willebroot Chrestien de Louvain

Paylist 1 July 1528 Monzon alardt theoderici Joannes willebroet chrestien de louuain

Rodolf Bascoutre Rodolf bascontre Mathias Roydumel Johannes de Lillers Anthoine Lhéritier Gobelet

Joannes lilleers anthoine lheritier Gobelet

Jaques Champion Jaques Champion Jacques champion Gilles de Formanoir

Gilles de Formanoir

Gilles de formanoir

Jehan Deken

Jehan Deken

Jehan Deecken

Hugues des Hugues des Hughes de hughes des Colleurs Couleurs Couleurs couleurs Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris pasquier pastoris Fransquin de Franskin de Frasquin de franskin de Cambray Cambray Cambraiz cambray

Anchelmus Du Rieu Colin Payen Jacobus Alardy Baltazar d’Oye Joachin du Quesne Joannes Robert dit Picquart Joannes de Panerio

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Paylist 1 June 1525 Toledo

Léo Pautemer Léo Poutemer Ancelmus du Rieu Ancelmus du Rieu Colin Payen Jacobus Alardi Baltazar Doye Joachin du Quesne Johannes Robbert dit Pickart Johannes de Paniero

Colin Payen Jacobus Alardy Jacobus alardi Baltazar Doye Joachim Du Joachim du Quesne quesne Robert dit Pickart Joannes Robbert dit pickart Johannes de Joannes de punero Paniero Johannes Joannes Wittenbroot wittenbroet Woutre Van den Wouter vanden Dycke dycke Laurens de la Heye

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1529–33: italy, the empire, and the netherlands

n 1529 Charles left Spain for Italy, the Empire, the Netherlands, and a period of   extensive travel that would last almost four years. The departure from Palamós at the end of July marked the end of the seven-year sojourn in Spain, the longest period Charles would spend on the Iberian peninsula. Accompanied by a retinue of singers and chaplains as well as by ministriles from the Castilian household,77 he would journey through the conquered territories in Italy to arrive the following February at Bologna for his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor. Two documents pertaining to chapel personnel in this period are extant: a list of payments made to the chapel between January 1530 and September 1531 from the chapel accounts,78 and a list of benefices issued from Brussels on 30 September 1531 (Table 3.10).79 The chapel accounts are particularly valuable as they tell us who was paid during this period of travel. While the entries for some dates record wages given to individuals or small groups, on some significant occasions a sizable number of chaplains and musicians are listed, revealing the personnel of the entire chapel, or, at the very least, most of it on that particular day. As a case in point, are those who were paid on 1 April 1530, the date the chapel departed from Bologna following the coronation (Table 3.11). Presumably the singers and chaplains paid on that day had performed at the coronation ceremonies in February. Twenty-six chaplains and singers are listed, and the chapel was led by maître de chapelle Adrien Thiebault (Adrien Pickart) and maître des enffans Nicolas Gombert. Likewise, several lists of payments made to the chapel during its residence at Augsburg later the same year would seem to indicate those present at this important conclave. As Charles travelled north, eventually reaching the Netherlands, the paylists issued from Cologne and Brussels reveal the chapel that accompanied him. There is a remarkable degree of stability in the chapel personnel in this period. Of the chaplains and singers found on the last extant paylist issued from Spain on 1 July 1528, virtually all appear to have accompanied Charles to Italy,80 and the core of singers and chaplains who had departed from Spain in the summer of 1529 continued to travel with the court throughout Italy, the Empire, and the Netherlands during the next three and a half years. With but a few exceptions, the 77 Robledo Estaire, ‘‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias’, p. 766, cites pay records to instrumentalists in the Archivo Général de Simancas; also see Anglès, La música en la corte de Carlos V, p. 36. Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, p. 43, reports that nine Spanish ministriles from the Castilian household accompanied Charles to the coronation in Italy. 78 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Chambre des Comptes Nr. 1834 and 1835; modern edition in Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 304–22. 79 Vienna, Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv, Rotulus A nominationum per Carolum V. Imp.[eratorem] concessarum; modern edition in Othmar Wessely, ‘Hofkapellmitglieder und andere Musiker in zwei Preces-Registern Karls V.’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft: Beihefte der Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 40 (1991), pp. 7–14, at pp. 8–13. 80 Only Guillaume de Vandenesse, Augustin Michiel, and Cornelis Zwanen seem to have disappeared from the chapel rosters. Zwanen later rejoined the chapel after Charles returned to Spain.

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Table 3.10  Italy, the Empire, and the Netherlands: chapel benefice list 1531 30 September 1531 • (Brussels) Nicolaus Faber Elemosynarius Regis Rom.[anorum] Odoardus Elemosynarius Adrianus Picart Franciscus Streuer Franciscus Lemec (François Merselle) Joannes Lillers Cantor Antonius Lheritier Johannes Willebrot Cantor Hugo de Coloribus Cantor Petrus de valle Cantor et Capellanus (Petrus Duval) Jacobus Champion Cantor Petrus Carpentarius Cantor & Capellan[us] Joannes Lyson Capellanus ( Jean Mayoul dit Joannes Lyson) Joannes Gobelet Cantor Joesse Broele Rodolphus Campingius (Rudolf Campingk/ Rodolfe Bascontre) Aegidius Fourmanoir Mathias Redomi Cantor (Matthias Ridemont) Nicolaus Gombert Philippus yuer Joannes Cappelman ( Jemin Mathieu dit Cappelman) Henricus Bonnt Jacobus Bamelroy ( Jacques Liégeois dit Bammelroy) Michiel Wolff

Franciscus Vaure Joannes Pachy Florentius Nepotis organista Chri[sti]anus Becke (Christian Beckere) Johannes du Champepin Baldewinus le Jeusne fourier Hugo Robette, Cantor (Hugues Robet) Marcus de Moor Joannes Prouost Antonius de Ponte Laurentius Faulguier Johanns Rotgerus van Bergen Rogerius van Berghen Nicolaus Loys Nicolaus Couin Capellan[us] Archerior[um] Pascasius Cantor Isaac Lheritier Infans Capellae Joannes Robertus infans Capellae Philibertus Willemot Capellanus Consilij Fr[ater]Aegidius pro Joanne Egnoye Wolfgangus Renner Capellanus des hallebardiers Boys Trompetta Verbonnet pro filio Sepulchro Trompetta Joannes Sarrot Infans Capellae Joannes Coclaeus pro nepote ( Johannes Cochlaeus)

VHHS Rotulus A nominationum per Carolum V. Imp.[eratorem] concessarum Wessely, pp. 8–13

names found on the payment accounts issued at Bologna, Augsburg, Cologne, and Brussels (Table 3.11) can be traced back to the chapel Charles had formed during the seven years he had spent in Spain. Somewhat surprisingly, Charles seems to have enrolled few new singers for the journey. In 1529 Gilles Reyngot had been enlisted to recruit singers for Charles in the Netherlands, and had apparently returned to the chapel as he was identified as chantre de la chapelle dommestique de l’empereur in documents detailing his expenditures. The documents do not name the singers, who were first directed to travel to Spain, but were later instructed to join the chapel in Germany.81 Thus it seems unlikely they were present at the time of the coronation. Although voice designations are lacking in the extant documents from this period, the singers previously identified as bascontres, haultecontres, and haulteneurs, and indicated as such on Table 3.9, continue to be found on the paylists throughout the period. This leads to the conclusion that the distribution of voices may have remained the same, with generally three voices assigned to each of the three lowest 81 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 113, 349; Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, p. 41.

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sire Alart theoderici sire Anthoine lheritier sire hugues de couleurs sire pasquier pastoris maistre Laurens faulcquier maistre Rodolf sire nicolle gumbert henry bonte sire Adrien bracquet sire Anthoine du pont maistre Adrien pickart sire odart bersacques cappelman Rougier vanden berghe Nicolas Loys Jacques Liegois sire pierre carpentier sire Jehan Gobelet fleurkin michiel de wolf franskin de cambray Johannes lilleers maistre Jehan champepin philippe ymer mathias Reydummel marc de moeir

1 Apr. 1530 • departure from Bologna

Added 28 June 1530 maistre nicolle gumbert sire Jehan mayo de lyson

Jehan decken baudechon le Jeusne sire pierre carpentier michel de wolf sire Adrien bracquet sire odart bersaques sire Alart theoderici sire pasquier pastoris Johannes lilleers sire pierre du val sire hugues des coleurs sire Jehan gobelet Jehan bauduwin maistre Adrien pickart fransquin de cambray maistre adrien pickart mathias Reydummel gilles de fourmanoir maistre Jehan sanpepin

23 June 1530 • Augsburg

sire odart de bersaques sire alart theodrici sire pierre du val sire anthoine du pont philippe ymer maistre Rodolf bascontre sire Jehan mayoul sire pasquier pastoris franchois de Waure gilles de fourmanoir maistre Jehan deeken maistre laurens fouquier sire Josse vanden broele mathias Reyndummel sire hugues des coleurs michiel de Wolf fransquin de cambray henry bonte Jehan de pachy nicolas loys baudechon le Jeusne Jehan baudewin maistre Jehan champepin maistre nicolle gumbert Jacques Liegois maistre chrestien de louuain Rougier vanden berghe marck ayde dorganiste maistre Jacques champion Johannes willebroet sire Johannes mathieu sire Josse vanden broele maistre nicolle gumbert sur les gaiges des enffans

maistre nicolle gumbert Rogier vanden berghe mathias Reydummel maistre Jehan champepin gillekin de formanoir Baudechon le Jeusne marck de moeir ayde dorganiste Jehan de pachy chantre franchois de waure chantre philippe ymer Wolf chantre Jacques Liegois sire Josse vanden broele henry bonte sire Johannes mathieu maistre jehan deecken nicolas loys Rogier vanden berghe Jehan baudewin Jehan deecken

sire anthoine du pont philippe ymer sire pasquier pastoris maistre adrien pickart fransquin de cambray philippe ymer bauduwin franchois de waure Jehan de pachy maistre adrien pickart Johannes de lillers sire hugues des coleurs fransquin de cambray sire pierre carpentier henry bonte mathias Reyndummel bauduwin maistre Laurens fouckier michiel de wolf chantre franchois de waure Jehan de pachy sire adrien braquet sire anthoine lheritier sire Jehan mayoul baudechon le Jeusne sire odart bersaques maistre Rodolf bascontre Jaques liegeois maistre Jehan champepin sire Johannes mathieu sire Josse vanden broele Added 8 February 1531 Wolf chantre maistre Adrien pickart franskin de cambray sire pasquier pastoris sire hughes des couleurs Jehan de pachy philippe ymer maistre chrestien de louuain sire Jehan gobelet sire Alardt theodericy maistre Rodolf bascontre maistre nicolle gumbert sire Anthoine dupont sire pierre duval Johannes willebroet

Added 5 February 1531 Jacques liegois chantre maistre Jehan champepin

15 June 1531 • (Termonde)

3 Feb. 1531 • (Brussels)

7 Jan. 1531 • departure from Cologne

14 Nov. 1530 • (Augsburg)

Table 3.11  Italy, the Empire, and the Netherlands: chapel paylists 1530–1

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BAGR CC Nr.1834 Schmidt-Görg, pp. 304–22

1 Apr. 1530 • departure from Bologna

23 June 1530 • Augsburg

Added 16 November 1530 philippe ynner nicolas loys sire Jehan mathieu

Added 15 November 1530 gilles de fourmanoir marck de moor Jacques champion

maistre nicole gumbert fleurkin nepotis baudechon le Jeusne mathias Reyndummel

14 Nov. 1530 • (Augsburg) 7 Jan. 1531 • departure from Cologne

Table 3.11  continued 3 Feb. 1531 • (Brussels)

15 June 1531 • (Termonde)

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parts, and three adult dessus plus between seven and ten unchanged voices assigned to the highest part. The rosters of the 1520s and the early 1530s provide a picture of a chapel that experienced steady growth, with a relatively stable list of personnel during the seven years Charles spent in Spain and the three and a half years in Italy, the Empire, and the Low Countries.

O

1533–5: the return to spain

n 9 April 1533 Charles once again set sail for Spain. A list of personnel drafted   in 1534, sheds light on the composition of the chapel after the return, a period about which previously little was known (Table 3.12). Copied during a period of two years that Charles spent in Spain82 and now housed at the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid,83 this list of personnel shows a grande and petite chapelle which numbered 33, reduced when compared with the 48 singers and chaplains cited on the paylist issued on 1 July 1528.84 Thirteen cantores are listed by name. This roster is the first to list by name the muchachos cantores of the chapel, who in this period numbered nine. The document also cites 11 trompetas, two tañedores de arpa, one tañedor de rabe, one tamborin, six tañedores de vihuela, and one ayuda del organista. The document cites Adrien Pickart (Thiebault) as maestro de capilla,85 Nicolas Gombert as maestro de los muchachos, and Fleurens Nepotis as organista. At the same time this document reflects some noteworthy changes in personnel.86 A significant number of chaplains and musicians had left the chapel, most likely to retire and remain in the Low Countries. Missing from the roster are Jehan Bauduwin, who had served in the chapels of both Philip the Fair and Queen Juana and who began his tenure with Charles in 1509. Likewise, Alart Théodrici,87 Johannes de Lillers, Pasquier Pastoris, Hugues des Couleurs, Chrestien de Louvain, Jehan Gobelet, Jenin Mathieu dit Cappelleman, and Johannes Willebroot, who had

82 From April 1533 to April 1535. 83 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS. 3.825, fols. 57–66, published in Millán and Carlos Morales, La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, pp. 169–78; previously published in SchmidtGörg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 336–7. Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias’, pp. 768–9, also discusses this document, but states that it dates from 1538 at the time of the truce with France on 18 June at Nice. 84 See Table 3.7. 85 Pickart continued to serve as maître de chapelle throughout this period. According to Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 116, Pickart was named as chapel master in a document dated 27 August 1538 and was reimbursed for the travel to Spain of three singers and five choirboys. 86 Singers recorded for the first time were Joan Dertz, François Calaubaert, Joan Benie, Bruno (Bruno de Cattewyck), Guillermo Loppins as well as nine muchachos cantores. 87 According to Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, pp. 228–9, Théodrici died in 1531. Doorslaer, p. 229, also reported that Guillaume Vandenesse, almoner of the petite chapelle who had been named Bishop d’Elne in Roussilon at Valladolid in August 1522 and elevated to grand almoner at Victoria on 7 March 1524, had died in May 1530.

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Table 3.12  The Empire and Spain: chapel rosters 1532 and 1534 État des arrérages dus aux personnes de la maison de l’Empereur de 1520 à 1531 15 September 1532 • (the Empire at Linz) GR ANDE ET PETITE CHAPELLE Feu Fransquin de Retis Sire Johannes de Lillers Johannes Willebroot Sire Hughes/ Hughues des Couleurs Sire Pasquier Pastoris Sire Jehan Gobelet Maistre Crestien/ Chrestien de Louvain Feu se Adrien Braquet/ Bracquet Gilles de Fourmanoir Sire Anthoine Du Pont Feu se Allaert/ Alart Theodrici Sire Anthoine l’Heritier Maistre Rodolf Fransquin de Cambray Sire Pierre Carpentier Maistre Jehan Deeken Baudechon le Jeusne Se Johannes Mathieu Jehan Baudwin Sire Odart Bersaques/ de Bersaques Rogier Vanden Berghe Sire Josse Vanden Broele Maistre Jehan Saupepin/ Sanpepin Masitre Laurens Faucquier Maistre Adrien Pickart Maistre Nicole Gumbert Mathias Reydummel Jacques Liégeois Henry Bonte Philippe Ymer Michiel De Wolf Sire Jehan Mayoul Maistre Franchois Screvere/ Screuere

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Personnel List 1534 • (Spain) GR AND CAPILL A maestre Adria Picard, maestro de capilla maestre Nicolás Gombert, maestro de los muchachos Cantores: Giles de Formanoir maestre Rodolf Miguel de Wolf maestre Joan Dertz/deck Josse van der Broele Philippo Ymer Mathias Raydumel Hugo Robet François/Antonio Calaubaert Joan Benie/Becue sire Bruno Jacques Lieges Guillermo Loppins Flores Nepotis, organista Baudechon el moça, aposentador de la capilla maestre Joan Campepin, el que sirue en la capilla Cornelio Eubaen, el que ayuda al tañer de los órganos Los muchachos cantores: Hubert Ostelet Miguel Liebert Josse Messançe Pierres Larcher Joanin Raes Joan Piquet Joan Liebert Sebastián Colart Jacques Sacquespee

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État des arrérages dus aux personnes de la maison de l’Empereur de 1520 à 1531 15 September 1532 • (the Empire at Linz)

Personnel List 1534 • (Spain) CAPILL A PEQUEÑA Odardo de Bersacques, segundo limosnero maestre Francisco Screuere Joan Mayo de Lisón, capellán de misas baxas servidores de oratorio: Rogier van der Berghe Nicolas Payen

TRUMPETS Feu Piekin de Gant Sepulchre Baptiste de Banques Macabeus Nacroix Jehan de Palermo Anthoine de Melf Estienne Du Bois

TROMPETAS Vicencio de Bois Sepulcro de Brusis Baptista de Bancques Marco Griego Joan de Palermo Macabeo Nacroix Antonio de Melfi Baptista Aliprando Alonso de Palermo Joan María de Lucas Miguel de la Mureta

INSTRUMENTALISTS Feu Frederick Heyderff Joachim Tromslagher Jehan Herman

INSTRUMENTALISTS Alexandro, tañedor de arpa David de la Fin, tañedor de arpa Richar de Noz, tañedor de rabe Aubert Le Conte, tamborín Tañedores de vihuela: Thomas Herman Joan Herman Francisco Massin Leonardo de Nuremberge Joan Guiot Roggier de la Haye Marco de Moer, ayuda del organista

LADN B3350, fols. 186ff. Schmidt-Görg, pp. 303–4 (trumpeters and instrumentalists not listed) Straeten VII, pp. 308–9 (trumpeters and instrumentalists not listed) Gachard, Collection, III, pp. 305–14 (trumpeters and instrumentalists listed)

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MBN MS.3.825, fols. 57–66 La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 169–78 Schmidt-Görg, pp. 336–7, adds francoys vrbaure and Gerardo de Stoure as members of the grande chappelle but does not include trumpeters and instrumentalists Robledo, pp. 768–9 – partial list

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all served for long periods at the court, are missing from the list.88 Anthoine du Pont is also absent, although he may have returned to Spain, as his name is found on paylists issued during the two-year period Charles travelled throughout Spain (Table 3.13).89 By May 1535, with the threat of the Turks and the Muslim pirate Barbarossa imminent, Charles embarked for North Africa with 400 ships and 30,000 troops. A gap of five years follows for which no records of chapel personnel have emerged.

1540–3: the netherlands and the return to spain

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hile little is known about the chapel in the latter half of the 1530s, a benefice list, dated 28 December 1540, survives from the end of this period (Table 3.14).90 Charles had left Spain on 20 November 1539, and by 1 January 1540 had reached Paris. During much of the following year he can be found in the Low Countries, ideally situated to recruit new Flemish singers for the chapel. Compiled while he was resident at Namur in the Netherlands, this document reveals that a significant number of new singers and chaplains had been enrolled. Only the names of bass Mathias Reydummel, tenor Michiel de Wolf (Lupus), clerk of the chapel Hubert Hautelot (Ostelet),91 and clerks of the oratory Rogier vanden Berghe and Nicolas Payen had appeared on the personnel list issued in 1534. War in North Africa and Provence, as well as extensive travel in Italy and Spain in the intervening years, could account for the significant changes in personnel. Empress Isabella’s death in 1539 brought to a close years marked by war, political unrest, and

88 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 228, reported that Rodolphe le Frezon, who had been enrolled in 1522 for the voyage to Spain but whose name had been crossed out, had rejoined the chapel with his name on chapel lists between 1524 and 1532. This most likely was Rodolf Bascontre. Nicolas Payen, who had left the chapel sometime before 1530, also reappears in this roster. Payen’s return to the chapel about 1534 is corroborated by a document (Bibliothèque Municipale, Besançon, ms. 7, fols. 111r–116v) cited by Ignace Bossuyt, ‘Nicolas Payen, an Unknown Chapelmaster of Charles V and Philip II’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 121–32, at pp. 122–3. By 1540 Jacobus Alardi, who, according to Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 121, 124–5, had served the chapel in the 1520s, rejoined the chapel and returned from study at the University of Louvain (Leuven) where he had been listed in the matriculation records on 12 November 1532. Also see Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 63–4. 89 Also missing from the 1534 paylist but included on the paylist issued between 5 April 1534 and 21 May 1535 are Bartholomey de Rivaige, Cornelis Zwanen, and Franchois de Waure. The tañedor de vihuela, Roggier de la Haye (personnel list) may be the same as Jacques des Hayes (paylist). 90 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds: Papiers d’État et de l’Audience Nr. 1249c; modern edition in Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 290–303, and Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 103, 354–60. 91 Hautelot (Ostelet) was listed as muchacho cantor in the roster of 1534; in the collation list of 1540 he held the position of clerk of the chapel.

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maistre adrian pickart maistre nicole gumbert gilles de fourmanoir maistre Rodolf bascontre michiel de Wolf maistre Jehan deecken sire Josse van den broele philippe ymer Mathias Reydummel hugues Robet franchois de Waure anthoine callwairt sire Jacques des hayes sire gerart de stouire Jehan beckue sire Bruno marck de moor bruno Jacques Liegois Guillaume Loppins baudechon le Jeusne maistre Jehan champepin Rogier vanden berghe cornelis swaen sire odart de bersacques sire Jehan de lyson Rogier vanden berghe nicolas payen

13 May 1534 • Toledo

Added 19 July 1534 anthoine callewairt chantre sire bertholomey de Riuaige chantre Jehan herman violeur thomas herman marck de moor maistre Jehan champepin maistre Rodolff bascontre maistre adrien pickart

flores nepotis organiste de Lempereur Baudechon le Jeusne Jehan beckne chantre Cornelis swaen maistre nicole gumbert Sire Josse vanden broele mathias Reydummel guillaume loppins nicolas payen hugues Robet philippe ymer franchois de waure Jacques Liegois michiel de wolff sire bruno van cattewyck sire gerardt de stoure

18 July 1534 • (Valladolid) gilles de formanoir maistre adrien piccart maistre nicole gumbert gille de formanoir maistre Rodolf bascontre michiel de Wolff sire Joosse vanden broele philippe ymer mathias Reydummel hugues Robet franchois de waure anthoine callewairt sire gerard de stouire Jehan beekne sire bruno Jacques Liegois Guillaume Loppins Baudechon le Jeusne Cornelis zwaen marck de moor Rogier vanden berghe nicolas payen sire bartholomey de Ryvaige maistre Jehan champepin maistre Jehan sampepin

22 Aug. 1534 • (Spain/Castile)

Added 27 Feb. 1535 maistre Jehan deeken maistre nicole gumbert

Added 26 Feb. 1535 sire bartholomey de Ryvaige michiel de wolff maistre Jehan deeken sire Jehan beckne baudechon le Jeusne sire Jehan mayo de Lyson

maistre adrien piccart maistre nicole gumbert gille de fourmanoir philippe ymer mathias Reydummel hugues Robet franchois de waure anthoine callewairt sire gerard de stouire Jehan beckne sire Bruno Jacques Liegois guillaume Loppins Cornille swaen nicolas payen anthoine du pont marck de moor

25 Feb. 1535 • Madrid

Table 3.13  Spain: chapel paylists 1534–5 10 May 1535 • (Barcelona) maistre adrien piccart maistre nicole gumbert bertholomey de Ryvaige gille de fourmanoir michiel de wolff maistre Jehan deecken sire Joosse vanden broele philippe ymer mathias Reydummel hugues Robet anthoine callewairt sire gerart de stouire Jehan beccue sire Bruno Jacques liegois guillaume Loppins baudechon le Jeusne cornelis swaen sire anthoine du pont nicolas payen marcq de moor maistre Jehan deecken

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BAGR CC Nr.1835 Schmidt-Görg, pp. 323–36

Trompettes vincent du bois sepulcre de brusis baptista de bancques marck grego Jehan de palermo Anthoine de meef baptista aliprando alonso de palermo macabeus nacroix Jehan marie de Lucques michiel de Le mirette

13 May 1534 • Toledo

Added 21 July 1534 maistre Jehan deeken

Added 20 July 1534 maistre Rodolf bascontre sire Jehan mayo de Lyson

18 July 1534 • (Valladolid) 22 Aug. 1534 • (Spain/Castile)

Added end of Feb. sire bruno nicolas payen maistre Jehan champepin

25 Feb. 1535 • Madrid

10 May 1535 • (Barcelona)

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 3.14  The Netherlands: chapel benefice list 1540 28 Dec. 1540 • Namur

Soubz aulmosnier M[aist]re waleran/ walleran hangouart soubz aulmosnier Maistre de la chappelle M[aist]re Thomas crecquillon/ croquillon m[aist]re de la chappelle Chappellain des haultes messes Mess[ir]e Symon blanc cocq chappell[ain] des haultes messes Mess[ire] francoys boutin chappellain des haultes messes Mess[ir]e cornille cleyn chappell[ain] des haultes messes Mess[ir]e pierre hoyer Chappellain des haultes messes Chantre Rodolphe Campnick: Chantre Anthoine de cauberghe/ cauwenberghe chantre Jehan le Cocq chantre †M[aist]re Jehan decke chantre Charles de dunckercke chantre Gilles de formanoir Jadis chantre Victor de harlem Chantre Mess[ir]e Jehan/ Johannes herman chantre Mess[ir]e Robert de houplines chantre Nycolas lenglecq chantre Mess[ir]e (M[aist]re) pierre musteau/ dit nopere chantre Mess[ir]e Gilles Ricardi chantre Mathias Ridemont Chantre Victor chantre Michel wolf chantre Enffant de la chappelle Gilles coyen enffant de la chappelle Danyel Dadisel enffant de la chappelle Jodocus estreu enffant de la chappelle Johannes gilbart enffant de la chappelle Gilbert de la Rue enffant de la chappelle Johannes lomans enffant de la chappelle Hugo longin enffant de la chappelle

George nepotis enffant de la chappelle Balduinus pernois enffant de la chappelle Johannes Roberti Jadis enffant de la chappelle Francoys Strie enffant de la Chappelle Cosme trojanus enffant de la chappelle Gilles trojanus enffant de la chappelle Descolle des enffans Maistre Jehan taisnier m[aist]re descolle des enffans Aide dorganiste Johannes lestainnier aide dorganiste Souffleur dorgues Cornille suawe/ suawaue souffleur dorgues Chappellain des basses messes Mess[ir]e Jacques alardi chappellain des basses messes adrien meschart chapell[ain] des basses messes M[aist]re adrien Scamelart Chappell[ain] des basses messes Clercq de loratoire Rogier van[den] berghe Clercq de loratoire Nycolas payen clerc de loratoire Johannes Rasse clerc de loratoire Sommelier de loratoire Pierre de latroulliere sommelier de loratoire Clercq de la Chappelle Nycolas camp clercq de la Chappelle Hubert ostelet clercq de la chappelle Fourrier de la chappelle Cornille le Woz dit Wezemale fourrier de la chappelle Varlet daulmosne Hugues monin varlet daulmosne without designation M[aist]re laurens foucquier M[aist]re adrien Thiebault Le docteur Courouble Johannes euerart Messire cornille cleyn chappellain

BAGR E&A 1249c Schmidt-Görg, pp. 290–303 Rudolf, pp. 103, 354–60

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personal tragedy. The fundamental changes in the personnel of the chapel evident in 1540 appear to be related to the events of the previous decade. By 1540 Nicolas Gombert and Fleurens Nepotis92 were no longer listed as members of the chapel,93 and it is unclear whether the positions of maître des enffans and organist had been filled. The disappearance of Gombert’s name from the chapel rolls is apparently explained in documents by the 16th-century physician Jerome Cardan, who indicates that Gombert was sentenced ‘to exile on the high seas’ for the violation of a chorister in the imperial chapel. Cardan also refers to Gombert’s composition of a group of ‘swan songs’ which resulted in a pardon from the emperor.94 The so-called ‘swan songs’ were long believed to have been a set of eight Magnificats, but Alan Lewis has argued that the ‘swan songs’ can be found in the first edition of Gombert’s four-voice motets printed in 1539.95 Gilles de Fourmanoir is recorded on the 1540 benefice list as jadis chantre (formerly singer), indicating that by the time it was drafted he too had left the chapel. Fourmanoir’s long service, which had begun in 1509, had been rewarded with various gifts and a pension granted by the emperor in 1535.96 Likewise, Jacques Champion had apparently left the chapel by 1540. Champion, who is first recorded on a benefice list in 1520, had succeeded Nicole Carlier as maître des enffans and is so designated on a benefice list issued on 2 October 1526 (Table 3.8). While this position was shortly thereafter assumed by Gombert,97 Champion’s name continues to be found on paylists and benefice lists for the chapel until 1531. 92 Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 59, reported that Nepotis had died sometime before July 1537; also see Duverger, ‘Florequin Nepotis, orgelist van Margareta van Oostenrijk en van Karel V’, pp. 99–113. Although Picker, ‘Nepotis, Florens’, NG2, reported that Nepotis again served in the chapel of Margaret of Austria beginning in 1525 and after her death in 1530 in the chapel of Mary of Hungary, his name continued to appear on the paylists and benefice lists for the chapel of Charles V throughout the 1520s. 93 It is unclear exactly when Gombert left the imperial chapel. He is last cited in court documents from 1537 and 1538. See Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 312–13, 318–19. Documents detailing payments to Gombert to cover the recruitment of 21–5 singers for the chapel in 1537 and 1538 are cited in Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 113–15, and as documents 1537.3 and 1538.2 on pp. 351–4. It is not known whether Gombert returned to the chapel with the singers. Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, p. 41, reports that Gombert was paid ‘1,450 pounds for engaging more than 20 new musicians’. 94 Clement A. Miller, ‘Jerome Cardan on Gombert, Phinot, and Carpentras’, The Musical Quarterly 58 (1972), pp. 413–15. 95 Alan Lewis, ‘Nicolas Gombert’s First Book of Four-Voice Motets: Anthology or Apologia?’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 47–62; Gombert’s motet that celebrates the birth of Philip II, Dicite in magni, is found in this collection. 96 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, p. 225; Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 327–8; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 350–1. 97 It should be noted that by 1 July 1528 Gombert, with a salary of xviii f., had replaced Jacques Champion as maître des enffans. Champion now received xii f., the same as the rest of the singers. The maître de chapelle, Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart was awarded a salary of xx f.; see Table 3.7.

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Many of the singers, whose names appear for the first time on the benefice list issued in December of 1540, had apparently been recruited by Gombert, who had returned to the Netherlands in the preceding years. A document dating from 13 November 1537 indicates that Gombert was paid the expense of enrolling about 21–5 new personnel for the chapel.98 In 1538 Adrien Thiebault had also recruited singers for the chapel.99 Jacobus Alardi, a choirboy whose name can be found on the chapel rosters between 1523 and 1528, may have been among those recruited. In this case he returned to the chapel as a chaplain of the Low Mass after a period of study at the University of Leuven.100 Thomas Crecquillon’s tenure at the chapel appears to begin around 1540. He is recorded for the first time in the 1540 benefice list (Table 3.14) where he is designated maître de la chapelle, assuming the position previously held by Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart.101 Crecquillon’s celebratory motets in homage to Charles emanate from his tenure at the court, and three of his chansons, also composed during this period, ‘express the emperor’s continuing desolation over the death of his beloved wife, Isabella’.102 Crecquillon’s Missa Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle, which quotes from the chansons, may have been sung at the annual commemorations for Isabella in the years following her death.103 The 1540 benefice list also indicates that by this period Jehan Taisnier, who had accompanied the emperor on the 98 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 113–15; Rudolf adds that while Gombert’s name is missing from subsequent court documents, it is not known whether he accompanied the new personnel to Spain or remained in the Netherlands. See Rudolf, document 1537.3 on pp. 351–2; Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 318–19; Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 255. 99 Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault’, p. 461; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 116. See Rudolf, document 1538.1, pp. 352–3; Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 312–13; Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 255–6. 100 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 125. The records for the University of Louvain (Leuven) indicate that Alardi matriculated there on 12 November 1532. Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 63, reported that on 1 March 1530, Charles sent Alardi along with Johannes Villebrotte (Wittenbroot) to the Netherlands for study. Each was given 20 ducats. 101 According to Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 116, a document issued on 27 August 1538 lists Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart as chapel master; he apparently left the chapel in the intervening period. Rudolf has included the document as 1538.1 on pp. 352–3. Crecquillon was probably not a member of the chapel at the time of Isabella’s death but was enrolled during the period Charles spent in the Netherlands in 1540. Although Thiebault dit Pickart is listed on the 1540 benefice list, he had apparently retired and been replaced by Crecquillon at some point between August 1538 and December 1540. Also see Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault’, pp. 459–509. 102 Thomas Crecquillon: Collected Works, ed. Barton Hudson, Mary Tiffany Ferer, and Laura Youens, CMM 63 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974–), vol. 19, p. lix, as proposed by Martin Ham. 103 Discussed in Martin Ham, ‘Crecquillon’s Mass Mort m’a privé and the Empress Isabella’, in Beyond Contemporary Fame: Reassessing the Art of Clemens non Papa and Thomas Crecquillon; Colloquium Proceedings Utrecht, April 24–26, 2003, ed. Eric Jas (Turnhout, 2005), pp. 233–54.

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North African campaign in 1535, had been appointed to the chapel as maître d’escole des enffans.104 Charles’s sojourn in the Low Countries lasted one year. He can then be found in the Empire between 18 January and 15 August 1541, followed by several months in Italy and at sea. Near the end of August he made an entry into Milan, where had been erected five triumphal arches designed by Giulio Romano with inscriptions by celebrated humanists.105 On 21 October the imperial fleet set sail for North Africa. However, this second campaign against Islam ended in disaster. 150 ships sank in a storm off the coast of Algiers, with considerable loss of lives. According to Wim Blockmans, ‘a large part of the imperial archive’ 106 sank to the bottom of the Mediterranean, a loss which may account for the few payroll lists which survive from this period. By 23 November Charles was back in Spain (Majorca). On 1 January 1543, during two months spent in Madrid, Charles issued a roll of seigneurs, gentilzhommes, offidiers et autres personnes who served his court (Table 3.15).107 Now found at the Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan in Madrid, this document has not received any attention in musicological studies to date. It emerges as an important source for the composition of the chapel during a period from which few documents survive. Thomas Crecquillon is listed among the chappelains et chantres with no special designation and with the same salary as the other chappelains and chantres. It is unclear whether he had retained the position of chapel master as indicated in the 1540 benefice list. The list is headed by Cornelius Canis, with the highest salary and the position of maître des enffans de chapelle. Canis had been connected with the imperial chapel as early as 1542, when he was charged with escorting four choirboys to Spain. By 1547 he was listed as maître des enffans.108 The 1543 roster places him in that position four years earlier than previously thought, and it offers definitive evidence that he held the position of maître des enffans from the beginning of his tenure with the chapel.109 The four choirboys he escorted may have been Gilles Croyen, Franchois Vasterlois, Jacquet Denys,110 Mathieu Le Mre, Franchois de 104 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 121, 362; Eisler, ‘The Impact of the Emperor Charles V upon the Visual Arts’, p. 140. Eisler describes Taisnier as ‘mathematician, astrologer, and musician’ and reports that he had held academic positions in Rome and Ferrara before his tenure at the chapel of Charles V. 105 Bonner Mitchell, The Majesty of the State: Triumphal Progresses of Foreign Sovereigns in Renaissance Italy (1494–1600) (Florence, 1986), p. 175. 106 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 152. 107 Madrid, Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan, Ms. 25-I-25, fols. 78r–ss; modern edition published in Millán and Carlos Morales, La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, pp. 212–60. 108 Lawrence F. Bernstein, ‘Canis, Cornelius’, NG2, and Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 20–1; also see Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, p. 41. 109 The 1542 document charging him with the escort of the choirboys to Spain also referred to Canis as maître des enffans. It is published as document 1542.4 in Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 364, and in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 357. 110 The tenure of Jacquet Denys with the court was rather brief as Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 123, has indicated that Denys matriculated at the University of Louvain (Leuven) on 12 December 1543.

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Table 3.15  Spain and the Empire: chapel rosters 1543–8 Paylist 1 Jan. 1543 • (Madrid)

Personnel List 27 Apr. 1547 • (the Empire)*

Grande Chapelle Maître des enfans de chapelle Mre Cornille Cams xx s. Chappelains et chantres Mathieu Rayduinnel Victor van Harlem Michiel de Wolf Sr Franchois Boutin Sr Gilles Richardi Sr Jehan Taisnier Sr Simon Blancocq Sr Pierre Hauwier Sr Jehan Herman Jehan Le Cocq Mre Pierre Musteau Charles Borse Nicolas Langloix Anthoine de Couwenberghe Mre Cornelis Payen Mre Thomas Crecquillon Joannes Cristianus Mre Jehan Le Coustre Pierre Brabantz Josse van Valchenborch Jehan Favenchien Fourrier de chapelle Cornelis de Vos Clercz de chapelle Humbert Hautelot Nicolas Champ Hugues Monnyn Souffleur d’orghes Cornelius Zwanen Enfans de cueur Gilles Coyen Gilles Croyen Gelabert de la Rue Franchois Vasterlois Jacquet Denys Mathieu Le Mre Franchois Beaumarez Lancelot Doulce

Maistre de la chapelle et des dix enfans Corneille Canis Chappelains de la Haulte Messe Mr Thomas Cricquillon Mess. Simon Blancqocq Mess. Pierre Hoyer Mess. Nicolle Payen Mess. Jacques Panyer

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. Chantres Bas-Contres xii s. Mathias Oudemont xii s. Mess. Pierre Mustiau xii s. Mess. Jehan Herman xii s. xii s. Chantres Hault-Contres xii s. Antoine Lecocq xii s. Anthoine Caubergh xii s. Charles Borsse xii s. Mess. Noël Tonneken xii s. Gilles Mollin xii s. Mess. Jean Custodis xii s. Chantres Tailles xii s. Michiel Wolf xii s. Hubert Hautelet Pierre Brabant Johannes de Octo x s. Nicolas Engles Jehan Berthoult viii s. viii s. Organiste viii s. Johannes l’Estaniel Dix enfans vi s. iv s. iv s. iv s. iv s. iv s. iv s. iv s. iv s.

Personnel List 1547–8 Sacellum majus Magister Cornelius Canis, praefectus sacelli Jacobus Panierus, sacellanus Simon Albus Gallus, sacellanus Petrus Payenus, sacellanus Petrus Hoyerus, sacellanusa Magister Thomas Crequillonb Cantores Vox pressa; Bassus Mathias Rudumel Johannes Hermannus Petrus Musteaus Antonius Coquus Vox media; Tenor Michael Lupus Victor ab Harlemioc Petrus Brabantius Nicolaus Lenglesius, jàm demissus Hupertus Hauteletus Joannes Bertaus Vox alta; Altus Carolus Bursa Antonius Cauvenbergus Egidius à Molendino Natalis Tonnequinus Vox acuta; Discantus Johannes Custodis Pueri decem Sacrista et puerorum sacelli praeceptor Magister Adrianus Lovius Organista Magister Johannes Lestannier Sacrista Johannes Rassenus Forarius sacelli Cornelius Cygnus Sacellum minus Eleemosynarius major Magister Odardus à Bersaquesd Eleemosynarius minor Magister Valerandus Haugouardus

 * According to Straeten III, p. 146, this personnel list was issued at Madrid in 1547. However, Charles spent the entire year travelling in the Empire. a  mortuus Augustae, 9 decembr. anno [15]47 b  Designated as cantor et cantionum conditor quem vulgò componistam vocant. c  mortuus Ulmae, 2 martii anno [15]47 d  remansit in Flandria, nec expeditioni interfuit, nec Augustam accessit

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Table 3.15 continued Paylist 1 Jan. 1543 • (Madrid)

Personnel List 27 Apr. 1547 • (the Empire)*

Protonotarius praefectus oratorij Petrus à La Trulière

Petitte Chapelle Grand aulmosnier Sire Odard De Bersacques

xxx s.

Second aulmosnier Mre Walran Hangoart

xviii s.

Confesseur du commun le docteur Courrouble

xii s.

Decantus Lytanus, praefectus oratorij alter Maximilianus à Bergis Confessor familiae aulae Caesaris Magister Marcus Plessierus

Chapellains des basses messes xii s. Sre Jacques Alardi xii s. Mre Adrien Messart

Sacellanus missae inferioris Johannes Croubelenus Magister Adrianus Merschardus

Sommelier d’oratoire le prothonotaire La Troillière ix s. Clerc de chapelle Jehannin Raes

viii s.

Sommelier d’oratoire le prothonotaire Dandelot

ix s.

Trompettes Anthoine de Melphy Alfonso de Palermo Jehan de Palermo Michiel de La Murette Pedro Anthonio Gerry Odyer Joseph de Palerme Nicholas du Bois Sepulchre de Brujas Philippe Nacroix Jehan Nacroix

xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. xii s. vi s.

Joueur de rebec David Baron

xii s.

Joueur de harpes Charles de La Fin

xii s.

Joueurs de violes Thomas Herman Franchois Massyn Jehan Herman Rugier vanden Heyden

viii s. viii s. viii s. viii s.

MIVDJ Ms.25-I-25, fols.78r–ss La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 212–60

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Personnel List 1547–8

Clerici oratorij Georgius Nepos Franciscus Watreloius Tubicines Tubicines seu lituarij sunt 12 Unus tympanista equestris, qui pulsat tympanum cacabarium equestre Cytharaedi Franciscus Canis Franciscus Massy Johannes Hermon Thomas Hermon à Nureinberga, fratres

source not identified Straeten III, pp. 146–7 Rudolf, pp. 104, 371

Mameranus, Catalogus familiae … 1547 & 1548 Straeten VII, pp. 356, 360–1 (instrumentalists listed) Straeten I, pp. 233–4 Steinhardt, pp. 287–8 Rudolf, pp. 105, 373–5

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Beaumarez, or Lancelot Doulce, whose names appear for the first time in this roster compiled in 1543. They most likely replaced choristers who in 1542 had returned to the Low Countries for study111 escorted by maître d’escole des enffans Jehan Taisnier. Contemporary records indicate that George Nepotis, Danyel Dadisel, and Cosme Trojanus matriculated at the University of Leuven.112 Chorister Balduinus Pernois is also absent from the 1543 paylist, and although it is not known where he studied, he eventually returned to the chapel in 1556 as an alto.113 Nepotis also returned to the chapel and was listed as a clerk of the oratory in 1547–8 and as a chaplain of the Low Mass in 1556. He accompanied the emperor to Yuste following his abdication and later served in the chapel of Philip II.114 The chapel in 1543 numbered 43, with 21 members designated as chappelains et chantres supplemented by eight enffans de cueur, who were listed by name. The adult membership of the chapel remained relatively stable, despite the departure of Adrien Thiebault, Rodolf Bascontre, Jehan Deken,115 and Rogier vanden Berghe, all of whom had served the chapel for long periods. Most of the singers and chaplains found for the first time on the benefice list issued in 1540, when significant changes in the chapel were evident, continue to appear. By 1543 only a few chapel members had disappeared from the roster. The addition of six new chaplains and singers may represent an attempt to increase the size of the chapel after it had become depleted during the period of extensive travel in the previous decade.

O

1547–8: the diet of augsburg

n 1 May 1543 Charles was once again forced to leave Spain. The French attack   on the Netherlands in the previous year rekindled the conflict with France that had characterized much of his reign, and in August 1543 Francis I invaded Nice and the Piedmont. It was in this period that Charles renewed his promise to eradicate Protestantism, and on 20 July 1546 declared war on the Schmalkaldic League, an alliance of Lutheran princes and independent cities of the Empire. A decisive victory over the Protestant forces at the Battle of Mühlberg in April 1547 brought this conflict to a temporary halt. With the intervening years marked by extensive travel and warfare, the group responsible for the singing of polyphony had altered somewhat in the years

111 Chapel regulations specified that when the voice of a chorister broke, provision should be made for an absence of three years of study paid for by the emperor, with the stipulation that at the end of that period a chorister could be readmitted to the chapel choir. See the discussion of Relation de la manière de servir qui s’observait à la court de l’empereur Don Carlos, notre seigneur, en l’année 1545 in Chapter 4 below. 112 According to Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 122, Dadisel was listed in the matriculation records of the University of Louvain (Leuven) on 25 February 1541. 113 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 139. 114 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 126; Picker, ‘Nepotis, George’, NG2. 115 Deken had been marked with a cross on the 1540 benefice list.

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between 1543 and 1547. A roster, published by Straeten,116 survives from 1547 (Table 3.15); this reflects considerable changes in the membership of the chapel. Despite turnover in the personnel, the number of chaplains and singers of the grande chapelle remained constant, and those who had left in the intervening years between 1543 and 1547 had been replaced. Twenty chaplains and singers are listed, with three designated as chantre bas-contres, six as chantre hault-contres, and six as chantres tailles. Dated 27 April 1547, the personnel list is headed by Cornelius Canis, who is identified as maître de la chapelle et des dix enffans.117 Thomas Crecquillon as chappelain de la haulte messe can be found at the head of the roster. In January 1546 the imperial household had travelled with the emperor to Utrecht for a meeting of the Order of the Golden Fleece. A momentous occasion, it was the only meeting attended by Henry VIII and Francis I, also knights of the Order. A document drafted at the time and now extant at the Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan in Madrid118 details the wages received by all members of the household. With the maestro de los cantores de capilla at 20 placas al día, as well as the cantores, capellanes de las misas cantadas, and the organista at 12 placas al día, it corresponds exactly to the salaries indicated in the 1547 roster issued a year later.119 Charles spent most of this period in the Empire, including a full year between August 1547 and August 1548 at Augsburg. A roster of chapel personnel, prepared by Nicolas Mameranus and published in 1550 at Cologne, reflects the chapel that travelled with Charles to Germany in 1547–8. The Catalogus familiae totius aulae Caesareae par expeditionem adversus inobedientes, usque Augustam Rheticam omniusque principum, baronum … ibidem in comitiis Anno 1547 & 1548 praesentium120 included the household of the emperor during the Diet of Regensburg (10 April to 24 August 1546) and the campaign against the heretics (in 1547–8) up to and through the time of Diet of Augsburg. Canis is listed as praefectus sacelli. Crecquillon is cited as cantor et cantionum conditor, quem vulgò componistam vocant, and emerges as the only member of the emperor’s chapel to hold the distinction of 116 Source not identified; modern edition published in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 3, pp. 146–7, and in Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 104. This personnel list includes only members of the grande chapelle. Straeten’s heading, ‘voici d’ailleurs la composition de la chapelle impériale, à Madrid en 1547’, gives the impression that the roster had been compiled at Madrid. Yet in 1547 Charles spent the entire year in the Empire. 117 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 3, p. 146. 118 Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan Ms. 26-1-25, fols. 53r–72v. 119 Robledo Estaire, ‘La estructuración de las casas reales: Felipe II como punto de encuentro y punto de partida’, p. 11. 120 Nicolas Mameranus, Catalogus familiae totius aulae Caesareae par expeditionem adversus inobedientes, usque Augustam Rheticam omniumque principum, baronum … ibidem in comitiis Anno 1547 & 1548 praesentium (Coloniae, 1550), printed in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 1, pp. 233–4; vol. 7, pp. 356, 360; Milton Steinhardt, ‘The “Notes de Pinchart” and the Flemish Chapel of Charles V’, in Renaissance-Muziek, 1400–1600: Donum Natalicium René Bernard Lenaerts, ed. Jozef Robijns (Leuven, 1969), pp.  285–92, at pp. 287–8; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 25–6, 105, 373–5; also see Schreurs, ‘Musical Relations between the Court and Collegiate Chapels in the Netherlands’, p. 108.

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composer as well as singer. The sacellum majus (grande chapelle) numbered 25 plus ten unnamed boy singers and the sacellum minus (petite chapelle) numbered nine. Twelve trumpeters (also unnamed) are listed along with four cytharaedi (Table 3.15).121 Several choristers whose voices had changed had by now left the chapel. Among them were Gilbert de la Rue and Jacquet Denys, who travelled to the Low Countries in December 1543 to continue their education at the emperor’s expense at the University of Louvain (Leuven).122 The alto Gilles Ricardi had been replaced by Gilles Mollin in January 1545,123 and the tenor Victor de Harlem had died at Ulm on 2 March 1547. The chapel that Charles brought to the Empire in 1547–8 consisted of 15 adult singers and ten unchanged voices, and, documented for the first time, an adult soprano, Jehan Custodis.124

I

1550–6: the final years as emperor

n just a few short years the hard-won campaigns of the previous decade became   a distant memory as the Protestants regained territories in the Empire. Defeat in Italy followed, and the failure of the imperial army to retake Metz and the other French-held cities in Lorraine contributed to a sense of failure. Charles withdrew to the Netherlands early in 1553, and for several months the government was in the hands of his sister, Mary of Hungary, regent of the Netherlands.125 This was the last visit he would make to the Low Countries. A significant increase in the size of the chapel is evident in a benefice list issued in 1550, with 28 adult singers and 18 unchanged voices (Table 3.16).126 While

121 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 168, described the latter as viol players. On a roster compiled in 1556, discussed below and published in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 360–1, they are described as tañedores de vihuelas de arcos. 122 According to Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 123, Gilbertus de la Rue and Jacobus Denijs were listed in the matriculation records of the University of Louvain (Leuven) on 12 December 1543. 123 Gilles de Mollin (Egidius Molendino) may be the same as Guillaume du Moulin, a singer at the court of Mary of Hungary during this period. Glenda Goss Thompson, ‘Music in the Court Records of Mary of Hungary’, Tijdschrift van der Vereninging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiendenis Netherlands 34 (1984), pp. 132–73, at p. 135. 124 On the previous roster both Antonius Coquus (Antoine Lecocq) and Jehan Custodis had been listed as a hault-contres. Apparently Custodis was not the first singer in the chapel to be designated as a soprano. Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de CharlesQuint en 1522’, p. 224, and Schmidt Görg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 54, have identified Hugues des Couleurs, who appears on the chapel rosters between 1517 and 1532, as a soprano. One of the tenors was Hubert Hautelot (Ostelet) who can be found as one of the muchachos cantores on the list of personnel issued in 1534 (see Table 3.12). His name appears on the 1540 benefice list and the 1543 paylist as a clerc de la chappelle (see Tables 3.14 and 3.15). 125 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 154. 126 Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, MS II. 1200, carton 9 (Pinchart Notes); modern edition printed in Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 106–7, 379–84. The original 1550 benefice list is no longer extant. The notes made in the 19th century by Alexandre Pinchart form the basis for these remarks.

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Table 3.16  The final years of the chapel: benefice lists 1550 and 1553 1550 Messire Jacques/ Gacques Alardi, chappellain des basses-messes Johannes Bensbancque/ Bousbencke, aussi enffant Jehan Bertoult, taille, marié Christianus de Bittere, enfant de la chaplle Messire Symon Blancocq, chappellain comme dessus/ chappellain des haultes messes Messire Gehan/ Jehan de Bleeckere, bas-contre Michiel Bocq, organiste Johannes vanden Bossche, enffant de la chappelle Pierquin/ Pierre Brabant, taille Charles Brugis, dit Dunckercke, hault-contre, marié Hugo le Brun, enffant comme dessus

19–21 July 1553 • Brussels Messire Jaques Alardi, Chap.ain des basses messes Joos Bosbeke, enffant qui fut de la chapelle Jehan Berthoul/ Berthou, chantre

Messire Jehan Blekere, chantre Michiel Bock, organiste Baltasar Boul, enfant de la chappelle Pierre Brabant, chantre Messire Cornille Brulant, chantre Charles de Brusis alias Dunckercke, chantre

Hugo de Brun, enffant de la chappelle Johannes Bultel, enffant qui fut de la chap.le Nicolas/ Nicolaus Buus, enffant de la chappelle Nicolaus/ Cornelius Buus/ Bus, enffant de la chappelle Cornille Canis, maistre des enffans Petrus le Carullier, enffant de la chappelle/ comme dessus Anthoine de Cauwenberghe, hault-contre Anthoine Cauwenberghe cy devant chantre Johannes du Chesne, cy devant enffant de la chappelle Ludolfus Clement, souffleur dorgues Jehan le Clerc, chantre Johannes de Cliere, aussi estudiant a Gand Maistre Pierre Clouwin, bas-contre, marié Mess.e Pierre Clawyn/ Clauwin, chantre Gerard le Cocq, frere de Jehan le Cocq, jad. chantre Adrian Couwenhove/ Cauwenhove, chantre Anthonius de la Court, enffant de la chappelle Gehan de la Court, bas-contre Vincentius Des cornet/ descornet, enffant de la Vincent descornet, enffant de la chappelle chappelle/ comme dessus Mre Thomas Crequillon Johannes Criecke, enffant de la chappelle Jehan Crieke, enffant de la chappelle comme dessus Charles Cryeke, enffant de la chappelle M essire Jehan/ Gehan Custodis, chantre Messire Jehan Custodis, chantre Guillelmus/ Guillaume Cutsen, chantre Guillaume Cutsen, chantre Le filz de feu Mre Jehan Deke, chantre Adrien Van Delft, taille, marié Ancelmus Doulchet/ Doucet, enffant de la chap. le qui fut

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 3.16 continued 1550

19–21 July 1553 • Brussels

Maistre Oudart/ Odart Eiyse/ Eyse, chappelain Mess.e Oudart eyze, chappellain des haultes des haultes-messes messes Messire Nicolle Falcqueur/ Faulcqueur, bas-contre Maistre/ Messire Pierre Fermin, hault-contre Yvo de Fine, cy devant enffant de la chappelle Mre Gauthier, chantre Jehan Geart/ Geárt, hault-contre, marié Jehan Gerard, chantre Johannes Ghusbrechts, enffant estudient à Joos Ghisberti, enffant qui fut de la chappelle Gand Maistre Hans de Violeur Adrianus Van Hemelghen/ Hemelghem, enffant Adrien van Hemelghen, enfant qui fut de la de la chappelle/ enffant comme dessus chappelle Jaspar Henet, enffant de la chap.le Jehan Herman, chantre Messire Jehan Herman, chantre qui fut Joos/ Johannes Heythusen, enffant de la chap.le Hubert Hostelet, chantre Hubert Hotelet, chantre Pierre de Hot, hault-contre, marié Pierre Hot, chantre Jacobus Hottenssone, enfant de la chappelle Pierre Hylant, hault-contre, marié Maistre/ Messir Pierre Laurier, chappellain des Messire Pierre Laurier, chappelain des haultes haultes messes messes Maistre Jehan Lestannier/ Lestanier, organiste (†) Michiel Liebert, cy devant enffant de la chappelle Petrus le Lillier enffant de la chappelle Franciscus/ Francois Lockenberghe/ Franciscus Loquemberghe, enffant de la Locquemberghe, enffant de la chappelle chappelle Maistre Adrien Loomans, clerc de la chappelle Mre Adrien Louff, mre des enffans en Latin Le filz de Estienne Loys, violeur Martin de Malines, hault-contre Martin de Malines, chantre Jacques Marchant, enffant de la chappelle Jacobus Marchant, enffant de la chappelle Pierre Desmarez, enffant Petrus des Marez, enffant de la chap.le Maistre Adrien Merschaert, chappellain des basses messes Anthonius Michielssone/ Micheilssone, enffant comme dessus Johannes de Molendino, enfant Joos/ Johannes de Molendino/ Molendius, enffant de la chappelle Maistre Jehan Molet, chantre Gilles de/du Molin, hault-contre, marié Christophorus/ Christoforus de Montaigne, Xpoforus de Monte, enffant de la chappelle comme dessus/ enffant de la chappelle Messire Morand le Ponictre, chantre Messire Pierre Musteau, chantre qui fut

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Table 3.16 continued 1550

19–21 July 1553 • Brussels

George Nepotis, clerc de loratoire Loys de Néveur, enffant comme dessus, enffant Ludovicus Neveur, enffant qui fut de la de la chappelle chappelle Messire/ Maistre Jaques/ Jacques Pahier/ Jaques Pannier, chappellain Panier, chappellain des haultes-messes Franciscus Paludanus, clerc de la chappelle Messire Nicole/ Nicolle Payen, chappellain des Messire Nicolas Payen, chappellain des haultes haultes messes messes Jaques Pelier, chantre Jacobus Petri, enffant (†) Jacobus Petri, enffant de la chappelle Messire Robert de la Porte, bas-contre Messire Robert de Porta, chantre Guilles Prevost, enffant de la chappelle Joos Quintard ( Johannes Quintare) enffant qui fut de la chap.le Johannes Raes, enffant qui fut de la chappelle Mathias Ridemont, chantre (†) Maistre/ Messire Robert de Sainct-Martin, Messire Robert St Martin, chantre taille Judocus Segart, enffant estudiant a Gand Joducus Segars, enffant de la chappelle Hans Seltz, taille Egidus Stephani, enffant de la chappelle Franciscus Symon, enffant estudiant a Gand Jehan de Terremonde, enffant de la chappelle Gerard Thol, chp.lain des basses messes Messire Noël Tonnequin, hault-contre Messire Noel Tonnequin, chantre Pierre de Tounhoult Hans Utenhove, bascontre Egidus Veilleke, chantre Pascalius Verdierè, enffant estudiant a Gand Pascalius Vergiere, enffant de la chappelle Petrus le Vienlier, enffant de la chappelle Jacques Waet, taille [Marié] Maistre Adrian/ Adrien Walcmaer, bas-contre Mess.e Adrien Walchmakere, chantre Ludolff Wolemont, souffleur, marié Michiel Wolff Messire Michiel Wolff, jad. chantre BBRB MS II, 1200, Carton 9 (Pinchart Notes) Rudolf, pp. 106–7, 379–84

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the document lists all the musicians and chaplains eligible for benefices over a period, only some of these were actually employed in the chapel at any one time. Cornelius Canis is designated as maître des enffans. The benefice list of 1550 reflects several significant changes in personnel through the addition of new singers and chaplains. Thomas Crecquillon no longer appears, having apparently retired, and five choristers are cited as pensioned after leaving the chapel for study in Ghent.127 Several new singers had been enrolled at the conclusion of the Diet of Augsburg128 and during the following year, when Charles had returned to the Low Countries.129 By 1553 the chapel included only 17 adult singers, as indicated by a recently discovered benefice list (Table 3.16).130 The number of unchanged voices stood at 20.131 A number of singers and chaplains had left the chapel. Many were choristers whose voices had changed and who had subsequently returned to the Low Countries for study. Prominent among adult singers whose names had disappeared from the chapel rosters were Mathias Reydummel, a bass who had served the chapel continuously since 1526, and, cited as jad. chantre (formerly singer), tenor Michiel de Wolf (Lupus), found on the chapel rosters since 1528. By 1554 Jacobus Vaet had left the emperor’s chapel for that of Maximilian, Crown Prince of Austria and later Holy Roman Emperor. A final chapel roster was issued in June 1556 and included 17 adult singers designated as cantores, ten mochachos de capilla (choirboys), ten trumpeters, one drummer, and four tañedores de vihuelas de arcos (Table 3.17).132 Designated in the roster as mastro de capilla, Nicolas Payen had by this time replaced Cornelius Canis, who left the chapel in April 1555.133 Payen had first been recorded with the chapel on a paylist issued in 1523 (Table 3.7) and most likely had been recruited during the emperor’s travels throughout the Low Countries following his coronation at Aachen and before his return to 127 Of these François Simon later returned to the chapel. In the benefice list of 1553, he is listed as clerk of the chapel, and in the final roster issued in June 1556, he is listed as moço de capilla. 128 Robert de la Porte, Adrien Walcmaer, Nicolle Faulcqueur, Jacques Waet, Adrien van Delft, Martin de Malines; see Millán and Carlos Morales, La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, p. 214. 129 Jehan de Bleeckere, Pierre Clouwin, Robert de Sainct-Martin, Pierre de Hot, Pierre Fermin, Pierre Hylant; see Millán and Carlos Morales, La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, p. 214. 130 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, État et Audience MSS 1250 & 1473/1; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 108–9, 392–6. 131 Hans Utenhove, Adrian Cauwenhove, and Mre. Gaulthier appear to be the only new additions to the adult singers. 132 Archivo Général de Simancas E. leg. 116, núms. 41–5; published in Louis Prosper Gachard, Retraite et mort de Charles-Quint au monastère de Yuste, 3 vols (Brussels, 1854–5), vol. 2, pp. 72, 77; Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 359–60; Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias’, pp. 786–7; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 110, 406. 133 Bruno Bouckaert, ‘Cornelius Canis (†1562) in Ghent and Lille: New Biographical Evidence’, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 51 (2001), pp. 83–102, at p. 84; Bernstein, ‘Canis, Cornelius’, NG2.

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Table 3.17  The final roster: chapel paylist 1556 État de la maison June 1556 • (The Netherlands) Limosnero mayor   Odart de Bersaques Secundo limosnero   Valeran Haugonart/ Hangoort Sumiller de oratorio   François de Rosimbos   Maximilian de Berghes Mastro de capilla   Nicolas Payen Capellanes   Jaques Pannier/ Parnier   Pierre Lorier   Odart Eyze/ Ayze   Noël Ron   Jacques Alardi/ Jaques Abardi   Gérard Tol   George Nepotis   Jacques/ Jaques Hoemans, confessor   del comun Cantores   Joan Bleeker/ Jen Blecker   Pierre Clouvin/ Clavin   Robert de la Porte   Hans Utenhoven/ Uthoven   Adrian Valmaeker/ Valmacker   Mathias Van Loo   Charles Boursse   Pierre de Hot   Noël Tonnecken/ Tounecken   Jean Gérard   Martin de Malines   Guillen Cutzen   Bauldoyn Pernoys   Pierre Brabant   Jean Bertoul/ Bertol   Robert de Saint-Martin   Adrian Couvenhoven/ Covenhoven

Diez mochachos de capilla Maestro destos mochachos   Adrian Loef/ Lef Organista   Miguel Boch Templador   Ludolf Volemont Furiel de capilla   Corneille Zuaen Moços de capilla   Henry Martin   François Simon Moços de oratorio   Mathias Manort   François Loqemberg/ Loremberg Moço de limosna   George Pesqueur Trompetas   Miguel de la Murette   Johan de Palermo/ Joan de Palermo   Nicholas Duboys/ Nicolas Duboys   Pedro Nacroix?/ Nacionx   Joan Nacroix?/ Nacionx   François de Palermo   Vincent Boleneze/ Boloneze   Mates de Palermo/ Mateo de Palermo   Géry Odin   Miguel Valentin   Enrique, atavalero Tañedores de Vihuelas de Arcos   Tomas Herman   Joan Herman   Gaspar Payen   François/ Francoys Cornette

AGS E leg.116, nos. 41–5 Straeten VII, pp. 359–60 (trumpeters and tañedores de vihuelas de arcos listed) Rudolf, p. 110, 406 (tañedores de vihuelas de arcos not listed) Gachard, Retraite, II, pp. 71–80 (trumpeters and tañedores de vihuelas de arcos listed) Robledo, pp. 786–7 (partial list)

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Spain in 1522.134 A benefice list issued on 2 October 1526 identified him as enfant de chappelle. His voice had changed by 1528, for he is no longer found on the roster drawn up on 1 July of that year. By 1534 he had rejoined the chapel as a member of the petite chapelle (Table 3.12).135 In the intervening period he had apparently been educated at the emperor’s expense.136 In 1540 he was designated as clerc de l’oratoire and in 1547 as chappelain de la haulte messe. By 1 September 1555 he had been appointed maître de chapelle.137 Few other changes are apparent. The chapel personnel had remained relatively stable, with only the addition of a new bass, Mathias Van Loo, and a new alto, Balduinus Pernois, who had been recorded as a choirboy on the benefice list of 1540 (Table 3.14). However, the number of choirboys had been drastically reduced from 20 in 1553 to ten by 1556. The distribution of voices was further altered with the death of male soprano Jehan Custodis by 25 September 1554.138 It was these Flemish musicians who Charles left behind in the Netherlands when he departed for Spain and his retirement at Yuste several months later. There seems to be some confusion concerning the chapel that Charles assembled in Spain. Several studies have reported that some of his Flemish musicians accompanied him on the voyage to Spain and eventually to Yuste.139 On the basis of evidence in subsequent rosters connected with Philip II, Rudolf reported that George Nepotis, François Simon, and Matthias Manoot travelled with Charles to Spain.140 However, only the chaplain George Nepotis is listed on the rosters compiled after Charles returned there.141 A small choir of Hieronymite monks, who had been brought to Yuste from monasteries throughout Spain, with Juan de Villamayor as maître de chapelle, sang the daily mass and office.142 With few visitors and relieved of the burdens of governing, Charles’s days 134 Bossuyt, ‘Nicolas Payen, an Unknown Chapelmaster of Charles V and Philip II’, p. 122. 135 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional Mss 3.825; see Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 336–7; Bossuyt, ‘Nicolas Payen, an Unknown Chapelmaster of Charles V and Philip II’, p. 123. 136 As stipulated in ordinances issued by the chapel; see the discussion in Chapter 4 below. Payen’s name does not appear in the matriculation records of the University of Louvain (Leuven) where many of the chapel’s choristers studied after their voices broke. 137 Bossuyt, ‘Nicolas Payen, an Unknown Chapelmaster of Charles V and Philip II’, p. 128. 138 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 139. 139 Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, p. 45. 140 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 111, 126, 138. 141 Gachard, Retraite et mort de Charles-Quint, vol. 1, p. L; Picker, ‘Nepotis, George’, NG2; Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 8, pp. 45ff. 142 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 361–2; Gachard, Retraite et mort de Charles-Quint, vol. 1, p. 424. See Robert Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), pp. 176–7; Gilbert Chase, The Music of Spain (New York, 1941), pp. 86–7; D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, ed. D. Carlos Seco Serrano, 3 vols (Madrid, 1955–6), vol. 3, p. 498.

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at Yuste were largely spent in prayer and contemplation. Prudencio de Sandoval reported that In the spiritual Exercises of Prayer, Reading and Meditation, he [Charles V] far out-did the most perfect religious Men. He said the divine Office; and if Sickness obstructed, his Confessor said it in his presence. Upon all holidays he heard High Mass, and every day a Low Mass, tho’ he were not able to rise. He had Sermons after Dinner, and when that fail’d, a Lesson read him out of S. Agustin. He lov’d Musick, and had an excellent Ear, yet would allow none but the Fryars to Sing in the Choir. His Zeal for Religion was so great, that being told of the apprehending of Cazalla and other Hereticks, he said, Nothing could draw him out of the Monastery, unless there were need of him to oppose them.143

C

some final observations

harles began his reign as King of Spain with a chapel which matched both in size and prestige that of his immediate forebears. Subject to political circumstances and the almost constant need to travel, the size and composition of the chapel fluctuated considerably in the years that followed.

1517–20: The First Journey to Spain Charles sailed to Spain with a combined grande and petite chapelle that numbered 39. Its numbers were depleted when some of the chapel accompanied Eleanor’s departure for the court of Portugal and Ferdinand’s removal to the Netherlands. New singers were recruited, apparently to fill vacant positions.

1520–2: The Return to the Netherlands and the First Visit to the Empire The singers who had been recruited joined the chapel upon its return to the Low Countries. The combined grande and petite chapelle membership now reached 38. A paylist issued 22 May 1522, immediately before the return to Spain, appears to be the first to reveal that the chapel included four bascontres, four haultecontres, five haulteneurs, and four dessus supplemented by eight enffans. The 1522 paylist also appears to be the first to designate leadership positions within the chapel with Anthoine de Berghes cited as premier chapellain at 30 sous per day, Nicolas le Liégeois as maître de chapelle at 24 sous per day, and Nicole Carlier as maître des enffans at 18 sous per day. Liegeois is indicated as absent, most likely due to recruiting activities, and de Berghes and Carlier are listed as dead, an emendation that was most likely added later since both names appear on subsequent documents issued by the chapel.

143 D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, The History of Charles V, trans. John Stevens (London, 1703), pp. 458–9, as quoted in Michael Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs, 1563–1700 (Rochester, 1998), p. 31; Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, vol. 3, p. 498.

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1522–8: The Return to Spain The chapel experienced stability and steady growth throughout this extended period Charles spent in Spain. The combined total of grande and petite chapelle reached 41 by 1528, and Charles departed for his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor at the end of this period with an impressive retinue of musicians and chaplains. Although the paylists issued in this period fail to indicate the leadership positions held within the chapel, they may be deduced from the wages denoted. Those positions experienced considerable change in this period. An undated paylist believed to date from 1523 shows that Carlier, with a salary of 18 sous, continued to serve as maître des enffans. By 1524 Carlier had apparently died, and the same salary was held by Jacques Champion who had replaced him. By 1528 this position had been taken by Nicolas Gombert, again with a salary of 18 f. However, the 1528 paylist shows Adrien Pickart (Thiebault) with the highest salary of 20 f., a clear indication that he held the position of maître de chapelle by this time. In fact, his tenure as maître de chapelle may date back to at least 1526, as he is so indicated on a collation list issued on 2 October of that year. What remains a mystery is who held the position between 1523 and 1526. The paylists between 1523 and 1528 provide no indication, and le Liégeois, who had filled this position in 1522, is missing from the rosters during this period. This raises the possibility that Carlier (very briefly) and Champion held the combined position of maître de chapelle and maître des enffans between 1523 and 1526.

1529–33: Italy, the Empire, and the Netherlands In this period of extensive travel, the membership of the chapel remained surprisingly stable. Although a recruiting trip, which had commenced in 1529, resulted in the addition of new members who joined the chapel in Germany, the emperor’s retinue of musicians and chaplains largely consisted of those who had left Spain in the summer of 1529. A paylist dated 1 April 1530 makes it possible to determine the chapel present at Charles’s coronation in February of that year. Paylists dated 23 June and 14 November identify the chapel in attendance at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530.

1533–5: The Return to Spain After three and a half years of travel, Charles returned to Spain in the spring of 1533. A roster issued during the two years he spent on the Iberian peninsula shows a chapel that numbered 33. Nine boys with unchanged voices are identified by name. The position of maître de chapelle and maître des enffans continued to be held by Thiebault and Gombert respectively. A gap of five years follows for which no rosters have emerged.

1540–3: The Netherlands and the Return to Spain Significant changes in the chapel are evident in a collation list issued on 28 December 1540. In the preceding five years Charles had been engaged in war with both the Turks and the French. The Conquest of Tunis in 1535 had been followed by triumphal entries throughout Italy, and war with France had taken him to Provence.

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It comes as no surprise that there was considerable turnover of chapel personnel during the preceding five years in this period of military and political unrest as well as extensive travel. By 1540 Gombert and Thiebault were no longer found on the chapel rosters although both had been active recruiting new members in the late 1530s. The 1540 collation list marks the first mention of Thomas Crecquillon, who is identified as maître de chapelle. Charles returned to Spain in November 1541 for a period of a year and a half. On 1 January 1543 he issued a paylist which has previously received almost no attention. A combined grande and petite chapelle of 43 members included 21 chaplains and singers plus eight boys with unchanged voices. Although Cornelius Canis may be connected with the chapel as early as 1542 when he escorted new singers from the Low Countries to Spain, the 1543 paylist is the first to designate him as maître des enffans.

1547–8: The Diet of Augsburg

In May 1543 Charles again embarked on a period of extensive travel. He would not return to Spain until his final journey in 1556. A roster dated 1547 from this period was issued from some place in the Empire, not in Spain as Straeten had claimed. Only the grande chapelle was included with three bas-contres, six haultcontres, six tailles, and ten enffans cited. Canis is designated maître de la chapelle et des dix enffans. The victory over the Schmalkaldic League of Protestant princes at Mühlberg in April 1547 was followed by one year spent at the Diet of Augsburg. The list of personnel issued in this period and published in 1550 at Cologne shows essentially the same grande chapelle of 25 singers in addition to ten boys with unchanged voices. Significantly, Crecquillon is identified as both singer and composer.

1550–6: The Final Years as Emperor While paylists are lacking between 1548 and 1556, the membership of the chapel in this period has been reconstructed from benefice lists of 1550 and 1553. A final paylist, issued after Charles’s abdication and before his retirement in Spain, shows a depleted chapel of 17 singers plus ten boys. Apparently with the emperor’s imminent departure, many had left the chapel by June 1556. Only one member of the Flemish chapel, George Nepotis, accompanied Charles to Spain. What the rosters discussed so far fail to reveal is the extent to which the personnel of the chapel changed on a month-to-month or yearly basis. For that reason the 1543 paylist, issued in Spain and recently published in modern edition, emerges as essential for understanding as to how the chapel evolved. Dated 1 January, the document, reproduced in Table 3.15, begins with a list of chapel members with their wages. However, in the folios which follow, changes in the chapel between 1543 and 1555 are noted. They reflect the changes in chapel personnel over this period when few rosters have survived. Table 3.18 reproduces those changes. It verifies, for example, in an entry for 1 May 1555 that Cornelius Canis has been replaced by Nicolas Payen. Singers and chaplains leave, others take their place; still others are moved to different positions. The 1543 paylist and the evolution of the chapel detailed in this document emerge as crucial for the period 1543–55, and reveal the task of maintaining a viable chapel that continued until the end of Charles’s reign.

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Table 3.18  Changes in the chapel, 1543–56 1543 Grande Chappelle 22 Jan. 1543 Jehan Lestanier 4 Feb. 1543 Humbert Otelot 4 Feb. 1543 Gilles Potier 10 June 1543 Jehan Fauverchien 1 Aug. 1543 Cornelis de Vos

received in the chapel as organist moved from clercq de la chapelle to chantre moved from l’ausmoisne to clercq de la chappelle removed from chapel roster on account of his death fourrier de la chappelle; removed from chapel roster on account of his death removed from chapel accounts removed from chapel accounts removed from chapel accounts received in the chapel received in the chapel

7 Dec. 1543 Gilles Coyen 7 Dec. 1543 Gilles Croyen 7 Dec. 1543 Francois Vantrelot 19 Dec. 1543 Michiel Volxen 19 Dec. 1543 Michiel Gheskiere Escuierie et Armurie 1 Nov. 1543 Sepulchre de Brugis, trompette removed from the roster on account of his death 1544 Grande Chappelle 1 Oct. 1544 Gilles Poictiers 1 Oct. 1544

Jehannin Raes

1 Oct. 1544

Hugues Monin

7 Oct. 1544 George Nepotis 16 Nov. 1544 16 Nov. 1544 16 Nov. 1544 16 Nov. 1544 1 Dec. 1544 1 Dec. 1544 1 Dec. 1544

Jehan du Chesne Jehan Bulteau Ancelmus Douche Matheus le Mre Jehan Berthoutz Anthoine Le Cocque Cornille Zwane

1 Dec. 1544 Ludolf van Wolmont 1 Dec. 1544 Jehan Berthoutz 1 Dec. 1544 Anthoine Le Cocque Escuierie et Armurie 1 Jan. 1544 Alfonso de Palermo, trompette 1 Sep. 1544 Hercules Ricard, trompette 1545 Grande Chappelle 1 Jan. 1545 Johannes de Ortho 16 Jan. 1545 Gilles du Moulin 1 Sep. 1545 Amador Pepin

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clercq; removed from chapel roster on account of his death clercq de la petite chappelle took the place of Gilles Poictiers as clercq de la grande chapelle clercq de la grande chappelle took the place of Jehannin Raes as clercq de la petite chappelle received in the chapel as clerk of the petite chappelle received in the chapel as enffan de cueur received in the chapel as enffan de cueur received in the chapel as enffan de cueur received in the chapel as enffan de cueur received in the chapel as chantre de la chappelle received in the chapel as chantre de la chappelle souffleur d’orghes moved to fourrier de chappelle took Cornille Zwane’s place as souffleur d’orghes received in chapel as chantre received in chapel as chantre removed from the roster received received in the chapel as chantre chantre in place of Gilles Richardi moved from clerc d’aumosne to clerc de la petite chappelle; took the place of George Nepotis

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Table 3.18 continued Escuierie et Armurie 1 Sep. 1545 Francisco de Palermo, trompette 1 Sep. 1545 Mathieu de Palermo, trompette 1 Oct. 1545 Gery Ogier, trompette 1 Oct. 1545 Vincent Bolonese, trompette 1546 Grande Chappelle 1 Jan. 1546 Pasquier Verdiere 1 Jan. 1546 Francois Simon 1 Jan. 1546 Josquin Segart 1 Jan. 1546 Vincent Descornetz 1 Jan. 1546 Jehan Quintart 1 Jan. 1546 Michiel Gesquiere 1 Jan. 1546 Noel Tounequin 1 July 1546 Jacques Panier Petite Chappelle 1 Jan. 1546 Maximilien de Berghes 15 July 1546 Marc Plessier

1 Nov. 1546 Hugues Monin 1 Nov. 1546 Amador Pepin 1547 Grande Chappelle 1 Jan. 1547 Jehan le Cocq 1 Feb. 1547 Adrien Loermis 1 Mar. 1547 Victor van Harlem 1 Sep. 1547

Enffans de cuer:

Replaced by:

Petite Chappelle 1 Feb. 1547 Franchois Vauterlot Escuierie et Armurie 1 Jan. 1547 Henry Tambourin, trompette 1 Mar. 1547 Pedro Antonio, trompette

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received received removed from the roster received received in the chapel as enffan de cuer received in the chapel as enffan de cuer received in the chapel as enffan de cuer received in the chapel as enffan de cuer received in the chapel as enffan de coeur received in the chapel as enffan de coeur received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chappelain des haultes messes moved in place of le prothonotaire Dandelot, sommelier d’oratoire confesseur du commun in place of docteur Courrouble; Courrouble stays as chappellain des basses messes clerc; removed from chapel roster on account of his death clerc; removed from chapel roster on account of his death chantre; removed from chapel roster on account of his death received in the chapel as clercq de la chappelle chantre; removed from chapel roster on account of his death Franciscus de Beaumarez Guillelmus van Cutzen Johannes Selven Michiel Volsen Johannes Bulteau Johannes Horsbeck Adrianus van Hemelghem Xpoforus Montanus Frausicum Lochenberghe Piertrus van Bavierre

received in the chapel as clercq de chapelle wages counted as xii s. per day removed from the roster on account of his death

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 3.18 continued 1 Aug. 1547 Jacop Slewen, trompette 1 Aug. 1547 Jerosme Venicien

1548 Grande Chappelle 1 Aug. 1548 Adrien Walmark 1 Aug. 1548 Nycolas Faulquier 1 Aug. 1548 Robert de la Porte 1 Aug. 1548 Jehan Moulet 1 Aug. 1548 Jehan Gerard 1 Aug. 1548 Martin de Malines 1 Aug. 1548 Adrien van Delff 1 Aug. 1548 Jacques Wert 1 Aug. 1548 Jehan Ghiselbreche 1 Aug. 1548 Pierrechon Thieullier Petitie Chappelle 1 Oct. 1548 Marc Plessier Fourriere 22 Jan. 1548 Frans Tanis, joueur de violes 1549 Grande Chappelle 25 Feb. 1549 Joannes Zels 25 Feb. 1549 Pierre du Hot 1 May 1549 Pierre Clouyn 19 May 1549 Robert de Sainct Martin 21 May 1549 Jehan Le Bleker 24 May 1549 Pierre Heylant 15 Aug. 1549 Pierre Fremin 1 Dec. 1549 François de Beaumarez Petite Chappelle 12 July 1549 François Dehont Escuierie et Armurie 1 Dec. 1549 Jerosme Venicien, trompette 1550 Petite Chappelle 1 June 1550 Francois de Rosimberz Fourriere 1 June 1550 Francois Massy, violeur 10 Sep. 1550 Gaspar Payen, violeur 1551 Grande Chappelle 1 Nov. 1551 Adard Eyse 1 Dec. 1551 Hans Hutenhove Fourriere 1 Apr. 1551 Francois Cornette, violeur

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received received received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as enfan de cueur received in the chapel as enfan de cueur confesseur du commun; removed from chapel roster on account of his death wages counted as viii s. per day received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as bascontre received in the chapel as teneur received in the chapel as bascontre received in the chapel as haultcontre received in the chapel as haultcontre replaced Jehannis Raes as clerc of the grande chappelle for two days received in the chapel as confesseur du commun removed from the roster because of his death received in the chapel as sommelier d’oratoire pensioned received chappellain des haultes messes in place of Symon Blancot chantre in place of Nycolas Faulquier received in place of Frans Tanys

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Table 3.18 continued 1552 Grande Chappelle 1 Jan. 1552 Michiel Bock 1553 Grande Chappelle 1 Apr. 1553 Guillaume Cutzen 1 Apr. 1553 François Symon Petite Chappelle 1 Feb. 1553 Francis Dehont 1 Feb. 1553

Francois Vautrelot

1 Mar. 1553 Guillaume de Male 26 Mar. 1553 Jaques Othonianus 20 Apr. 1553 Gerard Thol Escuierie et Armurie 1 Jan. 1553 Jehan de Palermo, trompette 1 Dec. 1553 Antonio de Melphy 1554 Grande Chappelle 1 Oct. 1554 Bauldoyn Pernois 1 Oct. 1554 Mathias Wauloc 1555 Grande Chappelle 1 May 1555 Hugues Martin 1 May 1555 1 July 1555

Nycolas Payen Noel Roy

1556 Petite Chappelle 1 Jan. 1556 Mathieu Mannoert

1 Feb. 1556

Francois Lockemberg

received in the chapel as ayde d’organiste received in the chapel as chantre received in the chapel as clerc de chappelle confesseur du commun; removed from chapel roster on account of his death clerc; removed from chapel roster on account of his death received in the chapel as clerc de la petitte chappelle received in the chapel as confesseur du commun received in the chapel as chappellain des basses messes removed from the roster on account of his death removed from the roster on account of his death received in the chapel as haultcontre received in the chapel as bascontre clerc de la chappelle in place of François de Beaumarez Mre de chappelle in place of Cornille Cams received in the chapel as chappellain des haultes messes clerc d’oratoire in place of George Nepotis who had been received as chappellain des basses messes clerc d’oratoire in place of Guillaume de Male

MIVDJ Ms.25-I-25, fols.78r-ss La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 212–60

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chapter 4

The Chapel Ordinances: Ritual and Repertory at the Court

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n 25 October 1555, during a ceremony in Brussels, Charles V, Emperor   of the Holy Roman Empire and King of Spain, transferred his rule in the Netherlands to his son Prince Philip. In the abdication speech which followed, Charles recounted that during his reign of over 40 years, he had made 40 journeys: ten trips to the Low Countries, nine to Germany, seven to Italy, six to Spain, four to France, two to England, and two to North Africa.1 He recalled that he had made 11 voyages by sea, and would soon make a final one to Spain. As he put it, ‘my … life has been one long journey’.2 At the height of his reign Charles ruled over almost 28 million people, 40 per cent of the population of Europe.3 It has been said that his was ‘an empire on which the sun never set’,4 and ‘that stretched over the surface of half the known world’.5 To administer this vast empire necessitated frequent travel, and, as we noted in Chapter 1, it has been estimated that he spent approximately a quarter of the period 1517 to 1555 on the road.6 As Charles travelled, he left regents, often members of the royal family, in charge.7 Governance conducted by correspondence was hampered both by the time lapse in communication between such widely dispersed territories and by his reluctance to relinquish decision-making to others. That the only palace Charles built – in the Alhambra at Granada  – was left 1 D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, The History of Charles V, trans. John Stevens (London, 1703), p. 450; modern edition in D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, ed. D. Carlos Seco Serrano, 3 vols (Madrid, 1955–6), vol. 3, p. 479. 2 Henry Kamen, Empire: How Spain Became a World Power, 1492–1763 (New York, 2003), p. 50. 3 Wim Blockmans, ‘The Emperor’s Subjects’, trans. Alastair Weir, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 227–83, at p. 234. 4 Geoffrey Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 113–225, at p. 113. 5 Kamen, Empire, p. 54. 6 Wim Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558, trans. Isola van den Hoven-Vardon (London, 2002), pp. 34, 176; Hugh Soly, ‘Introduction: Charles V and his Time’, trans. Alastair Weir, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 11–25, p. 14. The reign of the Catholic Monarchs in Spain was also characterized by constant travel. 7 Margaret of Austria was placed as regent of the Netherlands until her death in 1530. Following her death, Mary of Hungary, sister of the emperor, was installed as regent. The Habsburg territories in Germany and Austria were largely governed by Charles’s brother, Ferdinand. During the emperor’s absences from Spain, the Empress Isabella was left in charge, and after her death in 1539, Prince Philip and later the Infanta Maria governed in her place.

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unfinished at his death, is often cited as evidence of the peripatetic nature of his reign.8 Charles did not travel alone. Paylists for his household emanate from Zaragoza, Mainz, Toledo, Burgos, and Madrid as well as from Brussels and Valladolid. His entourage included advisors, secretaries, servants, and his chapel, and he made clear in the first ordinance issued from his court that the chief function of the chapel was to celebrate mass and the office.  … en l’honneur et louange de Dieu, nostre Créateur, et pour l’augmentation et exaltation de son sainct service …

C

to the honor and praise of God, our Creator, and for the augmentation and exaltation of His holy service9

the burgundian legacy: the statutz et ordennances, 1515, and the estatutos, 1517

harles was proclaimed of age in a ceremony in Brussels on 5 January 1515. The following 25 October, also in Brussels, he issued the Ordonnance de Charles, prince d’Espagne, archiduc d’Autriche, duc de Bourgogne, etc. pour le gouvernement de sa maison, the first to outline the organization and regulations governing his household.10 In a section entitled Statutz et ordennances sur le faict de nostre grande chapelle, Charles addressed the governance and rituals of the chapel. The Statutz et ordennances can be found in slightly different versions in several copies which have survived. Two are extant at the Archives Générales du Royaume in Brussels. A 17th-century copy on which several modern editions are based omits the list of chapel personnel,11 while an earlier 16th-century copy includes the list of chapel members but is incomplete in other respects.12 Although a Spanish version now found in the Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan in Madrid has been published in modern edition, it has yet to receive close scrutiny from musicologists.13 8 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 35. 9 Homer Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’ (PhD diss., U. of Illinois, 1977), pp. 80, 341. 10 A list of the statutes and ordinances which stipulated the organization and governance of the emperor’s chapel is given in Appendix B below. 11 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds: Papiers d’État et de l’Audience, Reg. 23, II, fols. 10vff. Modern editions are published in Joseph Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Kaiser Karls V.: Leben und Werk (Bonn, 1938), pp. 337–8; Edmond vander Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, 8 vols (Brussels, 1867–88); facsimile edition in 4 vols (New York, 1969), vol. 7, pp. 278–81; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 342–3; Louis Prosper Gachard, ed., Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, 4 vols (Brussels, 1874–82), vol. 2, pp. 491–501. 12 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, MS divers 796, fols. 63r–103v (État de la maison de Charles Quint). According to Honey Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford, 2003), p. 17, both documents were copied from the original ordinance now lost. 13 Madrid, Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan Ms. 26-I-28 (Spanish translation of copy in Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, Salazar y Castro, 9/682); modern edition

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At the same time, this first ordinance, issued by the court of Charles V, was ‘partly indebted to traditions and an infrastructure inherited from the Castilian court of Ferdinand and Isabella’,14 it was also closely modelled on the earlier Burgundian ceremonial and liturgical practices of Charles’s predecessors. On 1 January 1469 Charles the Bold had issued the Ordennances touchant la chapelle,15 shortly after he had inherited the title of Duke of Burgundy. It mandated extensive regulations, including the stipulation that the chapel should consist of 25 members: 13 chappellains, six clercs, five sommeliers, and one fourrier. All were to be singers except the fourrier. In addition, the household should include five trompettes de guerre (battle trumpets), six trompettes de menestrelz (minstrel trumpets), and three players of instrumens bas (soft instruments). A daily High Mass according to the Use of Paris was to be celebrated à chant et deschant (chant and polyphony) and vespers and compline chantées (sung). Additionally the feast days on which matins and all the Hours were to be celebrated were enumerated.16 The Ordennances touchant la chapelle also addressed organizational and disciplinary matters, including the appearance and behaviour of the chapel, and stipulated that the chapel should sing at funerals and commemorations for the ducal family. It further restored the performance of the O antiphons during Advent.17 Of particular interest is the recommendation of a 6/3/2/3 distribution of voices:

published in José Martínez Millán and Carlos Javier de Carlos Morales, eds, La corte de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid, 2000), vol. 5, pp. 137–68. This document includes a list of the chapel membership discussed in Chapter 2 and Table 2.5 above. 14 Bernadette Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel, c. 1559–c. 1561’, Early Music History 19 (2000), pp. 105–200 at p. 106. 15 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Hatton 13, fols. 10v–47. 16 The Nativity of Our Lord, the Circumcision, the Apparition, the Purification of Our Lady, the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Assumption, the Nativity and Conception of Our Lady, Easter, the Ascension of Our Lord, the day before and the day of Pentecost, the Feast of Trinity, the Feast of the Holy Sacrament, the Nativity of St John the Baptist, the Feast of St Peter in June, the Feast of All Saints, the Commemoration of the Dead, the feasts of St Catherine, St Andrew, and St Barbara, and every day of Lent and Advent. 17 Charles the Bold’s 1469 Ordennances touchant la chapelle has been transcribed and paraphrased by Barbara Haggh, The Status of the Musician at the BurgundianHabsburg Courts, 1467–1506’ (MMus thesis, U. of Illinois, 1980), pp. 63–8, 111–19. David Fallows, ‘Specific Information on the Ensembles for Composed Polyphony, 1400–1474’, in Studies in the Performance of Late Mediaeval Music, ed. Stanley Boorman (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 109–59, at pp. 145–59, has transcribed passages in the ordinance relevant to the chapel. In his examination of the Ordennances touchant la chapelle, Howard Mayer Brown, ‘Music and Ritual at Charles the Bold’s Court: The Function of Liturgical Music by Busnoys and his Contemporaries’, in Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music, ed. Paula Higgins (Oxford, 1999), pp. 53–70, at pp. 67–8, also transcribed passages relevant to music and on p. 57, observed that ‘although the regulations do not explicitly say so, they thus imply that polyphony was normally reserved for solemn and double feasts (as we shall see, polyphony was also probably sung at some combined Vespers and Compline services).’

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The Chapel Ordinances: Ritual and Repertory at the Court Item pour le chant du livre y aura du moyns six haultes voix, troys teneurs, troys basses contres et deux moiens sans en ce comprendre les quatre chapelains des haultes messes ne les sommeliers lesquelz toutefoys s’ilz ne sont occupés a l’autel ou autrement raisonnablement seront tenus de servir avec les dessus ditz.

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Item: for singing polyphony there shall be at least six high voices, three tenors, three contrabasses and two moiens [contratenors] excluding the four chaplains for High Mass and the sommeliers, who, however, must sing with the above-mentioned if they are not occupied at the altar in some other reasonable way.18

Thus, Charles the Bold’s Ordennances touchant la chapelle not only offers a glimpse of the desirable size and the ideal distribution of voices in the Burgundian chapel in 1469, but also suggests the occasions when polyphony most likely was performed.19 Subsequent ordinances drawn up during the period of Philip the Fair were for the most part reissues of Charles the Bold’s Ordennances touchant la chapelle. In 1497 the chapel was for the first time divided into a grande chapelle, responsible for the celebration of High Mass, and a petite chapelle, responsible for Low Mass.20 The grande chapelle was directed to ‘conduct and regulate themselves … according to the ordinance … made by our very dear late lord and grandfather the Duke Charles.’ 21 In 1500 Philip the Fair’s Statutz et Ordennances pour ladite chapelle22 stipulated that mass, vespers, and compline be sung daily, and that 18 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Hatton 13, fol. 13r–v, transcribed and translated in Fallows, ‘Specific Information on the Ensembles for Composed Polyphony’, pp. 110, 149. The Ordennances touchant la chapelle further stipulated that only two members of the chapel were allowed to be absent at any one time and at least two tenors and two basses required to be present at all times. See especially Fallows, pp. 114, 154, and Brown, ‘Music and Ritual at Charles the Bold’s Court’, pp. 58, 67–8. Fallows, pp. 113–14, concludes that in 1469 the paylists for the chapel did not include any boys. 19 Brown, ‘Music and Ritual at Charles the Bold’s Court’, pp. 58–9, concludes that ‘polyphonic music at Mass was normally reserved for solemn feast-days and doubles’ and that the ordinance issued in 1469 provides ‘a general idea of the times when polyphonic Masses and motets could have been sung: at Masses and combined Vespers-Compline services most likely for more than twenty occasions during each year.’ 20 Haggh, The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, p. 74. 21 ‘se conduiront et règleront … selon l’ordonnance sur ce faite par feu notre très-cher seigneur et grand-père le duc Charles’, Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds: Papiers d’État et de l’Audience, Nº 22bis (olim Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale 19519), fol. 1v (État de l’Hôtel of Philip); Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, pp. 54, 243; also see Baron F. de Reiffenberg, ‘État de l’hôtel de Philippe-le-Bel, duc de Bourgogne, en l’an 1496, à Bruxelles’, Académie royale de Belgique: Bullétin de la Commission Royale d’Histoire 11 (1846), pp. 677–718, and G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 4 (1934), pp. 21–57, 139–65, at p. 44. 22 Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds: Papiers d’État et de l’Audience, reg. 22, fols. 102–32; see Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, pp. 45–6, and Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, pp. 55–7.

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en chantant lintroyte de la messe, les kyries, gloria, leuvengille, le credo, sanctus, pater noster, l’agnus dei et semblablement lintroyte des vespres et complyes aux capitaulx, magnificat et une dimistis aux preces et orosions lesd. chappellains auront les testes descouvertes, et es avens et karesme es offices feriaulx ils seront tenuz eulx agenouillier aux preces ainsi quil est accoustume de tout temps.23

in singing the Introit of the Mass, the Kyries, Gloria, the Gospel, the Credo, Sanctus, Pater Noster, the Agnus Dei and similarly, the Introit of vespers and compline in the Chapters, Magnificat and Nunc dimittis, in prayers and orations, the said chapelains will have their heads bared, and in Advent and Lent and daily offices they will kneel at prayers as well as at all accustomed times.

Bernadette Nelson has provided an item-by-item comparison of Charles V’s 1515 Statutz et Ordennances with Charles the Bold’s 1469 Ordennances touchant la chapelle and Philip the Fair’s 1500 Statutz et Ordennances pour ladite chapelle.24 Each document stipulated that 1. All chaplains, singers, and other personnel of the chapel were to be obedient to the premier chapellain, who was to be accorded reverence and honour as the head of the chapel. 2. Chapter meetings were to be held weekly to discuss disciplinary matters and appropriate actions were to be undertaken by the premier chapellains or in their absence the confessor of the chapel. 3. The premier chapellain was also responsible for the daily reporting of attendance and absences. 4. Members of the chapel were directed to kneel when entering and leaving the chapel, remain silent, and stand at the appropriate moments during the mass and office.25 Like the ordinances drawn up by Charles the Bold and Philip the Fair, the 1515 Statutz et ordennances issued by Charles V called for the daily celebration of High Mass sung (à chant et deschant) as well as vespers and compline said and sung (dictes et chantées). When these offices preceded a double or solemn feast, they were to be celebrated according to the feast observed on the following day. Additionally matins, prime, terce, sext, and none were to be observed on the following feast days:

23 Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, p. 45; Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, pp. 55–6. 24 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 118–20. 25 Studies of the 1515 Statutz et Ordennances have appeared in Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 116, 118–19, 172; Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, pp. 57–9; and Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 80–1, 154–6, 341–3. They are summarized here.

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The Nativity of Our Lord The Circumcision of Our Lord The Apparition of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Nativity and Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Feast of Easter The Ascension of Our Lord The Vigil and Day of Pentecost The Trinity The Blessed Sacrament (Corpus Christi) The Nativity of St John the Baptist The Feast of St Peter in June The Feast of All Saints The Commemoration of all the Faithful Departed (All Souls Day) St Catherine St Andrew St Barbara Each day in Lent Each day in Advent The 1515 Statutz et Ordennances also specified the performance by the chapel choir of the Introit, Kyrie, Gloria, Gospel, Credo, Sanctus, Pater Noster, and Agnus Dei in the celebration of mass as well as the Introit, Magnificat, Nunc Dimittis, and Prayers during vespers and compline. Although the Burgundian court had traditionally celebrated mass according to the Use of Paris, as directed in Charles the Bold’s 1469 Ordennances touchant la chapelle, Charles V’s 1515 document does not include any regulation concerning liturgical usage, an omission which may anticipate the shift to the Use of Rome, directed in subsequent documents emanating from the court.26

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the burgundian ceremonial in spain

hortly after his arrival in Spain in September 1517 Charles issued the Estatutos de la Capilla del Emperador Carolos quinto al vzo de la Caza de Borgoña27 in an attempt to establish Burgundian practice in Spain. A previously unknown 17th-century copy was recently found among documents which had circulated in the Spanish and Portuguese courts during that period. The Estatutos were modelled not only on the Statutz et ordennances, which had been issued in 1515 by Charles, but also on the Ordennnaces touchant la chapelle, issued in 1469 26 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 116. 27 Lisbon, Biblioteca da Ajuda 51-VI-37, fols. 79v–84, 85–93 (a mid-17th century copy). A modern edition is published in Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, Appendix 4, pp. 188–91. Nelson, p. 120, points out that this document was ‘recopied’ early in the reign of Philip II.

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by Charles the Bold, and the Statutz et ordennances, issued in 1500 by Philip the Fair. The first nine items in the Estatutos can be found in the regulations of earlier Burgundian documents. Again disciplinary matters and governance of the chapel are addressed. Likewise, the Estatutos prescribe the daily sung celebration of mass, vespers, and compline; however, they fail to provide a list of feast days on which matins and the Lesser Hours were to be celebrated.28 Items 10–24 appear to be new, and while a model has not been found, Nelson has speculated that their origins may lie in Spanish documents from the courts of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile.29 They clarify in further detail the organization as well as the disciplinary policies and procedures of the chapel, define the position of limosnero mayor (first almoner) as head of the chapel, identify the feast days and Sundays when sermons are to be included, and stipulate the time for mass according to the seasons of the year. While the earlier documents had instructed that mass should be celebrated according to Parisian usage, the Estatutos very clearly indicate that Roman usage should be followed.30 Regulations relating to the education of the cantorçios (choirboys) are included and musical issues are addressed:31 1. The singers were instructed to sing a duo or trio as directed by the chapel master. 2. The Alleluia was to be sung (in polyphony) every day and on major feast days.32 3. The major almoner, or if absent, the chapel master were to be consulted before music was performed in the mass or vespers. 4. The offices were to be celebrated according to the Use of Rome. The Estatutos, along with the Statutz et ordennances, emerge as a document closely modelled on the inherited traditions and observances of the Burgundian chapels of Charles the Bold and Philip the Fair. Moreover, the Estatutos apparently also drew upon the traditions of the Aragonese and Castilian chapels of Ferdinand 28 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 116–17; see especially Nelson, Table 1 on pp. 118–19, which clearly shows the derivation of items 1–9 of the Estatutos from the Burgundian statutes. 29 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 117, 120; see especially Nelson, Table 2 on pp. 121–2, which provides an outline of items 10–24. Nelson, p. 106, has observed that the court chapel of Charles V ‘was also partly indebted to traditions and an infrastructure inherited from the Castilian court of Ferdinand and Isabella which was passed on to Charles V following the death of Ferdinand in 1516.’ 30 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 115–16; it should be noted that Charles V’s 1515 Statutz et Ordonnances omits any regulation as to which usage should be observed. 31 Summarized by Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 121–2. 32 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 115, 140–1, suggested that this practice began during the reign of Charles V, but its origins may lie in the ritual of the Spanish chapel.

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and Isabella. The Estatutos represent an attempt by Charles to emulate both the Spanish as well as Burgundian court rituals and etiquette of his predecessors. The Estatutos in turn served as a model for a set of statutes issued many years later by Philip II early in his reign. Most likely drawn up in the early 1560s33 and based on the Estatutos, the Constituciones o estatutos de la Real Capilla de S. M. el Emperador Carlos V al uso de la Casa de Borgoña. Estatutos que hasta agora se han guardado en la Capilla Imperial y se han de observar en la Real Capilla de S. M. conforme al uso de Borgoña34 reflect Philip II’s attempt to fashion court ceremony on that of his father.35 A comparison of both documents36 clearly shows that the 25 items of Constituciones o estatutos correspond to the earlier document which must have functioned as a prototype.

the burgundian ceremonial: a legacy for philip ii

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n 20 November 1539 Charles left Valladolid for the Low Countries, travelling overland through France. Except for a rather brief return to Spain between October 1541 and May 1543, he would spend the next 17 years in the Low Countries, Germany, and Italy until his abdication and final return to the Iberian peninsula in 1556. Military campaigns occupied much of that period, and after the decisive victory over the Protestants at the Battle of Mühlberg in April 1547, Charles began to think about his succession. The following year, he sent back to Spain one of his most trusted generals, Fernando Álvarez of Toledo, Third Duke of Alba, and charged him with imposing Burgundian court ceremonial at the Castilian court. It was officially established at the court on 15 August 1548, the Feast of the Assumption.37 In 1539 Charles had already instructed ‘his son to live in the love and fear of God, to live in observance of the faith and to obey the Roman Church and the Apostolic See in the manner of his ancestors.’38 In 1548, as he contemplated the end of his life, Charles’s concern was that Philip should follow the more elaborate model of the Netherlands court and that 33 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 173. 34 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 14.018/6 (Barbieri papers); modern edition published in Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, Documentos sobre música española y epistolario, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio, Legado Barbieri 2 (Madrid, 1988), document 136, pp. 38–40, and Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 8, pp. 178–82. 35 As is clearly shown by its subtitle, ‘Statutes which were observed in the imperial chapel until now, and which should be observed in His Majesty’s Royal Chapel according to the Burgundian manner’. 36 See Tables 1 and 2 in Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 118–19, 121–2. 37 Henry Kamen, The Duke of Alba (New Haven and London, 2004), p. 34; Henry Kamen, Philip of Spain (New Haven and London, 1997), pp. 34–5; also see Helen Nader, ‘Habsburg Ceremony in Spain: The Reality of the Myth’, Historical Reflections/ Reflexions Historiques 15 (1988), pp. 293–309. 38 Michael Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs, 1563–1700 (Rochester, 1998), p. 26; Manuel Fernández Álvarez, ed., Corpus documental de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid, 2003), vol. 2, p. 33.

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he place all his Confidence in God, be very Obedient to the Church, Zealous for the Catholick Religion, and take care to see the Council of Trent brought to a happy Conclusion, in case the Emperor himself should not live to do it; That he choose worthy Persons for all Benefices, endeavour to preserve Peace … That when the Pope Dies, he use his Interest to have such a one chosen for the good of Christendom: That he be submissive to the Pope in all things that are not prejudicial to this Crown.39

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chapel positions: duties and responsibilities

vidence that the court of Charles V provided a model for Philip II and that he adopted Burgundian rituals and traditions comes from several ordinances and regulations issued during the early years of Philip’s reign.40 The Relation de la Manière de Servir qui S’Observait à la Cour de L’Empereur Don Carlos, Notre Seigneur, en l’Année 1545; La Méme est Observée aujour’hui à la Cour sa Majesté, a document drawn up by Jean Sigoney shortly after Philip ascended to the throne,41 describes the duties and responsibilities of members of the chapel as they existed during Charles’s reign.42 The document admonishes chapel members to observe the regulations of the

39 Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs, p. 27, taken from Sandoval, The History of Charles V, pp. 421–2; see Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, vol. 3, pp. 323–37. For a modern edition of the letters of 1548, see Álvarez, Corpus documental de Carlos V, vol. 2, pp. 569–601. 40 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 106 has observed that ‘while no new statutes seem to have been drawn up at the beginning of Philip’s reign, many statutes and other constitutional documents primarily dating from Charles V’s time were redrafted and reinstated.’ 41 Nader, ‘Habsburg Ceremony in Spain’, p. 303, observes that Jean Sigoney, contrôleur de la maison at Philip II’s court, may have drafted this document ‘as late as 1573’. Nader, p. 303, also reports that Sigoney ‘pointed out to Philip that Charles’s court was organized quite differently from those of his Burgundian ancestors.’ 42 Several versions are extant: Relation de la manière de servir qui s’observait à la cour de l’empereur Don Carlos, notre seigneur, en l’année 1545; la méme est observée aujour’hui à la cour sa majesté. Brussels, Archives générales du Royaume, Fonds de l’Audience; MS, entitled: Maisons des souverains et des gouverneurs généraux, tome II, fols. 79–116; modern edition in Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 367–70. Relación de la forma de seruir que se tenía en la Casa del Emperador don Carlos nuestro señor, que aya gloria, el año de 1545 y se auía tenido algunos años antes e del partido que se daua a cada vno de los criados de su Majestat qve se contauan por los libros del bureo. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 1080; modern edition in Millán and Carlos Morales, La corte de Carlos V, vol. 5, pp. 179–211. Estriquete y relascion de la orden de seruir q[ue] sé tenia en la casa del Emperador Don Carlos n[uest]ro señor al anno 1545. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Section des Manuscrits, Esp. 364, fols. 2–5; modern edition in Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 338–40. El Etiqueta. Relacion de la forma de servir, que se tenia en la casa del Emperador Don Carlos, nuestro s[eñ]or, que aya gloria, el año de 1545, y se havia tenido algunos años antes. Madrid, Palacio Real [n.s.]; modern edition in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 398–403.

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chapel that already exist. It continues with a description of the duties and wages for each position in the chapel,43 with the maître de chapelle responsible for meals, clothing, discipline, as well as the musical instruction of the boy choristers, and, at a salary of 20 sous per day, among the highest paid in the chapel: Le grand aumônier Le second aumônier Chacun des sommeliers de l’oratoire Le maître de chapelle Les chapelains Le confesseur du commun Deux chantres Les enfants de la chapelle Un professeur qui enseigne le latin L’organiste L’accordeur des orgues Le fourrier de la chapelle Les valets de l’oratoire Les valets de la chapelle Le valet d’aumône

30 sous 18 sous 12 sous 20 sous 12 sous 12 sous 12 sous 4 sous 12 sous 12 sous 8 sous 10 sous 8 sous 8 sous 4 sous

Trompettes et joueurs d’atabales, who received 12 sous for each performance, and joueurs de guitare et de violon, who were each to be paid 8 sous, were also listed. Instruments were to be transported on voyages at the expense of the emperor.44 The duties and responsibilities of the chapel are also outlined in La Orden que se tiene en los Officios en la Capilla de Su Magestad, a document believed to date from around 1550, with additions made in 1559 after Philip II’s accession to the throne and his return to Spain from the Low Countries.45 While the Relation de la Constituciones que se guardaban en la Real Capilla del Señor Emperador D. Carlos Nuestro Señor, el año 1545. Y se habían observado algunos años antes. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 1013 (olim cod. E. 76); Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 14.018/1 (Barbieri papers copied from 1792 document), modern edition published in Barbieri, Documentos sobre música española y epistolario, document 135[a–c], pp. 36–7. 43 See Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 367–70, where the document is cited in full, and pp. 81–4, where it has been translated. Rudolf, p. 84, observes that the following did not function as musical members of the chapel during mass: grand aumôner, second aumôner, valet d’aumône, sommeliere de l’oratoire, confessor du commun, valets de la chapelle, valets de l’oratoire, fourrier, and professeur qui enseigne le Latin. This document is also discussed in Alfred de Ridder, ‘Les Réglements de la cour de Charles-Quint’, Messager des Sciences Historiques ou Archives des Arts et de la Bibliographie de Belgique (1893), pp. 392–418; (1894), pp. 36–52, 180–201, 280–91, and in Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias. Antecedentes: Las casas reales hasta 1556’, Revista de Musicologia 10 (1987), pp. 753–96, at pp. 771ff. 44 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 370. 45 Lisbon, Biblioteca da Ajuda 51-VI-37, fols. 61–79 (mid-17th century copy); modern edition published in Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, Appendix 3, pp. 175–87. This previously unknown document is the focus of Nelson’s article, which provides a perceptive and detailed analysis of its contents.

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manière de servir qui s’observait à la cour de l’empereur Don Carlos, notre seigneur, en l’année 1545 provides details in regard to wages, La Orden que se tiene en los Officios en la Capilla de Su Magestad omits discussion of any kind of remuneration. Both documents essentially agree in terms of the responsibilities and duties of the personnel who presided over the musical ceremonies of the chapel.46 The La Orden outlines the duties of the Capellan Major (First Chaplain), whose chief responsibility was apparently the governance of the chapel and the celebration of mass and the office. The Grand Aumôner or Limosnero Mayor functioned as head of the chapel in the absence of the first chaplain and was responsible for bringing the Gospel and Kiss of Peace to the emperor during the mass, as well as for saying the Benedicte and thanksgiving prayer at the emperor’s table. Both documents make clear that the primary task of the Maître de Chapelle or Maestro de Capilla y Cantores was the discipline of the chapel as well as the care and education of the choirboys, who were allowed an absence of three years for study paid by the emperor when their voices broke. At the end of three years they could be readmitted to the chapel choir.47 In the early years of Charles’s reign, the chapel was led by the premier chapellain. Between 1509 and 1515 this position was shared by Marbrian de Orto and Anthoine de Berghes.48 By 1517 de Orto had retired, but the position continued to be held by de Berghes until at least 1522. The leadership of the chapel was then assumed by Nicolas Liégeois for a short period. The tenure of Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart as maître de chapelle began around 1526.49 46 See Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 367–70, 82–3. See Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 183–5, 169–71, for a comparison of both documents. A comparison of the duties and responsibilities of each position, as outlined in these documents, with those stipulated in the ordinances issued in 1469, 1474, and 1500 can be made by examining the discussion in Haggh, ‘The Status of the Musician at the Burgundian-Habsburg Courts’, pp. 75–104. 47 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 367–70, 82–3; Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 183–5, 169–71; Bruno Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca: The Composition and Duties of the Music Ensemble at the Court of Charles V, 1515–1558’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 37–45, at p. 42, cites the case of five choirboys from the imperial chapel who studied at the Broeders van het Gemen Leven (Order of St Jerome) in Ghent after their voices had changed. Also see Bruno Bouckaert, ‘Het muziekleven aan de collegiale kerken van Sint-Baafs en Sint-Veerle in Gent (ca. 1350–ca. 1600)’ (PhD diss., Katholieke U. Leuven, 1998), pp. 53–5. Tess Knighton, ‘Ritual and Regulations: The Organization of the Castilian Royal Chapel during the Reign of the Catholic Monarchs’, in De musica hispana et allis: Miscelánea en honor al Prof. Dr. José López-Calo, S. J. en su 65o cumpleaños, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio and Carlos Villanueva Abelairas (Santiago de Compostela, 1990), pp. 291–320, at p. 307, describes this practice as it existed in the Castilian Royal Chapel during the period of Ferdinand and Isabella. Rudolf, pp. 121–7, identifies choristers who left the chapel for study in the Low Countries, primarily at the University of Louvain (Leuven). 48 Table 2.5; discussed in Chapter 2 above. 49 The first notice of Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart as maître de chapelle can be found in the collation list issued 2 October 1526.

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In 1509 Henry Bredemers was placed in charge of the training of the choristers. In 1522 the position of maître des enffans appears for the first time in court documents, with the responsibility of the choristers assigned to Nicole Carlier.50 In the paylists from 1524 and 1525 (see Table 3.7) Jacques Champion, as the highest paid member of the chapel, can be found in this position. Gombert joined the chapel about 1526 and may have assumed the position of maître des enffans at that time. In a paylist from 1528 he is listed with a salary exceeded only by that of maître de chapelle Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart. Gombert and Thiebault apparently left the chapel around 1538 or 1540. Thomas Crecquillon as maître de chapelle appears for the first time in 1540. Beginning about 1543 Cornelius Canis apparently held the positions of maître de chapelle and maître des enffans simultaneously until 1555,51 when Nicolas Payen assumed the post of maître de chapelle.

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liturgical rituals and ceremonies

any of the ceremonial practices of the Charles V’s chapel are clarified in the Leges et Constitutiones Capellae Catholicae Maiestatis a maioribus institutae, a Car. Quinto studiosè custodite, hodierno die, mandato Regis Catholici, Singulis Sanctissime Servandae, apparently copied around 1556 or during the early years of Philip’s reign.52 The Leges et Constitutiones can be viewed as an attempt to maintain the rituals and traditions of the court.53 Straeten argued that the Leges et Constitutiones dated from the reign of Philip the Fair but included later additions. Nelson pointed out that the Leges et Constitutiones, ‘originating sometime in the early sixteenth century, if not before, … was recopied in the late sixteenth century, and thus well after its initial conception and subsequent revisions.’54 As in previous

50 G. van Doorslaer, ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles-Quint en 1522’, Musica Sacra (1933), pp. 215–30, at pp. 220, 223; Carlier was apparently engaged in 1522 for the return to Spain, but his tenure with the chapel was short lived as he died the following year. 51 Eugeen Schreurs, ‘Musical Relations between the Court and Collegiate Chapels in the Netherlands, 1450–1560’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 103–20, at pp. 108–9, suggests that both Crecquillon and Canis ‘combined the functions of both the maître des enffans and maître de chapelle’. 52 Madrid, Palacio Real Administrativa, Leg. 1133; modern edition published in Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, pp. 183–6; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 409–12; Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 340–2. 53 Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, in Felipe II y su época: actas del simposium, I/5-IX-1998, Colección del Instituto Escurialense de Investigaciones Históricas y Artisticas 14 (San Lorenzo del Escorial, 1998), pp. 141–67, at p. 146. For additional details also see Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, p. 39. 54 Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 178; Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 120.

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court documents, matters of discipline and decorum were addressed with the chapel master responsible for the behaviour of the singers. However, while most of the previous documents emanating from the court shed little light on rituals and performing practices, the Leges et Constitutiones was largely devoted to issues of ritual and liturgy.55 The Leges et Constitutiones emerge as the only document associated with the court to prescribe rather specific liturgical and musical regulations for the celebration of the mass and office as indicated by the following:56 1. The In exitu Israel de Egipto psalm should be sung in fabordon. 2. The Salve regina also should be sung in fabordon after vespers. 3.  All versicles and responsories should be sung in fabordon at first vespers, compline, and mass on the anniversaries of the births of a king, queen, prince or future king. 4.  Litanies, responsories, and versicles should be sung in fabordon at votive services that pray for an heir for a King or Prince. 5. The Pange lingua hymn should be sung polyphonically57 before the procession at the service of the Blessed Sacrament. If there is no procession, another motet in honour of the blessed Body of Christ should be sung as the Blessed Sacrament is being carried. Additionally the singers should perform the responsories and versicles in fabordon. 6. The Te Deum laudamus should be repeated until prayers are finished at services of thanksgiving and should be followed by the motet and versicles with responsory in fabordon. Liturgical ceremonies for deceased members of the royal family as well as for deceased knights of the Golden Fleece are prescribed, with specific instructions for items of the mass and office that were to be sung.58 1. Requiems for emperors, empresses, kings, queens, and princes, shall be celebrated on the anniversaries of their deaths. The mass and the responsory shall be sung polyphonically,59 and vespers shall be celebrated with one nocturn and lauds; the first lection should be sung by one choirboy, the second in fabordon, the third by the priests. 55 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 122, observes that the liturgical practices described in this document seem to be modelled on Parisian usage. 56 The following items from the Leges et Constitutiones are summarized from Rudolf ’s translation, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 157–9. 57 In the original document ‘musicae’; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 161, concludes that polyphony is implied. 58 The following items from the Leges et Constitutiones are summarized from Rudolf ’s translation, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 159. 59 In the original document ‘musicae;’ Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 161, concludes that polyphony is implied.

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2.  Three lections and lauds should be sung at requiems for the chevaliers of the Golden Fleece. 3.  Nine lections should be sung at vigils for the deceased. The first three should be sung by choirboys. 4.  Nine lections with solemn lauds should be sung at the vigil when the king, queen, or member of the royal family of Austria dies. The first should be sung by one choirboy, the remaining by the chaplains. 5.  Three masses should be sung when the king, queen, or a member of the royal family of Austria dies. The following order should be observed: first the Mass of the Holy Spirit, second the Mass of the Virgin, and thirdly the Requiem Mass. Special attention was given to the feasts of the Presentation, the Ascension of the Virgin, and the Expectation of the Birth. Each was considered solemn, with the stipulation that should they fall on a Sunday or on the feasts of the Apostles, the feasts of the Deity should be celebrated. Should the Feast of St Cecilia fall on a Sunday, vespers which preceded should be sung.60 The Leges et Constitutiones also provide a valuable account of other musical issues relating to the placement and performance of the chapel.61 1.  Singing was not to begin until the chapel master or his assistant gave the pitch. 2.  Contratenors should be placed to the right of the lectern, tenors to the left, the choirboys62 in the centre, and the basses in the back. 3.  A motet was not to be sung during the sacrifice unless ordered by His Royal Majesty. 4.  The chapel master was prohibited from singing. The most extensive and detailed regulations concerning liturgical ceremony at the court can be found in the recently discovered La Orden que se tiene en los Officios en la Capilla de Su Magestad.63 As a document drawn up at the end of Charles V’s reign and with items added at the time Philip became King of Spain, it thus reflects both liturgical practice and ceremony at the court of Charles V, as 60 Items 22 and 23. 61 The following items from the Leges et Constitutiones are summarized from Rudolf ’s translation, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 157–60. 62 Referred to in the document as pueri medium; Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 123, observes ‘there is thus no mention of the tiples which formed a regular part of the Spanish royal chapel in the sixteenth century’, and adds that Fallows, ‘Specific Information on the Ensembles for Composed Polyphony’, pp. 109–59, concluded that ‘the normal four-part distribution of voices in polyphonic performance in at least the 1469 chapel of Charles the Bold (according to the pay records) involved adult singers only, despite the probable use of boys in the chapel.’ 63 Lisbon, Biblioteca da Ajuda 51-VI-37, fols. 61–79 (mid-17th-century copy); modern edition in Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, Appendix 3.

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well as the accommodations made by Philip II during the early years of his reign, particularly in the transitional period immediately following the abdication and death of Charles. La Orden was probably drawn up by A. Miguel Pérez de Aguirre, capellan and receptor at the chapel in 1548, 1550, and 1552.64 Indeed, as a document written by a member of the chapel, La Orden emerges as a particularly valuable account of court ceremony. While certain sections of La Orden derived from earlier Burgundian regulations and ordinances, some items describe ceremonies that could only have occurred during the reign of Charles V.65 Additionally, La Orden, as well as the Estatutos and the Leges et Constitutiones, all revised at the beginning of Philip’s reign, also includes ceremonies from the Spanish royal chapel.66 The daily celebration of mass and the offices according to Roman Use is indicated in La Orden, as it had been in previous court documents. Vespers followed by compline was to be celebrated every Saturday and Sunday and on feasts of the Virgin Mary, the Apostles, the Four Doctors of the Church as well as on Holy Days of Obligation. The celebration of vespers, compline, and vigils (first vespers, matins, and lauds) was stipulated for major and minor feasts, commemorations, and anniversaries.67 It has been pointed out that the statutes imply ‘that the major musical items in the offices were sung in polyphony (particularly on major feast days)’.68 La Orden also directed that the vespers psalm should be sung in alternatim, and that on major feast days, a Marian antiphon should be sung on Saturdays and a motet on other days following compline. It further specified that the Marian antiphon should be the Salve regina except during the period from Easter to Ascension, when the Regina caeli was to be substituted.69

B

offertories and processions

ernadette Nelson’s article ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel, c. 1559–c. 1561’, devotes considerable attention to music and ritual, observing that ‘La Orden is particularly notable for providing some insight into ways in which musical performance was integrated with liturgical ceremony at mass and how this was evidently very carefully staged and choreographed.’ 70

64 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 107–8; Nelson, p. 113, dates the additions to the document as early as 1560 or 1561. 65 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 107, mentions specifically the procession during mass of the knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece with lighted candles, the commemorations of members of the royal family, and the mass on the anniversary of the emperor’s birthday and coronation. 66 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 167. 67 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 127–8. 68 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 128. 69 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 129. 70 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 129, and, in the following remarks, describes the elaborate preparations for the liturgical ceremonies of the court, including the appearance of the chapel and the ritualistic duties of its various officers.

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A case in point was the staging of elaborate offertory processions, accompanied by torches and lighted candles embedded with a gold coin (un escudo),71 that occurred on important feast days as well as on commemorations of royal anniversaries. Offertory processions with lighted candles and gold coins were part of the ceremonies of the Order of St Michael and the Order of the Golden Fleece and had their origins in the ceremonies of the Burgundian court.72 An offering made yearly by the emperor on the Feast of St Matthew (24 February), the anniversary of his birthday and his coronation in 1530, recalled the distribution of gold coins he had made at the time of the coronation: Dia de Sancto Mathia por su nascimento offrece Su Magestad tantos ducados quantos annos cumple, y más el anno en que entra.

Day of St Matthias, on his birthday, His Majesty offers as many coins as years he has attained, and [one] more for the year he has entered.73

Offertory processions also occurred on Christmas Day, the feasts of the Circumcision and the Purification, Epiphany, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, Corpus Christi, Assumption, and All Saints.74 Processions with lighted candles and torches also preceded and followed mass. La Orden prescribed the order for the participants in processions at mass on Palm Sunday, Corpus Christi, and the Feast of the Purification as follows:  … immediately behind the prelate officiating that day was to follow the King, while the ambassadors, princes, and grandees were to proceed in front of the prelate along with the bishops, the chaplains and the singers. This group was to be followed by the knights and all the rest ‘in sequence’, with the sacristan mayor and the receptor being responsible for seeing that the correct order was observed.75

71 A gold coin emblazoned with the royal coat of arms. 72 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 135, 162–3. While La Orden describes ceremonies that took place at the time revisions to the document were made when Philip ascended to the throne, presumably many of the liturgical rituals date from the reign of Charles V and have their origins in Burgundian ceremonial. 73 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 180; translation by Nelson on p. 135. At the time of his coronation at Bologna on his 30th birthday, Charles carried a bag containing 30 gold coins. See the discussion of the coronation ceremonies in Chapter 5 below. Nelson, p. 136, refers to the contemporary reports of the coronation ceremonies. 74 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 134–6, 180. 75 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 137, 180.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

lent and holy week

eremonies associated with the season of Lent and Holy Week are described at some length in La Orden, and are summarized in Nelson’s study.76 La Orden provides details as to the times vespers and compline were to be held, when sermons were to be preached, and if a motet was to be performed. The document also offers an interesting detail regarding the performance of Lamentations in the period between Maundy Thursday and Holy Saturday by stipulating that ‘the Lamentations are normally “said” with four biolones and four voices: tiple, contralto, tenor and contravajo.’77 It is unclear exactly when this passage was added to the document or when this performance tradition came into use. However, the chapel paylist for 1556 included four vihuela de arco players who may have performed at liturgical celebrations of the chapel.78 Another court document, the Adventencia de lo que se executaba en la Capilla, extant among the Barbieri papers,79 describes the Maundy Thursday Mandatum ceremony, when, in a re-enactment of Christ’s washing of the feet of his disciples at the Last Supper, Charles washed the feet of thirteen poor people and fed them, serving each of them with a plate of food and a goblet of wine which he poured himself [and] … After they had finished eating, the king gave them woollen cloth and linen with which to garb themselves and a gold sovereign inside a small bag.80

N

royal anniversaries and commemorations

elson’s study summarizes the liturgical regulations governing both royal funerals and commemorations.81 Characteristically, obsequies for the Dead consisted of the celebration of the Vigil (first vespers, matins, and lauds) with the Requiem Mass on the following day.82 However, when celebrated by a bishop or

76 See Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, Table 3 on p. 147, where the liturgical ceremonies prescribed for Lent and Holy Week are summarized. Nelson also notes (p. 145) that during Holy Week Charles often retreated to a monastery where these rituals were presumably celebrated. 77 Las Lamentaciones se dizen ordinariamente con biolones y quatro vozes: Tiple, Contralto, Tenor, y Contravajo; y Las Lecciones los Capellanes, as translated by Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 181, 146. 78 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 148, who refers to Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, vol. 7, p. 360, and Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias’, p. 787. See Table 3.17 above. 79 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 14.018/1 (Barbieri papers); modern edition published in Barbieri, Documentos sobre música española y epistolario, document 135c, p. 38. The passage in question is entitled Lavatorio de Jueves Santo. 80 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 148; Nelson, p. 149, reports that gifts to the poor also occurred on Easter, Pentecost, Christmas, and other important feast days. 81 See Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, Table 4, p. 157. 82 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 154, indicates that variations within this pattern and discrepancies in liturgical requirements, primarily

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abbot, three pontifical masses were indicated: the Mass of the Holy Spirit, a Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the Requiem Mass.83 The annual celebrations of anniversaries at the royal chapel were also solemn occasions in the liturgical life of the court and were marked by elaborate ceremonies.84 During the reign of Charles V the most significant were the anniversaries of the death of the Empress Isabella on 1 May and the birthday of Philip II on 21 May, as well as the annual commemoration of the emperor’s birthday and coronation on 24 February (Feast of St Matthias). La Orden stipulated that on the anniversary of the death of the empress, ‘at mass, His Majesty offers a gold coin and a wax candle in which [the arms] is embedded; after mass [there is] a sung response. The same [at mass] for the Emperor on the twenty-first of September.’85 In addition, La Orden indicates that the empress should be commemorated in a Low Mass daily throughout the year and relates that Each day two low masses are said: one in the palace for the Empress, and the other for the saint of the day in accordance with the rule of the Old Roman Calendar. But on Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays, when the saint has no particular office, [mass] should be said of the Holy Sacrament, of the Cross, and of Our Lady.86 Although La Orden describes these rituals as they were practised during the period of Philip II, the commemoration of the empress following her death in 1539 apparently dates from the reign of Charles. Commemorations for the Dead were also celebrated on 30 November, the Feast of St Andrew, patron saint of the Order of the Golden Fleece. Ceremonies included a Pontifical Mass, first vespers, matins with only one nocturn, and lauds on the in terms of the number of nocturns for matins, have been found in La Orden and the Leges et Constitutiones. See Nelson, Table 4 on p. 157. 83 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 154, 179. La Orden, as transcribed and translated by Nelson, pp. 155, 182, specifies that the vigil for the anniversary of the death of the Empress on 1 May, which followed vespers for St Philip and St James, should include three nocturns and lauds, but only one mass, presumably a Requiem, on the following day. La Orden stipulates that the responsory Ne recorderis was to be sung following the Requiem Mass. 84 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 152, describes ‘solemn processions involving hundreds of lighted candles and torches’, as well as ‘the church or chapel … draped with black velvet’. 85 En la Missa offrece Su Magestad vn ducado, y vna vela de cera en que vá hincado [vn escudo] acavada la Missa se dize vn Responso Cantado, lo mismo por el Emperador, a veinte y vno de Septiembre, as translated by Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 182, 153. 86 Cada dia se dizen dos Missas rezadas en Palacio por la Emperatriz la vna, y la Otra del dia del Sancto que fuere segun la Regla del Calendario Viejo, y Romano, pero en los Jueves, Viernes, y Sabbados, quando el Sancto no tiene officio proprio dizen del Sancto Sacramento de la Cruz, y de Nuestra Señora, as translated by Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 176, 151–2. The masses prescribed for Thursday, Friday, and Saturday correspond to those that had been stipulated by Philip the Good as part of the weekly cycle of masses for the chapel at Dijon.

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feast day itself, as well as a Requiem Mass for deceased knights of the Order on the next day. The procession of members offering coins embedded in lighted candles was an important ceremony which occurred during the Requiem Mass. La Orden indicates that the De profundis should be sung at the conclusion of the offertory, and that a responsory (presumably Ne recorderis), should be sung following the Requiem Mass. Both reflect liturgical practices in keeping with the traditions of Spanish royal funerals as well as with the statutes of the Order.87

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ritual and repertory: the motets of thomas crecquillon

ontemporary accounts speak of Charles’s piety. Prudencio de Sandoval, one of the early chroniclers of his reign, recounts that even when travelling, Charles spent three hours each day in prayer on his knees.88 Other chroniclers observe that Charles could often be found with a crucifix in his hand and that throughout his life he heard mass daily, often twice each day. During retirement at Yuste, Charles had four masses said daily: two for the souls of Philip the Fair and Juana, one for the soul of the empress, at which his officers were required to be present, and one for his own intentions.89 A group of devotional motets by court composer Thomas Crecquillon may have been intended for the liturgical celebrations of the chapel. With combinations of texts often drawn from the prescribed liturgy of the day, Crecquillon’s motets functioned not as a substitution for the chanted liturgy, but were placed at strategic moments within the mass and office90 and, as indicated in the chapel ordinances, only with the approval of the Charles himself. While at least some of Crecquillon’s surviving repertory may predate his service to Charles V,91 a number of devotional 87 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 163–5; Table 5 of Nelson’s study provides a summary of all the liturgical ceremonies connected with the meetings of the Order of the Golden Fleece. 88 Sandoval as quoted in Alfred de Ridder, ‘Le Cour de Charles-Quint’, Mémoires de la société litteraire de l’université de Louvain, vol. 14, Société Sainte-Augustin Desclée (Bruges, 1889), p. 64. 89 Ridder, ‘Le Cour de Charles-Quint’, pp. 64–5. 90 Eric Jas, ‘The Repertory of the Manuscripts’, in The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts, 1500–1535, ed. Herbert Kellman (Ghent and Amsterdam, 1999), pp. 28–34, at p. 31, suggests that motets may have been sung at the Elevation of the Host, after the communion or the gospel, and at the conclusion of mass. 91 Little seems to be known about Crecquillon’s career before his service at the court of Charles V, and the dating of most of his devotional motets is also problematic. Whether Crecquillon brought previously composed works with him when he began his tenure at the imperial chapel is also open to question. The issue of the ownership of compositions in this period has been raised by Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court, p. 79, who writes, ‘We still have very little idea about who “owned” a piece of music in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries; was it the composer or the patron/place of employment for whom the work was written? When a composer left one job for another, did he take copies of his music with him?’

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motets, appropriate for the feasts celebrated with polyphony, may have been expressly composed for the chapel. They are listed in Table 4.1 and may be assigned to the feasts listed in the Statutz et ordennances that Charles issued in 1515 at the beginning of his reign. Table 4.1  Crecquillon motets for prescribed feast days Title

Source

Provenance/Date

O beata infantia 2p. O felices panni

LeidGA 1441

Modern edition

Feast of the Nativity Amsterdam, mid-16th century; CrecqW, XII, p. 47 copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden

Quaeramus cum pastoribus C4410 2p. Ubi pascas? ubi cubes?

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW, V, p. 83

Respice, quaesumus, Domine

C4410

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW, V, p. 95

Verbum caro factum est

1547/5 1554/14 C4406 1564/5 C4410 DresSL 1/D/2 DresSL Glashütte 5 DresSL Pirna III LeuvK 4 LübBH 203 RegB 838–43 RegB 878–82

Antwerp, Susato Venice, Scotto Louvain, Phalèse, 1559 Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Wittenberg, c. 1550–60 and c. 1575 Saxony, Section I: 1583–4; Section II: 1585–8 Pirna, c. 1550–65; c. 1570–80

CrecqW, XIII, p. 91

Low Countries, 1566 Lübeck, c. 1586–1613 Regensburg, 1571–3 Regensburg, 1569–72

Feasts of the Blessed Virgin Mary Ave corona virginum 2p. Dulcedo paradisi

C4410

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW, VI, p. 21

Ave stella matutina 2p. O mater Dei

1554/16 C4410 LeidGA 1438

Venice, Scotto Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Amsterdam, 1549; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden

CrecqW, VI, p. 28

Ave virgo gloriosa 1553/15 2p. Omnis sanctis te honorat LeidGA 1438

Antwerp, Susato

CrecqW, VI, p. 57

Beata es, Maria 2p. Speciosa facta es

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

Amsterdam, 1549; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden ParisBNC 1591 mid-16th century

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C4410

CrecqW, VI, p. 67

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 4.1 continued

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Cum inducerent puerum Jesum 2p. Senex puerum portabat

1555/5 C4410 AachS 2 KasL 91 LübBH 203 RegB 857–60 RosU 42/1 WrocS 14 ZwiR 74/1 ZwiR 94/1

CrecqW, VI, p. 115

ZwiR 97/2 ZwiR 100/5

Louvain, Phalèse Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Aachen, 1574–9 Kassel for Philip of Hesse, 1544–71 Lübeck, c. 1586–1613 Regensburg, c. 1570–9 Pirna, c. 1555–70 Breslau, early 17th century Zwickau, late 16th century East central Germany, probably Zwickau, 1590 Probably Zwickau, 1625 Zwickau, late 16th century

Felix namque es 2p. Ora pro populo

LeuvK 4

Low Countries, 1566

CrecqW, XI, p. 100

Memento, salutis auctor 2p. Maria, mater gratiae

1553/13 1554/16 C4410 LeidGA 1438

Ornatum monilibus 2p. Haec est Sion

LeidGA 1441

Amsterdam, mid-16th century; CrecqW, IX, p. 15 copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden

Quae est ista quae ascendit sicut sol 2p. Quae est ista quae ascendit per desertum

1547/6 1559/2 CoimU 242

Antwerp, Susato Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Coimbra, Monastery of Santa Cruz, late 16th century

CrecqW, XII, p. 79

Salve, mater salvatoris 2p. Ave mitis, ave pia

1556/2

Louvain, Phalèse

CrecqW, IX, p. 77

Salve salutis unica spes 2p. Salve caeli dignissima regina

LeidGA 1441

Amsterdam, mid-16th century; CrecqW, XIII, p. 19 copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden

Sancta Maria, virgo virginum 2p. Ut caelestis regni mereamur

1554/5 1554/6 1555/8 C4410 RegB B223–33

Louvain, Phalèse Antwerp, Laet & Waelrant Antwerp, Susato Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 probably Augsburg, second half of 16th century

CrecqW, X, p. 1

Antwerp, Susato Louvain, Phalèse Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Low Countries, mid-16th century

CrecqW, X, p. 12

Antwerp, Susato Venice, Scotto Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Amsterdam, 1549; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden RegB B223–33 probably Augsburg, second half of 16th century

Sicut lilium inter spinas 1546/7 2p. Gaudete filiae Jerusalem 1554/5 C4410 LucBS 775

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Table 4.1 continued Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Sub tuum praesidium

1546/7 ChelmE 1 LeuvU 163

Antwerp, Susato England, c. 1590 Franco-Netherlandish, 1546

CrecqW, X, p. 40

Veni in hortum meum LeidGA 1438 2p. In lectulo meo per noctes

Amsterdam, 1549; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden

CrecqW, X, p. 91

Congratulamini mihi, omnes 1554/3 2p. Tulerunt Dominum 1554/10 meum 1555/9 1555/14 [1559]/4 DresSL Grimma 56 HradKM 29 HradKM 30

Louvain, Phalèse Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Antwerp, Susato [Geneva], Du Bosc & Guéroult [Geneva], Sylvius Meissen, c. 1568–85

Easter

RegB 871–4 RegB 940–1 WrocS 2 WrocS 5

CrecqW, VI, p. 103

Hradec Králové, 1556–62 Hradec Králové, second half of 16th century Regensburg, 1576–9 Regensburg and Wittenberg, 1557–9 1573 Breslau, late 16th century

Expurgate vetus fermentum 1553/11 2p. Itaque epulemur 1554/4 1556/11 1557/5 1559/3 C4410 BudOS 23

Louvain, Phalèse Louvain, Phalèse [Geneva], Du Bosc Louvain, Phalèse Louvain, Phalèse Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Wittenberg, c. 1550; after 1550; 1545–50 HradKM 30 Hradec Králové, second half of 16th century KasL 91 Kassel for Philip of Hesse, 1544–71 RegB 786–837 Regensburg, 1569–78 RegB 871–4 Regensburg, 1576–9 WrocS 2 1573 WrocS 5 Breslau, late 16th century

CrecqW, VII, p. 114

Expurgate vetus fermentum 1549/8 2p. Non in fermento

Venice, Gardane

CrecqW, VII, p. 123

Salve festa dies 2p. Ecce renascentis

Louvain, Phalèse, 1559 Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 1573 Breslau, late 16th century

CrecqW, XIII, p. 12

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C4406 C4410 WrocS 2 WrocS 5

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 4.1 continued

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Surgens Dominus noster 2p. Resurrexit Dominus de sepulcro

1555/4a ChelmE 2 KasL 91 RegB 871–4 RosU 42/1 WrocS 2 WrocS 5

Louvain, Phalèse England, c. 1596 Kassel for Philip of Hesse, 1544–71 Regensburg, 1576–9 Pirna, c. 1555–70 1573 Breslau, late 16th century

CrecqW, X, p. 56

Salve festa dies 2p. Ecce renascentis

C4406 C4410 WrocS 2 WrocS 5

Accende lumen sensibus

ErlU 473/2

Factus est repente 2p. Spiritus Domini

1555/10 HradKM 30

Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Hradec Králové, second half of 16th century RegB 878–82 Regensburg, 1569–72 RegB B223–33 probably Augsburg, second half of 16th century WrocS 3 second half of 16th century WrocS 5 Breslau, late 16th century ZwiR 74/1 Zwickau, late 16th century

CrecqW, VIII, p. 1

Factus est repente

[1556]/5 C4406 C4410 CoimU 242

CrecqW, XI, p. 94

CrecqW, XIII, p. 84

Feast of the Ascension Louvain, Phalèse, 1559 Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 1573 Breslau, late 16th century

CrecqW, XIII, p. 12

Feast of Pentecost Heilsbronn, 1548

CrecqW, VI, p. 1

LeuvK 4

Antwerp, Waelrant & Laet Louvain, Phalèse, 1559 Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Coimbra, Monastery of Santa Cruz, late 16th century Low Countries, 1566

Veni, creator spiritus 2p. Qui paraclitus diceris

ErlU 473/2

Heilsbronn, 1548

Honor, virtus, et potestas 2p. Trinitati lux perhennis

C4410 LüneR 150

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Lüneburg, c. 1575–1620

CrecqW, VIII, p. 18

O lux, beata trinitas

ErlU 473/2

Heilbronn, 1548

CrecqW, XII, p. 56

Te Deum patrem ingenitum RegB 883–6

Regensburg, 1573–9

CrecqW, X, p. 73

Te mane laudum carmine

Heilsbronn, 1548

CrecqW, X, p. 79

Feast of the Trinity

ErlU 473/2

a  Later editions: 1556/1 and 1558/6

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Table 4.1 continued Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Feast of the Nativity of St John the Baptist Gabriel angelus apparuit 2p. Hic praecursor est dilectus

1553/8 1559/2 C2702 LeidGA 1441 RegB 861–2

Antwerp, Susato CrecqW. XI, p. 107 Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1559 Amsterdam, mid-16th century; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden Regensburg, 1577

Joannes est nomen eius 2p. Erit magnus coram Domino

C4410 LübBH 203

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Lübeck, c. 1586–1613

Honor, virtus et potestas 2p. Trinitati lux perhennis

C4410 LüneR 150

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Lüneburg, c. 1575–1620

CrecqW, VIII, p. 18

Laudem dicite Deo

1550/2 RegT 2–3

Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber possibly Benedictine monastery in Neresheim, mid-16th century

CrecqW, VIII, p. 77

O constantia martyrum 2p. Nobis ergo, petimus

1554/16 C4410

Venice, Scotto Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW, IX, p. 1

Sint lumbi vestri praecincti 2p. Vigilate ergo

1554/5 1555/14 1558/5 C4410 DresSL Löbau 12 HradKM 29 KasL 91 1583/24a

Louvain, Phalèse [Geneva], Du Bosc & Guéroult Louvain, Phalèse Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Löbau, 1565

CrecqW, X, p. 28

C4406

Louvain, Phalèse, 1559

C4410

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW, VIII, p. 36

Feast of All Saints

Vidi civitatem sanctam Jerusalem

Hradec Králové, 1556–62 Kassel for Philip of Hesse, 1544–71 Leipzig, Beyer CrecqW, XIII, p. 103

Feast of St Andrew Andreas Christi famulus 2p. Dilexit Andream

1564/1 C4410 RegB 786–837 StuttL 3 WrocS 11 LonBL 29247

Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Regensburg, 1569–78 Stuttgart, 1562 Breslau, 1583 England, lute tablature after 1611

CrecqW, V, p. 1

a  Tablature; 1583/24 = Brown 1583/6

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 4.1 continued

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Salvatorem exspectamus

C4410 DresSL Glashütte 5 LeidGA 1438

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Saxony, Section I: 1583–4; Section II: 1585–8 Amsterdam, 1549; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden

Cognoscimus Domine 2p. Vita nostra in dolore

1553/8 1554/15 [1556]/9 C4406 C4410 DresSL Löbau 12 LeidGA 1439

Modern edition

Advent CrecqW, IX, p. 69

Ash Wednesday Antwerp, Susato Venice, Scotto Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1559 Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Löbau, 1565

CrecqW, XI, p. 7

Amsterdam, 1559; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden RegB B223–33 probably Augsburg, second half of 16th century

Palm Sunday Invocabo nomen tuum 2p. Per singulos dies 3p. In tribulatione mea

1553/14 1554/11 C4410

Antwerp, Susato Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW, VIII, p. 27

Christus factus est 2p. Propter quod et Deus

1553/12 1554/6 1559/1 C4410

Antwerp, Susato Antwerp, Laet & Waelrant Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW, VI, p. 90

Lamentationes Jeremiae

1549/1

Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber

CrecqW, VIII, p. 46

Lamentationes Jeremiae

1549/1 Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber FlorBN II.I.285 Florence, 1559

Holy Week

Nos autem gloriari opor tet VienNB 19189 Germany, last third of 16th century 2p. Tuam crucem adoramus

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151

the veneration of the true cross

ernadette Nelson’s study of La Orden que se tiene en los Officios en la Capilla de Su Magestad calls attention to the rituals connected with the veneration of the True Cross on Good Friday and on the Feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross, celebrated on 3 May.92 Nelson also corroborates the significance of the liturgical celebrations of Holy Cross and Holy Week in the Spanish royal chapels as noted by Tess Knighton and verified by the surviving repertory.93 The calendar of the Castilian chapel designated the Invention of the Holy Cross (3 May), the Triumph of the Holy Cross (16 July), and the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (14 September) as feasts with a sermon as well as sung vespers and mass. The celebration of Holy Week in Spain, with its veneration of the Cross, was of such significance that it has been described as ‘the highlight of the liturgical year in the royal chapels’.94 The emphasis on the veneration of the Cross is also particularly reflective of Habsburg devotional practice and their belief in the Cross as a symbol of universal monarchy in the crusade against the heretics.95 Marie Tanner has examined the mythic images of Charles and his Habsburg predecessors in iconographical depictions of the period in her exhaustive study of ‘the creation and evolution of the imperial image … from its origins in antiquity to its consolidation by the Habsburgs in the 16th century’.96 As portrayed in elaborate genealogies of the period, Charles’s ancestry was traced to the emperors of ancient Rome as well as to biblical heroes and legendary figures of antiquity. Tanner’s examination of the veneration of the Cross and its legacy in the imagery surrounding Charles and his Habsburg predecessors, alludes to an illustrious genealogy by beginning with the account of Emperor Constantine’s vision of the sign of the Cross as he marched into battle in 312. The legend was ‘perpetuated by Constantine’s heirs’ 97 and continued into the Middle Ages. In 778 Charlemagne’s association with the Cross was reinforced by the legend that he received a lance from heaven containing a relic of the Cross to deliver the realm from the Saracens; later the lance was revered as the one with which Longinus pierced Christ’s chest.’98 92 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 149, mentions that La Orden fails to include any reference to the Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross celebrated on 14 September. 93 Tess Knighton, ‘The Spanish Court of Ferdinand and Isabella’, in The Renaissance, ed. Iain Fenlon (Englewood Cliffs, 1989), pp. 341–60, at p. 350; Tess Knighton, ‘Devotional Piety and Musical Developments at the Court of Ferdinand and Isabella’, Iberian Discoveries 2001 Online Document URL: http://www.sun.rhbnc.ac.uk/ Music/ILM/IDVol_0/Art1/twk.html accessed 29 September 2005. 94 Knighton, ‘Devotional Piety and Musical Developments’. 95 Marie Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas: The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven and London, 1993), pp. 183–206 as cited by Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 149. 96 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 1. 97 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, pp. 183–5. 98 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 186.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 4.2  Crecquillon motets for the Veneration of the True Cross

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Christus factus est 2p. Propter quod es Deus

1553/12 1554/6 1559/1 C4410

Antwerp, Susato Antwerp, Laet & Waelrant Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber Louvain, Phalése, 1576

CrecqW VI, 90

Nos autem gloriari oportet VienNB 19189 Germany, last third of 16th century 2p. Tuam crucem adoramus

CrecqW VIII, 122

Salve crux sancta, arbor C4406 digna C4410 2p. Horrificum tu es semper LeuvK 4 signum

CrecqW XIII, 1

Louvain, Phalése, 1559 Louvain, Phalése, 1576 Low Countries, 1566

In 1273 Rudolf of Habsburg also experienced a vision of the Cross just before his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor. Contemporary writers saw this ‘as an augury that the Habsburgs would once again achieve the unification of the Eastern and Western empires in Christ first realized by Constantine.’ 99 In the period immediately before Charles’s reign, his grandfather, Emperor Maximilian, was referred to as the ‘New Constantine’.100 Tanner concludes that ‘the veneration of the Cross increased significantly under Charles V.’ 101 Charles was said to possess a relic of the Cross, which was displayed on Good Friday and the Feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross on 3 May,102 and as he waged war against the Turks and the Protestants the credit for victories in battle was given to the symbol of the Cross on his armaments.103 La Orden stipulated that the veneration of the Cross should follow the reading of the Passion on Good Friday and prescribed the order in which the members of the chapel should approach the relic:  … behind the priest officiating, and the deacon and subdeacon, should follow the apostolic delegate (if he is present), then the bishops, the chaplains, the singers and other chapel officers. This group should be followed by the king, then the ambassadors, the grandees, and the knights.104 Table 4.2 identifies Crecquillon motets which draw on texts prescribed for the feasts of the Holy Cross and proposes that they may have been intended for the special rituals connected with the veneration of the Cross at the court of Charles V.

99 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 190. 100 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 190. 101 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 191; Knighton, ‘Devotional Piety and Musical Developments’, has argued that the veneration of the Holy Cross was also important in the devotional practices of the Spanish courts. 102 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 181, 149. 103 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 191. 104 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, pp. 150, 181.

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153

the veneration of the sacrament

a Orden also prescribed in some detail the ceremonies that were intended for   the Feast of Corpus Christi and its Octave. Nelson observes that At sung mass (‘Missa cantata’) on the vigils, the celebrant consecrates one more host (‘forma’) than is needed, and after mass places it in the monstrance which he will use to bless the people … While the priest, followed by the king and other members of the court holding white candles, processes, blessing the people with the monstrance, the singers sing Tantum ergo and Genitori genitoque, the final two verses of the Corpus Christi hymn Pange lingua. When the phrase ‘Sit et benedictio’ (in the verse Genitori genitoque) is reached, the priest carries the monstrance to its resting place. During this ceremony there are ‘many torches, incense and bells’ (presumably small hand bells), and the monstrance is incensed three times every time it is raised or lowered by the priest … at Vespers, which is attended by the king, the same ceremony takes place but in reverse order. After Vespers, the host is once more taken to its place of repose ‘with the same solemnity’ where it remains until the following day at Matins when it is taken up again. The same ritual takes place during the course of the week (the precise number of occasions is not stated), and on the Friday after the Octave, the host is finally consumed by the priest celebrating sung mass that day.105

The Feast of Corpus Christi had been founded by Pope Urban IV in 1264 and, in the years that followed, had been celebrated with elaborate ceremony throughout Europe.106 The rituals described in La Orden, which reportedly had their origins in the ceremonies of the court of Burgundy, ‘were absorbed into the rituals of Charles V’s royal chapel on his inheritance’,107 and reflected the particular Habsburg Burgundian veneration of the Eucharist. The importance attached to the Eucharist by the Habsburgs dates back to Rudolf I’s vision of the Host in 1264 and the prophecy of ‘Habsburg world dominion’.108 Years later, Maximilian I, injured in a hunting accident and near death, was restored to health through the miraculous appearance of the Host, a ‘miracle … interpreted as confirmation that the Eucharist was indeed the “Palladium” and protective amulet of the House of Austria’.109 The veneration of the Sacrament in the Low Countries had its origins with the acquisition of the relic of the Precious Blood of Christ by the city of Bruges at the

105 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 142, n. 104, adds that ‘according to La Orden, all the divine Offices were celebrated during the Octave of Corpus Christi, beginning at dawn each day with the psalms sung alternatim.’ 106 Corpus Christi processions in Spain and particularly in Barcelona have been examined by Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Music in the Corpus Christi Procession of Fifteenth-Century Barcelona’, Early Music History 14 (1995), pp. 153–204. 107 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 143. 108 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 208. 109 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, pp. 211–12.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Table 4.3  Crecquillon motets for the Veneration of the Sacrament

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Ave verbum incarnatum 2p. Ave corpus Jesu Christi

C4410

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW VI, 42

Antwerp, Susato Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1559 Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW XIII, 74

Unus panis et unum corpus 1553/9 2p. Parasti in dulcedine 1555/11 C4406 C4410

beginning of the 13th century.110 In 1433 Pope Eugenius IV bequeathed a relic of the miraculous bleeding Host to Philip the Good, who placed it in the Saint-Chapelle at Dijon.111 Over time the veneration of the Sacrament assumed a significant place in the rituals of the imperial chapel as evidenced in a contemporary account of a Corpus Christi procession that took place in Augsburg in 1530. In that year Charles and other members of the royal family, carrying white candles, as stipulated in La Orden, followed the Archbishop of Maguncia, who bore the monstrance. The emperor’s trompetas and ministriles also took part.112 The very public devotion to the Eucharist during Charles’s reign also extended to the processions following military victories where the Host was displayed in a monstrance.113 As indicated in Table 4.3, two motets on texts prescribed for the Feast of Corpus Christi also emerge from the extant repertory of Thomas Crecquillon, and may be connected with the rituals associated with the veneration of the Sacrament described in the ordinances of the court.

C

prayers for peace and deliverance

harles was engaged in warfare for 23 years of his 41-year reign.114 Sixteenthcentury accounts characterize him as ‘involved in every detail of military life  … [and] a capable general, but if Charles was a warrior by temperament, he was no warmonger. From his perspective, war was forced upon him by others.’115 In 1546 the Venetian ambassador to the Spanish court reported that it was in the midst of battle that the emperor was at his best:

110 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 210. 111 Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 143; see Barbara Haggh, ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece and Music’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 120 (1995), pp. 1–43, at pp. 24–5, who reported that an office was founded for the veneration of the relic. 112 Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, vol. 2, pp. 396–8; Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel’, p. 144. Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 215, recounts a similar procession as Charles entered Vienna later in 1530. 113 Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 214. 114 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 139. 115 William Maltby, The Reign of Charles V (Houndmills and New York, 2002), p. 32.

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At such time he is happy, lively. And whereas in the city and in other aspects of his life he exudes gravitas, in the midst of the army he wants to be everywhere, he wants to see and meddle in everything, and forgetting that he is such a great emperor he will even do the work of a simple captain.116 In the early part of his reign Charles left the command of the troops to his generals, but beginning about 1535 he began to travel with his armies, often at great personal risk and discomfort to himself.117 Charles’s rationale for war was set forth in a letter of 1543. As he left Spain for yet another military campaign, he wrote that it was ‘to conserve … what God has given me’, adding ‘what I have done has been forced upon me to safeguard my honour.’ 118 Comments such as these have led scholars to conclude that Charles waged war not to conquer new territories, but to defend his inheritance, that extensive empire which, in his own words, he had acquired ‘by the unique consent of Germany with God’,119 and which ‘God, in His goodness, has given me’.120 Thus Charles found himself at war with France, the Ottoman Empire, and the German Protestants throughout his reign in order to preserve his ‘inherited property and the ancestral faith’.121 Prayers for courage and victory on the battlefield are seemingly embedded in the texts of several motets by Crecquillon that may have been composed during his tenure at Charles’s court. Pleas for peace and deliverance from one’s enemies resonate in the texts of others. They can be found in Table 4.4. Da pacem, Domine draws from texts associated in the modern liturgy with the votive mass for peace, prayers in time of war, and the procession for receiving an emperor, king, or prince of great power. The phrase Da pacem, Domine, in diebus nostris (Give peace, Lord, in our day) is repeated by the contratenor with some rhythmic and melodic modification during the course of the motet. It has been observed that this motet may have been intended for ‘a ceremony relating to one of the Emperor’s peace negotiations’.122 Exaudiat te Dominus, a setting of Psalm 19, begins with a general plea for protection while its closing line may be directed toward the emperor. Exaudiat te Dominus in die tribulationis, protegat te nomen

May the Lord hear thee in the day of tribulation; may the name of the

116 Mia J. Rodríguez–Salgado, ‘Charles V and the Dynasty’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 27–111, at pp. 100–2. 117 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 150–1. 118 Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, p. 174. 119 Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, p. 123; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 76–7, points out that Charles waged only few battles that could be considered conquests, and that the wars fought by Charles were largely defensive. 120 Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, p. 194. 121 Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 31, has characterized Charles’s policies after 1530 as ‘reactive’. 122 Thomas Crecquillon: Collected Works, ed. Barton Hudson, Mary Tiffany Ferer, and Laura Youens, CMM 63 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974–), vol. 7, p. xviii.

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Table 4.4  Crecquillon motets as prayers for peace and deliverance Title

Source

Provenance/ Date

Modern edition

Congregati sunt inimici nostri 2p. Tua est potentia

1555/4a 1558/4 1583/24b BrusC 27088 CopKB 1873

Louvain, Phalèse Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber Leipzig, Beyer Beaumont, before 1549 Copenhagen for the Danish court chapel, 1556

CrecqW V, 40

Da pacem, Domine 2p. Fiat pax in virtute tua

C4410

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW VII, 1

Domine, demonstrasti mihi 1555/7 2p. Venite et eradamus 1559/1 C4410 StockKM 36

Antwerp, Waelrant & Laet Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Stockholm, late 16th century

CrecqW VII, 39

Domine Deus exercituum 2p. Salva nos de manibus inimicorum

[1556]/5 1559/2 C4410 AachS 2 AnsbachS 16

Antwerp, Waelrant & Laet Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Aachen in 1574–79 Ansbach, 1565–66

CrecqW XI, 40

Domine Deus, qui conteris bella 2p. Allide virtutem

1553/15 1555/5c C4410 BrusC 27088 LeidGA 1438

Antwerp, Susato Louvain, Phalèse Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Beaumont, before 1549 Amsterdam, 1549; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden

CrecqW VII, 48

a  Later editions: 1556/1, 1558/6 b  Tablature; 1583/24 = Brown 1583/6 c  Later editions: 1556/2, 1558/7, 1560/3–1561/1a

Dei Jacob … Domine, salvum fac regem et exaudi nos in die qua invocaverimus te.

God of Jacob protect thee … O Lord, save the king, and hear us in the day that we shall call upon thee.123

Like Verdelot’s setting of the same text, Crecquillon’s setting of Congregati sunt inimici nostri has as cantus firmus the Antiphon for Peace: Da pacem Domine in diebus nostris: quia non est alius qui pugnet pro nobis, nisi tu, deus noster (O Lord, give us peace in our days, that they may know that no one fights for us but thou, our God).124 Its prima pars implores deliverance from one’s enemies: Congregati sunt inimici nostri, et gloriantur in virtute sua: contere fortitudinem illorum, Domine, et disperge illos: ut cognoscant, quia non est

Our enemies have gathered together, and they boast of their power. Destroy their strength, O Lord, and scatter them, that they may know that

123 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 7, pp. xl–xli. 124 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 5, p. xliv.

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Table 4.4 continued Title

Source

Provenance/ Date

Modern edition

Domine, respice in me 2p. Exurge, Domine

C4410

Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

CrecqW VII, 69

Exaudiat te Dominus 2p. Impleat Dominus

1553/12 Antwerp, Susato C4410 Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 RegB B223–33 probably Augsburg, second half of 16th century

Impetum inimicorum ne timueritis

1547/6 1559/2 BerlPS 40043 GothaF A98 LeidGA 1441

CrecqW VII, 101

Antwerp, Susato CrecqW XI, 116 Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Torgau, c.1542–4 Torgau, Schlosskirche, 1545 Amsterdam, mid-16th century; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden NurGN 83795 Torgau, c. 1539–48

Jubilate Deo, omnis terra

1547/6

Venite et videte opera Domini 2p. Videntes sic admirati sunt

1554/2 1554/11 1555/3 1559/1 C4410 ChelmE 2 KasL 91 LeidGA 1438

Antwerp, Susato

Louvain, Phalèse Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 England, c. 1596 Kassel for Philip of Hesse, 1544–71 Amsterdam, 1549; copied for St Peter’s Church, Leiden RegB B223–33 probably Augsburg, second half of 16th century

alius qui pugnet pro nobis, nisi tu, deus noster.

CrecqW XII, 9 CrecqW X, 103

no one fights for us but thou, our God.125

The theme of deliverance is echoed in the texts of several other motets by Crecquillon: Domine Deus qui conteris bella Domine Deus, qui conteris bella ab initio, eleva bracchium tuum super gentes, quae cogitant servis tuis mala … Allide virtutem eorum in virtute tua; cadat virtus eorum in iracundia tua.

Lord God, destroyer of wars from the beginning, lift up thine arm against the nations who devise evil plans against thy servants … Crush their power with thy power; let their strength fail before thy wrath.126

125 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 5, p. xliii. 126 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 7, p. xxxii.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Domine, demonstrasti mihi

Domine, demonstrasti mihi, et cognovi tu ostendisti mihi studia eorum, ego quasi agnus mansuetus, qui portatur ad victimam, non cognovi quia cogitaverunt super me consilia, dicentes …

Lord, thou didst point out to me and I understood, thou didst disclose their plots; just as a meek lamb that is carried to be slain as a victim: I did not understand that they had made a conspiracy against me, saying …127

Domine, respice in me Domine, respice in me; restitue animam meam a maglignitate inimicorum meorum, qui oderunt me gratis, ut non supergaudeant mihi qui adversantur mihi inique, et dilatant super me os suum …

Lord, look upon me; rescue my life from the malice of mine enemies who hate me for no reason, so that no one of those who oppose me unfairly may exalt over me and open his mouth against me …128

Domine Deus exercituum Domine Deus exercituum … Salva nos de manibus inimicorum nostrorum …

Lord God of hosts … Save us from the hands of our enemies …129

Prayers for victory and courage echo in the following: Impetum inimicorum ne timueritis Impetum inimicorum ne timueritis; Do not fear the attack of your memores estote, quomodo enemies. Be mindful how salvi facti sunt patres nostri … our fathers were saved …130 Jubilate Deo Omnis terra Jubilate Deo, omnis terra … Make a joyful noise unto the Lord … Da, pie Jesu, vivis gratiam, Grant, holy Jesus, grace to the living, defunctis requiem, ecclesiae rest to the dead, peace to the church, tranquillitatem, Imperatori victoriam and victory to the Emperor per Christum Dominum nostrum, through Christ our Lord, amen. amen.131

127 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 7, p. xxxi. 128 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 7, p. xxxvii. 129 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 11, p. xxxiii. 130 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 11, p. liii. 131 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 12, p. xvi.

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And it is peace which is celebrated in Venite et videte opera Domini: Venite et videte opera Domini, quae posuit prodigia super terram; auferens bella usque ad finem terrae, reges terrae congregati sunt convenerunt in unum.

Come and see the works of the Lord, which wonders he has placed on Earth; removing wars to the end of the Earth, the kings of the Earth assembled and came together as one.132

The statutes and ordinances issued by the court of Charles V reflect the inherited regulations and rituals of both Burgundian and Spanish traditions, and offer fascinating detail on the organization of the chapel as well as its ceremonies. What is especially clear from the court statutes and ordinances is that polyphony was sung by the chapel on many liturgical occasions, and thus played a significant role in the devotional life of the emperor and the court. The 1515 Statutz et ordennances had called for the daily celebration of mass sung (à chant et deschant) as well as vespers and compline said and sung (dictes et chantées). Additionally, it stipulated that matins, prime, terce, sext, and none were to be observed on a number of important feast days. While it is often difficult to reconcile the liturgical prescriptions of the ordinances with the extant repertory, many of Crecquillon’s motets may have been composed during his tenure at the court to meet those occasions. The chapel’s responsibilities were primarily religious, its repertory projected an image of the emperor that reflected his piety as well as his power, and, as it accompanied him as he travelled, the chapel ensured that mass was always celebrated and that Charles’s spiritual needs were met.

132 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 10, p. xxxiv. It has been suggested that Venite et videte opera Domini may have been composed in 1544 for celebrations in Brussels of the Peace of Crépy.

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chapter 5

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V This is the anointed Emperor This is the one who was foretold This is the true lord who will bring us peace Therefore let his joyful advent now be praised.1

S

o begins Hugo Soly’s essay in a definitive study of Charles V published in the   year 2000 on the 500th anniversary of the emperor’s birth. As this ‘message from Bologna’ decrees, Charles’s ‘advent’ would be praised in painting, sculpture, poetry, and with sumptuous ceremonies enhanced by music. The repertory which celebrated the important events in Charles’s reign is listed in Table 5.1.

C

1507–17: the early years in the netherlands

harles spent most of the first 15 years of his life in Mechelen at the court of Margaret of Austria, regent of the Netherlands. However, in those early years, several important occasions of state took him to other cities in the Low Countries. At ceremonies in Brussels on 18 July 1507 he was crowned Duke of Burgundy, Count of Flanders, and, on the following day, King of Castile. During a visit to Antwerp in 1508 he was proclaimed Margrave of the Holy Roman Empire. In October 1513 he journeyed to Tournai and Lille to meet King Henry VIII of England, and in the weeks that followed he toured throughout the Low Countries, officially visiting the cities of Kortrijk, Peterchem les-Deynze, Ghent, Loo, Eecloo, and Dendermonde. His arrival back at Mechelen was recorded on 26 November of that same year. The triumphal entry into Antwerp in 1508 was accompanied by the ringing of church and cathedral bells. There followed a Te Deum sung in alternatim between choir and organ at the Church of Our Lady.2 Two motets, Summae laudis, O Maria and Sub tuum praesidium, by the Antwerp organist Benedictus de Opitiis may be connected with the ceremonies at that city in 1508 as well as with ceremonies seven years later on 5 January 1515, when Charles was declared of age in Brussels. Both works were printed in 1515 by the Antwerp publisher Jan de Gheet in Lofzangen ter ere van Keizer Maximiliaan en zijn zoon Karel den Vijfde, the first polyphonic print

1 Hugo Soly, ‘Introduction: Charles V and his Time’, trans. Alastair Weir, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 11–25, at p. 11. 2 E. Schreurs and A. Wouters, ‘Het bezoek van keizer Maximiliaan en de Blijde Intrede van aartshertog Karel (Antwerp, 1508–1515)’, Musica Antiqua 12 (1995), pp. 100–10, as cited in Bruno Bouckaert, ‘The Capilla Flamenca: The Composition and Duties of the Music Ensemble at the Court of Charles V, 1515–1558’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 37–45, at p. 44.

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Table 5.1  Ceremonial motets, masses, and chansons Composer

Title

Opitiis Opitiis

Summae laudis, O Maria O 96 Sub tuum praesidium LonBLR 11.E.xi O 96 Proch dolor/Pie Jhesu BrusBR 228

Josquin Festa

Quis dabit oculis 2p. Heu nobis 3p. Ergo ululate

Schlick Ascendo ad Patrem Schlick Gaude Dei genetrix Anonymous O sancta Maria, virgo virginum Sermisy Quousque non reverteris pax Werrecore

Gombertc

Bataglia taliana

Veni electa mea 2p. Diffusa est gratia

Gombert

Dicite in magni 2p. Laeta dies terris

Gascongne

Deus regnorum 2p. Deus a quo sancta desideria

Crecquillon Dames d’honneurs voyez mon avanture Gombert Missa Sur tous regretz

Source

Antwerp, de Gheet, 1515 Low Countries or England, 1516 Antwerp, de Gheet, 1515 Brussels/Mechelen, c. 1516–19 Netherlands court complex BolC Q19 Northern Italy, c. 1518 1538/3 Nuremberg, Grapheus MilA 519 Pavia or vicinity, c. 1520 TrentAS 105 Heidelberg, c. 1520, 1514 TrentAS 105 Heidelberg, c. 1520, 1514 LonBLR Brussels/Mechelen, 1516–22 8G.vii Netherlands court complex ChiN M91/1 Florence, 1527–9 1535/3 1544/19

Paris, Attaingnant Nuremberg, Petreius

1544/23a M1404 M1405 M1406b 1539/8

Nuremberg, Günther Venice, Gardane, 1549 Venice, Scotto, 1550 Venice, Gardane, 1552 Strasbourg, Schöffer

Modern edition OpitiisS OpitiisS

PickCA, p. 304 PickM, p. 280 FestaO V, p. 25 SenflW III, p. 17 HECQ, p. 13 HECQ, p. 1

SlimGMM II, p. 3 TLM XI, p. 95 DTO XXXVII, Jg.XVIII/2

GombertO VIII, p. 137

G2986d Venice, Gardane, 1552 BolC Q27/1 Northern Italy, second quarter of 16th century HradKM 26 Hradec Králové, second half of 16th century LucBS 775 Low Countries, mid-16th century TrevBC 29 Treviso, c. 1570–5 G2977 Venice, Scotto, 1539 GombertO, V, p. 15 G2979 Venice, Gardane, 1541 G2980e Venice, Gardane, 1551 1535/3 Paris, Attaingnant TLM, XI, p. 118 SermisyO, V, p. 136 1545/16 Antwerp, Susato CrecqW, XV, p. 4 1542/2

Venice, Scotto

1547/3 TrevBC 2   f

Venice, Gardane Treviso, 1552–4

a  Tablature; 1544/23 = Brown 1544/2 b  M1406 = 1552/23 c Attributed to Jachet ( Jacquet of Mantua) in BolC Q27/1

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Provenance/Date

GombertO, II, p. 31

d  G2986 = 1552/2 e  G2980 = 1551/2 f Copying of this work completed 26 Mar. 1554

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Table 5.1 continued Composer

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Jacquet of Mantua

Repleatur os meum

1538/4

Venice, Gardane

JachetO, V, p. 160

J6 1540/7 1542/5 1549/4 1549/5 1559/1 J8 BolC Q27/1

Venice, Scotto, 1539 Augsburg, Kriesstein Lyon, Moderne Venice, Scotto Venice, Gardane Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber Venice, Scotto, 1565 Northern Italy, second quarter of 16th century BudOS 23 Wittenberg, c. 1550; after 1555; 1545–50 HamSU (III) Hamburg, probably mid-16th century HradKM 29 Hradec Králové, 1556–62 ModE C.313 Ferrara, c. 1560 PadBC D27 Padua, c. 1541–50 PiacD (5) probably Piacenza, mid-16th century RomeV 35–40 Florence, 1530–1 VatG XII.4 Rome, 1536 Thiebault Coronat pontifex RomeM 23–4 Rome, c. 1532–4 SnowEMT, dit Pickart p. 508 (incomplete) Festaa Ecce advenit dominator CivitaBC (1) Florence, 1555–60 FestaO, IV, p. 39 VatS 20 Rome, Sistine Chapel, 1539 Maistre Jhan Missa de Omnes Sancti ModE N.1.2 Ferrara, 1534–5 ReggioSP s.s. Ferrara, c. 1534–7 Maistre Jhan Mundi Christo FlorBN Florence, second quarter 16th redemptori Magl.125bis century 2p. Sancti Dei martyres HradKM 29 Hradec Králové, 1556–62 PiacD (5) probably Piacenza, mid-16th century RomeM 23–4 Rome, c. 1532–4 RomeV 35–40 Florence, 1530–1 Lupus Missa Carolus Imperator MunBS 69 South Germany/Austria, Romanorum Quintus c. 1530–45 StuttL 37 Stuttgart, c. 1549 Senfl Ecce quam bonum 1537/1 Nuremberg, Grapheus SenflW, III, p. 32 2p. Quoniam illic (Formschneider) mandavit Dominus BudOS 2 Bártfa, Part I: c. 1550; Part II: 17th century GothaF A 98 Torgau Schlosskirche, 1545 KasL 24 Kassel for Philip of Hesse, 1534–50 MunBS 10 Munich for Wilhelm IV, Duke of Bavaria, 1525–30 a  Anonymous in CivitaBC (1)

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Table 5.1 continued Composer

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Gombert

Felix Austriae domus

1537/1

Willaert

Haud aliter pugnans

W1110

Nuremberg, Grapheus (Formschneider) Venice, Scotto, 1539

GombertO, X, p. 79 WillaertO, III, p. 87

Wilder Gombert

Deo gratias Qui colis Ausoniam 2p. Perpetuum Clemens foedus Puis qu’en Janvier on peult appercevoir Jubilate Deo 2p. O felix aetas

W1111 1545/2 1549/3

Venice, Scotto, 1550 Augsburg, Ulhard Venice, Scotto

[1543]/15

Antwerp, Susato

1542/5

Lyon, Moderne

1547/25a

Valladolid, Cordova

1549/3 1554/32b SaraP 34 1545/2

Venice, Scotto Seville, Montesdoca Saragossa, 1570 Augsburg, Ulhard

ToleF 23

Low Countries, c. 1520–35

SnowEMT, p. 472

ToleF 23

Low Countries, c. 1520–35

SnowEMT, p. 488

VienNB Mus.15497 VienNB Mus.18832 BrusBR IV.922 JenaU 5 ToleF 23 1546/3 1543/14

Brussels/Mechelen, 1512–16

FevinO, I, p. 1

Brussels/Mechelen, 1512–25 Low Countries, c. 1520–35 Antwerp, Susato Lyon, Moderne

1543/16

Antwerp, Susato

Susato Morales

Payen

Carole cur defles, Isabellam Thiebault dit In divina visione Pickart 2p. Quid est porta in domo Domini 3p. Dicat ergo Maria Thiebault dit Repleti sunt omnes Pickart 2p. Loquente Petro ad plebem cecidit Fevinc Missa pro fidelibus defunctis

Crecquillon Missa Mort m’a privé Crecquillon Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle envye a4

WilderW, p. 27 GombertO, IX, p. 146 SCC, XXX, p. 211 MME, XIII, p. 184 Stevensn, SCM, p. 98

RRMR 144, p. 16

Brussels/Mechelen, 1515–34; probably c. 1521–5 Brussels/Mechelen, 1526–34

CrecqW, III, p. 1 CrecqW, XVI, p. 92 SCC XXIV, p. 189

HagueKB Flemish, c. 1550 74/h/7 HerdF 9822–3 Germany, mid-16th century RegT 3/1 Southern Germany, mid-16th century Brown Alcalá, Joan de Brocar 1557/2d a  Tablature; 1547/25 = Brown 1547/5 b  Tablature; 1554/32 = Brown 1554/3

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c Attributed to Antonius Divitis in BrusBR IV.922 d Tablature; Brown 1557/2 = V1108

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Table 5.1 continued Composer

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Crecquillon Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle envye a5

1545/14

Antwerp, Susato

Crecquillon Oeil esgaré, mon cueur de toy faict plaincte Courtois Venite populi terrae 2p. Juvenes et virgines, senes cum junioribus Josquin Preter rerum seriema 2p. Virtus sancti Spiritus

1545/14

Antwerp, Susato

1545/2

Augsburg, Ulhard

CrecqW, XIX, p. 80 SCC XXIX, p. 233 CrecqW, XIX, p. 83 BridgmPMC, p. 245

BerlDS 1175b Germany, c. 1550 NJE 24:12 BerlS 11 Breslau, 1583 JosquinW Mo 33 BerlS 40 Brieg, last quarter of 16th century BolC R142 Northern Italy, c. 1515–30; after 1523; c. 1530–50 BudOS 2 Bártfa, Part I: c. 1550; Part II: 17th century CopKB 1872 copied in Königsberg for Danish court in Copenhagen, 1541–3 DresSL Saxony, Section I: 1583–4; Glashütte 5 Section II: 1585–8 DresSL Meissen, c. 1560–86 Grimma 57 DresSL Pirna Pirna, 1554 IV FlorD 11 Florence, 1557 GothaF A98 Torgau Schlosskirche, 1545 HofG 3713c Braunschweig, c. 1548–9 HradKM 29 Hradec Králové, 1556–62 LeidGA 1442 Amsterdam, mid-16th century for St Peter’s Church, Leiden LeidSM 1440 Amsterdam, 1559 for St Peter’s Church, Leiden LonRC 1070 London?, France?, 1533–6; c. 1510–15 MunU 401 Austria or Augsburg, 1536–40; 1530 RegB C120 Southern Germany or Tyrol, early 1520s RegB 775–7 Southern Germany or Austria, late 16th or early 17th centuries RokyA 22 Rokycany, late 16th century/ early 17th century RomeSM 26 Rome, c. 1566–7 RomeM 23–4 Rome, c. 1532–4 RomeV 35–40 Florence, 1530–1 SGallS 463 Glarus, c. 1540; c. 1517–20

a Intabulations in the following sources: BasU F IX 44, BerlS 6, BerlS 357, BudOS 26, LcLPR 13990a, MunBS 272, and WrocK 352

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b  Treatise c  Treatise

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Table 5.1 continued Composer

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

SGallS 464

1547/22a 1554/32b 1555/36c 1558/4 1558/20d J678 1547/6

Basel, c. 1510–20; additions c. 1540 Seville, c. 1550–4 probably Tarazona, 2nd half of 16th century Low Countries, c. 1520–35 France, possibly Troyes, c. 1515–35 Rome, 1536 Rome, c. 1512–17 Germany, c. 1515–30 East central Germany, probably Zwickau, 1590 Venice, Petrucci Augsburg, Grimm & Wyrsung Rome, Pasoti (Giunta) Nuremberg, Grapheus (Formschneider) Venice, Gardane Seville, Montesdoca Paris, Fezandat Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber Heidelberg, Kohlen Paris, Le Roy & Ballard, 1555 Antwerp, Susato

1547/5

Antwerp, Susato

CoimU 242

Coimbra, Monastery of Santa Cruz, late 16th century Antwerp, Waelrant & Laet

SevBC 1 TarazC 8 ToleF 23 UppsU 76b VatG XII.4 VatS 16 VatV 11953 ZwiR 94/1 1519/2 1520/4 1526/3 1537/1

Anonymous Iulia, dic experta meas vires Manchicourt Nunc enim si centum 2p. Ne dubitatis 3p. Innumeras unus potis Clemens non Papa

Crespel

Vaet

Brayssing

Caesar habet naves

1555/6

1559/1 Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber ChelmE 2 England, c. 1596 HradKM 29 Hradec Králové, 1556–62 WhalleyS 23 Low Countries, 1552 Quid Christi captive 1555/4 Louvain, Phalèse gemis 1556/1 Louvain, Phalèse 2p. Asserit ad dexteram 1558/6 Louvain, Phalèse patris Quid Christum captive 1553/10 Antwerp, Susato crepas 2p. Asserit ad dexteram patris La guerre 1553/35e Paris, Le Roy & Ballard 1570/35  f Louvain, Phalèse &Antwerp, Bellère

a  Tablature; 1547/22 = Brown 1547/3 b  Tablature; 1554/32 = Brown 1554/3 c  Tablature; 1555/36 = Brown 1555/4

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Modern edition

ManchiO, VI, p. 151

ClemensO, XVI, p. 116

DTO, 98, p. 63

d  Tablature; 1558/20 = Brown 1558/5 e  1553/35 = B4295 and Brown 1553/3. f  1570/35 = Brown 1570/4.

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Table 5.1 continued Composer

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Morales

Circumdederunt me

ToleBC 21

probably Toledo, 1549

Morales

Missa pro defunctis a5

M3582 M3583 CoimU 34

MME, XXXIV, p. 88 MME, XV, p. 114

Morales

Parce mihi

Morales

Venite exsultemus

Rome, Dorico, 1544 Lyon, Moderne, 1551 Coimbra, late 16th/early 17th century GuadM (2) Guadalupe, 1603–c. 1675 MadM 6832 Spain, late 16th century MontsM 753 Madrid, early 17th century MunBS 44 Munich, c. 1544–55 OpBP 40 Portugal, second half of 16th century SegC 3 Segovia, late 16th/early 17th century ToleBC 21 probably Toledo, 1549 VatB 4183 Rome, early 17th century ÁvilaC 1a Ávila, before 1737 HSMS, I, p. 9 ÁvilaC 2 Ávila, 18th or 19th century BaezaC 1b Baeza, 19th century GranCR 7 Granada, early 17th century SegC 3 Segovia, late 16th/early 17th century SilosA 21 Santa Domino de Silos, second half of 16th century VallaC s.s. Valladolid, late 16th century, 1581 ÁvilaC 1 Ávila, before 1737 HSMS, I, p. 1 ÁvilaC 2 Ávila, 18th or 19th century WagMDSCM, p. 134 BurC s.s. Burgos, 1710 CordobaC 9 Cordoba, 18th centuryc GranCR 7 Granada, early 17th century JaenC 7 Jaen, 1786 MontsM 753 Madrid, early 17th century PueblaC 3 Puebla or Seville, second half of 17th century SaraP 18 Saragossa, 1616 SegC 3 Segovia, late 16th/early 17th century SilosA 21 Santa Domino de Silos, second half of 16th century VallaC s.s. Valladolid, late 16th century, 1581

a  Incomplete. b  BaezaC 1 is discussed in Javier Marin Lopez, ‘Un tesoro musical inexplorado: los libros de polifonía de la Catedral de Baeza’, Estudios de Humanismo Español. Baeza en los siglos xvi y xvii, ed. María Águeda Moreno Moreno

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(Baeza, 2007), pp. 319–346. I am indebted to Professor Marin for bringing this source to my attention. c  Professor Marin has also provided sigla, dates, and provenance for CordobaC 9 and JaenC 7.

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to emanate from the Low Countries.3 Sub tuum praesidium also appears in LonBLR 11.E.xi, a manuscript copied in 1516 for presentation to Catherine of Aragon and Henry VIII.4 Summae laudis, O Maria makes reference to the Habsburg dynasty and to the discovery of a sea route to the Indies.5 On 23 January 1516 Ferdinand died, and Charles, as heir to the thrones of Spain, claimed the title of King of Castile, Leon, and Aragon. In ceremonies at the Church of St Gudule in Brussels on 13 March of the same year, Juana and Charles were declared co-rulers of Spain. As the words, ‘Long live doña Joanna and don Carlos, the Catholic kings’ rang out, ‘Charles set aside his mourning robe and raised a consecrated sword from the altar to the acclamation of the masses.’6 He thus assumed the thrones of Castile, Aragon, and Leon in Brussels without having set foot on the Iberian peninsula and without the consent of those he presumed to govern. In Spain, Cardinal Jiménez de Cisneros refused to recognize Charles’s kingship, perhaps reflecting the resentment of the Spanish towards a king they viewed as a foreigner.7 Thus on 8 September 1517 Charles departed from the Netherlands for Spain in order to claim his inheritance, be recognized as king, and make peace with the Spanish. In the early years of his reign Charles would continue to anger the Spanish by his appointment of Flemish courtiers and advisors to positions of authority and by his constant demands for money, gold and silver from the New World in order to wage war throughout the Empire.8 3 Albert Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, 1480–1555 (Utrecht, 1970), pp. 61–4, 331, 343–4; Kristine Forney, ‘Opitiis, Benedictus de’, NG2; Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance, revised edition (New York, 1959), pp. 265–6. Henri Vanhulst, ‘The Musical World of Charles V’, trans. Ian West, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 501–11, at p. 508, contends that the two motets were ‘unconnected with the celebrations’. 4 Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, 1400–1550, ed. Herbert Kellman, Renaissance Manuscript Studies 1, 5 vols (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1979–88), vol. 2, p. 103. 5 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, p. 63, uses the phrase nach Indien. It is not clear whether he refers to India or to the West Indies. Forney, ‘Opitiis, Benedictus de’, NG2, reports that in 1516 Opitiis secured a position at the court of Henry VIII. 6 Wim Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558, trans. Isola van den Hoven-Vardon (London, 2002), p. 7, quoted from Karl Brandi, The Emperor Charles V: The Growth and Destiny of a Man and of a World Empire, trans. C. V. Wedgwood (London, 1939), p. 60. An account of the funeral ceremonies is cited by John Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies: State Entries and Royal Funerals in the Low Countries, 1515–1791: A Bibliography (Nieuwkoop and Leiden, 1971), p. 65. William Lawrence Eisler, ‘The Impact of the Emperor Charles V upon the Visual Arts’ (PhD diss., Pennsylvania State U., 1983), pp. 46–7, describes some of the ceremonies and cites an account of the obsequies printed by Remi du Puys, Les exeques et pompe funerale de feu eternelle et tres glorieuse memoire Don Fernande, roy catholique, faicte et acomplie en lesglise Saincte-Goule a Bruxelles, le vendredi 14 Mars 1515 … 7 Royall Tyler, The Emperor Charles the Fifth (London, 1956), p. 324. In Spain Cardinal Jiménez de Cisneros declined, in Charles’s absence, to proclaim him King of Spain; see William Maltby, The Reign of Charles V (Houndmills and New York, 2002), pp. 18–19, on conditions in Spain. 8 Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 18–19; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 48.

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

1517–20: the first journey to spain

harles, accompanied by his sister Eleanor, arrived in Spain on 19 September near Villaviciosa. From there they journeyed to Tordesillas, arriving on 4 November for a reunion with their mother Juana and a meeting for the first time with their brother Ferdinand, who had been raised in Spain. Shortly thereafter the Cortes of Castile proclaimed Charles King of Castile with Juana deemed co-ruler and Queen of Spain for her life. Like his grandfather, King Ferdinand, Charles denied Juana her rights as sovereign of Spain and claimed to rule on her behalf.9 Although deemed unfit and unable to rule, Juana would remain Queen of Spain until the end of her life in 1555. Charles ruled in her place. As has been pointed out, ‘without trusting Juana, Charles and his councillors would use the queen to sanction their exercise of royal authority in Spain.’10 Charles made his triumphal entry at Valladolid on 18 November 1517. Trumpets and drums mounted on horseback from Ferdinand’s household accompanied the royal procession into the city, and the 12 trumpeters of Charles’s Flemish household were most likely joined by trumpeters from the Castilian court. The entry was also possibly celebrated with polyphony sung by the choir of the Church of Santa Maria.11 The coronation ceremonies which followed on 7 February 1518 at the Church of San Pablo in Valladolid included ceremonial trumpet fanfares and a solemn mass which may have been celebrated with polyphony provided by Charles’s Flemish chapel.12 The accounts of the seven months Charles spent in Valladolid describe various festivities at which music played an important role, and although ceremonial events were celebrated with trumpets, drums, and other instruments, the works performed were not specified.13 Following the ceremonies in Valladolid, he travelled to Saragossa and eventually to Barcelona to be similarly recognized and proclaimed ruler of Spain by the Aragonese and Catalan Cortes. 9 Bethany Aram, Juana the Mad: Sovereignty and Dynasty in Renaissance Europe (Baltimore and London, 2005), pp. 108, 111. 10 Aram, Juana the Mad, p. 111. 11 Soterraña Aguirre Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid, 1517–1539’, in Music and Musicians in Renaissance Cities and Towns, ed. Fiona Kisby (Cambridge, 2001), pp. 106–17, at p. 111. Accounts of the entry and the coronation which followed in February 1518 can be found in Jean de Vandenesse, ‘Journal des voyages de Charles-Quint, de 1514 a 1551’, in Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 2, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1874), pp. 53–464, at pp. 58ff, and Laurent Vital, ‘Relation du premier voyage de Charles-Quint en Espagne, de 1517 à 1518’, in Collection des voyages de souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 3, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard and P. Piot (Brussels, 1881), pp. 1–303, at pp. 150ff. The accounts of the entry do not provide any details about the music that was performed as part of the festivities; see Rincón for additional details about the entry. Edmond vander Straeten, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le xixe siècle, 8 vols (Brussels, 1867–88); facsimile edition in 4 vols (New York, 1969), vol. 7, pp. 285ff., also reports additional musical ceremonies during the visit to Spain. 12 Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid’, pp. 112–13. The surviving documents and accounts of the ceremony do not indicate which mass was sung. 13 Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid’, p. 112.

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Charles’s first visit to Spain lasted almost three years, with the contemporary chronicles describing ceremonies in the various cities he visited.14 It was during this sojourn in Spain that word reached him that Emperor Maxmilian, his paternal grandfather, had died on 12 January 1519. Funeral ceremonies in Barcelona occurred on the evening of 1 March and the following morning. The chroniclers indicate that Charles’s Flemish chapel and the choir of the cathedral performed, and although the ceremonies were described in great detail, exactly which works were sung was not recorded. The evening service began with an impressive procession starting at the royal residence. The entire clergy of the city and the king’s chapel opened the procession ‘cantant psalms de morts’, and more than 200 men with torches, hooded trumpeters with their instruments covered, heralds, halberdiers, ambassadors and noblemen marched to the cathedral. Once inside, the king sat in the episcopal chair of the choir, the closest seat to the transept, where an effigy of Maximilian on a sumptuous catafalque had been placed amid candles. Ambassadors, noblemen and the personal retinue of the monarch also occupied seats in the choirstalls. The cathedral was illuminated splendidly: black satin cloth covered the walls and red velvet the floor. The bishop of Vich, Juan de Tormo, officiated at vespers, followed by matins, which were sung by the Flemish chapel … The following day, 2 March, at six in the morning – in the absence of the king – another funeral service, sung by the cathedral choir, was officiated by the Bishop Ramon Guillem de Vic; this service was followed by a Mass of the Virgin, also with music, celebrated by the Bishop of Naples. Next, at nine, the cathedral clergy went to the king’s residence to join the procession that was going to accompany him to the cathedral with the same ceremony as the previous evening. The Flemish chapel sang a second mass, celebrated by Adrian of Utrecht, Charles’s tutor and future Pope Adrian VI.15 Funeral ceremonies were also held in the Netherlands at the Church of St Pierre in Mechelen on 27 and 28 February. Margaret of Austria was most likely in attendance with other members of the court and knights of the Golden Fleece. Josquin’s Proh dolor/ Pie Jhesu commemorates Maximilian’s death and may have been composed for the ceremonies.16 Notated in black as a symbol of mourning 14 See Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, Early Music 23 (1995), pp. 374–91, at pp. 375–8, for a description of the entry into Barcelona on 14 February 1519. This entry was most likely accompanied by trumpets, drums, and other instruments. Ros-Fábregas indicates that a contemporary account of the entry can be found in Llibre de les solemnitatis de Barcelona, vol. 1, pp. 391–402. This chronicle cites the texts that were sung, but fails to mention whether they were performed polyphonically. 15 The description of the ceremonies in Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, pp. 378–81, is based on a contemporary account by Llorenç Calça published in Llibre de les solemnitatis de Barcelona, ed. A. Duran i Sanpere and J. Sanabre, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1930–47), vol. 1, pp. 403–7. 16 Martin Picker, ed., The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria: MSS 28 and 11239 of the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1965), p. 89. Although Picker claims Charles was also present, at the time he was in Spain.

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and using the final verse of the Dies Irae sequence as cantus firmus, the seven-part Proh dolor/ Pie Jhesu implores its listeners, ‘Ah sorrow! People of German lands, bewail the loss of your magnanimous King!’17 A motto included with the work, Celum terra mariaque succurrite pio (Heaven, earth, and seas succour the pious one), refers to the cantus firmus, presented as a three-part canon with voices symbolizing heaven, earth, and seas by entering at descending pitch levels. Proh dolor/ Pie Jhesu is extant in a single source, BrusBR 228, one of the chanson albums of Margaret of Austria, and although anonymous in the source, it has been attributed to Josquin.18 Maximilian’s death was also memorialized by Costanzo Festa’s funeral motet, Quis dabit oculis, originally composed for Anne de Bretagne who had died in 1514, but reworked by Ludwig Senfl with the words, Brittania, Francia, and Anna changed to Germania, Austria, and Maximilianus.19 On 28 June 1519 the electors of the Holy Roman Empire unanimously elected Charles King of the Romans and emperor designate at Frankfurt. The election came at some cost. Before his death Maximilian had attempted to have Charles named King of the Romans, an act that would have facilitated Charles’s election as emperor. However, Maximilian died before he was able to procure the title, and thus there were several other contenders for the throne: Francis I of France, Henry VIII of England, and Frederick the Wise of Saxony. In March 1519 Margaret of Austria enlisted the aid of Netherlands court copyist and scribe, Pierre Alamire, in the campaign for the imperial title. Alamire, who was in the vicinity of Augsburg, established contact with the Fuggers, the wealthy Augsburg banking family, who supplied loans to secure the election. It is likely that on this occasion Raimund Fugger ordered several exquisite parchment manuscripts, part of the complex of Netherlands court manuscripts copied and illuminated at the court of Burgundy under the supervision of Alamire.20 In the end the votes of the electors were The court lists payments for mourning clothes for the nobles, knights of the Golden Fleece, and others; also see Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 64–8. 17 Martin Picker, ‘The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria: MSS. 228 and 11239 of the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels’, Annales Musicologiques 6 (1958–63), pp. 145–285, at p. 174, n. 1. 18 John Milsom, ‘Motets for Five or More Voices’, in The Josquin Companion, ed. Richard Sherr (Oxford, 2000), pp. 281–320, at p. 315, observes that ‘Josquin’s authorship has been claimed on grounds of both style and the evidence of its transmission’ (in reference to Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria, pp. 89–90), but adds that ‘although the music’s general idiom does indeed recall Josquin’s late chansons, its lack of direction and culmination is uncharacteristic – as is the curious conduct of the voices at the final cadence.’ 19 Alexander Main, ‘Maximilian’s Second-Hand Funeral Motet’, The Musical Quarterly 48 (1962), pp. 173–89. 20 Herbert Kellman, ‘Josquin and the Courts of the Netherlands and France: The Evidence of the Sources’, in Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference held at The Juilliard School at Lincoln Center in New York City, 21–25 June 1971, ed. Edward E. Lowinsky in collaboration with Bonnie J. Blackburn (London, 1976), pp. 181–216, at p. 203. This complex of manuscripts copied at the Netherlands court has been extensively studied by Herbert Kellman in the following monograph, facsimile editions, and articles (as well as in a series of papers presented to scholarly societies, but not cited here): Herbert Kellman, ed., The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts,

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obtained through monetary bribes in the form of promises of payments for their votes. It has been estimated that the campaign for the election cost Charles more than 835,000 florins, loaned by Italian and German bankers, particularly the Fuggers of Augsburg.21 Determined to visit the Empire and be crowned at Aachen, Charles set sail from Spain on 20 May 1520. His visits throughout the peninsula since his arrival in September of 1517 had done little to quell the resentment of his new subjects. He had continued to appoint his Flemish courtiers to positions of authority, leaving his former tutor Adrian of Utrecht as regent in charge as he prepared to depart. He had reneged on his promise to learn to speak Spanish and to stay in the kingdom, and, at the same time, he asked the Castilian Cortes for money to finance his trip to Germany. His demands were met with open hostility, and as he left for the Empire, rebellion in the Spanish cities, the so-called Comuneros revolt, was imminent.22

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1520–1: the first journey to the empire: the coronation at aachen and the diet at worms

n 20 May 1520 Charles departed from Spain for the Low Countries and Germany. His decision to leave Spain was outlined in a speech before he left:

There has been a fatal exigency concerning matters which force me to set sail. This decision had to be made out of respect for the faith whose enemies have become so powerful that the peace of the commonwealth, the honour of Spain and the prosperity of my kingdoms can no longer tolerate such a threat. Their continued existence can only be assured if I unite Spain to Germany and add the title of Caesar to that of King of Spain.23

1500–1535 (Ghent and Amsterdam, 1999); Herbert Kellman, ‘The Origins of the Chigi Codex: The Date, Provenance, and Original Ownership of Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana, Chigiana CVIII 234’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 11(1958), pp. 6–19; Kellman, ‘Josquin and the Courts of the Netherlands and France’; Herbert Kellman, ed., London, British Library, MS Royal 8 G.vii., facsimile edition (New York and London, 1987); Herbert Kellman, ed., Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Chigi C VIII 234, facsimile edition (New York and London, 1987); Herbert Kellman, ‘Openings: The Alamire Manuscripts after Five Hundred Years’, Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation 5 (2003), pp. 11–29. According to Herbert Kellman, ‘Two Sixteenth-Century Palatine Manuscripts: Answers for Oliver Strunk’, in Remembering Oliver Strunk, Teacher and Scholar, ed. Christina Huemer and Pierluigi Petrobelli (Hillsdale, 2005), pp. 27–42, at p. 33, two choirbooks and four sets of partbooks were ‘produced’ for Raymund Fugger. 21 Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 19–20; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 49–51; Martyn Rady, The Emperor Charles V (London and New York, 1988), p. 16. 22 Rady, The Emperor Charles V, pp. 7–8, 31; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 29, 118; Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 18–19. 23 J. M. Headley, ‘Germany, the Empire and Monarchia in the Thought and Policy of Gattinara’, in Das römisch-deutsche Reich im politisichen System Karls V., ed. H. Lutz and E. Müller-Luckner (Munich and Vienna, 1982), pp. 22–3, as quoted in Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 118.

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After several months spent in the Netherlands Charles arrived for his first visit to the Empire, where on 23 October 1520 he was crowned King of the Romans at the cathedral in Aachen. Two settings for organ, Ascendo ad Patrem and Gaude Dei genetrix, by the well-known German organist Arnolt Schlick may have been composed for the coronation. Schlick spoke of these works as ‘something new and of a rare skill: some of them unheard … no two alike, but each a different counterpoint’, and, in an annotation included with the compositions, implied that he had been present at the coronation ceremonies.24 Ascendo ad Patrem in ten parts is based on an antiphon, while Gaude Dei genetrix is a set of eight canonic variations on Natus ante saecula, a sequence for Christmas. Although it cannot be connected with the coronation ceremonies, the anonymous O sancta Maria, virgo virginum, a prayer addressed to the virgin invoking protection for Charles, also may date from this period. First brought to my attention by Herbert Kellman, O sancta Maria, virgo virginum is ‘a prayer for protection for Charles “in his danger” ’ extant only in LonBLR 8G.vii., part of the complex of Netherlands court manuscripts emanating from Mechelen/ Brussels and the scribal workshop of Pierre Alamire. LonBLR 8G.vii. was copied for presentation to Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon most likely between 1516 and 1522.25 The motet must date after Charles came of age, but presumably was composed in the first few years of his reign, contemporary with the copying of the manuscript and its subsequent transmission to England.26 The early years of his reign were ones of peace and close contact between the Burgundian and English courts. In June 1516 Alamire had been dispatched to England on a diplomatic mission, and in August 1521 a treaty of alliance had been negotiated at Bruges between Cardinal Wolsey and Charles as well as with Margaret of Austria. Charles had briefly visited England at the end of May 1520 on his way from Spain to the Low Countries, and Charles and Henry later met in July of that year at Gravelines and Calais. Charles visited England again in the summer of 1522 on his return trip to Spain. LonBLR 8G.vii could have been presented to the English monarchs

24 Martin Picker, ‘The Habsburg Courts in the Netherlands and Austria, 1477–1530’, in The Renaissance, ed. Iain Fenlon (Englewood Cliffs, 1989), pp. 216–42, at p. 240, n. 33. However, Hans Joachim Marx, ‘Schlick, Arnolt’, NG2, argued that Schlick’s note, ‘so I thought that I would join in the fun’, with the dedication of Ascendo ad Patrem does not provide conclusive proof that he participated in the ceremonies at Aachen. Also see Renato Lunelli, ‘Contributi trentini alle relazioni musicali fra l’Italia e la Germania nel Rinascimento’, Acta Musiologica 21 (1949), pp. 41–70. 25 Manuscripts from Alamire’s workshop were also prepared for Charles. See the discussion of VienNB Mus. 15496, MontsM 766, and MontM 773 in Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, pp. 154, 114–15. Kellman, p. 115, reports that in 1524, Alamire was paid for ‘several books’ to be sent to Charles in Spain. Alamire was paid again in 1526 for ‘one large book of masses and motets’, and in 1530 for ‘some books’ that seemed to have been destined for Charles. 26 Kellman, London, British Library, MS Royal 8 G. vii, p. vii; Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, pp. 110–11. Honey Meconi, ‘Another Look at Absalon’, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 48 (1998), pp. 3–29, at pp. 3–4, 20–4, suggests a date for copying and transmission around 1513.

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on any of these several diplomatic and ceremonial occasions between 1516 and 1522.27 In order to secure his election Charles had agreed to certain demands made by the estates and princes of the Empire, and as newly crowned King of the Romans and emperor elect, he convened an imperial Diet at Worms in January 1521 to address issues of governance and reform. The historic confrontation with Luther did not occur until near the end of the conclave. Despite his excommunication as a heretic by the church, Luther was granted a hearing over the protests of the papal representative, who had urged the emperor to outlaw him. Appearing before the Diet on 17 and 18 April, Luther answered his accusers with his famous statement, ‘I cannot and will not recant, because it is neither safe nor wise to act against conscience. Here I stand, I can do no other. God help me! Amen.’ 28 The emperor’s reply on the following day is less well known: You know that I am a descendant of the Most Christian Emperors of the great German people, of Catholic Kings of Spain, of the Archdukes of Austria and the Dukes of Burgundy. All of these, their whole life long, were faithful sons of the Roman Church. They were the defenders at all times of the Catholic Faith, its sacred ceremonies, decrees, and ordinances, and its holy rites, to the honour of God: they were at all times concerned for the propagation of faith and the salvation of souls. After their deaths they left, by natural law and heritage, these holy Catholic rites, for us to live by and die by, following their example. And so until now I have lived, by the grace of God, as a true follower of these our ancestors. I am, therefore, resolved to maintain everything which these my forebears have established to the present … I have resolved to stake upon this course my dominions and my possessions, my body and my blood, my life and soul.29 In this rather eloquent statement written in his own hand, the emperor resolved to eradicate the Protestant heresy in a crusade that would dominate most of his reign. However, even more revealing, an awareness of legacy and a profound sense of duty to protect that heritage emerge. Not only in the conflict with the Protestants, but in all conflicts Charles would endeavour to defend those ideals which he deemed his inheritance.

27 Kellman, London, British Library, MS Royal 8 G. vii, pp. vii–viii. Kellman, ‘Josquin and the Courts of the Netherlands and France’, p. 212, n. 119, observed that by 1525 the situation had changed. In that year Henry was unable to secure Charles’s agreement to invade France and Charles sought to nullify his engagement to Princess Mary which had been made in 1521. 28 Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 24. The deliberations as well as the resolutions adopted by the Diet of Worms are discussed in Maltby, pp. 24–5, and in Rady, The Emperor Charles V, pp. 21–4. 29 Rady, The Emperor Charles V, pp. 99–100.

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1521–5: war with france

ar with France occupied Charles for most of the decade following the coronation at Aachen. The conflict with France had begun at the end of the 15th century and would continue intermittently until after the emperor’s abdication with decisive Habsburg victories at Saint Quentin in 1557 and Gravelines in 1558. Peace with France was finally reached after Charles’s death with the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis on 3 April 1559. The first phase of war with France was largely fought on Italian soil and continued until the signing of the Treaty of Cambrai in August 1529. Characterized as ‘super powers’30 in this period, France and the Empire struggled for control in Italy. While Charles controlled more territories, they were scattered, and France stood between Spain and the Netherlands. Charles was often forced to make the dangerous journey between Spain and the Netherlands by sea rather than risk overland travel through France; thus northern Italy was strategically important as a vital link between these widely separated regions. Hostilities for the most part were provoked by the question of Milan, which had been occupied by the French since the famous battle at Marignano in 1515. Both Charles and Francis I, King of France, appeared to have a historic and hereditary claim to Milan, but in 1521 it was France who first threatened the Empire with military incursions in the Netherlands and Navarre. The emperor reacted and, in the defence of what he considered his lawful inheritance, imperial forces recaptured Milan on 21 November 1521 and, in the following April, won a decisive victory at Bicocca over the French who had tried to retake the city. On 24 February 1525 the French were again defeated at the Battle of Pavia, near Milan; Francis I was captured and taken as a prisoner to Madrid.31 The victory of the imperial forces was celebrated in Bataglia taliana by Matthias Hermann Werrecoren, first published as Die Schlacht vor Pavia. A note with the 1544 Nuremberg print indicates that Werrecoren, maestro di cappella at the cathedral in Milan, was present at the battle.32 French court composer Claudin de Sermisy’s Quousque non reverteris pax with 30 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 35. Events leading up to the conflict with France and the hostilities of the 1520s are discussed in some detail in Blockmans, pp. 40, 57–68; Rady, The Emperor Charles V, pp. 38–41; and Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 32–8. 31 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 57–9. The Treaty of Madrid, which was signed in January 1526, restored the Duchy of Burgundy to Charles and forced Francis to give up his claim to the disputed territories in Italy. Francis was released in exchange for his two sons who would be held hostage in Spain until 1530. Upon his release Francis renounced the treaty and formed an alliance with Pope Clement VII, Francesco Sforza, and the cities of Florence and Venice in the League of Cognac. Imperial forces laid siege to Rome in May 1527, and the sack of Rome lasted several months with the pope a virtual prisoner in Castel San Angelo. The hostilities continued until the signing of the Treaty of Cambrai in August 1529, but war with France resumed again in 1536. 32 Pier Paolo Scattolin, ‘Werrecore, Matthias Hermann’, NG2. Ignace Bossuyt, ‘Introduction’, in Mathias Werrecore, La Bataglia Taliana, facsimile edition (Peer, 1987), pp. 5–13, at pp. 9, 12, suggests that Werrecore’s work may have been composed following the battle at Bicocca in 1522.

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its plea, Et redde nobis lilium nostrum suis radicibus avulsum spinis circumdatum (And return us our lily, torn up by its roots and surrounded by thorns) as it appears in ChiN M91/1 (The Newberry Partbooks) has led to an interpretation that connects this work with the capture and imprisonment of Francis following the Battle of Pavia. ‘Our lily’ of the text is the King of France, who was held for 13 months in Madrid, a period during which the motet was most likely composed.33 A variant reading of this phrase, Te duce vivat lilium nostrum suis radicibus aeternum spinis circumdatum (Under your leadership, may our lily flourish, eternal in its roots, surrounded by thorns), in Attaingnant’s 11th book of motets printed in 1535, has led to an alternative interpretation, connecting the motet to the Treaty of Cambrai (the so-called Ladies Peace) reached in 1529.34 The prayer for mercy at the end of the work is emphasized by the homophonic setting of the phrase miserere precamur.

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1526–7: the marriage to isabella of portugal and the birth of philip ii

n 10 March 1526 Charles married Isabella of Portugal at Seville. The marriage united Spain and Portugal, two powerful kingdoms, and provided another important ally in the Habsburg Burgundian struggle against France. The festivities in the week preceding the wedding have been described,35 and although no specific musical works are mentioned in this account, Owen Rees has argued persuasively that Gombert’s Veni electa mea may have been composed for the nuptials.36 Gombert’s name appears for the first time in a list of benefices drawn up at Granada on 2 October 1526 and he may have been present at the wedding the previous March.37 The text was taken from Psalm 44: Come my chosen one, and I shall place thee upon my throne, for the king has set his desire on thy beauty. Hear, O daughter, and see, and incline thine ear. Graciousness is poured out upon thy lips: therefore God has blessed thee for ever. Pay heed to thy fairness and thy beauty, prosper, go forth, and reign.38

33 H. Colin Slim, ed., A Gift of Madrigals and Motets (Chicago and London, 1972), vol. 1, pp. 76–7. 34 Slim, A Gift of Madrigals and Motets, vol. 1, pp. 76–7; Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 323, 332, 344. 35 Robert Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), p. 9; p. 117, n. 46, cites Diego Ortiz de Zuñiga, Annales eclesiásticos y seculares de la muy noble y muy leal ciudad de Sevilla (Madrid, 1677), p. 489, col. 1 (lines 20–4). 36 Owen Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, Early Music History 12 (1993), pp. 19–54, pp. 51–3. 37 Joseph Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Kaiser Karls V.: Leben und Werk (Bonn, 1938), pp. 279–90; Higinio Anglès, ed., La música en la corte de Carlos V, Monumentos de la música española 2 (Barcelona, 1944), p. 24. 38 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, p. 51.

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As Rees points out, Psalm 44 ‘is a celebration of a royal wedding’ and ‘would certainly have been highly appropriate to the wedding festivities.’39 He further explains The psalm falls into two sections. The first part is a song of praise for a young king, comely and eloquent, who is blessed by God; the king is victorious in battle, but his victories serve a righteous cause. In the second section the psalmist addresses the king’s foreign bride, urging her to forget her father’s house. After a description of her entry into the king’s palace, the psalm ends with the prophecy that the union will be blessed with offspring, male heirs whom the king ‘will appoint princes over all the earth’.40 The royal wedding in March 1526 at Seville followed by just one year the decisive defeat of the French at Pavia, and Charles made his triumphal entry into the city for the nuptials under an arch which read Cessare fortitudine potentissimae, postea quam ab inmenenti clade Rempublicam Christianam liberavit, & Arabes, Armenos, Poenos, terrore late concussit (To Caesar, most powerful in fortitude, since he has freed the Christian Republic from imminent defeat, and has convulsed the Arabs, Armenians, and North Africans far and wide with terror). The psalmist’s description of a victorious young king who served a righteous cause and took a foreign bride could easily be interpreted as a portrayal of Charles.41 The birth of the heir, Crown Prince Philip, on 21 May of the following year in Valladolid was celebrated at the Church of San Pablo with a Te Deum laudamus sung by members of the Flemish Royal Chapel.42 The baptism on 5 June also took place at the Church of San Pablo. An account of the ceremonies reported that wooden arches had been built between the church and the palace where the child had been born and that the occasion was celebrated with Gombert’s motet Dicite in magni.  … five platforms decorated in the classical style were erected, upon which dramatic scenes with music were performed. In the first of these, four angels, represented by ‘four Flemish boys’, sung Dicite in magni dum spes altera mundi, a polyphonic motet composed by Gombert. The text is a typical humanist allegory in which the prince as a descendant of 39 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, p. 51. 40 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, p. 51. 41 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, p. 52. 42 Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid’, p. 114, cites two contemporary accounts which describe the festivities that celebrated the birth of Prince Philip: Part of Relación de la guerra del Almirante de Francia contra el Emperador Carlos V, copied by Fray Juan de Osnaya in 1544 and published in G. de Arriaga, Historia del Colegio de San Gregorio de Valladolid, ed. M. M. Hoyos (Valladolid, 1928), pp. 487–94; Nativite et baptesme de Don Philippe Prince de Espaigne, published in J. M. March, Niñez y Juventud de Felipe II. Documentos inéditos sobre su educación civil, literaria y religiosa y su iniciación al gobierno (1527–1547), 2 vols. (Madrid, 1941–2), vol. 1, pp. 28–40. D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, ed. D. Carlos Seco Serrano, 3 vols (Madrid, 1955–6), vol. 2, pp. 246–50, also includes an account of the birth of Prince Philip.

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God-Caesar and of the Virgin-Empress, represents the hope of the great universe.43 It has been remarked that the homophonic style at the end, in this otherwise imitative motet, emphasizes joy at the birth of the prince and heir to the throne.44 Five tableaux lined the route as the royal procession made its way to the Church of San Pablo. Contemporary accounts record that in the third of these ‘a harp and portable organs were played’, and in the fourth, ‘the minstrels of the emperor’ performed.45 Instruments could be heard at the conclusion of the baptism and at the celebrations which followed: ‘the singers of the emperor’s chapel then began to sing Te Deum laudamus. And then the high trumpeters, shawms and various other instruments in the church began to play’… At that moment, the bells in the town began to peal and the prince was taken back to the palace ‘in the same order in which they had come, except that all the instruments played. In the evening, fireworks, dancing, mumming and other entertainments were held in the street’; these were undoubtedly organised by the town.46

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1529: the treaty of cambrai and the departure for italy

ostilities between the Empire and France finally ceased on 3 August 1529 with the Treaty of Cambrai, the so-called ‘Ladies Peace’, because it was reached through the negotiations of Margaret of Austria, regent of the Netherlands, and Louise of Savoy, mother of the French king. An agreement was forged in which Francis I agreed to surrender Milan, Genoa, and Naples and to pay a ransom of 1 million ducats (2 million soleils) for the release of the French princes. Charles retained his title to Flanders and Artois but gave up the rights to his inheritance of Burgundy, Provence, and Languedoc.47 Mathieu Gascongne’s Deus regnorum celebrates this peace accord and may have been composed during

43 Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid’, p. 115; for more detail see Rincón, pp. 115–16. Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 145–6, cites an account of the baptism by Alonso de Santa Cruz, found in the Crónica del Emperador Carlos V (Madrid 1920–5), vol. 2, p. 282. Martin Ham, ‘Thomas Crecquillon in Context: A Reappraisal of his Life and of Selected Works’ (PhD diss., U. of Surrey, 1998), p. 310, has observed that Senfl’s setting of Philippe qui videt me most likely celebrates the birth of Philip II. 44 Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid’, p. 116. 45 Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid’, p. 115. 46 Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid’, p. 116, from Nativite et baptesme de Don Philippe Prince de Espaigne, published in J. M. March, Niñez y Juventud de Felipe II: Documentos inéditos sobre su educación civil, literaria y religiosa y su iniciación al gobierno (1527–1547), 2 vols (Madrid, 1941–2), vol. 1, pp. 28–40. 47 Tyler, The Emperor Charles the Fifth, p. 330. The Ladies Peace is also discussed in Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 67–8, and Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 37–8.

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the negotiations.48 Gascongne’s motet as well as de Sermisy’s earlier lament on the imprisonment of Francis I, Quousque non reverteris pax, were printed in 1535 in Attaingnant’s 11th book of motets. In an additional stipulation of the Treaty of Cambrai, Francis I agreed to marry Eleanor of Austria, sister of Charles V and widow of King Manuel I of Portugal. The text of Thomas Crecquillon’s chanson, Dames d’honneurs, voyez mon avanture, reflects the political nature of this marriage. Found with the designation ‘Pour le Reyne eleonor’ in ParisBNF 3939, a 16th-century collection of prose and verse, the text refers to Francis and Charles as the ‘two possessions that cause me turmoil, that I must love out of natural duty’.49 In July 1529 Charles left Spain by ship from Barcelona and began a journey which would take him through the conquered territories in Italy and culminate in his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor at Bologna the following February. Charles was accompanied on the voyage by the Flemish chapel as well as by ministriles from the Castilian household.50 Contemporary accounts of his arrival in Genoa describe triumphal arches modelled on those of the Via Sacra in Rome, where the ancient Roman triumphs took place … In the harbour, a copy of the single arch of Titus on the Forum Romanum had been constructed and decorated with the two-headed eagle that was the symbol of imperial domination of the world. The cathedral was embellished with a copy of the arch of Septimius Severus with its three archways, crowned by Lady Justice. These Genoese triumphal arches were the first in a whole series of copies made on the models of antiquity, and seen, for example, in 1535–36 during Charles’ entries from Palermo to Lucca as conqueror of the Turks, and in 1549 in the towns of the Low Countries during his joint tour with Philip for the latter’s inauguration as his successor.51 48 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 323, 332, 338. An alternate interpretation holds that Gascongne, who was a singer in the French royal chapel, composed Deus regnorum for the coronation of Francis I in 1515: Peter Gram Swing, ‘Gascongne, Mathieu’, NG2, and Jennifer Thomas, The Motet Database Catalogue Online. http://www.arts.ufl. edu/motet/default.asp. 49 Thomas Crecquillon: Collected Works, ed. Barton Hudson, Mary Tiffany Ferer, and Laura Youens, CMM 63 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974–), vol. XV, p. xxvii. Crecquillon’s setting of Dames d’honneurs, voyez mon avanture is extant in a single source, 1545/16, and was presumably composed after Crecquillon was first recorded on the chapel rosters in 1540. The text in Paris BNF 3939 is found with several others that refer to Eleanor’s marriage to Francis I and the Treaty of Cambrai. 50 Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La música en la corte madrileña de los Austrias. Antecedentes: Las casas reales hasta 1556’, Revista de Musicologia 10 (1987), pp. 753–96, at p. 766, cites payment to nine ministriles recorded in a document now found at the Archivo Général de Simancas; also see Anglès La música en la corte de Carlos V, p. 36. 51 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 170; also see Bonner Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance: A Descriptive Bibliography of Triumphal Entries and Selected Other Festivals for State Occasions (Florence, 1979), pp. 60–1, and Bonner Mitchell, The Majesty of the State: Triumphal Progresses of Foreign Sovereigns in Renaissance Italy (1494–1600) (Florence, 1986), pp. 136–7.

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1530: the coronation at bologna

harles arrived in Bologna in the final months of 1529 and made his entry into the city on 5 November accompanied by drums, eight pifferi, and 12 trombette on horseback. A contemporary chronicler reported that ‘so great were the sounds of voices, trumpets, drums, and artillery, that it seemed that Bologna was turned upside down.’ 52 The procession concluded when Charles entered the Church of San Petronio where the papal choir sang a Te Deum laudamus.53 It has been suggested that the Te Deum performed on this occasion was possibly that extant in VatS 20, composed by papal composer, Costanzo Festa.54 Negotiations between Charles and Pope Clement VII, who had arrived in Bologna on 24 October, were conducted and celebrated in the weeks that followed. On 5 December the imperial chapel sang mass at the Church of San Domenico,55 and on 1 January a treaty between the emperor and the pope was observed with a ‘solemn mass’ at the cathedral.56 Charles received the Iron Cross of Lombardy at the chapel of the Palazzo Comunale on 22 February,57 and two days later, on his 30th birthday, was crowned Holy Roman Emperor by Clement VII in ceremonies at the Church of San Petronio. The church itself had been decorated to resemble St Peter’s in Rome, the traditional site of imperial coronations and a solemn mass was celebrated ‘a coro

52 Anthony M. Cummings, The Politicized Muse: Music for Medici Festivals, 1512–1537 (Princeton, 1992), p. 128, who cites Marino Sanuto, I diarii, 59 vols (Venice, 1879–1903), vol. 52, cols. 184–5, 189–90, 194, 264–6, 268–9. The triumphal entry into Bologna has been described in detail by Roy Strong in Splendor at Court: Renaissance Spectacle and the Theater of Power (Boston, 1973), pp. 86–91, and in Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals 1450–1650 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984), pp. 78–80. Accounts of the entry into Bologna and the coronation are cited and described by Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, pp. 19–25, and Mitchell, The Majesty of State, pp. 138–46. An account of the coronation can also be found in Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, vol. 2, pp. 367–74. 53 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, p. 128, from Sanuto, I diarii, vol. 52, cols. 270–1. 54 Edward E. Lowinsky, ‘A Newly Discovered Sixteenth-Century Motet Manuscript at the Biblioteca Vallicelliana in Rome’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 3 (1950), pp. 173–232, at p. 182. 55 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, p. 129, who cites Gaetano Giordani, Della venuta e dimora in Bologna del Sommo Pontefice Clemente VII. per la coronazione di Carlo V. imperatore (Bologna, 1842), pp. 44, 46. 56 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, p. 131, from Ludwig Pastor, History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, ed. Ralph Francis Kerr, vol. 10 (St. Louis, 1912), p. 88, and Florence, BNC, MS II. I. 313 (Magl. XXV, 17), ‘La Città di Firenze’, fol. 142r. Mitchell, The Majesty of the State, p. 141, reports the performance of ‘a solemn mass and Te Deum in the chapel of the Palazzo Communale, followed by salutes of trumpets and artillery in the city.’ 57 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, pp. 131–2, draws on the contemporary accounts to describe the ceremonies in detail and notes on p. 131, ‘the choral performance of “una bela musica” – almost certainly in polyphony.’

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doppio’.58 There followed a procession accompanied by ‘the sound of trumpets and the beating of drums’ to the Church of San Domenico.59 A contemporary commentary with copper engravings by Nicholas Hogenberg of woodcuts designed by Robert Péril was commissioned by Margaret of Austria and published in Antwerp. It provides the following account of the ceremonies.60 … the procession passed under four Renaissance-style triumphal arches on its way from San Petronio’s cathedral to the church of San Domenico. There were two baldequins: one protected the holy relics and was carried by 12 Roman patricians led by 12 prelates of the Holy See carrying torches. The other was held above the anointed heads of the universal rulers, Clement VII and, on his left, the emperor … The two rulers were preceded by groups spreading their banners in display and by four princes of the empire, each bearing a symbol of the imperial insignia: sceptre, sword, imperial orb; the empty hands of the fourth prince on the return journey showed that the emperor was wearing his crown … The herald called Burgundy had two bags hanging from his saddle, filled with newly minted gold and silver coins. On one side of the coins was the effigy of the Holy Majesty and the inscription Carolus Quintus Imperator Augustus, and on the other the two pillars and Plus Oultre. During the procession to and from the cathedral the herald used both hands to scatter the coins in all directions to the people in the street, crying out ‘largesse, largesse’, and the people shouted loudly back, ‘imperio, imperio’, for the empire, long live the Catholic Emperor Charles.61 The coronation festivities concluded with a banquet at the Palazzo Comunale

58 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, p. 134, from Giorgio Vasari, ‘Incoronatione successa in Bologna jnel 29 di Carlo quinto per mano di papa Cle[mente] VII alli 24 di feb[rai]o giorno de s[an]to Mathia’, in Lo Zibaldone di Giorgio Vasari, ed. Alessandro del Vita (Rome, 1938), pp. 91–107. Cummings, pp. 132–7, provides a detailed account of the coronation ceremonies drawn from contemporary reports. Although historically Rome was the site for coronations of the Holy Roman Emperor, the recent sack of the eternal city by imperial troops precluded the celebration of the ceremony there. Instead, the Church of San Petronio was made to look like St Peter’s and the city of Bologna was decorated throughout to resemble Rome. 59 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, p. 137, from Vasari, ‘Incoronatione successa in Bologna’, p. 100. 60 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 171; see Nicolas Hogenberg, L’incisione del corteo trionfale di Carlo V di Nicolaus Hogenberg, ed. John T. Spike, Mauro Mei, and Bonita Cleri (Urbania, 1999). 61 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 171. Bernadette Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel, c. 1559–c. 1561’, Early Music History 19 (2000), pp. 105–200, at p. 136, cites the following accounts of the coronation: Lettera inedita del bolognese Ugo Boncompagni, poscia con nome immortale Gregorio XIII sommo Pontifice Romano, nella quale si descrive La Incoronazione di Carlo V Imperatore, seguita il 24 Febbraio 1530 in Bologna (Bologna, 1841), p. 8 (quotes a letter by Ugo Boncompagni from 18 March 1530), and Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, vol. 2, pp. 367–74.

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in the evening. Pifferi and trumpets announced the arrival of the meal62 and ‘instrumental playing and music of various kinds’ was heard.63 Regrettably, the contemporary accounts provide no indication of the particular compositions which accompanied these elaborate ceremonies. While an account of the coronation recorded that a mass was ‘sung by the most excellent singers of His Holiness and his Majesty’,64 the particular setting is not identified. However, it seems likely that Gombert’s Missa Sur tous regretz, based on a chanson by Richafort and with the designation ‘al la incoronatione’ in two of its extant sources,65 was composed for this coronation.66 Gombert had joined the imperial chapel as a singer in 1526 and by 1528 had been appointed maître des enffans. As part of Charles’s retinue, Gombert was presumably present in Bologna for the coronation ceremonies. With a text appropriate for the solemnity called for by the coronation, Jacquet of Mantua’s widely circulated setting of Repleatur os meum may also have been performed at the coronation ceremonies. It appears not only in a Roman source,67 VatG XII. 4, copied about 1536, but also in several other Italian sources which date from this period: BolC Q27 (1), PadBC D27, and RomeV 35–40. Recent scholarship has linked Coronat pontifex, a motet by Adrien Thiebault dit Pickart, to the coronation at Bologna. As maître de chapelle, Thiebault travelled with the chapel and most likely was present at the coronation ceremonies. A contemporary account reported that ‘some newly composed works by … Thiebault …were performed by the chapel’s members’ at ceremonies at the Church of S. Salvatore on 14 February,68 preceding the actual coronation which followed ten days later. Robert Snow proposed that one of those ‘newly composed works’ was the motet Coronat pontifex, whose text mentions Pope Clement VII by name and refers to the coronation of a prince by the pontiff.69 In 1529 the Treaty 62 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, p. 139, from Vasari, ‘Incoronatione successa in Bologna’, p. 106. 63 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, p. 139, from Sanuto, I diarii, vol. 52, cols. 645–51. 64 Bonnie Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’ (PhD diss., U. of Chicago, 1970), p. 124, who cites G. Romano, Cronaca del soggiorno, p. 214. 65 1542/2 and TrevBC 2. 66 Numerous scholars have connected Gombert’s Missa Sur tous regretz with the coronation of Charles V at Bologna in 1530. See Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 81–1, as one of the earliest scholars to do so. 67 George Edward Nugent, ‘The Jacquet Motets and their Authors’ (PhD diss., Princeton U., 1973), vol. 1, p. 233, and Vanhulst, ‘The Musical World of Charles V’, p. 505. George Nugent, ‘Some Reflections on Patronage: Palestrina and Mantua’, in Music in Renaissance Cities and Courts: Studies in Honor of Lewis Lockwood, ed. Jessie Ann Owens and Anthony M. Cummings (Warren, 1996), pp. 241–52, at p. 245, suggests that Repleatur os meum was sung again in 1536 at Easter when Charles was in Italy. 68 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, pp. 129–31, from Giordani, Della venuta e dimora in Bologna, p. 91. 69 Robert J. Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault, Maestro of the Flemish Chapel of Charles V, 1526–1540’, Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicologia 12 (1996), pp. 459–509, at pp. 462–3. Snow suggests that the text was written by Thiebault. Only two voices of Coronat pontifex are extant in RomeM 23–4, the unique source for

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of Cambrai had brought a temporary peace to the conflict between Charles and Francis I. Clement VII threw his support to Charles, agreed to crown him Holy Roman Emperor, and ‘granted dispensation to those responsible for the Sack of Rome’.70 The victories and the negotiations of the preceding years now made possible the triumphal entry of Charles into Italy and his coronation by the pope. With apparent disregard for the hostilities of the preceding years, Thiebault’s motet celebrates peace between the pontiff and the emperor. Coronat pontifex non quemvis principem, sed quem Rex Opifex fecit amabilem gestorum gloria … Vivant perpetuo per mundi climata haec lumina duo; sint ipsis et grata haec nostra cantica. Amen.

The pontiff does not crown an ordinary prince; rather it is the one whom the Creating King made lovable by the glory of his deeds … May this shining pair be honored in every region on earth; may this, our song, be pleasing to them. Amen.71

Another work that may be linked to the ceremonies at Bologna is the coronation motet Ecce advenit dominator in CivitaBC 1, a manuscript copied in Florence, 1555– 60. Herbert Kellman was the first to notice that the text of the cantus firmus in the tenor, Carolus vincit, Carolus regnat, Carolus imperat, with its obvious reference to Charles V, was a variant of the Laudes Regiae acclamation, Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat, traditionally part of the liturgy at coronations during the Middle Ages.72 Kellman also noticed that the motet was a reworking of Ecce advenit dominator, anonymous but attributed on the basis of its inclusion in VatS 20, a source largely containing the repertory of the papal choir, to Costanzo Festa, a singer in the papal chapel from 1517 until his death in 1545.73 Kellman reasoned that the motet could be connected to the coronation ceremonies at San Petronio in Bologna in 1530, a conclusion later corroborated by Klaus Pietschmann.74 Additionally Pietschmann pointed out that the Introit for the Feast of the Epiphany, Ecce advenit dominator, the text with which the motet begins, had also traditionally this motet, and the possibility exists that one of the missing parts may have carried a cantus firmus. 70 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 63–4, and Cummings, The Politicized Muse, p. 128, provide further details regarding the peace reached between Charles and Clement VII. 71 Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault’, p. 463. 72 Herbert Kellman, private communication. On the Laudes Regiae acclamation see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler Worship (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1958). 73 Costanzo Festa: Opera Omnia, ed. Alexander Main and Albert Seay, CMM 25 (Rome, 1962–), vol. 3, p. xiii. Seay suggested that the motet may have been written for the elevation of Pope Clement VII in 1523. The traditional acclamation, Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat, is found in the version copied in VatS 20. 74 Klaus Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa for the Coronation of Charles V’, trans. Kevin N. Moll, The Journal of Musicological Research 21 (2002), pp. 319–54.

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been part of the coronation ceremonies of the Cathedral at Aachen. In fact, an account of Charles’s coronation at Aachen on 23 October 1520 reported: As the archbishop of Cologne began the Introit of the mass, the royal singers in the middle of the choir began to sing: Ecce advenit dominator deus, [then] Kyrie eleison, [then] Alleluia, Vidimus stellam.75 Pietschmann adds that this text for Epiphany, a feast which celebrates the worship of the Christ Child by the three kings, held symbolic significance within the context of the coronation of kings and emperors, who, as ‘direct vassals of Christ’,76 emulated the wise men and likewise offered homage. Rituals enacted at the Spanish court on the feast day of the Epiphany furnish evidence that Charles identified with this tradition, assuming the role of one of the kings in the veneration of the Christ Child at the manager. On the sixth of January, the members of the royal house took on the roles of the kings, offering in solemn ceremony three goblets filled with gold, frankincense, and wax. Charles V cultivated this tradition with great zeal, even portraying one of the three kings at the manger.77 Pietschmann provides a detailed analysis of the text of the motet, fashioned from biblical and liturgical sources which were combined to emphasize that ‘the king, sent by God, appears as the legitimate authority of the Holy Roman Empire.’ 78 He additionally interprets the restoration of the Laudes Regiae formula, which had been absent for some time from the liturgy for imperial coronations, as a symbol for the restoration of imperial power.79 The contemporary accounts of the coronation ceremonies at Bologna in 1530 indicate that the chapel of Charles V participated, and report that ‘the singers sang several prayers between the actual crowning and the Laudes Regiae. ’ 80 Festa, as part of the papal chapel, as well as Thiebault, maître de chapelle of the imperial chapel, were both most likely present in Bologna for the coronation. Pietschmann proposes that Thiebault’s motet Coronat pontifex ‘corresponds textually to that of Festa, so that a complementary conception of the two compositions could 75 Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa’, p. 329, cites a 16th-century description of the coronation by Hartmann Maurus, Coronatio Caroli V. Caesaris Aug. apud Aquisgranum (Coloniae: Mameranus, 1550), fol. 162v. 76 Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa’, p. 331. 77 Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa’, pp. 330–1, who refers to Christina Hofmann, Das spanische Hofzeremoniell von 1500 bis 1700 (Frankfurt am Main, 1985), p. 96. 78 Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa’, p. 333. 79 Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa’, p. 353. 80 Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa’, p. 319, and on pp. 335–6 refers to a report by Hironimo Bontempo in Marin Sanuto’s I diarii that was included in the account of the ceremonies by Blasius de Cesnea, papal master of ceremonies and quoted in Carlo V a Bologna: Cronache e documenti dell’incoronazione (1530), ed. Roberto Righi (Bologna, 2000), p. 87. Pietschmann, p. 323, and Cummings, The Politicized Muse, pp. 234–5, n. 43, cite the accounts of the coronation by Giorgio Vasari and Paolo Giovio that indicate that the imperial chapel participated.

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be considered’,81 and, citing several contemporary accounts of the coronation, presents a plausible argument for the placement of the two motets, one by Festa, the other by Thiebault, within the ceremonies.82 Charles’s journey to Bologna for the coronation had taken him through Reggio Emilia and Modena in the final months of 1529. Upon his arrival in the Este territories on 31 October, he had been greeted by Alfonso I d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, who kneeling asked for forgiveness in light of recent hostilities with Charles and the pope. A tour of the region had followed.83 Mundi Christo Redemptori by Ferrarese composer Maistre Jhan may have been sung during Charles’s visits to these cities or his negotiations with Pope Clement VII at Bologna later in November.84 Joshua Rifkin has called attention to the tenor cantus firmus on the antiphon, Gaudent in caelis animae sanctorum qui Christi vestigia sunt seculi (May the souls of the saints who have followed Christ’s footsteps rejoice in heaven) and the text of the secunda pars which begins Sancti martires Dei omnesque cives celi tota mente nos precamur saluatori supplicare ut presul Clemens maximus et imperator Carolus quasi unum conuenisse. Gaudet omnis Italia. Jam de pace sint concordes …

Martyrs of Holy God and all citizens of heaven, we pray with complete devotion that you beseech the Saviour that our head Clemens Maximus and imperator Carolus come to terms. All Italy rejoices. May they already be agreed on peace …85

The texts suggest a performance on 1 November, the Feast of All Saints, or on the previous evening.86 Like Thiebault’s Coronat pontifex, this work is also preserved in the two extant partbooks of RomeM 23–4, as well as in several other manuscript sources copied in the second quarter of the 16th century. Charles’s visit to Reggio Emilia and Modena around 1 November 1529 may also have been celebrated in Maistre Jhan’s Missa de omnes sancti. Its connection with the Feast of All Saints is made clear from its title as well as from its tenor cantus firmus which reads: Omnes Sancti et sancte Dei: Intercedite pro Hercule secundo duce 81 Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa’, p. 319. 82 Pietschmann, ‘A Motet by Costanzo Festa’, pp. 335–8. 83 Mitchell, The Majesty of the State, p. 138. 84 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 279–80, 332, 342; see also Lowinsky, ‘A Newly Discovered Sixteenth-Century Motet Manuscript’, p. 182. In this article Lowinsky also identified several other political motets that can be connected with contemporary events in this period. 85 Joshua Rifkin, ‘Ercole’s Second-Hand Coronation Mass’, in Music in Renaissance Cities and Courts: Studies in Honor of Lewis Lockwood, ed. Jessie Ann Owens and Anthony M. Cummings (Warren, 1996), pp. 381–9, at p. 388; translation from Lowinsky, ‘A Newly Discovered Sixteenth-Century Motet Manuscript’, p. 182. 86 Rifkin, ‘Ercole’s Second-Hand Coronation Mass’, p. 388; Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 279–80, 332, 342. Lowinsky, ‘A Newly Discovered Sixteenth-Century Motet Manuscript’, p. 219, located the antiphon in the Antiphonale monasticum pro diurnis horis (Rome, 1934), p. 653.

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nostro.87 What is also clear from the cantus firmus is that Maistre Jhan’s Missa de omnes sancti follows in the tradition of masses in honour of the Dukes of Ferrara which began with Josquin’s Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae.88 While the composition of the mass originally was thought to have been connected with the death of Alfonso I d’Este and the accession to the throne of Ercole II on 1 November 1534, rhythmic discrepancies between the readings in the two surviving sources, ModE N.1.2 and ReggioSP s.s.,89 led Joshua Rifkin to conclude that the cantus firmus may have originally read Omnes sancti et sancte Dei: Intercedite pro Carolo or Carolo quinto imperator. Rifkin argues persuasively that the performance of the original version of Maistre Jhan’s Missa de omnis sancti, along with his motet, Mundi Christo redemptori, took place upon the occasion of the emperor’s visits to Reggio Emilia and Modena around 1 November 1529.90 Charles as Holy Roman Emperor was also celebrated in Missa Carolus Imperator Romanorum Quintus by Lupus, a member of the chapel of Sigismondo d’Este in 1518–19. Described as ‘Lupo francese cantore’ in documents at Ferrara, Lupus has been identified as Lupus Hellinck, overturning an earlier theory that there was an ‘Italian Lupus’ distinct from Lupus Hellinck and Johannes Lupi of Cambrai.91 87 Rifkin, ‘Ercole’s Second-Hand Coronation Mass’, p. 381. Alvin Johnson, ‘A Musical Offering to Hercules II. Duke of Ferrara’, in Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: A Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. Jan LaRue (New York, 1966), pp. 448–54, at p. 451, identified the cantus firmus as ‘a paraphrase of an acclamation from the Litany of All Saints.’ 88 Rifkin, ‘Ercole’s Second-Hand Coronation Mass’, p. 381. 89 Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, vol. 2, pp. 170–71; vol. 3, pp. 106–7. Both sources were copied at Ferrara by Jean Michel. ModE N.1.2 is a large choirbook, copied 1534–5, and ReggioSP s.s., a set of three partbooks of an original five, which dates from c. 1534–7. 90 Rifkin, ‘Ercole’s Second-Hand Coronation Mass’, p. 388. Another mass that may have been originally dedicated to Charles V and sometime later to Ercole II d’Este has been identified by Philip T. Jackson, ‘Two Descendants of Josquin’s “Hercules” Mass’, Music and Letters 59 (1978), pp. 188–205, at p. 194, who suggested that an earlier version of Jacquet of Mantua’s Missa Hercules dux Ferrariae with a soggetto cavato referring to Charles V may have been composed for one of the emperor’s visits to Mantua in 1530 or 1532. Jackson’s remarks in the ‘Introduction’, Jacquet of Mantua Collected Works vol. 6, ed. Philip T. Jackson and George Nugent, CMM 54 (n.p., 1986), pp. xi–xix, at pp. xii–xvi, proposed the text, Honor Carolum usque in aeternum, which provides a better match for the pitches of the soggetto cavato. Jackson further explored the political implications of a mass in honour of the emperor, and also speculated that Jacquet of Mantua’s dedication of an earlier version to Charles may have been made in hope of obtaining a position in his chapel. Contemporary accounts and more recent studies of the entry and visit of Charles to Mantua in 1530 are cited in Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, pp. 68–70, who describes ‘sixteen paintings showing Charles as master of the world and, on top, a winged statue of Victory in a posture as if she wished to fly down and place a laurel leaf on the head of Charles’. 91 Lewis Lockwood, ‘Bruhier, Lupus, and Music Copying at Ferrara: New Documents’, in Essays on Music and Culture in Honor of Herbert Kellman, ed. Barbara Haggh (Paris and Tours, 2001), pp. 150–60, at p. 155. Lockwood concludes that ‘… there probably is no “Italian Lupus,” but rather, Lupus Hellinck is that person, and all the music hitherto ascribed to the “Italian” namesake should now be attributed to

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The title of the mass, Carolus Imperator Romanorum Quintus is derived from its tenor soggetto cavato: fa sol ut mi re fa sol sol fa sol ut mi ut. Bonnie Blackburn has pointed out that since Charles is referred to as Emperor, the mass could not date from before the coronation in 1530. Moreover, Blackburn suggests that while the chroniclers fail to reveal the particular polyphonic mass sung at the coronation, ‘there could hardly have been a more appropriate occasion for this Mass, … or if this is not the coronation Mass, it may have been offered to Charles at one of the Italian courts he visited on his tours of Italy.’92 Ferrara and its association with the tradition of Hercules masses immediately comes to mind.93

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1530: the diet at augsburg

he coronation of Charles as Holy Roman Emperor at Bologna brought a measure of peace and stability to Italy and allowed him to confront the problem of the Protestants in Germany as well as the presence of the Turks at the borders of the Empire. As he embarked on what he regarded ‘as his greatest mission, the defence of Christianity against the heretics and Muslims’,94 Charles convened the Diet at Augsburg in July 1530 to address the theological issues and political divisions raised by the Protestant Reformation. Hopes were high that religious differences could be resolved without a military struggle. Ludwig Senfl’s Ecce quam bonum was composed for the emperor’s arrival and the start of the conclave.95 As a setting of Psalm 132, Ecce quam bonum gives voice to a plea for peace and unity between Catholics and Lutherans. Ecce quam bonum et quam jocundum, habitare fratres in unum:

Behold, how good it is and how pleasant, where brethren dwell at one.96

It quickly became clear that compromise was impossible and, though negotiations continued for nearly six months, no resolution was reached. Charles demanded that the Protestant princes return to Catholicism and that church properties and revenues be restored. The Protestants refused, and the stage was set for the military campaigns of the 1540s.97 Hellinck.’ See Richard Sherr, ed. Selections from Bologna, Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale, MS. Q19 (“Rusconi Codex”), The Sixteenth-Century Motet, vols. 6, 7 (New York, 1989), pp. xi–xii, xiv. 92 Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’, p. 124. 93 It should be noted that Lupus was a member of the chapel at the Este court in 1518–19 and that the Missa Carolus Imperator draws on the tradition of soggetto cavato as used in Josquin’s Missa Hercules dux Ferrariae. 94 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 64. 95 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, p. 159; Martin Bente and Clytus Gottwald, ‘Senfl, Ludwig’, NG2. 96 The Hours of the Divine Office in English and Latin (Collegeville, 1963–4), vol. 3, p. 504. 97 Rady, The Emperor Charles V, pp. 54–6.

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Charles had been absent from the Empire for nine years, during which period Germany had been largely governed by his brother Ferdinand, who had been appointed regent in Germany in 1522. The previous year he had married Anne, daughter of Vladislas, King of Bohemia,98 at which time he had been given the Habsburg territories in Austria and Germany. In 1526, through the death of his brother-in-law, Louis of Hungary, he acquired the crown of Bohemia and Hungary. By the end of 1530 Charles had secured the necessary votes to have Ferdinand elected as King of the Romans.99 Gombert’s Felix Austriae domus may have been composed for Ferdinand’s coronation which followed at Aachen on 11 January 1531. The text, which later appeared on an arch erected for Philip II’s triumphal entry into Rovereto in 1548,100 celebrates the Habsburg dynasty: Frederic III (1415–93), Maximilian (1459–1519), Philip the Fair (1478–1506), Charles V (1500–58) and Ferdinand (1503–64). Willaert’s Haud aliter pugnans also pays tribute to Ferdinand, and is thought to date from his coronation as King of Bohemia on 24 February 1527 in the Chapel of St Wencel at the Cathedral of St Vitus in Prague. If so, Haud aliter pugnans could be seen as evidence of Willaert’s position as cantor in Ferdinand’s chapel at the time of the coronation.101 An argument for a later date of composition, perhaps around the time of Ferdinand’s coronation at Aachen in 1531, is the reference within the text to Ferdinand’s ‘successful defence of Vienna against the Turks in 1529’.102 After spending some time in the Low Countries, Charles left the problems of Germany with Ferdinand and in October 1532 returned once again to Italy. Deo gratias by Philip van Wilder, Flemish lutenist and composer at the English court, may have been composed for a meeting between Henry VIII and Francis I in 1532.103 Written in a style which suggests a royal and ceremonial occasion, the 12-voice Deo gratias was presumably sung at the end of mass. Ite missa est from the Missa Orbis factor (Liber usualis, Mass XI) has been identified as the cantus firmus for this work.104 An alternative view proposes that Deo gratias may have been written for a ceremonial occasion in Germany associated with the emperor’s military campaign against the Lutherans.105 98 Habsburg and Jagellonian dynasties were united through these nuptials as well as through the marriage of Mary, sister of Charles, and Louis, brother of Anne. After the death of Louis in 1526 and Margaret of Austria in 1530, Mary of Hungary became regent in the Netherlands, a position she held until the abdication of the emperor. 99 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 126; Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 26, 106. 100 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 144–5, 332, 339. 101 Adriani Willaert: Opera Omnia, ed. H. Zenck, et al., CMM 3 (Rome, 1950-), vol. 3, p. ii. 102 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 283–4, 332, 345; Ignace Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music: Chronological Outline of Charles’ Political Career through Music’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 83–160, at p. 125. 103 John M. Ward and Jane A. Bernstein, ‘Van Wilder, Philip’, NG2. 104 Philip van Wilder: Collected Works, ed. Jane A. Bernstein, Masters and Monuments of the Renaissance, IV/1 (New York, 1991), pp. 129–30. 105 Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music’, p. 100.

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the military campaigns of the 1530s

eginning in the 1530s, Charles turned his attention to the threat of the Ottoman Empire and engaged in several campaigns against the Turks.106 In the final months of 1532 and the beginning of 1533 he met Pope Clement VII at Bologna to obtain the pope’s promise to call a General Council and to mount a military campaign against the Turks. A treaty was signed on 27 February 1533. Gombert’s Qui colis Ausoniam celebrates that conclave,107 as is made clear by the annotation in the single extant source which reads Quum inter Clementem VII Pont. Max. & Carolum V. Imp. Bononiae foedus esset fatum anno 1533. (An agreement was reached between Pope Clement VII and Emperor Charles V in Bologna in the year 1533.) The text is by Nicolas Nicolai dit Grudius, Flemish humanist poet and secretary of the Golden Fleece as well as brother of the more famous poet Johannes Secundus (Everaerts), and it makes reference to the Caroli sanctique Patris Concordia (the accord of Charles and the Holy Father).108 Charles returned to Spain in the spring of 1533 and spent the next two years travelling throughout Castile and Aragon. By April 1535 the threat of the Turks and the Muslim pirate Barbarossa forced him to leave for North Africa with 400 ships and 30,000 troops. By mid-August Charles’s forces had captured the fortress of La Goletta and the city of Tunis, thus gaining political and economic control of the Mediterranean.109 Upon his return, the conquest of Tunis was celebrated in triumphal entries at Palermo, Messina, Naples, Genoa, Rome, Siena, Florence and Lucca.110 106 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 64; also see Blockmans, pp. 40–1, and Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 43–8. 107 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 147–50, 333, 339; also see J. P. Guépin, De drie dichtende broers Grudius, Marius, Secundus, ed. P. Tuynman, 2 vols (Groningen, 2000), pp. 762–3, for a discussion of the text. 108 Poemata & Effigies trium fratrum Belgarum Nicolai Grudii (Leiden, 1612); Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, p. 147; Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music’, pp. 119, 135. 109 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 151–2; Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 45–6; Rady, The Emperor Charles V, p. 65. Marina Belozerskaya, Luxury Arts of the Renaissance (Los Angeles, 2005), pp. 91–7, examines in some detail the tapestries woven by Willem de Pannemaker from the cartoons designed by Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen, a Dutch painter, who travelled with Charles as part of the expedition and whose sketches provided an eyewitness account of the battle. Belozerkaya emphasizes that while the North African campaign aimed to confront Islamic forces in the region, it also challenged Barbarossa’s control of the Mediterranean. The tapestries are now found at the Patrimonio Nacional de España, Palacio Real in Madrid and the cartoons at the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. See Hendrik J. Horn, Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen: Painter of Charles V and his Conquest of Tunis (Doornspijk, 1989). Kate van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 65–81, at p. 73, remarks that the tapestries originally were displayed in the Church of Our Lady in Antwerp. 110 These entries are described in Strong, Splendor at Court, pp. 93–6, and in Strong, Art and Power, pp. 82–5; also see Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, pp. 76–8, 101–4, 125–9, 136–8, 46–8, 65–6, and Mitchell, The Majesty of the State, pp. 151–74.

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Charles made his triumphal entry into Rome on 5 April 1536 and was present at Holy Week and Easter ceremonies in the city. Contemporary accounts describe the entry into the city and the emperor’s arrival at St Peter’s, where a ‘specially composed antiphon’ 111 was performed in his honour. In Rome, a gateway carried the inscription ‘Turcarum Eversori’ (To the destroyer of the Turks). At St Peter’s another inscription was displayed, dedicated to the man who made the Muslims turn pale with fear: ‘Maumetarum paucri pallorique.’ A triumphal arch was designed by the architect Antonio de Sangallo and decorated with a series of paintings of the ‘Triumph of Africa’, including the battle of La Goletta, the capture of Tunis, Charles releasing Christian captives, and the coronation of the new king of Tunis, the emperor’s protégé.112 Before he left Rome, Charles gave 100 scudi to members of the papal chapel.113 A lost setting of Plus ultra, the emperor’s motto, by papal composer and singer Costanzo Festa may have been composed for this visit. A letter from a member of the papal chapel to Ercole II d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, dated 25 April 1536, reported that a work by Festa had been written on the emperor’s motto, presumably at the time of Charles’s visit to Rome.114 Some years later the conquest of Tunis was celebrated in Puis qu’en janvier on peult apperchevoir, a chanson printed in 1543 in the first published collection issued by Tielman Susato at Antwerp.115 Susato, who was also the composer, indicated that an unnotated fifth voice in canon with the tenor should enter ‘in the bar and on the beat corresponding numerically to the day and hour respectively when the emperor entered Brussels ( January 1540) after his victorious Tunis campaign’.116 Hostilities with France resumed with the French invasion of Savoy and Piedmont in 1536. Charles countered with an invasion of Provence, while France 111 The title of the antiphon has not survived. Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age, p. 16, refers to two printed pamphlets in the Biblioteca Angelica which describe the preparations undertaken for Charles’s visit. Mitchell, The Majesty of the State, p. 166, reports that Charles ‘ceremoniously assisted the pope at mass’. 112 Peter Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 393–475, at pp. 433–4. 113 Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age, p. 16, who cites Capp. Sist. Diar. 1, fol. 2v. 114 Lewis Lockwood, ‘Music and Religion in the High Renaissance and the Reformation’, in The Pursuit of Holiness in the Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion. Papers from the University of Michigan Conference, ed. Charles Trinkaus with Heiko A. Oberman (Leiden, 1974), pp. 496–502, at pp. 498–9, reported that Festa’s setting of Plus ultra was mentioned in a letter dated 25 April 1536 from the papal singer Antonio Cappello to Duke Ercole II d’Este, now extant in the Archivio de Stato di Modena, Archivio per Materia, Musica e Musicisti, B. 2. Also see James Haar, ‘ Festa, Costanzo’, NG2; Andrea della Corte, ‘Ferrara’, MGG1; Knud Jeppesen, ‘Festa, Constanzo’, MGG1. 115 Van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 73, cites Chansons Published by Tielman Susato, ed. Kristine K. Forney, The Sixteenth-Century Chanson, vol. 30 (New York and London, 1994), pp. xv, 211–17. 116 Vanhulst, ‘The Musical World of Charles V’, p. 508.

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attacked the Netherlands. By 1538 neither side was able to claim victory and the troops were exhausted. In June Pope Paul III negotiated a truce in Nice between Charles and Francis I, and on 14 July the two monarchs met face to face at AiguesMortes in southern France.117 The chapels of Charles and Francis were present along with 20 singers accompanying the pope, who had paid for new velvet cassocks and silk surplices for the occasion. Instrumentalists – violinists, trumpeters, trombonists and drummers – were also part of the papal retinue.118 Among the papal chapel was Cristóbal de Morales, who composed a motet in honour of the peace, Jubilate Deo omnis terra, celebrating the role of Paul III in the successful negotiations.119 Jubilate Deo omnis terra,  … quoniam suadente Paulo Carolus et Franciscus … convenerunt in unum, et pax de caelo descendit.  … Vivat Paulus! Vivat Carolus! Vivat Franciscus!

Sing joyfully to God, all the Earth, … because at the urging of Paul, Charles and Francis … have come together into one. and peace descends from heaven. … Long live Paul! Long live Charles! Long live Francis!

The first five notes of the Introit Gaudeamus omnes are used as a cantus firmus ostinato in the tenor voice.120

117 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 71; Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 38–9. 118 Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age, p. 18, who cites Léon Dorez, La Cour du Pape Paul III d’après les registres de la trésorerie secrète (Paris, 1932), vol. 2, p. 225 (dated 8 June 1538). 119 Reese, Music in the Renaissance, p. 591; Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age, pp. 18–19; Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 235–41, 333, 342. Martin Ham, ‘Morales at the Periphery: Dissemination of Motets in France, Germany, and the Low Countries’, in Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception, ed. Owen Rees and Bernadette Nelson, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 6 (Woodbridge, 2007), pp. 177–205, at p. 185, n. 11, suggests that Jubilate Deo was composed for the negotiations at Nice. Robert Stevenson, ‘Landmark Contributions to Cristóbal de Morales Scholarship, 1953–2003’, in Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception, ed. Owen Rees and Bernadette Nelson, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 6 (Woodbridge, 2007), pp. xxxix–lii, at p. xl, also identifies the meeting at Nice where the motet was performed. However, Charles and Francis did not meet face to face at Nice. Negotiations were carried out separately between Charles and the pope and Francis and the pope. It was at Aigues-Mortes that all three met together, and thus, the conference there appears to be the more likely occasion for the performance of Morales’s motet. 120 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 238–9, identifies Gaudeamus omnes as an Introit for various occasions including the Feast of St Anne, mother of the Blessed Virgin Mary, celebrated on 26 July.

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1539: the death of empress isabella

harles was back in Spain when on 1 May 1539 Empress Isabella died at Toledo of complications from the birth of a seventh child. In an article published in 1996 Robert Snow identified several works which he proposed were sung at the three masses celebrated at the time of Isabella’s death. Contemporary court documents extant in Madrid stipulated that obsequies for members of the Habsburg royal family customarily should include a Mass of the Holy Spirit and a Mass of the Blessed Virgin in addition to the Mass for the Dead. Snow argued that Fevin’s Missa pro defunctis, which had previously appeared in manuscripts copied by Alamire as part of the Habsburg court complex, was apparently pressed into service for the third of the three funeral masses.121 Additionally, manuscript and liturgical evidence connect Repleti sunt omnes and In divina visione by Thiebault dit Pickart with the funeral ceremonies. Thiebault was the maître de chapelle of the Flemish chapel at the time of the empress’s death, and Snow suggests that Repleti sunt omnes and In divina visione were created for the Mass of the Holy Spirit and the Mass of the Blessed Virgin, the first and second of the three funeral masses celebrated when a member of the Habsburg royal family died.122 Thiebault’s settings appear along with Fevin’s Missa pro defunctis in ToleF 23, a manuscript copied in the Low Countries between c. 1520 and 1535, either commissioned by or presented to Charles V.123 Nicolas Payen’s setting of Carole cur defles has also been connected with the death of the empress.124 It appears with the following inscription: Epitaphium Isabellae Imperatricis quae primo May obit 1539 in its only extant source, 1545/2 issued by Ulhard at Augsburg.125 Furthermore, its text has been interpreted as a chronogram of 1539, the year of Isabella’s death. CaroLe CVr def Les IsabeLLaM CVrVe reqVirIs VIVIt non obIIt reddIta sponsa deI Charles, why do you weep, why do you seek Isabella? She lives, she is not dead, transformed into a godly bride.126 121 Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault’, p. 468. 122 Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault’, pp. 467–8. 123 Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, vol. 3, p. 215. Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault’, p. 468, identifies the figure in the illumination at the beginning of Josquin’s Pater noster on fols. xcviiiv–xcix as Charles. See also Robert J. Snow, ‘Toledo Cathedral MS Reservado 23’, The Journal of Musicology 2 (1983), pp. 246–77. 124 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 150–6, 333, 344. 125 Jennifer Thomas, The Motet Database Catalogue Online. http://www.arts.ufl.edu/ motet/default.asp. 126 Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music’, p. 149, also includes a stylistic discussion of the motet. Bossuyt explains that ‘in the chronogram, the letter D (for 1000) is omitted. The Roman numerals (capitals) represent the number 539.’ See Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, p. 152, for a discussion of this text. Martin Ham, ‘Crecquillon’s Mass Mort m’a privé and the Empress Isabella’, in Beyond Contemporary Fame: Reassessing the Art of Clemens non Papa and Thomas Crecquillon; Colloquium

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Payen had begun his service to Charles V as a choirboy, but left the chapel sometime before 1 July 1528 to pursue university studies. In 1534 his name once again appeared with the imperial chapel as clerc d’oratoire, and in 1540 he was listed as chapelain des hautes messes. He replaced Canis as maestro de capilla in 1555.127 Carole cur defles may have been sung by the chapel at funeral services at the cloister of San Juan de Los Reyes in Toledo.128 Recent scholarship has identified three chansons, Oeil esgaré, mon cueur de toy faict plaincte and two settings of Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle, by Thomas Crecquillon as expressions of the emperor’s mourning for his deceased wife. It has been proposed that the text of Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle was written by ‘someone in the imperial court circle, possibly by Charles V himself, to express the emperor’s continuing desolation over the death of his beloved wife, Isabella.’129 Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle envye D’ung medecin congnoissant ma nature Et m’a remys en si grand frenesye … Death has deprived me out of cruel spite of a doctor knowing my nature and has placed me again in such frenzy …130 The text of Oeil esgaré, mon cueur de toy faict plaincte has likewise been interpreted to be an expression of his grief. Œil esgaré, mon cueur de toy faict plaincte. En soy plaindant il juste rayson … Et qui plus est, ne sçay quant et comment Le tireray de ce mal et tourment. Distracted eye, my heart complains of you. He has just cause to complain … And what’s more, I do not know when or how I will free him from this pain and torment.131 As a lament for Empress Isabella, the key word ‘esgaré ’ in the first line, for example, could mean ‘distraught’, referring to the speaker’s own eye which causes pain to his heart. Alternately, Proceedings Utrecht, April 24–26, 2003, ed. Eric Jas (Turnhout, 2005), pp. 233–54, at p. 235, has suggested that Payen’s setting of Quis dabit meo capiti aquam may also be connected with the death of the Empress Isabella. Also see the discussion of this motet by Tess Knighton, ‘La música en la casa y capilla del Príncipe Felipe (1543– 1556): modelos y contextos’, in Luis Robledo Estaire et al., Aspectos de la Cultura Musical en la Corte de Felipe II (Madrid, 2000), pp. 35–97, at pp. 90–1. 127 Payen’s previous service to the chapel is discussed in Chapter 3 above. 128 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, p. 152. 129 Thomas Crecquillon: Collected Works, ed. Barton Hudson, Mary Tiffany Ferer, and Laura Youens, CMM 63 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974–), vol. 19, p. lix, as proposed by Martin Ham. See also the interpretations of the text in Ham, ‘Crecquillon’s Mass Mort m’a privé and the Empress Isabella’, pp. 239–40. 130 Crecquillon Opera Omnia, vol. 19, p. lix. 131 Crecquillon Opera Omnia, vol. 19, p. lx.

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the ‘oeil esgaré   ’ could be the eye of his beloved, ‘lost’ through death. The ‘plaincte’ would then be a lament for his absent wife whose ‘regard’ (either remembered or perhaps viewed in a portrait) strikes his imprisoned heart with pain and torment.132 Crecquillon’s Missa Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle quotes both the four- and fivevoice settings of Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle and Oeil esgaré, mon cueur de toy faict, as well as a fourth chanson, Le monde est tel.133 While Crecquillon’s mass may have been composed for the funeral ceremonies in 1539, it is unclear whether he had entered the chapel by the time of Isabella’s death. Since Crecquillon’s name does not appear on the surviving chapel rosters until December 1540, it is more likely that the Missa Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle was sung at one of the annual commemorations for Isabella in 1544.134

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1540: the return to the netherlands and the triumphal entry in cambrai

t the end of 1539 Charles set out once again for the Low Countries. The peace   that had been reached with Francis I at Aigues Mortes in 1538 allowed him to travel overland through France. As he journeyed north, triumphal entries were made at Poitiers, Orléans, Fontainebleau, Paris, and Valenciennes,135 and court festivities were staged in his honour at Loches, Fountainbleu, and Paris.136 On 20 January 1540 he made his entry into Cambrai on the way to put down a revolt in Ghent. The arrival of the emperor at the gates of the city was announced by trumpeters, and a contemporary account describes a performance of a motet, O vera unitas, sung by aulcuns beaulx ieunes filz et filles … en beau doulx et armonieux contrepoinc on the route to the palace of the archbishop.137 132 Crecquillon Opera Omnia, vol. 19, p. lx. 133 Crecquillon Opera Omnia, vol. 19, p. lix. The mass has been discussed in detail by Ham, ‘Crecquillon’s Mass Mort m’a privé and the Empress Isabella’, pp. 233–54. Ham has identified the borrowings from the chansons and interpreted their placement within the mass; it has also been examined in some detail by Cathy Ann Elias, ‘Mid-Sixteenth-Century Chanson Masses: A Kaleidoscopic Process’, in Early Musical Borrowing, ed. Honey Meconi (New York and London, 2004), pp. 149–78. 134 Ham, ‘Crecquillon’s Mass Mort m’a privé and the Empress Isabella’, p. 248. 135 Details of these entries can be found in Jean Jacquot, ‘‘Panorama des fêtes et cérémonies du règne’, in Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, vol. 2: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1960), pp. 413–91, at pp. 433–40. 136 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 71. 137 Nanie Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai, le 20 janvier 1540’, in Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, vol. 2: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1960), pp. 235–53, at p. 240; Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 326–8, 333, 337; Craig Wright, ‘Performance Practices at the Cathedral of Cambrai, 1475–1550’, The Musical Quarterly 64 (1978), pp. 295–328, at pp. 307–8, who quotes from the Déclaration des triumphantz honneur et recoeul faictz à sa maiesté Imperialle à sa joueuse et première entrée … en la cité et duché de Cambray en l’an de grace mil cinq centz et xxxix ou moys de janvier le xxe jour (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds réserve Lb30 179).

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… besides and along with the splendid resonance of the said trumpets, there were, at the top of the city hall … a great number of instruments called clarions and oboes [i.e. cornetts, sackbuts and shawms?] making great melody. And a great many little children all crying loudly in the Italian fashion, ‘Imperio! Imperio!’ which filled the said market place and all the town with delightful joy and harmony.138 The motet Venite populi terrae, composed by the cathedral chapel master Jean Courtois, was sung by the bishop’s chapel, positioned on a scaffold, as Charles arrived at the palace. and from the summit of a triumphal arch the cantors of the bishop ‘sang melodiously songs and motets made and composed in honor of His Majesty and all the said princes, and notably a motet with excellent music composed by Master Jehan Courtois, Master of the Chapel of the said Most Reverend Monseigneur’, after which a Te Deum was sung within the church.139 The motet was repeated at mass in the cathedral on the following day from the top of the jubé between the choir and the nave.  … Directly this was finished, the vicar-cantors of the said church, who were XXXIII in number, being below in the said choir, sang in honor of the glorious Virgin Mary the motet Praeter rerum seriem.’ During his exit from the city, as he traversed the market place, the emperor was saluted by fanfare of trumpets and clarions played from the top of the city hall.140 It has been proposed that this may have been Josquin’s well-known setting.141 After a year in the Low Countries Charles toured the Empire from January to August 1541. There followed the ill-fated expedition to Algiers, after which Charles made his way back to Spain by the end of the year.

138 Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai’, pp. 240–1; Homer Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’ (PhD diss., U. of Illinois, 1977), p. 166, from Robert Wangermée, Flemish Music and Society in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century, English version Robert Erich Wolf (New York, Washington, and London, 1968), p. 178. 139 Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai’, p. 241; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 166, from Wangermée, Flemish Music and Society in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century, p. 178. 140 Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai’, p. 241; Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, p. 166, from Wangermée, Flemish Music and Society in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century, p. 178. 141 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, p. 327; Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai’, p. 242; Wright, ‘Performance Practices at the Cathedral of Cambrai’, pp. 296, 308. The chronicler recounts that a Te Deum, most likely performed monophonically, was sung by 70 clerics as Charles entered the cathedral and that the motet, Praeter rerum seriem, was performed by the 34 singers.

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1542–53: the military campaigns against the french

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ostilities erupted again in 1542 with a French attack on the Low Countries and a declaration of war against Charles on 12 July. In the following year France, in alliance with the Turks, invaded Nice and the Piedmont. On 1 May 1543 Charles sailed for Italy, and spent the next thirteen years in Italy, the Empire, and the Low Countries, the longest period he was away from the Iberian peninsula. He would not return to Spain until his abdication and retirement in 1556. In his absence, his son Philip was appointed regent. On 24 August 1543 the city of Düren was taken and the troops of William Duke of Cleves, an ally of France, were defeated.142 The anonymous setting of Iulia, dic experta meas vires refers to the campaign and the victory of the imperial troops with the picus rapidus (fast fish) of the text interpreted as a reference to the dauphin (dolphin), Henri of Orléans of France.143 Nunc enim si centum linguae sint by Pierre de Manchicourt, choir master of Tournai cathedral, may also be connected with the 1543 campaign against the Duke of Cleves and the battle against France at the Marne. It may also be linked to the Peace of Crépy which followed on 18 September 1544.144 The text refers to the hostes plures (many enemies) of Charles who have been variously interpreted to mean either Francis I or the leaders of the alliance of Protestant princes and German independent cities, the Schmalkaldic League.145 Nunc enim si centum linguae sint celebrates Charles who qui reges magnos multos valde que potentes fudisti, summo ast auxiliante Deo (who has conquered many great and powerful kings, with God’s help).146 The Peace of Crépy directed that Charles give up territorial claims to all recent conquests in exchange for the promise of military support in his crusade against the Turks. It also exacted a promise that a general church council would be convened to deal with the Protestant problem. Charles’s concessions underline ‘how seriously he took his role as protector of the Church and Christianity’.147 At the conclusion of the peace negotiations he issued the following statement: We and the emperor have in mind first and foremost our duty to God and the recovery of the perfect unity of our holy faith and religion, and the end of the abuses which have regrettably enabled new and damnable sects to appear in different places and to spread. In our name and at the request of our dear brother the emperor, our representatives have agreed in that treaty

142 The campaigns of 1542–3 are discussed in detail in Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 55–6, 72–4. 143 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 156–8, 333, 335. 144 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 166–8, 333, 342. 145 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, p. 167; Pierre de Manchicourt: Opera Omnia, ed. John D. Wicks, CMM 55 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1971–), vol. 6, ed. Lavern J. Wagner, p. xvii. 146 Pierre de Manchicourt: Opera Omnia, vol. 6, p. xvii. 147 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 179–80. For further details on the Peace of Crépy, see Blockmans, pp. 74, 139, and Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 41.

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[of Crépy] that henceforth we shall assist him in the subjection [of the sects] and the reform [of the abuses].148 On 31 January 1544 Charles arrived at the city of Speyer for a meeting of the Diet. During the months that followed, the meeting addressed the threat of the TurkishFrench alliance to the Empire as well as the spread of Protestantism throughout the realm.149 Vandenesse records the performance of music on several occasions while the Diet was in session: 20 February, mass at Speyer Cathedral; 1 May, ‘la messe, a la Trinite’ on the anniversary of the death of the Empress; and 8–9 May, dancing at the wedding of Lamoral, Count of Egmont, and Sabine of Bavaria.150 In the Treaty of Speyer reached on 25 May, an alliance was forged between the Empire and Christian III, King of Denmark. As the result of Charles’s successful victory over the Danish naval fleet in 1542, the treaty restored normal trade relations between the cities in the Low Countries and other regions of the Baltic.151 Clemens non Papa’s setting of Caesar habet naves validas et grandia vela contains a pun on the names of several who were part of Charles’s retinue at the time: the imperial vicechancellor Jean de Naves (naves = ships), Charles’s chief advisor Nicolas Perrenot de Granvelle (grandia vela = large sails), and the imperial secretary, Alfonso Valdes (validas = powerful). The maritime references as well as other evidence suggest that Caesar habet naves validas et grandia may have been written to celebrate the Treaty of Speyer.152 It is also possible that Caesar habet naves validas et grandia may date from a slightly later period and reflect the conflict with France which erupted in 1551 and culminated in the failed imperial siege of Metz and the emperor’s retreat on New Year’s Day 1553.153 Caesar habet naves validas et grandia survives in two versions. The earlier version is found in WhalleyS 23, a set of partbooks containing repertory connected with Charles V, possibly copied about 1552 at Brussels or Antwerp, where the court was frequently in residence.154 Iain Fenlon has argued that this version ‘refers to the unhappy state of the Imperial navy’ 155 at the time the Whalley partbooks were copied. This state of affairs had apparently changed by 1555 when a second version, with a text that presents the navy in a more favourable light, was printed by Waelrant and Laet in Antwerp. Fenlon concludes that ‘any number of 148 Alfred Kohler, ed., Quellen zur Geschichte Karls V. (Darmstadt, 1990), pp. 308–17, as quoted in Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 139. 149 Tyler, The Emperor Charles the Fifth, p. 338. 150 Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, pp. 164, 174; Vandenesse, ‘Journal des voyages de Charles-Quint, de 1514 a 1551’, pp. 276, 284–5. 151 Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music’, pp. 134–5. 152 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 193–5, 333, 336; Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music’, pp. 134–5. 153 Discussed in detail in Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 74–6. 154 When Albert Dunning originally connected the motet with the Treaty of Speyer, he was apparently unaware of the version of the work in WhalleyS 23; the modern edition in Jacobus Clemens non Papa: Opera Omnia, ed. K. Ph. Bernet Kempers and Chris Maas, CMM 4 (Rome, 1951–76), vol. 16, p. 116, is based on 1555/6. 155 Iain Fenlon, ‘An Imperial Repertory for Charles V’, Studi Musicali 13 (1984), pp. 221–40, at p. 229.

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nautical disasters could have provoked’ the first version, ‘but it is more likely … that it reflects the sad condition of the Imperial military and naval affairs in 1551–2, when Charles again became involved in a war with France.’156 Charles had been at war with France for a total of 15 years intermittently since 1515.157 While his retreat in 1553 ended hostilities for the time being, lasting peace was not achieved until after his death, with the Treaty of Câteau-Cambrésis in 1559.

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1546–7: the schmalkaldic war

harles’s campaign against the Schmalkaldic League had begun as early as 1520, when at the Diet of Worms he pledged to ‘stake my dominions and my possessions, my body and my soul’ in order to eradicate this heresy.158 The tremendous growth of Protestantism in the years which followed posed a threat to imperial unity, while the autonomy of the German princes, who sided with the Protestants and adopted the new religion, threatened the hegemony of the Empire.159 The emperor’s repeated calls for a church council to address the Lutheran heresy fell on deaf ears, with both Popes Leo X and Clement VII believing that a council would serve only to weaken the power of the church and in turn strengthen Charles’s position in Germany.160 The Schmalkaldic League, an alliance of Protestant princes and independent cities, had been formed in 1531, and as efforts at reconciliation and resolution of the religious question repeatedly stalled, Charles began to consider military action against the League. Throughout much of the 1520s and 1530s he had been militarily preoccupied with campaigns against France in Italy and the Low Countries, and against the Turks in the Mediterranean. The retreat from Algiers in 1541 and the Peace of Crépy with France in 1544 now allowed Charles to devote full attention to the problems in Germany. When a general church council was finally called at Trent in 1544, it was not ‘the free Christian Council in German lands’ the Protestants had wanted, and they refused to attend.161 By 1546, as additional negotiations failed, a military solution appeared to be the only remaining option. As Charles prepared for war, he threatened ‘to oppose all those who by their deeds have shown themselves to be against His Imperial Majesty; to preserve peace and order; to guard against insurrection, disunity and trouble’.162 While the emperor’s reasons for going to war were ostensibly to defend the faith, in reality, the Schmalkaldic League put at risk the Habsburg territories in north-west Germany and the Low

156 Fenlon, ‘An Imperial Repertory for Charles V’, p. 229. 157 See Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 77. 158 Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 25. 159 Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 49. 160 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 42. 161 Rady, The Emperor Charles V, p. 72; Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 57. 162 A. Schüz, Der Donaufeldzug Karls V. im Jahre 1546 (Tübingen, 1930), as cited by Rady, The Emperor Charles V, p. 76.

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Countries. By this time Protestant electors in the Empire were in the majority, thus posing a threat to Habsburg succession.163 On 20 July 1546 war was declared on John Friedrich, Elector of Saxony, and Philip of Hesse, leaders of the Schmalkaldic League, who had invaded Brunswick. In the ensuing military campaign the imperial army was joined by troops supplied by both the pope and various German Protestant princes who chose to remain loyal to the emperor. During the fall and winter months of 1546–7 imperial forces managed to retake territories that had fallen to the Protestants. The hostilities ended in April 1547 with a decisive victory for the emperor at Mühlberg and the capture of John Friedrich. Also captured was Philip of Hesse through the efforts of his son-in-law Maurice, Duke of Saxony, who, although a Lutheran, had supported and supplied troops to the imperial cause and had negotiated the arrest and capture of his father-in-law at war’s end. Maurice became the Elector of Saxony as a reward for his loyalty to the emperor.164 Jean Crespel’s Quid Christi, captive, gemis and Jacobus Vaet’s Quid Christum, captive, crepas refer to the imprisonment, and contain a warning to the elector.165 However, the theme of these two motets is that of betrayal, and in that sense its warning could be interpreted as directed to Maurice of Saxony for his betrayal of his father-in-law, Philip of Hesse, as well as of the Protestant cause. In 1551 Maurice changed sides once again to join an alliance of German Protestants against Charles. Support came from France, who assisted in attacks on the Empire and the capture of Cambrai, Metz, Toul, and Verdun. When it appeared that imperial forces might recapture these cities and territories, Maurice abandoned the alliance and instead joined forces with Ferdinand, the emperor’s brother. The admonition of betrayal embedded in the texts of these motets raises the possibility that they were directed at Maurice and could have been composed in the political aftermath of the victory at Mühlberg. The repertory of the chapel about this time is also reflected in an anthology printed by the Augsburg firm of P. Ulhard in 1548, during Charles’s residence of one year in the city. The collection begins with five motets by Cornelius Canis, followed by five each by Thomas Crecquillon and Nicolas Payen, and concludes with two by organist Johannes Lestannier. All were members of the chapel and were referred to on the title page as the eximiis et praestantibus Casareae Maiestatis capellae musicis (the exceptional and outstanding musicians of the chapel of His Imperial Majesty).166

163 Rady, The Emperor Charles V, p. 75; Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 56–7. 164 The events leading up to the Schmalkaldic War as well as its aftermath are discussed in detail in Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 41–2, 80–99; Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, pp. 48–64; and Rady, The Emperor Charles V, pp. 57–63, 72–88. 165 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 174–8, 334, 338, 344. A work for guitar, La Guerre, by Grégoire Brayssing also can be associated with the battle at Mühlberg. 166 Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music’, p. 147.

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1556–8: the abdication and retirement in spain

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harles returned to the Netherlands in the early months of 1553. It is evident that he had been thinking about his succession for some time, for in 1549, he had brought his son Philip north for a triumphal tour of the Low Countries, part of his inheritance. However, it was the events of 1551–2 that may have precipitated the decision to abdicate.167 This last visit Charles would make to the Low Countries culminated in a meeting of the States General in October 1555. On the 25th of that month, Charles abdicated his rule in the Netherlands in favour of his son Philip. Recounting the events of his reign, The emperor appeared before them, a physically broken man, leaning on his stick and supported by the young courtier and commander, William of Orange. He had a statement read explaining that he was relinquishing his rule over the Low Countries in favour of his son, because his health suffered in those chill lands, the Spanish air was better for him. He implored his subjects to continue to serve God and His holy faith and to observe justice and unity, and he begged them to show the same loyalty and devotion to Philip as they had shown to him … He reminded the assembly of the ceremony that had taken place in that same hall forty years earlier when, on the feast of the Epiphany, almost fifteen years old, he had been declared of age, and had been entrusted by his grandfather, the Emperor Maximilian, with the government of the Low Countries. The death the following year of his other grandfather, Ferdinand of Aragon, had made it necessary for him to depart for Spain. When Maximilian died in 1519 and he strove to be elected emperor, he ‘did not do so ambitious for more dominions, but for the good of a number of his kingdoms and lands, particularly those of hither.’ Then he looked back over his travels … Now he was preparing for his final journey. He thanked Mary for her wise and able government. He regretted that he was not leaving his lands in peace and stressed that, if he had often gone to war, it was always against his will, for his enemies had always forced him to take up arms to defend his lands … In a voice full of emotion and with tears in his eyes, the emperor ended his speech with the humble request that his faults be forgiven, for it had never been his desire to cause hurt or injustice to any one of his subjects.168

In the following months Charles relinquished his title to the Spanish, Italian, and American territories and renounced his claim to the Empire with the understanding that Ferdinand would be elected Holy Roman Emperor.169 In September 1556 Charles sailed for Spain. His final years were spent at a small palace attached to the monastery of San Jeronimo near Yuste in Estremadura. 167 See Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 105, for an interpretation of the emperor’s mental state at the time. 168 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 9. 169 Details concerning the abdication can be found in Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 8–11, and Maltby, The Reign of Charles V, p. 112.

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The early chronicler of Charles’s reign, Prudencio de Sandoval, has provided a description of the monastery and the palace which Charles ordered built to adjoin it. The Monastery of Yuste of the Monks of the Order of S. Jerome, to which His Imperial Majesty withdrew himself, is in a solitary, but pleasant Place, seven Leagues from Palencia. The nearest Town, containing about 500 Houses, and call’d Coacos, is within a quarter of a League, and yet not seen from it, because of a Hill that rises between them. The Monastery is seated on the side of the Hill North of the Church that is above it; and on the South-side of the Church, close to it, was built His Majesty’s Apartment, consisting of six Ground-Rooms, and six over them. The lower Floor was us’d but little; one of the upper Chambers was even with the high Altar, where a door was made about six Foot wide, through which he heard Mass and the Divine Office, sometimes in Bed, and sometimes up; and that way they went in to give him the Blessed Sacrament. The Emperor liv’d here so poorly, that only the Room he lay in was Hung, and that with some old black Cloth; he had but one Arm-Chair, so decay’d, that it would not have yielded Half a Crown if it were to be sold; his Habit was very poor, and always black.170 On 21 September 1558 Charles V died at Yuste. Masses were celebrated from 23 to 26 September, and on the final day the body was interred beneath the high altar at the monastery church. In 1574 it was moved to the Escorial.171 Requiem Masses were held at Toledo, Tarragona, Seville, Valladolid, Lisbon, Rome, Naples, Augsburg, Vienna, Brussels, and other cities throughout the Empire.172 A year later, on 29 November 1559, a memorial service was held at the church of San Jose in Mexico City. A contemporary account by Francisco Cervantes de Salazar,173 professor at the recently founded University of Mexico, records that the Officium pro defunctis celebrated in Mexico City in honour of Charles V included three works by Cristóbal de Morales: the invitatory psalm Venite exultemus, the lesson Parce mihi, Domine, and the antiphon Circumdederunt me, an alternate 170 D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, The History of Charles V, trans. John Stevens (London, 1703), pp. 456–7, as quoted in Michael Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs, 1563–1700 (Rochester, 1998), p. 29; Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, vol. 3, p. 494. 171 Jaynie Anderson, ‘“ Le roi ne meurt jamais”: Charles V’s Obsequies in Italy’, Studia Albornotiana 36 (1979), pp. 379–99, at p. 381; also see Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs, pp. 18–20. On p. 41 Noone lists the liturgical commemorations which were celebrated annually at the Escorial for Charles and other members of the royal family. 172 Anderson, ‘Le roi ne meurt jamais’, p. 379, has observed that more than 3,000 obsequies occurred in Europe and the New World, and describes in some detail the ceremonies held in Brussels, Piacenza, Rome, and Bologna. 173 Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, Túmulo Imperial dela grand ciudad de México (Mexico City, 1560). Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico: A Historical Survey (New York, 1952), p. 99, n. 66, reports that the only surviving copy is now found at the Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

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invitatory for matins appropriate for the obsequies of a monarch or a member of the royal family.174 After all these acts were completed with utmost magnificence and authority, and after everyone was seated, the vigil then began with the chapelmaster [of Mexico City Cathedral, who was Lázaro del Álamo] dividing his choral forces into two groups for the Invitatory. One choir sang the Circumdederunt me and the other the Venite exultemus psalm: both in polyphonic settings composed by Cristóbal de Morales. At the outset of the vigil, the hearts of all present were lifted toward heaven because of the sublimity and sweetness of the sound … Upon completion of the Lord’s Prayer, Morales’s Parce mihi, Domine was sung to the great satisfaction of all present.175 The following day a five-voice setting of mass was celebrated by 30 friars.176 Although Salazar failed to identify this setting, it is believed to have been Morales’s five-voice Missa pro defunctis.177 The funeral ceremonies for the emperor held in Brussels at the Church of St Gudule on 29 December 1558 have been described in some detail. The highlight of the procession was a float, which … depicted an enormous galleon drawn over the ocean by two sea horses. It sailed between islands where Turkish flags had been torn down and the imperial flag raised. Behind the ship two elephant seals pulled the Pillars of Hercules, upon which the following words were legible: ‘You have rightly assumed the sign of the Pillars of Hercules, conqueror of the monsters of your time. ’… An eagle’s head adorned the galleon’s bowsprit. It was further adorned with coats of arms, standards and pennants: the flag on the tallest mast pictured Christ crucified above 174 G. Grayson Wagstaff, ‘‘Cristóbal de Morales’ Circumdederunt me, an Alternate Invitatory for Matins for the Dead, and Music for Charles V’, in Encomium Musicae: Essays in Memory of Robert J. Snow, ed. David Crawford and G. Grayson Wagstaff (Hillsdale, 2002), pp. 27–45, at pp. 27–8; p. 30, n. 16; p. 37. Wagstaff reports that settings of the antiphon text Circumdederunt me were used in place of Regem cui omnia on these occasions in Spain and Latin America; see also G. Grayson Wagstaff, ‘Morales’s Officium, Chant Traditions, and Performing 16th-Century Music’, Early Music 32 (2004), pp. 225–43, at p. 242 n. 20; p. 243, n. 25. 175 Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age, p. 108, translated from the modern edition in Joaquín García Icazbalceta, Bibliografía mexicana del siglo xvi (Mexico City, 1886), pp. 119–20; Salazar’s report also appears in Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, Mexico en 1554 y Túmulo Imperial, ed. Edmundo O’Gorman (México, 1963). The obsequies for Charles are also discussed in Stevenson, Music in Mexico, pp. 87–90. 176 Stevenson, Music in Mexico, p. 90. 177 Wagstaff, ‘Cristóbal de Morales’ Circumdederunt me’, pp. 39–40; on p. 27 Wagstaff noted that Circumdederunt me is extant in ToleBC 21, a source which also includes Morales’s Requiem Mass for five voices. Wagstaff, p. 30, n. 16, also observed ‘the fact that “Circumdederunt” is for five voices not four as are the other works for Matins for the Dead supports the hypothesis that this work was written in Toledo perhaps to be used with Morales’s five-voice Missa pro defunctis’, and added on p. 40 that ‘there is no other surviving Missa pro defunctis a5 by a Spanish composer before Morales or of his generation.’

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the Pillars of Hercules, a very direct association of the dead emperor with God. The symbolic Ship of State was steered by the three theological virtues: Hope on the forecastle with her anchor, Faith midships, and Charity on the poop deck at the helm. In front of the poop deck stood an empty throne decorated with the imperial eagle and emperor’s crown.178 At the conclusion of the Requiem Mass, William of Orange, the highest-ranking knight of the Golden Fleece and the Order’s spokesman  … stood in front of the funeral chapel, struck his breast and said in a loud voice, pausing between the sentences, ‘He is dead. He is dead forever. He is dead, and his place has been taken by another who is greater than ever he was.’179

178 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 5. The Antwerp printer Christophe Plantin published engravings of the funeral procession by Jan and Lucas van Doetechum after sketches made by Hieronymus Cock. See also Strong, Splendor at Court, p. 113, and Strong, Art and Power, pp. 95–6. Other accounts are discussed in J. Jacquot, ed., Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint (Paris, 1960), pp. 467–72, 490–1, and Stephanie Schrader, ‘“Greater than Ever He Was”: Ritual and Power in Charles V’s 1558 Funeral Procession’, Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art 49 (1998), pp. 69–93. Accounts of the funeral are cited in Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies, pp. 76–7, 94–5. 179 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 7, and Schrader, ‘Greater than Ever He Was’, p. 86.

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Charles V as Crusader and Christian Knight

A

charles v and the order of the golden fleece

mong the more elaborate festivities at the court of Charles V were those   connected with the ceremonies of the chivalric Order of the Golden Fleece. The Order had been founded by the Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, in 1430 at the time of his marriage to Isabelle of Portugal, for the perfect love that we have for the noble estate and order of chivalry … in praise of our Almighty Creator and Redeemer, in reverence of his glorious Virgin Mother, and to the honour of St Andrew, glorious Apostle and Martyr, and to the exaltation of the faith and the Holy Church, and the practice of virtues and good habits.1 Charles became a chevalier of the order at the age of one in 1501 and head of the order when in 1515 he came of age and inherited the title of Duke of Burgundy. The Order originally had 25 members, but by 1431 the number had been increased to 31. After Charles became King of Castile and Aragon, that number was increased to 51 in 1516 in order to include members from Spain.2 In 1454 the Order had gathered at Lille, in a meeting that included the famous banquet known as the Feast of the Oath of the Pheasant, to plan a crusade to recapture the Holy Land for Christianity. Meetings of the Order of the Golden Fleece, although rarely as lavish as the 1454 meeting at Lille, routinely included religious services, processions, banquets, tournaments, as well as a chapitre, ‘an

1 William F. Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries: Philip the Fair and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Early Music History 5 (1985), pp. 113–53, at p. 114. Prizer quotes from a copy of the statutes of the Order now found at the Koninklijke Bibliotheek in The Hague, MS 76. E. 12, fol. [4r]. He also cites a published facsimile of a copy of the statutes in H. Gerstinger, Le Livre des ordonnances de l’Ordre de la Toison d’Or (also published as Das Statutenbuch des Ordens vom Goldenen Vlies) 2 vols (Vienna, 1934). The Order is also discussed in William F. Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Revue belge de musicologie 55 (2001), pp. 69–90; William F. Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, in Essays on Music and Culture in Honor of Herbert Kellman, ed. Barbara Haggh (Paris and Tours, 2001), pp. 161–88; and Barbara Haggh, ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece and Music’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 120 (1995), pp. 1–43. 2 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 114; D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, ed. D. Carlos Seco Serrano, 3 vols (Madrid, 1955–6), vol 3, pp. 172–4, includes a list of members added between 1517 and 1545. Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, Early Music 23 (1995), pp. 374–91, at p. 390, n. 35, lists the ten new members added at the meeting of the Order at Barcelona in 1519.

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official conclave that elected new chevaliers, examined the behavior of old ones, and discussed other matters of importance’.3 The statutes of the Order of the Golden Fleece drawn up in 1431 stipulated that the chapel of the Duke of Burgundy was required to attend all meetings of the Order. The statutes also prescribed in detail all ceremonies, including matters of protocol such as the robes and caps to be worn, the order of the processions, and the seating arrangements at the banquet. A document attached to a copy of the statutes now found at the Bibliothèque Royale in Brussels required the participation of the chapel in the procession to the church and in the Vespers of St Andrew, the Mass of St Andrew, and the Office of the Dead.4 Charles convened the Order for official meetings four times during his reign: in 1516 at Brussels, 1519 at Barcelona, 1531 at Tournai, and 1546 at Utrecht.5 Since the period of Philip the Fair, these meetings had included the following sequence of services: Day 1 Day 2 Day 3 Day 4 Day 5

Vespers of St Andrew Mass of St Andrew and Office of the Dead Requiem Mass and Vespers of the Virgin Mass of the Virgin and Vespers of the Holy Ghost Mass of the Holy Ghost6

Originally the meetings of the Order were held beginning on the Vigil of St Andrew’s Day (29 November), but in 1451 they were convened in May, and after 1491 on a number of different dates. When the official meetings were moved, ‘an informal meeting, called a petit chapitre, or conseil’ was held annually on St Andrew’s Day (30 November).7 Celebrated at various locations as Charles 3 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 162–3; Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 72. Geoffrey Parker, ‘The Political World of Charles V’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 113–225, at p. 160, comments that the examination of members at the 1531 meeting at Tournai included criticism of Charles himself. 4 Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS II. 5799; Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 119; Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 81–2. Prizer cites documents that provide evidence that the chapel was in attendance and took part in the ceremonies of the Order. Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, p. 378, confirms the participation of the chapel in the ceremonies at the 1519 meeting of the Order in Barcelona. 5 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 118; see Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 167–9, for a more detailed description of the ceremonies at the meeting held in 1546 at Utrecht. 6 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 120; Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 72; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 163, notes that the Order did not always celebrate the Mass or the Office of the Holy Ghost. According to Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, p. 384, the Vespers and Mass of the Holy Ghost were not celebrated at the 1519 meeting of the Order in Barcelona. 7 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, pp. 115, 117; Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 72.

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travelled throughout much of his reign, meetings of the petit chapitres have been documented for 1510 at Brussels, 1513 at Mechelen, 1517 at Valladolid, 1520 at Worms, 1525 at Toledo, 1532 at Mantua, 1534 at Madrid, and 1544 at Brussels. The services of the petit chapitre included: 29 November Vespers of St Andrew 30 November Mass of St Andrew and Office of the Dead   1 December Requiem Mass8 The statutes also ordered the daily celebration of a polyphonic mass at the SainteChapelle at Dijon, the official chapel of the Order.9 One 16th-century chronicler described the elaborate preparations and ceremonies which accompanied the official meetings of the Order. For the meeting in Tournai in 1531, the city especially decorated the houses along the route of the Order’s processions, presented a series of tableaux vivants, and celebrated the fête with fireworks. Antwerp, for the meeting in 1556, constructed a series of triumphal arches, which had instrumentalists playing from them.10 The contemporary descriptions of the meetings provide evidence that music played a significant role in the celebrations and services of the Order. At Barcelona in 1519 the knights processed into the cathedral accompanied by trompetas and clarins.11 At Tournai in 1531 … the trumpets sounded after the king had entered the church and was seated next to the knights. Then the Te deum was sung and Vespers of the Holy Ghost followed. The next day, once the king had processed in, the trumpets sounded and the Mass for the Holy Ghost was sung. The trumpets had also sounded during the offertory of this and the previous masses of the meeting, including the Requiem and Marian Mass.12 8 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 163–4; Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 72; Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 117. Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 163, observes that the Requiem Mass was ‘an anniversary mass for all the deceased chevaliers’. 9 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 116, reports that Philip the Good also stipulated the following series of masses at the Sainte-Chapelle in Dijon: Monday, the Requiem; Tuesday, the Mass of Angels; Wednesday, the Mass of St Andrew; Thursday, the Mass of the Holy Ghost; Friday, the Mass of Our Lady; and Saturday, the Mass of the Holy Trinity. 10 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 166, who cites M. Voisin, ‘Chapitre de la Toison-d’or tenu à Tournai en 1531’, Bulletin de la Société historique et littéraire de Tournai 8 (1862), pp. 6–22. 11 Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, p. 384. 12 Haggh, ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece and Music’, p. 13; Kristine K. Forney, ‘New Insights into the Career and Musical Contributions of Tielman Susato’, in Tielman Susato and the Music of his Time, ed. Keith Polk (Hillsdale, 2005), pp. 1–19, at p. 9, relates that the Antwerp printer Tielman Susato may have taken part

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In a contemporary account of the 1516 meeting at Brussels, the chronicler Laurent Vital reported that ‘during the banquet, there came before the king and the chevaliers player[s] of different kinds of instruments and many pretty chansons were sung by the singers.’ 13 In an account of the 1501 meeting at Brussels, the chronicler commented on ‘the sounds of trumpets, shawms, nakers, tabors, and every kind of instrument in such a manner [i.e. with such volume] that it sounded like an earthquake.’ 14 In his first published study of the Order, William Prizer observed that services were most likely sung polyphonically, citing, in particular, evidence in an account of the 1501 meeting in Brussels.15 It was an issue that he argued persuasively in a subsequent article where he set out ‘to show that polyphony was an integral part of the services from the beginning’,16 and cited Vital’s 1516 account which reported that ‘the singers of the [Royal] chapel sang a beautiful mass in honor of God and St Andrew’, a performance which Prizer concluded must have been polyphonic.17 Accounts of meetings in 1519 at Barcelona, 1531 at Tournai, 1546 at Utrecht, 1556 at Antwerp, and 1559 at Ghent, discussed in a subsequent essay, provided further evidence of polyphony at the banquets as well as religious services of the Order.18 Prizer also observes that the statutes of the Order, which

as a trumpet or sackbut player in these processions during the ceremonies at the 1531 meeting at Tournai. 13 Laurent Vital, ‘Relation du premier voyage de Charles-Quint en Espagne, de 1517 à 1518’, in Collection des voyages de souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 3, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard and P. Piot (Brussels, 1881), pp. 1–303, at pp. 23–4, cited by Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 77. In this article, Prizer, pp. 80ff., convincingly argued that polyphony was performed in connection with the Order ‘almost from its inception’. 14 Letter dated 24 January 1501 from Niccolò Frigio to Francesco II Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, extant in Mantua, Archivio de Stato, Archivio Gonzaga, Autografi Volta, busta 1, no. 114, quoted in Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 124. Frigio’s account not only confirms instrumental performances during processions and banquets, but his description of musica excellente and supera e suavissima musica in connection with the liturgical celebrations of the Order implies polyphonic performance. 15 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, pp. 121, 125. In this study Prizer identified several works that may have been performed at the ceremonies of the Order. Among them were Dufay’s lost Requiem Mass and Office for the Dead. To this could be added the well-known Requiem Mass by Pierre de la Rue, a prominent member of the Burgundian Chapel between c. 1492 and 1516. 16 Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 69. 17 Vital, ‘Relation du premier voyage de Charles-Quint en Espagne, de 1517 à 1518’, p. 20, cited in Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 77, and Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 166. 18 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 166–9, 171; Prizer includes a description of ceremonies on St Andrew’s Day in 1519 as an addendum to his essay. For a discussion of the 1519 meeting at Barcelona, see Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’.

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required that the Burgundian chapel be in attendance, argue for the performance of polyphony.19 In the procession to the church for the Vespers of St Andrew, the chapel was to take part, singing ‘respons et anthienes’; upon arriving at the church, ‘ledit prelat commencera vespres qui se chanteront par lesdits chappelains de monditseigneur’. The chapel is also mentioned in the procession for the Mass of St Andrew, the Office of the Dead and the Requiem Mass, where they were to sing the De profundis.20

R

music for the order of the golden fleece

ecent studies have identified a number of masses and motets that can be   connected with the ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece. They are listed in Table 6.1 The text of the anonymous Maxsimilla Cristo amabilis, a setting of a vespers antiphon for the Feast of St Andrew,21 patron saint both of Burgundy and the Order, suggests that it may have been composed for a meeting. Herbert Kellman was the first to recognize that it was ‘not unlikely’ that this work was composed for services of the Order.22 Maxsimilla Cristo amabilis is in fact a liturgical work, and possibly a processional. It is written in a homophonic style with clear sections and syllabic text setting, as well as a change to triple meter to underscore the words corpus apostoli (body of the apostle). Prizer contends that this work ‘does not seem to be a motet, in the sense of a work sung … after the celebration of Vespers and Compline … [but] actual liturgical music, a true antiphon intended to adorn the service’, and suggests that the antiphon ‘may … have been used as processional music. It is simple enough to have been sung by the members of the chapel, accompanied by the core of sackbuts, as the procession made its way from the emperor’s residence to the church, as was required in the official Ceremonial of the Order.’ 23 Prizer has further suggested the possibility that only the top voice was sung with the lower voices played by the organ. Maxsimilla Cristo amabilis is found in a single source, LonBLR 8G.vii, a choirbook that is part of the Netherlands court complex copied at Mechelen/ Brussels. It was compiled for and presented to King Henry VIII of England, who was also a knight of the Order, and his consort, Catherine of Aragon, most likely in the period between 1516 and 1522. As discussed in Chapter 5 above, Herbert 19 Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale MS II. 5799; Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 80, also contends that polyphony was performed at the ceremonies of the petit chapitres which met on St Andrew’s Day. 20 Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 82, and Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 121. 21 Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, no. 3722; modern usage Liber Usualis, p. 1308. 22 Herbert Kellman, ed., London, British Library, MS Royal 8 G.vii., facsimile edition (New York and London, 1987), p. vi; also see Herbert Kellman, ed., The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts, 1500–1535 (Ghent and Amsterdam, 1999), p. 110. 23 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 175–6.

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Table 6.1  Repertory for meetings of the Order of the Golden Fleece Composer

Title

Anonymous Maxsimilla Cristo amabilis Crecquillona Andreas Christi famulus 2p. Dilexit Andream Dominus

Source

Provenance/ Date

Modern edition

LonBLR 8G.vii 1564/1

Brussels/Mechelen, 1516–22 Netherlands Court Complex Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber Louvain, Phalèse, 1576

PrizCPO, p. 186

C4410 RegB 786–837 StuttL 3 WrocS 11 LonBL 29247

Morales

Andreas Christi famulusb 1556/6 2p. Videns Andreas crucem 1547/25c

CrecqW, V, p. 1 MME, XXXIV, p. 102

Regensburg, 1569–78 Stuttgart, 1562 Breslau, 1583 England, Lute tablature after 1611 Antwerp, Waelrant & Laet

MME, XIII, p. 157

Valladolid, Cordova Escorial, late 16th/ early 17th century GranCR (5) Granada, late 16th century HradKM 29 Hradec Králové, 1556–62 MunBS 1536 Bavaria, 1583 OpBP 40 Portugal, second half of 16th century RomeSC Rome, 1590–1620 792–5 SaraP 34 Saragossa, 1570 StuttL 5 Stuttgart, 1566–7 ToleBC 17 Toledo, 1550–1 TrevBC 4 Treviso, 1559–69; additions to c. 1575 VallaP s.s. Valladolid, second half of 16th century G2981 Venice, Scotto, 1539 GombertO, VII, p. 47 1539/7 Ferrara, de Buglhat, de Campis, & Hucher 1539/8 Strasbourg, Schöffer G2982d Venice, Scotto, 1541 G2983e Venice, Gardane, 1552 1564/1 Nuremberg, Montanus & Neuber EscSL 3

Gombert

Inviolata, integra et casta 2p. O benigna!, O Maria!, O regina

a Attributed to Morales in 1564/1 and WrocS 11 b According to Pedro Calahorra, ‘Los fondos musicales en el siglo xvi de la Catedral de Tarazona. I. Inventarios’, Nassare 8 (1992), pp. 9–56, Andreas Christi famulus also was copied in a source no longer extant that was

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once part of the collection at the Archivo Capitular de la Catedral in Tarazona. I am indebted to Martin Ham for providing me with this information. c Tablature; 1547/25 = Brown 1547/5 d G2982 = 1541/3 e G2983 = 1552/2

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Table 6.1 continued Composer

Title

Source

Provenance/ Date

Modern edition

BolC Q27/1 Northern Italy, second quarter of 16th century MunBS 1536 Bavaria, 1583 RegB Regensburg, 1569–78 786–837 VerA 218 probably Padua, c. 1536 Crecquillon Te Deum laudamus 1554/2 Louvain, Phalèse CrecqW, X, p. 65 2p. Exultet tibi omnis 1555/3 Louvain, Phalèse caro 1554/9 Antwerp, Susato 1559/1 Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber C4410 Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Busnoys Missa L’homme armé BarcBC 454 Spain, late 15th/ early 16th MPLSER, Ser.I, century i, No.2 ModAS s.s. Ferrara, 1481 BusnoysO, II, p. 1 VatC 234 Brussels/Mechelen, c. 1498–1503 VatS 14 Naples, 1472–81 VatS 63 Rome, c. 1480–1507 VatSM 36 Rome, c. 1566–7 VerBC 761 Probably Verona, first quarter of the 16th century La Rue Missa Sancta Dei 1545/6a Wittenberg, Rhau LaRueO, VI, p. 1 genetrix JenaU 21 Brussels/Mechelen, 1521–5 Netherlands Court Complex Morales Missa L’homme armé a5 1540/3b Venice, Scotto MME, XI, p. 193 1543/1c Venice, Scotto M3580 Rome, Dorico, 1544 M3581 Lyon, Moderne, 1546 1547/4d Venice, Gardane 1549/14 Venice, Scotto 1565/1e Venice, Scotto BogC s.s. Bogotá, 1584–6 LonBL England, early 17th century 41156–8 MadM 6832 Spain, late 16th century MadN 2431 Madrid, 1584 NYorkH 871 Escorial, early 17th century OpBP 40 Portugal, second half of 16th century PueblaC 4 Puebla, late 16th/ early 17th century a  Contrafactum of Pleni b  1540/3 = M3575 c  1543/1 = M3578

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d  1547/4 = M3589 e  1565/1 = M3579

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Table 6.1 continued Composer

Morales

Gombert Morales

Title

Source

StuttL 28 Stuttgart, c. 1540–5 ToleBC 31 Spain, late 16th century VatB 4183 Rome, early 17th century Missa L’homme armé a4 M3582 Rome, Dorico, 1544 M3583 Lyon, Moderne, 1551 1554/32a Seville, Montesdoca MadM 6832 Spain, late 16th century TrevBC 1 Treviso, 1554 ToleBC 31 Spain, late 16th century Mille regres de vous 1540/7 Augsburg, Kriesstein habandonner Missa Mille regretz M3580 Rome, Dorico, 1544 M3581 Lyon, Moderne, 1546 1547/25b 1552/29c 1554/32d 1568/1

Valladolid, Cordova Louvain, Phalèse Seville, Montesdoca Wittenberg, Schwertel

BarcBC 859

Urgel, second half of 16th century/ 17th century Spain, c. 1580 Wittenberg, 1556 Escorial, early 17th century Spain, late 16th century Madrid, 1586 Escorial, early 17th century Puebla, late 16th/ early 17th century Toledo, 1553 Rome, early 17th century Rome, c. 1535–7 Probably Germany, 1540

BarcOC 6 BerlDS 40012 EscSL 4 MadM 6832 MontsM 767 NYorkH 871 PueblaC 4

Guerrero

Missa L’homme armé

ToleBC 28 VatB 4183 VatS 17 VienNB 15499 VienNB 16195 ÁvilaA 38 OpBP 40

a  Tablature; 1554/32 = Brown 1554/3 b  Tablature; 1547/25 = Brown 1547/5

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Provenance/ Date

Probably Bautzen or Meissen, 1559 Ávila, c. 1600 Portugal, second half of 16th century

Modern edition

MME, XXI, p. 67

GombertO, XI, p. 160 MME, XI, p. 238 MME, XXIV, p. 121

(Sanctus and Agnus Dei)

MME LI, p. 93

c  Tablature; 1552/29 = Brown 1552/11 d  Tablature; 1554/32 = Brown 1554/3

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Kellman has identified several possible occasions when the choirbook could have been presented to the English court.24 Although Maxsimilla Cristo amabilis cannot be connected definitively with a specific meeting of the Order, it may have been destined for the meetings at Brussels in 1516 and at Barcelona in 1519, during the period when LonBLR 8G.vii was copied, or for one of the yearly meetings of the petits chapitres, on the Feast of St Andrew (29 November), which Charles celebrated at Brussels in 1510 and 1516, at Malines in 1513, at Valladolid in 1517 and 1522, and at Worms in 1520. Maxsimilla Cristo amabilis is not extant in any later sources, and thus it cannot be determined if (or how long) it survived as a part of the repertory for ceremonies of the Order. Prizer has identified several works that may be specifically connected with the 1546 meeting of the Order at Utrecht, a meeting attended not only by Charles but also by Francis I, King of France, and Henry VIII, King of England, both knights of the Golden Fleece. Prizer has proposed that Crecquillon’s eight-voice Andreas Christi famulus was composed for the 1546 meeting when Crecquillon was a member of the imperial chapel, and when a new article in the ceremonial of the Order had recently directed that a motet be sung after the conclusion of vespers and compline on the Feast of St Andrew.25 Andreas Christi famulus is one of only two motets composed by Crecquillon for eight voices, which alone suggests a very festive occasion and possibly one where two chapels joined together in performance. The dense texture and imitative style, which pervades this setting of two antiphon texts for the Feast of St Andrew,26 is relieved only temporarily with simultaneous text declamation and voice pairings at gemanus Petri (brother of Peter). Although attributed to Morales in two of the sources, the appearance of Andreas Christi famulus in Phalése’s retrospective collection of Crequillon motets, Opus sacrarum cantionum (Quas vulgo moteta vocant) Thomae Criquillon augustissimus Caroli Quinti Imperatoris chori Magistri celeberrimi, printed in 1576, provides stronger evidence that this motet is by Crecquillon.27 The petition, Sancta Andrea, ora pro nobis, which closes the motet is transmitted variously in the sources.28 24 Kellman, London, British Library, MS Royal 8 G.vii, pp. vii–viii; Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, pp. 110–11; see also Herbert Kellman, ‘Josquin and the Courts of the Netherlands and France: The Evidence of the Sources’, in Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference held at The Juilliard School at Lincoln Center in New York City, 21–25 June 1971, ed. Edward E. Lowinsky in collaboration with Bonnie J. Blackburn (London, 1976), pp. 181–216. Honey Meconi, ‘Another Look at Absalon’, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 48 (1998), pp. 3–29, at pp. 3–4, 20–4, suggests a date for copying and transmission around 1513. 25 Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Ms. II 5799, fol. xxviij; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 174. 26 Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, nos. 1396, 2229; modern usage Liber Usualis, p. 1308. 27 Thomas Crecquillon: Collected Works, ed. Barton Hudson, Mary Tiffany Ferer, and Laura Youens, CMM 63 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974–), vol. 5, p. xxi. 28 As Sancte Andrea, ora pro nobis in C4410; as O Jesu Christe, Fili Dei, ora pro nobis in RegB 786–837; as O Jesu Christe, Fili Dei, gaudet in coelis in 1564/1; and as Sanctus Andreas, gaudet in coelis in StuttL 3.

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Prizer concludes that a five-voice setting by Morales of Andreas Christi famulus may also have been written for the Order of the Golden Fleece. Like Crecquillon, Morales drew from antiphons prescribed for the Feast of St Andrew.29 While the text of the prima pars is identical in both settings, the secunda pars of Morales’s setting combines liturgical texts which emphasize St Andrew’s adoration of the Cross. Morales, Andreas Christi famulus, secunda pars Videns Andreas crucem, cum gaudio dicebat: Salve, crux preciosa, quae in corpore Christi, dedicata es. O bona crux.

Seeing the Cross, Andrew with joy said: Hail, precious cross which in the body of Christ is consecrated. O good cross.

Quintus: Sancte Andrea, ora pro nobis

Holy Andrew, pray for us.

Morales highlights portions of the text with melismas on crucem (cross) and preciosa (precious). Long note values in the top voice used to set salve are followed by simultaneous declamation and voice pairings of the phrase Salve, crux preciosa (Hail, precious cross). The petition, Sancta Andrea, ora pro nobis is set as an ostinato in the Quintus voice of Morales’s work. Morales’s setting of Andreas Christi famulus was published in 1556 by Waelrant at Antwerp, where the Order had met earlier that year. The appearance of the setting in a collection printed geographically far removed from the composer’s sphere of activity, and where the knights of the Golden Fleece had recently convened, would argue for a connection with the Order. In fact, Waelrant could have acquired the motet at the time of the 1556 meeting. Morales’s setting of Andreas Christi famulus may have already been part of the repertory of the Order, having appeared as an intabulation as early as 154730 as well as copied around 1550–51 in a Spanish manuscript, ToleBC17.31 It was subsequently widely dispersed in manuscript sources throughout the Iberian peninsula. The research of Alison McFarland has identified a number of occasions when Morales would have had the opportunity to present this motet to Charles. Morales had travelled to Piacenza and Nice in 1538 and to Bologna and Bussetto in 1543, when the entire papal chapel accompanied the pope for meetings with the emperor.32 In May 1543 Morales was granted a month’s leave of absence in order to travel to Genoa, possibly to meet with Charles then on his way to Bussetto. Robert Stevenson speculated that Morales may have hoped to obtain the position 29 Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, nos. 1396, 5383; modern usage Liber Usualis, p. 1308. 30 Enriquez de Valderrábano, Libro de musica de vihuela intitulado Silva de sirenas (Valladolid: Francisco Fernandez de Cordoba, 1547). 31 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 177. 32 Alison S. McFarland, ‘Cristóbal de Morales and the Imitation of the Past: Music for the Mass in Sixteenth-Century Rome’ (PhD diss., U. of California Santa Barbara, 1999), pp. 24, 50, 52; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 172–3.

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of chapel master in the imperial chapel,33 a notion which McFarland dismisses, offering instead the suggestion that Morales may have travelled to Genoa on a ‘diplomatic mission’ for Pope Paul III. Morales’s service as chaplain to Fernando de Silva, Count of Cifuentes, who had been appointed ambassador to the Holy See by Charles in 1534, provided another opportunity for contact between the composer and the emperor during the ten years the former spent in Rome.34 Additionally, as a member of the papal chapel between 1535 and 1545, Morales had been present in Rome when Charles visited in April 1536. There also exists the possibility that he was in Seville at the time of the wedding of Charles and Isabella of Portugal in 1526.35 A second article added to the statutes of the Order before the 1546 meeting at Utrecht stipulated that The same day [as the celebration of the Requiem Mass] the chief and sovereign, the chevaliers, and the officers, clad in their long robes of white damask [and] their caps of red velour, in order and accompanied as they were the day before, must go to the solemn Vespers and Compline, which shall be sung to Our Lady. When it is finished an ‘Inviolata’ is sung.36 Although the performance of Josquin’s Inviolata, integra et casta cannot be ruled out, Gombert’s setting of the text emerges as a more likely possibility. Gombert had been a member of the imperial chapel until about 1540, and his setting of Inviolata integra et casta had recently been published in 1539 by Scotto.37 Prizer points out that ‘the placement of a Marian motet after the evening offices neatly parallels the widespread tradition in the Low Countries of the Marian lof, an informal service that featured the singing of a Marian motet like the Salve regina or, perhaps, the Inviolata.’ 38 Crecquillon’s Te Deum laudamus a5 may be connected with the 1556 meeting of the Order at Antwerp. Led by Philip, this was to be the last meeting attended by Charles, who began his retirement in Spain shortly thereafter.39 Crecquillon’s setting, with a cantus firmus ostinato40 in the Quintus and bearing the inscription 33 Robert Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), pp. 22–3. 34 Alison S. McFarland, ‘Within the Circle of Charles V: New Light on the Biography of Cristóbal de Morales’, Early Music 30 (2002), pp. 324–38, at pp. 329–32; McFarland, ‘Cristóbal de Morales and the Imitation of the Past’, pp. 43, 50, 52; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 173. 35 Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age, p. 9; McFarland, ‘Cristóbal de Morales and the Imitation of the Past’, p. 17. 36 Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Ms. II. 5799, fol. 86v; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 178–9. 37 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 179. 38 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 179. 39 Kate van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 65–81, at pp. 77–8. The motet was also printed by Phalèse in 1554 and 1555. 40 The text of this motet has not been identified, but the tenor cantus firmus is melodically and textually based on the first phrase of the Te Deum chant found in the

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‘Gratiarum actio’, was first printed in 1554 by Susato in his Liber nonus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum, reissued in 1556 most likely for the Antwerp meeting.41 The processions, banquets, and tournaments, which accompanied the ceremonies of the Order, were occasions for pageantry and the display of royal power, and as Kate van Orden has pointed out, ‘Te deums announced significant political or military victories’ and ‘readily articulated royal supremacy.’ 42 A number of scholars have argued persuasively that a large number of L’homme armé masses in this period are believed to have been composed for the ceremonies of the Order.43 As has been pointed out, ‘masses on this cantus firmus would have been peculiarly suitable for the ceremonies of an order consisting entirely of “armed men” (chevaliers or knights) and one that had as an original goal the maintaining of the faith of the Church against the infidels.’44 Craig Wright has observed Surely it is not a coincidence that the Christian image of the Armed Man, then nearly fifteen hundred years old, was given musical expression for the Liber Usualis, p. 1832. 41 Forney, ‘New Insights into the Career and Contributions of Tielman Susato’, cited by van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 78, who adds that ‘the presence of the Habsburgs and the Order tended to occasion a flourishing of the arts.’ 42 Van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 77. 43 Leeman L. Perkins, ‘The L’homme arme Masses of Busnoys and Ockeghem: A Comparison’, The Journal of Musicology 3 (1984), pp. 363–96; Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, pp. 113–53; Richard Taruskin, ‘Antoine Busnoys and the L’homme armé Tradition’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 39 (1986), pp. 255–93; Herbert Kellman, ed., Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Chigi C VIII 234, facsimile edition (New York and London, 1987), pp. viii–ix; Alejandro Enrique Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay’s Benefices and his Relationship to the Court of Burgundy’, Early Music History 8 (1988), pp. 117–71; Ronald Woodley, ‘Tinctoris’ Italian Translations of the Golden Fleece Statutes: A Text and a (Possible) Context’, Early Music History 8 (1988), pp. 173–244; Owen Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, Early Music History 12 (1993), pp. 19–54; Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, pp. 374–91; Haggh, ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece and Music’, pp. 1–43; Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, p. 127; van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, pp. 74–7; Prizer, ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 69–90; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 161–88. Alternative theories for the origins of the L’homme armé tradition have been put forward by Flynn Warmington, ‘The Ceremony of the Armed Man: The Sword, the Altar, and the L’homme armé Mass’, in Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music, ed. Paula Higgins (Oxford, 1999), pp. 89–130, and Michael Long, ‘Arma virumque cano: Echoes of a Golden Age’, in Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music, ed. Paula Higgins (Oxford, 1999), pp. 133–54. The ceremony of the armed man, which Warmington proposed as a context for the performance of L’homme armé masses, also related to the defence of Christianity against the Turk. 44 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries’, p. 128. Prizer noted on p. 127 that there were no polyphonic masses for St Andrew or the Holy Ghost at this time. A number of years later, Prizer repeated this argument in ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 171.

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first time immediately after the fall of Constantinople. So, too, it must not be mere happenstance that the musical tradition of the Armed Man radiated from the lands of the duke of Burgundy.45 Richard Taruskin argued that Busnoy’s Missa L’homme armé was the earliest mass on the L’homme armé tune, a conclusion also reached by Leeman Perkins, but challenged by several scholars in a series of communications to the Journal of the American Musicological Society in the spring and fall issues of 1987. Busnoy’s mass is extant in several manuscripts, among them the only Northern source, the Chigi Codex (VatC 234), the earliest of the complex of manuscripts emanating from the Netherlands court. It contains five L’homme armé masses and exhibits the symbols of the Order in its decoration.46 The appearance of Busnoy’s Missa L’homme armé in BarcBC 454, the only Spanish source, suggests that it may have been sung at the ceremonies of the Order which met at Barcelona in 1519. Emilio Ros-Fábregas has observed that while section B of BarcBC 454 ‘cannot be dated precisely within the second decade of the century, it is tempting to associate the copying of Busnoy’s work and the previous three masses of this section of the manuscript with the 1519 meeting of the Order of the Golden Fleece.’ 47 La Rue’s Missa Sancta Genetrix also draws from the L’homme armé tune in a section of the Credo, and it has been identified as a work that may have been composed for the meeting of the Order in 1516, the first over which Charles presided.48 Believed to be one of La Rue’s late works, the mass possibly was composed after he had left the service of the Burgundian chapel. It survives complete only in JenaU 21, copied sometime after 1521 and part of the complex of Netherlands court manuscripts.49 Much later Cristóbal de Morales’s five-voice paraphrase mass and four-voice cantus firmus mass on L’homme armé also may have been intended for ceremonies of the Order. Both settings were published in 1544 by Valerio Dorico in Rome who made clear their connection to Charles V from the images which appeared in the print. The opening initial of the four-voice mass depicts an armed man with a crown and sword surmounted by two Pillars of Hercules and the words Plus ultra, Charles’s personal motto and device. This is a reference to Charles ‘the Christian knight who had passed the columns of Hercules at the Straits of Gibraltar and successfully engaged the Turks beyond.’50 The five-voice setting shows a younger 45 Craig Wright, The Maze and the Warrior: Symbols in Architecture, Theology, and Music (Cambridge, 2001), p. 198. 46 Kellman, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Chigi C VIII 234, pp. viii– ix; Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, pp. 125–7. 47 Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V’s 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, p. 385. The masses in question are Fray Benito’s Missa, Ockeghem’s Missa Au travail suis, and Anchieta’s Missa de nostra dona. 48 Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 173. 49 Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, 1400–1550, ed. Herbert Kellman, Renaissance Manuscript Studies 1, 5 vols (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1979–88), vol. 1, p. 294; Kellman, The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, p. 103. 50 Van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 76; Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age, p. 57, identified the armed man as Charles.

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knight without the device and motto, but it has been argued that it too may be associated with Charles V. The evidence seems to confirm that both masses were composed for Charles V and apparently for ceremonies of the Order.51 The imperial double-headed eagle as ‘a clear reference to Charles’,52 appears in the opening initial of Morales’s Missa Mille regretz, also issued by Dorico in 1544. Although evidently not intended for ceremonies of the Order, Morales’s parody mass on Mille regretz, the so-called El cancion del Emperador, has been identified as a work that can be connected with Charles V.53 In 1521 Charles spent some time in Brussels on his way to the coronation at Aachen. A contemporary account described a visit during that time from a Joskin with a gift of aucunes chansons nouvelles. The Joskin named in the report was assumed to be Josquin des Prez by Helmuth Osthoff in his monograph on the composer,54 an assumption that has come under considerable scrutiny,55 and the chansons nouvelles were thought to include the composer’s well-known Mille regretz. Attractive as is the suggestion of a personal encounter between Charles V and Josquin, the chanson had a wide distribution and the emperor could have easily become familiar with it through other means. Additionally, there is some debate whether Mille regretz is in fact an authentic work. The chanson is attributed to Josquin in only two of the 24 sources that contain this work, all copied or printed after Josquin’s death. Although Louise Litterick in the Josquin Companion concluded that Mille regretz was probably not composed by Josquin,56 David Fallows subsequently commented that he was ‘inclined to think’ that the chanson was by Josquin and was composed for Charles V.57 In 1538 an intabulation of Mille regretz for vihuela by Luis de Narváez was published in Los seys libros del delphin de music, where the chanson was referred 51 McFarland, ‘Cristóbal de Morales and the Imitation of the Past’, pp. 50–2; McFarland, ‘Within the Circle of Charles V’, pp. 330–1; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 171–3. 52 Van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 75. 53 Discussed in Owen Rees, ‘Mille Regretz as Model: Possible Allusions to “The Emperor’s Song” in the Chanson Repertory’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 120 (1995), pp. 44–76; Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, p. 172; van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 75; McFarland, ‘Within the Circle of Charles V’, p. 331. 54 Helmuth Osthoff, Josquin Desprez, vol. 1 (Tutzing, 1962), pp. 73–4. 55 Kellman, ‘Josquin and the Courts of the Netherlands and France’, pp. 186–9, who concludes that ‘we cannot be certain that the musician in question is Josquin des Prez.’ Also see David Fallows, Josquin (Turnhout, 2009), pp. 340–2. 56 Louise Litterick, ‘Chansons for Three and Four Voices’, in The Josquin Companion, ed. Richard Sherr (Oxford, 2000), pp. 335–91, at pp. 336, 374–6. 57 David Fallows, ‘Who Composed Mille Regretz?’, in Essays on Music and Culture in Honor of Herbert Kellman, ed. Barbara Haggh (Paris and Tours, 2001), pp. 241–52, at p. 252. Martin Picker, ‘Josquin and Jean Lemaire: Four Chansons Re-examined’, in Essays Presented to Myron P. Gilmore, vol. 2, ed. Sergio Bertelli and Gloria Ramakus (Florence, 1978), pp. 447–56, at p. 452, also considered the question of authenticity and concluded that Mille regretz is ‘entirely consistent with his [ Josquin’s] work’ and that the chansons presented to Charles V in 1520 ‘perhaps’ included Mille regretz. Also see Fallows, Josquin, pp. 338–9.

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to as ‘El cancion del Emperador’ for the first time. The dedication of the collection to Francisco de los Cobos, secretary to Charles V, who might very well have been familiar with the emperor’s preferences, lends credence to the assertion that the chanson was a favourite of the emperor.58 Although Morales’s Missa Mille regretz has not been linked to any of the liturgical ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece during the reign of Charles V, the reference to the emperor in the choice of the model as well as in the design of the opening initial suggests an obvious connection between Charles, the mass, and possibly the chanson. While also unclear whether intended for the Order, two masses composed by Spanish composers connected with the Castilian and Aragonese royal chapels refer to the L’homme armé tune. It is quoted in the tenor of the Agnus Dei movement of Juan de Anchieta’s Missa Quarti toni but appears as cantus firmus throughout Francisco Peñalosa’s Missa L’homme armé.59 Francisco Guerrero’s Missa L’homme armé takes as its model Morales’s five-voice Missa L’homme armé ‘as an occasional compositional prop, raiding it for isolated motives which worked in imitation, good countersubjects, cadence constructions, and ways to use the cantus firmus as a structural device.’60 As such, it could be considered a student work, a compositional exercise emulating the techniques and style of a revered member of an older generation. Extant in two versions, a comparison has revealed that the setting now found at the Monasterio de Santa Ana at Ávila is a revision of the earlier version now at the Biblioteca Pública Municipal in Oporto.61 Near the end of his life Charles was visited in his retirement at Yuste by Guerrero, who presented him with his collection of masses and motets. Prudencio de Sandoval, one of the emperor’s earliest biographers, related that  … when one of these [masses] had been sung as a specimen, the Emperor called his confessor, and said, see what a thief … is this son of a ______! Why, here, says he, this passage is taken from one Composer, and this 58 Rees, ‘Mille Regretz as Model’, p. 44, n. 3; in 1548 Narváez was recorded as a member of the household of Philip II. A six-voice arrangement of Mille regretz was composed by Nicholas Gombert, a member of the imperial chapel from about 1526 to 1540. 59 Tess Knighton, ‘A Meeting of Chapels: Toledo, 1502’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 85–102, at p. 97. 60 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, p. 22. Rees cites Howard Mayer Brown, ‘Emulation, Competition, and Homage: Imitation and Theories of Imitation in the Renaissance’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 35 (1982), pp. 1–48, at pp. 8, 10, who discusses the emulation of models in the training of students during this period. Rees, pp. 23–4, also cites a document in which Guerrero indicates having studied with Morales and concludes that it must have occurred when Morales returned to Spain in 1545 most likely bearing his two recently published masses on the L’homme armé tune. Rees has also discussed Guerrero’s emulation of Morales in ‘“Recalling Cristóbal de Morales to Mind”: Emulation in Guerrero’s Sacrae Cantiones of 1555’, in Encomium Musicae: Essays in Memory of Robert J. Snow, ed. David Crawford and G. Grayson Wagstaff (Hillsdale, 2002), pp. 365–94. 61 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, pp. 20–2.

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from another, naming them as he went on. All this, while the Singers stood astonished, as none of them had discovered these thefts, till they were pointed out by the Emperor.62 Most likely it was the second version of Guerrero’s Missa L’homme armé, revised especially for this occasion, that was performed. It included a newly composed Agnus Dei which drew from Gombert’s Veni electa mea, a motet which Owen Rees contends was composed for the wedding of Charles and Isabella in 1526, quoted here as ‘a special homage to Charles’.63 The models for Guerrero’s mass have been discussed by Rees, who argued that Charles knew Morales’s five-voice Missa L’homme armé so well that he would have easily recognized these passages. Rees further observed that ‘the theme of the armed man was a particularly appropriate one with which to flatter Charles, the great priorities of whose reign had been the crusades against the Turk and the Protestant heretics, and who had been portrayed as a warrior king, leading his armies in person.’64 Kate van Orden adds, Gombert’s Veni electa mea combined especially well with the L’homme armé to signify Charles’ military persona, since the text, drawn from Psalm 44, praises the king as a mighty warrior, a love of righteousness, and a monarch ‘anointed with the oil of gladness’ … In Guerrero’s Mass, the themes of the armed man and the just ruler of Psalm 44 gloss the political language of paternity in the Mass Ordinary; thus the whole perpetuates the image Charles himself cultivated: protector of Christendom and, as Holy Roman Emperor, the most Christian ruler in Europe.65 When Philip the Good had founded the Order of the Golden Fleece in 1430, he identified the aim of the Order to defeat the Turks and to recapture the Holy Land with the Greek legend of Jason and the Argonauts’ quest for the Golden Fleece. The metaphor was elaborated by the Bishop of Chalon Jehan Germain and Burgundian chancellor Guillaume Fillastre, who, in a treatise on the Order, adapted the Biblical parallel of Gideon, as told in Judges 6:34–40.66 In the Biblical 62 Quoted by van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 76, from Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, vol. 3, p. 498, as translated by Charles Burney, A General History of Music: From the Earliest Ages to the Present Period (1789), ed. Frank Mercer, 2 vols (New York, 1957), vol. 1, pp. 800–1. Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age, pp. 176–7, also recounts the emperor’s recognition of borrowed material in Guerrero’s work. Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, p. 47, observes that Sandoval was a ‘serious historian’ and ‘knew Guerrero personally’, all of which lends credence to this account. 63 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, pp. 51–2, and van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 76. 64 Rees, ‘Guerrero’s L’homme armé Masses and their Models’, p. 48. 65 Van Orden, ‘The Reign of Music’, p. 77. 66 Earl E. Rosenthal, ‘The Invention of the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V at the Court of Burgundy in Flanders in 1516’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 36 (1973), pp. 198–230, at p. 209. Marina Belozerskaya, Luxury Arts of the Renaissance (Los Angeles, 2005), p. 100, reports that a famous tapestry, no longer extant, depicting the story of Gideon, was created for Philip the Good and hung for

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account, Gideon prayed that in the morning if dew appeared on a fleece and the threshing floor around it was dry, it would be a sign that he was to lead the Israelite army. And it was so. In the morning the fleece was wet. Not satisfied, Gideon prayed that on the next morning let the fleece be dry and the ground around it wet. In the morning the fleece was dry and the ground around it was wet, thus receiving a sign that it was he who should deliver the Israelites from the Midianites. With Fillastre’s interpretation for the Order, the Golden Fleece became Christ, the Lamb of God, sent to redeem the world, and the Burgundians, by extension, the knights of the Order, ‘God’s Elect’, who would deliver Jerusalem from the Infidel,67 an aspiration encapsulated on a banner reading, ‘I will capture a fleece which will bring back the Golden Age’, displayed as Charles made his triumphal entry into Milan in 1541 following his decisive victory over the Turks at Goletta.68 And it was Charles himself, the Christian knight, the universal monarch, and the l’homme armé, who would lead the charge.

many years in his palace in Brussels. Woven with threads of gold and silver it was one of the most expensive objets d’art commissioned by the duke. Belozerskaya adds that ‘through the exhibition of the Gideon ensemble Philip emphatically cast himself as a perfect prince and a model Christian knight’. 67 Guillaume Fillastre, Le Premier Volume de la Toison d’or, 4 vols. (Paris, 1517); Marie Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas: The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven and London, 1993), pp. 150–2. Tanner, p. 151, also relates that the X–shaped cross of St Andrew, patron saint of Burgundy and the Order, symbolized the Eastern and Western churches united, and ‘the Burgundian claim to the sovereignty of the unified Eastern and Western Empires.’ 68 Wright, The Maze and the Warrior, p. 201, quoted from Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, p. 156.

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Titian, Emperor Charles V at the Battle of Mühlberg (1548)

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charles v and images in the visual arts

he most enduring image of Charles V, Titian’s famous equestrian portrait of the emperor, now hangs in the Museo del Prado in Madrid. It was commissioned following the decisive victory over the Protestants at Mühlberg in 1547.1 Titian has been careful to capture the details of the event realistically. Charles rides his own horse and wears his own armour as he did on the day of the battle. According to eyewitnesses, the cloudy sky, tinged with streaks of red (a bloody sun according to some commentators), is exactly as it looked on the morning of the victory when, at a crucial point in the battle, imperial troops crossed the river Elbe seen in the background.2 Charles wears the collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece as the Defender of the Faith against the heretic, and he is depicted as the heroic Crusader, the miles Christi (knight or soldier of Christ) holding a lance, a symbol of medieval knighthood. The lance can also be read as a reference to the Holy Roman Empire. As the Lance of St Maurice, patron saint of the Empire, it was a relic particularly venerated by the Holy Roman Emperors, who had acquired it from Charlemagne. Masses in honour of the Holy Lance were traditionally celebrated in the Empire on the Friday following the Octave of Easter. St Maurice was also the patron saint of the Order of the Golden Fleece in Spain,3 and the Holy Lance in Titian’s painting can be understood, along with the collar of the Order which Charles wears, as an evocation of the emperor as the Defender of the Faith and Christian knight as well as a reference to Northern traditions of medieval chivalry. However, Titian also makes allusions to the heroes of antiquity. He suggests imperial Rome, drawing on classical models, specifically the famous equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, as well as on the conventions of ancient Rome, where only emperors were depicted on horseback. Titian’s source for the painting was 1 The painting is discussed in Wim Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558, trans. Isola van den Hoven-Vardon (London, 2002), p. 175; Peter Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 393–475, at p. 436; and Fernando Checa Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, trans. Annie Bennett, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 477–99, at pp. 496–7. 2 According to Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 435, Charles himself observed that by ‘placing everything in the hands of God’, the fog on that morning lifted in time for the imperial forces to see the enemy. 3 Barbara Haggh, ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece and Music’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 120 (1995), pp. 1–43, at pp. 31–2. Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 436, suggests that the lance may refer ‘to the lance with which St George slew the dragon, or to the holy lance used at the crucifixion and preserved (so Charles’s contemporaries believed) in the imperial treasury in Vienna’.

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Leone Leoni, Emperor Charles and Fury Restrained (1549–55)

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Luis de Avila’s description of the battle at Mühlberg in his Comentario de la guerra de Alemania 1546 y 1547. Clearly modelled on the commentaries of Julius Caesar, as were other histories of Charles, de Avila wrote: Then the Emperor and the King of the Romans with his squadrons arrived at the bank of the river … It was like what was written about Julius Caesar when he crossed the Rubicon, and spoke those famous words … The emperor attributed this great victory to God, as something granted by His hand; and thus he spoke Caesar’s three words, changing the third befitting a Christian prince: I came, I saw, and God conquered.4 Imperial images also emerge in Leone Leoni’s bronze statue of Charles and Fury Restrained, which was executed at about the same time.5 Charles is again depicted in armour, which, in this case, can be detached to portray a naked classical god, a powerful Hercules. The contorted figure of Fury in chains at his feet has received various interpretations, but most likely represents the heretic, in this case the recently vanquished Protestants. With weapons scattered at his feet and spear in hand, Charles emerges as the Defender of the Faith, a role emphasized by the collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece found on the front of the breastplate. Leoni’s work may be based on a passage from Vergil’s Aeneid, which celebrates the peace of Emperor Augustus: ‘… the gates of War, … are now closed, and impious Tumult, bound fast with brazen chains, fumes horribly in helpless rage.’6 Commissioned in 1548, during the period when Charles was in residence in Augsburg, Leoni’s work has been said to represent ‘Charles V as the victorious general … the new Augustus, who, at his Imperial city of Augusta, Augsburg, celebrates the restoration of peace in Europe, the end of dissension in Rome.’7

charles v and the images of the triumphal entries

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he image of Charles V as a charismatic and heroic ruler was most brilliantly staged in the triumphal entries which occurred throughout his reign.8 As superb occasions for courtly magnificence, the triumphal entries drew on the

4 Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, p. 496, quoted from Luis d’Avila, Comentario de la guerra de Alemania. 5 Like Titian’s equestrian portrait, Leoni’s sculpture is at present also found in the Museo del Prado. It is discussed in Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 175; Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 436; and Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, pp. 493–5. 6 Vergil, Aeneid I, pp. 291–6, as cited in Hugh Trevor-Roper, Princes and Artists: Patronage and Ideology at Four Habsburg Courts, 1517–1633: The Yaseen Lectures I, SUNY College at Purchase, New York, October 1974 (New York, 1976), p. 32. Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, p. 495, cites a letter sent by Leoni to Granvelle which confirms the reference to Vergil. In the same letter Leoni remarks on his attempt to depict the emperor as magnanimous and benign, in contrast to the struggling figure of Fury. 7 Trevor-Roper, Princes and Artists, pp. 31–2. 8 Bonner Mitchell, ‘Charles V as Triumphator’, in In Laudem Caroli: Renaissance and Reformation Studies for Charles G. Nauert, ed. James V. Mehl (Kirksville, 1998), pp. 95–112, at p. 95, observes that Charles made approximately three dozen triumphal

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inherited traditions of both the Low Countries and Spain.9 The entries also provided excellent opportunities to impress the populace and forge public opinion and, as such, played an important role in image-making and political propaganda. At each city he was ‘obliged to make’ a formal entry ‘in order to be acknowledged as ruler.’10 Designed to elicit ‘support for a régime’, the entries ‘made concrete the abstract of the Crown in the actual presence of the ruler’,11 and also provided occasions to celebrate the emperor’s victories on the battlefield. In the Italian entries following the conquest of Tunis in 1535 Charles was hailed in Messina, Naples, Rome, Siena, Florence, and Lucca as the conquering hero who had subdued the infidel.12 At Milan in 1541 Charles was depicted in ‘an equestrian statue …, his horse trampling a Moor and a (Red) Indian, while a Turk is about to fall under its hooves’.13 Modelled on those of ancient Rome, Charles’s entries were designed to evoke the triumphal entries of the Roman emperors. As vehicles for imagemaking and political promotion, the apparati (temporary structures) erected for the entries presented Charles as Roman Emperor, Universal Monarch, and Defender of the Faith. Triumphal entries, sometimes held at night by

entries during the course of his reign – more than any other monarch of this period, including Francis I and Henry VIII. 9 Accounts of many entries were published, some with illustrations, shortly after they occurred. Bibliographical studies of triumphal entries include Bonner Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance: A Descriptive Bibliography of Triumphal Entries and Selected Other Festivals for State Occasions (Florence, 1979) and John Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies: State Entries and Royal Funerals in the Low Countries, 1515–1791: A Bibliography (Nieuwkoop and Leiden, 1971). Reports of a number of Charles’s entries are published in Louis Prosper Gachard, ed., Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays Bas, 4 vols (Brussels, 1874–82). While the entries in the Low Countries and Italy have received the most attention, Juan José Carreras, ‘La música en las entradas reales’, in Luis Robledo Estaire et al., Aspectos de la cultura musical en la corte de Felipe II (Madrid, 2000), pp. 273–87, examines those staged in Spain. Also see Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony in Late FifteenthCentury Barcelona’ (PhD diss., Duke U., 1990) and Tess Knighton and Carmen Morte García, ‘Ferdinand of Aragon’s Entry into Valladolid in 1513: The Triumph of a Christian King’, Early Music History 18 (1999), pp. 119–63, for a discussion of entries in Barcelona and Valladolid during the period of the Catholic Monarchs. 10 Thiemo Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, Tijdschrift van der Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiendenis Netherlands 37 (1987), pp. 111–69, at p. 111. 11 Roy Strong, Splendor at Court: Renaissance Spectacle and the Theater of Power (Boston, 1973), p. 84; Roy Strong, Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals, 1450–1650 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984), p. 77. 12 These entries are described in Strong, Splendor at Court, pp. 93–6, and Strong, Art and Power, pp. 82–5; also see Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, pp. 76–8, 101–4, 125–9, 136–8, 46–8, 65–6. 13 Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, p. 89; Bonner Mitchell, The Majesty of the State: Triumphal Progresses of Foreign Sovereigns in Renaissance Italy (1494–1600) (Florence, 1986), p. 176.

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torchlight,14 were occasions for spectacle and lavish display that did not fail to excite those who lined the parade route into the city. In the Low Countries15 tableaux vivants (living pictures), often mounted on scaffoldings, depicted biblical, historical, as well as mythological heroes as models for emulation by the ruler and conveyed the characteristics deemed desirable for the emperor.16 According to an account of the 1515 entry into Bruges, the depiction of Orpheus on a scaffold that had been erected by the Spanish merchants of that city was said to symbolize Charles whose reign would be ‘en parfaicte consonance et melodieuse armonye’.17 The visual pageantry of the triumphal entries was enhanced by music which bestowed brilliance and splendour18 upon the spectacle. Ceremonies began at the city gates, and, as recounted in a contemporary description of Ferdinand of Aragon’s entry into Valladolid in 1513, trumpets and drums announced the approach of royalty: And they [Ferdinand and Germaine de Foix and their retinue] passed beneath a very richly decorated arch; and on this and all the others, as well as on the bridge, just as his Highness came through, the instruments played and made great rejoicing. These included four pairs of kettledrums and 26 s-shaped trumpets and 22 small trumpets, with infinite numbers of 14 The 1515 triumphal entry into Bruges took place at night. William Lawrence Eisler, ‘The Impact of the Emperor Charles V upon the Visual Arts’ (PhD diss., Pennsylvania State U., 1983), p. 54, reports that in a contemporary account, chronicler Remy du Puys comments that ‘… it was the custom here to make the entrances at night, because (as I believe) of the great light which is so prodigiously emitted. Associated with this is [the idea] that the appearance of the women and young girls massed together by all the windows, doors and streets is more apparent by torchlight than by daylight and, like paintings, many of them appear more appealing in a half light than in full daylight.’ 15 A distinction is made in Mitchell, The Majesty of the State and Mitchell, ‘Charles V as Triumphator’, pp. 95–112, between the entries in the North, where tableaux vivants were prominent, and those in Italy, which drew more heavily on the traditions of ancient Rome. 16 Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, pp. 116–19, 120–9; also see Thiemo Wind’s thesis, ‘Muziek tijdens triumfalia in de Nederlanden gedurende de zestiende eeuw’ (Utrecht U. 1985), for an extensive discussion of the ceremonies that typically accompanied the entry of a reigning sovereign in the Low Countries in the 16th century. 17 Remy Du Puys, La tryumphante et solemnelle entree faicte sur le nouvel et ioyeux advenement de treshault trespuissant et tres excellent prince Monsieur Charles … En sa ville de Bruges (Paris, 1515), as quoted in Wind, ‘Musical Participation in SixteenthCentury Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, p. 123. According to Bonner Mitchell, ‘Charles V as Triumphator’, pp. 96–7, Italian merchants from Genoa, Florence, and Lucca erected triumphal arches modelled on those of ancient Rome, anticipating an aspect that later became pervasive in Charles’s triumphal entries in Italy. They most likely represent the first occasions when references to Roman styles appeared. 18 ‘Splendor’ has been used repeatedly to describe royal pageantry in this period and most prominently as part of the title of Roy Strong’s 1973 study of court festivities, Splendor at Court: Renaissance Spectacle and the Theater of Power.

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other instruments, such as shawms and sackbuts etc. They made such a din that if a bird happened to fly past, they made it fall from the sky into the crowd.19 Three angels greeted Charles as he made his entry into Bruges in 1515: The first angel sang words that were spoken to Gideon by an angel: ‘Nostre Seigneur est avec toy prince trespuissant. Va et en icelle puissance delivreras Hierusalem’ ( Judges 6:12–14: The Lord is with thee, thou mighty man of valour … Go in this thy might, and thou shalt save Israel …). When offering the crown, the second angel sang: ‘La couronne te fera octroyee pour toy & les tiens a perpetuite’ (The crown will be granted to you and yours for ever). The third angel sang: ‘Je te donray les clefz de ce royaulme’ (I will give you the keys of this kingdom). After these ceremonies, the three angels together sang the sixth verse of the Magnificat, ‘Fecit potentiam in brachio suo’ (He has shewed strength with his arms.)20 When Charles made his entry into Valladolid a few years later in 1517, the 12 trumpeters from his Flemish household, who had accompanied him to Spain, were joined by ‘kettledrums on horseback’ from the retinue of his brother Ferdinand, and probably also by Spanish trumpeters attached to the household of his mother, Juana of Castile.21 Music functioned as an aural parallel to the visual magnificence of the entries. Thiemo Wind’s study of triumphal entries in the Low Countries cites a contemporary account of Charles’s entry at Ghent in 1515 which reported that, as part of the festivities in that city, the Missa de Spiritu Sancto was celebrated and the gradual Salvum fac servum tuum as well as the responsory Honor virtus were performed. While the responsory Honor virtus ‘was common for a royal entry’, Wind also reports that the Te Deum laudamus was sung ‘at almost every Habsburg entry.’ 22 A report from Valenciennes implies a polyphonic performance, chantée en

19 A. Bernáldez, Memorias del reinado de los Reyes Católicos, ed. M. Gómez-Moreno and J. de Mata Carriazo (Madrid, 1962), p. 521, as reported by Knighton and Morte García, ‘Ferdinand of Aragon’s Entry into Valladolid in 1513’, p. 126. 20 Du Puys, La tryumphante et solemnelle entree, as cited in Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, p. 122. 21 Soterraña Aguirre Rincón, ‘Music and Court in Charles V’s Valladolid, 1517–1539’, in Music and Musicians in Renaissance Cities and Towns, ed. Fiona Kisby (Cambridge, 2001), pp. 106–17, at p. 111. Contemporary accounts by Laurent Vital, ‘Relation du premier voyage de Charles-Quint en Espagne, de 1517 à 1518’, in Collection des voyages de souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 3, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard and P. Piot (Brussels, 1881), pp. 1–303, and Jean de Vandenesse, ‘Journal des voyages de Charles-Quint, de 1514 a 1551’, in Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 2, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1874), pp. 53–464. 22 Anonymous, ‘Relation de la joyeuse entrée et de l’inauguration de l’archiduc Charles à Gand, les 3 et 4 mars 1515’, in Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 2, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1874), pp. 524–30, as reported by Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, p. 119.

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musique par les chantres de l’Empereur, of the Missa de Spiritu Sancto, for Charles’s entry there in 1521.23 Such accounts are rare. While descriptions of the visual aspects of these formal entries survive, contemporary reports of specific music performed, in almost all cases, are lacking. Remarks about the performing ensembles are occasionally included;24 however, the accounts fail to record exactly which motets, masses, and chansons were performed. At the 1549 Brussels entry of Philip and Charles, the Veni Sancte Spiritus was performed ‘con gran suavidad de voces y órgano.’ 25 The report of the triumphal entry of the imperial court into Cambrai in 1540 is one of the rare instances where we are informed that Courtois’s motet, Venite populi terrae, as well as settings of O vera unitas and Praeter rerum were sung.26 In the absence of definitive evidence in contemporary reports, textual references in the works themselves sometimes make it possible to determine a context. It is on that basis that the group of motets discussed below and cited in Table 7.1 can be connected to triumphal entries made during Charles’s reign. In July 1529 Charles set out from Spain on a journey that would take him to Italy and his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor in Bologna at the beginning of the following year. In the decade leading up to 1530 the French had been driven out of Italy, the power of the pope curtailed through the sack of Rome, the advance of the Ottoman Turks into Europe temporarily halted, as well as the Comuneros Revolt in Spain and the Peasants War in Germany put down. In 1530 Charles was invincible. He ruled over a realm so vast that it surpassed the empire of ancient Rome, and, for those who had prophesied a universal monarchy and the restoration of Roman imperial power, the moment was at hand. 23 Anonymous, ‘Relation de l’entrée et de l’inauguration de Charles-Quint á Valenciennes, 13–14 octobre 1521’ in Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 2, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1874), pp. 559–61, as reported by Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, p. 119. 24 Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, pp. 118, 123, 127, cites the printed report of Charles’s 1515 entry into Bruges by Du Puys, La tryumphante et solemnelle entree, which includes a woodcut depicting 11 trumpeters and a report of three singing angels at the gate to the city. Instrumentalists are visible in other woodcuts printed in Du Puys’s report and were apparently paid by the city. 25 Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, p. 119. Philip’s entries in Italy and the Low Countries were described by his chronicler, Juan Cristóbal Calvete de Estrella, El felicíssimo viaje del muy alto y muy poderoso Príncipe Don Phelippe, ed. Paloma Cuenca (Madrid, 2001), and published in Antwerp in 1552. 26 Nanie Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai, le 20 janvier 1540’, in Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, vol. 2: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1960), pp. 235–53, at pp. 242–3; Craig Wright, ‘Performance Practices at the Cathedral of Cambrai, 1475–1550’, The Musical Quarterly 64 (1978), pp. 295–328, at p. 308; Ignace Bossuyt, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music: Chronological Outline of Charles’ Political Career through Music’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 83–160, at pp. 133–4.

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Table 7.1  Repertory for triumphal entries and the presentation of the emperor Composer

Title

Source

Anonymous

Martia terque quater 2p. Aurea qui terris 3p. Vana superstitio proculi

InnSA 5374 Bologna, c. 1530

SalmIMSA, p. 64

Clemens non Carole, magnus eras Papa 2p. Nunc omnes natos tu regis

RegB 940–1 Regensburg/ Wittenberg,1557–9 WhalleyS Low Countries, 1552 23

ClemensO, XXI, p. 95

Clemens non Quis te victorem dicat Papa 2p. Non te hostis vincit

1555/8 1559/1

Antwerp, Susato Nuremberg, Berg & Neuber Oxf BT 389 England, c. 1595–1613 WimbDM England, s.s. c. 1595–1613

ClemensO, XVII, p. 7

Crecquillon

1554/6

CrecqW, V, p. 34

Caesaris auspiciis magni

ChelmE 2 LonBL 29388–92 RegB B223–33 LonBL 31992

Provenance/Date

Antwerp, Laet & Waelrant England, c. 1596 England, early 17th century probably Augsburg, second half of 16th century England, Lute tablature after 1611

Modern edition

Crecquillon

Carole, magnus erat

1554/1 1555/2 C4410 LeuvU 163

Crecquillon

Honor, virtus, et potestas 2p. Trinitati lux perhennis

C4410 Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 CrecqW VIII, p. 18 LüneR 150 Lüneburg, c.1575–1620

Crecquillon

Philippe qui videt

1550/2

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Louvain, Phalèse CrecqW, VI, p. 81 Louvain, Phalèse Louvain, Phalèse, 1576 Franco-Netherlandish, 1546

Nuremberg, Montanus CrecqW, IX, p. 26 & Neuber 1555/9 Antwerp, Susato HradKM 30 Hradec Králové, second half of 16th century NurLA 28 Nuremberg, 1574

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Table 7.1 continued Composer

Title

Source

Provenance/Date

Modern edition

Crecquillon

Quis te victorem dicat 2p. Non te hostis vincit

1554/1

Louvain, Phalèse

CrecqW, IX, p. 57

1555/2

Louvain, Phalèse

ChelmE 2 LonRC 2089

England, c. 1596 England, lute tablature after 1580

1554/16 J8

Venice, Scotto Venice, Scotto, 1565

Manchicourt Nunc enim si centum 2p. Ne dubitatis 3p. Innumeras unus potis

1547/5

Antwerp, Susato

Morales

Jubilate Deo 2p. O felix aetas

1542/5 1547/25a 1549/3 1554/32b SaraP 34

Walter

Vivat Carolus Quintus/ 1545/7 Vivat Carolus Maximilianus 1568/8

Jacquet of Mantua

Hesperiae ultime regi Maximi

ManchiO, VI, p. 151

CoimU 242 Coimbra, Monastery of Santa Cruz, late 16th century Lyon, Moderne Valladolid, Cordova Venice, Scotto Seville, Montesdoca Saragossa, 1570

MME, XIII, p. 184 StevensnSCM, p. 98

Wittenberg, Rhau Nuremberg, Neuber

RhauMD, VI, p. 334 WalterW, III, p. 68

a  Tablature; 1547/25 = Brown 1547/5 b  Tablature; 1554/32 = Brown 1554/3

At Genoa Charles was celebrated as the Renaissance embodiment of a Roman emperor. Triumphal arches in the style of those of ancient Rome were erected throughout the city as a symbol of imperial power.27 Contemporary accounts describe triumphal arches modelled on those of the Via Sacra in Rome, where the ancient Roman triumphs took place … In the harbour, a copy of the single arch of Titus on the Forum Romanum had been constructed and decorated with the two-headed eagle that was the symbol of imperial domination of the world. The cathedral was embellished with a copy of the arch of Septimus Severus with its three archways, crowned by Lady Justice. These Genoese triumphal arches were the first in a whole series of copies made on the models of antiquity, and seen, for example, in 1535–36 during Charles’ entries from Palermo to Lucca as conqueror of the Turks, and in 1549 in the towns of the Low Countries during his joint tour with Philip for the latter’s inauguration as his successor.28 27 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 170. 28 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 170; also see Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, pp. 60–1.

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At Mantua the entry into the city passed by ‘a very tall wooden column, imitating that of Trajan in Rome, topped by a Victory, who held out a crown of laurel as though she wished to fly down and place it on the head of the entering sovereign. The column also had paintings, probably imitating bas-reliefs, that represented Charles as Dominator of the World.’ 29 A precedent for image-making that drew on Roman imperial traditions can be found in Spanish territory as early as the triumphal entry of Alfonso V into Naples in 1443.30 Many years later, in 1513, Ferdinand of Aragon entered the city of Valladolid with a triumphal entry that ‘presented [him] in the image of a Roman emperor’, and that was ‘intended to recall the Triumphs of the Roman emperors’.31 Throughout the reign of Charles V the image-makers – the artists, the poets, the chroniclers – would resort to classical models to symbolize the revival of Roman imperialism. The new Renaissance style à l’antique with its models, the newly rediscovered works of classical antiquity, was particularly apt for the presentation of Charles V as imperial universal monarch. The mythology of Dominus Mundi was … enhanced by the use of the whole rediscovered repertory of Renaissance classicism … Charles is always the Roman Emperor, crowned with laurel, his victories celebrated as emulating those recorded by Livy.32 For Charles’s arrival in Bologna, the city was decorated in the antique manner with statues and medallions of Roman heroes and emperors, ‘in the style of a classical city to “better honour, celebrate and enhance the splendid entrance of our Great Caesar”… and aimed to re-create imperial Rome and its triumphal displays.’ 33 Statues of Constantine, Charlemagne, the Emperor Sigismund, and Ferdinand of Aragon emphasized the imperial Christian lineage.34 29 Mitchell, The Majesty of the State, p. 147. Mitchell, ‘Charles V as Triumphator’, p. 104, comments that artist Giulio Romano may have been responsible for some of the apparati. Charles returned to Mantua and the court of the Gonzagas in 1532. It was during this later visit that he encountered the works of Titian, who subsequently painted several portraits of the emperor and his family. The painting, now at the Prado, of Charles with a dog, a copy of an earlier painting by Jacob Seisenegger, was Titian’s first portrait of the emperor. 30 Knighton and Morte García, ‘Ferdinand of Aragon’s Entry into Valladolid in 1513’, p. 124. 31 Knighton and Morte García, ‘Ferdinand of Aragon’s Entry into Valladolid in 1513’, pp. 119–20. Knighton and Morte García also address the neglect of Iberian traditions in the studies of royal entries of this period. 32 Strong, Splendor at Court, p. 86. 33 Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, p. 483; Strong, Splendor at Court, p. 87, comments that ‘this was the first time that the equation of Renaissance classical detail and revived Roman imperialism had been made so completely.’ 34 Descriptions of the triumphal entry into Bologna and the coronation ceremonies that followed can be found in Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, pp. 432–3; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 171–2; Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, pp. 483–4; Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, pp. 19–25; Strong, Splendor at Court, pp. 86–91; and Strong, Art and Power, pp. 78–80.

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The emperor’s procession to his coronation was depicted in a series of woodcuts commissioned by Margaret of Austria.35 Gold and silver coins, with the inscription Carolus Quintus Imperator Augustus on one side and the Pillars of Hercules and Plus oultre depicted on the reverse, were thrown to the throngs lining the streets. As the coins were scattered, the crowd shouted ‘imperio, imperio’ for the Empire, long live the Catholic Emperor Charles.36 Some years later, in 1535, Charles emerged as Universal Monarch and Renaissance Caesar in the triumphal entries staged at Palermo, Messina, Naples, Genoa, Rome, Siena, Florence, and Lucca following victories in North Africa and the conquest of Tunis. In the aftermath of his first successful crusade against Islam, he was hailed as Domitor Africae (the tamer of Africa) and homage was paid to Turcarum Eversori (the destroyer of the Turks), and to Imperatori Carolo Augusto Victorissimi (the most triumphant Emperor Charles Augustus) on the arches erected in these cities.37 Parallels were drawn with heroes from antiquity and mythology as well as with Charles’s Habsburg predecessors.38 In Naples he was compared to Scipio Africanus, Hannibal, Alexander the Great, and Julius Caesar. A large equestrian statue depicting the emperor crowned with a wreath of laurel and modelled on the ancient Roman statue of Marcus Aurelius was erected in the Piazza del Duomo at Siena.39 In Rome Charles rode underneath the arches of Constantine, Titus, and Septimus Severus, following the ancient route taken by Roman heroes and emperors. He was hailed as ‘Charles V Augustus, Crowned by God, Great and Peaceful Emperor of the Romans’, on an arch designed by Antonio da San Gallo the younger erected in the Piazza San Marco.40 An inscription at 35 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 171, reports that the woodcuts depicting the procession were designed by Robert Péril and published in Antwerp. Copper engravings of the woodcuts were later created by Nicholas Hogenberg. 36 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 171. Bernadette Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel, c. 1559–c. 1561’, Early Music History 19 (2000), pp. 105–200, at p. 136, cites the following accounts: Lettera inedita del bolognese Ugo Boncompagni, poscia con nome immortale Gregorio XIII sommo Pontifice Romano, nella quale si descrive La Incoronazione di Carlo V Imperatore, seguita il 24 Febbraio 1530 in Bologna (Bologna, 1841), p. 8, which quotes a letter by Ugo Boncompagni from 18 March 1530, and D. F. Prudencio de Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, 3 vols (Madrid, 1956), vol. 2, pp. 367–73. 37 The triumphal arches and the elaborate decorations for the entries were designed by some of the most eminent artists of the period, among them Giorgio Vasari, who was responsible for the entry into Florence. The Italian entries of 1535–6 are described in Strong, Splendor at Court, pp. 93–6, and Strong, Art and Power, pp. 82–5. Brief descriptions as well as contemporary accounts of the Italian entries can be found in Mitchell, ‘Charles V as Triumphator’; Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance; and Mitchell, The Majesty of the State. 38 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 173. Mitchell, The Majesty of the State, pp. 209–10, observes that ‘it seemed that a contemporary event could have importance only if it were parallel to a classical one and that a contemporary prince could have dignity only in so far as he reincarnated personages of ancient Greece and, especially, Rome.’ 39 Mitchell, The Majesty of the State, pp. 167–8. 40 Mitchell, The Majesty of the State, p. 163. Buildings along the Via Triumphalis, the route taken by Roman emperors, had been demolished in preparation for Charles’s

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St Peter’s read: ‘To Charles V Augustus, Extender of the Christian Commonwealth’, referring to the conquest of both North Africa and the New World,41 as well as to the ideas embodied in the emperor’s device, Plus Ultra. In Messina The facade of the Duomo had a pair of imperial columns, topped by genuine ancient sculpted heads representing Scipio Africanus Major and Hannibal, and a machine by which angels descended to take trophies from one of the carts (which had preceded Charles in the procession) and carry them back up to Heaven.42 … visions of a crusading emperor were elaborated at a solemn mass … Suspended above the nave of the cathedral was a model of Constantinople with the Turkish arms over it. After the Gospel had been read an amazed congregation saw an imperial eagle soar through the air and lead an attack on the city in the middle of which, when the Turkish arms had been vanquished, a cross suddenly appeared.43 By 1549 Charles had apparently determined that Prince Philip would succeed him as ruler in the Netherlands, and triumphal entries at various cities in the Low Countries were staged to introduce his son and successor to his subjects. At the end of 1548 Philip had left Spain on a journey that would take him through Northern Italy, Austria, and Germany before his arrival in Brussels on 1 April 1549. His entry into Mantua on 13 January 1549 has been described and was celebrated in a motet by Jacquet of Mantua, Hesperiae ultime regi Maximi.44 From Brussels the royal party, which included Philip, Charles, Mary of Hungary as regent of the Netherlands, and Eleanor, Queen Dowager of France, began a tour through the Low Countries. Triumphal entries are recorded at Brussels, Leuven, Ghent, Bruges, Lille, Tournai, Arras, Antwerp, and Mechelen, and at each city Philip was recognized as Charles’s successor.45 triumphal entry into the city in an effort to recreate Rome as it had appeared in antiquity. 41 Mitchell, ‘Charles V as Triumphator’, p. 109. 42 Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, p. 76. 43 Strong, Splendor at Court, p. 94, and Strong, Art and Power, p. 82. Mitchell’s description in Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, pp. 76–7, reads: ‘On the following Sunday, as the emperor attended mass in the Duomo, there was a machine suspended from the ceiling representing the city of Constantinople. An imperial eagle came to set it on fire with rockets, and a Turkish flag flying over the city was seen to be lowered.’ 44 Albert Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, 1480–1555 (Utrecht, 1970), pp. 265–7, 334, 340. Philip’s entries in Italy and the Low Countries were described by his chronicler Calvete de Estrella in El felicísímo viaje del muy alto y muy poderoso Príncipe Don Phelippe Príncipe Don Phelippe (Antwerp, 1552). Brief descriptions of the entries in Genoa, Milan, Mantua, Cremona, and Trent can be found in Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, pp. 61–3, 91–4, 72–4, 27, 139–40. According to Mitchell, p. 62, at Genoa, Philip heard a mass composed by Antonio de Cabezon. 45 Accounts of the triumphal entries into Brussels, Ghent, and Antwerp are cited in Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies, pp. 72–5. Illustrations of the entries at Antwerp and Ghent were published by Cornelius Grapheus in 1550 and and by Jean Ortho in 1549.

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At Antwerp triumphal arches were built by approximately 1,726 artisans for a procession that included 5,296 people. The town presented itself as an obedient maiden, entreating clemency from the new ruler. No fewer than eight historical Philips were exhibited here … A triumphal arch was decorated with Charles’ victories and surmounted with the Roman Temple of Janus, to convey the desire for a lasting peace.46 Drums, fifes, and trumpets escorted Philip and his entourage into the city, and instrumentalists and singers performed at the city gates and on the arches that had been erected for the entry. Nine allegorical figures, including two representing Musica and Harmonia, sang a chanson or possibly a motet in five parts. At St Catherine’s Bridge cornetts played music ‘ingeniously composed in several parts’.47 Like the Italian entries of 1536, the triumphal entries of Charles and Philip in the Low Countries in 1549 were modelled on antiquity, as a report of the entry into Ghent makes clear. As the Romans had the custom of erecting triumphal arches for those of them who had distinguished themselves, the city of Ghent has thought good to do the same for Prince Philip, following in this the example of other great cities.48 The texts of several motets suggest that they may be connected with these entries. Crecquillon’s setting of Honor, virtus, et potestas, a text liturgically assigned to the feasts of Trinity and All Saints and identified as a responsory sung at royal entries,49 may have been composed for one of the emperor’s entries. Crecquillon’s Philippe qui videt me, on an antiphon text traditionally assigned to the Feast of Saints Philip and James,50 with its flourish of alleluias and its image of father and son, was particularly apt for the formal entries of Charles and Philip into the cities of the Netherlands in 1549. Its text was echoed at Ghent, where triumphal arches were erected depicting historical and mythological fathers and sons, and biblical as well as classical themes were put forward in order to depict the relationship between father and son, emperor and emperor-to-be: 46 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 174, who refers to a number of studies of this entry. 47 Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, pp. 116–18, 127; also described by Calvete de Estrella, El felicísímo viaie de’l muy alto y muy podoro Príncipe Don Phelipe (Antwerp 1552). Performances on arches and scaffolds along the parade route similarly occurred in other cities of the Netherlands as Charles and Philip made triumphal entries in 1549. 48 Strong, Art and Power, p. 91; see esp. pp. 87–91, and Strong, Splendor at Court, pp. 101–5, which provide detailed descriptions of the 1549 entries in the Low Countries. 49 Wind, ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, p. 119; Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, no. 6870. 50 Thomas Crecquillon: Collected Works, ed. Barton Hudson, Mary Tiffany Ferer, and Laura Youens, CMM 63 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974–), vol. 9, p. xix; Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, nos. 4290, 4291.

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Abraham and Isaac, Joseph and Jacob, Solomon and David, Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great, Coelus Adrian and Trajan, Priam and Hector, Flavius Vespasian and Titus.51

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charles v and images in the motets

ainting, sculpture, poetry, and music together created the pageantry that distinguished the triumphal entries staged as Charles travelled throughout his realm. Painting, sculpture, poetry, and music likewise celebrated the significant moments of the emperor’s reign, and the motets, masses, and chansons composed for these occasions were crucial for court ceremony and ritual. Music impressed visiting dignitaries, members of the nobility, and the emperor’s subjects who lined the parade routes into the cities, while at the same time the prestige of the emperor’s chapel and the brilliance of its performances reflected the power and wealth of the court. In his chronicle of the life of Charles V, the imperial historian Pedro Mexia commented on the magnanimity Charles extended to those he had conquered.52 Imperial secretary Luis d’Avila, who modelled his Comentario de la guerra de Alemania 1546 y 1547 on the commentaries of Julius Caesar,53 wrote at some length of the emperor’s bravery and military prowess on the battlefield but also observed his magnanimity and mercy to those he had conquered. To the Italian poet Ludovico Ariosto, Charles was il magnanino Carlo, and his magnanimous character was commented on by imperial Grand Chancellor Mercurino de Gattinara as well as by court historians Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda and Luis de Avila y Zúñiga.54 Quis te victorem by court composer Thomas Crecquillon celebrates Charles as the ‘unvanquished emperor’ who, with his sense of duty and reason, is victorious even over himself. Charles is praised as the magnanimous victor, who spares his enemies and forgives his foes, Si veniam victus petit hostis, protinus illi Parcis, et errati te meminisse piget (If your vanquished seeks pardon, you grant it to him at once, and you do not even remember his transgression),55 emphasized by an antiphonal pairing of voices and chordal setting. Crecquillon continues to highlight particular phrases of the text through a reduction in the number of voices, antiphonal writing, and chordal declamation in the secunda pars. An extensive section with numerous repetitions of the final phrase, Vincere sed sese, gloria maior erit (But to overcome one’s very self – that will be even more glorious), concludes the motet.

51 Strong, Splendor at Court, p. 101, and Strong, Art and Power, p. 88; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, pp. 173–4. 52 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 429. 53 Eisler, ‘The Impact of the Emperor Charles V upon the Visual Arts’, p. 144, has observed that Charles took the commentaries of Julius Caesar with him for his retirement at Yuste. 54 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, pp. 435, 417. 55 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 9, p. xxv.

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Crecquillon, Quis te victorem dicat Quis te victorem dicat, qui vinceris ipse Invictus victo Caesar ab hoste tuo? Si eniam victus petit hostis, protinus illi Parcis, et errati te meminisse piget. Vincere laus ingens hostes, et parcere victis; Vincere sed sese, gloria maior erit. Who will call you victor – you who, although you are the unvanquished Emperor, are yourself being overcome by your vanquished foe? If your vanquished foe seeks pardon, you grant it to him at once, and you do not even remember his transgression. It is most praiseworthy to overcome one’s foes and then to spare the vanquished; but to overcome one’s very self – that will be even more glorious.56 Crecquillon’s motet on Quis te victorem along with Clemens non Papa’s setting of the same text57 both draw their texts from the inscription on one of the triumphal arches erected for entry of Charles and Philip at Lille; thus these motets most likely were composed for the entry into that city. At the time Clemens non Papa was in the employ of Philippe de Croy, Duke of Aarschot, an imperial advisor and general, who, as viceroy of Hainaut, had participated in festivities when Philip arrived in Brussels on 1 April and had travelled with the royal party on part of their tour of the Netherlands. Clemens’s setting of Quis te victorem may have been commissioned by de Croy.58 Crecquillon may also have travelled with the chapel on the series of triumphal entries throughout the Low Countries, although by 1550 his name had disappeared from the chapel rosters.59 Crecquillon’s Carole, magnus erat promotes an image of the emperor as devout and pious as well as victorious. Although it has been suggested that this motet may have been composed as a tribute to Charles on the occasion of his birthday or nameday or possibly in connection with a ceremony of the Order of the Golden Fleece,60 Carole, magnus erat, like the motets designed for the triumphal entries, celebrates the emperor as heir to a glorious tradition.

56 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 9, p. xxv. 57 See Thomas Schmidt-Beste, ‘Motivic Structure and Text Setting in the Motets of Clemens and Crecquillon’, in Beyond Contemporary Fame: Reassessing the Art of Clemens non Papa and Thomas Crecquillon. Colloquium Proceedings Utrecht, April 24–26, 2003, ed. Eric Jas (Turnhout, 2005), pp. 255–82, at pp. 281–2, for a comparison of the two settings of Quis te victorem. 58 Clemens non Papa’s setting in 1555/8 carries the inscription Laudem D. Caroli V. Impe. Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 195–200, 334, 336. 59 See the discussion of the 1550 benefice list in Chapter 3 above. 60 Poemata & Effigies trium fratrum Belgarum Nicolai Grudii (Leiden, 1612); Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 179–81, 334, 338. The text was written by Nicolas Nicolai dit Grudius, a member of the Spanish imperial household, a greffier (secretary) of the Order of the Golden Fleece, and brother of the famous poet, Johannes Secundus (Everaerts).

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Crecquillon, Carole, magnus erat Carole, magnus erat (quis nescit?) Carolus ille Cui sua sors Magni nomen habere dedit, Tu vero, hoc cum sis maior victricibus armis, Consensus, titulum Maximus, orbis habes.

O Charles, great was that famous Charles (who does not know it?) for whom his fate provided that he have the name of ‘Great’, but you, since you are greater than he because of your victorious arms, you have, by the world’s agreement, the appellation ‘Greatest’.61 It is Charlemagne, Carolus magnus, who is Great, but Charles, Carolus maximus, who is the Greatest, an idea that found a place in contemporary accounts and speeches of both the German diplomat Bernhard Wurmser and imperial secretary Alfonso de Valdés.62 Charles, like Charlemagne, was crowned King of the Romans at Aachen, and at that ceremony a helmet fashioned in the shape of the head of Charlemagne was presented to him, a gesture said to have been ‘used to lend credibility to the emerging image of Charles’.63 Likewise, his achievements on the battlefield were presented by his chroniclers as surpassing those of his illustrious ancestor. It was observed following the Battle of Mühlberg and the victory over the Protestants that If Charlemagne, who had struggled in Saxony for thirty years, deserved the title ‘Great’, then Charles V certainly ought to be called more than ‘Greatest’  … for having tamed and defeated the Saxons in fewer than thirty weeks.64 It is in the final lines of the text that Charles as Holy Emperor is given emphasis with the chordal setting of Caesar sanctissime (Holiest Emperor) in long note values set off by the definitive cadence which precedes. An extended section on the final phrase of the text follows with melismas strategically placed on longe grandius (far greater) and pium (pious). Particularly near the end of his reign, a repertory of motets emerged which, like the visual arts, presented Charles as a Roman hero and Renaissance Caesar whose realm extended plus ultra (even further) than that of antiquity. While Charles is referred to as ‘Caesar’ in Crecquillon’s work, the imperial image of Charles V as Roman Caesar clearly emerges in Clemens non Papa’s Carole, magnus erat.65 The text celebrates Charles as king who reigns over many and it concludes ‘Roma tua est, Europa tua est, Asia Africa tota … Plus ultra non potes. Omnia habes’ (Rome is yours and Europe is yours, all of Asia and Africa … Even further [you] are not 61 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 6, p. xxxix. 62 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 421. 63 Cremades, ‘The Image of Charles V’, p. 480. 64 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 421, quoted from the Historia sui temporis by Italian humanist Bishop Paolo Giovio. 65 See Schmidt-Beste, ‘Motivic Structure and Text Setting in the Motets of Clemens and Crecquillon’, pp. 281–2, for a comparison of the two settings of Carole magnus erat/eras.

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able. You have all). Plus ultra is simultaneously declaimed in all the voices, and, as if to emphasize the extent of the emperor’s realm, the musical lines ascend to the highest tessitura of the motet. Clemens non Papa’s Carole, magnus eras may be directly connected with the triumphal entries of 1549. The journey through the Netherlands to introduce Philip as future sovereign to his subjects emerges as the most likely occasion for the composition of this motet.66 Although it implies that Philip had already succeeded his father, Charles’s abdication did not occur until later when he relinquished his sovereignty in the Netherlands on 25 October 1555 and in Spain, Italy, and the American colonies on 16 January 1556. That the composition of this motet precedes by some years the actual abdication of the emperor would seem to indicate that Charles had already begun to contemplate the transfer of power to Philip. As King of Spain, Duke of Burgundy, Archduke of Austria, and Holy Roman Emperor, Charles ruled over a larger area of Europe than any of his predecessors. As King of Spain his realm also included the Spanish territories in the New World. After the conquest of Tunis, he assumed the title Carolus V Imperator Augustus Africanus,67 and thus through the conquest of Tunis and as titular King of Jerusalem, his territories were regarded as extending to Africa and Asia, as reflected in Clemens non Papa’s motet. Crecquillon’s Caesaris auspiciis magni memorializes an unnamed imperial general, who in service to the ‘Caesaris magni’ took part in military campaigns throughout this vast empire, while Manchicourt’s Nunc enim si centum celebrates Carole Caesar who has ‘conquered many great and powerful kings.’ Crecquillon, Caesaris auspiciis magni Caesaris auspiciis magni memoranda peregi: Africa, Germanus, Gallis testis erit.

In the service of great Caesar I have achieved memorable accomplishments: Africa, Germany, and Gaul will bear witness …68

Manchicourt, Nunc enim si centum Nunc enim si centum lingue sint Now, indeed, were there a hundred Carole Casear, laudes non possum tongues available, I could not promere rite tuas, qui reges magnos adequately praise you, O Emperor multos valde que potentes fudisti, Charles, who has conquered many summo ast auxiliante Deo. great and powerful kings, with God’s help.69 Charles was presented as a peacemaker on a medal commemorating the Peace 66 Iain Fenlon, ‘An Imperial Repertory for Charles V’, Studi Musicali 13 (1984), p. 229; Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 200–1, 334, 336. 67 Earl E. Rosenthal, ‘The Invention of the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V at the Court of Burgundy in Flanders in 1516’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 36 (1973), pp. 198–230, at p. 229. 68 Crecquillon: Collected Works, vol. 5, p. xl. 69 Pierre de Manchicourt: Opera Omnia, ed. John D. Wicks, CMM 55 (NeuhausenStuttgart, 1971–) vol. 6, ed. Lavern J. Wagner, p. xvii.

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of Cambrai and, as he entered Rome in 1536 following the conquest of Tunis, a triumphal arch bore the inscription pacificus.70 That same year at Lucca, he was acclaimed as the ‘champion of peace and religion’.71 The image of the emperor as peacemaker resonates in Jubilate Deo, the motet by Morales that commemorated the negotiations between Charles, Francis I, and Pope Paul III at Nice in June 1538.72 The clear declamation of ‘O felix aetas, O felix Paule’ (O blessed age, O blessed Paul!) at the beginning of the secunda pars, and the acclamations, ‘Vivat Paulus! Vivat Franciscus! Vivat Carolus … pacem nobis donent’ (Long live Paul! Long live Francis! Long live Charles [who] grant us peace) celebrate the peace between the Empire and France. Morales, Jubilate Deo Jubilate Deo omnis terra, cantate omnes jubilate et psallite, quoniam suadente Paulo Carolus et Franciscus, Principes terrae, convenerunt in unum, et pax de caelo descendit.

Sing joyfully to God, all the Earth, sing you all, sing joyfully and chant, for at Paul’s urging Charles and Francis, princes of the earth, have met and agreed, and peace has come down from heaven.

O felix aetase, o felix Paule,  … Vivat Paulus! Vivat Carolus! Vivat Franciscus!   … et pacem nobis donent in aeternum!

O blessed age! O blessed Paul! Long life to Paul! Long life to Charles! Long life to Francis! … and grant us endless peace!

Gaudemus!

Let us rejoice!

Charles is also celebrated as a peacemaker in the anonymous Martia terque quater, among the celebratory motets performed as he entered various cities in the Empire following victories in Italy. It survives in a single source, InnSA 5374, copied in Bologna, c. 1530. Anon., Martia terque quater Martia terque quater Germania plaude Applause three times, martial Triumphans Caesar ab Italia Germany, Look, Emperor Charles is Carolus ecce venit! back with triumph from Italy!  … Vana superstitio proculi discordia … Vain is superstition, and foolish Demens pacifer ac vindex persistent discord, the peace-bringer Carolus ecce venit!  and vindicator Charles, look, is back!73 70 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 417. 71 Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, p. 65. 72 Dunning, Die Staatsmotette, pp. 235–41, 333, 342. 73 Walter Salmen, ed., Imperiale Musik von Schloss Ambras aus der Regierungszeit Karl V. und Ferdinand I. (Innsbruck, 1992), p. 80.

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And while Charles was celebrated as invictus (unvanquished) in Quis te victorem dicat, he is Augustus Romanorum Imperator invictissimus (most unvanquished) in Johann Walter’s Vivat Carolus Quintus.74

C

charles v as patron

harles demonstrated little interest in the visual arts during the early part of his reign. Although anxious that his military victories be documented on the magnificent tapestries of the period, it was imperial advisors, Guillaume de Cröy and Mercurino di Gattinara, as well as regents of the Netherlands, Margaret of Austria and Mary of Hungary, who managed the image of the emperor presented in painting and sculpture. Margaret, especially, commissioned artists, such as Conrad Meit, Bernard van Orley, Robert Péril, and Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen, and became responsible for paintings, sculpture, and tapestries that emanated from the court.75 In the case of the imperial advisors, Peter Burke raises the question as to ‘the extent to which they had their own agendas’.76 In particular, the presentation of Charles as the universal monarch has been attributed to the influence of Gattinara. However, starting in 1529, when he met Titian, Charles began to take a personal interest in the presentation of his image, and was personally involved in the series of paintings that he commissioned in the 1540s and early 1550s.77 The crucial question remains as to what extent the determination and creation of the musical repertory as well as the organization of the chapel actually involved Charles. Scholars have portrayed him both as ‘an avid patron of the arts’ and as one who showed a ‘lack of interest’.78 In a study of the Spanish court during a later period Louise Stein observed that monarchs were ‘prisoners of ceremony’, and concluded that ‘the bureaucracy was such that it distanced the royal majesties from their musicians and placed musical affairs far out of their reach. Most of the musical issues at court for most of the period in question were simply decided by the appropriate officials.’ 79 One may wish to see Charles playing an important role in the determination of the repertory, the personnel, the rituals, and the ceremonies of the chapel. However, little evidence of any personal involvement has emerged. Anecdotal reports inform us that he was an astute and discerning connoisseur of music. While contemporary chroniclers occasionally provide reports of music-making at court, they are few in number. The letters, which have been examined so far, and the memoir, which Charles dictated in 1548, are focused primarily on political matters and fail to mention occasions for music-making, repertory, musicians, or ceremonies. Charles and the court records examined thus far essentially reveal 74 Printed by Georg Rhau in 1545/7; in a later version printed by Neuber in 1568/8, Carolus Quintus is replaced by Maximilianus as a tribute to Maximilian II. 75 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, pp. 396, 439. 76 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 441. 77 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 443. 78 Burke, ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, p. 443. 79 Louise K. Stein, ‘Musical Patronage: The Spanish Royal Court’, Revista de musicologia 16 (1993), pp. 615–19, at pp. 615, 616.

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nothing about any personal involvement in the determination of repertory and personnel.80 Although any personal involvement in both the patronage of music and musicians has failed to emerge,81 an observation by Wim Blockmans, who has written extensively on Charles V and this period, is intriguing: ‘Unlike Francis I, Charles did not see art as an end in itself, but as a means of political propaganda or religious devotion.’82 Likewise, the musical works that have shaped the focus of this study can be described as political and celebratory as well as devotional. Thus, the presentation of Charles as universal monarch, defender of the faith, magnanimous peacemaker, and reborn Roman emperor became the task and mission of so-called image-makers – the artists, historians, poets, chroniclers, and composers who managed and staged the public displays of his persona. Drawing on medieval as well as classical traditions, the image-makers shaped contemporary public perceptions of the emperor and engaged in his political promotion. Painting, poetry, tapestries, chronicles, and motets were political documents designed not only to record contemporary events but also to interpret them. Music was essential as well as integral to image-making. The motets present Charles as the pious and devout defender of the faith, the invincible heroic warrior who is magnanimous in victory and who, above all, seeks peace. He emerges as the universal monarch, in the tradition of the Roman emperors, a Renaissance Caesar, a ‘reborn Augustus Caesar’,83 and the most powerful sovereign in Europe in his time.

80 The various studies of music at the courts of Ferdinand and Isabella by Tess Knighton cited in the bibliography have produced the kind of detail concerning personal involvement with patronage that is frustratingly absent in the records of the court of Charles V examined thus far. 81 In considering this question, Michael Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs, 1563–1700 (Rochester, 1998), p. 76, refers to S. Rubio Calzón, Historia de la música española: Desde el ‘ars nova’ hasta 1600 (Madrid, 1983), p. 148, who has argued that ‘the case for considering either Charles V or Philip II as energetic musical patrons is supported more by anecdotal rather than weighty historical evidence.’ 82 Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, p. 175. 83 Strong, Splendor at Court, p. 96.

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appendix a

Chapel Rosters Date/Place

Source

Document type Modern edition

4 January 1506 Middelbourg

Lille, Archives départementales du Nord B3463, 121661

Paylist

Douillez, LXVII Haggh, pp. 172–3

27 March 1506 Penryn, England

Lille, Archives départementales du Nord B3463, 121690

Paylist

Inventaire sommaire, VIII, pp. 100, 102 Haggh, pp. 174–5

8 June 1506 Orance, Spain

Lille, Archives départementales du Nord B3463, 121701

Paylist

Gachard, Collection, I, pp. 524–5 Straeten VII, pp. 163–4 Haggh, pp. 174–5

22 July 1506 Valladolid

Lille, Archives départementales du Nord B3463, 121703

Paylist

Doorslaer, Philippe, pp. 53–4 Straeten VII, pp. 164–5 Haggh, p. 176

11 October 1506 Burgos

Archivo Général de Simancas, Payment Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 14, fol. 1 receipt

Duggan, pp. 87–8

Archivo Général de Simancas, Casa Real, leg.10, fols. 420, 421

Paylist

Straeten VII, pp. 167–8 Haggh, p. 176

Archivo Général de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 14, fol. 1/24

Paylist

Knighton, Vol.II, p. 54

Philip the Fair

Juana of Castile

25 September – 25 December 1506 Spain

Charles V [ June] 1509 (Malines) (Mechelen)

Lille, Archives départementales du Nord B2210, fol. 360r-v Compte troisieme de Jehan micault, 1509 Trois extraits de la comptabilité générale de 1509

Payment receipt

Straeten VII, pp. 268–9

27 December 1510 Lille, Archives départementales Malines (Mechelen) du Nord B3464, 121705

Paylist

Straeten VII, pp. 274–5

3 April 1512 Lille, Archives départementales Malines (Mechelen) du Nord B3465, 121764

Paylist

Inventaire sommaire, VIII, pp. 105–6

1 April 1514 Brussels

Source not identified

Paylist

Straeten VII, pp. 276–7

25 October 1515 Brussels

Madrid, Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan Ms.26-I-28 Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, Salazar y Castro, 9/682

État de l’hôtel La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 137–68

24 August 1517 Middelbourg

Brussels, Archives Générales du Benefice list Royaume, État et Audience 1249a

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 256–65

1 December 1517 Valladolid

Source not identified

Straeten VII, pp. 294–5 Gachard, Collection, II, pp. 502–10

Paylist

241

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Date/Place

Source

Document type Modern edition

1 September 1518 Sarragosse (Zaragoza)

Source not identified

Paylist

1519 (Spain)

Brussels, Archives Générales du Benefice list Royaume, État et Audience 1249a

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 266–9

15 November 1520 (Cologne)

Brussels, Archives Générales du Benefice list Royaume, État et Audience 1249a

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 274–9

15 May 1521 Ourme (Worms)

Brussels, Archives Générales du Benefice list Royaume, État et Audience 1249a

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 271–4

1 June 1521 Mayence (Mainz)

Lille, Archives départementales du Nord B3473

Straeten VII, pp. 301–2 Inventaire sommaire, VIII, pp. 120–1 Gachard, Collection, II, pp. 511–18

12 July 1521 Anvers (Antwerp)

Brussels, Archives Générales du Benefice list Royaume, État et Audience 1249a

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 270–1

22 May 1522 Bruges

Paylist Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Inventaire des Cartulaires et Manuscrits, N0 391, fo98

Doorslaer, Charles, pp. 219–21

1522–8

Simancas, Archivo Général de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales Legajo 29, fol. 13/777 = Casa Real Emperador 1522 a 1528

6 March 1523 Valladolid

Brussels, Archives Générales du Benefice list Royaume, État et Audience 1249a

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 269–70

(1523) (Spain)

Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, État des maisons des souverains et des gouverneurs généraux, Tome II, fol. 55

Paylist

Straeten VII, p. 307 Gachard, Collection, III, pp. 389–96

1 June 1524 Bourghes (Burgos)

Source not identified

Paylist

Straeten VII, p. 304

1 June 1525 Tholedo (Toledo)

Lille, Archives départementales du Nord B3475

Paylist

Straeten VII, p. 303 Schmidt-Görg, pp. 47–8

2 October 1526 Granada

Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, État et Audience 1249a bis

Benefice list

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 279–90 Rudolf, pp. 344–8

1 July 1528 Monzon

Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv OMeA SR 181

Paylist

Federhofer, pp. 176–7

January 1529 – 20 September 1531

Brussels, Archives Générales du Paylist Royaume, Chambre des Comptes Nr,1834

Paylist

Straeten VII, p. 295

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 304–22

30 September 1531 Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und (Brussels) Staatsarchiv Rotulus A nominationum per Carolum V. Imp[eratorem] concessarum

Benefice list

Wessely, pp. 8–13

15 September 1532 Lille, Archives départementales (the Empire at Linz) du Nord Chambre des comptes, sér. B Nr.3350, fols. 186ff.

État des arrérages

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 303–4 Straeten VII, pp. 308–9 Gachard, Collection, III, pp. 305–14

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Appendix A: Chapel Rosters

243

Date/Place

Source

Document type Modern edition

1534 (Spain)

Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional Ms. 3.825, fols. 57–66

Personnel list

5 April 1534 – 21 May 1535

Brussels, Archives Générales du Paylist Royaume, Chambre des Comptes Nr.1835

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 323–36

28 December 1540 Namur

Brussels, Archives Générales du Benefice list Royaume, État et Audience 1249c

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 290–303 Rudolf, pp. 103, 354–60

1 January 1543 (Madrid)

Madrid, Instituto de Valencia de Paylist Don Juan Ms. 25-I-25, fols. 78r–ss

La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 212–60

27 April 1547 (the Empire)

Source not identified

Personnel list

Straeten III, pp. 146–7 Rudolf, pp. 104; 371

1547–8

Nicolas Mameranus Catalogus familiae totius aulae Caesareae par expeditionem adversus inobedientes, usque Augustam Rheticam omniusque principum, baronum … ibidem in comitiis Anno 1547 & 1548 praesentium.

Personnel list

Straeten VII,  pp. 356, 360–1 Straeten I, pp. 233–4 Steinhardt, pp. 287–8 Rudolf, pp. 105, 373–5

1550

Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale de Benefice list Belgique, MS II, 1200, Carton 9 (Pinchart Notes)

Rudolf, pp. 106–7, 379–84

19–21 July 1553 Brussels

Brussels, Archives Générales du Benefice list Royaume, État et Audience MSS 1250 & 1473/1

Rudolf, pp. 108–9, 392–6

June 1556 (The Netherlands)

Simancas, Archivo Général de Simancas, E. leg.116, nos. 41–5

Straeten VII, pp. 359–60 Rudolf, pp. 110, 406 Gachard, Retraite, II, pp. 71–80 Robledo, pp. 786–7

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État de la maison

La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 169–78 Schmidt-Görg, pp. 336–7 Robledo, pp. 768–9

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appendix b

Chapel Statutes and Ordinances Date

Title

Source

Modern edition

1515

Statutz et ordonnances sur le faict de nostre grande chapelle

Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Fonds Papiers d’État et de l’Audience, reg.23, II, fols. 10vff.

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 337–8 Straeten, VII, pp. 278–81 Rudolf, pp. 342–3 Gachard, Collection, II, pp. 491–501

= Etiqueta de la Casa del Señor Emperador Carlo Quinto dada por su Magestad siendo príncipe en el año de 1515, traducida del original Francés firmado de su mano que con esto se entregó a su Magestad

Madrid, Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan Ms. 26-I-28 Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, Salazar y Castro, 9/682

La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 137–62

c. 1518

Lisbon, Biblioteca da Ajuda Estatutos de la Capilla del Emperador Carlos quinto al vzo de 51-VI-37, fols. 79v–84 la Caza de Borgoña = Statuz et ordonnances sur lestat de la Chapelle de l’Empereur

Durme, III, Simancas, Archivo Générale pp. 289–92 de Simancas Secretarias Provinciales, Secretaria del Consejo Supremo de Flandes y Borgoña Legajo 2561, No. 38

Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional = Constituciones o estatutos de la Real Capilla de S. M. el Emperador MS 14.018/6 Carlos V al uso de la Casa de Borgoña. Estatutos que hasta agora se han guardado en la Capilla Imperial y se han de observar en la Real Capilla de S. M. conforme al uso de Borgoña early in Relation de la manière de servir qui reign of s’observait à la cour de l’empereur Philip II don Carlos, Notre Seigneur, en l’année 1545; la méme est observée aujour’hui à la cour sa majesté

Nelson, pp. 188–91

Straeten, VIII, pp. 178–82 Barbieri Papers 2, doc. 136

Rudolf, Brussels, Archive générales pp. 367–70 du Royaume, Fonds de l’Audience; MS entitled: Maison des souverains et des gouverneurs généraux, tome II, fols. 79–116

244

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Appendix B: Chapel Statutes and Ordinances Date

Title

Source

245 Modern edition

Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional = Relación de la forma de seruir MS 1080 que se tenía en la Casa del Emperador don Carlos nuestro señor, que aya gloria, el año de 1545 y se auía tenido algunos años antes y del partido que se daua a cada vno de los criados de su Majestat qve se contauan por los libros del bureo

La corte de Carlos V, V, pp. 179–211

=Estriquete y relascion de la orden Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Section des Manuscrits, de seruir q(ue) se tenia en la casa del Emperador Don Carlos n(uest) Esp. 364, fols. 2–5 ro señor el anno 1545

Schmidt-Görg, pp. 338–40

= Et Etiqueta. Relacion de la forma Madrid, Palacio Real [n.s] de servir, que se tenia en la casa del Emperador Don Carlos, nuestro s(eñ)or, que aya gloria, el año de 1545 y se havia tenido algunos años antes

Straeten, VII, pp. 398–403

= Constituciones que se guardaban en la Real Capilla del Señor Emperador D. Carlos Nuestro Señor, el año 1545. Y se habían observado algunos años antes

Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 1013 (olim cod.E 76); Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 14.018/1(Barbieri papers copied from 1792 document)

Barbieri Papers, II, doc. 135[a–c], pp. 36–7

Madrid, Palacio Real, c. 1556 or Leges et Constitutiones Capellae reign of Catholicae Maiestatis, a maioribus Administrativa, Leg. 1133 Philip II institutae a Car. Quinto studiosè custodite, hodierno die, mandato Regis Catholici

Straeten, VII, pp. 183–6 Schmidt-Görg, pp. 340–2 Rudolf, pp. 409–12

c. 1550; La Orden que se tiene en los Officios en la Capilla de Su after Magestad 1559

Nelson, pp. 175–87

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Lisbon, Biblioteca da Ajuda 51-VI-37, fols. 61–79

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appendix c

Selected Chapel Personnel Alamire, Pierre Grande Chappelle: Scribe and Keeper of the Books [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Alamire [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Alamire [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Alamire 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Pierre Alamire 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Pierre Alamire 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Pierre Alemire 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Pedro Alamire

escripvain de la Chapelle Domesticque escripvain et garde de livres escripvain de la chapelle domesticque

guardalibros

Alardi, Jacobus Grande Chappelle: Choirboy 1524–30 Matriculated University of Louvain: 12 Nov. 1532 Chaplain of the Low Mass: 1540–59 (1523) Paylist Jacobus Alardy 1 June 1524 Paylist Jacobus Alardi 1 June 1525 Paylist Jacobus Alardy 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Jacobus Alardi 1 July 1528 Paylist Jacobus Alardi 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list Jacques Alardi 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Jacques Alardi 1550 Benefice list Jacques/ Gacques Alardi 1553 Benefice list Jaques Alardi 1556 État de la maison Jacques/ Jaques Alardi/Abardi

enfant de chappelle chappellain des basses messes chapellain des basses messes chappellain des basses messes chappellain des basses messes cappellan

Bailleul  See Reyngot Bamelroy  See Liégeois dit Bamelroy Bascontre, Rodolf Grande Chappelle: Singer, Bass 22 May 1522 Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster 1534 Personnel list 1534–5 Paylist 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list

Rodolf le Frezon Rodolf Bascoutre Rodolf Bascoutre/ Bascontre Rodolphe/Adolp Campin Rodolf Bascontre Rodolf Bascontre Rodolphus Campingius Rodolf Rodolf Rodolf/ Rodolff Bascontre Rodolphe Campnick

absent chantre

cantor chantre

246

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel

247

Bauduwin, Jehan Chapel of Philip the Fair: Organ porter 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist Bauduyn 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist Bauduin/ Bauduyn 8 June 1506 Paylist Bauduyn 22 July 1506 Paylist Bauduin/ Bauduyn Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist

Jean Baudouin/ Bauduy/ Bauduyn

Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Organ porter [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Bauwin porteur et souffleur des orghes 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Bauwin 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Bauduwin 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Bauduwyn 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Bauduwino portador de organos 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Bau/ Bauduin le porteur dorghes 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Bauduwin porteur d’orgues 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist Bauduwin 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Bauduyn le porteur dorghes 15 May 1521 Benefice list Bauwin porteur dorghes 1 June 1521 Paylist Jehan/ Jean Baudewin/ Bauduwin 22 May 1522 Paylist Bauduwin porteur dorghes (1523) Paylist Jehan Baudewyn/ Bauduwyn 1 June 1524 Paylist Jehan Baudewin 1 June 1525 Paylist Jehan Baudewin 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Baud porteur dorghes 1 July 1528 Paylist Jehan Baudewin 1530–1 Paylist Jehan Bauduwin/Baudewin porteur dorgues; souffleur (?) 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Jehan Baudwin Berghes, Anthoine de Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Premier Chapellain 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Anthoine vande Berghe 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Antoine de Berghes 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Antonio de Berghas primero capellan 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Anthoine de Berghes 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Anthoine de Berghes 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist Anthoine de Berghes 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Anthoine de Berghes 1 June 1521 Paylist Anthoine/ Antoine de Berghes/ Bergues 22 May 1522 Paylist Anthoine de Berghes absent et depuis mort 1522–8 Personnel list Anthone de Berghes premier chappellain 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Anthoine de Berghes Bonnel  See Lommel Borse, Charles Grande Chappelle: Alto 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list 1547–8 Personnel list 1550 Benefice list 1553 Benefice list June 1556 État de la maison

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Charles de Dunckercke Charles Borse Charles Borsse Carolus Bursa Charles Brugis, dit Dunckercke Charles de Brusis (alias Dunckercke) Charles Boursse

chantre chappelain et chantre chantre hault-contre altus hault-contre, marié chantre cantor

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Brabant, Pierre Grande Chappelle: Chaplain and Tenor 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Pierre Brabantz 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list Pierre Brabant 1547–8 Personnel list Petrus Brabantius 1550 Benefice list Pierquin/ Pierre Brabant 1553 Benefice list Pierre Brabant June 1556 État de la maison Pierre Brabant Bredemers, Henry Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

chappelain et chantre chantre taille tenor taille chantre cantor

H. Bredemers Henry Bredemerch/ Bredemers Henry Biédemarche/ Bredemarche/ Bredemers Hanry Bredmer/ Bredimer/ Bredemers

Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Organist [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Henry Bredemers organiste [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Henry Bredemers organiste [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Henry Bredemers organiste 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Henry de Bredemers 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Henry de Bredeniers 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Henry Bredemers 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Henrique Bredermiersch organista 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Henry Bredemers lorganiste 1 June 1521 Paylist Henri/ Henry Bredemers/ Bredeniers Cambray, Fransquin de Grande Chappelle: Soprano 1 June 1521 Paylist 22 May 1522 Paylist (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster

Franskin de Cambray Fransquin de Cambray dessus Fransquin de Cambray Franskin de Cambray Frasquin de Cambraiz/ Fransquin de Cambray Franskin de Cambray Franskin/ Fransquin de Cambray Fransquin de Cambray

Campin  See Bascontre Campingius  See Bascontre Campnick  See Bascontre Canis, Cornelius Grande Chappelle: Maistre des enfans and Maistre de la chapelle 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Cornille Cams maître des enfans de chapelle 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list Corneille Canis maistre de la chapelle 1547–8 Personnel list Cornelius Canis praefectus sacelli 1550 Benefice list Cornille Canis maistre des enffans

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel

249

Cappelman  See Mathieu dit Cappelleman Carlier, Nicole Grande Chappelle: Maistre des enffans 22 May 1522 Paylist Nicole Carlier maistre des enffans mort (1523) Paylist Nicole de Carlier 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Alphonse Carlier filz de m[aistr]e nicole feu m[aistr]e des enfa[nts] Champion, Jacques Grande Chappelle: Haulteneur 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list 15 May 1521 Benefice list 1 June 1521 Paylist 22 May 1522 Paylist 1522–8 Personnel list (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list

Jaques Champion Jaques Champion Jacques Champion Jacques Champion Maistre Jacques Jacques/ Jaques Champion Jaques Champion Jaques Champion Jacques/ Jaques Champion Jacques Champion Jacques Champion/ Jaques Liegeois Jacobus Champion

haulteneur

m[aistr]e des enfans cantor

Champion  See Liégeois Chevalier, Guillaume Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

G. Chevalier Guillaume Chevalier Guillaume Chevalier Guillaume Chevalier/ Chevallier

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist Guillaume/Guillen/Guillem Chevalier/ Chivalier/Chibilier cantor Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Singer and Chaplain 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Guillaume Chevallier 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Guillaume Chevalier 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Guillaume Chevalier 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Guilleaume/ Guillame Chevalier 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Guilleaume Chevalier pour son filz 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Le filz de Guilleaume le Chevalier 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Guillamme Chevalier 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist Cornille Chevalier 1519 Benefice list Guilleaume Chevalier 15 May 1521 Benefice list Le filz de Guilleaume Chevalier 12 July 1521 Benefice list Guilleaume le Chevalier 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list Guilleaume Chevalier pour son filz

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250

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

Couleurs, Hugues des Grande Chappelle: Chaplain and Soprano 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Hugues des Couleurs 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Hugues de Couleure/ des Couleurs 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist Hugues des Couleurs 1519 Benefice list Hughes des Couleurs 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Hughes des Couleurs 15 May 1521 Benefice list Hughes des Couleurs 1 June 1521 Paylist Hugues des Couleurs 22 May 1522 Paylist Hughes des Couleurs dessus 1522–8 Personnel list Hughes des Caullers (1523) Paylist Hughes des Colleurs 1 June 1524 Paylist Hugues des Couleurs 1 June 1525 Paylist Hughes des Couleurs 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Hugues des Couleurs chantre 1 July 1528 Paylist Hughes des Couleurs 1530–1 Paylist Hugues/ Hughes de Couleurs/ des Coleurs 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Hugo de Coloribus cantor 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Hughes (Hughues) des Couleurs Crecquillon, Thomas Grande Chappelle: Maistre de la chapelle 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list Thomas Crecquillon maistre de la chappelle 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Thomas Crecquillon chappelain et chantre 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list Thomas Crecquillon chappelain de la haulte messe 1547–8 Personnel list Thomas Crecquillon  cantor et cantioneum conditor, quem vulgò componistam vocant 1553 Benefice list Thomas Crequillon Custodis, Jehan Grande Chappelle: Hault-Contre; Soprano 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list Jean Custodis 1547–8 Personnel list Johanne Custodis 1550 Benefice list Jehan/Gehan Custodis 1553 Benefice list Jehan Custodis Deken, Jehan Grande Chappelle: Haulteneur 22 May 1522 Paylist (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster 1534 Personnel list 1534–5 Paylist 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list 1553 Benefice list

chantre hault-contre discantus chantre chantre

Jean Deken haulteneur Jehan Decken; Deeken Jehan Deken Jehan Deken Jehan Deke chantre Jehan Deecken Jehan Decken/ Deecken/ Deeken Joannes Deck cantor Jehan Deeken Joan Dertz/ Deck cantor Jehan Deecken/ Deeken Jehan Decke1 chantre Le filz de feu Mre. Jehan Deke chantre

Dunckercke  See Borse 1 marked with a †

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel Fourmanoir, Gilles de Grande Chappelle: Haulteneur [ June] 1509 Payment receipt [ June] 1509 Payment receipt [ June] 1509 Payment receipt 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list 15 May 1521 Benefice list 1 June 1521 Paylist 12 July 1521 Benefice list 22 May 1522 Paylist 1522–8 Personnel list (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster 1534 Personnel list 1534–5 Paylist 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list

Gillequin de Fourmanoir chantre Gilles Fourmanoir chantre Gillekin de Fourmanoir chantre Gillis du Fourmanoir Gilles du Fromonnier Gilles du Fourmanoir Gil de Formanoir capellan y músico Gilles Formanoy/ Formanoir Gilles du Fourmanoir Gilles de Formanoir Gilles Fourmanoir Gilles Fourmenoir/ Fourmanoir Gilles de Formanoir Gilles Fourmenoir pour Philippes son filz Gilles de Formanoir haulteneur Gilles Formanoir Gilles de Fourmanoir Gilles de Formanoir Gilles de Formanoir Gilles Fourmanoir chantre Philippe de Formanoir filz de Gilles chantre Gilles de Formanoir Gilles/ Gillekin de Fourmanoir/ Formanoir Aegidius Formanoir Gilles de Fourmanoir Giles de Formanoir cantor Gilles/ Gille de Fourmanoir/ Formanoir Gilles de Formanoir jadis chantre

François, Anthoine Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

A. François Hennequin François Anthonin Françoys/François Anthoine Franchois/François

251

Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Chaplain and Singer [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Anthoine François chantre 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Anthoine Franchois 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Anthoine Franchois 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Antonio Francisco capellan y músico 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Anthoine Francois 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Anthoine Francois pour son filz 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Le filz de Anthoine Francois 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Anthoine Francois Frezon, Rodolphe Le  See Bascontre

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252

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Gobelet, Jehan Grande Chappelle: Haultecontre 22 May 1522 Paylist 1522–8 Personnel list (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster

Gobelet Jehan Gobelet Gobelet Obelet Gobelet Jehan Gobelet Gobelet Jehan Gobelet Joannes Gobelet Jehan Gobelet

Gombert, Nicolas Grande Chappelle: Singer; Maistre des enfans 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Nicolas Gobert 1 July 1528 Paylist Nicolle Gumbert 1530–1 Paylist Nicolle/ Nicole Gumbert 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Nicolaus Gombert 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Nicole Gumbert 1534 Personnel list Nicolás Gombert 1534–5 Paylist Nicole Gumbert

haultecontre

chantre cantor

chantre

maestro de los muchachos

Haurecke  See Mathieu dit Cappelleman Hautelot, Hubert Grande Chappelle: Choirboy; Clerk; Tenor 1534 Personnel list Hubert Ostelet 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list Hubert Ostelet 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Humbert Hautelot 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list Hubert Hautelet 1547–8 Personnel list Hupertus Hauteletus 1550 Benefice list Hubert Hostelet 1553 Benefice list Hubert Hotelot

muchacho Cantor clercq de la chappelle clercz de chapelle chantre taille tenor chantre chantre

Hietveld  See Verderue Hombourg, Martin de Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

M. Hoombourg Martin Hombourg/ Hoombourg Martin Hoombourg Martin de Hoombourg

Grande Chappelle of Charles V 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 12 July 1521 Benefice list

Martin de Hombourg Martin de Hambourg Martin de Hombourg levantador de folies Martin de Hombeque/ Honbeque Martin de Hombeque

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel La Rue, Pierre de Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

P. Rue Pierchon de la Rue Pierchon de Rue Pierchon de Rue

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist

Pierre/Pierchon de la Rue

Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Singer [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Pierre de la Rue 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Pierre de la Rue 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Pierre de la Rue 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Pedro de la Rue

253

cantor chantre capellan y músico

Lantman  See Zantman Lestannier, Johannes Grande Chappelle: Organist 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list 1547–8 Personnel list 1550 Benefice list

Johannes Lestainnier aide dorganiste Johannes l’Estaniel organiste Johannes Lestannier organista Jehan Lestannier/ Lestanier2 organiste

Lhéritier, Anthoine Grande Chappelle: Haultecontre 1519 Benefice list 22 May 1522 Paylist 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster

Anthoine Leritier/ Lheritier Anthoine Lheritier Anthoine Leritier Anthoine l’Héritier Anthoine Lhéritier Anthoine Lhéritier Anthoine Lheritier Anthoine Lheritier Anthoine Lheritier Antonius Lheritier Anthoine l’Heritier

Liégeois dit Bamelroy, Jacques Grande Chappelle: Singer 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster 1534 Personnel list 1534–5 Paylist

Jaques le Liegeois Jacques Liegois Jacques Liegois Jacobus Bamelroy Jacques Liégeois Jacques Lieges Jacques Liegois

haultecontre

chantre

chantre

cantor

2 marked with a †

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Liégeois, Nicolas Le Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

C. Liegeois Clais Le Liégeois Clais le Liégeois Clais le Liegeois/ Liégois

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist Clais/Clays/Nicholas Liégois/Liejois/Liegeois/ Champion cantor Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Singer [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Clais Liégeois chantre 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Clais le Liégois 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Clais le Liégeois 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Nicolas Lyégois 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Nicolas el Liejés capellan y músico 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Clais/ Nicole le Liegoiz 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Nicolaes Liégeois/ Liégois 15 May 1521 Benefice list Nicole/ Claes le liegeois 1 June 1521 Paylist Nicole Champion 22 May 1522 Paylist Claes Liegois maistre de chappelle – absent et royé 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Nicolas Champion Liestvelde  See Verderue Lillers, Johannes de Grande Chappelle: Singer: Haultcontre 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Johannes de Lillers 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Johannes de Lillers 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Joannes de Lillers/ Johannes de Lillers 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist Johannes de Lillers 1519 Benefice list Johannes de Lilliers 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Johannes de Lillers 1 June 1521 Paylist Joannes de Lillers/ Johannès de Lillers 22 May 1522 Paylist Joes de Lillers haultecontre 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list Johannes de Lillers 1522–8 Personnel list Johannes de Liters (1523) Paylist Joannes de Lillers 1 June 1524 Paylist Johannes de Lillers 1 June 1525 Paylist Johannes de Lillers 12 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Johannes/ Jehan de Lillers chantre 1 July 1528 Paylist Joannes Lilleers 1530–1 Paylist Johannes Lilleers/ de Lillers 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Joannes Lillers cantor 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Johannes de Lillers

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel Lommel, Jehan Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

J. Bonnel Jehan Lormel/Bonnel Jehan de Bonnel Jehan Bonnel

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist

Jean/Juan Lomel

capellan de misa alta

Grande Chappelle of Charles V [ June] 1509 Payment receipt 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist 1519 Benefice list 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list 15 May 1521 Benefice list 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list

Jehan Lonniel Johan Boniel Jehan Lommel Jehan Lomel Juan Lommel Jehan Lommel Jehan Lommel Jehan Lommel Jehan Lommel Jehan Lommel Jehan Lommel

pbre et chapellain

Louvain, Chrestien de Grande Chappelle: Singer: Bass 1 June 1521 Paylist 22 May 1522 Paylist 1522–8 Personnel list (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster

Chrestien/ Chrétien de Louvain Xpien de Louvain bascontre Maistre Crstian Chrestien de Louvain Chrestien de Louvain Chrestien de Louvain Chrestien de Louuain Chrestien de Louuain Crestien/ Chrestien de Louvain

255

capellan y músico

Lupus  See Wolf Malines, Martin de Grande Chappelle: Alto 1550 Benefice list Martin de Malines 1553 Benefice list Martin de Malines June 1556 État de la maison Martin de Malines

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hault-contre chantre cantor

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256

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

Mathieu dit Cappelleman, Jenin Grande Chappelle: Clerk 27 Dec. 1510 Payment receipt Jenin Mathieu 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Jennin Mathieu 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Juanino Matieu moço de la capilla 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Johannes Mahieu 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Jennin Mathieu 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist Jenin Mathieu 1519 Benefice list Johannes Mahieu alias Hauret 15 May 1521 Benefice list Johannes de Haurecke clerc de chapelle 1 June 1521 Paylist Jenin/ Jennin Mathieu 22 May 1522 Paylist Joes Mathieu clerc 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list Johannes Mahyeu alias de Hauret (1523) Paylist Jennin Mathieu 1 June 1524 Paylist Jennin Mathieu 1 June 1525 Paylist Jennin Mathieu 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Johannes Mathieu dit Cappelleman 1 July 1528 Paylist Joannes Mathieu 1530–1 Paylist Cappelman/ Johannes/Jehan Mathieu 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Joannes Cappelman 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Johannes Mathieu Menin, Tristan de Grande Chappelle: Haulteneur 1 June 1521 Paylist 15 May 1521 Benefice list 22 May 1522 Paylist

Tristran/ Tristan de Menin Tristan Tristan de Menin

Molinet, Johannes Grande Chappelle: Singer [ June] 1509 Payment receipt [ June] 1509 Payment receipt [ June] 1509 Payment receipt 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 1519 Benefice list

Johannes Molinet chantre Johannes Molinet chantre Johannes Molinet chantre Johannes du Moulinet Johannès du Molinet Johannes du Molinet Juan del Molinet capellan y músico Johannes Molinet Johannes Molinet pour son filz Johannes Molinet

Moneta, Johannes Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

J. Moneta Johannes Moneta Johannes Moneta Johannes Monneta/Moneta

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist

Jean/Juanes/Johannes Moneta

Chapel of Charles V 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel

Juan Moneta

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chantre haulteneur

capellan y músico

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel Moreau, Gilles Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

G. Moreau Gillet Moreau Gilles Moureau/Moreau Gilles Moureau/Moreau

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist

Gilles/Guilet Moreau

Chapel of Charles V 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist 15 May 1521 Benefice list

Gilles Moreau Gilles Moreau Gillet Moreau Gille/Gilles Moreau Gillet Moreau

Nepotis, Fleurens Organist 22 May 1522 Paylist 1522–8 Personnel list (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list 1534 Personnel list 1534–5 Paylist

Fleurens Nepotis Organiste Fleurquin Fleurkin Népotis Fleurens Népotis Leurens/ Fleurens Nepotis Florequin/ Florekin Nepotis Floris Nepotis Fleurkin Nepotis Florentius Nepotis Flores Nepotis Flores Nepotis

Nepotis, George Grande Chappelle: Choirboy Petite Chappelle: Clerk, Chaplain 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list George Nepotis 1547–8 Personnel list Georgius Nepos 1553 Benefice list George Nepotis June 1556 État de la maison George Nepotis Orto, Marbrian de Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

M. Orto Mabairen des Orts/Orto Mabarien de Orto Marbarian de Orto

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist

Marbrian de Orto

Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Premier Chappellain [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Marbrian de Orto 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Marbrian de Ortho 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Marberian de Uvto 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list de Orto 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list de Orto

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257

moço de capilla

moço de la capilla

organiste

organiste organiste organista organista organiste de Lempereur

enffant de la chappelle clerici oratorij clerc de loratoire capellan

premier chappellain primero capellan le premier chappellain le premier chappellain

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Paillette, Philippe Chapel of Charles V 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist 1519 Benefice list 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list 1 June 1521 Paylist

Philippe Paillette Philippe Paillette Philippe Paillette Felipe Paillette Philippe Paillette Philippe Paillette Philippe Paillette Philippe Paillette/ Paillet Philippe Paillet Philippe/ Phelippe Paillette

Pastoris, Pasquier Grande Chappelle: Soprano 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist 1519 Benefice list 15 May 1521 Benefice list 1 June 1521 Paylist 22 May 1522 Paylist 1522–8 Personnel list (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster

Pasquiero Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris Pasquier Pastoris

capellan y músico

capellan y músico

dessus

chantre

Payen, Nicolas Grande Chappelle: Choirboy Petite Chappelle: Clerk of the Oratory Grande Chappelle: Singer, Chaplain of the High Mass, Maistre de Chappelle (1523) Paylist Colin Payen 1 June 1524 Paylist Colin Payen 1 June 1525 Paylist Colin Payen 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Nicolas Payen enfant de chappelle 1534 Personnel list Nicolas Payen servidor de oratorio 1534–5 Paylist Nicolas Payen 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list Nycolas Payen clerc de loratoire 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Cornelis Payen chappelain et chantre 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list Nicolle Payen chappelain de la haulte messe 1550 Benefice list Nicole/ Nicolle Payen chappellain des haultes messes 1553 Benefice list Nicolas Payen chappellain des haultes messes June 1556 État de la maison Nicolas Payen mastro de capilla Pickart  See Thiebault

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel

259

Pont, Anthoine Du Petite Chappelle: Chaplain of the Low Mass 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Anthoine du Pont 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Antonio du Pont moço del oratorio 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Anthoine Dupont 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Anthoine du Pont 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist Anthoine du Pont 1519 Benefice list Anthoine du Pont 15 May 1521 Benefice list Anthoine du Pont 1 June 1521 Paylist Anthoine/ Antoine Dupont/ du Pont 12 July 1521 Benefice list Anthonin du Pont 22 May 1522 Paylist Anthoine du Pont chappellain des basses messes 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list Anthonin du Pont (1523) Paylist Anthoine Dupont 1 June 1524 Paylist Anthoine Dupont 1 June 1525 Paylist Anthoine Dupont 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list anthoine du Pont chappellain 1 July 1528 Paylist anthoine du Pont 1530–1 Paylist Anthoine Du Pont 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Antonius de Ponte 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Anthoine Du Pont 1534–5 Paylist Anthoine du Pont Rétis, Fransquin de Chapel of Philip the Fair: Singer 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

F. Rétis Fransquin de Rétyts/Rétis Fransquin de Retyz/Rétis Fransquin de Retis/Réte

Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Singer [ June] 1509 Payment receipt François Rétis [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Franchois de Réthys [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Franchois de Réthys 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Franskin de Rétys 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Fransquin de Retys 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Fransquin de Rétis 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Franquino de Ritis 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Fransquin de Ritis 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Le filz de Fransquin de Ritis 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Fransquin de Ritis 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list Le filz de Franskin de Ritis 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Fransquin de Retis

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chantre chantre chantre

capellan y músico

feu

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260

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V

Reydummel, Mathias Grande Chappelle: Chaplain and Singer: Bass 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Mathias Ridemont chantre 1 July 1528 Paylist Mathias Roydumel 1530–1 Paylist Mathias Reydummel/ Reyndummel 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Mathias Redomi cantor 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Mathias Reydummel 1534 Personnel list Mathias Raydumel cantor 1534–5 Paylist Mathias Reydummel 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list Mathias Ridemont chantre 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Mathieu Rayduinnel chappelain et chantre 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list Mathias Oudemont chantre bas-contre 1547–8 Personnel list Mathias Rudumel bassus 1550 Benefice list Mathias Ridemont bass Reyngot, Gilles Chapel of Philip the Fair: Singer 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

G. Bailleul Gillequin de Bailleul Gillequin de Bailleul Gillecquin de Bailleul

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist Gilles/Giliquin/Guillequin/ Gillequin Reyngoot/Reynot/ Reynote/de Bailleul cantor Grande Chappelle of Charles V: Singer [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Gilles Reyngot chantre 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Gillis Reyngotz, Gilles Reingotz3 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Gilles Reingotz 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Gilles Reingots 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Gilles Reyngot capellan y músico 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Gilles Reyngot chappellain de madame lyenore; chantre 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Gilles Reyngots/ Reingotz 1519 Benefice list Gilles Reyngot chappellain de madame lyenore 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Gilles Reyngot chappellain de madame eleonore; chantre 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list Gilles Reyngot chappellain de madame eleonore Robins, Robert Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

R. Robins Robart Robin Robert Robens/Robins Robert Robins

Chapel of Charles V 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list 1 June 1521 Paylist 6 Mar. 1523 Benefice list

Robert Robbins Robert Robins Roberto Robins limosnero mayor Robert Robins Robert/ Robbert Robins Robert Robins Robbert/ Robert Robins Robert Robins

3 Listed under both the grande chappelle and the petite chappelle

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel

261

Rodolf Le Frezon  See Bascontre Santman  See Zantman Steelandt, Josse Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist

J. Steenllant Josse Styenland/Steenllant Joosse Stienlland/Stienllant

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist Joos/Josse/Jos Steelant/de Stelante/ Steinlland/Estalant cantor Chapel of Charles V: Singer [ June] 1509 Payment receipt 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist

Josse Steelandt Josse Stiellant Josse Steelandt

chantre

Taisnier, Jehan Grande Chappelle: Chaplain and Singer; Instructor of the Choirboys 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list Jehan Taisnier maistre descolle des enffans 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Jehan Taisnier chappelain et chantre Théodrici, Alart Grande Chappelle: Chaplain and Bass 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Alart Théodricy 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Alard Théodricy 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Alard Théodrici 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Alardo Theodriey capellan y músico 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Alard Theodrici le baz 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Alardt Theodrici 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist Allart Theodrichy 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Alard Theodorici 15 May 1521 Benefice list Alard Theoderici/ Theodorici 1 June 1521 Paylist Allart Théodricy 22 May 1522 Paylist Alard Theoderici bascontre 1522–8 Personnel list Messire Allart (1523) Paylist Alard Théodrici 1 June 1524 Paylist Alart Théodericy 1 June 1525 Paylist Allart Théodricy/ Alard Theodericij 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Alard/ Allard Theoderici/ Theodorici4 chantre 1 July 1528 Paylist Alardt Theoderici 1530–1 Paylist Alart/ Alardt Theoderici/ Theodericy/ Theodrici 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Allaert/ Alart Theodrici feu

4 marked with a †

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Thiebault dit Pickart, Adrien Grande Chappelle: Maistre de la chapelle 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Adrian/Adrien/ Adriain Thiebault maistre de la chapelle; chantre 1 July 1528 Paylist Adrien Pickart 1530–1 Paylist Adrien Pickart 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Adrianus Picart 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Adrien Pickart 1534 Personnel list Adria Picard maestro de capilla 1534–5 Paylist Adrian/ Adrien Pickart/ Piccart Tonnequin, Noel Grande Chappelle: Alto 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list 1547–8 Personnel list 1550 Benefice list 1553 Benefice list June 1556 État de la maison

Noël Tonneken Natalis Tonnequinus Noël Tonnequin Noel Tonnequin Noël Tonnecken/ Tounecken

chantre hault-contre altus hault-contreo chantre cantor

Vaet, Jacobus Grande Chappelle: Tenor 1550 Benefice list

Jacques Waet

taille

Verderue, Adolf de la Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

A. de la Verderue Adolphe de la Verde/Verderue Adorlf de la Verderue Adolf de Hietveld/Liestvelde/Verderue

Petite Chappelle of Charles V: Clerk [ June] 1509 Payment receipt Adolf de la Verderue clerc 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Adolf de la Verderue 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Adolphe de la Verde Rue 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Adolfo de la Verde Rue 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Adolf de la Verde Rue 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Le filz de maistre Charles de la Verde Rue 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Adolf de la Verderue/ Verde Rue 15 Nov. 1520 Benefice list Adolf de la Verde Rue/ Verderue 15 May 1521 Benefice list Adolf de la Verde Rue 12 July 1521 Benefice list Adolf de la Verderue

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Appendix C: Selected Chapel Personnel Willebroot, Johannes 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist 1 Sept. 1518 Paylist 1519 Benefice list 15 May 1521 Benefice list 1 June 1521 Paylist 12 July 1521 Benefice list 22 May 1522 Paylist 1522–8 Personnel list (1523) Paylist 1 June 1524 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 1 June 1525 Paylist 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list 1 July 1528 Paylist 1 July 1528 Paylist 1530–1 Paylist 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster

Johannes Willebrot Johannès Wilbroot Johannes Willebroot Juan Willebroet Johannes Willebroit Johannes Wilbroot/ Willebroot Johannes Willebroot Johannes Willebroot Johannes Willebrot Johannes Villebrot Joannes Willebroot Johannes Willebrot Joes Willebroot Johannes Wilbroit Joannes Villebroot Johannes Willebroot Johannes Willebroot Johannes Wittenbroot Johannes Villebrot Johannes Vittebrot Joannes Willebroet Joannes Wittenbroet Johannes Willebroet Johannes Willebrot Joannes Willebroot

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le pere le pere le père bascontre

chantre enfant de chappelle

cantor

Willebroot Le Jeusne, Johannes 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Johannes Willebroot le jeusne 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Juan Willebroet el moço 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Johannes Willebroit le jeusne/ Johannes Willebroit le filz 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Le filz de Johannes Willebroit/ Le filz de Wilbroot 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Le filz de Willebroit ou lieu de son pere 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Johannes Willebroot le filz 1 June 1521 Paylist Joannes Willebroot le filz Wolf, Michiel de Grande Chappelle: Chaplain and Singer: Tenor 1 July 1528 Paylist Michiel de Wolf 1530–1 Paylist Michiel de Wolf 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Michiel Wolff 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Michiel de Wolf 1534 Personnel list Miguel de Wolf 1534–5 Paylist Michiel de Wolf/ Wolff 28 Dec. 1540 Benefice list Michel Wolf 1 Jan. 1543 Paylist Michiel de Wolf 27 Apr. 1547 Personnel list Michiel Wolf 1547–8 Personnel list Michael Lupus 1550 Benefice list Michiel Wolff 1553 Benefice list Michiel Wolff

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chantre cantor chantre chappelain et chantre chantre taille tenor jad. chantre

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Ymer, Philippe Grande Chappelle: Singer 2 Oct. 1526 Benefice list Phelippe/ Phellipes/ Philippe Yuer/ Yner 1 July 1528 Paylist Philippe Ymer 1530–1 Paylist Philippe Ymer 30 Sept. 1531 Benefice list Philippus Yuer 15 Sept. 1532 Chapel roster Philippe Ymer 1534 Personnel list Philippo Ymer 1534–5 Paylist Philippe Ymer

chantre

cantor

Zantman, Henry Chapel of Philip the Fair 4 Jan. 1506 Paylist 27 Mar. 1506 Paylist 8 June 1506 Paylist 22 July 1506 Paylist

H. Zantman Henry Zautmann/Zantman Hanry Zantman Henry Zantman

Chapel of Queen Juana 11 Oct. 1506 Paylist

Henri/Herri/Henricus Zantman/Zant

Grande Chappelle of of Charles V 27 Dec. 1510 Paylist Henry Zantmant 3 Apr. 1512 Paylist Henry Sautman 1 Apr. 1514 Paylist Henry Santman 25 Oct. 1515 État de l’hôtel Henrique Lantman capellan y músico 24 Aug. 1517 Benefice list Henry Santman/ Zantman 1 Dec. 1517 Paylist Henri Santman 1519 Benefice list Henry Santman 1 June 1521 Paylist Henry Santman/ Sautman/ Santeman

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appendix d

Musical Manuscripts, Prints, and Editions The sigla for manuscripts are those used in Census-Catalog of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, 1400–1550, 5 vols, ed. Herbert Kellman and Charles Hamm, Renaissance Manuscript Studies 1 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1979–88). RISM sigla are used for the prints.

manuscripts AachS 2 AnsbachS 16 ÁvilaA 38 ÁvilaC 1 ÁvilaC 2 BaezaC 1 BarcBC 454 BarcBC 859 BarcOC 6 BasU F IX 44 BerlDS 1175 BerlDS 40012 BerlPS 40043 BerlS 6 BerlS 11 BerlS 40 BerlS 357 BogC s.s. BolC Q19 BolC Q27/1 BolC R142 BrusBR 228 BrusBR IV.922 BrusC 27088 BudOS 2

AACHEN. Stiftsarchiv. MS II ANSBACH. Staatliche Bibliothek. MS VI.g.16 ÁVILA. Archivo del Monasterio de Santa Ana. MS 38 ÁVILA. Archivo de la Catedral. MS 1 ÁVILA. Archivo de la Catedral. MS 2 (olim Libro de facistol 1) BAEZA. Museo de la Catedral. Libro de Polifonia 1 BARCELONA. Biblioteca Central. MS 454 BARCELONA. Biblioteca Central. MS 859 BARCELONA. Biblioteca de L’Orfeó Català. MS 6 (shelf mark: 12-IX) BASEL. Öffentliche Bibliothek der Universität. MS F. IX. 44 BERLIN. Deutsche Staatsbibliothek. MS Mus. theor. 1175 BERLIN. Deutsche Staatsbibliothek. MS Mus. 40012 (olim Z 12) BERLIN. Former Preussische Staatsbibliothek. MS Mus. 40043 (olim Z 43) BERLIN. Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Mus Ms.6 BERLIN. Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Mus Ms.11 BERLIN. Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Mus Ms.40 BERLIN. Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Mus Ms. 357 BOGOTÁ. Catedral, Archivo. MS s.s. BOLOGNA. Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale. MS Q19 (“Rusconi Codex”) BOLOGNA. Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale. MS Q27 (I) BOLOGNA. Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale. MS R142 BRUSSELS. Bibliothèque Royale. MS 228 BRUSSELS. Bibliothèque Royale. MS IV.922 (“Occo Codex”) BRUSSELS. Bibliothèque du Conservatoire Royal de Musique. MS 27088 BUDAPEST. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár (National Széchényi Library). MS Bártfa 2 (a-f) BudOS 23 BUDAPEST. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár (National Széchényi Library). MS Bártfa 23 BudOS 26 BUDAPEST. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár (National Széchényi Library). MS Bártfa 26 BurC s.s. BURGOS. Catedral Metropolitana, Archivo Capitular. MS s.s. CambraiBM 3 CAMBRAI. Bibliothèque Municipale. MS 3 ChelmE 1 CHELMSFORD. Essex Record Office. MS D/DP Z6/1 ChelmE 2 CHELMSFORD. Essex Record Office. MS D/DP Z6/2 ChiN M91/1 CHICAGO. Newberry Library. Case MS.-VM 1578.M91 CivitaBC (1) CIVITANOVA MARCHE. Biblioteca Comunale. MSS s.s. (1)

265

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CoimU 34 CoimU 242 CopKB 1872

COIMBRA. Biblioteca Geral da Universidade. MS M.34 COIMBRA. Biblioteca Geral da Universidade. MS M.242 COPENHAGEN. Det Kongelige Bibliotek. MS Gamle kongelige Samling 1872, 4o CopKB 1873 COPENHAGEN. Det Kongelige Bibliotek. MS Gamle kongelige Samling 1873, 4o CordobaC 9 CORDOBA. Archivo de la Catedral. MS 9 DresSL 1/D/2 DRESDEN. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. MS Mus. 1/D/2 (olim B. 1272) DresSL Glashütte 5 DRESDEN. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. MS Glashütte 5 (1–2) DresSL Grimma 56 DRESDEN. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. MS Grimma 56 (1–5) DresSL Grimma 57 DRESDEN. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. MS Grimma 57 (1–4) DresSL Löbau 12 DRESDEN. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. MS Löbau 12 (1–6) DresSL Pirna III DRESDEN. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. MS Pirna III DresSL Pirna IV DRESDEN. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. MS Pirna IV ErlU 473/2 ERLANGEN. Universitätsbibliothek. MS 473/2 (olim 791) EscSL 3 ESCORIAL. Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo del Escorial, Biblioteca y Archivo de Música. MS 3 EscSL 4 ESCORIAL. Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo del Escorial, Biblioteca y Archivo de Música. MS 4 FlorBN II.I.285 FLORENCE. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale. MS II. I. 285 (olim Magliabechi XIX. 56) FlorBN Magl.125bis FLORENCE. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale. MS Magliabechi XIX. 125bis FlorD 11 FLORENCE. Duomo, Archivio Musicale dell’Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore. MS 11 GothaF A98 GOTHA. Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Schloss Friedenstein (formerly Landesbibliothek). MS Chart. A. 98 (“Gothaer Chorbuch”) GranCR (5) GRANADA. Capilla Real, Archivo de Música. MS s.s. GranCR 7 GRANADA. Capilla Real, Archivo de Música. MS 7 GuadM (2) GUADALUPE. Real Monasterio de Santa María, Archivo de Música. MS s.s. (2) (olim II; B; 2) HagueKB 74/h/7 THE HAGUE. Koninklijke Bibliotheek. MS 74/h/7 (olim UTRECHT. Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit. MS 202) HamSU (III) HAMBURG. Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek. MS Hans. III, 4 (III) HerdF 9822–3 HERDRINGEN. Schloss Fürstenberg, Bibliothek. MSS 9822–9823 (olim PADERBORN, Erzbischöfliche Akademische Bibliothek) HofG 3713 HOF. Jean-Paul-Gymnasium. MS Paed. 3713 Sbd. HradKM 26 HRADEC KRÁLOVÉ. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv (Regional Museum, Literary Archive). MS II A 26 (a-b) (olim 8710, 8711) HradKM 29 HRADEC KRÁLOVÉ. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv (Regional Museum, Literary Archive). MS II A 29 (olim 8669) HradKM 30 HRADEC KRÁLOVÉ. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv (Regional Museum, Literary Archive). MS II A 30 (olim 8670) InnSA 5374 INNSBRUCK. Schloss Ambras. Inventar #5374 JaenC 7 JAEN. Archivo de la Catedral. MS 7 JenaU 5 JENA. Universitätsbibliothek. MS 5 JenaU 21 JENA. Universitätsbibliothek. MS 21 KasL 24 KASSEL. Murhard’sche Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel und Landesbibliothek. MSS 4o Mus. 24/1–4

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267

KasL 91

KASSEL. Murhard’sche Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel und Landesbibliothek. MSS 4o Mus. 91/1–5 LeidGA 1438 LEIDEN (LEYDEN). Gemeentearchief. Archieven van de Kerken. MS 1438 (olim A; 422; 760; 861; 1003) LeidGA 1439 LEIDEN (LEYDEN). Gemeentearchief. Archieven van de Kerken. MS 1439 (olim B; 423; 761; 862; 1004) LeidGA 1441 LEIDEN (LEYDEN). Gemeentearchief. Archieven van de Kerken. MS 1441 (olim D; 425; 763; 864; 1006) LeidGA 1442 LEIDEN (LEYDEN). Gemeentearchief. Archieven van de Kerken. MS 1442 (olim E; 426; 764; 865; 1007) LeidSM 1440 LEIDEN (LEYDEN). Stedelijk Museum in de Lakenhal. MS 1440 (olim C; 424; 762; 863; 1005) LeuvK 4 LEUVEN (LOUVAIN). Bibliotheek der Katholieke Universiteit te Leuven. MS M4 LeuvU 163 LEUVEN (LOUVAIN). Former Bibliothèque de l’Université. MS 163 LcLPR 13990a LEVOCA. Library of the Protestant Rectory. Mus. Ms. 13990a LonBL 29247 LONDON. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. MS Additional 29247 LonBL 29388–92 LONDON. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. MSS Additional 29388–29392 LonBL 31992 LONDON. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. MS Additional 31992 LonBL 41156–8 LONDON. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. MSS Additional 41156–41158 LonBLR 8 G.vii LONDON. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. MS Royal 8 G. vii LonBLR 11 E.xi LONDON. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. MS Royal 11 E. xi LonRC 1070 LONDON. Royal College of Music. MS 1070 (olim Sacred Harmonic Society S. H. 1721) LonRC 2089 LONDON. Royal College of Music. MS 2089 LucBS 775 LUCCA. Biblioteca Statale. MS 775 LübBH 203 LÜBECK. Bibliothek der Hansestadt Lübeck. MS Mus. A 203 (a-d) LüneR 150 LÜNEBURG. Ratsbücherei. MS Mus. ant. pract. K. N. 150 MadM 6832 MADRID. Private Library of Don Bartolomé March Servera. MS R. 6832 (862) (olim Biblioteca de la Casa del Duque de Medinaceli, MS 607) MadN 2431 MADRID. Biblioteca Nacional, Sección de Música. MS M. 2431 (olim a. L.-2a.-27) MilA 519 MILAN. Biblioteca Ambrosiana. MS Trotti 519 ModAS s.s. MODENA. Archivio di Stato, Biblioteca. MS s.s. (fragments) ModE C.313 MODENA. Biblioteca Estense e Universitaria. MS C.313 (1–4) ModE N.1.2. MODENA. Biblioteca Estense e Universitaria. MS ά. N. 1.2 (Lat. 452; olim V. H. 2) MontsM 753 MONTSERRAT. Biblioteca del Monestir. MS 753 MontsM 767 MONTSERRAT. Biblioteca del Monestir. MS 767 MontsM 771 MONTSERRAT. Biblioteca del Monestir. MS 771 MunBS 10 MUNICH. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica MS 10 (olim H.C. 33; = MaiM 89)

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MunBS 44

MUNICH. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica MS 44 (olim H.C. 67; = MaiM 13) MunBS 69 MUNICH. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica MS 69 (= MaiM 19) MunBS 272 MUNICH. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica MS 272 MunBS 1536 MUNICH. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica MS 1536 (olim Lat. 16527b; = MaiM 132) MunU 328–31 MUNICH. Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität. MSS 8o 328–331 (olim Cim. 44c) MunU 401 MUNICH. Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität. MS 4o Art. 401 (1–4) (olim Cim. 44i) NurGN 83795 NUREMBERG. Bibliothek des Germanischen Nationalmuseums. MS 83795 (olim M 369m) NurLA 28 NUREMBERG. Landeskirchliches Archiv. MS St. Egidien 28 (olim St. Egidien 142) NYorkH 871 NEW YORK. The Hispanic Society Library. MS ** HC 380/871 OpBP 40 OPORTO. Biblioteca Pública Municipale. MS Musical 40 (olim 1609) Oxf BT 389 OXFORD. Bodleian Library. MS Tenbury 389 PadBC D27 PADUA. Biblioteca Capitolare. MS D 27 ParisBNC 1591 PARIS. Bibliothèque Nationale, Département de la Musique. Fonds du Conservatoire, MS Rés. 1591 PiacD (5) PIACENZA. Archivio del Duomo, Fondo Musicale. MS s.s. (5) PueblaC 3 PUEBLA (MEXICO). Archivo de Música Sacra de la Catedral. MS III PueblaC 4 PUEBLA (MEXICO). Archivo de Música Sacra de la Catedral. MS IV RegB 775–7 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 775–77 RegB 786–837 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 786–837 RegB 838–43 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 838–843 RegB 857–60 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 857–860 RegB 861–2 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 861–862 RegB 871–4 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 871–874 RegB 878–82 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 878–882 RegB 883–6 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 883–886 RegB 940–1 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS A.R. 940–941 RegB B223–33 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS B. 223–233 RegB C120 REGENSBURG. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. MS C 120 (olim D XII) (“Pernner Codex”) RegT 2–3 REGENSBURG. Fürst Thurn und Taxis Hofbibliothek. MS Freie Künste Musik 2–3 RegT 3/1 REGENSBURG. Fürst Thurn und Taxis Hofbibliothek. MS Freie Künste Musik 3/I Reggio SP s.s. REGGIO EMILIA. Archivio della Chiesa di San Prospero. MSS s.s. RokyA 22 ROKYCANY. Archiv Děkanství v Rokycanech. MS A V 22 (a-b) RomeM 23–4 ROME. Palazzo Massimo. MSS VI.C.6.23–24 RomeSC 792–5 ROME. Biblioteca Musicale Governativa del Conservatorio di Musica Santa Cecilia. MSS G. 792–795 RomeSM 26 ROME. Santa Maria Maggiore, Archivio del Capitolo. Stanza di musica, MS 26 RomeV 35–40 ROME. Biblioteca Vallicelliana. MS SI 35–40 (olim Inc. 107bis; S. Borromeo E. II.55–60)

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Appendix D: Musical Manuscripts, Prints, and Editions RosU 42/1 SaraP 18 SaraP 34 SegC 3 SevBC 1 SGallS 463 SGallS 464 SilosA 21 StockKM 36 StuttL 3 StuttL 5 StuttL 28 StuttL 37 TarazC 8 ToleBC 17 ToleBC 21 ToleBC 28 ToleBC 31 ToleF 23 TrentAS 105 TrevBC 1 TrevBC 2 TrevBC 4 TrevBC 29 UppsU 76b VallaC s.s. VallaP s.s. VatB 4183 VatC 234 VatG XII.4 VatS 14 VatS 16 VatS 17 VatS 19 VatS 20 VatS 63 VatSM 36 VatV 11953 VerA 218 VerBC 761

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ROSTOCK. Bibliothek der Wilhelm-Pieck-Universität. MS Mus. Saec. XVI-42 (1) SARAGOSSA (ZARAGOZA). Iglesia Metropolitana de la Virgen del Pilar, Archivo Musical. Armario C-3, MS 18 SARAGOSSA (ZARAGOZA). Iglesia Metropolitana de la Virgen del Pilar, Archivo Musical. Armario B-2, MS 34 SEGOVIA. Archivo Capitular de la Catedral. MS 3 SEVILLE. Catedral Metropolitana, Biblioteca del Coro. MS 1 SAINT GALL. Stiftsbibliothek. MS 463 (“Tschudi Liederbuch”) SAINT GALL. Stiftsbibliothek. MS 464 SANTO DOMINGO DE SILOS. Abadía Benedictino, Archivo. MS C 21 STOCKHOLM. Kungliga Musikaliska Akademiens Biblioteket. MS Tyska Kyrkans Samling 36 STUTTGART. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. MS Musica folio I 3 STUTTGART. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. MS Musica folio I 5 STUTTGART. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. MS Musica folio I 28 STUTTGART. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. MS Musica folio I 37 TARAZONA. Archivo Capitular de la Catedral. MS 8 TOLEDO. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. MS B. 17 TOLEDO. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. MS B. 21 TOLEDO. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. MS B. 28 TOLEDO. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. MS B. 31 TOLEDO. Catedral, Obra y Fabrica. MS Reservado 23 TRENT. Archivio di Stato. Sezione tedesca, Nr. 105 TREVISO. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. MS 1 (olim A) TREVISO. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. MS 2 (olim C) TREVISO. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. MS 4 (olim F) TREVISO. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. MS 29 UPPSALA. Universitetsbiblioteket. MS Vokalmusik i Handskrift 76b VALLADOLID. Catedral Metropolitana, Archivo de Música. MS s.s. VALLADOLID. Parroquia de Santiago. MS s.s. (“Diego Sánchez Codex”) VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Barberiniani Latini 4183 VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Chigi C VIII 234 (“Chigi Codex”) VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Cappella Giulia XII 4 VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Cappella Sistina 14 VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Cappella Sistina 16 VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Cappella Sistina 17 VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Cappella Sistina 19 VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Cappella Sistina 20 VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Cappella Sistina 63 VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Santa Maria Maggiore 36 (olim JJ.III.14) VATICAN CITY. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. MS Vaticani Latini 11953 VERONA. Società Accademia Filarmonica. MS CCXVIII VERONA. Biblioteca Capitolare. MS DCCLXI

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VienNB 9814

VIENNA. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriften und Inkunabelsammlung. MS 9814 (olim Rec.1535) (ff.132–152 only) VienNB Mus.15497 VIENNA. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. MS Mus. 15497 (olim Kunsthistorische Staatsmuseum, Sammlung für Plastik und Kunstgewerbe, MS 5132; olim Series nova 2662) VienNB 15499 VIENNA. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. MS Mus. 15499 VienNB 16195 VIENNA. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. MS Mus. 16195 (olim A. N. 38. A. 9) VienNB Mus.18810 VIENNA. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. MS Mus. 18810 (olim A. N. 35. E. 126) VienNB Mus.18832 VIENNA. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. MS Mus. 18832 (olim A. N. 35. H. 27) VienNB 19189 VIENNA. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek. Musiksammlung. MS Mus. 19189 (olim A. N. 44.C.9) WhalleyS 23 WHALLEY (LANCASHIRE). Stonyhurst College Library. MS B. VI. 23 WimbDM s.s. WIMBORNE MINSTER. Private Library of David McGhie. MS s.s. WrocK 352 WROCŁAW (BRESLAU). Biblioteka Kapitulna. MS 352 WrocS 2 WROCŁAW (BRESLAU). Former Stadtbibliothek. MS Mus. 2 WrocS 3 WROCŁAW (BRESLAU). Former Stadtbibliothek. MS Mus. 3 WrocS 5 WROCŁAW (BRESLAU). Former Stadtbibliothek. MS Mus. 5 WrocS 11 WROCŁAW (BRESLAU). Former Stadtbibliothek. MS Mus. 11 WrocS 14 WROCŁAW (BRESLAU). Former Stadtbibliothek. MS Mus. 14 ZwiR 74/1 ZWICKAU. Ratsschulbibliothek. MS LXXIV, 1 ZwiR 94/1 ZWICKAU. Ratsschulbibliothek. MS XCIV, 1 ZwiR 97/2 ZWICKAU. Ratsschulbibliothek. MS XCVII, 2 ZwiR 100/5 ZWICKAU. Ratsschulbibliothek. MS C, 5

prints 1519/2 1520/4 1526/3 1535/3 1537/1 1538/3 1538/4 1539/7 1539/8 1540/3

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Motetti de la corona. Libro tertio [4–6 v.]. Venezia: O. Petrucci, 7 sept. 1519 Liber selectarum cantionum quas vulgo Mutetas appellant sex quinque et quatuor vocum. Augsburg: Grimm 7 Wyrsung, 1520 Motetti de la Corona libro tertio. Roma: G. Pasoti (G. Giunta), sept. 1526 Lib. undecimus XXVI. musicales habet modulos quatuor et quinque vocibus editos. Paris: P. Attaingnant, mart. 1534 Novum et insigne opus musicum, sex, quinque, et quatuor vocum, cuius in Germania hactenus nihil simile usquam est editum. Nürnberg: H. Grapheus (Formschneider), 1537 Secundus tomus novi operis musici, sex, quinque et quatuor vocum, nunc recens in lucem editus. Nürnberg: H. Grapheus, oct. 1538 Primus liber cum quinque vocibus. Mottetti del frutto. Venezia: A. Gardane, sett. 1538 Moteti de la Simia (Liber primus vocum quinque). Ferrara: J. de Buglhat, H. de Campis, & A. Hucher, febr. 1539 Cantiones quinque vocum selectissimae, a primarijs (Germaniae inferioris, Galliae, &Italiae) musices magistris editae. Ante hac typis nondum divulgatae. Numero vigintiocto. Mutetarum liber primus. Strasbourg, P. Schöffer, aug. 1539 Quinque Missae Moralis hispani, ac Jacheti musici eccellentissimi liber primus, cum quinque vocibus, nunc primum omni diligentia in lucem aeditus. Venezia: G. Scotto, 1540.

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Appendix D: Musical Manuscripts, Prints, and Editions 1540/7

1540/16 1541/3 1542/2 1542/5 1543/1 1543/14 [1543]/15 1543/16 1544/19 1544/23

1545/2 1545/6 1545/7

1545/14 1545/16 1546/3

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Selectissimae necnon familiarissimae cantiones, ultra centum vario idiomate vocum, tam multiplicium quam etiam paucar. Fugae quoque, ut vocantur. Besonder ausserlessner kunstlicher lustiger Gesanng mancherlay Sprachen … von acht Stymmen an bis auf zwo:… sinngen und auf Instrument zubrauchen. Augsburg: M. Kriesstein, 1540 Le Parangon des chanson. Sixiesme livre contenant XXV chansons nouvelles au singulier prouffit et delectation des musiciens. Lyon: J. Moderne, 1540 Nicolai Gomberti musici excellentissimi Pentaphthongos harmonia, que quinque vocum Motetta vulgo nominantur. Additis nunc eiusdem quoque ipsius Gomberti, necnon Jachetti & Morales motettis … Liber primus. Venezia: G. Scotto, 1541 Sex missae cum quinque vocibus quarum tres sunt excellentissimi musici Jacheti, reliquae vero celeberrimi Gomberti, recenter in lucem editae. Venezia: G. Scotto, 1542 Quintus liber mottetorum ad quinque, et sex, et septem vocum. Lyon: J. Moderne, 1542 Quinque missarum harmonia diapente, id est quinque voces referens, … Moralis hispani … Ioannis Luppi … Recens in lucem aedita, ac denuo omni diligentia adamussim recognita. Venezia: G. Scotto, 1543 Le Parangon des chansons. Dixiesme livre contenant XXX chansons nouvelles au singulier prouffit et delectation des musiciens imprimé nouvellement. Lyon: J. Moderne, 1543 Vingt et six chansons musicales & nouvelles a cincq parties, convenables tant a la voix comme aussi propices a jouer de divers instruments nouvellement imprimées. Antwerpen: T. Susato (s.d.) Premier livre des chansons a quatre parties auquel sont contenues trente et une nouvelles chansons, convenables tant a la voix comme aux instrumentz. Antwerpen: T. Susato, nov. 1543 Guter, seltzamer, und künstreicher teutscher Gesang, sonderlich ettliche künstliche Quodlibet, Schlacht, und der gleichen, mit vier oder fünff Stimmen, biss her im Truck nicht gesehen. Nürnberg: J. Petreius, 1544 Das ander Buch. Ein new künstlich Lautten Buch für die anfahnenden Schuler die aus rechtem Grund und Kunst nach der Tabulatur gantz leicht ring zu lernen durch ein leicht Exempel dieser Pünbtlein … Mit vil schönen lieblichen Stücken teitscher und welscher Tentz auch vil artlicher guter welischer und frantzösischer Stück auch zwo Schlacht die vor Bafia und die frantzösisch die seind mit allem Fleys mit lieblicher Colloratur gemacht dies ein jeder zu seinem Lust gebrauchen mag. Durch mich Hansen Newsidler Lutinisten und Burger zu Nürnberg zusammen gebracht und offenlich aussgangen … Nürnberg: H. Günther, 1544 Concentus octo, sex, quinque & quatuor vocum, omnium iucundissimi, nuspiam antea six aediti … Augsburg: P. Ulhard, 1545 Bicinia gallica, latina, germanica, ex praestantissimis musicorum monumentis collecta, & secundum seriem tonorum disposita. Tomus primus. Studioso musicae … Wittenberg: G. Rhaw, 1545 Secundus tomus biciniorum, quae et ipsa sunt gallica, latina, germanica ex praestantissimis symphonistis collecta, et in Germania typis nunquam excusa. Additae sunt quaedam, ut vocant, fugae, plenae artis et suavitatis. Wittenberg: G. Rhaw, 29 mai 1545 Le sixiesme livre contenant trente et une chansons nouvelles a cincq et a six parties convenables et propices a jouer de tous instrumentz nouvellement imprimés … Antwerpen: T. Susato, janv. 1545 Le huitiesme livre des chansons a quatre parties auquel sont contenues trente et deux chansons convenables tant a la voix comme aux instrumentz … Antwerpen: T. Susato, mai 1545 Liber primus missarum quinque vocum, a diversis musicis compositarum … Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1546

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Liber secundus sacrarum cantionum, quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, ex optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis selectarum. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1546 Sex misse dulcissime modulationis aures omnium mulcentes vocibus quinque. Quarum prima Mantue Capelle magistri Jacheti est, tres sequentes Gomberti sunt, due tamen Jacheti Berchem, suis cum nominibus ut in indice continetur, expurgate plurimis erroribus denuo prodeunt in lucem. Venezia: A. Gardane, 1547 Quinque missarum harmonia diapente id est quinque voces referens … Venezia: A. Gardane, 1547 Liber tertius sacrarum cantionum, quatuor vocum, vulgo Moteta vocant, ex optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis selectarum. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1547 Liber quartus sacrarum cantionum, quatuor vocum vulgo moteta vocant, ex optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis selectarum. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1547 Intabolatura de lauto di Simon Gintzler musico del reverendissimo cardinale di Trento, de recercari motetti madrigali et canzon francese novamente posta in luce. Libro primo. Venezia: A. Gardane, 1547 Libro de musica de vihuela intitulado Silva de sirenas. En el qual se hallara toda diversidad de musica. Compuesto por Enrriquez Valderravano … Valladolid: F. Fernandez de Cordova, 1547 Lamentationes Hieremiae Prophetae, maxime lugubribus et querulis concentibus musicis, decoro undiquaque eruditissime observato: compositae à clarissimis nostri seculi musicis: Thoma Crequilone Caesarei chori magistro, Johanne Gardano, Petro de la Rue, flandro. Antonio Fevino. Claudio de Sermisy, … et alio quodam incerto authore. Nürnberg: J. von Berg & U. Neuber, 1549 Il primo libro de motetti a sei voce, da diversi eccellentissimi musici composti, et non piu stampati novamente posti in luce, et con somma diligentia coretti. Venezia: G. Scotto, 1549 Excellentis, autorum diverse modulationes que sub titulo Fructus vagantur per orbem, a Hieronymo Scoto nuper recognite & edite. Liber primus cum quinque vocibus. Venezia: G. Scotto, 1549 Excellentiss. autorum diverse modulationes que sub titulo Fructus vagantur per orbem, ab Antonio Gardane nuper recognita. Liber primus cum quinque vocibus. Venezia: A. Gardane, 1549 Il terzo libro di motetti a cinque voci di Cipriano de Rore, et de altri excellentissimi musici, novamente ristampato, con una buona gionta de motetti novi. Venezia: A. Gardane, 1549 Libro secondo de li motetti a tre voce, da diversi eccellentissimi musici composti, & non piu stampati: novamente missi in luce, & con somma diligentia coretti. Venezia: G. Scotto, 1549 Carmina vere divina, a praestantissimis artificibus ad singula anni festa quinque vocibus sic composita, ut plane appareat impetum illum musicum sedibus aethereis venire excellentibus ingenijs … Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber, 1550 Nicolai Gomberti musici imperatorii motectorum, nuperrime maxima diligentia in lucem aeditorum. Liber primus quatuor vocum … Venezia: A. Gardane, 1551 Nicolai Gomberti musici excellentissimi cum quinque vocibus liber secundus. Venezia: A. Gardane, 1552 La bataglia taliana composta da M. Mathias fiamengo, maestro di capella del Domo di Milano, con alcune villotte piacevole novamente con ogni diligentia ristampate et corrette. Aggiontovi anchora una villotta alla padoana. Con quattro parte a quatro voci. Venezia: A. Gardane, 1552

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Hortus Musarum in quo tanquam flosculi quidam selectissimorum carminum collecti sunt ex optimis quibusque autoribus. Et primo ordine continentur … quae fantasiae dicuntur. Deinde cantica quatuor vocum. Post, carmina graviora, quae muteta appellantur, eaque quatuor, quinque, ac sex vocum. Demum addita sunt carmina longe elegantissima duabus testudinibus canenda, hactenus nunquam impressa. Collectore Petro Phalesio … Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1552 Liber primus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quatuor vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1553 Liber secundus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quatuor vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1553 Liber tertius ecclesiasticarum cantionem quatuor vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1553 Liber quartus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1553 Liber quintus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Omnes primi toni. Antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1553 Liber sextus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Omnes primi toni. Antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1553 Liber septimus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Antea nunquam excusus omnes de uno tono. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1553 Liber octavus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Omnes de uno tono Antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1553 Quart livre de tabulature de guiterre contenant plusieurs fantasies, pseaulmes, et chansons: avec l’Alouette, & la Guerre, composées par M. Gregoire Brayssing de Augusta. Paris: A. le Roy & R. Ballard, 1553 Liber primus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1554 Liber secundus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1554 Liber tertius cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1554 Liber quartus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1554 Liber sextus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1554 Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis quibusque musicis in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber primus. Antwerpen: J. Laet et H. Waelrant, 1554 Liber nonus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Omnes quasi de uno tono antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1554

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Evangelia dominicorum et festorum dierum musicis numeris pulcherrimè comprehensa & ornata. Tomi primi continentis historias & doctrinam, quae solent in Ecclesia proponi. De Nativitate. De Epiphanijs. De Resurrectione Jesu Christi. Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber, 1554 Tomus quartus Psalmorum selectorum, quatuor et plurium vocum. Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber, 1554 Motetti del Laberinto, a quatro voci libro secondo. Sacrarum cantionum sive motettorum, Thome Cricquillonis: Clementis non Papae, aliorumque praestantissimorum auctorum … Venezia: G. Scotto, 1554 Motetti del Laberinto. A quatro voci libro terzo. Sacrarum cantionum sive motettorum, Thomae Cricquillonis, Clementis non Papae, aliorumque praestantissimorum auctorum … Venezia: G. Scotto, 1554 Motetti del Laberinto, a cinque voci libro quarto. Sacrarum cantionum sive motettorum, Thomae Cricquillonis, Clementis non Papae, aliorumque praestantissimorum auctorum … Venezia: G. Scotto, 1554 Libro de musica para vihuela, intitulado Orphenica lyra. En el qual se contienen muchas y diversas obras. Compuesto por Miguel de Fuenllana … Sevilla: Martin de Montesdoca, 1554 Liber primus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1555 Liber secundus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque & sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1555 Liber septimus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant quinque & sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1555 Liber octavus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque sex septem & octo vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1555 Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis quibusque musicis in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber secundus. Antwerpen: H. Waelrant & J. Laet, 1555 Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum, ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis quibusque musicis in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber tertius. Antwerpen: H. Waelrant & J. Laet, 1555 Liber decimus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Unius toni omnes antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1555 Liber undecimus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Unius toni omnes antea nunquam excusus. Antwerpen: T. Susato, 1555 Secundus tomus Evangeliorum, quatuor, quinque, sex, et plurium vocum. Continens historias & doctrinam, quae in Ecclesia proponi solet: de Ascensione Christi. De Missione Spiritus Sancti. Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber, 1555 Tertius tomus Evangeliorum, quatuor, quinque, sex, et plurium vocum. Continens historias & doctrinam, quae in Ecclesia proponi solet: de Trinitate. De Dedicatione Templi. De Coena Dominica. Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber, 1555 Quartus liber modulorum, quatuor, quinque et sex vocum, (quos vulgus moteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus, & nunc primùm in lucem aeditus. [Genève], S. Du Bosc & G. Guéroult, 1555 Cinquiesme livre de tabulature de leut, contenant plusieurs chansons, fantaisies, motetz, pavanes et gaillardes. Composées par feu messire Albert de Rippe, de Mantoue, seigneur du Carois, ioueur de leut, & varlet de chambre du Roy. Paris: M. Fezandat, 1555

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Liber septimus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque & sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1556 1556/2 Liber octavus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque sex septem & octo vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1556 [1556]/5 Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quatuor vocum, ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis, quibusque musicis, in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber secundus. Antwerpen: H. Waelrant & J. Laet, (s.d.) 1556/6 Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum, ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis, quibusque musicis, in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber quartus. Antwerpen: H. Waelrant & J. Laet, 1556 [1556]/9 Sextus tomus Evangeliorum, et piarum sententiarum. Quatuor, sex, et octo vocum. Continens historias & doctrinam, quae in Ecclesia proponi solet: de Poenitentia. Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber (s.d.) 1556/11 Septimus liber modulorum, quatuor, quinque et sex vocum, (quos vulgus moteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus, & nunc primùm in lucem aeditus. [Genève], S. Du Bosc, 1556 1557/5 Liber quartus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1557 1558/4 Novum et insigne opus musicum, sex, quinque, et quatuor vocum, cuius in Germania hactenus nihil simile usquam est editum. Nunc quidem locupletatum plus centum non minus elegantibus carminibus, tum Josquini, tum aliorum clarissimorum symphonistarum tam veterum quàm recentiorum, quorum quaedam antehac sunt edita, multa nunc primum in lucem exeunt … Cantionum sex vocum. Nürnberg: J. von Berg & U. Neuber, 1558 1558/5 Liber sextus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1558 1558/6 Liber septimus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1558 1558/7 Liber octavus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque sex septem et octo vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1558 1558/20 Tabulaturbuch auff die Lauten von Moteten frantzösischen-welschen und teütschen geystlichen und weltlichen Liedern, sampt etlichen jren Texten, mit vieren fünffen und sechs Stimmen dergleichen vor nie im Truck aussgangen … durch Sebastian Ochsenkhun … zusamen ordinirt und gelesen … Heidelberg; J. Kohlen, 1558 1559/1 Secunda pars magni operis musici, continens clarissimorum symphonistarum tam veterum quàm recentiorum, praecipue vero Clementis non Papae, carmina elegantissima. Quinque vocum Jesus Syrach XL. Cap. vinum & musica laetificant cor. Nürnberg: J. von Berg & U. Neuber, 1559 1559/2 Tertia pars magni operis musici, continens clarissimorum symphonistarum tam veterum quàm recentiorum, praecipue vero Clementis non Papae, Carmina elegantissima. Quatuor vocum … Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber, 1559 1559/3 Liber quartus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1559 [1559]/4 Tertius liber modulorum, quatuor et quinque vocum, (quos vulgus Motteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus. [Genève], M. Sylvius (s.d.) 1560/3–1561/1a Liber octavus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant quinque et sex septem & octo vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1560, 1561 1564/1 Thesaurus musicus continens selectissimas octo, septem, sex, quinque et quatuor vocum Harmonias, tam à veteribus quàm recentioribus symphonistis compositas, & ad omnis generis instrumenta musica accomodatas. Tomi primi continentis cantiones octo vocum … Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber, 1564 1564/5 Thesauri musici tomus quintus, et ultimus, continens sacras harmonias quatuor vocibus compositas. Quatuor vocum … Nürnberg: J. Montanus & U. Neuber, 1564 1556/1

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Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V Quinque missarum harmonia cum quinque vocibus quarum nomina subsequuntur. Morales hispani. Lomme armé. Queramus cum pastoribus. De Beata Virgine. Ioannis Luppi. Surrexit pastor bonus. Veni sponsa Christi. Recens in lucem aedita, ac denuo omni diligentia recognita. Venezia: G. Scotto, 1565 Praestantissimorum artificum lectissimae Missae cum quinque tum sex vocum, binis singulae supremis vocibus formatae, e nobilissimis quibusque atque optimis Musarum bellarijs, velut dulcissimi Fructus in hoc promptuarium comportatae,… editae per Michaelem Voctum, … Wittenberg: J. Schwertel, 1568 Liber secundus. Suavissimarum et iucundissimarum harmoniarum: quinque et quatuor vocum, ex duabus vocibus fluentium, quae à praestantissimis artificibus huius artis compositae, nunc primum in lucem sunt aeditae,… Clemente Stephani buchaviense,… selectore … Nürnberg: U. Neuber, 1568 Selectissima elegantissimaque, gallica, italica et latina in guiterna ludenda carmina, quibus adduntur et fantasiae, passomezi, saltarelli, galliardi,almandes, branles et similia, ex optimis elegantissimisque collecta et iam cum omni diligentia recens impressa. His accessit luculenta quaedam & perutilis institutio qua quisque citra alicuius subsidium artem facillimè percipiet. Louvain: P. Phalèse; Antwerpen: J. Bellère, 1570 Tabulaturbuch auff Orgeln und Instrument darinne auff alle Sontage und hohen Fest durchs gantze Jhar auserlesene, liebliche und künstliche Moteten so mit den Evangelijs, Episteln, Introitibus, Responsorijs, Antiphonis, Oder derselben Historien uberein kommen … der fürnembsten unnd berümbsten Componisten verfasset … Mit sonderlichem Fleis auserlesen in eine richtige Ordnung bracht abgesatzt und in Druck vorfertiget durch Johannem Rühling von Born … Der erste Theil … Leipzig: J. Beyer, 1583 Das ander Buch. Ein new künstlich Lautten Buch für die anfahnenden Schuler die aus rechtem Grund und Kunst nach der Tabulatur gantz leicht ring zu lernen durch ein leicht Exempel dieser Pünbtlein … Mit vil schönen lieblichen Stücken teitscher und welscher Tentz auch vil artlicher guter welischer und frantzösischer Stück auch zwo Schlacht die vor Bafia und die frantzösisch die seind mit allem Fleys mit lieblicher Colloratur gemacht dies ein jeder zu seinem Lust gebrauchen mag. Durch mich Hansen Newsidler Lutinisten und Burger zu Nürnberg zusammen gebracht und offenlich aussgangen … Nürnberg: H. Günther, 1544 Intabolatura de lauto di Simon Gintzler musico del reverendissimo cardinale di Trento, de recercari motetti madrigali et canzon francese novamente posta in luce. Libro primo. Venezia: A. Gardane, 1547 Libro de musica de vihuela intitulado Silva de sirenas. En el qual se hallara toda diversidad de musica. Compuesto por Enrriquez Valderravano … Valladolid: F. Fernandez de Cordova, 1547 Hortus Musarum in quo tanquam flosculi quidam selectissimorum carminum collecti sunt ex optimis quibusque autoribus. Et primo ordine continentur … quae fantasiae dicuntur. Deinde cantica quatuor vocum. Post, carmina graviora, quae muteta appellantur, eaque quatuor, quinque, ac sex vocum. Demum addita sunt carmina longe elegantissima duabus testudinibus canenda, hactenus nunquam impressa. Collectore Petro Phalesio … Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1552 Quart livre de tabulature de guiterre contenant plusieurs fantasies, pseaulmes, et chansons: avec l’Alouette, & la Guerre, composées par M. Gregoire Brayssing de Augusta. Paris: A. le Roy & R. Ballard, 1553 Libro de musica para vihuela, intitulado Orphenica lyra. En el qual se contienen muchas y diversas obras. Compuesto por Miguel de Fuenllana … Sevilla: Martin de Montesdaoca, 1554 Cinquiesme livre de tabulature de leut, contenant plusieurs chansons, fantaisies, motetz, pavanes et gaillardes. Composées par feu messire Albert de Rippe, de Mantoue, seigneur du Carois, ioueur de leut, & varlet de chambre du Roy. Paris: M. Fezandat, 1555

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Brown 1557/2 Libro de Cifra Nueva para Tecla, Harpa, y Vihuela, en el qual se enseña brevemente cantar canto llano, y canto de organo, y algunos avisos para contrapunto. Compuesto por Luys Venegas de Henestrosa. Dirigido al Illustrissimo señor don Diego Tavera, obispo de Jaen. Alcala: Joan de Brocar, 1557 Brown 1558/5 Tabulaturbuch auff die Lauten von Moteten frantzösischen-welschen und teütschen geystlichen und weltlichen Liedern, sampt etlichen jren Texten, mit vieren fünffen und sechs Stimmen dergleichen vor nie im Truck aussgangen … durch Sebastian Ochsenkhun … zusamen ordinirt und gelesen … Heidelberg: J. Kohlen, 1558 Brown 1570/4 Selectissima elegantissimaque, gallica, italica et latina in guiterna ludenda carmina, quibus adduntur et fantasiae, passomezi, saltarelli, galliardi, almandes, branles et similia, ex optimis elegantissimisque collecta et iam cum omni diligentia recens impressa. His accessit luculenta quaedam & perutilis institutio qua quisque citra alicuius subsidium artem facillimè percipiet. Louvain: P. Phalèse; Antwerpen: J. Bellère, 1570 Brown 1583/6 Tabulaturbuch auff Orgeln und Instrument darinne auff alle Sontage und hohen Fest durchs gantze Jhar auserlesene, liebliche und künstliche Moteten so mit den Evangelijs, Episteln, Introitibus, Responsorijs, Antiphonis, Oder derselben Historien uberein kommen … der fürnembsten unnd berümbsten Componisten verfasset … Mit sonderlichem Fleis auserlesen in eine richtige Ordnung bracht abgesatzt und in Druck vorfertiget durch Johannem Rühling von Born … Der erste Theil … Leipzig: J. Beyer, 1583

single-composer prints B4295 Gregor Brayssing. Quart livre de tabulature de guitarre contenant plusieurs fantasies, pseaulmes, et chansons: avec L’Alouette, & la Guerre. Paris: Adrian Le Roy & Robert Ballard, 1553 C2702 Jacobus Clemens non Papa. Liber quintus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quatuor vocum. Leuven, Pierre Phalèse, 1559 C4406 Thomas Crecquillon. Liber septimus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quatuor vocum. Leuven, Pierre Phalèse, 1559 C4410 Thomas Crecquillon. Opus sacrarum cantionum (quas vulgo moteta vocant) … quatuor, quinque, sex et octo vocum, tam vivae voci quam musicis instrumentis accommodatum. Leuven, Pierre Phalèse, 1576 G2977 Nicolas Gombert. Musica quatuor vocum, (vulgo motecta nuncupatur), lyris maioribus, ac tibijs imparibus accomodata … liber primus. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1539 G2979 Nicolas Gombert. Reprint of G2977. Venezia: Antonio Gardano, 1541 G2980 Nicolas Gombert. Abbreviated reprint of G2979. Venezia: Antonio Gardano, 1551 G2981 Nicolas Gombert. Musica … (vulgo motecta quinque vocum nuncupata) in qua facile comperies quantum in hac arte, inventione alijs omnibus praevaleat … liber primus. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1539 G2982 Nicolas Gombert. Pentaphthongos harmonia, que quinque vocum motetta vulgo nominantur, additis nunc eiusdem quoque ipsius Gomberti, necnon Jachetti & Morales motettis … liber primus. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1541 G2983 Nicolas Gombert. Reprint of G2982. Venezia: Antonio Gardano, 1552 G2986 Nicolas Gombert. Third edition of Motectorum quinque vocum … liber secundus (G2984). Venezia: Antonio Gardano, 1552 J6 Jachet de Mantua. Motecta quinque vocum … liber primus ([S, A, T, B:] Del primo libro dei motetti a cinque voci …). Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1539 J8 Jachet de Mantua. Motetti … a cinque voci, libro primo di nuovo ristampati. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1565

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278 J678 M1404 M1405 M1406 M3575 M3578 M3579 M3580 M3581 M3582 M3583 M3589 O96 V1108 W1110 W1111

Josquin Desprez. Moduli, ex sacris literis dilecti et in 4, 5, et 6 voces distincti, liber primus. Paris: Adrian Le Roy & Robert Ballard, 1555 Herman Verrecorensis Matthias. La Bataglia Taliana … con alcune villotte piacevole novamente … sstampate [!] & corrette, a quatro voci. Venezia: Antonio Gardano, 1549 Herman Verrecorensis Matthias. Reprint of M1404. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1550 Herman Verrecorensis Matthias. … aggiontovi anchora una villotta alla padoana con quatro parte, a quattro voci. Venezia: Antonio Gardano, 1552 Cristóbal de Morales. Quinque missae Moralis Hispani, ac Jacheti … liber primus, cum quinque vocibus. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1540 Cristóbal de Morales. Quinque missarum harmonia diapente, id est quinque voces referens … Moralis Hispani … Ioannis Luppi. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1543 Cristóbal de Morales. Quinque missarum harmonia cum quinque vocibus. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1565 Cristóbal de Morales. Missarum [a 4–6 v] liber primus. Roma: Valerio Dorico & Ludovico fratres, 1544 Cristóbal de Morales. Reprint of M3580. Lyon: Jacques Moderne, 1546. Cristóbal de Morales. Missarum [4–6 v] liber secundus. Roma: Valerio Dorico & Ludovico fratres, 1544 Cristóbal de Morales. Reprint of M3582. Lyon: Jacques Moderne, 1551 Cristóbal de Morales. Quinque missarum harmonia diapente id est quinque voces referens. Venezia: Antonio Gardano, 1547 Benedictus de Opitiis. [Hymnen:] Sub tuum presidium. Summe laudis o Maria [a 4 v, aus einer Sammlung zu Ehren Kaiser Maximilians; Notendruck von Holzblöcken]. Antwerpen: Jan de Gheet, 1515 Luys Venegas de Henestrosa. Libro de cifra nueva para tecla, arpa, y vihuela, en el qual se enseña brevemente cantar el canto llano y canto de organo, y algunos avisos para contrapunto. Alcalá: Ioan de Brocar, 1557 Adrian Willaert. Musica quinque vocum (quae vulgo motecta nuncupatur)… liber primus. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1539 Adrian Willaert. Musica quinque vocum (quae vulgo motecta nuncupantur) … liber primus. Venezia: Girolamo Scotto, 1550

modern editions BridgmPMC BusnoysO ClemensO CrecqW DTO FestaO FevinO GombertO

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Nanie Bridgman, ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai, le 20 janvier 1540’, in Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, vol. 2: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1960), pp. 235–53 Antoine Busnoys: Collected Works, ed. Richard Taruskin, Masters and Monuments of the Renaissance 5 (New York, 1990–) Jacobus Clemens non Papa: Opera Omnia, ed. K. Ph. Bernet Kempers and Chris Maas, CMM 4 (Rome, 1951–76) Thomas Crecquillon: Collected Works, ed. Barton Hudson, Mary Tiffany Ferer, and Laura Youens, CMM 63 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974–) Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, ed. Guido Adler et al. (Graz and Vienna, 1894–) Costanzo Festa Opera Omnia, ed. Alexander Main and Albert Seay, CMM 25 (Rome, 1962–) Les Œuvres complètes d’Antoine de Févin, ed. Edward Clinkscale (Henryville, Ottawa, and Binningen, 1980–) Nicolai Gombert: Opera Omnia, ed. Joseph Schmidt-Görg, CMM 6 (Rome, 1951–75)

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279

Arnolt Schlick: Hommage à l’Empereur Charles-Quint: Dix Versets pour Orgue, ed. M. S. Kastner and M. Querol Gavaldá (Barcelona, 1954) HenestrosaA La musica en la corte de Carlos V: Con la transcription del Libro de cifra nueva para tecla, harpa y vihuela de Luys Venegas de Henestrosa (1557), ed. Higinio Anglès, Monumentos de la musica española 2 (Barcelona, 1944) HSMS Hispaniae schola musica sacra, ed. Philippo Pedrell, 8 vols (Barcelona, 1894–8) JachetO Jachet of Mantua: Opera Omnia, ed. Philip Jackson and George Nugent, CMM 54 (n.p., 1971–) JosquinW Werken van Josquin des Près, ed. A. Smijers et al. (Amsterdam, 1921–69) LaRueO Pierre de la Rue: Opera Omnia, ed. Nigel Davison, J. Evan Kreider, and T. Herman Keahey, CMM 97 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1989–) LenAN The Art of the Netherlanders, ed. René Bernard Lenaerts, Anthology of Music 22 (Cologne, 1964) LupiO Johannes Lupi: Opera Omnia, ed. Bonnie J. Blackburn, CMM 84 (NeuhausenStuttgart, 1980–) ManchiO Pierre de Manchicourt: Opera Omnia, ed. John D. Wicks, CMM 55 (NeuhausenStuttgart, 1971–) MME Monumentos de la música española, ed. Higinio Anglès et al. (Madrid, 1941–) MPLSER Monumenta Polyphoniae Liturgicae Sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae, ed. Laurence Feininger (Rome, 1947–) NJE New Josquin Edition, ed. Willem Elders et al. (Utrecht, 1987–) OpitiisS Benedictus de Opitiis: Sub tuum praesidium; Summae laudis, O Maria, ed. Charles van den Borren (The Hague, 1925) PickCA The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria: MSS 228 and 11239 of the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels, ed. Martin Picker (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1965) PickM Martin Picker, ‘The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria: MSS. 228 and 11239 of the Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels’, Annales Musicologiques 6 (1958–63), pp. 145–285 PrizCPO William F. Prizer, ‘Charles V, Philip II, and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, in Essays on Music and Culture in Honor of Herbert Kellman, ed. Barbara Haggh (Paris and Tours, 2001), pp. 161–88 RhauMD Bicinia Gallica, Latina, Germanica, Tomus I, II (1545), ed. Bruce Bellingham, Musikdrucke aus den Jahren 1538–1545 in praktischer Neuausgabe 6 (Kassel, 1980) RobiVA John Orian Robison, ‘Vienna, Nationalbibliothek Manuscript 18810: A Transcription of the Unpublished Pieces with Comments on Performance Practice in Early Sixteenth-Century Germany’ (DMA thesis, Stanford U., 1975) RRMR Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance (New Haven and Madison, 1964–) SalmIMSA Walter Salmen, ed., Imperiale Musik von Schloss Ambras aus der Regierungszeit Karl V. und Ferdinand I (Innsbruck, 1992) SCC Jane A. Bernstein, ed., The Sixteenth-Century Chanson (New York, 1987–95) SCM Richard Sherr, ed., The Sixteenth-Century Motet (New York, 1987–96) SenflW Ludwig Senfl: Sämtliche Werke, ed. Arnold Geering et al. (Wolfenbüttel and Zurich, 1949–) [first four volumes published as vols. 5, 10, 13, and 15 of Das Erbe deutscher Musik] SermisyO Claudin de Sermisy: Opera Omnia, ed. Gaston Allaire and Isabelle Cazeaux, CMM 52 (n.p., 1960–) SlimGM H. Colin Slim, ed., A Gift of Madrigals and Motets (Chicago and London, 1972) HECQ

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Robert J. Snow, ‘The Extant Music of Adrien Thiebault, Maestro of the Flemish Chapel of Charles V, 1526–1540’, Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicologia 12 (1996), pp. 459–509 StevensnSCM Robert Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961) TLM A. Smijers, ed., Treize livres de motets parus chez Pierre Attaingnant en 1534 et 1535 (Paris, 1934–64) WagMDSCM Grayson Wagstaff, ed., Matins for the Dead in Sixteenth-Century Colonial Mexico: Mexico City Cathedral 3 and Puebla Cathedral 3 (Ottawa, 2007) WalterW Johann Walter: Sämtliche Werke, ed. Otto Schröder et al. (Kassel and Basel, 1953–70) WilderW Philip van Wilder: Collected Works, ed. Jane A. Bernstein, Masters and Monuments of the Renaissance IV/1 (New York, 1991) WillaertO Adriani Willaert Opera Omnia, ed. H. Zenck et al. CMM 3 (Rome, 1950–) SnowEMT

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Glossary The following is provided for the reader who may not be familiar with the specialized or foreign terminology of the period of Charles V. alternatim  in alternation atabaleros (Spanish)  drummers bascontres (French)  singers with the lowest voice range, comparable to a modern bass or baritone cantus firmus  a pre-existent melody chosen by a composer to be the underpinning of a new polyphonic composition (see ‘polyphony’ below) cantus firmus ostinato  a cantus firmus that is presented repeatedly throughout a composition chanson (French)  a French secular song choirbook  a book of polyphony in which all the vocal parts appear together on the same opening; compare partbook clarin (Spanish)  a small, straight trumpet contrafactum (Latin)  a composition in which an original text has been replaced by a new one dessus (French)   singers with the highest voice range, comparable to a modern soprano (equivalent to Spanish tiples) discant  a form of simple polyphony in note-against-note style, possibly improvised fabordon (Spanish)  a setting of a liturgical text for voices in a simple chordal style haultecontres (French)  singers with the next to highest voice range, comparable to a modern contratenor or alto haulteneurs (French)  singers with the next to lowest voice range, comparable to a modern tenor intabulation  an arrangement for keyboard or plucked stringed instrument of a work originally composed for voices mass  a polyphonic setting of the Latin mass Ordinary: that is, those texts which do not change from day to day, usually designated by their first word: Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, Sanctus, Agnus Dei melisma  a group of notes assigned to a single syllable of a vocal composition menestrelz (French)  instrumentalists ministriles (Spanish)  instrumentalists ministriles altos (Spanish)  players of wind instruments motet  a polyphonic setting of a Latin text which is not part of the mass Ordinary musette (French)  a French bagpipe nakers  small kettledrums used in pairs office or Divine Office  a series of eight services held daily, and named Matins, Lauds, Prime, Terce, Sext, None, Vespers, Compline partbook  a book containing music for a single voice in a polyphonic composition or (more usually) collection of polyphonic compositions; compare choirbook pifferi (Italian)  players of wind instruments polyphony  music consisting of different melodies sung or played simultaneously quintus  a fifth part in a polyphonic composition, with no particular range implied rebec  a bowed string instrument, usually with three strings romance (Spanish)  a type of secular Spanish song sackbut  a brass instrument with a slide, the predecessor of the trombone secunda pars (Latin)  the second part of a motet shawm  a double reed wind instrument

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soggeto cavato (Italian)  a musical theme made up by using the solmization syllables (q.v.) corresponding to the vowels of a name or title. E.g. Carolus Imperator Romanorum Quintus = fa sol ut mi re fa sol sol fa sol ut mi ut = F G C E D F G G F G C E C using the C major scale. solmization syllables  ut, re, mi, fa, sol, la, designating the first six notes of the major scale tablature  a type of notation used for intabulations (q.v.) in which pitch and rhythm are indicated symbols other than the standard types tabor  a small side drum tailles (French)  singers with the next to lowest voice range, comparable to a modern tenor tamborin (Spanish)  a tabor (q.v.) tamburins d’Alemaigne (French)  German tambourines tañedor de arpa (Spanish)  player of a harp tañedor de rabe (Spanish)  player of the Spanish version of a rebec (q.v.) tañedores de la vihuela (Spanish)  players of the vihuela (q.v.) tañedores de la vihuela de arco (Spanish)  players of a bowed instrument – a viol or a close relative tiples (Spanish)  singers with the highest voice range, comparable to a modern soprano (equivalent to French dessus) trompetas (Spanish)  trumpets trompettes de guerre (French)  a folded oblong form of natural trumpet trompettes de menestrelz (French)  a form of slide trumpet vihuela  a Spanish plucked string instrument, resembling a lute villancico (Spanish)  a type of Spanish secular song Liturgical Terms: Antiphon, Introit, Invitatory, Magnificat, Nunc Dimittis, Responsory, Sequence – special portions of the mass and Divine Office originally in chant, set in polyphony by this period

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Bibliography Aizpurua, Pedro, ‘Presentación de las Pasiones y biografía musical’, in Juan de Anchieta (c. 1462– 1523): Cuatro Pasiones Polifónicas, ed. Dionisio Preciado (Madrid, 1995). Anderson, Jaynie, ‘ “Le roi ne meurt jamais”: Charles V’s Obsequies in Italy’, Studia Albornotiana 36 (1979), pp. 379–99. Andrés, Gregorio de, Catálogo de los manuscritos del Instituto Valencia de Don Juan, photocopy of typescript (Madrid, 1983). Anglès, Higinio, ed., La música en la corte de Carlos V, Monumentos de la música española 2 (Barcelona, 1944). Anglo, Sydney, ‘Le Camp du Drap d’Or et les entrevues d’Henri VIII et de Charles Quint’, in Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, vol. 2: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1960), pp. 113–34. Anonymous, ‘Relation de l’entrée et de l’inauguration de Charles-Quint á Valenciennes, 13–14 octobre 1521’ in Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 2, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1874), pp. 559–61. —   — ‘Relation de la joyeuse entrée et de l’inauguration de l’archiduc Charles à Gand, les 3 et 4 mars 1515’, in Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 2, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1874), pp. 524–30. —   — ‘Relation du deuxième voyage de Philippe le Beau en 1506’, in Collection des voyages de souverains des Pays-Bas, vol. 1, ed. Louis Prosper Gachard (Brussels, 1876), pp. 387–480. Antiphonale monasticum pro diurnis horis (Rome, 1934). Aram, Bethany, ‘Juana “the Mad’s” Signature: The Problem of Invoking Royal Authority, 1505– 1507’, The Sixteenth Century Journal 29 (1998), pp. 331–58. —   — Juana the Mad: Sovereignty and Dynasty in Renaissance Europe (Baltimore and London, 2005). ‘Archivo General de Simancas, Inventario No. 29, Seccion X: Casa Real, Obras y Bosques’, unpublished typewritten inventory. ‘Archivo General de Simancas, Inventory of Legajos Casa y Sitios Reales, Serie 9a’, unpublished typewritten catalogue. Barbeito, José Manuel, ‘Spaces for Court Music’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 197–215. Barbieri, Francisco Asenjo, Documentos sobre música española y epistolario, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio, Legado Barbieri 2 (Madrid, 1988). Bataillon, Marcel, ‘Plus Oultre: La Cour découvre le Nouveau Monde’, in Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, vol. 2: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1960), pp. 13–27. Belozerskaya, Marina, Luxury Arts of the Renaissance (Los Angeles, 2005). Bernet Kempers, K. Ph., ‘Bibliography of the Sacred Works of Jacobus Clemens non Papa: A Classified List, with a Notice on his Life’, Musica Disciplina 18 (1964), pp. 85–150. Bermudo, Juan, Declaración de instrumentos musicales, 1555, facsimile edition, ed. Macario Santiago Kastner, Documenta Musicologica 11 (Kassel and Basel, 1957). Bernstein, Jane A., Music Printing in Renaissance Venice: The Scotto Press, 1539–1572 (New York and Oxford, 1998). Birkendorf, Rainer, Der Codex Pernner: Quellenkundliche Studien zu einer Musikhandschrift des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, Sammlung Proske, Ms. C120) (Augsburg, 1994). Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘Johannes Lupi and Lupus Hellinck: A Double Portrait’, The Musical Quarterly 59 (1973), pp. 547–83. —   — ‘The Lupus Problem’ (PhD diss., U. of Chicago, 1970). Blanquet, Maria Antonia Virgili, ‘La Capilla Musical de Felipe II en 1562’, Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicología 4 (1988), pp. 271–80.

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Blockmans, Wim, Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558, trans. Isola van den Hoven-Vardon (London, 2002). —   — ‘The Emperor’s Subjects’, trans. Alastair Weir, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 227–83. —   — ‘Prosperous Times’, in The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts, 1500–1535, ed. Herbert Kellman (Ghent and Amsterdam, 1999), pp. 7–9. —   — and Nicolette Mout, eds, The World of Emperor Charles V: Proceedings of the Colloquium, Amsterdam 4–6 October 2000 (Amsterdam, 2004). Bossuyt, Ignace, ‘Charles V: A Life Story in Music: Chronological Outline of Charles’ Political Career through Music’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 83–160. —   — ‘Introduction’, in Mathias Werrecore, La Bataglia Taliana, facsimile edition (Peer, 1987), pp. 5–13. —   — ‘Nicolas Payen, an Unknown Chapelmaster of Charles V and Philip II’, in The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Ceremony in the Early Modern European Court, ed. Juan José Carreras, Bernardo García García, and Tess Knighton, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 121–32. Bouckaert, Bruno, ‘An Anonymous Letter from Lille of c. 1536 about the Organization of Musicians in the Collegiate Church of St.-Bavo in Ghent’, in Essays on Music and Culture in Honor of Herbert Kellman, ed. Barbara Haggh (Paris and Tours, 2001), pp. 104–16. —   — ‘The Capilla Flamenca: The Composition and Duties of the Music Ensemble at the Court of Charles V, 1515–1558’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Francis Maes (Leuven, 1999), pp. 37–45. —   — ‘Cornelius Canis (†1562) in Ghent and Lille: New Biographical Evidence’, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 51 (2001), pp. 83–102. —   — ‘Het muziekleven aan de collegiale kerken van Sint-Baafs en Sint-Veerle in Gent (ca. 1350– ca. 1600)’ (PhD diss., Katholieke U. Leuven, 1998) —   — and Eugeen Schreurs, ‘Hans Nagel, Performer and Spy in England and Flanders (ca. 1490– 1531)’, in Tielman Susato and the Music of his Time, ed. Keith Polk (Hillsdale, 2005), pp. 101–15. Bouquet, Marie-Thérèse, ‘La cappella musicale dei Duchi di Savoia dal 1450 al 1500’, Rivista Italiana di Musicologia 3 (1968), pp. 233–85. Bradford, William, ed., Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V and his Ambassadors at the Courts of England and France from the Original Letters in the Imperial Family Archives at Vienna with a Connecting Narrative and Biographical Notices of the Emperor and of Some of the Most Distinguished Officers of His Army and Household Together with the Emperor’s Itinerary from 1519–1551 (London, 1850). Brandi, Karl, The Emperor Charles V: The Growth and Destiny of a Man and of a World Empire, trans. C. V. Wedgwood (London, 1939). Bridgman, Nanie, ‘Les Échanges musicaux entre l’Espagne et les Pays-Bas au temps de Philippe le Beau et de Charles-Quint’, in La Renaissance dans les Provinces du Nord, ed. François Lesure (Paris, 1956), pp. 51–61. —   — ‘La Participation musicale à l’entrée de Charles Quint à Cambrai, le 20 janvier 1540’, in Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, vol. 2: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1960), pp. 235–53. Brown, Howard Mayer, ‘Emulation, Competition, and Homage: Imitation and Theories of Imitation in the Renaissance’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 35 (1982), pp. 1–48. —   — ‘Music and Ritual at Charles the Bold’s Court: The Function of Liturgical Music by Busnoys and his Contemporaries’, in Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music, ed. Paula Higgins (Oxford, 1999), pp. 53–70. Burke, Peter, The European Renaissance: Centres and Peripheries (Oxford, 1998). —   — ‘Presenting and Re-presenting Charles V’, in Charles V, 1500–1558, and his Time, ed. Hugo Soly (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 393–475. Burney, Charles, A General History of Music: From the Earliest Ages to the Present Period (1789), ed. Frank Mercer, 2 vols (New York, 1957).

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Index Adrian VI (Adrian of Utrecht), Pope, 42, 169, 171 Agricola, Alexander, 36 Aigues-Mortes, meeting between Francis I and Charles, 190, 193 Alamire, Pierre, 8, 49, 50, 61, 69, 71, 170, 172, 172n25, 191 Alardi, Jacobus, 101n88, 106, 106n100 Alba, Duke of, 133 Alexander the Great, 12, 231, 234 Alfonso I d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, 184, 185 Alfonso V of Aragon, 184, 230 All Saints, Feast of, 184, 185n87, 233 Anchieta, Juan de, 35–6, 36n26, 42–3, 42n57 Missa de nostra dona, 215n47 Missa Quarti toni, 217 Andrew, St, 143, 203, 204, 205, 206, 206n18, 207, 211, 212, 219n67 Angel, Jehan, 62 Anglès, Higinio, 18, 30 Anglois, Guillaume, 30, 35 Anne de Bretagne, 170 Anonymous Iulia, dic experta meas vires, 195 Martia terque quater, 238 Maxsimilla Cristo amabilis, 207, 211 O sancta Maria, virgo virginum, 22, 172 Plus oultre pretens parvenir, 7, 8, 8n23 Plus oultre, 8 apparati, 224, 230n29 Aram, Bethany, 29, 38 Archives for Renaissance Manuscript Studies, 22 Arents, Daniel, 84 Ariosto, Ludovico, 11–12, 234 Astraea, Goddess of Justice, 12 Augsburg, Diet of (1530), 24, 120, 186 (1547–8), 110–11, 116, 121 Augustus, Emperor Caesar, 11–12, 223 Avila y Zúñiga, Luis de, 223, 234

Bermudo, Juan, 92 Bersaques, Odart, 72 Bicocca, Battle of, 174, 174n32 Biest, Johannes, 58 Blackburn, Bonnie, 186 Blockmans, Wim, 107, 240 Boucault, Johannes, 72n18 Bourgeois, Martin, 79 Braconnier, Jean, 36 Brayssing, Grégoire: La guerre, 198n165 Bredemers, Henry, 36, 43–4, 55, 56, 56n111, 56n112, 61, 67, 67n10, 76, 76n41, 79, 84, 84n60, 137 Brugeman, Gilles, 30, 36 Bruges, Philippon de, 30 Brulé, Petrus, 35, 36 Bruno (Bruno de Cattewyck), 98n86 Burke, Peter, 13, 239 Busnoys, Antoine: Missa L’homme armé, 215

Cabezón, Antonio de, 75, 232n44 Calaubaert, François, 98n86 Cambrai, Peace of, see Cambrai, Treaty of Cambrai, Treaty of, 174, 174n31, 175, 177, 178, 178n49, 181–2, 237–8 Cambray, Fransquin de, 83n58 Cancion del Emperador, El, 216, 217 Canis, Cornelius, 18, 19, 107, 111, 116, 121, 137, 192, 198 cantoriços, see choirboys Capilla Espanola, 18 Capilla Flamenca, 15, 16, 18, 72–3, 84 Cardan, Jerome, 105 Carlier, Nicole, 83, 86, 91, 105, 119, 120, 137 Carreras, José, 20 Casa de Borgoña del Emperador, 72–3 Casa de Castilla del Emperador y la Reina Juana, 72–3 Casa de la Reina Juana, 73 Castiglione, Baldassare, 41 Catholic Monarchs, see Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile Cavalli, Marin, 62 Bailleul, Gillequin de, see Reyngot, Gilles Champion, Jacques, 72, 79, 83n58, 86, 91, 92n74, Bajomer, Mahieu, 84, 84n61 105, 105n97, 120, 137 Barbarossa, Kheir-ed-Dhin, 101, 188 Charlemagne, 12, 151, 221, 230, 236 Bascontre, Rodolf (le Frezon), 83, 101n88, 110 Charles V Bauduwin, Jehan, 30, 51, 53, 61, 76, 84, 98 abdication, 199, 237 Bauduwin, Martin, 83 abdication speech, 2n4, 3, 126, 199 Beaumarez, Franchois, 107–10 birth and baptism, 26–7 Berghe, Rogier van den, 72, 101, 110 burial, 200 Berghes, Anthoine de, 49n74, 50, 51, 57–8, 61, 67, campaign for the imperial title, 170–1 71n17, 76, 82–3, 84, 119, 136

297

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Charles V, continued connoisseur of music, 239 coronation as King of the Romans at Aachen, 12, 56, 73n24, 76, 79, 82, 83, 86, 116, 171–2, 183, 236 coronation as Holy Roman Emperor at Bologna, 1, 21, 23, 56, 73n24, 92, 120, 178–84, 231 coronation at Valladolid, 23, 168 crowned Duke of Burgundy, Count of Flanders, and King of Castile (1507), 160 declared co-ruler of Spain with Juana, 66, 167 descriptions of, 154–5 elected King of the Romans and emperor designate, 170 extent of empire, 1, 2, 126, 237 funeral masses and services, 200, 200n172 at Brussels, 24, 201 in Mexico, 24, 200–1 at Yuste, 200 itinerant monarch, 1, 127 letters and instructions to Philip II, 2–3, 4, 133–4 lineage and ancestry, 12, 151 marriage, 92, 175–6, 213, 218 musical education, 42–3 patron of the arts, 239–40, 240n81 political testament of 1548, 2–3 proclaimed of age, 1515, 60, 127, 160 proclaimed margrave of the Holy Roman Empire, 1508, 160 retirement at Yuste, 110, 118–19, 144, 199–200, 217, 234n53 speeches, 171, 173, 195–6 tours of the Low Countries, 160, 233–4, 237 Charles as Augustus Caesar, 240 champion of Christendom and defender of the faith, 3, 4, 6, 11, 221, 223, 224, 240 Christian knight, 215, 219, 221 classical god, 223 devout and pious, 13, 235, 240 Dominus Mundi, 230 Domitor Africae (Tamer of Africa), 231 Emperor Charles and Fury Restrained, 223 heroic crusader, 221 heroic warrior, 240 Imperatori Carolo Augusto Victorissimi (Most Triumphant Emperor Charles Augustus), 231 L’homme armé (Armed Man), 219 magnanimous victor, 13, 223n6, 234, 240 Miles Christi (Knight or Soldier of Christ), 3, 221

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mythological and Classical hero, 12, 221, 225, 231 new Augustus, 11, 223 one shepherd, 9–10 peacemaker, 237–8, 240 Renaissance Caesar, 12, 231, 236, 240 Roman Caesar, 236 Roman emperor, 224, 229, 230, 240 Roman hero, 236 triumphant knight, 13 Turcarum Eversori (Destroyer of the Turks), 189, 231 universal monarch, 6, 9–12, 219, 224, 230, 231, 239, 240 unvanquished and most unvanquished, 234–5, 239 victorious, 13, 223, 234–5 Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 26, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 139n62 Chevalier, Guillaume, 30, 51, 54, 54n100, 79 choirboys, 16, 51, 61n142, 49, 62n144, 86, 86n64, 92, 92n73, 98, 98n85, 107, 107n109, 110, 112, 116, 118, 118n136, 120, 121, 129n18, 132, 135, 136, 136n47, 137, 139, 139n62 Christian III, King of Denmark, 196 Cisneros, Jiménez de, Cardinal, 3n11, 66, 167 Classical models, 221, 223, 225n17, 229, 230, 233 Clemens non Papa, 235 Caesar habet naves, 196–7 Carole, magnus eras, 236–7 Quis te victorem dicat, 235 Clement VII, Pope, 1, 174n31, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 188, 197 Clita, Pierre de, 30, 36, 51, 52 Clita, Victor, 72, 79, 83n58 Cobos, Francisco de los, 217 Cognac, League of, 174n31 coins, gold, distribution of, 141, 141n73, 231 commemorations for royal anniversaries and deaths, 22, 106, 128, 140, 140n65, 141, 142, 143, 143n83, 144, 191, 193, 196, 200n171 Comuneros Revolt, 171, 227 Constantine, Emperor, 12, 151, 152, 230, 231 Constituciones o estatutos de la Real Capilla de S. M. el Emperador Carlos V, 133 Corpus Christi, Feast of, 153, 153n105, 153n106, 154 Couleurs, Hugues des, 83n58, 98, 112n124 Courtois, Jean: Venite populi terrae, 23, 194, 227 Crecquillon, Thomas, 22, 25 106, 106n101, 107, 111, 116, 121, 137, 144, 144n91, 145, 152, 154, 155, 156, 159, 178n49, 198, 211, 235 Andreas Christi famulus, 22, 211 Caesaris auspiciis magni, 237

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Index Crecquillon, Thomas, continued Carole, magnus erat, 235–6 Congregati sunt inimici nostri, 156–7 Da pacem, Domine, 155 Dames d’honneurs voyez mon avanture, 178 Domine, demonstrasti mihi, 158 Domine Deus exercituum, 158 Domine Deus qui conteris bella, 157 Domine, respice in me, 158 Exaudiat te Dominus, 155–6 Honor, virtus, et potestas, 233 Impetum inimicorum ne timueritis, 158 Jubilate Deo Omnis terra, 158 Missa Mort m’a privé, 22, 106, 193 Le monde est tel, 193 Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle envye a4, 192–3 Mort m’a privé par sa cruelle envye a5, 192–3 Oeil esgaré, mon cueur de toy faict plaincte, 192–3 Philippe qui videt, 233 Quis te victorem dicat, 234–5 Te Deum laudamus, 213–14 Crépy, Peace of, 159n132, 195–6, 197 Crespel, Jean: Quid Christi, captive, gemis, 198 Croy, Guillaume de, 239 Croy, Philippe de, 235 Croyen, Gilles, 107 Custodis, Jehan, 112, 112n124, 118

299

Estatutos de la Capilla del Emperador Carlos Quinto al vzo de la Caza de Borgoña, 61n142, 131–3, 140 Eugenius IV, Pope, 154

Dadisel, Danyel, 110 Dames, Anthoine de, 83 Dante Alighieri, 9 De profundis, 144, 207 Deken, Jehan, 83n58, 110 Delft, Adrien van, 116n128 Deman, Johannes, 84 Denys, Jacquet, 107, 112, 112n122 Doorslaer, G. van, 17, 30, 52, 54, 55 Dorico, Valerio, 215, 216 Doulce, Lancelot, 110 Dufay, Guillaume: Requiem Mass and Office for the Dead, 206n15 Duggan, Mary Kay, 30 Dunning, Albert, 21, 196n154 Dürer, Albrecht, 41 Duret, Pierre, 36, 55, 56, 67, 72, 79

Fallows, David, 27, 216 Faulcqueur, Nicole, 116n128 Federhofer, Hellmut, 17 Fenlon, Iain, 196–7 Ferdinand of Aragon, 1, 4, 14, 21n89, 26–9, 39, 40, 126n6, 128, 132, 132n29, 199, 240n80 and the struggle for the throne of Castile, 28, 29 chapel of, 38, 39n39, 43, 44, 44n68, 44n69, 59, 67, 74 death of, 66, 167, 199 funeral ceremonies for, 167n6 instrumentalists of, 74n31, 168 triumphal entries of, 224n9, 225, 230 Ferdinand I of Austria, brother of Charles V, 10, 42, 71–2, 126n7, 168, 198, 199 crowned King of Bohemia at Prague, 1527, 187 elected and crowned King of the Romans at Aachen, 1531, 187 instrumentalists, 226 Festa, Costanzo, 9, 179, 182–3, 184, 189 Ecce advenit dominator, 21–2, 182–3 Plus oultre, 7, 9, 189n114 Quis dabit oculis, 170 Fevin, Antoine de: Missa pro fidelibus defunctis, 191 Fillastre, Guillaume, 218, 219 Finck, Hermann, 92 Fourmanoir, Gilles de, 83n58, 105 Francis I, King of France, 110, 170, 174, 178n48, 182, 187, 195, 240 capture and imprisonment of, 174–5, 174n31 chapel of, 190 Knight of the Golden Fleece, 111, 211 negotiations with, 22, 177–8, 178n49, 190, 190n119, 193, 238 François, Anthoine, 36, 55, 67, 67n11, 79 Fray Benito: Missa, 215n47 Frederick the Wise of Saxony, 170 Friedrich III, Holy Roman Emperor, 21, 187 Fugger, Raimund, 170–1, 171n20

Eleanor of Austria, sister of Charles V, 26, 30, 41, 42, 49n70, 53, 168 as Queen of Portugal, 72, 119 as Queen of France, 178, 178n49, 232 Epiphany, Feast of, 182–3 Erasmus of Rotterdam, 6, 11, 41 Ercole II d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, 9, 185, 189

Gachard, Louis Prosper, 17, 19 Galeras, Innocent de, 62 Gascongne, Mathieu: Deus regnorum, 177–8, 178n48 Gattinara, Mercurino, 9, 10, 12, 41, 234, 239 Gaulthier, Mre., 116n131 George, St, 221n3

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Germain, Jehan, Bishop of Chalon, 218 Gheet, Jan de, 160 Gideon, 218, 219, 219n66, 226 Gobelet, Jehan, 83n58, 98 Golden Fleece, Knights of, 26–7, 138–9, 140n65, 169, 170n16, 202 Golden Fleece, Order of the, 6, 7, 11, 22, 141, 143, 144n87, 188, 203–16, 204n6, 205n8, 207n19, 221, 235 chapel attendance at meetings, 204, 204n4, 207 meetings at Antwerp (1556), 205, 206, 212, 213, 214 Barcelona (1519), 6n20, 72, 204, 204n4, 204n6, 205, 206, 206n18, 211, 215 Brussels (1501), 206 Brussels (1510), 205, 211 Brussels (1516), 6n21, 8, 204, 206, 211, 215 Brussels (1544), 205 Ghent (1559), 206 Lille (1454), 203 Madrid (1534), 205 Mantua (1532), 205 Mechelen (Malines) (1513), 205, 211 Toledo (1525), 205 Tournai (1531), 204, 204n3, 205, 206 Utrecht (1546), 111, 204, 204n5, 206, 211, 213 Valladolid (1517), 205, 211 Valladolid (1522), 211 Worms (1520), 205, 211 members, list of, 203n2 services at official meetings, 204 services of the petit chapitre, 205 Goletta, La, 188, 189, 219 Gombert, Nicolas, 17, 18, 23–4, 86, 91, 92, 92n72, 94, 98, 105, 105n93, 105n97, 106, 106n98, 120, 121, 137, 175, 181, 213, 217n58 Dicite in magni, 105n95, 176–7 Felix Austriae domus, 187 Inviolata, integra et casta, 213 Mille regres de vous habandonner, 217n58 Missa Sur tous regretz, 23–4, 92, 181 Plus oultre j’ay voulu marcher, 7–8 Qui colis Ausoniam, 188 Veni electa mea, 175–6, 218 Granada, conquest of, 10 Granvelle, Nicolas Perrenot de, 196, 223n6 Grave, Cornille de, 72, 76, 76n43, 79, 79n48, 83, 92n72 Grudius, Nicolas Nicolai dit, 188, 235n60 Guerrero, Francisco: Missa L’homme armé, 217–18, 217n60, 218n62

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Habsburg family members, obsequies for, see commemorations Ham, Martin, 22 Hannibal, 12, 231, 232 Harlem, Victor de, 112 Hautelot (Ostelet), Hubert, 101, 101n91, 112n124 Haye, Roggier de la/ Jacques des Hayes, 101n89 Helcheulz, Jehan de, 79n46 Hellinck, Lupus, 185, 185n91 Missa Carolus Imperator Romanorum Quintus, 185–6, 185n93 Henry VII, King of England, 28, 60 Henry VIII, King of England, 60, 160, 167, 167n5, 170, 172, 187, 211, 224n8 Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece, 111, 207 Herben, Rogier, 30 Higgins, Paula, 15 Hogenberg, Nicholas, 180, 231n35 Holy Cross, Feasts of the, 151–2, 152n101 Holy Lance, 221, 221n3 legend of, 151 Hombourg, Martin de, 36, 55, 57, 57n117, 69 Homme armé masses, L’, 22, 214, 214n43, 215 Honor virtus, 226 Ibáñez, Cristina Bordas, 20 instrumentalists and instrumental performances, 23, 43, 43n57, 59, 60n131, 94, 142, 168, 177, 178, 179, 181, 190, 193, 194, 205, 206, 206n14, 207, 225, 226, 227n24, 233 Inventaire Sommaire, 17 Isabella of Austria, sister of Charles V, 41, 42, 49n70 Isabella of Castile, 1, 4, 14, 21n89, 26, 27, 74, 126n6, 128, 132, 132n29, 240n80 chapel of, 36, 42, 44, 44n68, 44n69, 59, 74, 132–3 death and funeral of, 28, 42, 74 instrumentalists, 74n31 triumphal entries, 224n9 will of, 28, 39 Isabella of Portugal, Empress, 126n7 chapel of, 18, 74 commemorations for, 22, 106, 143, 143n83, 144, 193, 196 death and funeral of, 21, 101, 106, 191–3 wedding of, 92, 175–6, 213, 218 Jacquet of Mantua Hesperiae ultime regi Maximi, 232 Missa Hercules dux Ferrariae, 185n90 Repleatur os meum, 181, 181n67 Jason and the Argonauts, 12, 24, 218

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Index Jhan, Maistre Missa de Omnes Sancti, 184–5 Mundi Christo redemptori, 184–5 Johannes Secundus, 41, 188, 235n60 John Friedrich, Elector of Saxony, 198 Josquin Des Prez, 92, 170, 216 Inviolata, integra et casta, 213 Mille regretz, 216 Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae, 185, 186n93 Praeter rerum seriem, 194 Proh dolor/ Pie Jhesu, 169–70 Journal of the American Musicological Society, 215 Juan, Prince of Spain, 27n6, 36, 41, 42, 43, 43n57 Juana, Infanta of Spain, 18, 74 Juana, Queen of Castile, 1, 26–9, 28n9, 29n15, 36, 39, 75 chapel of, 29–30, 35–6, 39–40, 39n36, 39n39, 40n41, 42, 43, 44, 49–59, 61, 72–3, 73n26, 76, 84, 91, 98 commemoration of, 144 co-ruler and proprietary Queen of Spain, 66, 167–8 fondness for music, 39, 43n57 instrumentalists, 30n22, 226 refusal to bury Philip the Fair, 36, 38–9 triumphal entry, 26n2 Julius Caesar, 223, 231 commentaries of, 12, 223, 234, 234n53 Kellman, Herbert, 8, 21–2, 172, 182, 207, 211 Knighton, Tess, 14, 20, 59, 75, 151 Kreitner, Kenneth, 25 La Orden que se tiene en los Officios en la Capilla de Su Magestad, 19, 135–6, 139–40, 141, 141n72, 142–4, 143n83, 151–4, 151n92, 153n105 La Rue, Gilbert de, 112, 112n122 La Rue, Pierre, 7, 8, 30, 30n23, 49, 51, 52, 52n88, 61, 69, 206n15 Missa Sancti Dei genetrix, 215 Requiem Mass, 206n15 Ladies Peace, see Cambrai, Peace of Lalaing, Antoine de, 28, 39 Lamentations, 142 Lance of St Maurice, see Holy Lance Laudes Regiae, 182–3 Lecocq, Antoine, 112n124 Leges et Constitutiones, 137–40 Lemaire de Belges, Jean, 36, 36n30, 41 Lent and Holy Week, 142, 142n76, 151, 189 Leo X, Pope, 197 Leoni, Leone, 13, 223, 223n5, 223n6 Lestannier, Johannes, 198

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301

Lewis, Alan, 105 Lhéritier, Anthoine, 72, 79, 83n58 Liégeois, Nicolas le (Nicolas Champion), 30, 51, 52, 67, 72, 76, 76n43, 79, 79n48, 82, 83, 86, 91, 119, 120, 136 Liestvelde, Adolphe de, see Verderue, Adolf de la Lillers, Johannes de, 83n58, 98 Litterick, Louise, 216 Lockwood, Lewis, 20 Lommel, Jehan, 30, 51, 53, 72n18, 79 Loppins, Guillaume, 98n86 Louis of Hungary, 187 Louise of Savoy, 177 Louvain, Chrestien de, 83n58, 98 Loys, Jehan dit Hennequin, 55, 57, 72, 79 Lupi, Johannes, 7, 185 Missa Plus oultre/ Missa Mijn vriendinne, 8–9 Plus oultre j’ay voulu marcher, 8 Lupus, see Hellinck, Lupus, and Wolf, Michiel de Luther, Martin, 3, 10, 173 Lyere, Nicolas de, 58 Malines, Martin de, 116n128 Mameranus, Nicolas: Catalogus familiae totius, 111 Manchicourt, Pierre de: Nunc enim si centum, 195, 237 Manghelaere, Jehan, 79n46 Manoot, Matthias, 118 manuscripts BarcBC 454, 215 BolC Q27, 181 BrusBR 228, 7, 170 CambraiBM 3, 8 ChiN M91/1 (Newberry Partbooks), 175 CivitaBC 1, 182 InnSA 5374, 238 JenaU 21, 215 LonBLR 8G vii, 22, 172, 207, 211 LonBLR 11 E. xi, 167 ModE N.1.2, 185 MontsM 771, 9 MunU 328–31, 8n23 PadBC D27, 181 RegB C120, 8 ReggioSP s.s., 185 RomeV 35–40, 181 ToleBC 17, 212 VatC 234 (Chigi Codex), 215 VatG XII. 4, 181 VatS 19, 8 VatS 20, 179, 182, 182n73 VienNB 9814, 7, 8

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manuscripts, continued VienNB Mus.18810, 8n23 WhalleyS 23, 196 Marcus Aurelius, 12, 221, 231 Margaret of Austria, 2, 7, 27n6, 44, 50, 60, 71, 160, 169, 170, 172, 177, 180, 187n98, 231 chapel of, 8, 54, 56n112, 84, 84n59, 105n92 court of, 11, 40–2 patronage of, 60n137, 239 regent of the Netherlands, 40n42, 126n7, 187n98 Maria, Infanta of Spain, 18, 74, 126n7 Marignano, Battle of, 174 Marliano, Luigi, 6, 9 Marne, battle at, 195 Martyr, Peter, of Anghiera, 38 Mary of Hungary, 9, 30, 41, 50, 71, 199 chapel of, 84n59, 105n92, 112n123 patronage of, 14n58, 239 regent of the Netherlands, 40n42, 112, 126n7, 187n98, 232 Mass for the Dead, see Requiem Mass of Our Lady (Mass of the Blessed Virgin), 139, 143, 191 Mass of the Cross, 143 Mass of the Holy Sacrament, 143 Mass of the Holy Spirit/ Holy Ghost, 139, 143, 191, 204, 204n6, 205 Mathieu dit Cappelleman, Jenin, 98 Mathieu Le Mre, 107 Maundy Thursday, 142 Maurice, Duke of Saxony, 198 Maurice, St, 221 Maximilian, Holy Roman Emperor, 1, 27, 40, 50, 59, 152, 153, 170, 187, 199 chapel of, 52, 55, 74n30 death of, 76, 169, 199 funeral of, 72, 169 Maximilian II, Crown Prince of Austria and Holy Roman Emperor, 116, 239n74 McFarland, Alison, 212–13 Meit, Conrad, 239 Menin, Tristan de, 72, 79, 83n58 Metz, Siege of, 196 Mexia, Pedro, 234 Michiel, Augustin, 94n80 Missa de Spiritu Sancto, 226, 227 Modena, visit to, 184, 185 Molinet, Jean, 26 Molinet, Johannes, 69 Mollin, Gilles, 112, 112n123 Moneta, Johannes, 30, 51, 55 Morales, Cristóbal de, 24, 211, 212–13, 217n60 Andreas Christi famulus, 22, 212

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Circumdederunt me, 200–1 Jubilate Deo, 22, 190, 238 Missa L’homme armé a4, 215 Missa L’homme armé a5, 215, 218 Missa Mille regretz, 216–17 Missa pro defunctis a5, 201, 201n177 Parce mihi, 200–1 Venite exsultemus, 200–1 Moreau, Gilles, 30, 51, 54, 79 Morfalize, Jehan de, 62 Motet Database Catalogue Online, 22 muchachos cantores, see choirboys Mühlberg, Battle of, 13, 110, 121, 133, 198, 221, 223, 236 Nacroix, Pierre, 62 Nagel, Hans, 60, 60n132, 61 Naves, Jean de, 196 Ne recorderis, 143n83, 144 Nelson, Bernadette, 19, 130, 132, 137, 151, 153 Nepotis, Fleurens, 83, 84n59, 98, 105, 105n92 Nepotis, George, 110, 118, 121 Nice, Treaty of, 22, 190, 190n119 Noone, Michael, 14 O vera unitas, 227 Oath of the Pheasant, Feast of the, 203 Ockeghem, Johannes: Missa Au travail suis, 215n47 Office of the Dead, 38, 204, 205, 207 Opitiis, Benedictus de Sub tuum praesidium, 160–7 Summae laudis, O Maria, 160–7 Orden, Kate van, 214, 218 Ordennances touchant la chapelle, 1469, 128–31 Orley, Bernard van, 239 Orosius, Paulus, 9 Orto, Marbrian de, 30, 30n23, 49, 49n74, 50, 50n75, 50n76, 50n77, 51, 52, 57, 58, 58n121, 61, 67, 67n9, 79, 79n47, 83, 84, 84n60, 136 Osthoff, Helmuth, 27, 216 Paillette, Philippe, 58, 58n124, 76, 84 Pannemaker, Willem de, 13, 188n109 Pastoris, Pasquier, 83n58, 98 Paul III, Pope, 9, 22, 190, 213, 238 Pavia, Battle and Victory at, 10, 174, 175, 176 Payen, Nicolas, 101, 101n88, 116–18, 121, 137, 192, 198 Carole cur defles, Isabellam, 21n89, 191–2 Quis dabit meo capiti aquam, 192n126 Peñalosa, Francisco de: Missa L’homme armé, 217 Péril, Robert, 180, 231n35, 239

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Index

303

Reydummel, Mathias, 92n72, 101, 116 Perkins, Leeman, 215 Reyngot, Gilles (Gillecquin de Bailleul), 30, Pernois, Balduinus, 110, 118 49n70, 51, 53, 53n95, 67, 72, 79, 95 Philip II, King of Spain, 15, 75, 213, 217n58 Ricardi, Gilles, 112 as musical patron, 204n81 Richafort, Jean, 181 as regent, 195, 126n7 Riche, Antoine, 30, 36 birth and baptism of, 92, 176–7 Ridder, Alfred de, 19 chapel of, 18, 20, 62n144, 74–5, 110, 118 Rifkin, Joshua, 184, 185 commemorations of birthday, 143 Rivaige, Bartholomey, 101n89 triumphal entries, 187, 199, 227, 227n25, 232, Robins, Robert, 36, 55, 56, 76, 79, 84 232n44, 233, 235, 237 Robledo, Luis Estaire, 19–20 Philip of Hesse, 198 Roman heros and emperors, 230, 231 Philip the Fair, Duke of Burgundy, 1, 7, 26–9, Romano, Guilio, 107, 230n29 28n9, 29n15, 38, 40–1, 187 chapel of, 27, 29–30, 36, 36n29, 44, 49–60, 61, Rome, Sack of, 174n31, 182, 227 Ronner, Pier, 35 67, 67n6, 72, 84, 91, 98, 132 Roquetaillade, Jean de, 9–10 commemorations of, 144 Ros-Fabregas, Emilio, 22, 73, 75, 215 death of, 29, 30, 41 Roy, Jacques le, 79n46 funeral of, 36 Rudolf, Homer, 18, 19, 118 instrumentalists, 29n16, 59, 59n126, 59n127, 60–2, 60n132, 60n135, 62 Rudolf I of Habsburg, 152, 153 struggle for throne, 28 Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, 20, 143n86, Salazar, Francisco Cervantes de, 200–1 154, 203, 205n9, 218, 219n66 Salve fac servum tuum, 226 Pickart, see Thiebault dit Pickart Sandoval, Prudencio de, 12, 42, 119, 144, 200, 217 Picker, Martin, 42 Sangallo, Antonio de, 189, 231 Pietschmann, Klaus, 22, 182–3 Schlick, Arnolt Pillars of Hercules, 4, 24, 201–2, 215, 231 Ascendo ad Patrem, 172, 172n24 Pinchart, Alexandre, 17, 18, 112n126 Gaude Dei genetrix, 172 Plus ultra (Plus oultre), 4–9, 6n20, 11, 24, 180, Schmalkaldic League, 110, 121, 195, 197, 198 189, 215, 231, 232, 236, 237 Schmidt-Görg, Joseph, 17–18, 19 Pont, Anthoine du, 101 Schubinger, Augustine, 59n127 Porte, Robert de la, 116n128 Scipio Africanus, 12, 231, 232 Praeter rerum, 194, 194n141, 227 Scotto, Girolamo, 213 Prizer, William, 22, 206, 207, 211, 212, 213 Seisenegger, Jacob, 230n29 processions, 140–1, 140n65, 143n84, 154, 203, Senfl, Ludwig, 24, 170 204, 205, 206n12, 206n14, 207, 214, 231 Ecce quam bonum, 186 Protestant Reformation, 3, 10, 173, 186, 196, 197 Philippe qui videt, 177n43 Protestants, campaigns against, 11, 110, 112, 133, Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés de, 234 152, 155, 173, 187, 198, 218, 221, 223 Sermisy, Claudin de: Quousque non reverteris Prévost, Jehan, 83 pax, 174–5, 178 Puys, Remi du, 60n137, 225n14, 227n24 Sforza, Francesco, 174n31 Sigismund, Emperor, 230 Reconquista, 4, 6n20, 11 Sigismondo d’Este, 185 Rees, Owen, 22, 175–6, 218 Sigoney, Jean, 134 Regensburg, Diet of, 111 Silva, Fernando de (Count of Cifuentes), 213 Reggio Emilia, visit to, 184, 185 Simon, François, 116n127, 118 Relation de la manière de servir qui s’observait Snow, Robert J., 21, 181, 191 à la cour de l’Empereur Don Carlos, notre Speyer, Diet of, 196 seigneur, en l’année 1545, 110n111, 134–6 Speyer, Treaty of, 196 Renaissance style à l’antique, see Classical Statutz et ordennances pour ladite chapelle models (1500), 129–30, 132 Requiem Mass, 138–9, 142, 143, 143n83, 144, 191, Statutz et ordonnances sur le faict de nostre 200, 202, 204, 205, 205n8, 205n9, 207, 213 grande chapelle, 1515, 19, 25, 127, 130–2, 145, Rétis, Fransquin de, 36, 55, 69, 69n14, 79 159

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Steelandt, Josse, 30, 51, 53–4 Stein, Louise, 239 Steinhardt, Milton, 17 Stevenson, Robert, 212 Straeten, Edmond vander, 16, 17, 19, 30, 53, 111, 121 Susato, Tielman, 189, 205–6n12, 214 Puis qu’en Janvier on peult appercevoir, 189

Tronslagher, Joachin, 62 Tunis, Conquest of, 13, 14, 14n58, 120, 188, 189, 224, 231, 237, 238

tableaux vivants, 205, 225, 225n15 Taisnier, Jehan, 106, 107n104, 110 Tanner, Marie, 151, 152 tapestries, 13–14, 14n58, 188n109, 239 Taruskin, Richard, 215 Te Deum laudamus, 138, 176, 177, 179, 226 Théodrici, Alart, 83n58, 98, 98n87 Thiebault dit Pickart, 21, 86, 92, 92n72, 94, 98, 105n97, 106, 106n101, 110, 120, 121, 136, 136n49, 137, 181, 183, 184, 191 Coronat pontifex, 181–2, 181n69, 183–4 In divina visione, 191 Repleti sunt omnes, 191 Thomas, Jennifer, 22 Titian (Tiziano Vecelli), 13, 221–2, 230n29, 239 Trent, Council of, 134, 197 triumphal arches, 4, 107, 176, 178, 180, 205, 225n17, 229, 231, 231n37, 233, 233n47, 235, 238 triumphal entries, 17, 28, 120, 223–35, 237 Antwerp (1508), 160 Antwerp (1549), 233 Barcelona (1519), 169n14 Bologna (1529), 179, 230 Bruges (1515), 60n137, 225, 225n14, 226, 227n24 Brussels (1540), 189 Brussels (1549), 227 Burgos (1520), 4 Cambrai (1540), 23, 193–4, 227 France (1539–40), 193 Genoa (1529), 178–9, 229 Ghent (1515), 226 Ghent (1549), 233 Italy (1535–6), 120, 188, 224, 225n17, 229, 231 Mantua (1530), 185n90, 230 Messina (1535), 232 Milan (1541), 107, 219, 224 Netherlands, 60n137, 232, 233, 233n47 Rome (1536), 189, 238 Seville (1526), 176 Valladolid (1517), 23, 168, 226 Trojanus, Cosme, 110

Vaet, Jacobus, 116, 116n128 Quid Christum captive crepas, 198 Valdés, Alfonso de, 9, 10, 196, 236 Van Loo, Mathias, 118 Vandenesse, Guillaume de, 94n80, 98n87 Vandenesse, Jean de, 17, 23n99, 24n105, 196 Vasari, Giorgio, 231n37 Vasterlois, Franchois, 107 Veneration of the Sacrament/Eucharist, 153–4 Veneration of the True Cross, 151–2, 152n101 Veni Sancte Spiritus, 227 Verderue, Adolf de la (Adolf de Hietveld), 36, 55, 56–7, 72, 79 Vergil, 223, 223n6 Vermeyen, Jan Cornelisz, 13, 14n58, 188n109, 239 Vespers of the Holy Ghost, 204, 205 Villamayor, Juan de, 118 Vinet, Rubert, 30, 36 Vital, Laurent, 17, 206

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Ulhard, 191, 198 unchanged voices, see choirboys Urban IV, Pope, 153 Utenhove, Hans, 116n131

Waelrant and Laet, 196, 212 Walcmaer, Adrien, 116n128 Walter, Johann: Vivat Carolus Quintus/ Vivat Carolus Maximilianus, 239 Waure, Franchois de, 101n89 Werrecore, Mathias: Bataglia taliana (Die Schlacht vor Pavia), 174 Wessely, Othmar, 18 Wilder, Philip van: Deo gratias, 187 Willaert, Adrian: Haud aliter pugnans, 187 Willebroot, Johannes, 83n58, 98, 106n100 William, Duke of Cleves, 195 William of Orange, 199, 202 Winkel, Jan van, 60, 60n132, 61 Wolf, Michiel de (Lupus), 92n72, 101, 116 Worms, Diet of (1520), 24, 76, 79, 82, 173, 197 Wurmser, Bernhard, 236 Zantman, Henry, 30, 36, 51, 54, 67, 76, 76n43, 79, 79n48, 84 Zellande, Cornille de, 62 Zwanen, Cornelis, 94n80, 101n89

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Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music volumes already published Machaut’s Music: New Interpretations edited by Elizabeth Eva Leach The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain Kenneth Kreitner The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Court Ceremony in Early Modern Europe edited by Juan José Carreras and Bernado García García Citation and Authority in Medieval and Renaissance Musical Culture: Learning from the Learned: Essays in Honour of Margaret Bent edited by Suzannah Clark and Elizabeth Eva Leach European Music, 1520–1640 edited by James Haar Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception edited by Owen Rees and Bernadette Nelson Young Choristers, 650–1700 edited by Susan Boynton and Eric Rice Hermann Pötzlinger’s Music Book: The St Emmeram Codex and its Contexts Ian Rumbold with Peter Wright Medieval Liturgical Chant and Patristic Exegesis: Words and Music in the Second-Mode Tracts Emma Hornby Juan Esquivel: A Master of Sacred Music during the Spanish Golden Age Clive Walkley Essays on Renaissance Music in Honour of David Fallows: Bon jour, bon mois et bonne estrenne edited by Fabrice Fitch and Jacobijn Kiel

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spine 24.5mm P 20 Jan 11

Music and Ceremony reconstructs musical life at the court of Charles V, examining the compositions which emanated from the court, the ordinances which prescribed ritual and ceremony, and the Emperor’s prestigious chapel which reflected his power and influence. The presentation of Charles as universal monarch, defender of the faith, magnanimous peacemaker and reborn Roman Emperor became the mission of artists, poets, and chroniclers, who shaped contemporary perceptions of Charles and engaged in the political promotion of the Emperor. Music was essential as well as integral to image-making, and Mary Ferer’s study reveals how it was used to present Charles as the pious and devout defender of the faith and the invincible heroic warrior who was magnanimous in victory; she also shows how music and ceremony enabled Charles to project himself as the universal monarch, a Renaissance Caesar, and the most powerful sovereign in Europe in his time. Mary TIFFANY Ferer is Associate Professor at the College of Creative Arts, West Virginia University. Cover image: Leoni, Emperor Charles V and Fury Restrained (Madrid, Museo del Prado).

Series: Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music Tess Knighton (ICREA - IMF/CSIC, Barcelona) Helen Deeming (Royal Holloway, University of London)

GENERAL EDITORS:

an imprint of BOYDELL & BREWER Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge IP12 3DF (GB) and 668 Mt Hope Ave, Rochester NY14620-2731 (US) www.boydellandbrewer.com

Music andSociety Ceremony at the V (ed)Ferer NORTH Haskins Journal 22Court : 2010of Charles

A major contribution, offering new documentary material and bringing together the widely dispersed information on the music composed to mark the major events of Charles's life... a very useful insight into music as one of many elements that served to convey the notion of the emperor-monarch in the Renaissance. TESS KNIGHTON

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V The Capilla Flamenca and the Art of Political Promotion

MARY  TIFFANY FERER