Municipal Virtues in the Roman Empire: The Evidence of Italian Honorary Inscriptions 3519076284, 9783519076285

Table of contents :
Abbreviations
Preface
Introduction
I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise: Fostering Patronage through Exempla
Honor
Merita and Beneficia
Honorary Epithets: Optimus, Dignissimus, Praestantissimus
II. Financial Generosity
Descriptions of Private Munificence
Munificentia, Liberalitas and Largitio
Benignitas and Bontias
III. Personal Motivations for Patronage
Amor and Adfectio
Benevolentia and Spes
Voluntas and Studium
Obsequium and Reverentia
Honorificentia
Pietas
IV. Administrative Virtues
Administrative Integrity
Civic Service
Political Influence
V. Virtues and Epithets of Personal Character
Modestia and Verecundia
Pudicitia, Castitas and Probitas
Singularis, Incomparabilis, Rarissimus
Conclusion
Virtues in Action
Choice of Vocabulary
Virtues and Social Context
Regional and Chronological Observations
Appendices
1. Corpus of Inscriptions
2. Regional Distribution of Inscriptions
3. Chronological Distribution of Inscriptions
4. Social Make-up and Distribution of Honorands
5. Social Make-up and Distribution of Dedicators
6. Attribution of Terms of Praise by Type of Dedicator
7. Chronological Distribution of Key Terms of Praise
8. Comparative Virtues from the Literary Exempta and the Coins of Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severas
Bibliography
Indices

Citation preview

Elizabeth Forbis Municipal Virtues in the Roman Empire

Beiträge zur Altertumskunde Herausgegeben von Ernst Heitsch, Ludwig Koenen, Reinhold Merkelbach, Clemens Zintzen Band 79

m Β. G. Teubner Stuttgart und Leipzig

Municipal Virtues in the Roman Empire The Evidence of Italian Honorary Inscriptions

Elizabeth Forbis

m Β. G. Teubner Stuttgart und Leipzig 1996

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Forbis, Elizabeth: Municipal virtues in the Roman Empire: the evidence o f Italian honorary inscriptions / von Elizabeth Forbis. - Stuttgart: Teubner, 1996 (Beiträge zur Altertumskunde; Bd. 79) Zugl.: Chapel Hill (NC), Univ., Diss., 1988 ISBN 3-519-07628-4 NE: G T Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt besonders fur Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. © B. G. Teubner Stuttgart 1996 Printed in Germany Druck und Bindung: Röck, Weinsberg

Table of Contents Abbreviations

vii

Preface

viii

Introduction I.

II.

1

Generic Vocabulary of Praise: Fostering Patronage through Exempla Honor Merita and Beneficia Honorary Epithets: Optimus, Dignissimus, Praestantissimus..

9 10 12 21

Financial Generosity Descriptions of Private Munificence Munificentia, Liberalitas and Largitio Benignitas and Bontias

29 31 34 42

III. Personal Motivations for Patronage Amor and Adfectio Benevolentia and Spes Voluntas and Studium Obsequium and Reverentia Honorificentia Pietas

45 46 50 52 53 55 56

IV. Administrative Virtues Administrative Integrity Fides Innocentia, Abstinentia and Integritas Iustitia and Moderatio Honestissimus, Honeste and Honestas Sanctissimus, Excellentissimus and Clementissimus Civic Service Industria Sollicitudo, Diligentia, Cura and Labor Political Influence Virtus Dignitas and Dignatio Gratia and Consilium

61 62 64 68 69 71 72 74 77 79 81

vi V.

Virtues and Epithets of Personal Character Modestia and Verecundia Pudicitia, Castitas and Probitas Singularis, Incomparabilis, Rarissimus

Conclusion Virtues in Action Choice of Vocabulary Virtues and Social Context Regional and Chronological Observations Appendices 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Corpus of Inscriptions Regional Distribution of Inscriptions Chronological Distribution of Inscriptions Social Make-up and Distribution of Honorands Social Make-up and Distribution of Dedicators Attribution of Terms of Praise by Type of Dedicator Chronological Distribution of Key Terms of Praise Comparative Virtues from the Literary Exempla and the Coins of Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus

83 83 85 88

91 92 96 99

105 233 235 239 245 251 255 257

Bibliography

261

Indices

273

Abbreviations References to ancient authors and their works are abbreviated according to the conventions of the Oxford Latin Dictionary. Secondary literature is cited by the author's last name and the date of publication if necessary for clarity. Full references appear in the Bibliography. Other abbreviations are as follows: AE=L'Année Épigraphique. Revue des publications relatives à l'antiquité Romaine

épigraphiques

BMC=H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum (London 1923- ) CIL=Corpus Inscriptionum Latinorum (Berlin 1863- ) Eph. Epig.=Ephemeris Epigraphica, Corporis Inscriptionum Latinorum Supplementum (Berlin 1872- ) F0S=M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier, Prosopographie des femmes de l'ordre senatorial (Ier-IIe siècles) (Louvain 1987) ILS=H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, 2nd ed., 3 vols, in 5 (Berlin 1954-55) Not. Sc.=Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità OLD=Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford 1968-82) Pflaum, Carrières=H.-G. Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire, 4 vols., (Paris, 1960-61) PIR1 -Prosopographia 1897-98)

Imperii Romani saec. I, II, III, 1 st ed. (Berlin

PIR2 =Prosopographia Imperii Romani saec. I, II, III, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1933-) /?£=Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung, ed. by G. Wissowa et al. (Stuttgart 1893- ) TLb=Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Leipzig 1900- )

Preface This work is an expanded and revised version of my doctoral dissertation which I completed at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 1988. Many thanks go to my dissertation director, George Houston, and to Jerzy Linderski for their guidance and encouragement throughout the various stages of this project. I also acknowledge Dennis Kehoe for his helpful comments on several parts of the manuscript. With support from the National Endowment for the Humanities I was able to travel to the University of Helsinki in summer of 1992 to consult with Heikki Solin on his additions to the tenth volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinorum. I thank Professor Solin and his assistant Mika Kajava for their willingness to share their work in progress with me. A semester research leave awarded by the College of Arts and Letters at the University of Notre Dame and a summer research grant from the College's Institute for Scholarship in the Liberal Arts provided me valuable uninterrupted time to devote to writing the manuscript. A generous grant from the Institute for Scholarship in the Liberal Arts has also made possible the publication of this work. For their technical expertise in helping me to prepare the final version of the manuscript, I wish to thank Cheryl Reed, Sherry Reichold and David Klawiter of the University of Notre Dame. Finally, I am deeply grateful to my husband, Tadeusz, who read tirelessly through many drafts of the manuscript and whose virtues of patience and equanimity greatly supported me throughout the entire project.

South Bend, Indiana January 1996

Introduction Virtue and the ancient Roman ethos-the two concepts were practically synonymous to the Roman way of thinking. As Cicero expressed it, "non est querendum in hac civitate, quae propter virtutem omnibus nationibus imperai, virtutem plurimum posse" (Verr. 2.4.81), a sentiment echoed later by Pliny the Elder, "Gentium in toto orbe praestantissima una omnium virtute haud dubie Romana extitit" (HN 7.40.130). The Romans' fascination with and reverence for virtue appears in all aspects of their culture from elaborate cult worship of personified Virtues, to literary exempla virtutis, to virtues on coins and inscriptions. All Romans and non-Romans living within the Empire's borders, therefore, were eventually exposed to the dissemination of the virtutes Romanae, even if only through the odd coin or family epitaph. The present study of virtues and terms of praise in Italian honorary inscriptions and tabulae patronatus of the early Empire offers a unique and valuable body of evidence for the understanding of Roman virtues. By analyzing the Roman vocabulary for virtue outside the more traditional contexts of literature 1 , imperial propaganda 2 , and funerary epitaphs 3 , this study serves to increase our comprehension of everyday Roman values and Latin idiom, while expanding our knowledge of municipal life in Italy during the first three centuries A.D. It also provides for the field of Roman epigraphy the most comprehensive collection of a coherent group of Latin honorary inscriptions and the first systematic analysis of the praise language and rhetorical purpose of such inscriptions.4 Roman honorary inscriptions and tabulae patronatus have indeed received some scholarly attention commensurate with their importance for the study of Roman society. Prosopographers, social historians, and historians 'The scholarship on virtues in Roman literature falls into three broad categories: 1) comprehensive treatments of Roman virtues in several different authors and genres, e.g. Fuchs, Hellegouarc'h, Meister, Earl (1967), Lind, Pöschl (1980); 2) studies limited to one or only a few virtues in several authors and genres, e.g. Fraenkel, Burck, Eisenhut, Wagenvoort, Manning; 3) studies focusing on virtues in the work of a single author, e.g. Pöschl (1940), Vielberg, Moore. 2

T h e best introduction to the imperial virtues and their political and religious influence is Wickert. See also Charlesworth (1937), Béranger, Fears, whose bibliography is invaluable, and Wallace-Hadrill. Other works focusing on specific imperial virtues include Liegle, Charles worth (1936), and Kloft. 3

See, for example, Lattimore 285-300, Curchin (1982), and Curchin (1983).

^Useful introductions to and discussions of the form and language of Latin honorary inscriptions are provided by Kajanto and Cagnat 257-63. Neither of these studies, however, aims to assemble or analyze a clearly defined group of honorary texts, nor do they give much consideration to the inscriptions' praise vocabulary beyond mentioning its appearance within the larger context of the honorand's family name and public offices.

Introduction

2

of the Roman economy rely especially on the biographical and quantitative data recorded so routinely by these documents.5 Other scholars focus on the important information provided by certain inscriptions about the custom of erecting honorary statues and monuments to which these texts were often attached.6 It is only the recent work of Werner Eck that begins to address the representational importance of the language itself in honorary texts. His analysis, which draws primarily on the evidence for honors given to members of the senatorial order, stresses the necessary contribution of the text to the rhetorical power of the monument, especially its ability to persuade the public of the honorand's social and political preeminence.7 What remains to be examined, however, is one of the most important features of honorary texts as concerns their function in society, namely their recognition and memorialization of worthy character. In many examples it was not enough merely to publicize the name and family of the honorand and to enumerate his or her benefactions; the virtues prompting such commendable behavior were equally deserving of mention. This kind of recognition, however, was neither automatic nor entirely generic. Looking at the evidence from Ostia, for example, we discover that of the roughly sixty honorary inscriptions found there only twenty-three, that is, much less than half, record any language of praise.8 But in these twenty-three texts, the variety of gestures, virtues, and qualities memorialized is considerable: e.g., merita, munificentia, amor, fides, industria, optimus, dignissimus, to name just a few. To underscore the multitude and diversity of the Romans' praise vocabulary in honorary inscriptions, one can compare the words discussed in this study, which number almost fifty, with the

^Honorary inscriptions and tabulae patronatus comprise a significant portion of the primary material in the following studies of the Roman economy and municipal patronage: Andreau, Niçois (1980b), Duncan-Jones, Jouffroy, Mrozek, Wesch-Klein. 6 S e e especially Alföldy (1979) and Alföldy (1984). Note that Alföldy's evidence includes funerary epitaphs as well as honorary examples. See also Lahusen. 7

Eck's first article on this topic (1984a) argued expressly for further investigation into this area, 211: "Eine systematische Bearbeitung von Ehreninschriften entweder bestimmter Regionen oder auch einzelner sozialer Gruppen...ware jedenfalls eine wünschenswerte und wohl auch ergebnisreiche Arbeit." Two fuller discussions of the topic by Eck (1984b, 1991) have thus far followed. 8

Texts of these inscriptions are provided in Appendix 1, ns. 59-81. Examples of those inscriptions without any such language include: CIL 14.153, 14.155, 14.160, 14.161, 14.163, 14.168, 14.172, 14.296, 14.298, 14.303, 14.325, 14.350, 14.363, 14.400, 14.431, 14.4447, 14.4620, 14.4622, 14.4656, 14.5347, 14.5351, 14.5352; AE 1955.168, 1955.179, 1969-70.87, 1988.207, 1988.214. Using Alföldy's collection of statue-base inscriptions from Venetia and Histria (1984) 77-146 as a comparative sample (excluding funerary epitaphs and inscriptions dedicated to divinities and emperors), we find that out of the approximately sixty-six texts concerning municipal dignitaries in that area only thirty contain any language of praise.

3 rather limited selection of virtues cited in Greek honorary decrees. 9 Praise of virtue in Roman honorary inscriptions was, therefore, the result of careful consideration, not habit, and thus deserves our close attention as well. Who exactly was honored with such praise, and under what circumstances? These two questions are central to our discussion and concern important issues of municipal patronage, economics, politics, and social structures. 1 0 Indeed, the honorands in this study represent all social classes from senators to freedmen, both men and women. Many of these were formal patrons, many more were not. The majority have been honored for their financial contributions to municipal life, such as the funding of public building projects or public entertainment, but several have gained recognition for other types of civic involvement, such as administrative integrity in public office. Even the groups granting these honors—ordines, populi, collegia, Augustales, private individuals, or some combination of these—depict a cross-section of municipal interests. So many social, economic and political factors contribute, in fact, to the formulation of any given honorary text that its language becomes a metaphor for their interaction in municipal life; and in the process, it even comes to define them. Wallace-Haddrill's observations about the role of language in the related context of imperial propaganda can be applied here: ...the role suggested here for language is not merely subordinate. Power does not exist without the language in which it is conceived and presented and argued over. Language defines power as well as reflecting it. 11 The power defined and reflected in the praise language of our inscriptions, while not of the same magnitude as that of the emperors, was every bit as crucial to the inhabitants of Roman municipalities; it involved the ongoing exchange between the benefactor class and their beneficiaries as both parties attempted to assert their expectations and aspirations in relation to the other. To be sure, any honorary inscription, even one without praise language, ensured the gratitude of the honored benefactor who then might

9 See especially Henry 42-44, who outlines a rather small group of core virtues-arete, dikaiosune, philotimia, eunoia-to which only a few variants are occasionally added such as andragathia, eusebeia, epimeleia and philotechnia. See also Payne 34-36, whose list of virtues is nearly identical to Henry's. 10

These issues have become the focus of several studies of municipal Italy in the last decade: e.g., Niçois (1980a), Duthoy (1984-1986), Dyson, especially 147-179. See also the essays by Wallace-Haddrill, Garnsey and Woolf, and Johnson and Dandeker in Wallace-Haddrill, ed., Patronage in Ancient Society (1989), in which the Italian evidence is prominent. Aside from a brief comment by Nichols 369, none of these studies takes into account the role of client-communities' honorific vocabulary. 1

Wallace-Haddrill (1990) 147.

4

Introduction

b e m o v e d to make further benefactions in the c o m m u n i t y . 1 2 T h o s e texts with praise language, however, went one step further by illustrating exactly w h i c h virtues, achievements, and gracious acts w o u l d earn others similar recognition and prominence. Justification of public honors through citation o f virtues, therefore, b e c a m e a very important tool by which honorands c o u l d claim authority for their privileged status and dedicators c o u l d encourage and e v e n influence specific, desired types of behavior in other potential honorands. 1 3 T h e d e s c r i p t i v e nature o f honorary inscriptions, w h i c h w e r e not legally binding documents, permitted rhetorical influence and, perhaps in more than a f e w cases, s o m e embellishment of the facts. At times, h o n o rands t h e m s e l v e s had input into the wording of their honorary texts, particularly concerning their o f f i c i a l c a r e e r s . 1 4 Indeed, one e x a m p l e in our study states explicitly that the honorand was to dictate what type of inscription he thought fitting for his honorary statue. 1 5 T h e text does not specify, however, that this honorand actually c h o s e the virtues appearing in his inscription, nor d o e s it indicate that others regularly had control o v e r the form or content of their honorary t e x t s . 1 6 It d o e s suggest, however, that dedicators were at least sensitive to the preferences of benefactors and tried 12 See also Niçois (1979) 243: "Die Gemeinden verewigten individuelle und killektive Leistungen, belohnten oder ermutigten ihre Wohltäter und versicherten sich des guten Willens der Mächtigen." 13

For other discussions of honorary inscriptions and statues being used to influence behavior see Alföldy (1984) 59 and Kajanto 5-6. Compare the lex collegi from Lanuvium dating to A.D. 136 (ILS 7212), lines 21 and 22 of which state that all magistrates of the collegium who have fulfilled their administrative duties faithfully will recieve one and a half times the normal amount of food and wine at banquets, "ut et reliqui recte faciendo idem sperent." 14 Eck (1991) argues that high-ranking equestrians and senators with atypical careers would most likely have been consulted as to the proper wording and ordering of their offices, a practice which allowed these men to develop their own individual curricula vitae distinct from the formulaic cursus honorum. Occasionally honorands might also be consulted about the location of their honorary monument. Flory 288 discusses Pliny's account (ΗΝ 34.11.25) of the semi-mythical Vestal Virgin Taracia Gaia who was granted the privilege of choosing the spot for her public statue, the first known example to have been dedicated to a Roman woman. 15

See example n. 296 in Appendix One, dedicated to a municipal magistrate and town patron by decree of the decuriones of Forum Sempronii who state: "Quod superest, voluntati nostrae consule et, qualem inscriptionem dandam putas, petentibus facito notum." 16 Eck (1991) suggests that honorands would not have chosen the praise in their inscriptions. In his discussion of CIL 8.24094, an inscription in honor of the equestrian procurator Salvius Iulianus whose quaestor salary Hadrian had doubled propter insignem doctrinam, Eck thinks this phrase would have been too presumptuous for Iulianus to state publicly about himself and, therefore, must have been copied by the dedicators from imperial documents.

5 to honor them with appropriate praise. This sensitivity would certainly be true of municipal decuriones whose wealth and power put them in a position both to receive and decree public honors. The ability of Roman honorary inscriptions and tabulae patronatus to encourage virtuous behavior with the promise of public recognition flourished in a society whose privileged members were raised and educated on moral exempla and very much preoccupied with gloria. Gloria, as defined by Cicero (Phil. 1.29), was the renown that resulted from public praise of one's deeds and achievements; 17 it could even bring one immortality in the conversations and memories of future generations. As Pliny observed (Ep. 3.21.6), "Tametsi quid homini potest dari maius, quam gloria et laus et aeternitas?" In educated Romans the desire for gloria was instilled early, largely through the literary tradition of moral exempla which occupied an especially important place in the Roman school curriculum.18 The influence of this exempla tradition should not be underestimated. Livy, for example, himself a popular author in the rhetorical schools, stated clearly in the preface to his history (praef. 10) that his purpose in writing was to provide examples for others to observe and imitate. Pliny similarly claimed that his Panegyric to Trajan was partly intended to instruct future principes by providing an excellent example (Ep. 3.18.2-3). 19 Even beyond literature and the classroom, the exempla tradition was reinforced by the many public buildings, monuments and, of course, inscriptions which effectively perpetuated Roman standards of public achievement and gloria.20 Illustrating an awareness of such purpose, certain inscriptions in our own

17

N o t e that in De Inventione (2.178) when outlining a method for epideictic oratory, Cicero indicates a man's virtuous character, more than his background, physical characteristics or social status, to be the most effective vehicle for praising one's subject. '^Quintilian (Inst. 12.4), for example, stresses the importance of teaching both historical and mythical exempla to the young orator in order to enrich his rhetorical repertoire. Bonner 261-62 and 283-84 argues that Valerius Maximus' Factorum et Dictorum Memorabilia was composed primarily as a source-book for use in the rhetorical schools. On the numerous works of moral exempla and their importance generally to the moral climate in Rome see Litchfield. another letter addressed to Trajan, Pliny again employed the rhetorical device of citing an emperor's virtue, in this case Nerva's generosity, in order to incite others to the same behavior (Tra. 10.8.1): "Cum divus pater tuus, domine, et oratione pulcherrima et honestissimo exemplo omnes cives ad munificentiam esset cohortatus..." See also Burgess 137-38 and Born 35, who terms Pliny's and the later panegyrists' objective as "correction through flattery." 20

Both

Maslakov 441 and Mayer 147 observe that the Romans' fascination with exempla was not just a product of their literary education, but also a result of their moral upbringing to which public monuments and inscriptions greatly contributed. On the significance of imperial monuments as moralizing exempla see especially Zanker and D'Ambra.

6

Introduction

study proclaim the honorand to be an individual of maximi, even eminentissimi et singularis exempli.21 Some scholars would argue that within this environment of exempla and emulation inscriptions played the most important role. According to Susini, "...it was through inscriptions more than through any other medium that political concepts were propagated and the historical memories of country and family perpetuated." 22 We must, therefore, remove the epigraphical evidence from the metaphorical shadows of literary monuments and place it in the forefront. From this perspective, we can examine more productively how aristocratic competition for gloria cooperated with public expectations for free municipal amenities and fair government, and how both of these concerns interacted with the larger vision of empire as expressed by the imperial power base in Rome.23 This study is based upon a corpus of 482 honorary texts commemorating men and women of all classes in Italy, excluding Rome, and dating from the last years of the Republic to the late third century; they represent only those examples which contain language explicitly praising the honorands for their virtues or benefactions.24 This epigraphical corpus is the first collection of its kind. The Italian evidence is worthy of individual study for several reasons. First, it can best demonstrate what influence, if any, the literature and imperial propaganda coming out of Rome had on its closest neighbors. It also provides a necessary foundation for enquiry into the form and language of honorary inscriptions from other parts of the empire; examination of the degree to which honorific language in the provinces resembles that in Italy would tell us much about provincial levels of Romanization. And finally, this study contributes an original perspective to ongoing discussions of Italian municipal society specifically. The chronological parameters for this study are practically defined by the inscriptions themselves; that is, the honorary inscription did not become a regular feature of municipal life in Italy until the mid-first century, achieving its peak in the late second and third centuries.25 Another impor21 22

See inscriptions ns. 101 and 441 in Appendix One. Susini 52-53.

23

O n the issue of aristocratic gloria under the emperors, Wallace-Hadrill (1990) 152-169 points out that Republican honorific traditions, which were essentially unregulated, needed to be modified with the advent of an imperial power structure. The Romans thus adapted aspects of the Greek honorific tradition since its bureaucratic and hierarchical nature was capable of reinforcing the emperor's preeminence while still recognizing the official status of those bodies granting honors. 24 T h e s e inscriptions, the full texts of which are provided in Appendix One, have been gathered from the following epigraphical collections: CIL vols. 5, 9-11, 14; AE 1888-1990; Not. Scav. 1884-1983, Eph. Epigr. vol. 8. 25 F o r the chronological distribution of inscriptions in the corpus see Appendix Three. The earliest dateable examples (ns. 134, 193) belong approximately to the late

7 tant factor recommending this time period is the high level of uniformity and stability in municipal government in the West, especially between the lex lulia municipalis of 45 B.C. and the accession of Diocletian in A.D. 284, at which point extreme military and economic conditions undermined municipal autonomy in favor of central imperial control. 26 As a result, the environment for the granting of public honors to municipal dignitaries quickly evaporated as representatives of the emperor usurped the pubíic spotlight. Approaching the language of praise in these inscriptions through a series of word studies, I begin in Chapter One with an examination of those terms that are generic to Italian honorary texts; these occur regularly in inscriptions from all parts of Italy in all time periods to describe diverse types of benefaction and honorands of various social position. By far, the most universal of these generic terms is the noun merita, a word denoting favors exchanged between patrons and clients which indicates the widespread perception of honorary inscriptions as a functional part of a system of public patronage. The other virtues and epithets I have divided into four groups which constitute the remaining four chapters of the book. These divisions, although made artificially for the purpose of discussion, do correspond to distinct fields of activity with which certain virtues were associated and represent groups of words of relatively similar meaning. Chapter Two discusses virtues pertaining to financial generosity (e.g. munificentia), Chapter Three virtues describing the motivation for patronage (e.g. amor), Chapter Four administrative and political virtues (e.g. fides, industria), and Chapter Five virtues describing personal and moral character (e.g. modestia). The large amount of evidence for Chapters Two and Three, when compared to that for Four and Five, demonstrates that honorific language in Italy was aimed primarily at the wealthy who might be prompted to make more and similar benefactions in their respective communities, particularly in the late second and third centuries when affluent decurial families were dwindling in number. In each individual word study I apply the following method of analysis. I first define the virtue or term of praise by considering its meaning in literary sources and in the inscriptions. In the latter case, I cite other virtues that regularly accompany the word in question and the benefactions or activities with which it is most often associated. I also outline a social context for the word by examining the different classes of honorands to which it was attributed, pointing out any affinities it may have had with particular social groups. For the sake of clarity, I distinguish here between two basic social classes represented in the inscriptions: 1) the imperial aristocracy, including senators and equestrians whose careers in the imperial administration surpassed municipal confines; 2) the municipal elite, including honorary equestrians, local magistrates and dignitaries, women Republican period, and the latest examples (ns. 259, 344) to the years 270-275. dates are A.D. unless otherwise indicated. 26

All

0 n the development and decline of municipal government in the western Empire see Abbott and Johnson 56-68 and 197-231.

8

Introduction

benefactors and freedmen. 27 Finally, I document the word's regional and chronological distribution, noting any specific areas or time periods in which it was particularly popular. The conclusion compiles the findings from these individual word studies and addresses them in the broader context of Italian municipal society in the early Empire. 28 The major issues considered here include the multiplicity of virtues and their applicability within different spheres of municipal life, the relationship of the inscriptions' vocabulary to that found in analogous literary works and imperial propaganda, and the ways in which this vocabulary united diverse parts of municipal society in the common cause of municipal affluence and stability. Regional and chronological analyses of the inscriptions also reveal their role in consolidating Italy around this municipal ideology. Having thus gained a clearer picture of the Italians' perception and articulation of their own place--the place of their specific social, economic and political concerns—within the larger empire, we can better appreciate the importance of honorific language to ordinary Romans. Perhaps more than any other phenomenon of municipal life, it gave voice to their collective, yet distinctive identity.

27

I have adopted this useful distinction from the method of Alföldy (1984) 62-63. For the social make-up and distribution of honorands in the corpus see Appendix Four. For the social make-up and distribution of dedicators see Appendix Five. ^Further Appendices highlight the data discussed in the conclusion: Appendix Six shows the distribution of virtues and terms attributed by various dedicating groups, Appendix Seven compares the chronological distribution of certain key terms, and Appendix Eight provides comparative data of the virtues appearing in the literary moral exempla and on imperial coins.

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise: Fostering Patronage through Exempla To provide a framework for understanding the language of praise in Italian honorary texts, this chapter focuses on those terms that were intrinsic to the inscriptions' concept of honor. As such, it begins with an examination of the word honor itself, examples of which in the corpus1 are relatively rare given its basic meaning of gratitude and respect. The rarity of honor demonstrates that the primary function of the inscriptions' honorary language was to present the honorand as an exemplum of virtue, rather than to express appreciation for his or her achievements. Next, we will consider merita and beneficia, two terms commonly employed in honorary inscriptions to denote various benefactions from honorands. In the Romans' literary vocabulary of patronage these words specifically describe favors exchanged between formal patrons and their clients. In honorary inscriptions, however, they refer to benefactions from patrons2 and nonpatrons alike and thereby indicate a prevailing perception of the honorary monument as a reciprocal token of thanks which implied an ongoing patron-client relationship, whether formal or informal, with the honorand. Moreover, the term merita, which highlights the honorand's worthiness, was far more prevalent than beneficia, thus illustrating the inscriptions' concern to motivate others to earn similar recognition. Finally, we will discuss three epithets typical of honorary texts, optimus, dignissimus and praestantissimus, which together compliment honorands of all ranks for a variety of benefactions and virtues. Dignissimus and praestantissimus appear in somewhat more limited contexts, referring primarily to financially generous patrons and more often in the third century. The more popular optimus is applied both to the financially generous and the morally virtuous, both patrons and non-patrons, from the early empire through the late third century. It is also the only epithet of the three to appear in imperial titulature, a fact which may have contributed to its popularity in municipal inscriptions. Overall, the evidence for these generic terms of praise reveals that the main rhetorical objective of honorary texts was to flatter honorands to be even more generous while enticing other potential benefactors seeking recognition.

' i will refer to all examples from the corpus by citing the numbers I have assigned them in Appendix One. 2

Unless otherwise specified, the term patron throughout our discussion embraces all types of formally recognized benefactors such as patroni municipi, patroni collegi, and private patroni. For a breakdown of all the different classes of formal patroni in the corpus see Appendix Four below.

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

10

Honor In essence, each inscription in the corpus along with its monument represents the great respect felt by its dedicators) toward the honorand. Each epigraphical text, in other words, is in itself an expression of honor, a term implying virtue in the dedicators as much as in the honorand.3 For this reason, one might expect to find such phrases as honoris causa and in honorem all throughout the corpus. A dedicator's expression of honor, however, was seldom explicitly stated in Italian honorary inscriptions. Honoris causa type phrases occur in only twenty-seven examples, or about 5% of the corpusλ These examples illustrate a broad range of settings within which the articulation of honor was deemed appropriate. Those receiving tribute honoris causa (or in honorem) represent a true cross-section of the wealthier Roman municipal population, from town patrons of the imperial aristocracy to non-patron freedmen.5 Those explicitly articulating honor in their dedications comprise official bodies, such as ordines, collegia, and Augustales, and the public at large, as well as a few private individuals. 6 These examples come from several regions throughout Italy and range in

3

OLD, s.v., definition 1, "High esteem or respect accorded to superior worth or rank, honour," s.v. definition 6, honor in certain contexts can refer to a quality within a person by reason of which he or she deserves homage. For examples of the latter definition see ns. 326 and 425 in Appendix One. See also Drexler 135-57, and Hellegouarc'h 386, particularly note 2, who interpret honor as a word denoting both the objective recognition of a worthy person and the moral worth of a person who receives such recognition. The epigraphical evidence under consideration, however, corresponds more to Klose's definition of honor, 96, as an expression of appreciation which concerns honorands only in so far as they try to gain such appreciation through their achievements. 4

See note 7 below. Those texts in which honor functions as a purely objective term to denote political office (e.g. n. 309) or the honorand's acceptance of the honorary gesture (e.g. honore contentus, η. 96) are excluded from the present discussion. ^Senators and high-ranking equestrians: patrons-ns. 135, 402, 476; non-patron— ns. 99, 430, 472. Equestrian municipals, municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons-ns. 18, 237, 277, 308, 328, 400 (woman coopted patrona collegi in recognition of her patronhusband), 425,481; non-patrons-ns. 9 (an inscription dedicated to a woman in honor of her father), 48, 212, 227, 229, 361, 389,427. Women: non-patrons—ns. 105, 326 (a decree to coopt her son as patron of the collegium in recognition of her). Freedmen: non-patrons-ns. 23, 260, 330. 6Ordines: e.g. ns. 23, 330,481. Collegia and other civic organizations: e.g. ns. 277, 425. Augustales: e.g. ns. 229, 389. Public at large: e.g. ns. 18, 260. Senatus populusque: e.g. ns. 9, 227. Private individuals: e.g. ns. 99, 105, 427. See also Appendix Six.

11 date from the early first to the late third century. 7 The evidence suggests that formulas such as honoris causa or in honorem bestowed no special prestige upon the honorand, but rather demonstrated the dedicators' conformity to a longstanding tradition of honorary rhetoric. Often these inscriptions give no further explanation for the tribute, stating simply that it was enacted honoris causa and even abbreviating this modest phrase to h. c. (e.g. ns. 18, 229). One has to deduce from the honorand's career and his or her connection to the dedicators what experience or personal quality has produced the honor. In the case of the primipilus and municipal magistrate Gaius Valerius Clemens (n. 481), honored at Taurini by his fellow decuriones who served with him in the Jewish war under Vespasian, one might reasonably associate the phrase honoris causa with Clemens' past military valor. 8 In a few instances, a more detailed description of the honorand's activities and virtues is given, an examination of which reveals that the honorand typically aided his or her dedicators financially. Marcus Iulius Ulpius Cleopatrus (n. 308), a patronus civitatis et collegi at Ocriculum during the mid-third century, gave 10,000 sesterces to the amatores Romulorum as their patron and also distributed money amongst them at the dedication ceremony, for which generosity they commemorated him honoris gratia. The decuriones of Interamna Lirenas (n. 48) granted a public funeral to a young woman in honor (in honorem) of her two brothers and especially her father, Marcus Fadius Crispus, who earned this privilege for his family by his ample and zealous support of the community: "pienissime quicquid refi pu]blicae opus fuisset ultro semper e[t pojllicitus sit et praestiterit c u p i d i s s i m e ñeque cessaverit unquam." These and other examples 9 support the notion that honor often represents the public's settling of accounts after receiving a beneficium.10

7

Region 1: ns. 9, 18, 23, 48, 99, 105, 135. Region 3: ns. 212, 227. Region 4: ns. 229, 237, 260. Region 5: n. 277. Region 6: ns. 308, 326, 328, 330, 361. Region 7: ns. 389, 400. Region 8: n. 402. Region 9: n. 425. Region 10: ns. 427, 430, 472, 476. Region 11: n. 481. The earliest dated example is n. 23 from the year 31, and the latest n. 328 from 261.

Other first century examples: ns. 99, 135, 402, 472, 481. Second century examples: ns. 18, 105, 430. Third century examples: 277, 308, 326, 361, 389, 400. Second or third century examples: ns. 9 , 4 8 , 2 3 7 , 4 2 5 . See also Appendix Seven. 8 For the function of honos in military contexts, particularly with virtus, Bieber. See also the discussion of virtus in Chapter Four.

see

9

S e e also ns. 23, 260, 361. Examples 135, 326, 328, 400, and 430 all note the honorands' devotion and hard work on behalf of their beneficiaries, but do not mention any specific projects or exact sums of money donated. Example 476, although fragmentary, makes reference to a theatrum which the honorand in this case may have helped to build with his own money. 10 S e e Hellegouarc'h 384, particularly note 4; Klose 87, "Die öffentliche Anerkennung ist an gewisse Voraussetzungen geknüpft, an die virtus und die merita."

12

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

As already noted, however, the settling of such accounts was most often inferred from the honorary monument itself, whether it was a statue, shield, or plaque, for the accompanying text seldom focused attention on the dedicators. Even in the case of Cleopatras above (n. 308), the description of his benefactions greatly overshadows mention of the dedicators' honor. The opportunity afforded by praise language in honorary inscriptions was not used to embellish the beneficiaries' grateful posture, but rather to highlight the benefactor's services and virtues. Gratitude was expressed in unadorned and often abbreviated honoris causa formulas so as not to detract from praise of the honorand's virtues and achievements. As integral parts of public monuments experienced by many passersby, honorary texts capitalized on circumstance by focusing attention on the honorand as an exemplum of virtue to be admired and, more importantly, to be emulated.

Merita and Beneficia Many honorary texts not only present the honorand as an exemplum of virtue, but also depict him or her as a patron, even if no formal patronclient relationship between honorand and dedicator apparently exists. This facet of Roman honorary language is best illustrated by the term merita, a standard word for favors exchanged between patrons and clients 11 and the most frequently used term of praise in honorary inscriptions. The formulaic ob merita phrase and its various grammatical variations occur in 173 of our examples, or about 36% of the entire corpus. The customary use of this word to explain and justify gestures of public honor suggests that dedicators often wished to clarify succinctly what was implied by the monument itself, namely that they perceived of themselves as good clientes who were faithfully reciprocating the good deeds of their "patrons." Such a perception in many cases presumably fostered expectations of more patronly merita from the honorand in the future. Since patronage itself was a social institution, not a legal one, there were no laws regulating who could become a patronus or what exactly were the responsibilities of a patronus or cliens.12 Within this deregulated environment, there was certainly room for honorary inscriptions to act as items of exchange in order to establish informal patron-client relations. It should be noted that this tendency in honorary rhetoric contradicts Paul Veyne's view of public benefactions as a civic duty of the wealthy elite, that is, acts not automatically deserving For example, Cicero, Phil, 5.38: "Atque etiam M. Lepido pro eius egregiis in rem publicam mentis decemendos honores quam amplissimos censeo." For discussion of meritum within patron-client relations as described by Latin authors, see Sailer. Hellegouarc'h 169-70, also discusses meritum within the social context of amicitia as a kindness or favor that requires a response in kind from the recipient. especially, Niçois (1980a) 366-67, who argues for a moral sense of pietas, fìdes and the fear of losing public prestige as the major motivation for patrons and clients to uphold their respective side of the relationship.

13 recognition. 13 The prevalence of the ob merita phrase in inscriptions, not to mention the pervasive phenomenon of the honorary monument itself in Roman society, indicates that more often than not beneficiaries at least felt compelled to articulate their part in a reciprocal relationship, regardless of benefactors' expectations. 14 Use of the term merita to emphasize or suggest patron-client relations can be seen in inscriptions honoring all classes of people. The following table of such inscriptions illustrates, however, that merita appears less often in texts honoring senators and high-ranking equestrians; it also shows that the term more often describes the benefactions of imperial aristocrats if they are, in fact, formal patrons of the group conferring the honor.

People Honored for Merita by Rank 15

Patrons

Non-Patrons

Senators &

10, 25, 102, 110,

295, 303, 433, 442,

High-ranking

120, 135, 163, 175,

477, 471,482

Equestrians

221, 222, 279, 286, 357, 397, 438

22 Total

15 Patrons

7 non-Patrons

Equestrian

7, 15, 18, 28, 29,

11, 26, 48, 52, 71,

Municipals,

30, 31, 47, 60, 72,

77, 107, 119, 166,

Municipal

75, 94, 96, 103, 116

167, 201, 204, 246,

13

Vcyne (1976) 310.

14

For further discussion of public benefactions, or euergetism, as one side of a reciprocal relationship between the wealthy and their client communities, see SchmittPantel, especially 184. See also Duthoy (1984) 151, who illustrates the difference between Veyne's definition of euergetism and municipal patronage in which patrons and their client-communities exchanged very real favors, including honorary inscriptions. ^Only those inscriptions are included in which the individual's rank, his or her status as patron, and the word merita or some grammatical variation are clearly indicated. Additional examples not considered here due to their fragmentary state are: 56,207, 334, 430, 474. Further examples of merita too fragmentary to be included in the corpus are: CIL 5.7040, 9.216, 9.1178, 10.683, 10.4593, 11.4404, 11.5678a, 11.5679, 11.5721, 14.4178b.

14

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

Magistrates,

121, 155, 197, 203, 225, 236, 240, 242, 270, 275, 308, 322, 328, 331, 339, 340, 359, 365, 416,417 425, 429, 478

Dignitaries

178, 196, 215=216=217, 237, 238, 247, 262, 296, 305, 323, 324, 335, 336, 344, 356, 375, 381, 420,424, 465, 467,

267, 268, 276, 283, 299, 313, 314, 319, 321, 341, 343, 347=348, 355, 361, 363, 369, 376, 382, 384, 396, 403=404, 451, 466, 478 16

97 Total

59 Patrons

38 non-Patrons

Women

243, 265, 266,311, 449

13, 17, 32, 43, 93, 167, 184, 189, 190, 199, 218, 223, 224, 257, 281, 284, 287, 294, 329, 333, 342, 346, 351, 368, 426, 439, 440, 445 1 7

33 Total

5 Patrons

28 non-Patrons

Although the honorands in ns. 276, 319, 396, and 478 are patrons, they are not formal patrons specifically of the group granting the honor. ^Inscriptions 13 and 93 commemorate non-patron women whose husbands happen to be patrons. Inscriptions 43, 199, 218, 224, 287, 342, and 346 were dedicated to women for the merita of their male relatives.

15 Freedman

20, 38, 45, 254

3,

92,

160,

248,

260, 325, 349 1 8 , 364

12 Total

4 Patrons

8 non-Patrons

The evidence clearly indicates that Italians were more inclined to emphasize the benefactions of their local patrons than those of senators and high-ranking equestrians with the term merita.19 Was this because there were simply more patrons from the municipal elite than the imperial aristocracy? As far as municipal patrons are concerned, there were nearly as many from the aristocracy as there were from the municipal elite, 2 0 which leaves us with the question of why the Italians more often acknowledged the merita of the latter group. Quite likely the social and political preeminence of aristocratic patrons was sufficient reason for their receiving public honor; the mere fact that they were illustrious patroni proved that they deserved such recognition. Public honors for patrons from the local elite, on the other hand, appear to have required more explanation, which would indicate that local patrons frequently had to compensate for any deficiency in their prestige with tangible merita. Looking at non-patrons honored for their merita, we see that the Italians felt quite comfortable in representing their municipal peers as informal patrons. This descriptive technique was especially useful in the case of wealthy women and freedmen who by reason of their marginal social status were seldom coopted formally as patrons. The inscriptions conversely indicate a greater reluctance to presume patron-client relations with the imperial elite. In fact, several of the examples concerning non-patrons from the imperial aristocracy give a limited context for these aristocrats' merita which precludes any suggestion of ongoing reciprocity: two were dedicated by single individuals who clearly had a special relationship with the honorand (ns. 433, 471); one appears to honor the person posthumously since it mentions a locus sepulturae (n. 303); one gives specific 1 8 A patron, but not specifically of the group dedicating the inscription. '^Dedicators who regularly used the term merita to honor their patrons and benefactors include ordines (n. 335), populi (ns. 197, 313), collegia and other civic organizations (ns. 72, 449), and private individuals (ns. 333, 471). See also Appendix Six. 20 S e e the data gathered by Duthoy (1984-1986), especially 127-29. Duthoy's data can be divided into two main groups: municipal patrons from the imperial aristocracy (Duthoy's groups 1-2.3) = 47.8%; municipal patrons from the local elite including freedmen (Duthoy's groups 3.1-5) = 51.6%. The evidence in Appendix Four, however, suggests that more often patrons of collegia came from the local elite.

16

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

details about the honorand's contribution to the town grain supply (n. 295). In contrast, inscriptions to non-patrons from the local elite often cite their merita without further explanation21; the unlimited definition of such favors suggests that more and different ones could be forthcoming. 22 Moreover, several of these texts even record the honorand's additional generosity on the occasion of the dedication of the honor, thereby confirming his or her capacity for future merita. A good example of this practice is provided by the statue-base inscription to Marcus Gellius Servandus Senior, a sevir Augustalis from Capena, who was honored ob merita by several organizations in the town, including the decuriones (η. 364). Responding to their acknowledgment of his merita, Servandus Senior established an ample fund in the community from which his birthday could be celebrated in future years with cash distributions and decoration of his statue. 23 Those inscriptions that do contextualize the honorand's merita illustrate the word's basic definition as those things, be they innate virtues, noteworthy actions, or both, by reason of which a person deserves recognition. We have examples of honorands who have financed public works projects, produced public entertainment at their own expense, contributed to a town's grain supply or made other financial donations, established private foundations for annual celebrations in the community, and administered their political power responsibly, all of whom are honored for merita,24 Note, however, that despite the energy and organizational skills required for many of these undertakings, the basic

21 Sec, for example, ns. 3, 32, 71, 77, 93, 119, 204, 257, 325, 351, 363, 440, 445, 448. 22

Nicols (1980a) 369 states it even more frankly: "Inscriptions protest (perhaps too much) that the honor had been won by merit, but it was probably an all too frequent occurrence that communities bestowed the honor as an incentive in the hope that it would eventually be deserved." 23 For further examples of non-patrons honored ob merita who respond with sportulae or other generous gestures see ns. 284, 325, and 448. For examples of local patrons praised for unspecified merita who respond generously see ns. 28, 31, 236, 323, 324, 331. 24

Public works projects: ns. 7, 120, 222, 348, 365, 375, 384, 439. The woman honored ob merita in η. 265 seems also to have financed public works since we have evidence of her name on lead fistulae. See Torelli 55-57. Public entertainment, sportulae and feasts: ns. 92, 94, 157, 166, 240, 246, 260, 262, 308, 313, 349, 357, 376, 429. Aid to annona or other financial contributions, including the financing of the honorary monument itself: ns. 107, 295, 296, 355, 405 (donation of land), 478 (financing of public funeral tax). Private foundations: ns. 30, 215, 216, 240, 254, 281, 308, 335. Responsible administration of public office or imperial connections used advantageously: ns. 43, 60, 102, 163, 246, 348, 359, 384.

17 prerequisite was wealth. 2 5 Even the abstract virtues associated with merita, although they include qualities of discipline and integrity, 26 most often denote generosity. 2 7 Thus, contextualized examples of merita indicate that whenever the term lacked a clear framework in an inscription, it had primarily financial connotations for its Roman audience. As a comprehensive term for patronly favors, merita understandably appears in inscriptions from all parts of Italy, although with slightly greater representation in the north; regions 4 through 11 account for nearly 60% of the 173 total inscriptions, and regions 1, 2 and 3 for the remaining 40%. 2 8 The earliest dateable example belongs to the early first century (n. 429) and the latest to the years 270-275 (n. 344), thus showing the popularity of the term from the first through the late third centuries. 29 25 See also Bossu, who discusses the several inscriptions concerning Megonius (= ns. 215-218 in the corpus) in an attempt to "get a better idea of the reality that is hidden behind a general and stereotyped formula like 'ob merita eius,'" 161. As Bossu demonstrates, Megonius' many merita all comprise substantial financial benefactions. 26

For example, merita cited with: industria (η. 359), diligentia (η. 60), constantia and provisio (η. 163), fides (ns. 43, 384), fides and innocentia (ns. 416,424). 27 T h e virtues munificentia, liberalitas, and amor, all of which signify financial generosity in the corpus, appear frequently in association with merita. See, for example, ns. 11, 72, 92, 135, 225, 247, 328, 478, 482. 28

Region 1: ns. 3, 7, 10, 11, 13, 15, 17, 18, 20, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 38, 43, 45, 47, 48, 52, 56, 60, 71, 72, 75, 77, 92, 93, 94, 96, 102, 103, 107, 110, 116, 119, 120, 121, 135, 155, 157, 160, 163. Region 2: ns. 166, 167, 175, 178, 184, 189, 190, 196, 197, 199. Region 3: ns. 201, 203, 204, 207, 215, 216, 217, 218, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225. Region 4: ns. 236, 237, 238, 240, 242, 243, 246, 247, 248, 254, 257, 260, 262, 265, 266, 267, 268, 275. Region 5: ns. 270, 275, 276, 279, 281. Region 6: ns. 283, 284, 286, 287, 294, 295, 296, 299, 303, 305, 308, 311, 313, 314, 319, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 328, 329, 331, 333, 334, 335, 336, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343,344, 346, 347, 348, 349, 351, 355, 356, 357, 359, 361. Region 7: ns. 363, 364, 365, 368, 369, 375, 376, 381, 382, 384, 396, 397. Region 8: ns. 403, 404, 405, 416, 417, 420. Region 9: ns. 424, 425, 426. Region 10: ns. 429, 430, 433, 438, 439, 440, 442, 445, 448, 449, 451, 465, 466, 467, 471, 474. Region 11: ns. 477, 478, 482. 29

0 t h e r first century examples: ns. 3, 11, 43, 135, 243, 299, 303, 334, 403, 404,

405. Second century examples: ns. 18, 56, 60, 93, 94, 96, 102, 103, 110, 116, 157, 160, 184, 196, 207, 215, 216, 217, 218, 221, 225, 246, 265, 270, 275, 276, 281, 286, 294, 295, 296, 305, 311, 313, 314, 339, 347, 348, 349, 351, 357, 363, 365, 375, 376, 420, 426, 430, 433, 439, 467, 477. Third century examples: ns. 10, 13, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 45, 71, 75, 77, 175, 178, 197, 201, 222, 223, 240, 247, 262, 266, 308, 328, 331, 341, 342, 343, 355, 359, 361, 368, 381, 382, 440, 438, 442, 465.

155, 279, 364, 163, 344,

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

18

Beneficia, another general term denoting favors exchanged between patrons and clients, appears in Italian honorary texts as well, although remarkably less often than merita·, whereas the latter occurs in 173 examples, beneficia occurs in only twenty-seven. This clear preference for merita in inscriptions contrasts significantly with the literary language of patronage in which beneficia is the term more commonly employed to describe a patron's gifts. 30 In his analysis of the literary evidence, however, Sailer concedes that he can see no distinction in the way the two words are used. 31 A comparison of the application of merita and beneficia in honorary inscriptions reveals that here, too, they describe essentially the same types of favours bestowed by the same types of benefactors. First of all, beneficia, like merita, appears in texts honoring all classes of benefactors, both patrons and non-patrons, as the following table of inscriptions illustrates. People Honored for Beneficia by Rank 3 2 Patrons

Non-Patrons

Senators & High-Ranking Equestrians

175,288

66, 278, 380,463, 468

7 Total

2 Patrons

5 non-Patrons

First or second century examples: ns. 260, 324, 474. Second or third century examples: ns. 7, 15, 38, 48, 72, 119, 120, 166, 189, 190, 203, 236, 237, 242, 254, 267, 268, 319, 329, 335, 340, 356, 369, 416, 417, 424, 425, 471, 478. See also Appendix Seven below. 30

S e e Sailer 17-22; Hellegouarc'h 163-69. Pöschl (1980) 12-13 also mentions the important role of beneficium in Roman foreign policy, particularly in Rome's treatment of her allies. 31

Sailer 20-21. As an example of the interchangeability between meritum and beneficium he quotes Seneca, Ben. 1.1.8. 32 O n l y those inscriptions are included in which the status of the honorand and the term beneficia are clearly indicated. Other fragmentary examples not considered here are ns. 164 and 430. All these examples were dedicated by a variety of municipal groups and individuals: e.g. decuriones (ns. 96, 468), municipes (ns. 33, 289), collegia (ns. 66, 97), private individuals (n. 463). See also Appendix Six below. Further examples of beneficia too fragmentary to be included in the corpus are C/L9.2462 and 10.1820 (insignia continua beneficia).

19 Honorary

33, 61, 96, 97, 197,

Equestrians &

289, 302, 328, 344,

Municipal

415

29233, 348, 383

Magistrates, Dignitaries 13 Total

10 Patrons

3 non-Patrons

Women &

266, 400 3 4

27, 209 (freedman), 346

2 Patrons (both women)

3 non-Patrons

Freedmen 5 Total

As for the types of benefactions termed beneficia, a few concern the honorand's imperial connections or responsible fulfillment of public duties (ns. 288,468), while others consist of generous acts such as public works projects or private foundations. 3 5 In several examples a financial framework for the honorand's beneficia can be construed from the citation of other virtues such as munificentia or liberalitas.36 By itself, however, beneficia could signify either political or financial achievement. 37 As does merita, beneficia appears in inscriptions throughout Italy, with greatest representation in regions 1 and 6. 3 8 Although we have one 3 3 N o t a formal patron of the group dedicating the inscription. 3^Coopted patroness in recognition of her husband's beneficia. 35 See ns. 164, 289, 415. Inscription n. 380 praises the honorand simply for his beneficia, but we know from other texts ( C I L 11.1433, 11.1433a—a lead pipe) that he provided a water supply for the public baths. Inscription n. 348 details the beneficia of an honorand who both undertook a public works project and used his imperial connections to relieve the community from heavy taxes. 36 S e e ns. 27, 97, 197, 292, 328, 415. Looking to the literature for comparison, we find that beneficium often served as a synonym for liberalitas, even in a pejorative sense (e.g. Cie. Verr. 2.3.94, Sest. 24.54). 37 Hellegouarc'h 163-69 sees similar versatility in the use of beneficia by late Republican authors, particularly Cicero for whom the word could mean legal protection of one's clients (e.g. Ver. 2.4.37, Fam. 7.30.3) or financial bribery (e.g. Ver. 2.3.94). 38

Region Region 2: Region 3: Region 4:

1: ns. 27, 33, 61, 66, 96, 97, 197. ns. 164, 175. n. 209. ns. 266.

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

20

example of beneficium dated to the years 41-43 (n. 463), the remaining inscriptions belong to the second and third centuries.39 Despite the increased number of occurrences of beneficium in second and third century inscriptions, it still remained a much less popular term than merita during this period. In order to understand the overwhelming preference for merita over beneficia in honorary inscriptions, we need to return to their basic definitions. In De Beneficiis, Seneca defines beneficium as purely an act: "(Beneficium) non enim res est, sed actio" (6.2.1); "Non est beneficium id quod sub oculos venit, sed beneficii vestigium et nota" (1.5.6). Following Seneca, Hellegouarc'h remarks: Mais il (meritum) se distingue nettement d'eux en ce qu'officium et beneficium expriment une action, conformément à leur etymologie; meritum marque le résultat de cette action et la situation que en résulte pour son auteur.40 This literary distinction between beneficia and merita is, in fact, corroborated by the epigraphical evidence, particularly in the following example. Aetrius Ferox, an ex-legionary from Tuficum (n. 348), was honored by the local ordo for helping to establish a much needed road tax in the community, and his effort is described with the singular beneficium. When the ordo decrees its statue for Ferox, however, they do so secus merita eius. In other words, the recognition and honor accorded Ferox, the résultat of which Hellegouarc'h speaks, come under the heading of merita, while his praiseworthy deed amounts to a beneficium.41 Also noteworthy is the recurrent phrase ob beneficia conlata which clarifies that the beneficia in question were specific acts that have already been accomplished; 42 such a phrase differs significantly from the openended ob merita formula in that the former makes no suggestion about future beneficia. A noteworthy variation on beneficia conlata appears in inRegion Region Region Region Region

5: ns. 278. 6: ns. 288, 289, 292, 302, 328, 344, 346, 348. 7: ns. 380, 383, 400. 8: n. 415. 10: ns. 430, 463, 468.

39

Second century examples: ns. 61, 66, 96, 164, 278, 288, 289, 292, 348, 380, 430, 468. Third century examples: ns. 97, 175, 197, 209, 266, 302, 328, 344, 400, 415. Inscription n. 383 is either second or third century. See also Appendix Seven. ^Hellegouarc'h 170. 41

See also n. 328, in honor of Coretius Fuscus and his family who receive a bronze plaque in recognition of their patronage (pro meritis) of the collegium centonariorum of Sentinum which cites their actual gestures of generosity under the heading of crebra beneficia. 42 S e e ns. 61, 209, 266, 289, 292, 383. Beneficiti also appears with the verb conferro in n. 468.

21 scription η. 302 dedicated to a local patron and magistrate of Interamna: "v(iro) b(ono) et quidquid in egregium hominem laudis dici potest in hoc sit beneficio naturae conlatum." This use of beneficium with natura to describe the honorand's generous nature rather than a specific gift is unique among occurrences of beneficium in the corpus. Also unique is the dedicators' assertion that by their gesture of an honorary monument (in hoc) they have compensated the honorand for anything praiseworthy that can be said of him. TTie force of conlatum in particular suggests that these clients view their obligation to their patron as duly fulfilled. Overall, the remarkable frequency of merita in the corpus is best understood in terms of the inscriptions' rhetorical purpose, namely, to translate the commemoration of actual virtues and achievements into public models of inspiration. The prevalence of merita over beneficia reinforces this purpose by focusing attention on the concept of earning recognition rather than on the benefactions themselves. Honorary Epithets:

Optimus,

Dignissimus,

Praestantissimus

A customary feature of all Roman honorary texts is the use of superlative adjectives as complimentary epithets for honorands. Here we will discuss the three most common and widely applicable of these epithets in Italian inscriptions: optimus, dignissimus, praestantissimus43 Taken together, all three epithets described patrons and non-patrons of various rank who benefitted their respective communities in assorted ways. Optimus, however, was by far the most prevalent of the three, occurring more than twice as often as dignissimus and three times as often as praestantissimus,44 The emergence of optimus as an imperial epithet in the late first and second centuries may have contributed to its popularity in a variety of municipal inscriptions. Dignissimus and praestantissimus, on the other hand, never became part of imperial titulature and adorned almost exclusively the honorary monuments of wealthy and influential local patrons. Perhaps it was precisely the absence of these epithets from imperial rhetoric that encouraged the municipal aristocracy to adopt them for their own public image. Optimus essentially refers to those who possess and manage considerable wealth (opes), and who, therefore, usually assume the role of

4 3 other superlative adjectives, such as liberalissimus, fidelissimus and innocentissimus, whose noun forms predominate and whose application is more specific according to their definition, will be discussed under the rubric of their noun forms in the following chapters. For a list of some of the epithets commonly associated with Italian patrons specifically see Soffredi 158-59. 44

Optimus praestantissimus

appears in sixty-one examples, whereas dignissimus appear in only twenty-five and fourteen examples respectively.

and

22

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

benefactor. It can also describe individuals of high moral quality. 45 These two aspects of optimus are often combined in honorary inscriptions where the epithet is frequently applied to honorands whose generosity is framed within their moral virtue. For example, the ordo of Abellinum characterized the senator Marcus Antonius Rufinus as a patronus optimus (n. 120) not only because he built the town a basilica with his own money, but also because his labores and studia, his virtuous character, that is, prompted him to do so. 4 6 Another indication of the moral dimension of optimus is its use with several nouns other than patronus, particularly civis and vir. Gaius Faesellius Rufio, a patron of Ariminum (n. 415), was honored by the vicatti vici Dianensis for several financial benefactions, particularly his donations to their grain supply and a foundation for annual distribution of sportulae on his birthday; he is praised, however, as an optimus et rarissimus civis. Rufío's generosity, in other words, is to be understood as just one manifestation of his unique civic virtue. 47 Optimus also commonly modifies the noun amicus in honorary texts dedicated by private individuals. 48 The frequent use of optimus within the more intimate context of amicitia particularly underscores this epithet's moral connotations. Praised as optimi are patrons and non-patrons of all ranks; 49 thus, this epithet is not an exclusive term designating social status, such as claris45

F o r discussion of these meanings of optimus in the literature see Hellegouarc'h 495-500. Although Hellegouarc'h distinguishes between optimus and the related bonus, claiming that the latter more often identifies political groups, he concedes that optimus in its moral and social sense is often a synonym for bonus. Compare Taylor 11-12. 4 ^ O t h e r examples of optimi who receive praise for benefactions made within the framework of moral virtue are: n. 148 (finances public building project—probissimus, pietas), η. 206 (finances public entertainments--innocenter), η. 263 (finances public works—obsequentissimus, cura, sollicitudo), n. 308 (donation to amatores Romuli— innocentia), n. 359 (statuiti reipublicae auxerit—industria), η. 455 (provides for annona— innocentia, labor). The honorand in n. 359 is termed optimus iustissimus, reminiscent of the unofficial imperial title optimus ac iustissimus princeps appearing in inscriptions to Tiberius following the Sejanus conspiracy (CIL 6.93, CIL 11.3872=/LS 159). Compare ns. 7, 107, 130, 254, 385, 423, where optimus/optime is applied to honorands who are cited solely for their generosity, and ns. 58, 301, 372, 422, 424, 454, where optimus characterizes honorands who are recognized primarily for their civic devotion or personal virtue. 47 F u r t h e r examples of optimus modifying nouns other than patronus: civis—ns. 77, 148, 263, 406, 422, 428; dominus-η. 461; femina-n. 245; filius-ns. 130, 198; homo—n. 424; iuvenis—n. 383; maritus—ns. 353,473; praeses—ns. 301, 454; praefectus-n. 413; socer-ns. 24,470; vír-ns. 58, 219, 308; uxor-n. 280. Examples of optimus modifying the noun patronus or patrona: ns. 69, 112, 120, 206, 274, 297, 298, 324, 345, 350, 352, 362, 372, 373, 374, 385, 391, 392, 398, 409, 455. 48 S e e ns. 83, 100, 106, 250, 431, 456, 457, 462. Other fragmentary examples of amici optimi include CIL 11.971 and CIL 14.2768.

^ E x a m p l e s of optimus including the adverb optime (e.g. optime

merito):

23 simus or perfectissimus. Its universal application is further evident in its wide geographical distribution; with the exception of regions 2 and 11, the northernmost and southeasternmost parts of Italy, it appears in inscriptions all throughout Italy. 50 The earliest of these can be dated to 22 B.C. (n. 423) and the latest to 261 (n. 362), with a majority of dateable examples belonging to the late second century.51 The burgeoning popularity of optimus in the second century probably occurred as a result of its adoption as an official imperial epithet by Trajan, a princeps much admired among his subjects. 52 Although Trajan may have chosen the epithet optimus in a calculated effort to align himself with Stoic values and thereby ingratiate himself with the Roman senate, the beneficiaries of his generosity outside Rome more likely associated it with

Senatorial and high-ranking equestrians: patrons~ns. 83, 102, 112, 120, 130, 297, 298, 345, 362, 372, 374, 385, 409, 422, 454=456, 455; non-patrons--ns. 24, 100, 106, 301, 413, 431, 457, 461, 462, 470, 473. Equestrian municipals, municipal magistrates, dignitaries: patrons~ns. 7, 69, 198, 206, 263, 271, 274, 308, 324, 352, 359, 373, 391, 406, 415, 424; non-patrons--ns. 77, 107, 148, 219, 250, 383, 428. Women: patrons~ns. 350, 392; non-patrons~ns. 93, 245, 280. Freedmen: patron~254; non-patron~58. Additional examples too fragmentary to determine the honorand's status are ns. 398,423. These inscriptions were dedicated by a variety of municipal organizations and individuals: e.g. ordines (ns. 120, 372), plebs (ns. 383, 422), collegia (ns. 398, 424), private persons (ns. 100, 250). See also Appendix Six. 50

R e g i o n 1: ns. 7, 24, 58, 69, 77, 83, 93, 100, 102, 106, 107, 112, 120, 130,

148. Region Region Region Region Region Region Region Region Region

2: n. 198. 3: ns. 206, 219. 4: ns. 245, 250, 254, 263. 5: ns. 271, 274, 280. 6: ns. 297, 298, 301, 308, 324, 345, 350, 352, 353, 359. 7: ns. 362, 372, 373, 374, 383, 385, 391, 392, 398. 8: ns. 406, 409, 413, 415. 9: ns. 422, 423, 424. 10: ns. 428, 431, 454, 455, 456, 457, 461, 462, 470, 473.

5

' F i r s t century examples: ns. 83, 219, 250, 280, 297, 298, 428, 462, 470, 473. Second century examples: ns. 93, 100, 102, 148, 198, 245, 271, 274, 350, 352, 353, 398, 406, 409, 431, 454, 455, 456, 457, 461. Third century examples: ns. 24, 58, 69, 77, 112, 263, 301, 308, 359, 362, 372, 385, 415, 422. First or second century examples: ns. 324,413. Second or third century examples: 7, 106, 120, 254, 345, 374, 383, 424. See also Appendix Seven. 52

F o r discussion of optimus in the official and unofficial imperial titulature of the first and second centuries see Frei-Stolba 21-31. See also Hammond 42-47, who focuses on Trajan's formal adoption of optimus as a way of signifying his philosophical and moral qualifications as emperor.

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

24

his role as imperial benefactor. 53 Subsequently, to many Italians optimus became more than a sign of simple respect, but a term especially appropriate for dignifying the efforts of their own local benefactors. 54 By contrast, in the first century, before Trajan's official adoption of optimus, the epithet occurred mainly in inscriptions dedicated publicly to senators with extensive military careers (e.g. ns. 297, 298) or privately to family and friends (e.g. ns. 83, 462, 470, 473), that is, in contexts unrelated to public benefaction or patronage. Another epithet sometimes paired with optimus in unofficial imperial titulature, particularly under Trajan, is indulgentissimus; it especially describes emperors in their capacity as public benefactors. 5 5 Indulgentissimus appears in a few non-imperial honorary inscriptions, most often with optimus (ns. 219, 373, 391, 392) or by itself (n. 63). 5 6 Note that three of these examples come from region 7 (ns. 373, 391, 392) where we also find CIL 11.3309 dedicated to Trajan as an optimus et indulgentissimus princeps. It is not unlikely that the liberti who dedicated these particular inscriptions were attempting to flatter their master-patrons intentionally by copying the titulature from the imperial example. All of these inscriptions were, in fact, dedicated privately either by liberti to their patrons or by wives to their husbands, a fact which suggests that indulgentissimus, unlike optimus, remained an epithet exclusively of those in positions of considerable power over others. This particular aspect of indulgentissimus would explain why it never appeared in honorary texts exchanged publicly between citizens of relatively equal status. Our next honorary epithet, dignissimus, appears to have characterized the relationship between honorand and dedicator more specifically as that between patron and client. Dignissimi are people deserving of recognition because of wealth or virtue, 57 yet the epithet implies that they are obliged 53 F o r discussion of the Stoic connotations of optimus and its political implications for Trajan, see Vogt. For optimus as an imperial title of Trajan qua benefactor see the inscription on the arch at Ancona (CIL 9.5894, A.D. 114/115) in which the emperor is termed optimus and providentissimus for his financing of the rebuilding of the local port. 54 N i c o l s (1980a) 371 similarly observes a parallel between the image of the optimus civis and optimus princeps in that they both evoke a notion of the "modest and responsible individual serving the best interests of the state." 55

S e e , for example, CIL 9.215 and Frei-Stolba 36-37.

5

*>Only two of these examples can be dated to the mid-first (n. 219) and the early second (n. 63) centuries. 57 T h i s definition of dignus as "worthy" or "deserving" follows the traditional theory that dignus is closely associated with decet, whose basic transitive meaning is "it is due," only later coming to mean "it is proper." See, for example, Ernout and Meillet, s.v. decer, Hellegouarc'h 389-96. Other scholars, however, have argued that dignus is connected with the verb dico, meaning "to set apart with honor" or "to consecrate." See, for example, Osthoff and Brugman and Wood 155. Skutsch 158-59 attempted a

25 to confirm their status through further benefactions. The idea of reciprocal obligation inherent in dignissimus is best illustrated by the function of the verb dignari and the adverb digne in tabulae patronatus. Two such tabulae from Sentinum enacted by the collegium fabrum (n. 326) and the collegium centonariorum (n. 328) record the cooption of a certain Coretius Fuscus and his family as patrons. Both texts specify that a delegation (legati) was to present Fuscus' family with a bronze tablet digne (η. 326 1. 25; η. 328 11. 22-23), meaning they were to show them the respect due potential patrons. Fuscus and his family in turn were to consider it worthy (dignetur, n. 326 1. 25; dignentur, n. 328 1. 21) to accept each tablet and in doing so would formally acknowledge their responsibilities to the collegium as their new patrons. 58 In other honorary texts the exchange of honor for patronal support is signified simply by the epithet dignissimus. Not surprisingly, therefore, dignissimus is applied most frequently to formal patrons, but seldom to patrons of the imperial aristocracy. We have only four examples out of twenty-five that honor senators or senatorial women as patroni dignissimi (ns. 14, 95,152, 386); the remainder belong to the ranks of the municipal elite. 59 What is more, the epithet dignissimus almost always modifies the noun patronus. The only exceptions are one public inscription (n. 60) referring to a patron as a dignissimus et abstinentissimus vir and one example dedicated by a private individual to his amicus dignissimus (n. 464). Dignissimus was clearly associated more closely than optimus with the formal institution of patronage; in certain contexts it may well have had the same force as the title patronus. Given that the aim of most honorary inscriptions was to establish bonds of patronage with honorands, why was dignissimus not used more often? Why did it never assume the same prevalence as merita in inscriptions to nonpatrons? It seems the Italians felt more comfortable describing the actions of a non-patron in terms of patronage, rather than his or her actual person. reconciliation of the two theories by attributing to decet the sense of decus, "it is becoming." As Hellegouarc'h, 390, rightly observes, however, for something to be becoming it must also be proper. 58

Compare Hellegouarc'h's comment on the reciprocal aspect of dignitas, 397: "il exprime par consequent que l'homme politique, en tant qu'il la possede, a droit à la reconnaissance de sa supériorité et de ses mérités et aux témoignages d'estime qu'elle doit susciter; mais il indique aussi qu'il est lui-meme soumis à certaines obligations." ^Equestrian municipals, municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons~ns. 6, 7, 28, 29, 60, 97, 121, 271, 317, 352, 435, 464 (town patron honored by friend as amicus dignissimus)·, non-patrons~ns. 376, 382, 383. Women: patron-n. 400; non-patron-n. 368. Example n. 226 describes the honorand as degnissima, but the inscription is too fragmentary to determine her status as patron. Freedmen: patrons-ns. 4 5 , 8 1 , 9 0 . Dignissimus was an epithet applied to public and personal patrons by a variety of client-dedicators: e.g. decuriones, Augustales, and vicani (n. 368), decuriones et populi (η. 376), collegia (ns. 400, 435), private individuals (ns. 352,464). See also Appendix Six.

26

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

To be sure, it was a person's actions from which they most tangibly benefitted in the end. Dignissimus seems also to have been rooted more firmly in conditions of financial generosity than of moral virtue. Several examples apply the term to honorands who have spent their own money on the public behalf or whose achievements are summed up as liberalitas and munificentia.60 Only the inscription dedicated to the dignissimus et abstinentissimus vir (η. 60) associates the epithet, albeit loosely, with this man's moral responsibilities as patron, namely his diligentia in legally defending his clients (the navigarii lenuncularii of Ostia). 61 Examples of dignissimus are distributed fairly widely throughout Italy, although a majority belong to region 1, 62 Most of its dateable examples belong to the third century, and none can be securely dated before the end of Hadrian's r e i g n . D i g n i s s i m u s , therefore, appears to have had a more limited application in honorary texts than optimus in both its chronology and its emphasis on financial patronage. Our last generic epithet, praestantissimus, closely resembles dignissimus, for it, too, most often describes financially generous patrons and occurs mainly in the third century. As for its meaning, it bears no connotations of reciprocal obligation, but rather signifies outstanding public service. In fact, the related verb praestare in honorary inscriptions always refers to work undertaken by the wealthy and privileged on behalf of the

60

See ns. 6—largiter; 7—public works, munificentia, optime merenti; n. 28—private foundation, ob merita; η. 97—munificentia, largitiones; η. 152— munificentia; η. 376-public statue donated with feast and sportulae, ob merita; η. 435-largitio, liberalitas. See also n. 317, a patronus dignissimus honored for his adfectio and innocentia, and n. 400, a woman coopted as patrona dignissima for her castitas as well as for the amor, adfectio and beneficia of her husband. Although neither example mentions financial generosity explicitly, it was likely one manifestation of the adfectio, amor and beneficia cited. 62

Region 1: ns. 6, 7, 14, 28, 29, 45, 60, 81, 90, 95, 97, 121, 152. Region 3: n. 226. Region 5: n. 271. Region 6: n. 317, 352. Region 7: ns. 368, 376, 382, 383, 386, 400. Region 10: ns. 435, 464. 63xhe earliest example, n. 271, is dated approximately to the year 137; the latest, n. 28, to the year 259. Other second century examples: ns. 60, 352, 376,464. Other third century examples: ns. 6, 14, 29, 45, 90, 95, 97, 152, 317, 368, 382, 386, 400. Second or third century examples: ns. 7, 226, 383, 435. See also Appendix Seven.

27 public good. 6 4 Originally in Latin literature praestans was used to describe a person as socially and politically preeminent. Certainly, for Cicero the words praestans and princeps were almost synonymous.6^ By the second and third centuries, however, praestantissimus in honorary texts had come to designate those preeminent in wealth and civic generosity specifically. Appearing in fourteen inscriptions, praestantissimus pertains primarily to male and female patrons of senatorial status, many of them honored privately by their freedmen clients and slaves. The remaining examples concern municipal patrons from the imperial aristocracy and the municipal elite. 6 6 Thus, although praestantissimus was not an epithet of the imperial aristocracy exclusively, it does seem to have preserved some vestige of its Republican association with princeps in so far as it describes only the preeminent among the municipal elite and never refers to freedmen. This would partly explain why it occurs in fewer inscriptions than optimus and dignissimus. Those inscriptions that give some context for the epithet all describe the financial nature of the honorand's public activities, particularly public works projects (ns. 168, 170, 222). Other examples describe honorands who either generously fulfilled their duties in public office (n. 6) or financed lavish games and sportulae at the dedication of the honor (n. 261). This last example (n. 261) praises the honorand as a patronus abstinentissimus and civis praestantissimus, demonstrating that praestantissimus, like optimus, need not always modify the noun patronus. Most examples of praestantissimus come from region 1, with a few from regions 2, 3, 4 and 10. 67 It is conspicuously absent in inscriptions 64

S e e , for example, n. 348, "quotiens necesse fuit multum praestitisse," in praise of Aetrius Ferox who helped the town of Tuficum to establish a much needed road tax. Other inscriptions using praestare to describe public aid from wealthy benefactors or associating it with generosity and civic devotion are ns. 48,49, 135, 168, 295, 361. 6 ^See specifically Nat. D. 2.29. Hellegouarc'h 338 points out that Cicero reserves the term praestans for the highest officials in Rome, including four consuls: Q. Metellus Celer, consul 60 B.C. (Sest. 131); M. Calpurnius Bibulus, consul 59 B.C. (Phil. 2.23); P. Lentulus Spinther, consul 57 B.C. (Pis. 34); L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul 54 B.C. (Phil. 13.29). 66

M a l e and female patrons of senatorial status: ns. 1 (from libertus), 22 (from liberti), 53 (from libertus), 82 (apatrona from her liberti and servi), 122 (from libertus), 159,180 (apatrona from herparasiti), 222. High-ranking equestrian patron: n. 434. Patrons from municipal elite: ns. 6, 168, 170. Two other examples, ns. 114 and 261, are too fragmentary to allow secure determination of the honorand's rank or status as patron. Among the public groups dedicating these inscriptions are ordines et populi (e.g. ns. 159, 222) and collegia (e.g. ns. 168,170). See also Appendix Six. 67

R e g i o n 1: ns. 1, 6, 22, 53, 82, 114, 122, 159. Region 2: ns. 168, 170, 180. Region 3: n. 222.

I. Generic Vocabulary of Praise

28

from the northern part of Italy's peninsula, regions 5 through 9, the same regions in which there is a fair representation of optimus and dignissimus. This would indicate a regional preference for optimus and dignissimus in northern Italian municipalities. Those examples of praestantissimus securely dated within a century all belong to the third century. 68 Optimus, therefore, was the honorary epithet of choice during the first and second centuries, to be joined by dignissimus in the later second century and then by praestantissimus in the third century. 69 This increased variety in honorary epithets was certainly part of an overall growth in rhetorical consciousness during the late second and third centuries. 70 As we will see in the next chapter, however, it was at the same time a result of changing economic circumstances in Italy and the rest of the Empire. Wealthy municipal benefactors were becoming the exception rather than the norm, a trend which led to greater rhetorical creativity in singling out such individuals for tribute and emulation in honorary inscriptions.

Region 4: n. 261. Region 10: n. 434. 68

S e e ns. 1, 6, 22, 53, 82, 114, 122, 159, 168, 222, 261, 434.

69

N o t e that the epithet optimus appears with dignissimus in only one first (n. 352) and two second century inscriptions (ns. 271, 383). It never appears in the same inscription with praestantissimus. 70

S e e Neri 182-83, who places this greater rhetorical consciousness in inscriptions in the context of increased codification of rhetorical practices generally in the third century. See also Kajanto 15-17 who outlines changes in the praise of emperors in inscriptions from simple epithets in the first century to adulatory lists of virtues by the time of Diocletian.

II.

Financial Generosity

Viewed as a single text our corpus of honorary inscriptions has an unmistakable dominant theme-financial generosity. Italian honorary inscriptions praise men and women who share their wealth with the public, or who spend it to the public's advantage, more than they praise any other type of meritorious individual. Building on the discussion in the last chapter, this chapter demonstrates that the type of patronage extolled and encouraged by the inscriptions' vocabulary was primarily financial. And, through close analysis of certain key virtues such as munificentia and liberalitas, it will increase our understanding of ancient Roman attitudes toward such financial patronage. Since financial generosity receives more recognition in the inscriptions than any other type of praiseworthy behavior, one can see that money, its abundance and availability, was a basic concern to Italian municipals. This was largely because money in public treasuries was seldom used for public works and entertainment. What funds a town raised through taxes, public land rents or summae honorariae often went toward public administrative expenses, such as salaries for secretarial and menial positions, and toward the maintenance of public slaves. For public buildings, baths, games and banquets~the amenities of municipal life-communities had to turn to generous patrons. 1 Many of these patrons financed such amenities in the form of muñera patrimoniorum, that is, duties required of members of the municipal elite to be paid for at their own expense. 2 In some cases murtera were required of all magistrates as part of their administrative responsibilities, or they were items promised by the individual while campaigning for office. 3 Thus, the enrichment of a town's quality of life, its public image, and its morale, depended largely on the private wealth of its decurial class. 4 The legal discussions in Book 50 of the Digesta, however, many of which focus on exemptions from muñera or on those who do not fulfill 'For a recent discussion of municipal finance in Roman Italy see Dyson 160-173. For comparative material from Roman Spain see Mackie 118. 2

Digesta

50.4.18. See also Abbott and Johnson 94-99.

^Chapters 70 and 71 of the Lex Ursonensis, for example, state that all duoviri and aediles were required while in office to finance public games with at least 2,000 sesterces of their own money. The duoviri could also use 2,000 sesterces from the public treasury, but aediles only 1,000 sesterces. Digesta 50.12.14 concerns a constitutio of Trajan which addresses those who have promised to erect public buildings upon attaining public office. 4 O n private munificence in municipalities of the Roman Empire, see Wesch-Klein 9-11, who evaluates previous scholarship on the topic. See also Mrozek (1984), who includes a useful bibliography, 233 note 1. The first to discuss this subject was Toller, to be followed twenty-five years later by Laum. Other works to consult: Johnston, Duthoy (1984), Curchin (1983a), VanBremen, Schmitt-Pantel.

30

Π. Financial Generosity

their promises of muñera, indicate that not all members of the municipal elite were able or willing to perform public liturgies. 5 It appears that a financial malaise had already begun to affect decurtai families by the early second century. 6 And yet, in the same period private munificence at the local level was reaching its peak, particularly early in the second half of the century. 7 The same situation occurs in the third century, for historians of the Roman economy have underscored severe economic inflation and decline in the late second and third centuries as results of increasing demands made by corrupt imperial armies, 8 but the evidence for Italy suggests that her municipalities continued to experience relative stability in the third century, and that certain towns even profited from privately funded building projects. 9 Italy was able to avoid total economic decay by virtue of her many beneficent patrons. Thus, it is all the more understandable when inscriptions honoring these individuals emphasize their munificence through precise descriptions of their expenditures and citations of their generous qualities. The majority of such inscriptions date to the late second and third centuries when the need to encourage private benefactors, particularly at the decurial level, began to increase. The smaller number of examples from the first century is partly due to a more stable economy, but also partly a reflection of conservative attitudes toward private generosity held over from the late Republic. Certainly, Cicero's contempt for large-scale public benefactions is well attested. 10 Under the early Empire such aristocratic 5 S e e Digesto 50.5 and 50.6 for discussion of muneris publici vacatio and Digesto 50.12 de Pollicitationibus. 6

S e e MacMullen (1988) 44-49 and Garnsey (1974) 230-240. Garnsey, especially, demonstrates that legal arguments concerning the lack of willing liturgisers were already shaped by the early decades of the second century and subsequently only refined. See also Garnsey (1971). 7

See Duncan-Jones 121, Andreau 191-195, and Johnston 105. Compare Rostovtzeff 150, who put the height of decurial largesse in the first half of the second century. Compare also Mrozek (1984), and in an earlier article (1971) 68-69, who observes that sportulae in the form of cash or food continued to be made into the early third century but saw a sharp decline by the middle of the century. The epigraphical evidence for private munificence in Africa in all its various forms according to WeschKlein 49-52 also occurs mostly in the second century, but also in the early decades of the third century. We must theorize cautiously with the epigraphical evidence, however, because of the decline in epigraphical activity generally in the second quarter of the third century. See MacMullen (1982), 243-45 especially. 8 S e e Finley, especially 176, and Rostovtzeff 393-432. On third century inflation see Duncan-Jones 12-13. 9

S e e Dyson 225-230.

lOFor example, Off. 2.55-57; Att. 6.1.2, where he condemns Appius' prodigal financial administration of Cilicia, and compares it with his own frugal management of the same province's funds, both public and private.

31 disdain evolved into official suspicion and disapproval. 11 Not until Trajan's institution of the alimenta in Italy did wealthy municipals have a noble precedent for financing their own benefactions. What is most striking about all the praise of generosity in Italian inscriptions is the fact that it was aimed primarily at the municipal elite, not the imperial aristocracy; although the latter group makes up 25% of the entire corpus, they account for only about 10% of the inscriptions praising financial generosity. 12 Italian municipalities depended mostly on the wealth of local decurial families and affluent freedmen. To be sure, these people were more intimately connected with their respective communities and, therefore, more easily influenced by verbal persuasion in honorary texts. 13

Descriptions of Private Munificence In several honorary inscriptions praise of a benefactor's generosity takes the form of a simple description of his or her benefaction(s). The dedicators of such inscriptions 14 saw no need to embellish the honorands' stature with epithets or citation of virtues; their munificence spoke for itself. With the exception of a very few inscriptions recording the military achievements of senators, 15 financial generosity is the only type of public activity privileged with straight forward accounts in Italian honorary inscriptions. This type of praise by way of description was not uncommon (at least thirty-eight examples), but, as we will see, more often Italians preferred to elaborate upon the example of financial patrons with praise of their munificentia and other generous qualities. Most of these strictly descriptive texts commemorate members of the municipal elite, many of whom were municipal magistrates but not formal

11 For discussion of imperial disapproval of sportulae and public feasts, particularly under Domitian, see Duncan-Jones 138. See also Pliny's doubts about the effects of sportulae expressed in a letter to Trajan, Ep. 10.116. 12 S e e the data on the social status of honorands in notes 16, 30, 36 and on p. 61 of this chapter and in Appendix Four. 13 As an example of both the Italians' use of public persuasion and their financial dependence on affluent freedmen in particular, see CIL 14.3679 and 14.3679a. Both texts belong to a marble base dedicated publicly to Hercules by a generous (munificus) freedman who gained permission for erecting the monument by decree of the local senate at Tibur. Taking advantage of the freedman's gesture, the senate publishes the text of their decree on the base as well, "q[uo] [f]acilius ceteri quoque exemplum e[ius s]equi velint."

Among these were ordines et populi (e.g. ns. 5, 137), Augustales (e.g. ns. 39, 65), and private individuals (e.g. ns. 173, 259). Note that no collegia appear in this sample. 15

S e e n s . 255, 337, 358.

Π. Financial Generosity

32

patrons.16 In their case, especially, a description of their munificence was meant to encourage similar behavior from future magistrates. The type of benefaction described most frequently is the financing of public works construction or restoration, no doubt because these projects were often expensive and conspicuous.17 Other texts describe such acts as the financing of public games, public banquets, special bathing privileges, public statues of emperors and divinities, and cash distributions, among others.18 This custom of describing the benefaction in question can be traced back at least to the late Republic, the period of our earliest example (n. 193). It continued, however, throughout the first and second centuries, with a few examples belonging even to the third century.19 A significant majority of these inscriptions come from region 1, the remainder being scattered

'^Senators and high-ranking equestrians: non-patrons-ns. 125=154, 126, 171, 377. Equestrian municipals: patrons~ns. 253, 259, 290, 338, 393; non-patrons~ns. 36, 249. Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons--ns. 104, 306 (dedicated to woman in recognition of her father's generosity); non-patrons~ns. 39, 41, 50, 59, 64, 65, 118, 128, 137, 140, 158, 165, 173=174, 193, 256, 320, 360, 459. Women: non-patrons~ns. 5 , 4 4 (priestess), 390. Freedmen: non-patrons-ns. 85, 291,453. 17

S e e ns. 5 (public baths), 44 (temple porticus), 50 (public baths and aqueduct), 59 and 64 (numerous temples, monuments, road works), 118 (vela for theater), 125 and 126 (road maintenance), 154 (templum and paved forum), 165 (paved road), 193 (paved forum, restored town's canales, macellum, armamentarium), 249 (amphitheater), 256 (macellum), 291 (aqueduct), 306 (public baths), 360 (nymphaeum), 377 (amphitheater), 393 (opus macelli), 453 (unspecified opera publica). 18 Public games: ns. 39, 41, 44, 50, 64, 85, 104, 140, 158, 165, 259, 320, 453. Public banquets: ns. 59, 158, 320, 390, 453. Free bathing privileges or amenities: ns. 85, 137, 338, 390. Public statues: ns. 36, 171. Memorial foundation: n. 65. Grain supply: ns. 118, 253, 290, 453. Cash sportulae: ns. 65, 171, 173 and 174 (plus linen clothing and other items),

291. Gift of public land: n. 128. Donation to military fund: n. 59. Compare the type of inscription represented by CIL 5.5658 in which the only recognition of the honorands' generosity comes at the end of the text where mention is made of their paying for the honorary monument. 19 First century examples: ns. 59, 85, 125, 126, 140, 154, 158, 249, 338. Second century examples: ns. 5, 44, 64, 65, 104, 118, 165, 171, 253, 256, 306, 377, 393. Third century examples: ns. 137, 173, 174, 259, 390. First or second century examples: ns. 36,128, 453. Second or third century examples: ns. 41, 50, 291, 320.

33 throughout southern and central Italy. 20 Only two examples (ns. 453,459) belong to northern Italy (region 10). Several of these inscriptions acknowledge the benefactor's generosity in specific monetary terms, a practice common throughout Italian honorary texts. We see it early in the first century inscription to the senator Gaius Clodius Adiutor who bequeathed the interest on 300,000 sesterces to Sinuessa for a temple and forum (n. 153), and still later in the third century in the inscription to the local magistrate Titus Flavius Avitus Forensis who established a permanent fund of 400 sesterces to provide wood for heating the public baths. 21 This feature of honorary inscriptions has its roots in a society whose social classes were all rigidly and in some cases legally~the equestrian and senatorial census-defined by financial wealth. 2 2 Publicizing the exact financial proportions of a person's benefaction, whether a foundation or sportula, was tantamount to reaffirming their position within the social hierarchy. Certainly, part of Augustus' motive in enumerating his various liberalities in precise amounts in the Res Gestae (15-24) was to assert that his political supremacy had a firm basis in his financial resources. The Romans' preoccupation with costs in public inscriptions may appear gauche to us in the twentieth century, for whom in polite society price tags on gifts are the concern of the buyer only. Such modern attitudes have led some scholars, for example, to view Trimalchio's behavior in Petronius' Satyricon (especially Sat. 71 and 76) as typical of the nouveau-riche, particularly freedmen. 23 Others, however, rightly observe that Trimalchio is neither a complete anomaly nor representative of the values of rich freedmen only. Indeed, Andreau's study of private memorial foundations in Italy provides examples of inscriptions recording the exact amount of foundations established by senators and equestrians, as well as by municipals and Augustales,24 The precise documentation of financial expenditures in honorary texts, then, is neither odd nor limited to a single class, but part of a phenomenon characteristic of all Roman society.

20

Region 137, 140, 154, Region 2: Region 4: Region 6: Region 7:

1: ns. 5, 36, 39, 41, 44, 50, 59, 64, 65, 85, 104, 118, 125, 126, 128, 158. ns. 165, 171, 173, 174, 193. ns. 249, 253, 256, 259. ns. 290, 291, 306, 320, 338, 360. ns. 377, 390, 393.

2 'Other examples of plain descriptions recording exact amounts spent or given by the benefactor: ns. 36, 39, 59, 65, 85, 118, 125, 137, 171, 253, 291, 320, 377, 453. 22 S e e also Duncan-Jones 3: "...the explicit and active domination of Roman social structures by wealth and wealth requirements is an integral feature that deserves special notice." 23

For example, Veyne (1961) 244-45.

24

Andreau, 168-69 specifically. See also Finley 36 and D'Arms (1981) 97-120.

Π. Financial Generosity

34

Munificentia,

Liber alitas, and

Largitio

When Italians wished to embellish their recognition of generous patrons they had a number of complimentary terms for generosity in their vocabulary to which they could turn. Of these, munificentia is by far the most prevalent in the corpus. It occurs in fifty-one examples (including grammatical variations) and is, thus, the third most popular word in the corpus after merita and optimus. In contrast, liberalitas, largitio and their grammatical variations occur in only twenty-nine inscriptions. 25 The Italians' preference for munificentia may be explained in light of their ambivalence towards liberalitas and largitio as virtues, particularly in the late Republic when these words were associated with politically motivated expenditure. 26 Not until the second century when liberalitas joined the ranks of imperial virtues necessary for maintaining peace and prosperity in the empire did occurrences of it and the related largitio increase in inscriptions to local benefactors. This adoption of imperial values and vocabulary reflects well the Italians' growing concern for continued prosperity and stability in their own communities. 27 Munificentia, however, seems to have escaped any connotations of bribery, even though it often pertains to gifts of significant proportions made by the politically powerful. 28 Sallust, for example, in listing Caesar's virtues (Cat. 54), chooses munificentia, not liberalitas, to describe his generosity, even though the latter was one of Caesar's slogans. Manning argues that Sallust opted to summarize Caesar's character here with a less "emotionally charged word." 29 Italian municipals likewise preferred this 25

Liberalitas occurs in twenty-two examples and largitio in thirteen; seven of these inscriptions contain both words. 26

S e e , in particular, Manning 73-78. See also the following discussions of liberalitas and largitio in the Roman political vocabulary: Hellegouarc'h 219-22; Borsanyi 39-42; Berve. liberalitas in inscriptions, particularly in the context of imperial largesse, Kloft and Barbieri. Neither Kloft nor Barbieri, however, aim to analyze liberalitas inscriptions in order to gauge public opinion of the wealthy elite. Rather, they concerned with studying the different forms and sources of benefactors', especially emperors', liberalitas.

see in are the

28

M o o r e 104, for example, observes that Livy uses munificentia to describe the generosity of wealthy kings in particular, who often bestow gifts of exceptional value. Manning 76. See also Kloft 47, who argues that munificentia appears in the Latin vocabulary for the first time during Julius Caesar's aedileship (65 B.C.) in connection with his numerous building projects and public games (Suet. lui. 10.1). Like Sallust, Cicero uses munificentia in a positive sense; at QRosc. 8.22, for example, Cicero defends Roscius from the charge of having cheated another man out of 50,000 sesterces on the grounds that he was too wealthy and generous (munificentissimus) to stoop to such a crime. Otherwise, however, Cicero rarely uses munificentia in his speeches.

35 less controversial term for praising generosity in their honorary monuments. By itself munificentia does not imply reciprocity and as such is not limited to the context of patronage. Accordingly, this virtue is attributed to patrons and non-patrons alike of all ranks, the majority being non-patrons of the municipal elite. 30 Munificentia also characterizes a variety of benefactions, from public works to cash sportulae.31 A significant majority of its examples come from region 1, with a fair representation in regions 3 and 6 and some isolated examples as far north as regions 10 and II. 3 2 It appears to have been most popular in the second century, but several examples can be dated to the first and third centuries as well. 33

^ S e n a t o r s and high-ranking equestrians: patrons--n. 123, 149, 152, 183; nonpatrons-ns. 84, 285, 460, 482. Equestrian municipals: patrons-ns. 7, 11, 225, 228, 296, 415; non-patrons~ns. 130, 151, 395. Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons-ns. 51, 97, 216, 292, 327, 328; non-patrons—ns. 8, 34, 62, 115, 117, 127, 131, 138=156, 143, 202, 211, 213, 214, 232, 378, 388. Women: non-patrons—ns. 37 (priestess, wife of patron), 133, 162, 220 (priestesses), 300, 407. Freedmen: non-patrons~ns. 23, 55, 92, 139. The honorand's status in n. 195 cannot be determined from the extant text. These inscriptions were dedicated by decuriones (e.g. ns. 138,156), populi (e.g. ns. 55, 202), Augustales (e.g. ns. 232, 460), collegia (e.g. ns. 97, 220), private persons (e.g. n. 162). See also Appendix Six. Other fragmentary examples of munificentia include CIL 10.1819 and 14.359. 3

' Public Games: ns. 92, 117, 138, 149, 156, 211, 214, 232. Public Works: ns. 7, 115, 131, 195. Public Feasts, Donations, Sportulae: ns. 8, 51, 97, 138, 143, 213, 225, 228, 296, 407. Memorial Foundations: ns. 34, 216, 415. Grain supply: ns. 202, 213, 415. 32 Region 1: ns. 7, 8, 11, 23, 34, 37, 51, 55, 62, 84, 92, 97, 115, 117, 123, 127, 130, 131, 133, 138, 139, 143, 149, 151, 152, 156, 162. Region 2: ns. 183, 195. Region 3: ns. 202, 211, 213, 214, 216, 220, 225, 228. Region 4: n. 232. Region 6: ns. 285, 292, 296, 300, 327, 328. Region 7: ns. 378, 388, 395. Region 8: ns. 407, 415. Region 10: n. 460. Region 11: n. 482. 33

T h e earliest example (n. 23) is dated to 31, and the latest (n. 328) to 261. Other first century examples: ns. 11, 84, 138, 139, 156, 220, 285. Second century examples: ns. 34, 55, 62, 117, 123, 127, 143, 183, 202, 216, 225, 228, 292, 296, 407, 460. Third century examples: ns. 37, 97, 149, 151, 152, 162, 327, 328, 388, 415.

Π. Financial Generosity

36

Similar to muniflcentia, liberalitas and largitio connote neither reciprocity nor the obligations characteristic of patron-client relations. As outlined by Cicero in De Officiis (3.118), liberalitas entails a specific brand of generosity that concerns itself only with the well-being of the recipient, not with the accrual of the patron's prestige and honors. 34 Largitio, although originally very similar in meaning to liberalitas, came to signify the official expenditures of magistrates. 35 Correspondingly, the inscriptions attribute liberalitas and largitio to non-patrons as well as patrons and mainly municipal magistrates and local dignitaries, there being only a few dedicated to members of the imperial aristocracy or to women and freedmen. 36 These examples come from towns all throughout Italy, including Paestum (ns. 208, 210, 211), the southernmost location, and Comum (ns. 479, 480), the northernmost. 37 They also cover several centuries, although a slight majority date to the second century, as is the case with munificentia.3% Once liberalitas and largitio emerged in the Romans' public praise Second or third century examples: ns. 7, 8, 51, 195, 232, 300, 378. See also Appendix Seven. 34 M a n n i n g 73-74, citing among other passages Cicero Amie. discusses this altruistic aspect of liberalitas.

30-31 and 51,

35

Borsanyi 41 claims that liberalitas and largitio vied for equal attention in the Latin vocabulary during the first century B.C., but after 60 B.C. liberalitas superseded largitio which eventually denoted, often in a pejorative manner, magistrates' official expenditures. See also Berve 82-83. ^ S e n a t o r s and high-ranking equestrians: patrons~ns. 135,475. Equestrian municipals: patrons~ns. 208, 415, 478; non-patrons-ns. 132, 318, 477. Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons~ns. 6, 97, 169, 170, 421, 429, 435; non-patrons~ns. 98, 124, 134, 210, 211, 313, 446, 479, 480. Woman non-patron--n. 27. Freedmen: patrons-ns. 146 (not patron of dedicating group), 312; non-patrons—ns. 55. These inscriptions were dedicated by ordines (e.g. ns. 124, 134), plebs (e.g. ns. 55, 318), Augustales (e.g. n. 429), collegia (e.g. ns. 97, 421), private persons (e.g. n. 208). See also Appendix Six. Another fragmentary example of liberalitas is CIL 11.7748. 37

R e g i o n 1: ns. 6, 27, 55, 97, 98, 124, 132, 134, 135, 146. Region 2: ns. 169, 170. Region 3: ns. 208, 210, 211. Region 6: ns. 312, 313, 318. Region 8: ns. 415, 421. Region 10: ns. 429, 435, 446, 475. Region 11: ns. 477, 478, 479, 480. 38

T h e earliest example (n. 134) dates to the late Republic, and the latest (n. 475) to the period between 201 and 235. Other first century examples: ns. 135,429.

37 vocabulary, they were not limited to inscriptions in any one region or time period. Given the simlarities between munificentia and liberalitas and largitio, both in meaning and application, why did the Italians so clearly prefer munificentia when acknowledging a benefactor's generosity? We might point to the different emphases of each word, as does Kloft who argues on the basis of their etymologies that munificentia (munus-facere) refers more to the objects of generosity, whereas liberalitas describes only a person's generous disposition. 39 To be sure, individual inscriptions that correspond to Kloft's distinction may be adduced. Example n. 23, in fact, seems to support Kloft's etymological analysis of munificentia word for word, for the honorand is praised as "utilis et munificus ad muñera omatus municipi facienda." Even the adjective utilis underscores the tangible expediency of the muñera in question. 40 More inscriptions, however, can be cited to show the interchangeability of munificentia and liberalitas to denote either a generous nature or its material manifestations. When, for example, liberalitas occurs as a singular noun coupled with other virtues, such as amor (n. 146) or honorificentia (n. 170), it is clearly describing a personality trait. The same can be said for munificentia when it is paired with amor (n. 225) or pietas (η. 388). Both words also take the form of superlative adjectives, liberalissimus (n. 169) and munificentissimus (ns. 123, 285), to describe the benefactor explicitly. Other inscriptions, however, use liberalitas and munificentia to describe strictly benefactions. Three examples (ns. 313, 318,415) use the plural noun liberalitates in reference to actual gifts, such as the funding of public games (η. 313). 41 Similarly, in inscription n. 97 the placement of munificent(iam) between beneficia and largitiones42, two nouns which clearly denote concrete benefactions, would indicate that munificentia also

Second century examples: ns. 55, 98, 146, 169, 208, 312, 313, 421, 477. Third century examples: ns. 6, 97, 415. Second or third century examples: ns. 124, 210, 318, 435, 478, 479, 480. also Appendix Seven.

See

39 K l o f t 47. See also Moore 104, who makes a distinction similar to Kloft's between Livy's uses of munificentia and liberalitas. 40 S e e also n. 130 in which the honorand is termed utilissimus and munificentissimus. Compare n. 468 (side a line 15) where the noun utilitas functions as a virtue in connection with the term beneficium to signify the honorand's generosity toward the local community. 4

' F o r provincial examples of liberalitas benefactions, see CIL 8.16555 and 8.16556.

used in the plural to denote actual

42 T h e plural beneficia and largitiones in this inscription may indicate that the abbreviation munificent, should also be expanded to the plural munificentias. All other occurrences of munificentia in the inscriptions, however, are singular.

Π. Financial Generosity

38

refers here to a specific gift. 43 What is more, both liberalitas and munificentia function as terms for the source from which a benefactor makes his or her gifts. In example n. 211, the senate of Paestum honors Diogenes, a municipal magistrate, for financing gladiatorial games "ex sua liberalitate." 44 Inscription n. 415 similarly reads: "singulis vicis munificentia sua (sestertios) XX (milia) n(ummum)...largitus sit." The phrases ex sua liberalitate and munificentia sua are simply a variation on the more common expression sua pecunia.45 Since the Italians apparently used munificentia, liberalitas and largitio indiscriminately to denote both abstract virtues and their tangible results, we cannot attribute the relative infrequency of liberalitas and largitio to any difference in meaning or emphasis between these terms. We are confronting a difference in perception rather than definition which originated in late Republican politics when liberalitas developed negative overtones through association with ambitio·, that is, it had come to signify politically motivated expenditure rather than selfless generosity. 46 A particularly striking passage for illustrating this association is Cicero De Oratore 2.105, in which the author qua lawyer draws a very fine line between liberalitas and the vice ambitio. Moreover, in this passage he uses as a synonym for ambitio the word largitio: "Nam et de pecuniis repetundis, quae maximae sunt, neganda fere sunt omnia, et de ambitu raro illud datur, ut possis liberalitatem atque benignitatem de ambitu atque largitione seiungere."47 Despite its connotations of political bribery, liberalitas gained prominence during Caesar's rule as a term befitting both his generosity and clemency, qualities which in his monarchical position he could afford to

43 Largitio, too, is used to describe both benefactors and benefactions. For examples of the plural largitiones denoting benefactions see ns. 313, 318, 478. For examples of the verb largior in connection with specific acts of generosity see ns. 415, 480. For examples of largitio/largitas used as a personal virtue and largissimus used to describe the benefactor see ns. 170,435,475. For the adverb largiter used to describe the manner in which the benefaction was made see ns. 6,132.

MOLD, S.V. ex, definition 14, "indicating source from which payment is made." The phrase ex sua liberalitate also appears frequently in provincial examples. See, for example, CIL 8.1578 (to Hadrian), 8.8466, and 8.12421. 45 S e e , for example: n. 117, from the coloni et incolae of Abella to L. Egnatius Inventus, who "diem gladiatorum et omne apparatum pecunia sua edidit;" n. 232, from the Augustales of Allifae to L. Fadius Pierus, who "ludos scaenicos p(ecunia) s(ua) f(ecit)." 4 6

For discussions of the association of liberalitas with corruption in the late Republic, see Manning 77-79, Hellegouarc'h 219, and Berve 82-84. 47 S e e also Cie. Off. 1.44 where Cicero again differentiates between liberalitas and largitio on the basis of moderation and proper motivation.

39 exploit. 48 Consequently, however, the word's unsettling connection with Caesar's virtual monarchy led Augustus to avoid the term almost completely in his political propaganda. Not once does he use liberalitas to refer to his numerous benefactions in the Res Gestae.49 Outside Italy, however, where the status of the princeps was less ambiguously regal, we know of at least one occurrence of the word liberalitas during Augustus' reign, that is, on coins from the provincial city of Ebora which display the inscription, "Permissu Caesaris Augusti/ Liberalitatis lui. Ebor." 50 Pliny the Elder (N.H. 4.117) adds that the city Ebora itself even went by the name Liberalitas Augusti. Although apparently accepted and applied in the provinces, liberalitas was not used by any of the Julio-Claudian emperors in Rome or Italy until the time of Claudius. Celebrating the anniversary of his mother Antonia's birthday, Claudius provided games at which he distributed lead tokens with Antonia's portrait and the inscription ex liberalitate Augusti.^ Considering its history in the late Republic and early Empire, we should not be surprised that our earliest example of liberalitas, which dates to the late Republic (n. 134), displays some sensitivity to the term as a byword for corruption. The local senate of Herculaneum honored Marcus Remmus Rufus and his son of the same name, both duoviri, for being liberales in the financing of public works and games. The inscription also specifies, however, that they did not display any ambitio or iactatio while in office. This qualification of their financial generosity illustrates the senate's concerns about political bribery among local magistrates. Indeed, competition for political power and prestige at the municipal level was enough of a reality to prompt provisions against bribery in a number of municipal laws. 52 Neither should we be surprised that largitio occurs in no

48 S e e , for example, Cie. Marceli. 7.17.2, 9.13.4.

6.16; Lig. 3.6, 8.23; Fam. 1.9.12, 1.9.18,

4

^This fact is observed by: Berve 84, Kloft 75, and Manning 78. When Augustus does describe his generous distribution of money at the time of his victory over the Cantabrians (Anc. 15.1), he chooses the term congiarium, a less controversial synonym for liberalitas. For the argument that liberalitas and congiarium are synonyms for "benefaction," see Barbieri 838-39. Cf. Berve 84 and 86, who makes a distinction between liberalitas as a gift made from the emperor's Patrimonium and congiarium as a gift made from the fiscus. 50

S e e Berve 84.

51 See Barbieri 876. ^Chapter 23 of the Lex Ursonensis, for example, which forbids candidates for local office from putting on games and banquets in order to buy votes, indicates that bribery and corruption at the municipal level were indeed a reality. Hardy 59 comments that this chapter of the charter was based on the Roman leges de ambitu, particularly the Lex Tullia of 63 B.C.

Π. Financial Generosity

40

first century inscription, 53 given its practical equation with ambitio in late Republican literature.54 Beginning in the early second century, however, liberalitas and largitio became more widespread in the praise vocabulary of Italian inscriptions, most likely in reaction to the reemergence of these words in imperial propaganda. Trajan's alimenta certainly provided a good opportunity for both the emperor to demonstrate his liberalitas and communities to commemorate it in inscriptions (e.g. CIL 6.1492). Subsequent emperors also received honorary monuments praising their liberalitas toward whole provinces ( C I L 14.4235-to Hadrian) or vital cities ( C I L 14.95-to Hadrian) 55 which often manifested itself in benefactions very similar to those made by municipals. 56 By the beginning of the third century even largitio had found a place in the formulaic phrase, "ex largissimis stipendiis et liberalitatibus," pertaining to imperial donatives on a number of inscriptions (e.g. CIL 8.2554-Septimius Severus). To be sure, this imperial largesse was politically motivated, for it garnered support from and maintained order in strategic parts of the Empire; but no accusations of ambitio could be made against an emperor whose preeminent position by now went unquestioned. 57

53

T h e r e is, however, an example of the adjective largus in an early first century inscription from Aquileia (n. 429): "ob honori[f]ica merita eius et in exhibendis populo voluptatibus largum nitorem." 54 S e e , for example, Cie. Plane. 19.47 and Mur. 77. Compare the text of inscription n. 421, a decree by the collegium fabrum et centonariorum of Regium Lepidum to coopt a patron, "virum et vita et modestia et ingenita verecundia ornatum et ljberalem," with the following from Cie. O f f . 1.93, "Sequitur ut de una reliqua parte honestatis dicendum sit, in qua verecundia et quasi quidam ornatus vitae, temperantia et modestia omnisque sedatio perturbationum animi et rerum modus cernitur." The affinity of these two texts presents at least the possibility that the members of this collegium, and other educated Italians by association, were familiar with the works of Cicero or, at the very least, ascribed to a similar moral vocabulary.

55It was also during the reign of Hadrian that the word liberalitas appeared on imperial coins for the first time, but more as an abstract virtue of the emperor than a concrete gift. During Trajan's reign only artistic representations of Liberalitas, not the word, appeared on imperial coins. On this aspect of liberalitas in imperial ideology see Strack 145 and Barbieri 843. 56 F o r a list of the various types of imperial and private liberalitas see Barbieri 87485. 57

S e e Tacitus (Hist. 1.18) and Suetonius (Di'v. Vesp. 17) on the importance of imperial liberalitas for securing civil order. Manning observes 77-81 that not until full recognition of the emperor's authority did liberalitas in its political sense regain acceptance, but then only for describing the emperor's generosity; the aristocracy was now free to practice liberalitas in its purer philosophical sense. It would be naive to think, however, that aristocratic benefactors acted without any consideration for their own or their family's public reputation.

41 Following the emperor's example, municipal benefactors undertook such forms of liberalitas and largitio as their social and financial position allowed. And as the ambitions of such benefactors often resulted in better quality of community life and greater social stability, sensitivity to the connections between liberalitas, largitio, and ambitio in the inscriptions' language disappears after the beginning of the second century. Some inscriptions, in fact, exaggerate their use of liberalitas and largitio in order to emphasize the extent of the honorand's largesse. Examples ns. 313 and 318 in particular, both from Paestum, with their identical flamboyant phrase, "ob eximias liberalitates et abundantissimas in exemplum largitiones," express this community's frank appreciation of and desire for multiple expenditures of significant proportions by private benefactors. Moreover, the frequent association of liberalitas and largitio with financing public games, a potentially powerful political tool, also indicates how unconcerned the dedicators were with these terms' earlier connotations of bribery. 58 What they were concerned with was the shrinking wealth of the decurial class as demonstrated by Severianus' inscription (n. 132) which praises him specifically for assuming public office with its attendant expenses, although he could have excused himself because of his religious duties as a sacerdos·, the text underscores his magnanimity specifically with the adverbs largiter and libenter,59 Severianus' example clearly reflects an economic climate in which decuriones often could not financially afford to fulfill their public duties or to assume additional magistracies. With private wealth becoming concentrated in the hands of fewer and fewer municipal aristocrats and more men abandoning public office and its attendant financial responsibilities, the public responded by putting more emphasis on financial generosity in honorary inscriptions. Again, their purpose was twofold: 1) to spotlight the benefactors and 2) to encourage other wealthy individuals to be as generous. Certainly, an unabbreviated phrase like eximias liberalitates or abundantissimas largitiones was bound ^ C i c e r o , O f f . 2.55-56, certainly recognized the manipulative power of such entertainments and roundly condemned those who financed them as prodigi. Cf. Pliny, Pan. 33.1-2, 34.3-4, who often used liberalitas to praise Trajan's lavish public entertainments. Individuals honored for sponsoring public games and praised for their liberalitas or largitio account for eight (ns. 124, 132, 134, 146, 210, 211, 313, 429) of our fourteen examples that associate these virtues with any type of benefaction. Other benefactions associated with liberalitas or largitio include public works projects (ns. 170, 446, 475), donations toward municipal expenses and grain supplies (ns. 415, 477, 478), and private foundations (ns. 124,415). 59

S e e also n. 124 where libenter describes a similar willingness on the part of the honorand, in this case a willingness to provide for a community-wide cash distribution every year on his birthday. Pienissime and its adjective plenissimus similarly distinguish the generosity of municipal magistrates uncompromised by lack of funds. See: n. 48, "pienissime quicquid re[i pujblicae opus fuisset ultro semper e[t po]llicitus sit et praestiterit cupidiss[i]me neque cessaverit unquam...;" n. 92, pienissimo munificentiae studio; n. 121, "diem autem ludorum pienissime exhibuit;" n. 357, ob pienissima merita.

Π. Financial Generosity

42

to catch the attention of passersby. From the perspective of the few wealthy decurions, recognition of their liberalitas in public inscriptions became an advertisement of their privileged place in municipal society. It acknowledged their superiority, not unlike the emperor's, in being able to safeguard a community's well-being. The evolution of liberalitas and largitio from simple terms for altruistic generosity to synonyms for ambitio, and then to words of praise in honorary inscriptions illustrates the significant effect of imperial propaganda and socio-economic factors on the Latin language. Indeed, Cicero could admonish an audience of conservative and moneyed senators not to squander their estates through unwise donations (Off. 2.54): "multi enim patrimonia effuderunt inconsulte largiendo." But Cicero and his circle of philosopher friends did not have the same financial concerns as Italian municipals and their local benefactors, who were all very dependent on one another for both public services and prestige. Benignitas

and

Bonitas

Two additional words synonymous with liberalitas and largitio even in their pejorative sense are benignitas and bonitas. Cicero associates benignitas with ambitio explicitly in the De Oratore (2.105) 6 0 and elsewhere characterizes bonitas as politically motivated largesse. 61 Livy, too, often describes Hannibal's self-serving attempts to allure potential allies as benignitas.62 These negative connotations, along with the virtual absence of benignitas and bonitas from imperial propaganda, may well explain their infrequent occurrence in honorary texts; benignitas and its grammatical variations occur in only four examples and bonitas in only two. Benignitas appears as an abstract virtue (n. 244), a superlative epithet (ns. 70, 194), and an adjective modifier (benigna adfectio, n. 317). Bonitas, however, appears in noun form only, and both times with other virtues (n. 222 with benevolentia, n. 416 with fides and innocentia).63 Interestingly, none of these inscriptions elaborates on the honorand's generosity by mentioning any benefactions. Bonitas is applied once to a senatorial patron (n. 222) and benignitas once to a high-ranking equestrian pa60

C f . Verr. 2.2.98.

6

' F o r example, Lig. 37. See also Hellegouarc'h 218-219, who discusses benignitas, specifically its affinity with liberalitas in late Republican politics. 62 F o r example, Livy 21.34.4, 23.42.4. Moore 95-97 further demonstrates the superficiality of benignitas in Livy as an adjective or adverb in formulaic phrases for speaking or offering hospitality.

Another example of bonitas too fragmentary to include here is CIL 10.1820 in which the terms beneficia and industria appear as well. See also CIL 10.1260, a very late third or fourth century inscription praising the honorand for his infatigabilis bonitas with which he contributed to the securitati civium.

43 tron (η. 70). The remaining examples pertain to the municipal elite, patrons and non-patrons (ns. 194, 244, 317, 416), but not to any women or freedmen. 64 These inscriptions belong to several regions within Italy, but date mainly to the third century. 65 Although to a lesser degree than liberalitas and largitio, benignitas and bonitas had shed their connotations of financial corruption by the third century due to increasing economic demands in municipal Italy during this period.

^ E x a m p l e n . 244 is dedicated to a woman, but she is praised for her father's benignitas. These inscriptions were dedicated by a variety of municipal groups: e.g. ordo populusque (n. 222), Augustales (η. 244), collegium (η. 194).

^Region Region 2: Region 3: Region 4: Region 6: Region 8:

i; η. 70 (early third century). n. 194 (third century). n. 222 (late third century). n. 244 (undated). n. 317 (third century). n. 416 (second or third century).

III.

Personal Motivations for Patronage

The virtues discussed in this chapter—amor, adfectio, benevolentia, spes, voluntas, Studium, obsequium, reverentia, honorificentia, pietas—are all associated explicitly or implicitly with financial generosity in honorary inscriptions, but draw attention specifically to the honorand's character rather than his or her benefactions. With the exception of reverentia, they also function as terms describing the gratitude of beneficiaries toward their benefactors. The introduction into honorary texts of not only honorands' but also beneficiaries' virtues expands the image of the patron-client or benefactor-beneficiary relationship to include a sense of mutual respect and understanding between the two parties that was not necessarily a part of the original contract. To praise a benefactor for munificentia, for instance, is to acknowledge his exclusive wealth and, thereby, underscore his privilege to exercise such virtue. Amor, obsequium and other related terms, on the other hand, represent a posture common to both benefactor and beneficiary. A benefactor praised for such virtues, therefore, appears to embrace the values of his or her beneficiaries and, consequently, to be more sensitive to their needs. By distinguishing honored benefactors in such a way, Italian municipals suggested to other potential benefactors that wealth and status were not the only prerequisites for financial generosity; on the contrary, they were promoting the idea that generosity derives ultimately from a considerate character and is, therefore, inherent in all good citizens regardless of their economic means. These virtues do not suggest, however, that the benefactors concerned were acting out of pure charity. Rather, the contexts in which these virtues appear~the types of benefactions and other virtues to which they are linked and the types of people they benefitted-demonstrate that the generosity in question was intended to glorify the local community along with the honorand. Interestingly enough, philotimia and other related terms popular in Greek honorary texts 1 have no equivalent in Roman inscriptions. Even amor, the most widespread of the virtues discussed in this chapter, does not really correspond. Never, for example, does the phrase amor gloriae appear in an Italian honorary text. More often amor and other related virtues are paired with the genitive patriae or with prepositional phrases such as erga municipes to signify the honorand's devotion to a wider public. The chapter begins with a discussion of amor and the closely related virtue adfectio and continues with individual analyses of the remaining virtues, all of which more or less echo amor and adfectio in their portrayal of benefactors' affection and beneficiaries' appreciation. Voluntas, Studium, and obsequium appear least often perhaps because of their connotations of lower-class political partisanship and servile docility, sentiments less suitable for promoting stable financial patronage. Also noteworthy is 'See Henry 42-44.

ΠΙ. Personal Motivations for Patronage

46

the fact that honorificentia and pietas, which suggest a greater sense of respect and responsibility, are much less prevalent than amor. It appears, therefore, that in expanding the framework for financial patronage honorary texts tended to promote the concept of emotional attachment over duty. A majority of these virtues appear in late second and third century inscriptions. A comparison with the evidence for munificentia, which occurs more often in the first and second centuries, indicates that at first financial patronage was highlighted mainly through praise of generosity itself, whereas by the third century it was promoted more through appeals to people's sense of community loyalty. Amor and

Adfectio

The term amor and its grammatical variations (e.g., amator, amantissimus, amare) appear with significant regularity in Italian honorary texts. Occurring in forty-two examples, amor is the fourth most frequently used term of praise in the inscriptions after merita, optimus and munificentia. Since it holds no importance in the literary terminology of patronage, nor by itself describes a person's propensity for generosity, the popularity of amor as a municipal virtue is rather noteworthy. According to studies of amor in historical and philosophical literature, the word pertains either to patriotic or personal devotion motivated by true affection, not to any sense of obligation such as that felt by patron or client.2 The numerous examples of amor in the inscriptions would suggest, then, that benefactors often felt more than obliged to act generously, or at least that beneficiaries wished to credit their benefactors with some altruistic motives. The use of amor to denote sincere devotion is underscored by its association with adfectio. The two words actually appear twice together in the phrase adfectio amoris (ns. 235, 328), in which adfectio is the benefactors' state of mind influenced by amor? This phrase especially evokes an image of personal commitment behind the public stance of community involvement. Adfectio by itself, however, can mean "love" or "affection," 4 2 For literary studies of amor see: Sailer 13, 60,70, 159; Meister 7; Hellegouarc'h 142-147. Sailer 13, in particular, cites Fronto, Ep. 1.3.4, who emphasizes that his relationship with the emperor is not based on merita, but on amor, meaning pure affection. Sailer contrasts this definition of amor with amicitia, which he sees as a relationship based on "mutual services." Compare Hellegouarc'h 146-47 who cites Cicero, Tusc. 4.34.72 as evidence that amor is simply a more active expression of amicitia, the latter referring more to the ties existing between the two parties.

^Compare the genitive animi which often follows adfectio to denote a state of mind, good or bad. See, for example, Cicero, Fin. 5.63. Seneca, too, most often uses adfectio in this sense: grati animi adfectionem (Ben. 4.18.1); adfectum...verentis et aestuantis (Ben. 6.42.1). 4

Adfectus clearly describes a sense of compassion at Seneca, Ben. 6.16.2. Aulus Gellius (NA 10.18.1) uses adfectio to describe Artemisia's love for her husband Mausolus. See also Apuleius, Met. 3.22.9.

47 and in this sense operates as a synonym for amor, although in fewer examples (twenty versus forty-two). In one inscription (n. 400) the two terms are used in such a way that no distinction can be made between them: "quanto amore quantaque adfectione Laberius Gallus...erga coll(eg)ium n(ostrum) agere instituent, beneficia eius iam dudum in nos conlata confirmant." 5 Furthermore, both amor and adfectio are regularly combined with prepositional phrases, such as erga collegium nostrum in the above text, which qualify them as personal virtues that are, nonetheless, worthy of praise only if manifested publicly. 6 Illustrating another aspect of their public manifestation, amor and adfectio often describe the communal gratitude and affection demonstrated by beneficiaries. In a tabula patronatus from Pisaurum (n. 316), for example, the collegium fabrum articulates their plena obsequia amoris for their patrons, the senator Petronius Victorinus and his family. In an example from Puteoli (n. 151) the local senate grants the honos auguratus to a municipal dignitary who has earned the adfectum of the people. 7 As personal virtues, amor and adfectio were attributed to individuals of all classes, both patrons and non-patrons.8 Thus, they were not per5

See also n. 327, "Quanto amore quantaque munificentiafm} n(umerum) n(ostrum) Carenus Vibianus ornasse pala(m) est, cuius inpares beneficiis ad remunerandam (e)ius adfectionem qu(a)erere remedia debere;" η. 6, an honorand praised for adfectio and given the epithet amantissimus. 6 For further examples of amor and adfectio qualified by such prepositional phrases see: ns. 6, 49, 54, 88, 124, 146, 162, 172, 186, 192, 194, 231, 234, 239, 241, 272, 273, 282, 317, 328, 400. Similar to these are the titles amator municipi (η. 23) and amantissimus patriae (or some other relevant noun in objective genitive): ns. 6, 91, 304, 345, 367, 410, 411, 416, 428. 7 See also n. 87, to a young equestrian whose father pays for the cost of the monument pro amore civitatis; η. 147, a municipal decree made public "quo testatior sit erga eum adfectus rei p(ublicae) nostrae;" n. 179, describing a statue erected to patronus collegi as a perpetuum amoris munus from the collegium in question; ns. 326 and 327, both tabulae patronatus from collegia expressing gratitude for their newly coopted patrons with the term adfectio.

^Senators and high-ranking equestrians: patrons~ns. 21, 74, 186, 192, 230, 272, 273, 316, 345, 400; non-patrons-ns. 49, 54, 78, 172, 468. Equestrian municipals: patrons~ns. 225, 234, 235, 247, 282, 296, 317, 327, 328, 416; non-patrons~ns. 67, 132, 151, 269. Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons~ns. 6,96, 188, 194, 241, 240, 304, 307, 410, 411; non-patrons-ns. 72, 124, 191, 367, 383, 428, 466. Women: non-patrons-ns. 162, 231, 239. Freedmen: patrons-ns. 4,146; non-patrons-ns. 23, 88,91. These inscriptions were dedicated by ordines (e.g. ns. 416,468), ordines et populi (e.g. n. 240), Augustales (e.g. ns. 231, 282), collegia (e.g. ns. 316, 400), private persons (e.g. ns. 162, 367). See also Appendix Six. Other fragmentary examples of amor and adfectio include: CIL 9.1579, 9.2462, 10.1787, 10.4722, 10.6465.

ΙΠ. Personal Motivations for Patronage

48

ceived as qualities of formal patrons or of the imperial aristocracy exclusively, but as traits typical of all good, beneficent Romans. That these individuals demonstrated their amor and adfectio primarily through financial generosity the inscriptions make clear by frequently expounding upon specific benefaction(s)9 or combining amor and adfectio with other vocabulary for financial generosity. 10 The language in inscription n. 6 is particularly fulsome in depicting an honorand's devotion to public munificence: "ob nimiam eius erga municipes patriamque adfectionem quod is in honoribus enixe adque inpenssime (sic) in omnibus patriae suae largiter functus sit." 11 Two other inscriptions are worth mentioning here for their expressive language, although the honorand's financial generosity in neither case is mentioned explicitly. In the first example (n. 91) the senate of Praeneste erects a monument in honor of Aelius Mabbidianus and his father Anatellon, an imperial freedman, who is described as amantissimus rei publicae and "semper et ubique pro commodis rep(ublicae) nostrae excubantis." The second inscription records a decree of the senate of Tergeste (η. 468,11. 26-28) to erect a statue in honor of the senator Fabius Severas, who labored tirelessly as legal advocate and benefactor for the town: "Cum Fabius Severu[s]...tanta pietate tanta[q]ue adfectione rem p(ublicam) n(ostram) amplexus sit itaque pro minimis ma[x]imisque commodis eius excubet..." In strikingly similar vocabulary, both texts characterize the honorand's affection in terms of unfailing civic devotion which likely involved great financial commitment.12 The inscriptions clearly demonstrate, however, that those honorands acknowledged for amor and adfectio were not moved by compassion or pity for any extraordinary circumstances under which their communities may have been suffering. To begin with, the type of public benefaction to which these honorands most often donated their financial resources was public entertainment; only in two examples is a donation to the annona cited 9

Public games: ns. 67, 124, 132, 146, 235, 241. Public works: ns. 4, 241, 466. Memorial foundations: 67 (foundation established by the honorand's father in recognition of the honorary monument), 124, 240, 367. Public feasts and sportulae: ns. 240, 241, 317. Grain supply: ns. 191,241. Generous fulfillment of unspecified honores and muñera: ns. 6, 23,96. 10 W i t h merita (ns. 72, 225, 240, 247, 296, 328, 416, 466), beneficia (ns. 96, 327, 328, 383, 400), munificentia (ns. 23, 225, 296, 327, 328), liberalitas (ns. 124, 146), largiter (ns. 6,132). 11 For this use of inpensissime compare Suetonius, Dom. bibliothecas incendio absumptas inpensissime reparare curasset." 12

20: "quamquam

Compare the vocabulary of the Ara Legis Hadrianae, dated between 198 and 212 (CIL 8.26416): "...pro infatigabili cura sua per quam adsidu[e] pro humanis utilitatibus excubat..."

49 (ns. 191, 241), yet even in one of these (n. 241) it is overshadowed by mention of public games and other muñera provided by the honorand. This lack of true philanthropic concern becomes even clearer when we examine the different amounts of multiple cash sportulae distributed by honorands praised for amor and adfectio. In almost every instance, the decuriones, that is, the richest segment of the community, receive the largest handout, followed by the Augustales, and then the needier plebs.13 Moreover, in two inscriptions (ns. 67, 367) the decuriones and their various attendants and family members are the sole recipients of the cash handout. 1 4 Indeed, the evidence for sportulae amounts in this sample corresponds to that for all such inscriptions. As Duncan-Jones and others have observed, the apparent inequity in Roman sportulae is a result of municipal politics and philotimia, certainly not a reaction to poverty. 15 It was important to cultivate the upper-class decuriones because of their political and social influence; it was equally important to bolster one's prestige by encouraging more of the community's prominent citizens to be present at the dedication ceremony where sportulae were normally distributed. Amor and adfectio, therefore, in no way characterized one's sense of genuine charity in the modern sense; rather, they signified an honorand's loyalty to a community's stability and prestige which ultimately reflected well upon their own self-image. In this respect alone, amor and adfectio are somewhat akin to philotimia. Our examples of amor and adfectio originate mainly in region 1, although the other regions, save for 9 and 11, are represented as well. 16 The 13

S e e ns. 4, 124, 225, 240. The phrasing in n. 241 is more vague: "...frequentesque epulationes et divisiones nummar(um) universis civibus ex suo distribuit..." We still cannot assume that the plebs would have received more than the decuriones or Augustales. ^Example n. 14 is a slight exception, however, in that the decurial lictors receive twenty-five denarii whereas the decuriones themselves receive only five. See also n. 317, a cash distribution and banquet given only to the dedicators of the inscription who are associates and friends of the honorand, not the larger plebs. 15 See Duncan-Jones 139 and 184-86 for his tables of amounts of multiple sportulae in Italy; Mrozek (1987); Mrozek (1972). For the concept of philotimia as inspiration for benefactors, particularly those who establish private memorial foundations see Le Bras 28-38, De Visscher 201, and Laum 40-53. A good summary of these scholars' opinions can be found in Andreau's article on private foundations in Italy, 157-161. Compare Hands 92 who argues on the basis of more evidence for sportulae in economically depressed areas of central and southern Italy that a sense of charity may have influenced a few benefactors there. One individual honored at Ferentinum ( C I L 10.5844), however, certainly appears rather uncharitable as his inscription reads: "mulsum crostala, municeps,/ petenti/ in sextam tibi di[v]identur hora[m]:/ [de] te tardior au[t] piger quereri[s]." 16 Region 1: ns. 4, 6, 21, 23, 49, 54, 67, 72, 74, 78, 87, 88, 91, 96, 124, 132, 146, 147, 151, 162. Region 2: ns. 172, 179, 186, 188, 191, 192, 194.

50

ΙΠ. Personal Motivations for Patronage

noun amator and verb amare appear together in an inscription as early as the year 31 (n. 23), and the epithet amantissimus occurs in another early first century example (n. 428), but the majority of these inscriptions date to the third century. Adfectio itself does not appear in a dateable inscription before the second century. 17 Benevolentia

and Spes

As a feeling of goodwill or friendliness, benevolentia resembles amor and adfectio in meaning. Although Hellegouarc'h distinguishes slightly between benevolentia and amor in literature, claiming that benevolentia pertains more to acts of kindness than to the quality of kindness itself, 18 no such distinction exists in honorary inscriptions. Certain examples do, indeed, associate the honorand's benevolentia with his acts of generosity, but the term itself still functions primarily as a personal virtue. Benevolentia is most often attributed to town patrons, and only men of decurial rank or higher; non-patrons praised for benevolentia are typically members of the imperial aristocracy. 19 The inscriptions appear, then, to define benevolentia as a virtue of the social and political elite. In one text benevolentia does refer to the gratitude of the dedicators (n. 41), "ad declarandam ordin(is) dec(urionum) et populi benivolentiam," toward a junior magistrate who fulfilled the obligation of a munus. The goodwill of the local senate and populace would certainly have been important to the Region 3: n. 225. Region 4: ns. 230, 231, 234, 235, 239, 240, 241, 247, 269. Region 5: ns. 272, 273. Region 6: ns. 282, 296, 304, 307, 316, 317, 326, 327, 328, 345. Region 7: ns. 367, 383, 400. Region8: ns. 410, 411, 416. Region 10: ns. 428, 466, 468. 17

T h e earliest example of adfectus (n. 96) dates to 107. Other second century examples of adfectio and amor. ns. 4, 67, 146, 147, 225, 230, 272, 273, 296, 410, 411, 468. Third century examples: ns. 6, 21, 49, 54, 74, 78, 87, 88, 151, 162, 172, 179, 186, 192, 194, 231, 234, 235, 239, 240, 241, 247, 307, 316, 317, 326, 327, 328, 367, 400. Second or third century examples: ns. 72, 91, 124, 188, 269, 282, 345, 383, 416. See also Appendix Seven. 1 ^Hellegouarc'h 150. See also his discussion 149-50 of the significance of benevolentia in relation to amor and caritas in Republican politics. 19

Sentors and high-ranking equestrians: patrons-ns. 222, 315, 372; non-patrons-ns. 73, 182, 468. Equestrian municipal patron-n. 328 (the only example of a patronus collegii and of a woman recognized for benevolentia, although she is not the primary honorand). Municipal magistrate and patron-n. 205. These examples were dedicated by ordines (e.g. n. 372), ordines et populi (e.g. n. 182), collegia (e.g. ns. 73, 328). See also Appendix Six.

51 advancement of this or any young man's career; thus, in this situation, too, benevolentia describes the disposition of those in a position of some influence. In certain cases the honorand expressed his benevolentia by financing the restoration of public works (n. 222), giving sportulae and banquets (n. 205), or providing various kinds of legal and financial aid (n. 468). Only one example, a tabula patronatos (η. 328), does not cite any tangible results of the patrons' benevolentia, but it does acknowledge their crebra beneficia, adfectio amoris, merita and munificentia, all of which clearly allude to financial generosity. The phrase in which benevolentia appears in this tabula is especially noteworthy, "ad remunerandam eorum benevolentia(m)." A similar phrase is found in the inscription concerning the senator Fabius Severus (η. 468,1. 21), "rem[u]nerandam esse c(larissimi) v(iri) benevolentiam." 20 These two examples combined with the fact that benevolentia is most often attributed to formal patrons suggest the strong sense of reciprocity inherent in this virtue. One particular patron, Flavius Silvanus (n. 205), was remunerated by the collegium dendrophorum of Eburum (region 3) not only for his exsimiam erga se benevolentiam but also for his spem perpetuami This inscription, which dates to either the second or third century, is unique in that it identifies spes as one of Silvanus' personal virtues rather than treating it as a separate abstract entity.22 Certainly, Silvanus displayed his hope for the future well-being of the collegium by establishing with them a substantial fund of 8000 sesterces for the annual celebration of his birthday. The money is Silvanus' promise that his hope will be fulfilled. In other inscriptions hope is a characteristic of farsighted beneficiaries, such as the collegium centonariorum of Sentinum (n. 328, 11. 16-18) who express quite frankly their desire for future benefits from Coretius Fuscus and his family: "beneficia...nunc etiam in futurum non dissimila, quae nunc sentimus, perpetuo ex domum eorum processura pari adfectione{m} speramus."23 In Silvanus' inscription, although he is the one credited with

20 C o m p are Cicero, Dom. 27.13, "qui ab ilio in me honos...quae remuneralo benivolentiae praetermissa est?" 2

' T h e noun spes also appears in inscription n. 96 dated to 107, but the fragmentary state of the text unfortunately does not allow us to make any conclusions about its use of the term. 22 Compare this use of spes with its status as a personified Virtue in imperial ideology. According to Fears 862 note 146, Spes was a deity associated primarily with Juventas, the two together symbolizing the promise of future stability in the empire, particularly in conjunction with the Caesar. These three figures formed a common trio in imperial coinage. Fears 861-863 also discusses the importance of the cult of Spes and its close connection with Salus, Fortuna, and Fides. 23

Compare CIL 10.410, an epitaph recording the following honor granted the deceased while still alive: "Huic ordo sanctissimus decur(ionum) ob spem processus eius

ΙΠ. Personal Motivations for Patronage

52

spes perpetua, a similar ongoing relationship between him and the collegium based on their shared expectation of an economically sound future is certainly implied. Our examples of benevolentia come from several regions within Italy, including region 2, the southernmost, and 10, the northernmost. 2 4 Benevolentia, like adfectio, does not appear to have occurred in honorary inscriptions before the second century. Even the earliest text (n. 468) can be dated only after 138, and the majority of dateable examples belong to the third century. 25 Voluntas

and

Studium

In electoral contexts voluntas and Studium refer to the support given by one man or group to a particular candidate. 26 In a few honorary texts voluntas analogously describes the favorable attitude of beneficiaries toward their benefactors. When, for example, the senate of Tergeste (region 10) in the mid-second century decreed its honorary monument for the senator Fabius Severus, they requested that his father Fabius Verus inform his son (n. 468, 11. 35-37), "uti gratias publice c[l]ariss[im]o viro mandatu no[s]tro agat et gaudium universorum singulorumqu[e] ac voluntatem ut mag[i]ster talium rerum in notitia[m] eius perferat." Almost a century later, the collegium fabrum of Volsinii (region 7) honored Ancharía Luperca, the wife of one of their noteworthy patrons (n. 400), "ut eius erg[a] nos pietas et nostra erga earn voluntas publica etiam vision[e] conspiciatur..." 27 Voluntas does function as a virtue in one inscription (n. 124) where it is paired with Studium to signify the honorand's avid support of the local c o m m u n i t y . 2 8 According to the text, the municipal dignitary Lucius Vitrasius Silvester receives the honor of a public statue and inscription in honorem decurionatus gratuitum ob tuli t." The local senate may well have hoped for some benefaction from the new magistrate in return. 24

Region 1: ns. 4 1 , 7 3 . Region 2: n. 182. Region 3: ns. 205, 222. Region 6: ns. 315, 328. Region 7: n. 372. Region 10: n. 468. 25 T h i r d century examples: ns. 73, 182, 222, 315, 328, 372. Second or third century examples: ns. 41,205. See also Appendix Seven. 26

Hellegouarc'h comments 184-85, "il (voluntas) marque aussi l'appui apporté par un parti à un homme politique et il est dans ces conditions à peu près synonyme de Studium dont il est parfois rapproché." See, for example, Cicero, Sull. 10. 27 S e e also n. 98 in which the dedicators proclaim the people's grettissima voluntas for the honorand. 28

Although Hellegouarc'h 185 distinguishes between Studium and voluntas, saying that the former is a manifestation of the latter, no such distinction can be seen in this text. See also n. 148 where grata voluntas describes the generous desire of a local benefactor upon his death to hand over to the community the management and revenues of a solarium that he had built.

53 recognition of his lavish (sumptuose) financing of gladiatorial games and his promise of cash sportulae every year on his birthday. In one other example (n. 92) the municipal magistrate Gnaeus Voesius Aper is honored "quot is tempore honorum curarumque suarum pienissimo munifîcentiae studio voluptatib(us) et utilitatibus populi plurima contulerit." Although Aper served the community as both curator annonae and curator muneris publici gladiatori, the text focuses on his act of providing land for and overseeing construction of a gladiator school and spoliarium--an area set aside for stripping the equipment from dead gladiators. Here at least the benefactor's Studium appears to have been more directed toward public entertainment (voluptatibus) than public expediency (utilitatibus).29 Note that neither of these men praised for Studium and voluntas were imperial aristocrats or patrons.30 Both the rarity of Studium and voluntas and their use in texts honoring less prestigious members of the municipal elite conform to the words' basic association with lower-class loyalty. Obsequium and Reverentia Two rare and perhaps unexpected virtues in Italian honorary inscriptions are obsequium and reverentia. Often associated with compliance and docility toward authority, obsequium clearly has pejorative connotations in certain contexts.31 Reverentia similarly describes an attitude of deference or awe displayed before one's superiors,32 which would seem to make it an unlikely candidate for inclusion among the virtues of prominent municipal benefactors. In the inscriptions, however, these words are clearly complimentary as they describe men who have aided their communities financially in a number of ways. Thus, they are best translated here as "deference towards the needs of one's constituents."

one other text (n. 468) Studium pertains more to the benefactor's labor than generosity. See Chapter Four, p. 105. 30

These

two inscriptions come from region 1, and only n. 124 is dated approximately to the second or third centuries. 31 Cicero, for example, Amie. 89, warns against the negative results of obsequium between friends. See also Seneca, Ben. 6.30.4, where he contrasts true fides with servile obsequium. Hellegouarc'h 217 and Vielberg 128-30 both argue for a predominantly pejorative definition of obsequium in Republican literature. Vielberg 130-34 concedes that Tacitus uses obsequium at times to describe virtuous behavior, particularly Agricola's discipline and obedience (e.g. Agr. 8), but also points out Tacitus' ambivalence toward the word, especially at Ann. 4.20.3 (deforme obsequium). See also Earl (1967) 90-94, whose comments on obsequium in Tacitus correspond to Vielberg's. 32

This

deference is given to gods, emperors and distinguished citizens alike. See, for example, Silius Italicus, Pun. 7.88-89, "tanta adeo, cum res trepidae, reverentia divum nascitur;" Pliny, Pan. 4.5, "reverentiam ille (princeps) terrore, alius amorem humilitate captavit;" Tacitus, Ann. 12.23, "Galliae Narbonensi ob egregiam in patres reverentiam datum ut senatoribus eius provinciae...res suas invisere liceret."

54

ΙΠ. Personal Motivations for Patronage

As a personal virtue obsequium appears in only two complete inscriptions, both dedicated to financially beneficent town patrons who have, nonetheless, held no public magistracies (ns. 51, 263). 33 The fact that Italian municipals did not attribute obsequium to members of the imperial aristocracy, or even to local decuriones, would indicate their awareness of the word's less magisterial overtones. One of these patrons, Titus Fabius Saeverus (n. 263), addressed as a civis optimus and obsequentissimus, received the distinction of an honorary statue from the town of Telesia with an accompanying text extolling his careful (cura et sollicitudine) restoration of all the community's public works. His obsequium, therefore, was partly a factor of his anxious concern for the physical upkeep of his community, which certainly required him to donate his financial resources for the public good. Further illustrating the link between a man's obsequium and his largesse, the second patron, Gaius Sulpicius Victor (n. 51), was honored "ob inparem obsequium et erga se inmensam munificentiam eius" and because he distributed multiple sportulae at the dedication ceremony. In one inscription obsequium does assume its more common meaning of "compliance" or "flattery" as it expresses the sentiments of the collegium fabrum of Pisaurum (region 6) for their patron Petronius Victorinus (n. 316): "plena obsequia amoris numeri nostri in claritatem domus Petroni Victorini c(larissimi) i(uvenis) patronis nostri demonstrari gloriosum est." Victorinus' sentorial rank (claritatem domus) may well have prompted the collegium to express its gratitude in such adulatory terms. Like obsequium, reverentia describes the disposition of two significantly generous benefactors; these men were municipal magistrates but not patrons (ns. 57, 296). One of these, Publius Baebius Iustus (n. 57), was honored with a statue by the local senate of Minturnae in 249, "quod et in sing(ulos) et univers(os) aequal(em) semp(er) reverentiam praebuit." The inscription elaborates upon Iustus' unqualified devotion by citing his production of a lavish gladiatorial spectacle complete with bears and other noncarnivorous animals. On the right side of the stone there is even a record of the number of animals slain by gladiators in yet another spectacle financed by Iustus. What is more, the text relates his distribution of cash sportulae to the decuriones at the dedication of his honorary statue. Gaius Hedius Verus, the other magistrate (n. 296), is similarly cited for reverentia insignis in the context of his notabilis munificentia and adfectus, virtues which had prompted him to assume the cost of another statue previously decreed to him. Although the local senate insists on paying for this second statue, Verus distributes an ample cash sportulae at the dedication ceremony.

3 3 A fragmentary inscription from Ostia, CIL 14.474, honors an anonymous man of unknown rank for his "eximiam ipsius peritiam obsequiaque in patriam maxima." Whereas peritia here most likely pertains to this man's talent as an actor (cf. η. 76), his maxima obsequia must signify his ongoing contributions, probably financial, to the community.

55 Obsequium and reverentia appear in inscriptions from regions 1,4 and 6 that date primarily to the later third century. 34 The emergence of these terms as virtues in honorary texts appears to have been relatively late. Nonetheless, they cannot be explained as a local phenomenon. Honorificentia Like many of the words discussed thus far, honorificentia, literally a "doing of honor," describes both generous benefactors and appreciative beneficiaries. In the latter case, it connotes reverence for one's benefactor. Reverentia is, in fact, a synonym for honorificentia in certain contexts. 35 When attributed to honorands, honorificentia operates more as a synonym for munificentia, since it often describes financially generous individuals.36 Although honorificentia and its epithet honorificentissimus appear in only nine inscriptions, less often than benevolentia, these examples concern a wider social spectrum of honorands, including women and freedmen. Most, but not all, of these are municipal patrons or patrons of collegia.37 In two examples the honorand displayed his honorificentia by financing public games (n. 206) or public works (n. 170). This last text is particularly noteworthy for its explicit connection of honorificentia with other virtues of generosity; the collegium Martensium infraforanum praises their patron Gaius Umbrius Eudrastus as a largissimus adque honorificentissimus vir and describes itself as "memor liberalitas (sic) et honorificentiae eius." 38 Honorificentia is, however, sometimes linked with vocabulary that has little to no connection with financial generosity. The senator Lucius Publius Celsus Patruinus (η. 187), for example, is praised for his iustitia, abstinentia and honorificentia, and the imperial freedman Aurelius 34 R e g i o n 1: ns. 51, 57. Region 4: n. 263. Region 6: ns. 296, 316. Example n. 296 is dated to the second century and n. 51 approximately to either the second or third century; the remainder date to the latter half of the third century. 35

S e e TLL, s.v., v. 6, part 3, col 2936,11. 35-36.

36

S e e TLL, s.v., v. 6, part 3, col. 2937,11. 3-4, which equates honorificentia munificentia and liberalitas in certain inscriptions (e.g. CIL 10.524=n. 153).

with

37 Senators and high-ranking equestrians: patrons—ns. 153,187; non-patron--n. 80. Note that there are no equestrian municipals praised for honorificentia. Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons-ns. 170,206,429. Women: patron—n. 326; non-patron—n. 407. Freedman non-patron—n. 58. These examples were dedicated by ordines et populi (e.g. n. 187), Augustales (e.g. n. 429), collegia (e.g. ns. 170, 407). See also Appendix Six.

38A similar, although less explicit, connection between honorificentia and munificentia can be seen in n. 407 in which the collegium fabrum of Ariminum addresses Aurelia Calligenia as a pudicissima honorificentissimaq(ue) femina and then honors her and her husband "ob munificentiam in se [ab u]trisq(ue) conlatam."

ΠΙ. Personal Motivations for Patronage

56

Alexander (n. 58) is given the epithets optimus, innocentissimus and honoriflcentissimus. No specific benefactions are cited in either inscription. In such contexts honorificentia may signify simply the honorable conduct of such influential individuals, or it may well be a reference to some financial benefaction already well known to die public. In a late third century tabula patronatus from Sentinum (n. 326), Coretius Fuscus is honored by the collegium fabrum for modelling his mother's honorificentia (1. 17), probably a reference to both her generosity and status. The text also records that the collegium is to send a delegation of its top magistrates (quinquennales) to Fuscus with the tablet so that he can appreciate the extent of their respect for him (11.20-21): "ut potius honorific(e)ntiae nostrae modum intellegat." By describing their own deference with the same word used to praise their longtime patroness, the collegium effectively suggests a certain affinity between themselves and their benefactors which will hopefully prolong the relationship into the next generation of Fuscus' family. Honorificentia occurs in inscriptions from a variety of regions, including region 2 in the south and 10 in the north. 39 We do have one first century example of the adjective honorífica (honorífica merita, η. 429), and one second century example of the epithet honorificentissimus (n. 407). The remaining examples of both honorificentissimus and honorificentia that can be dated reasonably securely belong to the third century. 4 0 Honorificentia, therefore, was not a virtue limited to inscriptions from any one region or time period. Pietas Despite its significance for Roman religion and politics, 41 the virtue pietas plays a relatively modest role in Roman honorary inscriptions. It occurs in only nineteen examples and often shares the spotlight with other more popular virtues, such as munificentia. The inscriptions characterize pietas in much the same way as amor, that is, as devotion toward a town or organization which expresses itself mainly through financial benefactions. In this context pietas mirrors somewhat its function as an imperial virtue. Fugier observes:

39 Region 1: ns. 58, 80, 153. Region 2: ns. 170, 187. Region 3: n. 206. Region 6: n. 326. Region 8: n. 407. Region 10: n. 429. 4

®See ns. 58, 187, 326. Example n. 153 is dated to either the second or third century. 41 For the importance of pietas to the Romans both as a personal virtue and as a deified abstract see Wagenwoort 1-20, Liegle, Burck 35-65, Fugier 371-416, Weinstock 248-59, and Fears 864-66. Fears, Wagenwoort, Liegle, and Weinstock, in particular, stress the significance of pietas for both the propaganda of Roman expansion in the East and the formulation of Augustus' principate. Fears 889-908 and Liegle 61-71 also include discussions of the use of pietas in imperial coin types.

57 Et c'est (pietas) des lors, dans la littérature et l'épigraphie, l'évocation sans cesse reprise des peines et travaux que le prince endure (onus, moles, labor), de l'application et de la conscience qu'il apporte à s'acquitter des devoirs de son rôle... As was the case with imperial liberalitas, imperial pietas may well have provided a model of dedication applicable to municipal benefactors. In a few instances, however, the more personal aspect of pietas emerges, particularly when the honorary monument is exchanged between family members or friends. One text records, for example (n. 401), that the dedicator erected the monument in the forum of Volsinii (region 7) to his father ob pie[tatem]. Although the form and placement of this text conform to the conventions of honorary inscriptions, the commemoration of parental pietas calls to mind Roman epitaphs in which citation of virtues was intended more to idealize the dead than to inspire civic loyalty. 42 Interestingly enough, pietas appears in one other privately dedicated inscription that concerns a family relationship (n. 162), but the virtue's associations with financial generosity stand out clearly. The honorand Laberia Pompeiana, wife of the consul Macrinus Vindex Hermogenianus, is extolled for her "rarissimam praecipuamque ac munificam eius in se liberosque adfectionem pietatemque" by Lucius Gabinius Cosmianus, the father of Laberia's daughter-in-law. Cosmianus was perhaps less affluent than Laberia since she belonged to the senatorial elite and Cosmianus was an equestrian. If Cosmianus were sensitive to any limitations on his own resources, this might explain why he portrays Laberia's maternal devotion specifically in terms of her largesse. 43 In inscriptions dedicated by ordines and other public groups pietas is attributed to individuals from all strata of Roman society, save for freedmen, and is a virtue appropriate for patrons and non-patrons alike. 4 4 42 S e e also ns. 79, 198, 309, all from fathers to their filiis piissimis; n. 68, an honorand commemorated privately by a friend as carissimus and pientissimus, two epithets clearly reminiscent of the vocabulary of Roman epitaphs. See Curchin (1982 and 1983). Compare n. 147, a municipal decree allowing a statue to be erected to the deceased son of a local dignitary who is praised as a bonus civis and pius pater. 43 Compare Seneca, Ben. 3.36.1, who speaks of pietas in the context of children repaying the beneficia of their parents. Elsewhere in his essay, however, this pietas takes the form of veneration, never financial gifts. See Ben. 2.31.1, 3.33.3, 3.37.1, 6.23.5. 44

Senators and high-ranking equestrians: patron—n. 264; non-patrons-ns. 285,

468. Equestrian municipals: patron~n. 326; non-patrons-ns. 147. Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patron-n. 19; non-patrons—ns. 98, 141, 148, 388. Women: patron~n. 400; non-patron~n. 439. These examples were dedicated by ordines (e.g. n. 98), municipes (e.g. n. 141), Augustales (e.g. n. 439), collegia (e.g. ns. 326, 400). See also Appendix Six. An additional fragmentary example of pietas is CIL 11.5227.

58

ΙΠ. Personal Motivations for Patronage

Among these is the senator Fabius Severus whose many financial and legal services to the town of Tergeste are amply documented (n. 468). Note that all his benefactions are summarized under the rubric of pietas and adfectio: "tanta pietate tanta[q]ue adfectione rem p(ublicam) n(ostram) amplexus sit..." (lines 26-27). Pietas, therefore, along with adfectio, was considered a fundamental virtue of the effective benefactor. As such, its associations with financial generosity are often underscored. In several examples pietas is coupled either with munificentia (ns. 285, 45 388) or muñera (η. 19). Moreover, the honorand in this last example, Lucius Acilius Eutyches, further demonstrates his pietas toward the adlecti scaenicorum, who erected this monument to their patron (pater),46 by distributing multiple cash sportulae at the dedication ceremony in which the adlecti receive considerably more than the decuriones.47 Another noteworthy inscription is the tabula patronatus of Ancharía Luperca (n. 400) who was coopted by the collegium fabrum of Volsinii mainly in recognition of her husband's beneficia to the same organization. The collegium praises Ancharía herself for her castitas and consuetude, among other personal attributes, but it is specifically her pietas toward the collegium that earns her the honor and that is given the most publicity: "Statuamque ei aeream in schola collegi n(ostri) iuxta eundem Laberium Galium maritum suum ponamus, ut eius erg[a] nos pietas et nostra erga earn voluntas publica etiam vision[e] conspiciatur..." Judging from other inscriptions citing pietas, we may surmise that the collegium hoped Ancharía would manifest her pietas through beneficia similar to those of her husband. Nowhere in the corpus does the noun pietas depict the gratitude or loyalty of beneficiaries toward their benefactors despite its connotations of duty and respect in analogous contexts. Perhaps the prominence of pietas among imperial virtues and in imperial cult may have reinforced its representation of the care and devotion given by superiors to their dependents. The adjective piissimus, on the other hand, does appear as a beneficiary's epithet in one example (n. 390, Veii, mid-third century). The honorand in this case is Caesia Sabina who sola omnium feminarum provided a banquet 4 5 N . 285 actually uses epithet forms: "piissimo munificentissimoq[ue] [er]ga patriam..."

" ^ E u t y c h e s is also a lead pantomime (archimimus) and actor (parasitus Apollinis). For discussion of the commune mimorum, the parasiti Apollinis, and the corpus scaenicorum Latinorum, the three major theatrical collegia in Rome, see Jory. According to Jory, inscription n. 19 is our only evidence for the adlecti scaenicorum. 47 See also: n. 98, a devout municipal benefactor whose pietas toward the local cult of Jupiter Capitolinus is cited along with his liberalitas; n. 148, a local benefactor who builds a solarium and promises its management and revenues to the community upon his death; n. 326, the tabula patronatus of Coretius Fuscus, praising him as an example of his parents' pietas and honorificentia. Fuscus is also coopted by the collegium centonariorum (n. 328) for his merita, beneficia and munificentia; n. 439, dedicated to the pietas of Hostiliana who enables the Augustales of Brixia to build an arch, most likely through the aid of her own finances.

59 at which the honored guests were the mothers, sisters and daughters of members of the local senate. The dedicators identify themselves simply as sorores piissimae, presumably the same sisters of the senate acknowledged by Sabina. The epithet piissimae may have been chosen deliberately to complement the symbolism of family loyalty in Sabina's gesture. In any event, it is noteworthy that the text characterizes the participation in public life of all these women in terms of kindred affection, thereby depicting the community as an extended family to which women ought to feel comfortable contributing. Examples of pietas and piissimus in honorary texts are spread throughout Italy, although most come from region l. 4 8 They do appear in a few first century inscriptions (ns. 141, 285), but the majority of examples date to the late second and third centuries. 49 Like honorificentia, then, pietas was not a virtue peculiar to inscriptions from any one region or time period.

48

Region 1: ns. 19, 68, 79, 98, 141, 147, 148, 162. Region 2: n. 198. Region 4: n. 264. Region 6: ns. 285, 309, 326. Region 7: ns. 388, 390, 400, 401. Region 10: ns. 439, 468. 49

Second century examples: ns. 19, 68, 98, 147, 148, 198, 439,468. Third century examples: ns. 162, 326, 388, 390, 400. Second or third century: ns. 79, 264. See also Appendix Seven.

IV.

Administrative Virtues

The wide variety of words discussed in this chapter certainly attests to Roman Italians' appreciation of administrative virtues. Not only did they differentiate between political integrity, service, and influence, but they also had a rich vocabulary for praising each one of these spheres of civic endeavor. Some of this vocabulary, such as fides and virtus, overlaps with the standard virtues of Rome's historical, rhetorical and philosophical literature. The most popular of these virtues, however, namely innocentia and industria, play only a minor role in the literary discussions of Rome's intellectual and political elite.1 Thus, to a certain extent Roman Italians articulated their image of the ideal citizen-magistrate independently from the examples promulgated by Rome's aristocratic circles. Nonetheless, for all their variety, the virtues in this chapter appear in only a modest number of inscriptions when compared to the number of examples citing virtues of generosity and affection. For instance, the most common administrative virtues-fides, innocentia, abstinentia, industria-all together account for a total of forty-two inscriptions, the same number in which amor alone appears. Moreover, administrative virtues were often accompanied and even overshadowed by references to financial generosity in the same text. A person's administrative or political virtue was clearly secondary to his or her financial contributions to the community. Public office or civic achievement was not a prerequisite for public honor as long as one was conspicuously generous. Administrative virtues are generally attributed to honorands at all levels of Roman society, although there are significantly fewer women and freedmen represented. Members of the imperial elite, on the other hand, have greater representation in these inscriptions than in those citing virtues of generosity; comprising 25% of all honorands in the inscriptions, senators and high-ranking equestrians account for nearly 30% of our examples of administrative virtues, but only 12% of virtues of generosity. 2 This indicates a greater concern among the imperial elite, as well as among their dedicants, that they be promoted as capable and ethical administrators. And yet, members of the municipal classes were recognized for administrative virtues every bit as often as the imperial aristocracy, which illus-

1 Compare, for example, the significant presence of innocentia and industria in the inscriptions with their total absence from the canon of literary exempla virtutis listed in Appendix Eight. 2

S e e Chapter Two, the data in notes 5, 13, 14, 15, 28, 47, 55, and 74 of this chapter, and Appendix Four.

62

IV. Administrative Virtues

trates the significant worth of one's managerial skills even in a minor municipal magistracy. 3 A majority of these virtues occur in honorary texts of the later second and third centuries, the same period within which the inscriptions' vocabulary for financial generosity and patronal devotion becomes more frequent and varied in response to increasing demand for private municipal benefactors. The simultaneous increase in administrative virtues can be seen as part of the same response; for example, several of the men praised for administrative integrity, particularly the curatores rei publicae, held positions of financial trust. Roman Italians appreciated the fragility of their municipal economies which all too often depended on the responsible and frugal management of limited financial resources. One man's fides or industria could determine whether an entire community was able to maintain its public buildings or purchase enough grain to feed itself. Administrative Integrity

Fides Throughout Roman history, one of the most vital and distinctively Roman virtues is fides. As Pöschl observes: ...sie der Begriffe ist, der im Zentrum der politischen, sozialen, und rechtlichen Ordnung Roms steht...Mit der fides sind fast alle anderen römischen Wertbegriffe eng verknüpft. 4 Not surprisingly, therefore, fides is a relatively important virtue in municipal inscriptions, occurring in thirteen examples dedicated to patrons and non-patrons of various rank, although it is never attributed to a woman honorand explicitly. 5 In Roman literature fides is certainly fundamental to

^Compare the studies of Christol and Neri, both of whom discuss the appearance of administrative virtues in honorary texts of the later empire primarily, but only in regard to members of the senatorial and equestrian aristocracy. 4

Pöschl (1980) 3. Pöschl (1980) 3-12 provides a useful summary of fides from the institution of its cult by King Numa (Livy 1.21.4) to its importance in foreign relations of the late Republic. Much of the scholarship on the origins and basic meaning of fides focuses on the issue of its morality. Fraenkel maintains that originally fides meant only a "guarantee" or "contract" devoid of moral overtones, and that it only later developed into the personal concepts of faith and dependability. Heinze sees the idea of moral obligation and trust as the root definition of the word. Hellegouarc'h 23-37 analyses the word mostly in light of social obligations, particularly between patron and client. Boyancé largely follows Heinze's interpretation of fides as an originally moral concept. For discussions of the application of fides in Roman literature, specifically in Livy, see Gruen and Moore 35-50. See also Fears' bibliography on fides, 843 note 67. ^Senators and high-ranking equestrians: patrons-ns. 149,408, 114. Equestrian municipal patrons—ns. 400 (tabula patronatus of a woman, but fides used in reference to magistracies of her male relatives), 416,424.

63 the institution of patronage; 6 its appearance in honorary inscriptions is likewise suggestive of a patron-client type relationship between honorand and dedicator. The type of patronage, formal or informal, with which fides is most often associated, however, is not financial, but political and administrative. For example, the sentorial iuridicus and municipal patron Felix Italus (n. 408) is praised for his laboriosa fides and industria in providing the town of Ariminum and its neighboring communities with a sufficient supply of grain. Italus may well have contributed private funds to his efforts, but the text frames his fides in terms of active involvement rather than passive largesse. In several other examples fides is similarly specified as responsible fulfillment of magisterial or professional duty. Bassaeus Axius (n. 149), an equestrian patron and magistrate in the Puteoli area, was honored by the local ordo "ob rem publ(icam) bene ac fideliter gestam." The text also cites Axius as one of the community's foremost producers of gladiatorial games, a role which he may well have undertaken as a public magistrate, but the text confines praise of his fides to the political realm of the res publica? One example illustrates fides exercised in a professional rather than political context. Here the imperial freedman Marcus Aurelius Plebeius (n. 2), locator, scriba and magister of the corpus scaenicorum Latinorum, was honored by the mancipes gregum Augustorum for managing the affairs of the corpus with inconp[arabi]lifide. Jory explains that the duties of a locator were to represent the actors of the Imperial household in contracting their services to outside entrepreneurs (mancipesJ.8 Plebeius apparently had Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patron-n. 46; non-patrons~ns. 384, 418, 479. Freedmen non-patrons-ns. 2, 43 (dedicated to woman in recognition of her freedman father's fides). One text, n. 452, citing fides, along with innocentia and abstinentia, is too fragmentary to determine the honorand's status, although it does mention his municipal honores. These texts were dedicated by: ordines (e.g. ns. 149,416), decuriones, Augustales et populi (e.g. η. 384), collegia (e.g. ns. 400, 424). See also Appendix Six. 6 S e e specifically Hellegouarc'h 28-35 and Earl (1967) 33 who terms fides "the corner-stone of the patron-client relationship..."

7 See also n. 43, an imperial freedman "qui omnes honores municipi n(ostri) delatos sibi sincera fide gessit;" n. 384, a curator operum publicorum honored for restoring the town's public works ex fide·, n. 400, the cooption of a woman as patroness of a collegium in recognition of her family (prosapia) which "omnibus honoribus patriae n(ostrae) sincera fide functa est;" n. 479, a local magistrate honored "ob quaesturam fideliter ac liberaliter gestam." The phrase ex fide probably derives from the more common e re publica fideque sua, which was common in legal and administrative contexts. See specifically CIL 1.200, a Lex Agraria of 111 B.C., sections 35 and 78; CIL 1.203, the Senatus Consultum Asclepiade of 78 B.C., line 11. For the epithet fidelissimus applied to men in some official capacity see: n. 46, a patrono let curat(ori) rei] publ(icae) fidelissimo; n. 114, a defensor clientium fidelissimus. 8

Jory 247.

64

IV. Administrative Virtues

enough contact with these mancipes for them to appreciate his professional reliability. Further indication that Roman Italians did not see an automatic connection between a man's fides and his financial generosity is the fact that the virtue appears only once in conjunction with merita and bonitas (η. 416), and once with liberalitas (n. 479). Fides is more often matched with other virtues denoting integrity and service, such as innocentia (ns. 416, 424, 452) and industria (ns. 408, 418), or restraint, namely abstinentia (ns. 424, 452) and moderado (η. 408). Moreover, only one man praised for fides (n. 384) responds generously to the honor by paying for his statue ex suo and returning to the community the amount which had been collected publicly for the purpose. Even this gesture, however, pales in comparison with the multiple cash distributions and public feasts given by other honorands. Fides appears to have been limited to inscriptions from region 1 and the northern part of Italy.9 One of these is dated to the late first century (n. 43), but the remaining dateable examples of fides belong to the late second and early third centuries. 10

Innocentia,

Abstinentia

and

Integritas

Similar to fides, the virtues innocentia, abstinentia and integritas in honorary inscriptions denote commendable administrative deportment, although their basic definitions stress the concepts of blamelessness and restraint over that of responsibility. 11 A more significant difference between 9

Region 1: ns. 2, 43, 46, 114, 149. Region 7: ns. 384, 400. Region 8: ns. 408,416,418. Region 9: n. 424. Region 10: n. 452. Region 11: n. 479. '^Second century examples: ns. 2, 408. Early third century examples: ns. 114, 149, 400. Second or third century examples: ns. 46, 416, 424, 479. See also Appendix Seven. For a very late third or early fourth century example of fides see CIL 14.4455. ^Compare Hellegouarc'h's definitions of innocentia and fides in literature: 30, "Lorsque fides est employé en parlant d'un magistrat, il peut designer, non plus, comme nous l'avons vu...l'un des pouvoirs dont il jouit à l'égard de ses administres, mais la manière dont il s'acquitte de ses fonctions et dont il se conforme aux devoirs qu'elles lui imposent;" 283, "innocentia exprime surtout le fait de ne pas commettre de fautes." Signifying blamelessness, innocentia and integritas are often paired in literature, no doubt due in part to their initial alliteration: e.g. Cicero, De Or. 1.229: "nam cum esset ille vir exemplum, ut scitis, innocentiae cumque ilio nemo neque integrior esset in civitate;" Verr. 2.4.7: "...non loquor de integris, innocentibus, religiosis..." Nowhere in the inscriptions, however, do these two virtues appear together. Abstinentia particularly connotes restraint in persons of considerable authority. Hellegouarc'h 26061 aligns abstinentia with continentia, but on the basis of Cicero's letters distinguishes the former as being more common in everyday language, whereas continentia was more often associated with philosophical language which might explain why it never appears in the popular vocabulary of honorary inscriptions.

65 fides and these virtues, however, concerns the latter's regular appearance in inscriptions praising financially generous honorands. In such a context innocentia, abstinentia and integritas emphasize the disinterested motives of certain benefactors, indicating that their generosity did not arise from any desire for political advancement or self-aggrandizement. Indeed, Cicero contrasts innocentia with such ambition when he praises Pompey for this virtue {Leg. Man. 36-37), thereby distinguishing him from anyone "qui pecuniam ex aerano depromptam...propter cupiditatem provinciae magistratibus divisent..." 12 Innocentia is, in fact, the most popular of these three virtues, occurring in sixteen examples which honor people from all segments of municipal society, even women, and represent patrons and non-patrons alike. 13 The use of abstinentia is more limited, for it occurs in only nine inscriptions dedicated exclusively to male patrons and non-patrons of honorary equestrian status or higher. 14 Integritas appears in a mere six inscriptions, but describes honorands of only equestrian rank or lower, and just one of these is a patron. 15 Unlike abstinentia, therefore, integritas appears not to have been considered a virtue appropriate to the male aristocratic elite. Innocentia and integritas, particularly in their adverbial forms, often pertain directly to the honorand's administration of public office. The text 12

See also Livy's use of innocentia to describe Cato's inability to be influenced through bribery (39.40.10). '^Senators and high-ranking equestrians: patrons—ns. 161,455; non-patron—n. 73. Equestrian municipal patrons-ns. 200, 317, 416, 424,458. Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons—ns. 51, 206, 308; non-patron—n. 109. Women non-patrons—ns. 108,444 (senatorial status). Freedman non-patron~n. 58 (imperial freedman). Inscription n. 452 is too fragmentary to determine the honorand's rank. These inscriptions were dedicated by municipes et incolae (e.g. n. 109), decuriones, Augustales et plebs (e.g. η. 200), collegia (e.g. ns. 206, 424), among others. See also Appendix Six. '^Senators and high-ranking equestrians: patrons—ns. 187, 252,414; non-patronn. 73. Equestrian municipals: patrons-ns. 60,424; non-patron-n. 394. Ns. 261 and 452 are too fragmentary to determine the status of the honorands, although n. 261 was dedicated to some type of patron. Those groups dedicating these inscriptions include decuriones, Augustales et plebs (e.g. η. 394) and collegia (e.g. ns. 60, 73,424). See also Appendix Six. '^Military equestrian non-patron—n. 477. Equestrian municipal patron~n. 208. Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: non-patrons—ns. 143, 246, 412 (later becomes a patronus coloniae, see n. 411), 480. The dedicators of these inscriptions include Augustales (e.g. n. 143), plebs urbana (e.g. n. 412), decuriones (e.g., ns. 246, 477) and private individuals (n. 208). See also Appendix Six.

66

IV. Administrative Virtues

for one anonymous decurión reads (n. 206), "[in nostra] colonia omn[ibus mun]eribus et princi[palibus] honoribus innoc[enter fu]ncto," and for another (n. 109), "ob innoc(entiam) et adsiduit(atem) ceterasq(ue) administr(ationes) eius." In this latter example we can reasonably interpret innocentia and adsiduitas as descriptions of the manner in which this man fulfilled his administrationes. This inscription provides our only example of adsiduitas (diligence), a fitting quality of any effective magistrate. Another municipal magistrate, Lucius Betutius Furianus (n. 412), was honored "ob honorem eo integre et sine ambitione administratum." 16 What innocentia and integritas signal in these inscriptions is that none of these local politicians has abused public office in order to gain power or prestige, particularly Furianus (sine ambitioneNote, too, none of these men is cited for any lavish financial expenditure which might be equated with bribery. Unlike innocentia and integritas, abstinentia never refers explicitly to a man's honores, although several texts suggest a correlation between this virtue and one's official responsibilities. Among those cited for abstinentia, for example, are some high-ranking imperial administrators, namely the senatorial iuridicus Marcus Aelius Aurelius Theo (η. 414) and the senatorial curator rei publicae Lucius Publius Celsus Patruinus (n. 187). Focusing on responsibility of a different sort, one example (n. 60) cites a local patron for diligently protecting the interests of his clients (the quinqué corpora Lenunculariorum Ostiensium) and then praises him as a dignissimus atque abstinentissimus vir. More often, however, all these virtues are used to embellish the figure of the financially generous, yet altruistic benefactor. One town patron (n. 51) is hailed as an homo innocentissimus and then praised specifically for his munificentia and obsequium which he demonstrates by distributing liberal cash sportulae at the dedication of his honorary statue. 18 Abstinentia is similarly attributed to two individuals who distribute multiple cash sportulae at their respective dedication ceremonies (ns. 261, 394), and one of these men (n. 261) even puts on a spectaculum ludorum for the occasion. 19 The integritas of one praefectus iure dicundo from Cures (η. 246) 2 0 is J^See also n. 143, a curator Augustalium honored by his fellow Augustales "quod res negotiaque eorum integre administret." 17 S e e also n. 134, dedicated to the two Rufuses, magistrates who receive honor because "iterationem honoris eorum non ambitionei (sic) neque iactationi suae dederint, sed in cultum municipi et decorem contulerint." 18 For further examples of honorands praised for innocentia in the context of financial benefactions, including various sportulae (both cash and food), see ns. 161, 308, 317.

n. 60 abstinentia is mentioned in conjunction with the honorand's merita, but the text does not elaborate on the exact form of his benefactions. 20-rhe title praefectus indicates that the man was substituting for the originally elected duovir iure dicundo, who could not fill the office because his regular business

67 likewise overshadowed by his magnificent (splendide) production of games which included five pairs of gladiators. 21 From such evidence we might conclude that these virtues were nothing more than hollow flattery in texts otherwise concerned with promoting private munificence. On the other hand, they may, indeed, point to an awareness in Italian municipalities that truly selfless benefactors were a rarity and, therefore, all the more deserving of appropriate praise. 22 Innocentia is associated relatively often with abstinentia in the inscriptions (ns. 73, 424, 452). Two of these, both from northern Italy (ns. 424, 452), also record the virtue fides which suggests that in this region, at least, fides, innocentia and abstinentia formed a common trio in honorary texts. Other administrative virtues and epithets cited with innocentia and abstinentia are diligentia (η. 60), industria (η. 414), iustitia (η. 187), and iustissimus (η. 458). In one example (n. 444) dedicated to Sextia Iuliana, a clarissimafemina, "ob laudabilem in omnibus vitam et morum eius atque innocentiae propositum singularis," innocentia appears to have replaced pudicitia, the virtue more commonly used to indicate the purity of women honorands. 2 3 Interestingly, integritas never appears together with innocentia or abstinentia, nor is it paired often with other civic virtues. 24 Even despite the small number of examples for abstinentia and integritas, each of these three virtues appears in inscriptions from several regions of Italy thereby demonstrating its widespread usage in the Italians' praise vocabulary. 25 However, they did not gain popularity in Italian inscriptions required his presence elsewhere. It is significant that this magistrate is cited for integritas in his legal post as praefectus iure dicundo, since integritas is a virtue often applied to judges in literature. See, for example, Cicero, Clu. 107: "Ex eodem numero L. Cassius, Cn. Heius, pari et integritate et prudentia," and Hellegouarc'h's discussion 282-83. 21

See also n. 208, concerning an integer et rarissimus vir cited for his multae largitiones\ n. 480, in honor of several seviri Augustales "ob curam integre ac liberaliter gestam," who respond by making a gift of two silver trullae (drinking ladles or basins); n. 477, dedicated to a praefectus cohortis termed vir summae integritatis who still receives more recognition for his liberalitas in helping the community to clear itself of former debt. Even the curator Augustalium (n. 143) distinguished for his administrative integritas is still lauded for his munificentia, a virtue which he confirms by distributing cash sportulae at the dedication of his monument. 22 Compare Christol 334-37 who observes that in north African inscriptions of the later empire innocentia denotes more the quality of a good imperial administrator, not a financially generous benefactor. 23

S e e Chapter Five, pp. 121-124.

n. 477 integritas is only loosely associated with the terms virtutes militiae modestia, and in n. 246 it is combined with honestas.

and

25 Innocentia: region l--ns. 51, 58, 73, 108, 109, 161; region 3 - n s . 200, 206; region 6 - n s . 308, 317; region 8 - n . 416; region 9 - n . 424; region 10-ns. 444, 452, 455, 458.

IV. Administrative Virtues

68

before the second century. With the exception of integritas, which virtually disappears in third century inscriptions, the majority of their dateable examples belong to the third century. 26 lustitia

and

Moderatio

For all their preeminence in Greco-Roman philosophy, 27 iustitia and moderatio keep a low profile in Italian honorary texts. Certainly, the concepts of fairness and temperance were not unimportant to the Italians. Rather, in formulating their praise of ethical behavior they preferred terms such as integritas and innocentia, thereby demonstrating their nonconformity to the mainstream philosophical vocabulary. Significantly, the three men praised for iustitia or described as iustissimus were all curatores rei publicae of the municipalities honoring them, as well as patrons. 28 Iustitia appears, therefore, to have been perceived as a virtue most appropriate for high-ranking municipal administrators. Of these three examples, that of Gaius Clodienus Serenus Vesnius Dextrus (n. 359) is the most specific, for it designates him optimus and iustissimus in the context of his merita and his industria in increasing the statum reip(ublicae). Dextrus exercised his iustitia not in a legal setting exactly, but rather through his civic labors and his generosity.29 Similar to iustitia, moderatio in its two examples is a quality of those in positions of considerable power, namely a senator and iuridicus of Flaminia and Umbria (η. 408) and a municipal curator reipublicae (n. Abstinentia: region l~ns. 60, 73; region 2--n. 187; region 4~ns. 252, 261; region 7~n. 394; region 8~n. 414; region 9 - n . 424; region 10-n. 452. Integritas: region 1 - n . 143; region 3~n. 208; region 4 - n . 246; region 8~n. 412; region 1 l~ns. 477, 480. 26

T h e earliest examples of innocentia (n. 109) and abstinentia (n. 60) date to 131 and 147 respectively. The latest examples of innocentia and abstinentia (ns. 73, 308) date to the 240's. The latest securely dated example of integritas (n. 143) belongs to the year 169. Other second century examples of these virtues are ns. 200, 208, 246, 412, 455, 458, 477. Other third century examples are ns. 58, 187, 252, 261, 317, 414. Second or third century examples: ns. 51, 161, 416, 424, 444, 480. See also Appendix Seven. 27 Within the primary canon of virtues established by the Greeks, particularly Plato, and later adopted by the Stoics, iustitia (dikaiosyne) and moderatio (sophrosyne) have always had a place. Moreover, iustitia and moderatio themselves are often privileged within the canon as those virtues with which all others (e.g., sapientia and virtus) must comply. See, for example, Cicero, De Off. 1.159, 3.28. For further discussion of the Classical canon of virtues see North and Wallace-Hadrill 298-307. 28 29

0 n e is a senator (η. 187), the other two equestrian municipals (ns. 359,458).

T h e other two examples characterize iustitia only through mention of either the honorand's abstinentia and honorificentia (n. 187), or his innocentia (n. 45&-iustissimus innocentissimusque).

69 371). 3 0 Neither of these texts elaborates on the honorand's self-control specifically, but the curator reipublicae (n. 371) is further acknowledged for fostering the growth of his community and for counseling its citizens, "r(ei) p(ublicae) statum foverit et universis consuluerit." The senatorial iuridicus, Gaius Cornelius Felix Italus (n. 408), is similarly recognized for his laboriosa fides and industria in improving his constituents' dwindling grain supply, in addition to his eximia moderatio. As with iustitia, moderado appears to have distinguished the tireless concern of elite administrators for the communities under their protection. In so far as they have not abused their positions of authority they have exhibited moderatio and iustitia. Our three examples of iustitia and iustissimus come from regions 2 (n. 187), 6 (n. 359) and 10 (n. 445), demonstrating that recognition of this virtue was not limited to one particular area. These texts date to the later second (n. 458) and third centuries (ns. 187, 359). Moderatio appears in inscriptions from regions 7 (n. 371) and 8 (n. 408); one of these (n. 408) is dated approximately to the latter half of the second century. These particular administrative virtues evidently entered the praise vocabulary of honorary texts relatively late. Honestissimus,

Honeste

and

Honestas

The epithet honestissimus occurs most frequently in the feminine— honestissima or honesta-to designate the equestrian status of certain female honorands, 31 vocabulary paralleled in North African inscriptions. 32 Even in these inscriptions, however, the ethical aspect of the epithet is not completely absent, for each woman is either attributed with other character epithets, such as pudicissima (η. 266) or castissima (η. 342), or presented as honesta within a moral framework (n. 400), "honestam matronam sanct(a)e indolis et disciplinae."33 Two inscriptions honoring priestesses of the local cult of Ceres at Capena in the mid-third century (ns. 366, 370) are exceptional in their use of honestissima not as a personal epithet but as a descriptive term for the sacred rites (caerimoniae) performed by the women upon assumption of their religious post. If we assume that these priestesses financed the caeri-

30 N o t e that Valerius Maximus devotes chapter 1 of Book 4 to a discussion of moderatio in which his examples are mainly men of great power, such as Scipio Africanus, who refrain from abusing it. Moore 72 observes that Livy, too, often uses moderatio to describe the balanced use of power by kings and other significant authority figures. On the importance of moderatio in Roman thought generally see Burck. 31 32 33

See ns. 144, 145, 266, 342, 400. See Pflaum (1970) 183 and Benzina-ben-Abdallah and Ladjimi-Sebai 164.

S e e also n. 144, "honestae et incomparabilis sectae matronae" honored specifically for her pudorem and castitatem.

70

IV. Administrative Virtues

moniae from their own resources, as is likely, 34 then honestissima was probably intended as a compliment of both the women's religious sanctity and their privileged affluence. When applied to men, honestissimus, honeste and honestas pertain strictly to the probity of local magistrates.35 One such example does concern a magistrate of equestrian rank (n. 302), "omnibus honorib(us) honeste functo," for whom the adverb honeste may indicate social status as well as superior conduct in office. In one other case, however, the honestissimus is attributed simply to a municipal magistrate (n. 432) which illustrates that the term need not always signify equestrian status.36 This particular magistrate was rewarded by the local senate for his willingness (prona voluntas and honestissimus animus) to serve as quattuorvir iure dicundo for the following year, thereby alleviating public indecision in the matter (quo facto haesitationi publicae in partem moram ademerit). Honestissimus is used here to underscore the exemplary character of this magnanimous public servant. In one inscription dedicated to another quattuorvir iure dicundo the noun honestas is conjoined with integritas (n. 246), "[decu]riones memores hon[estatis] et integritatis iuris di[ctionis s]uae)." The association of honestas with this man's public duty differs somewhat from its application in Roman literature where it was more popular in philosophical writings as a moral virtue.37 Even though the moral overtones of honestas are reinforced in this inscription by integritas, the ethical force of both virtues is tied directly to the honorand's political and legal, not philosophical, activities.38 These examples of honestas, honeste and honestissimusZ-a represent several different regions within Italy, including region 1 in the south and 3 4 For evidence of women acting generously in their capacity as public priestesses throughout the Empire, see CIL 2.1278, 2.1471, Pieket v. 2, ns. 18 and 25. See also n. 44, a woman who followed the example of former priestesses (exemple inlustrium feminar(um)) by making benefactions in honor of her recent appointment (ob sacerdotium). See also Curchin (1983) 236 who discusses benefactions made by new religious appointees, both male and female, in Roman Spain specifically. 35 Compare Hellegouarc'h, p. 388: "il y représente la qualité de celui qui pratique avec exactitude tous les devoirs, la moralité, l'honnêteté dans sa valeur la plus generale..." 3 6 See also AE 1987.257, a rather fragmentary text of a local decree in honor of a Gnaeus Lucceius in which the editor, Solin, supplies the phrase civis honestissimus. It cannot be securely determined from the remaining text whether Lucceius was an equestrian or not. 3 7 See Hellegouarc'h 387-88 and Klose, although both Hellegouarc'h 388 note 2 and Klose 188 note 26 comment on the dual aspect of honestas as both a political term similar to honos and a moral/philosophical term similar to honestus. 3®This use of honestas in a quasi-moral, quasi-legal context is paralleled in a fourth century inscription from Rome (CIL 6.1769) in which the senator L. Turcius Apronianus is praised for his iustitia and honestas, among other moral qualities.

71 region 10 in the north. 39 The epithet honestissimus appears in one text from the first half of the second century (n. 432), and our one example of the noun honestas (η. 246) dates between 160 and 180. The remaining examples, however, belong mainly to the post-Severan period. 40 Sanctissimus,

Excellentissimus

and

Clementissimus

Sanctissimus in each of its two occurrences in the inscriptions (ns. 399,454) modifies the noun praeses, and excellentissimus in its one occurrence (n. 354) is associated with the noun praefectus. Clementissimus, also appearing in just one example (n. 441), embellishes the noun patronus, but this particular patron also held the important post of praetorian prefect. The inscriptions thereby associate these epithets explicitly with powerful authority figures, an association found in other praise literature. Cicero, for example, uses excellens to underscore the moral superiority of Roman nobles such as Brutus {Phil. 13.32)41 and Livy praises the likes of Cato for being sanctus et innocens in his acting governorship of Sardinia (32.27.3). 42 Clementia early on became an important concept in the formation of the emperor's benevolent public image. 43 The two honorands termed sanctissimi in the corpus were themselves important provincial commanders, one an equestrian praeses and procurator of Raetia in the later second century (n. 454, region 11), one a senatorial praeses of upper Pannonia in the early third century (n. 399, region 7), both honored by members of their former military staff. By the late second century sanctissimus had already been adopted as an imperial epithet to un-

39

R e g i o n 1: ns. 144, 145. Region 4: ns. 246, 266. Region 6: ns. 302, 342. Region 7: ns. 366, 370, 400. Region 10: n. 432. The dedicators of these inscriptions include decuriones (e.g. 246), municipes et decuriones (η. 366), and collegia (e.g. n. 400). See also Appendix Six. 40 N S . 144 and 145 date to the late second century, n. 400 dates to the early third century, and ns. 266, 302, 342, 366, 370, 400 are post-Severan. See also Appendix Seven. 41

S e e also Hellegouarc'h 233.

42

M o o r e 124-26 does observe, however, that sanctitas and sanctus in Livy often pertain simply to personal chastity, especially that of women, a usage paralleled in n. 400 to the virtuous patroness Ancharía Luperca. For further evidence of sanctus cited in a political context see Suetonius, Dom. 10.3, who uses sanctissimus to approve the noble policies of Thrasea Paetus and Helvidius Priscus. For discussion of sanctus in its more passive sense as a synonym for bonus and probus see Link 86. 43 0 n the importance of clementia in Roman political ideology and imperial propaganda see Dahlmann, Bux, Weinstock 237-243, Hellegouarc'h 261-63, Moore 8385, Wickert cols. 2234-2248.

72

IV. Administrative Virtues

derscore the inviolability of the emperor's position. 44 Thus, our two examples of sanctissimus very likely represent a conscious attempt to link the authority of these imperial officials with the authority of the emperor himself. The epithet excellentissimus (n. 354) describes another powerful member of the aristocracy with military responsibility, namely Gaius Fulvius Plautianus, praetorian prefect and leading member of the imperial council under Severus; indeed, the epithet refers explicitly to his prefecture, "omnium praecedentium praef(ecto) excellentissimo." Dedicated by decree of the local senate in Tuficum (region 6) around the year 205, this inscription illustrates well Severus' expansion of the praetorian prefect's jurisdiction throughout Italy and the extent of Plautianus' own formidable reputation. The uncommon epithet excellentissimus reflects the local senate's attempt to offer truly unique praise to this influential prefect. Like excellentissimus, the epithet clementissimus is attributed to a praetorian prefect, namely Aurelius Iulianus, who was also patron of Brixia in the early third century (n. 441). Not only does the Brixian senate praise Iulianus as a patronus clementissimus, but they describe him as a man of eminentissimi et singularis exempli. Such fulsome praise of a man of Iulianus' stature operated on at least two levels: as a response to Iulianus' genuine kindness toward the community; as flattery to gain future kindness from Iulianus or the emperor whose policies Iulianus would have enforced. The epigraphical contexts in which clementissimus and excellentissimus appear would suggest that through application of certain extraordinary epithets in public monuments Italians attempted to secure imperial goodwill in rather insecure times. Civic Service Industria Of the several virtues used in the corpus to highlight civic service industria occurs with greatest regularity. Industria resembles fides, innocentia and other virtues of integrity in so far as it is used to praise responsible administrative activity. And, in fact, it often appears in combination with these terms. 45 Industria , however, emphasizes the desire and capability to undertake hard work, focusing attention on the energy with which the honorand fulfilled his duties rather than on his scrupulousness.46 In only a

" F o r discussion of sanctissimus as an imperial epithet, including examination of its roots as a term for personal morality in Roman literature, see Frei-Stolba 34-35 who demonstrates that the word was not used in a purely titular sense until the time of Marcus Aurelius. 45

Industria

46

with fides (ns. 418), fides and moderatio (n. 408), abstinentia (n. 414).

S e e Fuchs 162-63, "...die industria...heisst die Bereitschaft zu rastloser, angestrengter Tätigkeit." Hellegouarc'h 254 likewise equates industria with "activité et

73 few cases is the honorand's industria complemented by his financial generosity, but never explicitly associated with it. Twelve men in the inscriptions, both patrons and non-patrons, are praised for industria, most of them of decurial rank and higher. 47 Industria appears, then, to have been a virtue of the male political elite. As further evidence of this, one patronus and curator reipublicae (n. 359) is honored "quod industria sua statum reip(ublicae) auxerit," and a municipal duovir (n. 419) is acknowledged "quod in honore Ilviratus industriae administrate omnibus plebis desideriis satisfecit." These two inscriptions, in particular, characterize industria in terms of a senior magistrate's capacity for achieving tangible civic progress. 48 One example of industria is worth singling out for its association of the word with military achievement, a common association in Roman literature. 4 9 In this case (n. 347) the town of Tuficum honors the centurion Sextus Aetrius Ferox for his merita, specifying as well that Antoninus Pius decorated Ferox with the ordo Alexandriae "quod per gradus militiae suae tam industriae (sic) se administraverit." Despite literary treatments of industria as a distinctly military virtue, Ferox provides our only example of an honorand exercising his industria in an explicitly military setting. Only one honorand is praised for his industria in the context of his financial generosity, namely Fabius Hermogenis, a deceased municipal magistrate and flamen divi Hadriani from Ostia (η. 67). Hermogenis was the first and only (solus ac primus) to furnish games during his priesthood, for which the ordo decrees him a public funeral and a statue to be erected in the forum ob amorem et industrial m]. In response to the senate's gesture, Hermogenis' father bequeaths 50,000 sesterces to the community for future sportulae on the anniversary of Hermogenis' birthday. Clearly, the dynamisme." Industria is closely associated with labor as part of a man's virtus in the works of Sallust, according to both Earl (1961) 12, 34-35,100 and Pöschl (1940) 12-27. 47

Senatorial and high-ranking equestrian patrons—ns. 186,408,414,443. Equestrian municipals: patron—n. 359; non-patrons~ns. 67, 181. Municipal decuriones: patron—n. 96; non-patrons—ns. 418,419,466. Municipal dignitary and centurion~n. 347. Dedicators of these inscriptions include local ordines (e.g. ns. 359, 414), populi (e.g. n. 186), and collegia (e.g. ns. 418,443). See also Appendix Six. Another possible example of industria is CIL 10.1820 in which the terms beneficia and bonitas appear as well. •^Further examples of industria cited in context of an honorand's civic efficacy are ns. 186, 408, 414, 443. This characterization of industria is certainly not limited to Italian inscriptions as demonstrated by the late third century inscription from Lepcis Magna (IRT 544) praising the senator and curator reipublicae Lucius Volusius Bassus Cerealis for his committment to the town through the virtues of industria and labor. See Christol's discussion 339-40 of this inscription. 49

M o o r e 31, for example, points out that Livy typically uses industria to describe either preparations for war or performance of military duties.

74

IV. Administrative Virtues

text's main focus is on the affluence and liberality of Hermogenis' family, to which the virtue industria adds an extra note of sincerity.50 Although industria occurs in inscriptions from several different regions of Italy, four of its twelve examples come from Ariminum in region 8, suggesting a local preference here for the virtue.51 The earliest inscription dates to the year 107 (n. 96); the remainder of dateable inscriptions belong to the later second and third centuries.52 Sollicitudo,

Diligentia,

Cura, and

Labor

Four terms closely related to industria, if not synonymous with it, that occur more than once in the inscriptions are cura, diligentia, labor and sollicitudo; they often appear in combination with one another.53 Some other related words that make only one appearance each are aequitas (n. 332, with sollicitudo), opera and Studium54 (η. 468), and religiosissimus (n. 169). All of these terms function as virtues or complimentary epithets in that they describe the conscientious efforts of various municipal patrons, magistrates and dignitaries to improve conditions in their respective communities. Labor is attributed only to patrons of senatorial rank; the other virtues and epithets, however, are ascribed to male patrons and non-patrons of various social status with the exception of freedmen. 55

^ C o m p a r e n. 186 which cites industria in combination with adfectio, although the text appears to identify industria more with the honorand's political efforts to preserve peace in the area. Also, the centurion Ferox (n. 347) distributes sportulae at his dedication ceremony, but note that his inscription in no way links this generosity with his strictly martial industria. 51 Region 1: ns. 67, 96. Region 2: ns. 181, 186. Region 6: ns. 347, 359. Region 8: ns. 408, 414, 418, 419. Region 10: ns. 443, 466. 52

Later second century examples: ns. 67, 347, 408. Third century examples: ns. 186, 359, 414, 443. See also Appendix Seven. Sollicitudo—ns. 161, 332 (with aequitas). Cura--η. 468. Sollicitudo and Cura— η. 263. Sollicitudo, Industria, Cura and Diligentia-n. 466. Diligentia—ns. 60, 134. Labor-ns. 120,408,455. Several of these pairings have literary precedents, e.g. Cicero, Cat. 4.14: "Omnia et provisa et parata et constituta sunt, patres conscripti, cum mea summa cura atque diligentia;" Fam. 1.2.4: "Omni mea cura, opera, diligentia, gratia providebo..." See also Fam. 5.8.2, 5.8.5, and Att. 4.1.1. Another fragmentary example of labor is CIL 9.2232. 54 For discussion of Studium as a compliment of financial benefactors' motivation see Chapter Three, pp. 73-74. Another fragmentary example of Studium is CIL 10.1787. 55

Senators and high-ranking equestrians: patron-n. 161 (sollicitudo)·, non-patron--

n. 4 6 8 (cura, opera,

Studium).

Equestrian municipals: patrons~ns. 60 (diligentia), 332 (aequitas, sollicitudo).

75 N o t surprisingly, these virtues often praise the attention and energy given by honorands to local public works projects, as in the case o f Titius Fabius S a e v e r u s (n. 2 6 3 ) , a t o w n patron w h o s e c u r a 5 6 and sollicitude prompted h i m to repair all the public works in his community of T e l e s i a . 5 7 T h e y also depict the earnest endeavors of patrons and magistrates to ensure steady and fair distribution of municipal grain supplies. Marcus R e m m i u s Rufus and his son (n. 134), in particular, are proclaimed diligentes for their adjustment of s o m e badly weighted grain s c a l e s . 5 8 B e y o n d the specific areas o f public works and public grain supplies, these virtues s o m e t i m e s characterize the overall administration of one's public duties. T h e curator reipublicae Verus Vettonensis (n. 3 3 2 ) was honored by his constituents, the plebs o f Sestinum, "ob s u m m ( a m ) aequit(atem) et incomp(arabilem) sollicitud(inem) eius erga i p s o s . " 5 9 B e i n g the only example of aequitas in the inscriptions, Verus' text unfortunately does not elaborate on this virtue. But g i v e n its association with sollicitudo, a manifestly interactive quality, and the prepositional phrase erga ipsos, aequitas is perhaps best translated as "favor" or "goodwill," a meaning it d o e s assume in other literary c o n t e x t s . 6 0 Similar to Verus, G a i u s Umbrius Vibius N u m i s i u s D r u s u s , a Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patron--ns. 169 (religiosissimus), 263 (cura, sollicitudo); non-patrons~ns. 134 (diligentes), η. 466 (sollicitudo, industria, cura, diligentia). The majority of these inscriptions were initiated by local ordines or decuriones (e.g. ns. 120, 134, 468), municipal citizenry or plebs (e.g. ns. 161, 332) or some combination of these (e.g. n. 263), and collegia (e.g. ns. 60--diligentia, 169religiosissimus). See also Appendix Six. 56 This inscription, as well as the other examples of cura cited in combination with sollicitudo and diligentia, reinforce the interpretation advanced by Béranger 187-91 that cura was perceived primarily as a moral attribute, and that terms such as cura annonae and cura operum publicorum are modern inventions which have blurred the ancient distinction between a moral cura and a concrete curatio. Compare Fuchs 163 who defines cura more as organizational skill in action and, therefore, sees no distinction between cura as an abstract quality and cura as an administrative title. 57

For other examples of sollicitudo, cura, diligentia, and labor cited within the context of public works projects see ns. 120, 161,466. Opera and Studium in example n. 468 appear to describe the honorand's efforts to improve the entire community, part of which may well have included public works repair (side Β 11. 32-33): "cuius opera studioq(ue) et ornatio[res] et tutiores in dies nos magis magisque sentiamus." 58

T h e Rufi are also termed liberales for their financing of public games, but this part of the text is quite separate from that citing their meticulous attention to the security of the public grain supply. See also ns. 408 and 455 both of which praise town patrons for their labor in coming to the aid of the annona. 59

S e e also n. 468 (side Β 1. 30), acknowledging the honorand's father for his cura in governing the municipality; n. 60, dedicated by the quinqué corpora Lenunculariorum of Ostia to their defensor Gaius Testius Amandus for his diligentia in safeguarding their interests.

76

IV. Administrative Virtues

municipal dignitary and patron in Beneventum (n. 169), was honored by a local collegium primarily for his generosity toward them, but received recognition as well for being religiosissimus, that is, scrupulously concerned, for the entire community. 61 The repeated attribution of such virtues and epithets to municipal patrons and magistrates provides an important insight into public expectations of committment and service from community leaders. We must remember, however, that these terms are much less frequent in honorary texts than munificentia, for example, a fact which demonstrates that the Italian public hoped first for money from its benefactors, and then, if possible, for their effective participation in civic affairs. Despite their relative infrequency, examples of these virtues and epithets in inscriptions are spread throughout Italy; sollicitude by itself, for example, occurs in regions as far apart as 1 (n. 161), 6 (n. 332) and 10 (n. 466). 62 The earliest appearance of such terms is the adjective diligentes in a late Republican text (n. 134); the next earliest is the epithet religiosissimus which does not occur until the early second century (n. 169). All the remaining examples of these terms, however, date to the late second and third centuries. 63

6

^Hellegouarc'h 150-51, while acknowledging the more traditional definition of aequitas as exemplary impartiality, demonstrates its transformation in certain contexts from an impartial attitude to a favorable or supportive one. Cicero, e.g., Fam. 13.7.3, pairs aequitas with voluntas to describe the support given to Caesar by the town of Atella. Compare Lange 297-308, who interprets the frequent representation of aequitas on imperial coins, particularly those of Vespasian and his successors, as part of a propaganda campaign to depict non-hereditary principes as worthy of rule because of their fair and favorable disposition toward their subjects. 61 Religio, from which the epithet religiosissimus is derived, can be very similar to diligentia in both meaning and application. Cicero, for example, Leg. Agr. 2.28, comments on the religio and diligentia of Rullus in pursuing the enactment of an agrarian law. 62 S e e also cura which occurs in regions 4 (n. 263) and 10 (ns. 466, 468); diligentia in regions 1 (60, 132) and 10 (n. 466), and labor in regions 1 (n. 120), 8 (n. 408) and 10 (n. 455). 63 Later second century examples: ns. 60 (diligentia), 408 (labor), 455 (labor), 468 (cura, opera, Studium). Third century examples: ns. 263 (sollicitude, cura), 332 (sollicitude). Second or third century examples: ns. 120 (labor), 161 (sollicitudo). See also Appendix Seven.

77 Political Influence Virtus Given the central importance of virtus as a concept among the Romans, 64 one might expect to find recognition of it in many honorary inscriptions especially. Only four inscriptions, however, make any mention of the word (ns. 227, 430, 468, 477), typically using it to praise highranking men who have used their imperial connections to improve conditions in their hometown communities. These epigraphical texts, then, do not challenge traditional literary definitions of virtus as "courage"65 or "excellence," 66 but simply specify it as a property of politically active and influential men. Interestingly enough, three of these examples (ns. 430, 468, 477) constitute municipal decrees that originated in northern Italy in the second century. One of these is the rather fulsome decree to the senator Lucius Fabius Severus, who, among his many other beneficia, argued legal cases free of charge on behalf of his community before the emperor Antoninus Pius (n. 468, side A 11. 9-12). Severus even gained the emperor's permission, thanks in part to his prudentissima67 oratio (1. 37), to enlarge the town's pool of eligible decuriones so as to distribute more evenly the financial burden of holding public office (side A 11. 35-38, side Β 11. 1-16). Severus' efforts, as we have seen, are characterized generally by the virtues benevolentia, pietas, and adfectio, to name but a few. The text uses virtus, however, to summarize his tireless activity for the community's benefit (side A 11. 17-19): "nam in hoc quoque mirabilem esse c(larissimi) v(iri) virtutem, quod cotidie in bene faciendo et in patria sua tuenda ipse se vincat." 6 8 Sempronius Fuscus (n. 477), an "adulescens omni[bus

64in the collections of moral exempla, for instance, virtus occurs more than twice as frequently as any other moral quality. See Appendix Eight. The best comprehensive analysis of virtus and its importance in Roman literature to date is provided by Eisenhut. Other useful studies include Pöschl (1940) 12-58, Earl (1961) passim and (1967) 11-58, and Hellegouarc'h 242-45, 476-83. These last emphasize the change in virtus from an exclusively patrician trait to an attribute of any industrious and dedicated statesman, particularly a novus homo. 65

F o r traditional use of virtus to signify "courage" or "manliness," particularly in military settings, see Moore's discussion 5-14 of the word in Livy. 66

F o r the influence of Greek arete on the Romans' definition of virtus, see Eisenhut 12-22. An important distinction between the two which Eisenhut 22 points out is that the Greeks applied arete to objects as well as people, whereas the Romans perceived of virtus strictly within the boundaries of the human personality. Aside from this epithet, there is no other recognition given to the virtue prudentia in the inscriptions. 68

suarum

S e e also Minicius Italus' text (n. 430) mentioning the praecipuus virtutum filnis] ("the remarkable zenith of his virtues") in the context of his using

78

IV. Administrative Virtues

virt]utibus instructissimu[s]," as a mere praefectus cohortis did not have the same imperial connections as Severus. The text does stress, however, that he came to his military post ex discipulina... principis, that is, in accordance with imperial command. 69 Moreover, the ordo votes to send a delegation to the emperor to bear witness of their iudicium..virtutis eius. Even in Fuscus' case, virtus signifies that quality in a man that extends his reputation beyond his hometown all the way to imperial circles. In this regard, it is significant that none of these influential men appear to have been a formal patron of the community honoring them. Their virtus, in other words, is not presented as a fulfillment of any contractual obligation to their hometown communities, but rather speaks of their own personal distinction which they have freely chosen to apply to the public's benefit. Our last example of virtus (n. 227) provides quite a contrast to the municipal decrees discussed above, as it is a basic honorary inscription from southern Italy (region 3) that unfortunately gives very little context for the word. The honorand Gaius Iulius Naso, a municipal dignitary of unknown rank, is recognized by the senate and people of Velia honoris et virtutis causa, a phrase signifying that the honos was a reward for his virtus.10 Certainly, the connection between honos and virtus has a long history in Roman literature and architecture, particularly in the context of military victory. 71 Naso, however, is more likely to have displayed his virtus in a peaceful municipal setting since Velia was a medical and philosophical center south of the Bay of Naples and, therefore, not prone to have given much consideration to military achievement.

imperial connections to increase the number of citizens who qualified to undertake civic muñera. ^ C o m p a r e Macer, Digesto 49.16.12.1: "in disciplina Augusti ita cavetur." Fuscus is also praised for his summa militiae modestia and summa liberalitas. 70 F or honos as a reward for virtus in the literature see Cicero, Brut. 281: "Cum honos sit praemium virtutis..." Another inscription from Telesia, CIL 9.2214, also commemorates an individual named Messalla honoris et virtutis causa, but the sparse nature of the text does not allow us to determine whether it was an honorary or funerary text. 71 See, for example, Klose 83-84 and 91-94, Drexler 141, Büchner 380-81, and Bieber 25-34. Bieber, in particular, discusses the several shared sanctuaries of Honos and Virtus in Roman state cult, most of which were constructed by military leaders upon the occasion of victory in war (e.g. M. Claudius Marcellus in 205 B.C., Scipio Africanus in 133 B.C., Marius in 103 B.C.). See also CIL 13.6800=/L5 419, an inscription from Mogontiacum (Upper Germany) erected in 197 by the twenty-second legion to Septimius Severus and his son Caracalla, "honoris virtutisque causa civitas Treverorum in obsidione ab ea defensa."

79 Dignitas

and

Dignatio

Described by Hellegouarc'h as "le metamorphose sociale de la virtus,"72 dignitas and the related dignatio73 signify both socio-political status and its concomitant influence and authority. Following the literary trend, the inscriptions apply dignitas and dignatio to four senators and one highranking equestrian. 74 One additional example of dignitas (n. 135) is exceptional in that it describes the dedicators in the context of their honoring an influential senator: "pertinere a municipi dignitatem meritis M. Noni Balbi respondere." Yet even here the municipality's dignitas is linked to the prestige of an imperial aristocrat. Dignitas and dignatio, however, are not ascribed to honorands solely on the basis of their membership in the imperial elite. On the contrary, such men have clearly exercised their dignitas to the advantage of the communities honoring them. None of them, however, has worked for his client-community in any official capacity as a curator reipublicae or iuridicus. Nor are they cited for displaying any virtues of administrative integrity, such as innocentia or iustitia. Their influence, rooted as it is in their personal prestige, surpasses the limited prerogatives of political office. 75 Most often dignitas is used in reference to the honorand's considerable status both in Rome and the local community. Tergeste's extraordinarily committed benefactor Severus is said to have sought his senatoriam dignitatem expressly for the purpose of protecting the quality of life in the municipality (n. 468, side A 11. 32-35), "uti patriam su[am c]um ornatam tum ab omnib[us] iniuriis tutam defensamque praestaret..." 76 What is more, the text earlier associates Severus' dignitas with his eloquentia to describe his authority primarily (side A11. 7-9), "in adiuvanda patria sua et dignitate

72

388-401.

73

A S a variation on dignitas, dignatio was used mainly in the imperial period according to Hellegouarc'h 412-13. For a good example of the similarities between dignitas and dignatio see n. 316 where both words are used almost interchangeably. 74 S e n a t o r s : patrons—ns. 163, 192, 316; non-patron—n. 468. High-ranking equestrian non-patron--n. 430. See also n. 326 in which the equestrian honorand's distinguished mother, Memmia Victoria, is recognized for her dignitas.

^ C o m p a r e Neri 182-201 who focuses on a similar distinction between patrons of the senatorial aristocracy and imperial bureaucrats of the equestrian order in fourth century honorary inscriptions. The former group is seldom acknowledged for justice and moderation, which Neri terms "political virtues," but rather for their nobilitas, auctoritas, and eloquentia, three virtues which he sees at the heart of a senator's political and patronly pursuits. 76 F o r other examples of dignitas used to designate the status of men actively involved in municipal affairs see Italus' inscription, n. 4 3 0 (per summos honores equestris dignitatis), and Victorinus', n. 316 (senatoria dignitas).

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IV. Administrative Virtues

et eloquentia crescerei." 77 In the inscription to Publius Aelius Aelianus Archelaus Marcus, a man of originis clarissimae (n. 163), dignitas is used similarly to compliment both Marcus' status and influence, but this time in his capacity as a municipal patron: "cuius aetatis laudabilis constantia et recens patronatus dignitas provisione cumulavit reipublicae vires." Paired with constantia (steadfastness) and provisio (foresight), two important qualities in determining a man's political efficacy, 78 dignitas here especially indicates not only Marcus' social distinction as a patronus, but also the leverage such a position affords him to enact positive changes in his community. In light of the association between dignitas and provisio in Marcus' text, we should note here that Severus' text also makes mention of Providentia (η. 468, side Β 1. 29) but in reference to the judicious administration of the community by Severus' father Verus. 79 Thus, the text draws a slight link between dignitas and Providentia at least in so far as Severus has inherited his father's foresight (not to mention Verus' other virtues) which has equipped him well in his distinguished career. Dignatio, too, denotes personal influence borne of social prominence, as in the inscription to Faustinianus, a senatorial patron honored by the town of Larinum "ob amoris eius et dignationis erga se magna et atsidua documenta" (η. 192). The documenta dignationis allude to the advantages secured by Faustinianus through his privileged position, but the parallel construction of dignationis with amoris further characterizes his stature in terms of genuine civic loyalty. 80

77 E l o q u e n c e is, in fact, a virtue often associated with great political and legal authority: e.g. Cicero, De Or. 1.31, Brut. 84. See also Hellegouarc'h 280-81 and 302303, particularly his bibliography 303 note 1. Despite the importance of eloquentia in literary discussions of political influence and patronage, this text and n. 181, which give little context for the virtue aside from its association with industria, provide our only examples of this virtue. It appears more often in very late third and fourth century inscriptions, such as CIL 9.1128 from Aeclanum in honor of the senator Umbonius Mannachius "pro singularibus erga civitatem nostram meritis industriae et eloquentiae." For further evidence of dignitas used to signify authority, see Victorinus' inscription (n. 316): "tarnen obsequio dignitati eius in omnibus parentes..." 78 T h i s inscription provides the only example in our corpus of the virtues constantia and provisio. Fourth century examples of provisio are CIL 10.520 and CIL 10.5200. For discussion of constantia in literature as a virtue synonymous with fides, particularly when used of the Roman nobility, see Moore 63-66 and Hellegouarc'h 28485. 79 T h e only example of Providentia in the inscriptions. Whereas Providentia, a virtue popular in imperial propaganda, denotes the faculty of forethought, provisio describes more the act of foreseeing and, thus, can act as a synonym for remedium, as it does in the case of Marcus' inscription (n. 163). See Forcellini s.v., v. 3, 943; OLD, s.v. 80 Victorinus' inscription (n. 316) also cites his dignatio together with his amor: "cuius inconparabili amore (sic) et in numerum nostrum dignatione (sic) licet impares..."

81 Although few in number, occurrences of dignitas and dignatio are found in inscriptions from several different parts of Italy, including region 2 in the south and region 10 in the north. 81 The majority of these date to the third century (ns. 163, 192, 316, 326), there being only one example from the early second (n. 430) and one from the later second century (n. 468).

Gratia and Consilium Two last words used in the inscriptions to signify a man's political influence are gratia and consilium, which account for two inscriptions; gratia occurs in the early second century decree concerning the prominent equestrian Gaius Minicius Italus (n. 430), and both gratia and consilium are mentioned together in an early first century inscription to the imperial freedman Gaius Iulius Gelos (n. 387). Neither of these men is a formal municipal patron. Their gratia and consilium, like so many of the other virtues of influence discussed in this section, characterize their authority based on imperial connections. Certainly, Italus' decree not only frames his gratia in terms of his distinguished equestrian career ("quidquid consequi gratiae au[t potentiae per summos honor]es equestris dignitatis potuerit"), 82 but further associates it with his access to the emperor through whom he was able to secure more citizens to qualify for civic muñera in Aquileia. 83 The consilium and gratia of Gelos, on the other hand, are cited in a more general context: "omni tempore municip(ium) Veios non solum Consilio et gratia adiuverit, 84 sed etiam inpensis suis et per filium suum celebrali voluerit..." Although consilium has a number of different meanings both concrete and abstract, 85 here it most likely indicates Gelos' expert guidance as an imperial freedman 8 ' Region 1: n. 163. Region 2: n. 192. Region 6: ns. 316, 326. Region 10: ns. 430, 468. 82 T h e word potentia is appropriately supplied here, for it is often associated with gratia in similar political contexts in literature. See especially Caesar, BGall. 6.15, and Sallust, Cat. 20.8. For gratia linked with auctoritas see Caesar, BGall. 7.63. See also Hellegouarc'h 206. 83

Consider also Sailer's treatment 154-55 of gratia as political influence in imperial circles, particularly his observation that Fronto's association with Arrius Antoninus, the powerful iuridicus per ¡taliam regionis Transpadanae, caused many to seek the political influence (gratia) of the latter through their acquaintance with Franto (£p. 2.8). Compare his discussion 24 of gratia as a term describing a client's goodwill toward his or her patron. ^Hellegouarc'h 255 notes that consilium often accompanies the verb adiuvare in literature to signify one's ability to influence others or to provide them with the aid of one's counsel. See, for example, Cicero, Sull. 34; Off. 1.123; Livy 5.23.1. 85

For analysis of these meanings see Fuchs 166-68 who contrasts it with strong irrational emotions such as iracundia. See also Hellegouarc'h 254-56.

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IV. Administrative Virtues

well acquainted with court politics. In this regard, note that the senate of Veii comes to Rome, to the Temple of Venus Genetrix (the ancestor of Augustus, Gelos' patronus and former dominus) to pass their decree. The fact that Gelos' guidance was bolstered by his financial generosity (inpensis suis) has an historical and literary precedent in Caesar's description of Dumnorix (BGall. 1.9.3), "gratia et largitione apud Sequanos plurimum poterat." 86 Whether financial or political, the influence of both Gelos and Italus introduces another aspect of gratia, namely the claim these benefactors have to the thanks and support of their beneficiaries. 87 In this sense, gratia resembles meritum as a word underscoring a dedicator's obligation to the honorand regardless of any formal patron-client relationship. Note that these two inscriptions come from northern Italy and date to the early first (n. 387) and early second (n. 430) centuries. It appears, therefore, that by the late second and third centuries dignitas and dignatio had replaced gratia as the preferred terms for designating an honorand's political clout.

8

^See also Hellegouarc'h 204 note 4.

87

S e e Pöschl's (1980) definition 13 of gratia as "Anspruch auf Dank." Pöschl stresses the importance of this aspect of gratia for ambitious men working in a political system which provided no salaries for its magistrates.

V. Virtues and Epithets of Personal Character Outside of generosity, civic loyalty and service, some notice is given in a few Italian honorary inscriptions to personal character. The virtues attributed to men in this regard are primarily those of modesty and discretion ( e.g. modestia), while those ascribed to women signify sexual purity (e.g. pudicitia). In addition to these male and female character virtues, there exist several epithets and adjective modifiers which underscore the uniqueness of the individual honorand, male or female, the most notable of these being the epithet rarissimus. The vocabulary discussed in this chapter, more than in any other, appears to distinguish between different social classes of benefactors, for the virtues of modesty and chastity pertain largely to honorands of the municipal elite, whereas the epithets and adjectives denoting singularity are used chiefly in reference to members of the imperial aristocracy. We may well wonder whether praise of singularity and individual character would have defeated the purpose of honorary texts to encourage similar behavior in others. And yet, there may be no more effective way to motivate some people than to challenge them with the idea of inimitability.

Modestia and Verecundia The concepts of propriety and restraint inherent in modestia and verecundia^ would appear to contradict the lavish gifts and extraordinary public service so often emphasized in honorary inscriptions. Roman Italians evidently saw no such contradiction, for their praise of a man's modesty often stands side by side with their acknowledgment of his financial largesse. Consider the municipal decree to coopt a municipal magistrate as patron of Corfinium "propter morum gravem patientiam maximamque verecundiam" (n. 240). 2 Despite acknowledgment of this man's tempered character, the text elaborates upon his generous assumption of patronal responsibilities, namely his providing for a public banquet, establishing a birthday celebration fund in the community worth 50,000 sesterces, and distributing multiple cash sportulae. Praise of a man's private mores, therefore, seems to

1 For modestia and verecundia as synonyms, see TLL, v.8, col. 1223.27-28. Compare Lossmann 92 note 70, who points out that the fundamental difference between modestia and verecundia lies in their etymologies: modestia, like moderatio, comes from modus meaning "measure," whereas verecundia has at its root the verb vereri, "to fear." For modestia in Sallust see Pöschl (1940) 59-61. For modestia in Tacitus see Vielberg 134-150. ^This inscription provides our only example of patientia, which, given its lack of context, is perhaps best defined here as forbearance. In literature it is often synonymous with fortitude, although Cicero distinguishes between the two (Part. Or. 77). See also Hellegouarc'h 284 who points out the word's similarities with constantia.

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V. Virtues and Epithets of Personal Character

have had little bearing upon community expectations of his public benefactor In some instances an honorand's modesty could even contribute to community finances by curtailing the cost or extent of the honor. When the senate and people of Cumae decreed two bigae in honor of the very generous magistrate Veratius Severianus (n. 132), his insita modestia allowed the public to erect only one of these statues at their own expense; he assumed the cost of erecting the second. 4 From the community's point of view, Severianus' restraint was particularly admirable in that it pertained to his use of public funds, not his own. In one example, a municipal decree in honor of the equestrian Marcus Sempronius Fuscus on the occasion of his departure for his new appointment as praefectus cohortis Baeticae (n. 477), modestia designates military rather than personal discipline. 5 Fittingly enough, the senate praises Fuscus for his summa militiae modestia, but mention of his military achievement eventually yields to a more elaborate citation of his liberalitas in repaying some community debts. With the exception of the senator Lucius Fabius Severus (η. 468) whose verecundia is mentioned only in passing, those men acknowledged for modestia and verecundia are either equestrians or municipals, both patrons and non-patrons.6 Modestia and verecundia were evidently not considered important virtues for the aristocracy or those in positions of consid-

3 See also n. 296, a municipal decree to honor Gaius Hedius Verus for his morum...modestia singularis, reverenda insignis and notabilis munificentia et adfeclus. 4 S e e also n. 296, in which Venís' modestia singularis refers in part to his paying for statues that were publicly decreed to him. Compare the decree to honor Lucius Fabius Severus (η. 468) in which the ordo of Tergeste claims that they are willing to go before the emperor to proclaim their gratitude for Severus if Severus' verecundia would allow it. They decide that such a gesture would be onerosum to him, probably because of his modesty (side Β 11. 19-22). Although the fragmentary text is difficult to read, the modestia of the honorand in n. 127 may also pertain to the manner in which he received the monument and recognition.

^Compare Moore 76 who demonstrates Livy's frequent use of modestia to praise the discipline of soldiers. 6

Modestia: Military equestrian non-patron~n. 477. Equestrian municipals: p a t r o n n. 296; non-patron~n. 132. Municipal dignitary and collegium patron—n. 421. Verecundia: Equestrian municipal patron~n. 136 (a municipal patron honored privately by a veteran who served under him when he was a fleet commander). Municipal magistrates and dignitaries: patrons~ns. 240,421. The rank of the honorand in inscription n. 127 cannot be determined from the extant text. These examples were dedicated mainly by local ordines (e.g. ns. 296, 477), sometimes in combination with the general populace (e.g. ns. 132, 240). One example (n. 421), however, was dedicated by a collegium. See also Appendix Six.

85 erable authority.7 Inscriptions citing modestia and verecundia come from several areas of Italy, including region 1 in the south and regions 10 and 11 in the north.8 Modestia occurs in three second century texts (ns. 127,296, 477), modestia and verecundia appear together in one late second century example (n. 421). The remaining examples of verecundia belong to the late second (n. 468) and third centuries (ns. 136, 240).

Pudicitia,

Castitas, and

Probitas

As distinctively feminine virtues in Roman society, 9 pudicitia and castitas are understandably attributed to women almost exclusively in honorary inscriptions. 10 Remarkable, however, is the small number of women commemorated for such virtues in comparison to the total number of women represented in the inscriptions; only eight out of seventy-two honored women, or 11%, are praised for chastity. 11 As we have seen throughout this study, the vast majority of women are recognized, instead, for their financial generosity and with the same vocabulary as that used for male benefactors. Dwindling municipal revenues throughout Italy greatly contributed to the increased public stature and influence of wealthy benefactresses. In this economic climate traditionally feminine virtues,

^Compare Ogilvie 75 and Moore 75-76 who both define modestia in Livy as a quality of those under the command of others, as opposed to moderatio which characterizes those in power. ^Region 1: ns. 127, 132, 136. Region 4: n. 240. Region 6: n. 296. Region 8: n. 421. Region 10: n. 468. Region 11: n. 477. 9

S e e , in particular, Moore 121-24 who illustrates Livy's use of these words almost exclusively to describe the sexual purity of women; Lattimore 294-300 who notes that castitas and pudicitia, among other related virtues, are recurrent in Roman women's sepulchral inscriptions; Lefkowitz and Fant 16-22 who devote a whole section to sepulchral and literary texts that privilege women's sexual purity and familial devotion. 10 Pudicitia and its grammatical variations occur in four inscriptions all honoring women of various rank: senatorial patroness of a collegium~n. 316; equestrian municipal patroness—n. 266; equestrian non-patroness—n. 407; municipal non-patroness-n. 16. Castitas and its epithet casta/castissima occur in five inscriptions, four honoring women: senatorial non-patroness-n. 300; equestrian patroness of a collegium--n. 400; equestrian non-patronesses--ns. 144, 342. The fifth inscription provides the one exception of a man cited for sanctimonia castitas (n. 75) in a religious context (see below, p. 128). Those attributing pudicitia and castitas to women honorands were mainly collegia (e.g. ns. 316, 400, 407). See also Appendix Six. 1

' S e e the data in note 10 above and in Appendix Five.

V. Virtues and Epithets of Personal Character

86

which certainly did not stress women's affluence or public involvement, functioned merely as token flattery in a few honorary texts. 12 Even when pudicitia and castitas do play a role in a woman's honorary text, they are almost always overshadowed by the recognition given to her financial generosity. The inscription honoring Aurelia Calligenia (n. 407) is particularly illuminating on this point. She is proclaimed by the collegium fabrum of Ariminum to be both pudicissima and honorificentissima, the latter epithet signaling her public role as benefactress. 13 The importance of Aurelia's generosity, in addition to that of her husband, is further stressed in the following motive clause, "ob munificentiam in se [ab u]trisq(ue) conlatam." What is more, the end of the text indicates that Aurelia alone distributed four sesterces to each member of the collegium at the dedication ceremony. 14 Her feminine modesty, in other words, did not prevent her from appearing in public and playing the role of the beneficent patrona.15 Aurelia's manifest generosity was, in fact, expected of all women who received public honors, even those who were praised mainly for their domestic virtue. Consider, for example, the decree of the collegium fabrum of Volsinii to coopt Ancharía Luperca as their patrona (η. 400), a text which at first glance seems to be concerned only with Ancharia's matronly qualities. Reference is made to her morum castitas, prisca consuetudo sanctitata, sancta indolis et disciplina, and finally she is described as a caerimonis (sic) praedita femina. But the collegium certainly did not make such a fulsome gesture simply to commemorate Ancharia's virtuous womanhood; rather, they hoped to catch her attention in such a way as to coax her and her family members into granting certain financial favors to their organization. To be sure, the decree actually opens with a flattering description of her husband's heartfelt generosity to the collegium, in which 12 For further discussion of the emphasis on wealth and generosity in honorary inscriptions dedicated to Italian women see Forbis (1990) 493-512. For discussion of the epigraphical evidence concerning municipal patronesses in Italy see Kajava (1990). For discussion of patronae and their socio-political status throughout Italy and the western provinces especially see Niçois (1989). 13 For discussion of honorificentissimus Chapter Three, pp. 81-84.

as an epithet of generous benefactors see

14 The text reads "cuius dedicat(ionem) sing(ulis) d(e)d(it) (sestertium) n(ummos) IIII," thus leaving the subject of dedit somewhat open to interpretation. Since in other examples the honorand usually makes the distribution unless otherwise specified, I am assuming that Aurelia is the implied subject here, not her husband. 15

See also n. 266, dedicated to an honestissima et pudicissima femina for her merita; η. 300, a patroness praised for castitas and munificentia. The matrona castissima in η. 342 is similarly honored ob merita mariti. Compare CIL 5.5272, a funerary tribute in which the deceased is termed pudicissima by her relatives who have also donated a large sum to a local collegium for them to celebrate annually the memorial of her birthday. Even this woman's closest family have no problems presenting her in both the image of modest matron and that of local dignitary.

87 lies a suggestion to Ancharía to follow her husband's example. 16 Even the traditional text (n. 144) appearing on the statue base dedicated by the res publica of Puteoli to the deceased matron Gavia Marciana "ob eximi[u]m pudorem et admirabilem cas[tit]atem" makes explicit mention of three of her male relatives, no doubt in order to flatter these men into reimbursing the community for their gesture. Indeed, Gavia's father does pay for the monument sua pequn(ia|17 When it came to praising men for purity, the Romans understood the concept differently than they did for women and they applied a different vocabulary. Only one man is cited for sanctimonia castitas (n. 75), but since he was a priest of Isis honored by another priest of the same order (Isiacus), his castitas should be interpreted as religious sanctity. 18 Other texts use probitas to describe men's purity in a moral sense. One example (n. 151) does apply the epithet probissimus to a man who was granted the religious post of augur which would indicate this virtue's applicability in a ritual setting, but the remaining examples give little context for probitas other than the man's character. Example n. 147 simply cites the probitas morum and quieta vita of Annius Numisianus as sufficient reason for allowing a statue to be erected to his deceased son Annius Modestus. 19 As is the case for women, praise of men's probitas is often overshadowed by recognition of their generous deeds. Marcus Tullius Primigenius (η. 209), a freedman fencing-master (summarudis), is hailed as an homo probissimus by his students, but the phrase "ob plurima ac maxima beneficia eius" makes salient the reason for the honor. 20 16 F o r a similar example of a woman praised for chastity in the context of a cooption decree see n. 316. See also n. 16 citing the pudicitia of a woman whose family members were instrumental in building and adorning a schola in the community. 17 S e e also n. 444 which similarly praises the (deceased?) honorand for her virtuous character (laudabilis vita, morum eius atque innocentiae propositum singularis) and yet mentions her husband as the one who actually benefits from the prestige of the monument (titulo usus). ,8 F o r discussion of castitas denoting ritual purity in religious settings in literature see Fugier 24-29, and Moore 121-22. Note that the priest in this example is also termed a patronus munditiarius (refined), an epithet which reflects upon his sanctity as well. Compare the religious context for the adjective sanctimonia here with the political application of sanctissimus in inscriptions ns. 399 and 454. 19 This use of probitas to mean simply purity of character contrasts with its more active definition in Republican literature as a synonym for virtus. Compare Hellegouarc'h 286 who cites, among other passages, Cicero, Fam. 13.28.2 and 13.78.1. Moore's discussion 126 of probitas in Livy, however, demonstrates that the word there denotes primarily a person's innocence, particularly in a sexual sense.

2®See also n. 148, a local benefactor termed vir probissimus honored mainly for his bequest of a solarium to the community. Compare n. 142, a municipal decree to honor a deceased equestrian (omatissimus vir--see Hellegouarc'h 463-64) who is termed probissimus. Since he died young (inmatura velocitate fatorum occupatus), we can assume his probitas to be a matter of character, not public reputation. As in other

V. Virtues and Epithets of Personal Character

88

Although Hellegouarc'h observes that the adjective probus in literature often denotes a man's regard for fides in patron-client relations, 21 none of the men recognized for probitas in the inscriptions were patrons, nor is their morality explicitly characterized as loyalty toward others. One inscription does use the adverb probe in a manner synonymous with fide (η. 341), "omnibus honoribus...probe functo," but the context is administrative since the honorand was a municipal magistrate. 22 None of these men is of very high rank; aside from the municipal magistrate just mentioned, there are three equestrian municipals (ns. 142, 147, 151), one municipal dignitary (n. 148), and one freedman (n. 209). Interestingly enough, four of the six texts in which probitas and probissimus occur come from Puteoli (ns. 142, 147, 148, 151), illustrating a marked preference for these terms in the town's public inscriptions. The other two texts belong to regions 3 (n. 209) and 6 (n. 341). Our examples of pudicitia and castitas, however, represent several regions throughout Italy, but they date mainly to the third century. 23 As for probitas, the noun appears in one second century text (n. 147), the epithet probissimus in inscriptions of the early second (ns. 142, 148) and third centuries (ns. 151, 209), and the adverb probe in one late third century text (n. 341). Singularis,

Incomparabilis,

Rarissimus

Within a system of honors that thrives on emulation of exempta, the concepts of singularity and inimitability assume particular significance, for they represent the greatest challenge to the emulator. Italian honorary texts were, indeed, aware of this significance. To begin with, the adjective singularis is one of the more prevalent in the inscriptions, modifying a variety of virtues, particularly innocentia and abstinentia,u which may indicate a real scarcity of incorrupt officials and benefactors in Italian municipalities. The only other adjective more popular than singularis is insignis, and understandably so since it denotes magnificence, a desired image in honorary

decrees of this kind, however, the senate's main motive may well have been to prompt the young man's relatives to reimburse the community for its show of gratitude. 21

Hellegouarc'h 494.

22 Note that this man's wife, honored in n. 342, is honored for her purity as well but with the feminine epithet castissima. 23

Region 1: ns. 16, 75, 144. Region 4: n. 266. Region 6: ns. 300, 316, 342. Region 7: n. 400. Region 8: n. 407. The epithet pudicissima appears in one example from the year 169 (n. 407), and the virtues pudor and castitas in a text dated to 187 (n. 144). Third century examples of pudicitia and castitas and their related epithets are: ns. 75, 266, 316, 342, 400. N. 300 is dated to either the second or third century. 24 S e e , for example, ns. 73, 161, 172, 187, 394, 414, 444. See also modifying castitas (n. 300) and amor (n. 239).

singularis

89 texts that were preoccupied with conspicuous forms of generosity. 25 Singularis appears to have described the virtues of senators and highranking equestrians almost exclusively, whereas insignis applies more often to the accomplishments of the municipal elite. 26 Similar to singularis in meaning, incomparabilis appears somewhat frequently both as an adjective (e.g. with munificentia—n. \83,fides~n. 2, pudicitia—a. 316) and as an epithet, particularly with the noun amicus in privately dedicated inscriptions.27 All of these modifiers predominate in inscriptions dating to the late second and third centuries, another rhetorical indicator of Italians' increasing appreciation of the efforts of fewer and fewer private benefactors in this period.28 The epithets solus and primus also highlight the significance of certain benefactors, as in the example of a public priest hailed as solus ac primus in his initiative to finance ludos scaenicos during his priesthood (n. 67). Other examples acknowledge magistrates simply for being the first (primus) to make benefactions on the occasion of their attaining public office (e.g. ns. 174,211). 29 Similar distinction is given to one female honorand, sola omnium feminarum (n. 390), for her gift of a banquet for the

25 See, for example, insignis modifying largitio et liberalitas (n. 435), merita (η. 381), and munificentia (ns. 8, 183, 214). Some other less common adjectives in the inscriptions that denote magnificence include egregius (e.g. n. 96), eximius (e.g. n. 60), inlustris (e.g. ns. 176,177), mirabilis (e.g. n. 152), and praecipuus (e.g. n. 214). 26 I n ten of its twelve occurrences (ns. 73, 161, 172, 186, 187, 239, 300, 414, 441,444) singularis refers to the virtues of a man or woman of the imperial aristocracy. In its other two examples (ns. 296, 394) the honorand in question is at least of equestrian municipal status. Example n. 452 is too fragmentary to determine the honorand's social status. Insignis, although it can be found in aristocrats' inscriptions (e.g. ns. 73, 183), more often modifies the virtues of the municipal elite (e.g. ns. 8, 88, 214, 241, 293, 381,424, 435). 27 S e e ns. 35, 111, 113, 129, 469. N. 152 is dedicated to a patrono dignissimo et incomparabili. Another very fragmentary example of patronus incomparabilis is CIL 10.1794. Singularis also functions as an epithet in a very late third or fourth century example, CIL 9.1569: patrono praestantissimo et in omnibus singulari. 28 T h e earliest example of insignis (n. 60) dates to 147, and the earliest of incomparabilis (n. 35) to the years 118-138. Other second century examples of insignis, incomparabilis, and singularis: ns. 2, 86, 183, 296, 426. Third century examples: ns. 73, 74, 78, 88, 89, 111, 113, 129, 152, 172, 182, 186, 187, 239, 241, 316, 317, 332, 381,414,441,444,469. Second or third century examples: ns. 8, 51, 161, 226, 300, 424, 435. 2

9 w e might also see in primus the suggestion that the first formal act of these honorands upon entering public office was to make a benefaction to the community. Solus too may connote that the benefactor in question was acting completely independently, that is, not receiving any outside financial help. Another example of primus too fragmentary to be included here is AE 1955.178, "quod is primus simfulacrum?] statuarium pro..."

V. Virtues and Epithets of Personal Character

90

town's leading women. 3 0 Both solus and primus draw attention to the laudable precedent established by these individuals, a precedent which the beneficiaries certainly hoped to see followed by other public officials and dignitaries. The most popular epithet for designating uniqueness in the inscriptions is rarissimus, an appellation seemingly reserved for men and women of equestrian rank or higher. 31 It often complements other epithets, particularly optimus (ns. 409, 415, 428) and epithets denoting incorruptability, such as integer (n. 208), innocentissimus (n. 200) and sanctissimus (n. 399). 3 2 The virtues attributed to those termed rarissimi include liberalitas and munificentia (n. 415), largitio (n. 208), industria and eloquentia (n. 181). These examples of rarissimus represent several different regions within Italy and date from the early first through to the mid-third century. 33 The widespread application of rarissimus in the inscriptions, as well as the assorted virtues modified by singularis and incomparabilis, indicate that distinctiveness in any endeavor, be it public generosity or civic duty, was consistently encouraged by needy communities. Indeed, the distinguished individual who set seemingly incomparable standards provided a perfect opportunity to capture the attention of competitive onlookers.

^ C o m p a r e n. 258, dedicated to a senator who was the First in his community (primus omnium Paelignorum) to attain this distinction. These examples of primus and solus date to the late first (n. 258), the late second (n. 67) and mid-third centuries (ns. 174, 390). Example n. 211 is undated. 3

' E l e v e n honorands in the corpus are praised as rarissimus. Senators and highranking equestrians: patrons~ns. 12, 409, 437 (dedicated by his wife); non-patron-n. 399. Equestrian municipals: patrons-200, 208 (municipal patron honored privately), 302, 415; non-patrons—ns. 181. Woman equestrian non-patron--n. 145. The one exception to these senatorial and equestrian honorands is n. 428, a municipal magistrate. Rarissimus also occurs once as an adjective modifying adfectio (n. 162). The dedicators of these inscriptions include whole municipalities (e.g. n. 145), decuriones, Augustales and plebs (e.g. n. 200), collegia (e.g. n. 409) and private individuals (e.g. n. 399). See also Appendix Six. 32 S e e also n. 302, an example of rarissimus attributed to an equestrian municipal who has carried out his municipal duties honeste. 3 3

Region 1: ns. 12, 145, 162. Region 2: n. 181. Region 3: ns. 200, 208. Region 6: n. 302. Region 7: n. 399. Region 8: ns. 409, 415. Region 10: ns. 428, 437. The earliest example (n. 428) is dated approximately to the early first century and the latest (n. 302) to 240. Other second century examples: ns. 145, 200, 208, 409. Other third century examples: ns. 12, 162, 399, 415, 437.

Conclusion Virtues in Action To Romans living in Italian municipalities of the Empire virtue was a serious matter, but not as an abstract concept for philosophical enquiry or personal development. Virtue, in their view, if exercised appropriately within some sphere of public activity, could greatly benefit a community and simultaneously enhance the reputation of the virtuous individual. The recognition of virtues in honorary texts, therefore, served an important function in municipal society by articulating a moral dimension for people's involvement in the upkeep of their respective communities. This moral dimension served to encourage public munificence from any affluent person regardless of his or her social status. The inscriptions make clear that a person's value to a community did not stem from his or her private character so much as from commendable interactions with the public. Merita, for example, the most commonly used word of praise in these inscriptions, indicates some discernable activity on the part of the honorand, not the attitude that prompted it. And many of the virtues that could be interpreted as passive qualities, such as innocentia or integritas, are more often than not defined in terms of the honorand's public responsibilities. In this way the epigraphical evidence corroborates Earl's assessment of Roman virtues as they are presented in the political literature: The service of the state required private virtues, but in their public application. To a purely private cultivation of personal virtue the Roman tradition was always hostile....The proper service of the state demanded private goodness, but such goodness without public achievement was of no account.1 The inscriptions clearly focus on the public responsibilities and activities of notable individuals. They also distinguish clearly between the different areas in which one's committment to municipal life might be demonstrated by citing appropriate virtues in each case. We have seen how financial generosity was acknowledged through one set of terms while the devotion of a patron, consisting of generosity only in part, was characterized by a separate vocabulary. And administrative excellence encompassed yet another discrete set of virtues. Even within each realm of activity, we have seen sundry virtues applied. Thus, despite certain generic phrases such as ob merita or honoris causa, the vocabulary for virtue in these inscriptions was neither completely formulaic nor insignificant to the intended message of the entire monument. On the contrary, it served to characterize the honored individual in his or her specific public role and simultaneously expressed the public's expectations for all others assuming similar roles. 1

Earl (1967) 23.

92

Conclusion

Choice of Vocabulary With very few exceptions (e.g. voluntas, obsequium), the words chosen to illustrate virtuous behavior in these honorary texts belong to the standard Latin vocabulary for virtue. Much of the inscriptions' praise vocabulary appears in historical literature, particularly the literature on exempta virtutis, and on imperial coins. Nevertheless, a close comparison of the epigraphical vocabulary with the literary and numismatic evidence reveals subtle yet significant differences which illustrate the unique aims and audience of honorary texts. Looking first at the virtues treated by writers of moral exempla, we find that they overlap only slightly with those in the corpus.2 Virtus, pietas, pudicitia, fides, and moderatio are the few terms shared by both. Even the frequency with which these virtues occur differs dramatically from one context to the other. Virtus is cited 140 times in the exempla, but appears in only four inscriptions from the corpus. Paupertas, the next most popular virtue in the exempla after virtus, stands in direct contrast ideologically to munificentia, the second most popular virtue in the corpus. Note, too, that the exempla focus exclusively on words denoting personal qualities, whereas the corpus stresses material benefactions through the terms merita and beneficia. Even the two personal virtues that appear most often in the corpus, namely munificentia and amor, emphasize the honorand's stance toward others rather than his or her own personal courage and forbearance. Virtues such as constantia and fortitude which receive a fair amount of attention in the exempla literature are virtually absent from the corpus.3 Given the Italians' eagerness to reward financial benefactors, it should not surprise us that the moral virtues they prefered to extol underscored personal interaction rather than solitary excellence. Virtues represented on imperial coinage provide another instructive contrast to the vocabulary of praise in the corpus. Taking advantage of the numismatic medium, the emperors associated themselves with certain virtues on their coins in order to propagate a desired image of their person and political policies to their constituents.4 Although each emperor chose his own unique set of virtues to define his public image, 5 a fairly well de-

2

For a list of virtues from the collections of moral exempla as tabulated by Litchfield 28-3S see Appendix Eight. Compare Moore's list of virtues in Livy, Appendix Two, 209-10. %he one exception to this is constantia in inscription n. 163. 4

For discussion of imperial identification with certain personified and deified virtues see Charlesworth (1937) 105-33 and Mattingly 105-109. 5Fears 889-910 provides a useful summary of the virtues associated with each emperor from Augustus to Constantine.

93 fined core group of imperial virtues emerges. 6 In addition to virtus, dementia, iustitia, and pietas, represented on the shield given to Augustus by the senate in 28 B.C. (Anc. 34.2), there were the standard aequitas, Providentia, and fortitudo.7 A particularly rich body of evidence for imperial virtues is provided by the coins of Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus, since during this period of the late second and early third centuries, according to Fears, "commemoration of a variety of imperial Virtues became a constant feature of the image of the princeps on the Roman coinage." 8 Comparing the vocabulary in the corpus with that on the coins, 9 we do find several virtues shared between them—munificentia, liberalitas, fides, pietas, honos, spes, pudicitia, aequitas, iustitia, Providentia, virtus. Nevertheless, the majority of these, as we have seen, occur very seldom in the corpus. Also, several virtues salient to the inscriptions, particularly amor, adfectio, and innocentia, are completely absent from the coins. Despite differences in the emphases of their respective vocabularies, however, the inscriptions and coins do share a similar ideology of perpetual abundance. We have observed how the Romans in the corpus articulated their concern for continued prosperity by casting their honorary texts in the contractual languge of patronage and by reiterating virtues of generosity and adjectives connoting plurality and intensity. Several of the concepts on the coins—Aeternitas, Annona, Ops, Moneta, Fecunditas, Saeculum Frugiferum—also express the belief that Rome's well-being (Securitas Imperii) was closely tied to regular productivity, both agricultural and financial. The economic climate of Rome during the second and third centuries was evidently affecting the rhetoric of both municipal inscriptions and imperial propaganda. One group of virtues in the corpus worth considering here is that concerning administrative integrity and service, particularly innocentia and industria. Despite their absence from the exempta virtutis literature and from imperial coins, innocentia and industria occur in a significant number of our honorary texts, accounting for at least as many examples as the more

6

For a summary of these core imperial virtues see Wickert, RE 22.2, col. 2231.

7

Compare Wallace-Hadrill (1981), who argues against the notion, established by Charlesworth's influential article of 1937, that there existed a universally acknowledged canon of virtues for the Roman emperors. Contrasting the virtues appearing on coins with those emphasized by writers of the senatorial elite, Wallace-Hadrill effectively demonstrates the mutability of imperial virtues dependent on medium and audience. 8 Fears 903. Wallace-Hadrill (1981) 308-13 notes that Hadrian actually set the example by instigating a series of new coin issues associating his rule with actual virtues, not just the blessings of empire such as Securitas or Pax.

^Consult Appendix Eight.

94

Conclusion

standard fides and pietas and considerably more than virtus.w Granting that innocentia and industria often operate as synonyms for other more canonical virtues, namely gravitas and virtus respectively, 11 we must realize that the Romans in the corpus were not rejecting established codes of virtuous behavior, but were simply formulating their own vocabulary for describing these codes as they applied to municipal life specifically. Innocentia, for example, is more apt than gravitas for designating administrative integrity, 1 2 an issue close to the hearts of many municipals. Moreover, gravitas bears too many connotations of restraint and moral rigor,13 qualities which do not exactly recommend themselves for praising open-handed and accessible benefactors. Industria, too, has a more specific definition than virtus as the dynamic energy of the tirelessly devoted statesman. Although such energy often contributes to a person's virtus, by itself virtus alludes to broader concepts of personal excellence which were no doubt considered important by most Italian municipals, but not as useful in the immediate context of municipal prosperity. The prevalence of innocentia and industria, virtues which are elsewhere overshadowed by their more popular synonyms, provides a further example of the inscriptions' independence from both mainstream literary vocabularies and imperial rhetoric. To be sure, this independence largely reflects the very different concerns of Roman municipals as compared with those of the urban elite and especially the emperors who formulated a canon of virtues with the intention of reaching and affecting vast numbers of the Empire's population. The emperors in particular were eager to convince their subjects of the legitimacy of their rule, which often depended upon the loyalty of the army. This concern explains the appearance on imperial coins of Fides Exercituum, Victoria, and Pax. Especially after the civil wars leading up to Septimius Severus' rule, dementia and Concordia assumed particular military significance. Military accomplishment plays a very important role in the collections of moral exempta as well. Not only do the exempla focus mainly on the lives of national military heroes, but many of the standard

10 I f one includes synonymous virtues such as abstinentia, integritas, diligentia, and labor, the number of examples increases even more. 1 ^ o r discussion of innocentia, among other terms, as a synonym for gravitas in its moral application see Hellegouarc'h, 281-83. Note that integritas is also related to gravitas (and severitas) in this respect. For the association of industria and virtus as particular qualities of the ambitious and effective novus homo see also Hellegouarc'h 481-83. 12 See, for example, Cicero's use of innocentia to designate his own administrative integrity and that of other provincial administrators at Verr. 1.34; 2.3.21, 2.3.217. 13

Velleius Paterculus (2.116.3), for example, applies gravitas to the more austere lifestyle of his Roman ancestors, and Pliny (Ep. 3.20.6) associates this virtue especially with the morally sanctioned control of the Roman censores.

95 virtues, particularly virtus, are often cited within a military context. 14 Only six honorands in the corpus, however, are commemorated for their military achievements, and none is cited for virtus.15 Another important arena in which a person might achieve recognition and honor in urban, aristocratic circles was that of intellectual endeavor. Ideally, a man possessed of great mental acumen applied it to politics; bar that, the study of history and philosophy was considered a noble pastime. In the Roman vocabulary of virtues sapientia and prudentia primarily describe intellectual achievement. In fact, Cicero uses these terms specifically when expounding the Stoic virtues in De Officiis (1.15). Sapiens is also the adjective used in the Scipionic epitaphs to extol political wisdom. 1 6 Neither sapientia nor prudentia make any appearance in the corpus; only the adjective prudentissima appears once in the honorary decree to Lucius Fabius Severus (η. 468, side A 1. 37). Rather, consilium (n. 387), Providentia (η. 468), provisio (η. 163), and peritia (η. 76), representing a mere four examples, constitute the inscriptions' vocabulary for recognizing quasi-intellectual activity. What is more, in each of these inscriptions the honorand's knowledge and skill manifest strictly within the confines of municipal service or entertainment: Severus (η. 468) applied his prudentissima oratio to the task of obtaining imperial favors for his community, Gelos (n. 387) used his consilium to aid the town of Veii; Verus (n. 468) and Marcus (n. 163) exercised their Providentia and provisio respectively in administrative responsibilities; Pylades (n. 76) most likely displayed his peritia as a professional pantomime at local performances. 17 Similarly, M. Caecilius Novatillianus, a senator honored with two inscriptions at Beneventum in the late third century (ns. 176,177), was hailed as an orator et poeta inlustris in both texts, yet the local ordo makes clear that the honor itself was due primarily to Novatillianus' legal protection of the community, "patrocinio eius saepe defensi." In each of these cases, therefore, not intellectual talent alone, but intellectual talent applied to the material and cultural benefit of their respective communities won honor for these men. According to Litchfield's tabulations, of the 140 citations of virtus in the exempta literature, forty-six occur in a military setting. Moore 5-14 also demonstrates Livy's overwhelming preference for virtus as a quality of courageous generals and soldiers. 15 16

See ns. 255, 297, 298, 337, 347, 358. S e e specifically ILS 1, line 2; ILS 7, line 2.

17pylades was, indeed, a decorated pantomimus (probato a[b imp(eratoribus) Valeriano e]t Gal[lien]o) and popular with the Ostian public at whose request (postul[antibus] omnibus pariter civibus) he was honored by the ordo Augustalium (between 253 and 259) "non solum propter memo[ri]am patr[i]s eius, sed et propter plenam [ipsius pe]ritiam." For discussion of the parallels between Pylades' inscription and CIL 14.474 see Noy 28-30. Compare the high-ranking equestrian honored in CIL 10.6662 where he is designated a iurisperitus, an expression which most likely indicates his professional status as a lawyer (OLD, s.v., definition c).

96

Conclusion

These examples demonstrate for us once again that communal application of personal moral virtue was the ideal. And the fact remains that the economic well-being of Italian municipalities, which rested rather precariously on the shoulders of a few private benefactors, was of greatest concern to most communities. It was not enough for a financially poor municipium to be faithfully and diligently managed by its magistrates; the populace still required its traditional pastimes of attending public games and feasts, and going to the baths. On this point Veyne makes an apt distinction between modern and ancient approaches to leisure. Whereas twentieth-century Westerners organize their leisure activities according to their own individual tastes and schedules, such as frequenting the cinema, ancient Roman recreation was heavily restricted by tradition. And this was especially true when, as was often the case, it took the form of religious cult festivals. 1 8 The pressures, then, on wealthy individuals to maintain the standards of their communities' cultural life were great, especially in a period when the gap between the primores and inferiores viri, as Garnsey terms them, 1 9 was widening. Peter Brown's assessment of this socioeconomic situation in the late second century is worth mentioning: Forced by tensions that were clearly pulling the local community out of shape, urban elites all over the Empire appear to have strenuously mobilized the resources of their traditional culture, their traditional religious life, and for those who had good reason to afford it, their traditional standards of generosity in order to maintain some sense of communal solidarity. 20 The language of praise in honorary texts was the voice of communities, elite and populace alike, articulating their desires for a prosperous and happy existence. To this end, the voice did concede the importance of moral virtue. Munificentia, the second most popular term of praise in these honorary inscriptions, is a moral virtue. But it promised more tangible results than Providentia, for example, or virtus.

Virtues and Social Context Looking at the social distribution of honorands in the corpus,21 one has to be impressed by the many different tiers of municipal society to whom the inscriptions' praise vocabulary pertained, from town patrons of the senatorial aristocracy to women and freedmen of the municipal elite. And contrary to what one might expect, the number of women and freedmen represented here (about 21% of the corpus) almost equals that of the male senatorial and equestrian aristocracy combined (about 25% of the cor18 ,9

Veyne (1976) 725.

Garnsey (1974) 230-52.

20

Brown 33.

21

Consult Appendix Four.

97 pus). Interestingly enough, it is the male members of the municipal elitehonorary equestrians, local magistrates, dignitaries~who constitute majority representation in the corpus (over 50%). But even within this majority, the single largest group to receive praise for their virtues was not municipal patrons of equestrian status, but rather non-patron magistrates and decuriones (13% of all honorands). The inscriptions' language of praise, therefore, did not accrue automatically to the loftiest or most prestigous honorands as a form of ornamental flattery. Rather, it was directed primarily at those most involved in a community's daily life to describe their local responsibilities, a fact which underscores once again the integral role of this language in the formulation of municipal affairs. Despite its focus on local magistrates, the inscriptions' language of praise as a whole was directed at various social classes; several individual virtues themselves were applied across the social spectrum. This is particularly noteworthy when we consider that all other elements of an honorary text that describe the honorand—name, family, public career, wealth-typically distinguish his or her socio-economic and political status. In contrast, the attribution of virtues in many cases crosses these social divides by aligning the honorand with other similarly praiseworthy individuals of diverse social rank. This is especially true for those terms denoting financial generosity or patronly devotion. We have already seen, for example, how merita and even the less popular beneficia were used to compliment benefactors from all strata of municipal society, even non-patrons. Similarly, plain descriptions of private munificence and the virtues munificentia, liberalitas, and largitio are found in inscriptions dedicated to senators and high-ranking equestrians as well as to the municipal elite, women, and freedmen. Other terms associated with financial generosity that pertain to honorands of all classes and of both genders include amor, adfectio, honorificentia, innocentia, and the epithets optimus and dignissimus. In a sense, these terms constituted a set of signifiers, analogous to the social epithets clarissimus and egregius, that characterized a special class of generous benefactors. To qualify for membership, one's sex and social prominence were insignificant; one's wealth simply had to make a financial difference in the community. Even the civic virtues (e.g. integritas, industria, virtus), although ascribed exclusively to prominent men who were believed most capable of effectively exercising them, nevertheless describe male members of the imperial aristocracy and the municipal elite alike. Only a few terms for which we have more than one example appear to be specific to one social group: labor and dignitas characterized senators and high-ranking equestrians alone, and pudicitia, a traditionally feminine virtue, was indeed ascribed only to women honorands. What this socially inclusive attribution of virtue implied was that any dedicated participant in municipal affairs was theoretically capable of winning public honor. In other words, it was not encumbent upon a few nobiles alone to provide all the exempta virtutis in a municipality, nor was it

98

Conclusion

their prerogative to do so. 22 On the contrary, our analysis has revealed that the one virtue perceived to be most common to all members of municipal society, regardless of status or gender, was financial generosity. This observation not only underscores the importance of private munificence to municipalities, but also points out the vehicle by which traditionally marginalized segments of society could achieve public recognition. Women and freedmen especially, realizing that personal integrity or chastity alone were inconsequential at their level of civic involvement, saw their best opportunity for public recognition in various forms of financial largesse. The participation of various municipal organizations and individuals in the dedication and erection of honorary inscriptions gives us further insight into the centrality of financial generosity in the Roman system of public honors. A significant portion of inscriptions in the corpus (about 34%) were instigated by decrees of local senates, or by municipal ordines in combination with the public (e.g. populus, plebs urbana, vicani) or Augustales.23 These inscriptions show the greatest variety of praise vocabulary. 24 With very few exceptions, each term of praise discussed in this study appears most often in texts formulated by local senates alone or in combination with other groups. Only a handful of the less common virtues, such as benignitas and pudicitia, go unrecognized at all in inscriptions dedicated by local senates. Assuming a higher level of education and literacy for members of local senates, we may argue that they influenced the vocabulary appearing in inscriptions dedicated by other groups. Indeed, examples dedicated solely by the populace, Augustales or collegia and other small organizations reveal a praise vocabulary almost identical to that in inscriptions from local ordines. This evidence illustrates well the authority of local senates in setting rhetorical and ideological parameters for public texts. 25 Through the language of praise in their honorary inscriptions, members of the municipal ordo provided an outline of those concerns most vital to them and, by implication, to the rest of the municipality. That they capitalized upon their control in this area can be demonstrated by the abbreviated phrase "u(nde) d(e) p(lano) r(ecte) l(egi) p(ossit)" which appears in more than a few municipal decrees.26 22 Compare the social elitism of the exempla tradition inherited by Valerius Maximus from his major sources, namely Cicero and Livy, an elitism which, according to both Maslakov 440-45 and Bloomer 14-58, Valerius consciously tried to make accessible to his audience of bureaucratic upstarts.

^Consult Appendix Five. 24

S e e Appendix Six.

25

This influence is probably due in large part to the higher literacy levels estimated for wealthier members of the curial class in Italian municipalities of the early Empire. On this topic see especially Harris 259-267. 26

S e e , for example, n. 124.

99 The basic concern of the average municipal ordo, as our discussion has amply demonstrated, was to supplement public tax revenues with donations from private benefactors so as to maintain certain standards of public comfort. How, then, did other dedicating groups define their own particular needs in light of the model provided by local ordines! Though their praise vocabulary is somewhat more limited in selection, 27 it reveals the same emphasis on virtues and terms related to financial patronage. Note, for example, that the great majority (at least 80% in each case) of those inscriptions dedicated by the populace, collegia or Augustales either describe actual benefactions or make some mention of merita, munificentia, liberalitas, largitio or amor. In essence, these other dedicators present themselves as microcosms of the larger municipality and its ordo by asserting that they have the same concerns for the community's welfare. Not only that, by using a similar vocabulary to praise generosity, as well as civic duty and morality, these groups proclaimed themselves to have the same values as those of the municipal decuriones.28 And in the process they portrayed themselves as being worthy of the same virtues as their social superiors. Thus, the language of praise in honorary inscriptions furnished a means by which dedicators of lower social status could bolster their public image by matching their esteem for certain virtues with that of their betters.

Regional and Chronological Observations The use of praise language in Italian honorary inscriptions appears to have been rather concentrated in Latium and Campania (region 1), which is certainly not surprising given the number of densely populated and affluent cities in this region, particularly Ostia. 29 Nevertheless, just as many examples of inscriptions with praise language were produced in the central portion of the Italian peninsula (regions 4 through 7), especially in region 6 which represents the highest number of inscriptions outside of region 1. The southern (regions 2 and 3) and northern (regions 8 through 11) parts of Italy, on the other hand, each show only half the number of examples found in either region 1 or regions 4 through 7, which suggests that the further one travelled from Rome the more sparse the inscriptions with praise language became. Region 10, however, having the third highest number of examples after regions 1 and 6, presents an exception to this trend, probably because of the area's wealth resulting from its strategic commercial position between Italy and the East. Indeed, those cities within 27

T h e smaller selection of virtues cited by these other groups is indeed partly a result of their not erecting as many inscriptions as the ordines in general. 28 Collegia, especially, more than sections of the populace and Augustales, participated in the public praise and memorialization of administrative virtues (e.g. fides, innocentia, industria). Recall, too, that certain collegia sometimes used the same terms (e.g. amor, adfectio, voluntas) as ordines to describe their own gratitude toward honorands. See ns. 326, 327,400, and the introduction to Chapter Three.

^Consult Appendix Two.

100

Conclusion

each region that show the greatest incidence and variety of praise vocabulary, such as Ostia, Ariminum, and Brixia, seem to indicate a correlation between such language and a community's overall prosperity. This can be attributed to a number of important factors such as the cost of erecting detailed honorary monuments, the literacy level required both to compose and read detailed inscriptions,and, most importantly, the inscriptions' focus on civic amenities (e.g. public games and buildings) that mattered most to larger municipalities. Still, we must acknowledge that not all honorary texts with praise language were found only in the most prominent Italian cities, a fact which illustrates the pervasiveness and relevance of the Roman virtues beyond the established centers of power, commerce, and culture. Despite certain fluctuations in the distribution of our inscriptions from one region to the next, the vocabulary of praise that they represent is remarkably uniform throughout Italy. Not only are common terms such as merita, munificentia and amor found in examples from several different parts of Italy, but many of the rarely cited virtues, particularly benignitas, diligentia, iustitia and pudicitia, appear as well in inscriptions widely scattered throughout the eleven regions. In fact, no virtue or term of praise in this study is specific to any one city, region or area. 31 The language of praise in honorary texts, therefore, was not used as a boast by individual communities in order for them to distinguish themselves from their neighbors. Quite the opposite was true, for it actually served to unite communities to one another, at least ideologically. Imagine, for example, a citizen of Paestum travelling northeast toward Aquileia in the late second century; although he would have encountered different terrain, strange dialects, even some foreign cuisine along his journey, he would have recognized in the various honorary monuments he saw a common regard for virtuous public service, even for the very same virtues, from one part of Italy to the next. Even outside Italy, our traveller would have continued to come across familiar virtues in numerous honorary inscriptions. In Gaul, Spain and North Africa, at least, honorary texts regularly acknowledged honorands for their merita, liberalitas, amor and innocentia, or for being abstinentissimus, optimus, and praestantissimus.32 ^ C o m p a r e Harris' table and discussion 265-66 of the regional densities of monumental inscriptions in Italy as indicators of regional literacy. His findings correspond to our data in so much as Campania appears to have been the most literate, followed by Umbria. Note that in Harris' table, Picenum (region 5) and Samnium (region 4) show relatively dense epigraphical activity, whereas they are not so highly represented in our corpus. 3 ^The near exceptions to this are probitas/probissimus, appearing four out of six times in Puteoli, and virtus, appearing three out of four times in northern Italy. 32 Gaul: merita-CIL 12.727, 12.3165, 12.4393, 12.4406; liberalitas-CIL 12.1585, 12.3165, 12.4406; optimus-CIL 12.1853. Spain: merita-CIL 2.1572, 2.1597, 2.2056, 2.4062; amantissima-2.\512; abstinentissimus-CÌL 2.4111, 2.4113; optimus-CIL 2.2056, 2.3231, 2.4062, 2.4114, 2.4122; praestantissimus-CIL 2.1179, 2.1597, 2.2056.

101 In a very real sense, then, the vocabulary of praise in honorary texts contributed greatly to the process of Romanization by working in combination with other symbols of Roman culture, such as the Roman city plan and administrative structure, to integrate Italy and the rest of the empire within a common Roman identity. We must remember, however, that the customary language of praise in honorary texts remained fairly independent of imperial propaganda and literary rhetoric, which demonstrates that Romanization of the Empire was not solely a system whereby concepts and mechanisms were formulated at the highest levels of power and then disseminated downward and outward. As seen in the widespread application throughout Italy and the western provinces of a praise vocabulary that pertained precisely to everyday municipal concerns, the values of lesser municipal constituents in the empire contributed as well to the spread of Romanitas. The chronological distribution of our Italian honorary texts reveals that they had begun to play this rhetorical and social role by tiie early Augustan period, but did not reach their peak until the late second and third centuries. 33 This evidence appears to coincide with trends in the erection of all types of inscriptions in the Empire with one important exception; whereas the overall rate of epigraphical activity drops off rather dramatically after the first decades of the third century, 34 the incidence of Italian honorary texts with praise language remains fairly constant in the third century. Note, for instance, that the number of examples from the post-Severan period (A.D. 235-284) is actually greater than that for the years of the Severan dynasty (A.D. 193-235). The most compelling interpretation of the rather sudden decline in the Empire's epigraphic habit in the third century is that of Meyer who links it with the universal grant of Roman citizenship offered by Severus in A.D. 212 after which the epitaph especially, as a quintessentially Roman sign of citizen status, became less popular. 35 Now social distinction depended more on one's wealth and political power which were best advertised through more elaborate and, therefore, less frequently erected honorary inscriptions. Of course, the epigraphic habit in Italy, where the rights of citizenship were received long before A.D. 212, would theoretically have been unaffected by changes in that year. Nevertheless, any gradual decline in epigraphic activity that Italy may have experienced during the third century appears not to have affected the Italians' desire to memorialize their virtues for posterity in honorary contexts. Africa: merita-CIL 8.883, 8.989, 8.1175, 8.1224, 8.1641, 8.1827, 8.4604, 8.5368 (et muniflcentia), 8.6710, 8.8934, 8.9402, 8.9409; liberalitas-CIL 8.980, 8.5365, 8.10523; amor-CIL 8.980, 8.5276, 8.9047, 8.9290; innocentia-CIL 8.5276, 8.9046 (et industria). See also CIL 8.5356: ob insignem iustitiam et integritatem. 33

S e e Appendix Three.

34

T h i s trend in the rate of epigraphic production in the Empire was first noted by Mrozek (1973) 113-18 and later expounded upon by MacMullen (1982) 233-46. 35

Meyer(1990).

102

Conclusion

Coinciding with the greater incidence of inscriptions with praise language in the late second and third centuries is a wider variety of vocabulary that one finds in these texts. In the first century, for example, only descriptions and virtues of generosity, along with the generic terms honor, merita, and optimus, appear with any regularity. 36 At their inception, therefore, honorary texts in municipal Italy had the rather specific focus of stimulating private munificence. Not until the later second century were other virtues of patronly devotion and civic duty customarily used alongside those depicting financial beneficence. The flowering of praise language in honorary texts at this time is due to several factors, not the least of which is the rising popularity of commemorative inscriptions generally in this period. Another influence would have been the elevation of rhetorical consciousness in public inscriptions at this time. 37 An outstanding example of this consciousness is provided by the municipal decree from Tergeste in honor of Lucius Fabius Severus (η. 468), a senator during the reign of Antoninus Pius. To amplify their appreciation of Severus' labors on their behalf, the local senate goes beyond simple acknowledgement of his beneficia to an elaborate citation of his dignitas, eloquentia, perpetua utilitas, benevolentia, pietas, adfectio, prudentissima oratio, and verecundia, to name but a few of the exemplary qualities attributed to him. What is more, the text even elaborates on the Providentia, infatigabilis cura, opera, and Studium of Severus' father Verus. Compared to the late Republican decree from Herculaneum in honor of another father and son pair (the Remmii Rufi, n. 134), in which the adjectives liberales and diligentes represent the only explicit praise language, Severus' text clearly demonstrates a rhetorical expansion of the image of public benefactor to that of local hero. In making such a comparison, however, we cannot overlook more relevant financial and administrative considerations such as the pressures on an ever decreasing pool of affluent decurial families to maintain social structures of municipal entertainment and relaxation. Such a delicate economic environment required greater care in the public characterization of private munificence. It was no longer adequate to emphasize only the distribution of private wealth through virtues such as munificentia", recognition needed to be given as well to personal issues of motivation and commitment in order to inspire potential benefactors with more than a mere exercise of financial responsibility. Virtues such as amor and adfectio, both of which actually show a higher rate of occurrence in the third century than munificentia, not only made noble appeals to a type of local patriotism in benefactors, but also spoke to a wider audience of potential donors with more modest means by focusing less on the quantity and more on the quality of one's generosity. Even the more frequent citation in this period of administrative virtues such as innocentia reflects increased sensitivity to 36 T o compare the chronological distribution of individual virtues in the corpus consult Appendix Seven.

See Neri 182-183 and Kajanto 15-17.

103 economic stability, for these qualities typically were attributed to influential magistrates and imperial administrators whose integrity would have guaranteed faithful management of municipal finances. Through the development and application of a specific praise vocabulary in their honorary texts, Romans in Italian municipalities of the first three centuries A.D. were able to assert their own vision of what it meant to be a virtuous Roman. Although this vision owed something to the Roman tradition of emulation, a tradition upheld by literary exempta virtutis in the schools and by monumental e:templa throughout the empire, the epigraphic language in which it was formulated marks a clear departure from the moral and social elitism of this patrician legacy. Recognizing that the strength and survival of their communities lay with the tangible merita of affluent individuals from all sectors of society, Roman municipals in Italy did not hesitate to validate in their inscriptions to members of the imperial aristocracy and municipal elite alike the concepts of commitment and, especially, generosity to the community. From their perspective, virtue and the glory of public honor were not the sole property of an idealized aristocracy, but evidence of simply the best in Roman character at work in everyday municipal life.

105 Appendix 1: Corpus of Honorary Inscriptions and Tabulae Patronatus

The epigraphical texts in this collection are arranged geographically by region, beginning with region 1 and proceeding numerically through 11. Within each region, the inscriptions are ordered alphabetically by the name of the town in which they originated; within each town, they are ordered chronologically. For each inscription the following information is provided in this order: the inscription's number within the corpus, its date (if known), its monumental context (if known), its citation(s) within other epigraphical collections and journals, citations of the honorand's identity within the standard prosopographical works. The text of each inscription is presented with abbreviations expanded insofar as they are known. Textual notation follows that outlined by Alföldy in Römische Statuen in Venetia et Histria, p. 77: (abc)

=

a(...)

=

[abc]

=

[·]. [···] [---]

=

-]/

ZZ

/[-

—

[[abc]]

{abc} / //

= = =

simple expansion of an abbreviated word an abbreviated term whose full expansion is unknown restoration of letters/words now lost from text gap in text of precisely known number of letters, each dot representing one letter gap in text of unknown length signifies one or more lines missing from beginning of text in its present form signifies one or more lines missing from end of text in its present form restoration of letters/words erased from text in antiquity correction of mistranscribed letter(s) or insertion of missing letters cancellation of unnecessary letters) marks division between lines in text marks division between text on different sides of monument

106

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

Region 1 Latium 1. Albano, 222-244. Fragment of a marble plaque. (Camodeca, Index 18 (1990) 321, no. 2; AE 1990.127.) [—/ —curatorji viar(um) Aure[liae/ Corneliae Tr]iumphali(s) praet(ori),/ [seviro equi]t(um) Romanor(um), q(uaestori) k(andidato),/ [trib(uno) milit(um) le]g(ionis) prim(ae) Italicae,/ [patrono p r e s t a n t i s s i m o / [...Philo]cyrius lib(ertus) et proc(urator). 2. ager Albanum, 161. Marble plaque. (CIL 14.2299; ILS 5206.) [M(arco)] Aurelio Aug(ustorum) lib(erto)/ Plebeio/ electo locatori d[iu]rno, scribae et ma[g]/istro perpetuo cor[po]/ris scaenicorum L[a]/tinorum, inconp[arabi]/li fide rem publ[icam ger]enti corpor[is supra]/ scripti; manc[ipes] gregum do[minorum]/Aug(ustorum) [—]/ et [— 3. Aletrium, 27 B.C. - A.D. 68.1 Marble plaque. (CIL 10.5808; ILS 6257.) G(aio) Iulio Augusti l(iberto)/ Heleno/ ex decreto decur(ionum)/ municipii Aletrinat(ium)/ et pollicitatione sevir(um)/ et municipum et incolar(um)/ ob merita eius. 4. Anagnia, 180-195. Marble base. (CIL 10.5917; ILS 1909.) Euhodi./ M(arco) Aurel(io) Sabiniano/ Aug(ustorum) lib(erto) patrono/ civitatis Anagninor(um),/ item q(uaestori) collegi caplato/rum, decuriali decuriae/ lictoriae popularis denuntiatorum/ itemq(ue) gerulor(um) sed et decemviralis;/ s(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) A(nagninus) erga amorem patriae/ et civium, quod thermas long(a) incuria/ neglectas sua pecunia restituerit,/ statuam ex leg(atis) suis ponend(am) censuer(unt);/ ob cuius dedic(ationem) dédit decur(ionalibus) (denarios) V, sexv(iris)/(denarios) II, pop(ulo) (denarios) I, et epul(um) suffic(iens omnibus).

1 According to Weaver 24, 30-31, this man could not have been a libertus of C. Iulius Augustus before 27 B.C. and most likely did not live past the time of Nero.

Region 1

107

5. Anagnia, 180-195. Marble base. (CIL 10.5918; ILS 406.) Marciae Aurel(iae)/ Ceioniae Deme/triadi 2 stolatae/ feminae ob dedicationem/thermarum quas post mul/tum temporis ad pristinam/ faciem suis sumptibus restau/raverunt s(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) Anagnin(us)/ statuam ponendam censuerunt;/o[b] cuius dedicationem (sic) dédit decuri/onibus (denarios) V, sivir(is) (sic) (denarios) II, popul(o) (denarios) sing(ulos)/ et epulum sufficiens omnib(us). 6. Anagnia, 3rd c. ( C I L 10.5919; ILS 6263.) Ti(berio) Cl(audio) Ti(beri) fil(io) Pub(lilia tribu) Crescentia/no p(atrono) m(unicipi), q(uin)q(uennali), praet(ori), q(uinquennali) bis, sacer/doti iuventium Aninae (sic), s(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) A(nagninus)/ amantissimo sui ac praes/tantissimo ob nimiam eius/ erga municipes patriamque ad/fectionem quod is in hono/ribus enixe adque inpenssime (sic)/ in omnibus patriae suae lar/giter functus sit, dignissimo pa/trono poni censuerunt./ d(atus) d(ecrcto) d(ecurionum). 7. Anagnia, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 10.5928; ILS 6264.) P(ublio) Vegellio P(ubli) f(ilio) Pub(lilia tribu) Primo/ eq(uiti) R(omano), Ilvir(o), q(uaestori) alim(entorum), cur(atori) pec(uniae)/ annon(ariae), q(uaestori) aerar(i) arcae pu/b(licae), cur(atori) r(ei) p(ublicae) Trebanorum, ex/semplis munificentiae sua/e optime merenti, collegius i/uvenum patrono dignissimo/ ob renovatam ab eo lusus (sic) iuve/num quod vetustate temporum/ fuerat obliteratum; ob quam hon/oris huius oblationem die nata/lis sui eidem collegio (ante diem) V kal(endas) Oct(obres) (empty space follows). 8. Anagnia, 2nd-3rd c. Cippus.

(CIL 10.5923; ILS 6262a.)

T(ito) Flavio Karo/ s(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) A(nagninus)/ ex leg(e) populi/ ob insignem/ munificentiam/ erga se et r(em) p(ublicam)/statuam ei/ ponend(am) censuer(unt);/ ob quarum 3 dedicatione/ dedit decurionib(us) (denarios) III, item/ sexvir(is) (denarios) UJ et populo (denarios) I.

2According to Mommsen, this Marcia may have been the concubine of Commodus who conspired in his assassination (Dio Cass. 73.4.6, 73.22.4-6). In any event, the Marcia in this inscription appears to have been the daughter of Sabinianus, the imperial freedman honored in the previous example, n. 4. These two inscriptions stood side by side which explains why the verb restauraverunt in Marcia's text is plural. 3

The plural quarum refers to the statues erected to both Karus and his daughter Flavia Kara Gentia honored in the following example, n. 9.

108

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

9. Anagnia, 2nd-3rd c. Cippus. (CIL 10.5924; ILS 6262b.) Flaviae Karae/ Gentiae flamin(icae),/ s(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) A(nagninus)/ ex legatis populi/ in honorem/ Fl(avii) Kari patris/ eius statuam/ ei ponendam/ censuerunt. 10. Antium, 193-235. ( C I L 10.6657; ILS 1387. PIR2 A 988; RE 2, Aquilius n. 18; Pflaum, Carrières II, η. 225.) M(arco) Aquilio M(arci) f(ilio)/ Fabia (tribu) Felici/ a census equit(um) Roman(orum),/ praef(ecto) cl(assis) pr(aetoriae) Ravennat(ium),/ proc(uratori) patrim(oni) bis, proc(uratori) hered(itatium)/ patrim(oni) privat(i), proc(uratori) oper(um) pub(licorum)y praep(osito) vexillat(ionis), p(rimi)p(ilo) leg(ionis) XI Cl(audiae),/ (centurioni) fr(umentariorum), patron(o) col(oniae), ob mer(ita) eius/ Antiat(es) publ(ice). 11. Aquinum, first half of Iste. Squared marble base. (CIL 10.5392.) Q(uinto) Decio Q(uinti) f(ilio) Saturnin(o) 4 / praef(ecto) quinq(uennali) Ti(beri) Caesaris Aug(usti) f(ili),/ [p]ontifici, quaest(ori), Ilvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo),/ liberisque eius, ob munificent(iam)/ et merita erga rem publicam./ D(ecreto) d(ecurionum) publice. 12. Aquinum, circa 218. ( C I L 10.5398; ILS 1159. PIR1 O 19; RE 17, Octavius η. 40.) G(aio) Octavio App(io) S[ue]/trio Sabino 5 c(larissimo) v(iro), po[n]/tif(ici) et auguri, co(n)s(uli) ordin[ar](io),/ legato Aug(usti) pr(o)pr(aetori) Pannon(iae) i[nf](erioris),/ elect(o) ad corrig(endum) statum Ita[l](iae),/ praef(ecto) aliment(orum), iudici ex dele[g(...)]/ cognition(um) Caesarian(arum), legato [Aug(usti)]/ pr(o)pr(aetore) prov(inciae) Raet(iae), praeposit(o) vexi[ll(ationis)]/ Germ(anici) expedit(ionis), 6 comit(i) Aug(usti) n(ostri), legat(o) lfeg(ionis) II]/ et vicensim(ae) Pr[im]ig(eniae), iur[id]ico per A[em(iliam)j/ et Liguriam, curat(ori) viae Latinae n[ov(ae)],/ curat(ori) rei publicae Ocriculanor(um),/ praet(ori) de liberalib(us) causis, tribun(o)/ et quaestori candidato,/ plebs Aquinatiu[m]/ patrono rarissim(o).

^Compare CIL 10.5393 also dedicated to Saturninus presumably at a later stage in his career but without any citation of virtues or honorary epithets. 5

This Octavius is also the honorand in n. 21 below.

6

Under Caracalla in 213.

Region 1

109

13. Aquinum, 3rd c. (CIL 10.5395.) Iuliae Pelagiae G(aii) f(iliae)/ uxori M(arci) Calpur/ni Eregenti(s)/ v(iri) p(erfectissimi) p(atroni) col(oniae), ob eius me/rita universus/ populus Aquina/tium p(ecunia) p(ublica) censuerunt. 14. Ardea. 223. Plaque. (CIL 10.6764. PIR2 M 308; RE 14, Marius η. 48.) L(ucio) Mario Maximo/ Perpetuo Aureliano/ c(larissimo) v(iro), praef(ecto) urbi, proco(n)s(uli)/ provinciae Asiae II, pro/ co(n)s(uli) prov(inciae) Africae, co(n)s(uli) I I / fetiali, patrono et cura/tori coloniae [—]/ Ardeatium/ dignissimo/ [ — / / Dedic(ata)/ (ante diem) V i[d(us)] Oct(obres) M[a]rio [M]a[xi]mo Π/ Ros[cio Aeliano] c[o(n)s(ulibus) c]u[ram ag]en[t]ib(us)/ C [—] C [—] et/ [—] D..to et/ [—]t. 15. Atina, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 10.5067.) Q(uinto) Herio Q(uinti) f(ilio) Ter(etina tribu) Octavio Iusto/ patrono municipi, flam(ini) divi Traiani,/ aed(ili), IIvir(o), IIvir(o) (bis) quinq(uennali), q(uaestori) II, ob merita eius/ Atinates dec(uriones) Aug(ustales) arkani Vlvir(i) plebs utrius/que sexus ex reditu pecuniae legata e/ sibi./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 16. Atina, n.d. (CIL 10.5069.) Ob pudicitiam/ Iuniae Gratillae/ Atinates publice/ statuam ponendam/ censuerunt et scho/lam dederunt, quam/ Iunius Syriarches/ cum filis exorna/vit dedicavitque. 17. Atina, n.d. ( C I L 10.5100.) Pomponiae/ [G]raphini pr[o]/ meritis. 18. Bovillae, 138-192. Marble tablet. (CIL 14.2409; ILS 6189.) G(aio) Dissenio/ G(aii) f(ilio) Quir(ina tribu) Fusco/ Hadriano/ G(aius) Dissenius Fuscus/ pater honore/ publice oblatae/ statuae content(us) sua/ pec(unia) fec(it).// G(aio) Dissenio Quir(ina tribu)/ Fusco, praef(ecto) fabr(um),/ curatori et patrono,/ Albani Longani/ Bovillenses ob merita eius/ h(onoris) c(ausa).// G(aio) Dissenio/ G(aii) f(ilio) Quir(ina tribu) Fusc[o]/ Sabiniano,/ G(aius) Dissenius Fuscus/ pater honore/ publice oblatae/ statuae content(us) sua/ pec(unia) fec(it).

110

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

19. Bovillae, 169. Marble base. (CIL 14.2408; ILS 5196.) L(ucilio) Acilio L(uci) f(ilio) Pompt(ina tribu) Eutychefti]/ nobili archimimo commun(is) mimor(um)/ adlecto, diurno 7 parasito Apoll(inis),/ tragico, comico, et omnibus corporib(us)/ ad scaenam honor(ato), decurioni Bovillis,/ quem primum omnium adlect(i) patre(m)/ appellarunt,/ adlecti scaenicorum ex aere collato/ ob muñera et pietatem ipsius erga se./ Cuius ob dedication(em) sportulas dedit/ adlectis sing(ulis) (denarios) XXV, decur(ionibus) Bovill(ensium) sing(ulis) (denarios) V,/ Augustal(ibus) sing(ulis) (denarios) III, mulier(ibus) honor(atorum) et populo sing(ulis) (denarios) I./ Ded(icata) III idus Aug(ustas) Sossio Prisco et Coelio/ Apollinare co(n)s(ulibus). Curatore Q(uinto) Sosio Augustiano.// Ordo adlector(um)./ (Here follow the names of sixty members of the ordo adlectorum scaenicorum.) 20. Bovillae, n.d. (CIL 14.2407.) [N]atali Aug(usti) lib(erto)/ [a c]ensibus et proc(uratori),/ [pa]trono municipii,/ [ob] mer[ita] ipsius. 21. Casinum, circa 218. ( C I L 10.5178. PIR1 O 19; RE 17, Octavius n. 40.) 8 [G(aio) Octavio App(io) Suetrio Sabino c(larissimo) v(iro), co(n)s(uli) ordinario, pontifici,/ [auguri, corniti Aug(usti) n(ostri), electo a]d corrig[end]um statum Italiae,/ [praef(ecto) alimentorum ex] delegatu [p]rincipum in provincia/ [Dalmatia?, item Pannonia] inferior[e], leg(ato) Aug(usti) pr(o)pr(aetore) provinciae/ [Raetiae, praeposito vexilla]ris Germ[a]nicae expeditionis, legato/ [leg(ionis) XXII Primigeniae p(iae) f(idelis),] iuridico per [A]emiliam et Liguriam, curatori/ [viae Latinae, legato prov(inciae) Af]ricae region [is] Hipponiensis, praetori,/ [trib(uno) pl(ebis) cand(idato), q(uaestori) cand(idato), sevi]ro turmar[u]m equestrium,/ [patrono a]manti[s]simo. 22. Castel di Decima, mid 3rd c. Statue base, (von Sydow, Archäologischer Anzeiger 88 (1973) 636-37; Eck, Chiron 4 (1974) 53340; AE 1974.129. RE S14, Pomponius n. 596.) Q(uinto) Pomponio Munat[iano]/ Clodiano cons(uli), XVvir [s(acris) f(aciundis),]/praesidi prov(inciae) Baetic[ae],/ sodali Titiali, praet[ori],/ curatori viae Latina[e],/trib(uno) pleb(is), 7 This appellation probably refers to actors hired for prolonged engagements but paid on a daily salary.

®See also n. 12 ( C I L 10.5398) above from which this lext is largely reconstructed.

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quaestori/ [p]rovinciae Macedonia[e,/ Pompon]ii Marcellinus et Aprilis/ [lib(erti) pat]rono praestantissim[o]. 23. Castrimoenium, 31. Plaque of Tiburtine stone. (CIL 14.2466.) Fausto Co[r]n[e]lio S[ull]a/ Sex(to) Tedio Val[e]r[io] Cat[ull]o co(n)s(ulibus),/ k(alendis) [I]un(iis),/ L(ucius) Cornelius A(uli) f(ilius) Fal(ernia tribu) Pupillus/ v(erba) f(ecit): cum M(arcus) Iunius/ Silani l(ibertus) Monimus ex/ ordine sit nostro et/ utilis rei publicae/ et amator municipi/ muneraque eius/ municipio conspiciamus/ censeo locum qui est extra/ portam Medianam ab/ eo loco in quo schola/ fuit long(um) p(edes) LXVII ad/ rivom aquae Albanae et/ a via introsus in quo antea/columnar publicum/ fuit lat(um) p(edes) X honoris caussa/ M(arco) Iunio Silani l(iberto)/ Monimo posterisq(ue) eius dari./ Tum universi, cum M(arcus) Iunius/ Silani l(ibertus) Monimus ita amet/ municipium et reip(ublicae) sit/ utilis et munificus/ ad muñera ornatus/ municipi facienda,/ locum qui est extra/ portam Medianam/ in quo columnar fuit/ ab eo loco in quo/ schola fuit, long(um) p(edes) LXVII/ ad rivom aquae/ Albanae, latum/ a via publica in/ agrum p(edes) X, M(arco) Iunio/ Silani l(iberto) Monimo/ posterisque eius/ honoris caussa/ dari censuerunt./ In decurionibus fuerunt XXVI. 24. Castrimoenium, 210-220. ( C I L 14.2463. PIR2 A 1537; RE 2, Aurelius η. 153; Pflaum, Carrières Π, η. 354.) Marco/ Aurelio Iuliano 9 / a rationibus/ et a memoria/ socero optimo/ Sex(tus) Pedius/ Iustus [— 25. Cereatae Marianae, 3rd c. (CIL 10.5781; ILS 6289.) Felici Victorio/ v(iro) e(gregio),/ patrono,/ pro meritis,/ ordo Cereati/norum/ Marianorum. 26. Cora, n.d. Cippus. (CIL 10.6524.) Ti(berio) Cl(audio) Ti(berii) filio/ Iu[sto]/ omn[ibu]s hono/[ribu]s Corae func/to, ordo et popul(us)/ Cora(nus) bene merita (sic)/ eius. 27. Cora, n.d. (CIL 10.6529.) Tutiae/ G(aii) Lepani Q(uinti) Tidi/ matri/ ex s(enatus) c(onsulto)/ municipum [v]ol(untate?)/ ob beneficia/ et lib(eralitatem?) eius.

^Iulianus is also the honorand in example η. 441 below.

112

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

28. Fabrateria Vetus, 259. Cippus. (Barbieri, Sesta miscellanea greca et romana (1978) 463-71, no. 3; AE 1979.140.) [T(ito)] Flavio T(iti) f(ilio) Trom(entina tribu) [...],/ Ilvir(o) m(unicipi) Fab(rateriae) Vet(eris), om[nibus hono]/ribus perfuncto, sodal(es) iu[venum? foren/sjium pat(rono) dignis[simo ob me]/rita eius aere collatfo statuam]/ posuerunt ei, ob cuiufs dedicat(ionem)]/ sing(ulis) discunbentib[us dedit (sestertium)...]/ et donavit eis (sestertium) VI m(ilia) [n(ummum) diae na]/talis eius IUI non(as) Ian(uarias) ut om[nibus an]/nis sodalibus s(upra) s(criptis) sportul(a)e divida[ntur]./ Quod si diae suo divis(a)e non fuerint, tunc [testamento?]/ meo dividentur sub ea condicione.// [Cu]r(a) agente G(aio) Trebio [P]roculo Ilvir(o),/ [Aem]iliano et Basso co(n)s(ulibus). 29. Fabrateria Vetus, 3rd c. Cippus. (Barbieri, ibid. 471-73, no. 4; AE 1979.141.) G(aio) Mollio F(lavi) f(ilio) Trom(entina tribu) Secundino/ IIvir(o) m(unicipi) F(abrateriae) V(eteris), curat(ori) pec(uniae) leg(endae) et ann(onae),/ sodal(es) Herculei pat(rono) dign(issimo) ob me/rita aere coll(ato) merenti posue/runt, ob cuius dedicationem/ singil(latim) n(ummos) divisit et donavit his/ (sestertium) XX m(ilia) n(ummum) ut ex usuris eorum diae/ VI non(as) Mai(as) col(legio) s(upra) s(cripto) sport(ulae) dividant(ur). 30. Fabrateria Vetus, 3rd c. (CIL 10.5654.) [.] Fl(avio) G(aii) f(ilio) Proculeiano quinq(uennalicio)/ viro m(unicipi) F(abrateriae) V(eteris), cur(atori) Kal(endarii) novi, cur(atori) Formi(anorum?), om/nibus muneribus rei p(ublicae) perfuncto, avo/ G(aii) Molli Fl(avi) Proculeiani p(atroni) m(unicipi), cuius nomine/ (sestertium) XXV m(ilia) n(ummum) ord(ini) dec(urionum) et populo donavit/ ut diae natalis eius XII kal(endas) Ian(uarias) omnibus an/nis sportule dividantur. Huic pro m[e]rita/ sua cultores Antistes deae Cereri[s] pat(rono) suo/ statuam posuerunt, queius ob [de]dicati/onem sing(ulis) pavit et ded[it ei]s discun/bentibus (sestertium) L n(ummum) et donavit cultori/bus s(upra) s(criptis) (sestertium) IUI m(ilia) n(ummum) ut [e]x usuris eius summe/ omnibus annis X kal(endas) Ian(uarias) nata[l]e eius spor/tule dividant(ur). Quod [si d]iae s(upra) [s(cripta)] divise non/ fuerint, tunc ea quan[titas ad rem p(ublicam) pertinebit?]./ Public(e) d(ecurionum) d(ecreto).

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31. Fabrateria Vêtus, 3rd c. (CIL 10.5657; ILS 6287.) [.] Septimio L(uci) f(iIio) Tro(mentina tribu) Herm[eti/ I]IIIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali), pat(rono) mun(icipi) Fabra[t(eriae)/ V]et(eris), curat(ori) k(alendari) arc(a)e decur(ionum), om/nibus honor[i]bus et muneribu[s/ p]erfuncto, iuvenes Herculan[i/ d]ignissimo p[at(rono)], ob merita eius,/ [e] collato posfue]runt, ob cuiu[s/ d]edicatione(m) si[n]g(ulis) discunben[t(ibus)/ dedit (sestertios)] II et d[o]navit eis (sestertium) II [m(ilia)/ n(ummum)] ut e[x] usuris eo[ru]m die natali/ [e]ius V non(as) Mai(as) [o]mnibus annis/ [s]portulae divid[ant]ur iuvenibus./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) [d(ecurionum)]. 32. Fabrateria Vetus, 3rd c. (CIL 10.5656.) Saeniae Gn(aei) fil(iae)/ Balbillae/ sacerdoti divae/ Faustinae decuri/ones aere colla/to ob merita eius. 33. Fabrateria Vetus, n.d. (CIL 10.5653.) T(ito) Aelio T(iti) fil(io) Palatina tribu)/ Aeliano/ patro/no [mu]nicipi/ municipes popu/lar(es)[q(ue)] Fabrater/nor[um] Veterum/ ob beneficia eius. 34. Ferentinum, 2nd c. Text cut within outline of a temple facade in a rock wall outside city. (CIL 10.5853; ILS 6271.) A(ulo) Quinctilio A(uli) f(ilio)/ Pal(atina tribu) Prisco/ IIIvir(o) aed(ilicia) potest(ate), Illvir(o) iure/ dic(undo), IHIvir(o) quinq(uennali) adlecto ex s(enatus) c(onsulto),/ pontifici), praef(ecto) fabr(um);/ [hu]ius ob eximiam munificent(iam), quam in munic(ipes)/ suos contulit, senat(us) statuam publice ponend(am) in foro, ubi ipse/ vellet, censuere. 1 0 H(onore) a(ccepto) i(mpensam) r(emisit). Hie ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) fundos Ceponian(um)/ et Roianum et Mamian(um) et pratum Exosco ab r(ei) p(ublica) redem(it)/ (sestertium) LXX m(ilibus) n(ummum) et in avit(um) r(ei) p(ublicae) reddid(it), ex quor(um) reditu de (sestertium) IV m(ilibus) CC/ quod annis VI id(us) Mai(as) die natal(is) suo perpet(uo) daretur praesent(ibus)/ municipib(us) et incol(is) et mulierib(us) nuptis crustul(i) p(ondo) I, mulsi hemin(a);/ et circa triclin(ia) decurionib(us) mulsum et crust(ulum) et sportul(a) (sesterti) X n(ummi),/ item puer(is) curiae increment(is); et VI vir(is) Aug(ustalibus) quibusq(ue) u(na) v(escendum) e(st?) crust(ulum)/ mulsum et (sesterti) VIII n(ummi); et in triclin(io) meo ampl(ius) in sing(ulos) h(omines) (sestertii) I n(ummi); et in orn(atum)/ statuae et imag(inum) l^See CIL 10.5852 for the honorary text accompanying this statue in which Priscus is named a municipal patron; it does not, however, record any epithets or virtues.

114

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions mear(um) res p(ublica) perpet(uo) (sestertios) XXX n(ummos) impend(at) arbitratu IlIIvir(orum),/ aedilium cura. Favorabil(e) est, si puer(is) plebeis sine distinctione liber/tatis nucum sparsion(em) mod(iorum) XXX et ex vini urnis VI potionum/ eministration(em) digne incrementis praestiterint.

35. Formiae, 118-138. ( C I L 10.6090; ILS 6295. PIR1 V 438; RE 8A, Villius n. 12; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 130.) L(ucio) Villio G(aii) f(ilio) Tromen(tina tribu)/ Atiliano praef(ecto) fabr(um),/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis), trib(uno) milit(um),/ proc(uratori) Aug(usti), patron(o) colon(iae),/ qui, rogatus ab ordine pari/ter et populo, gladiatori/ muneris publici curam/ susciperet, fecit, et explícito/ quod promiserat inpendium/ bigae, quam populus ex collatione/ legativi epuli offerebat, remisi!/ eo anno quo et optimus imperator Hadrianus Augustus etiam/ duumviratus honorem suscepit./ L(ucius) Stertinus L(uci) lib(ertus) Parthenopaeus/ amico incomparabili./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 36. Formiae, lst-2nd c. (CIL 10.6102; ILS 6282.) T(ito) Acilio P(ubli) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu)/ Florentino/ equo publ(ico), praef(ecto) coh(ortis)/ V Brencorum, Formiani omnium/ ordinum viri/ quod is testamento suo/ (sestertium) C m(ilia) n(ummum) legaverit ex qua/ summa tensae Minervae/ ex argenti libris centum/ [c]um parergis suis to[tis/ fièrent]. 37. Formiae, 218-235. Marble cippus. (Zambelli, Epigraphica 32 (1970) 72; AE 1971.79. FOS 195; RE S14, Cornelia n. 94.) Cassiae/ Corneliae/ G(aii) f(iliae) Priscae c(larissimae) f(eminae), Aufidi Frontonis co(n)s(ulis)/ pontificis proco(n)s(ulis) Asiae/ patroni col(oniae) uxoria sacerdoti Augustae/ et patriae Formiani/ publice pro splendore/ munificentiae eius. 38. Formiae, 2nd-3rd c. 1927.128.)

(Aurigemma, Not. Sc. 1926, p. 322; A E

T(ito) Flavio/ Lysipono/ Augustales/ viro ordinis sui patrono/ ob merita/ eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 39. Formiae, n.d. (Aurigemma, ibid., p. 313; AE 1927.124.) G(aio) Clodio Hilaro/ bisellario/ cui ordo conscript(us)/ ornamenta decur(ialia) dedit/ quod is ob honore(m) biselli/ (sestertium) XXV (milia nummum) reip(ublicae) obtulerit ex quib(us)/ familia glad(iatoria) ex postulatu/ universor(um) per ipsum edita est;/ ad cuius impensas insuper/ universa plebs ad ampliand(a)m/ muneris eius famam/ optulit insuper (sestertium)

Regioni

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XXV (milia) n(ummum)./ Ordo August(alium) pec(unia) sua/ ob cuius dedic(ationem) pavit in capitol(ium)/ pane et vino promiscue posito/ et dedit sportulas/ dec(urionibus), Aug(ustalibus), regal(ibus) 1 1 sing(ulis) (denarios) quinos./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 40. Fundi, 69-79. Large base. ( C I L 10.6225; ILS 985; Mocsy, Archaeológiai Értesitô 93 (1966) 203-207; AE 1966.68. ΡIR1 T5; RE 4Α, Tampius η. 2.) [L(ucio) Tampio L(uci) f(ilio) F]lavi[ano/ co(n)s(uli) (iterum), ΠΙ vir(o), qu(aestori) Aug(usti), praet(ori) cand(idato) Cae]s(aris), proco(n)s(uli) p[rovinciae/ Africae extra sortem, leg(ato) Au]g(usti) propr(aetore) Pann[oniae,/ curatori aqu]arum./ [Huic senatus auctore imp(eratore) Caes(are) Vespasiano Aug(usto) triu]mphalia ornamen[ta decrevit/ ob res in Pannonia prospere gestas in qua], opsidibus a Tran[sdanuviana/rum gentium principibus acceptis, equitibus et pedjitibus omnibus ex [gente Iazu/gum remissis, Sueborum regibus ad auxilia hospitjalia praestanda [compulsis,/ pacem provinciae tempore civilis motus confirmavit] L(ucius) Tampius Rufus 1 2 [.... 41. Fundi, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 10.6243.) M(arco) Ulpio M(arci) f(ilio)/ Aem(ilia tribu) Natali,/ aed(ili), q(uaestori) alim(entorum),/ hic (sic) ad declarandam ordin(is) dec(urionum) et populi benivo/lentiam obla/tam sibi ob edi/tionem mune/ris, p(osuerunt) statuam./ D(ecreto) d(ecurionum) s(ua) p(ecunia). 42. Fundi, n.d. ( C I L 10.6240; ILS 6281.) L(ucio) Runtio L(uci) f(ilio) Aem(ilia tribu)/ Gemello/ aedili, (iterum) quinq(uennali),/ quod curam muner(is)/ publici splendide/ administraverit,/ Fundani aere conlato./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

' 'The regales appear to have been a local collegium. CIL 10.6094.

For the ordo regalium see

l^For details of Tampius and his military accomplishments see Tacitus Hist. 2.86; 3.4; 3.10; 5.26.

116

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

43. Gabii, late 1st c. 1 3 Marble base. (CIL 14.2807; ILS 6220.) Fl(aviae) T(iti) fil(iae) Varian(a)e,/ ob merita/ Crescentis/ Augustor(um) lib(erti) patris eius/ qui omnes honores/ municipi n(ostri) delates sibi/ sincera fide gessit,/ decuriones populusque. 44. Gabii, 138-140. 14 Marble base. (CIL 14.2804; ILS 6218.) Agusiae T(iti) f(iliae) Priscillae/ sacerdoti Spei et Salutis Aug(ustae),/ ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) Gabini statuam publice po/nendam curaverunt, quod post/ inpensas exemplo inlustrium feminar(um)/ factas ob sacerdotium, etiam opus portic(us)/ Spei vetustate vexatum pecunia sua refectu/ram se promiserit populo; cum, pro/ salute principis Antonini Aug(usti) Pii/ patris patriae liberorumque eius/ eximio ludorum spectaculo edito,/ religioni, veste donata/ universis, satis fecerit./ Cuius statuae honore contenta/ inpensam populo remiserit (sic)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 45. Gabii, 220. Large marble base. (CIL 14.2809; ILS 6219.) M(arco) Iulio Zotico/ decurioni,/ patri decurionum/ et seviro Augustalium,/ q(uin)q(uennali) eiusdem ordinis,/ dendrophori q(uin)q(uennales) suo/ perpetuo et patrono/ dignissimo ob me/rita eius. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedik(ata) Vili kal(endas) Iul(ias)/ Imp(eratore) M(arco) Aurellio A[n]to[ni/no] Pio Felic(e) Aug(usto) [III]/ P(ublio) Valerio Comazonte/ II co(n)s(ulibus)y cur(antibus) Abudio Prisco, Cassidario/ Demetrio et Celerino Statieno/ Clementiano. 46. Gabii, 2nd-3rd c. Marble base. (CIL 14.2806.) T(ito) Flavio/ T(iti) fil(io) Quir(ina tribu)/ Aeliano/ ordo et populu[s]/ Gabinus/ patrono [et curat(ori) rei]/ publ(icae) fídelissimo. 47. Gabii, n.d. Marble cippus. (CIL 14.2812; ILS 7601.) A(ulo) Plutio Epaphrodito/ accenso velato/ negotiatori sericario/ liberti patrono/ ob merita/ eius.

13Weaver 6 2 argues that Crescens was manumitted jointly by an Augustus and an Augusta. If he is right, the date of this inscription must be after 81, since neither Vespasian's nor Titus' wife was called Augusta. ^ A n t o n i n u s Pius did not receive the title Pater Patriae until 139. This inscription also mentions his children, who did not survive past 138. The date of this inscription, therefore, is problematic, but almost certainly falls within the years 138-140.

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48. Interamna Lirenas, late 2nd-3rd c. Limestone cippus. (Cavuoto, Vichiana 6 (1977) 55-60; Giannetti, Rendiconti dell'Accademia dei Lincei 33 (1978) 517-18; AE 1978.100.) [Fa]di[ae M. f(iliae) ]/ publi[ce d(ecreto) d(ecurionum]; quod Sex(tus) Titinius [ IIII]/vir i(ure) d(icundo) bis, tertio quinq(uennali), [ ]/ Pa[...]po IUI vir i(ure) d(icundo), prae[fectus] quinq(uennalis) lefge]/ Petronia v(erba) f(ecerunt): Fadiam M(arci) f(iliam) [diem] suum obiisfse],/ itaque in honorem domus [il]li(u)s opor[t]er[e]/ quos videretur honores ei decerni, q(uid) d(e) e(a) [r(e)]/ f(ieri) pl(aceret) d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt): cum M(arcus) Fadius Crispus pater/ qua advixit tam animum in re publica/ nostra sem[pe]r ex(h)ibuerit, uti pienissime/ quicquid refi pu]blicae opus fuisset ultro/ semper e[t po]llicitus sit et praestiterit/ c u p i d i s s i m e neque cessaverit unquam, cum/[q]ue tales adulescentes Fadii Lucius et Gaius/ [subo]les patriae nostrae speive maxumae/ [se]cundum vota nostra surgentes bonis auspiciis,/ qui propter quos et singu[li et u]niversi ita et [di/c]ere et optare debemus,/ [ita]que in honorem/ eorum piacere nobis Fadiam M(arci) f(iliam) ex loco/ publico afferi (sic) et hoc amplius statuam/ poni ex pecunia [pub]lica loco publico, [dum]taxat (sestertium octo milibus) ut et meritis on[eri]/bus Fadi patris subscripsiss[e] videam[ur]/ et non defuisse officio su[pr]emo die/ funeri (sic) Fadiae M(arci) f(iliae). [Om]nes censue[re]. 49. Interamna Lirenas, 253-284. (CIL 10.5336; ILS 1445. PIR2 A 1466; RE 2, Aurelius n. 67; Pflaum, Carrières II, η. 327a.) M(arco) Aurelio Basileo/ viro ducenario, proc(uratori)/ rationis castrensis,/ ordo decurionum ob/ tanto amore (sic) quam erga/ patriam nostrani praes/tare consuevit. 50. Lanuvium, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 14.2121; ILS 5683.) M(arco) Valerio M(arci) f(ilio)/ aed(ili), dict(atori),/ praef(ecto) iuventutis,/ municipes compitenses veicorum/ quinqué; quod specus millia/ passus (=specus passuum) (tres miliaria) purgavit, refecit,/ fistulas reposuit, balnea virilia/ utraque et muliebre de sua/ pecunia refecit, populo viscerati(onem)/ gladiatores dédit, lumina ludos/ I(unoni) S(ospiti) M(atri) R(eginae) solus fecit. 51. Lanuvium, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 14.2120; ILS 6199.) G(aio) Sulpicio Victori/ patri e(quitum) R(omanorum duorum), homini/ innocentissimo, patrono/ municipi; senatus populus(que) L(anuvinus), ob in/parem obsequium et/ erga se inmensam mu/nificentiam eius, eques/trem ponendam cen/suerunt dedicarumq(ue) (sic);/ ob cuius dedicationem/ viritim divisit

118

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions decuri/onibus et Augustalib(us)/ et curis (sic) n(ummos) ΧΧΠΠ et curi(a)e/ mulierum epulum/ duplum dedit.

52. Lanuvium, n.d. Marble cippus. (CIL 14.2114; ILS 6201.) D(ecimo) [—]cirio D(ecimi) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)/ Auspicato/ aedili municipi,/ curatori muner(is),/ municipes curiales/ [et] curia [Fl]amona(lis?)/ ob merita eius. 53. Latina, circa 260. Statue base. (Panciera, Epigraphica 29 ( 1967) 1837; AE 1968.109. RE S14, Caesonius n. 9.) [L(ucio) Ca]esonio L(uci) f(ilio)/ [Ov]inio Manlio Basso 1 5 / [c(larissimo)] v(iro), curatori alei Tibe/ris et Berebentanorum (sic), pontifici maiori, consuli, praetori, questori kandidato,/ triumviro, pr[-—Jones 1 6 / tracto (sic) Piceno, curatori Lavini/ensium, legato Car/[taginiensium, domino patro[no p]raestantiss[imo]y [...]actys lib(ertus), actor/ [cum] suis. 54. Lavinium, circa 237. (Lanciani, Monumenti Antichi dei Lincei 13 (1903) 171; AE 1903.337.) [—V]alerio Claud/ [—] Acilio Priscilian(o)/ [—a]uguri, Laur(enti) Labi[natium]/ [—] n(ostrorum) inter XX c o ( n ) s ( u l a r e s ) , / [cur(atori) alvei Ti]beris riparum/ [cloacarum]quae sacrae/ [urbis, consolari ordinario),/ [praetori tut]elar(io), quaest(ori)/ [urbano, p]ro quaest(ori)/ [—] pontifici/ [maior]i, trium/[viro m]onetarum/ [—]te, seviro/ [equitum R]om(anorum) tur/[mae —] ob eximium/ [amor]em in cives/ [sa]cerdotales et/ [popul]us su pecunia[e}/ [p]osuerunt. 55. Minturnae, early 2nd c. Cylindrical base. (CIL 10.6005; ILS 1568.) [.] Aelio Aug(usti) l(iberto)/ Saturnino/ procuratori) castr(ensis),/ plebs aere conl(ato)/ ob adsiduam et liberam/ munificentiam eius. 56. Minturnae, 2nd c. Marble plaque. (Cavuoto, Ottava miscellanea greca e romana (1982) 531, no. 23; AE 1982.156.) Aeli[o — Pom]/peian[o —]/ ob meri[ta eius]/ ordo et p[opulus]/ Minturn[ensium].

15 1

This Caesonius is also the honorand in η. 122 below.

^Panciera proposes praefectus adversus latrones.

Regioni

119

57. Minturnae, 249. Statue base. 17 (CIL 10.6012; ILS 5062.) P(ublio) Baebio P(ubli) f(ilio)/ Ter(etina tribu) Iusto. Huic/ splendidiss(imus) ordo/ stat(uam) ponend(am) cens(uerit), omnib(us)/ honorib(us) in republ(ica) funct(o),/ quod et in sing(ulos) et univers(os)/ aequal(em) semp(er) reverentiam/ praebuit, et quod munus glad(iatorium) post/ honor(em) IIvir(atus) [spl]e[n]didiss(imum) postul(ante) populo/ q(uando) process(us) editio celebrata est,/ ex indulg(entia principis) paria tria cum ursis [et]/ herban(is) (se. bestiis) liventer susceperint (sic). Is ob/ dedic(ationem) statuae dec(urionibus) sing(ulis) (denarios) tern(os) ded(it)./ [L(ocus)] d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Hic Mint(umae) diebus 1111/ edidit paria XI./ Ex his occid(erunt) gla(diatores)/ prim(arios) Campani(ae) XI, ur/sos quoque crudel(iter)/ occid(erunt) X. Quod ipsi/ meminist(is), cives/ optimi, herban(os) univers(os) in dies/ sing(ulos) occidit/ quaternos.// Ded(icata) kal(endis) Aug(ustis) Aemiliano II et/ Aquilino co(n)s(ulibus). 58. Minturnae, 3rd c. Base. (Johnson, Associazione Internazionale Mediterranei 5.6 (Feb.-Mar. 1935) 158; AE 1935.20.)

Studi

Aurelio/ Aug(ustorum) lib(erto)/ Alexandra/ v(iro) e(gregio), praep(osito) sacr(arum)/ cogn(itionum), viro optim(o)/ et innocentissim(o)/ erga patriam/ honorificentiss(imo)/ decreto decur(ionum). 59. Ostia, Augustan period. 1 8 Cippus 14.375; ILS 6147.)

or squared column. 1 9 ( C I L

P(ublio) Lucilio/ P(ubli) f(ilio), P(ubli) n(epoti), P(ubli) pro/nep(oti) Gamalae,/ aed(ili) sacr(is) Volk(ani),/ [a]edili, d(ecreto d(ecurionum) allecto/ [g]ratis decurioni,/ [p]ontifici, IIvir(o) censo/riae pot(estatis), quinquennal(i)/ in comitis facto, cura/[tor]i pecuniae publicae exigen/[d]ae et adtribuendae,/ [i]n ludos, cum accepisset public(um)/ lucar, remisit et de suo erogati/onem fecit./ [Id]em sua pecunia viam silice stravit/ [q]uae est iuncta foro ab arcu ad arcum./ [Id]em epulum trichilinis CCXVII/ colonis dedit./ [Id]em prandium sua pecunia coloni[s]/ Ostiesibus bis dedit./ [Id]em aedem Volcani sua pecu/nia restituit./ 17 D u e to the statement "ob dedic(atìonem) statuae" contained in the text (lines 1213), I assume this inscription to have been inscribed on a statue base. 18

F o r discussion of the chronology of the Lucilii Gamalae (ns. 59 and 64), including summaries of previous scholarship, see Meiggs 491-502 and Zevi 557-62. Assuming an Augustan date for this first inscription, Meiggs believes that the bellum navale in line 41 refers to the war against Sextus Pompeius (38-36 B.C.). actual inscription is now lost.

120

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions [I]dem aedem Veneris sua pecu/nia constituit./ [Id]em aed(em) Fortunae sua pecu/nia constituit. [Id]em aed(em) Cereris sua pecunia/ constituit./ [Id]em pondera ad macellum/ cum M(arco) Turranio sua pecu/nia fecit./ [Idem] aedem Spei sua pecunia/ [cons]tituit./ [Id]em tribunal in foro mar/moreum fecit./ [H]uic statua inaurata d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)/ p(ecunia) p(ublica) posita est,/ [i]tem ahenea d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ecunia) p(ublica) posita/ [p]roxume tribunal quaes(toris)/ [propt]erea quod cum res publica/ [p]raedia sua venderei ob pol/[l]icitationem belli navalis/ (sestertium) XV (milia nummum) CC rei publicae donav[it]./ [Hu]nc decuriones funere pu/[b]lico effer[endum] cen[s]uerunt.

60. Ostia, 147. Base. (CIL 14.4144; ILS 6173.) G(aio) Veturio G(aii) f(ilio) Testio/ Amando/ [eq(uiti) R(omano), patron]o et/ defensori V corporum/ Lenunculariorum Ostiens(ium),/ universi navigiarii corpor(um)/ quinqué ob insignem eius/ in d[efend]endis se et in tuendis/ eximiam diligentiam, dignissimo/ atque abstinentissimo viro/ ob merita eius,/ [quinjq(uennales) corporis splendidissimi codicar(iorum)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice).// Ded(icata)...[Annio Largo]/ Pra[stina Messalino] co(n)[s(ulibus)]. 61. Ostia, circa 147. Marble plaque. (Bloch, Not. Sc. 1953, p. 297 n.62; AE 1988.212.) [—/ dec(urionum) decr(eto)] decurion[i g]ratis adl(ecto), [cor]pus me(n)sorum/ [frjumentar(iorum)/ patrono et q(uin)q(uennali) perpetuo/ ob plurima eius benefic(ia)/ in rem public(am) suam conlata. 20 62. Ostia, circa 147. {CIL 14.362; ILS 6135.) G(aio) Granio/ G(aii) fil(io) Quir(ina tribu)/ Maturo/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) decurioni adlec(to),/ cui ordo gratuitum/ decurionatum et statuam/ ob mu[n]ificentiam eius/ decrevit. G(aius) Granius Rufus, L(ucius) Granius Celsus/[— 63. Ostia, first half of 2nd c. Marble base. 21 (CIL 14.4621.) P(ublio) Aufidio/ P(ubli) fil(io) Quir(ina tribu)/ Forti/ [II]vir(o), q(uaestori) aer(ari) Ost(iensium) V,/ p(atrono) c(oloniae),/

2 ®According to Bloch, the honorand in this example must be C. Granius Maturus, a prominent Ostian benefactor who appears in several other inscriptions, including the next example, n. 62. See also: CIL 14.363, 14.364, 14.4458, 14.4651, 14.4715. 21

O n the reverse side of this base is CIL 14.4716, not an honorary text.

Region 1

121

[Fa]ustianus Epictetus/ [Eu]frosynus Ianuarius/ patrono/ indulgentissimo. 22 64. Ostia, 166-180. Long marble plaque. (CIL 14.376.) P(ublio) Lucilio P(ubli) [f(ilio)]/ P(ubli) n(epoti) P(ubli) pro(nepoti) Gamala[e]/ aed(ili) sacr(is) Volcani,/ eiusdem pr(aetori), tert(ium) dec(urioni)/ adlecto d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) infanti,/ Ilvir(o), praefecto L(uci) Caesaris/ Aug(usti) f(ili), cens(orio), q(uaestori) a(nnonae), pontif(ici),/ tabular(um) et librorum/ curatori primo constitu[t(o)]./ Hic ludos omnes, quos fecit,/ amplificavit impensa sua./ Idem munus gladiatorium ded(it)./ Idem aedem Castoris et Pollucis rest(ituit)./ Idem curator pecuniae publicae exi/gendae et attribuendae in comi/tiis factus cellam Patri Tiberino/ restituit./ Idem thermas, quas divus Pius aedif[i]/caverat vi ignis consumptas refecit,/ porticum reparavit./ Idem aedem Veneris impensa sua/ restituit./ Idem pondera ad macellum et men/suras ad forum vinar(ium) s(ua) p(ecunia) fecit./ Idem navale a L(ucio) Coilio aedifìcatum/ extru[e]ntibus fere collapsum/ restituit./ Huic statua aenea peq(unia) pub(lica) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) posit(a)/ est [— 65. Ostia, 182. Large marble statue base. (CIL 14.367; ILS 6164.) P(ublio) Horatio/ Chryseroti/ seviro Augustal(i), idem/ quinq(uennali) et immuni Larum Aug(usti);/ ex s(enatus) d(ecreto) seviri Augustales statuam/ ei ponendam decreverunt quod/ is arcae eorum (sestettium) L m(ilia) n(ummum) dederit,/ ex qua summa (sestertios) X m(ilia) n(ummum) ob honorem curae/ Sex(ti) Horati Chryserotiani, et reliquorum (scr. reliqua)/ (sestertium) XL m(ilia) n(ummum) excepta stipulatione, (ut) ex usuris/ semissibus et m(inutis) II s(ummae) s(upra) s(criptae) quodannis idib(us) Martis/ natali suo inter praesentes hora II usque/ ad asse(m) dividiatur, deducta ornatione statu(a)e,/ et familiae Augustal(ium) (sestertios) C n(ummos); quotsi ita/ factum non erit, tum ea (sestertium) XL m(ilia) n(ummum)/ dari rei p(ublicae) Ost(iensium) sub eadem condicione/ qua s(upra) s(cripta) est. Ob cuius dedicatione dédit/ decurionib(us) (denarios) V et Augustalibus (denarios) V./ Isque honore sibi habito sumptum sta/tuae ordini Augustalium remisit.// Dedic(ata)/ XV kal(endas) [Ia]nu[ar(ias)]y Mamertino et Rufo co(n)sulibus.

22

Compre CIL 14.4620 in which Fortis is honored by the corpus mercatorum frumentariorum but without attribution of epithets or virtues. Compare also CIL 14.4622, dedicated to Fortis' son by the same two liberti but without any citation of virtues or epithets.

122

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

66. Ostia, 184. Marble plaque reconstructed from fragments. ( C I L 14.5345. PIR1 Ρ 213.) Q(uinto) Pet[ronio Q(uinti) f(ilio)]/ Mel[iori]/ proc(uratori) ann(onae), [adiu]t(ori) c[u]ratori[s]/ alvei Tiberi[s et cloac]arum, curatori/ [r]ei p(ublicae) Saene[sium], pra[e]tori Etrur(iae) XV/ [p]opulorum [bis, t]rib(uno) mil(itium) leg(ionis) III Gallic(ae),/ [sjcr(ibae) q(uaestorio) VI [primo] principi, pr(aetori) Laur(entium) Lavin(atium),/ [I]III v(iro) q(uin)[q(uennali) Faesul]is, pontifici Faesulis et/ Florentiae;/ colleg(ium) fabr(um) ti[gn(uariorum) Ost(is)/ o]b plurima beneficia [eius],/ cura agentibus/ Ti(berio) Claudio Germullian[o],/ G(aio) Licinio Apolausto,/ L(ucio) Antonio Peculiare/ [m]ag(istris) quinquennalib(us) lustr[i XXV], 67. Ostia, latter half of 2nd c. Large marble base. ( C I L 14.353; ILS 6148.) —]/ Fabio Hermog[eni]/ equo publ(ico), scribae, aedil[i],/ dec(urioni) adlect(o),/ flam(ini) divi Hadrifani],/ in cuius sacerdotio solus ac ρ [ri mus ludos]/ scaenicos sua pecunia fecit./ Hunc splendidissimus ordo dec(urionum) f(unere) p(ublico)/ honoravit eique statuam equestre[m cum in]/scriptione ob amorem et industria[m] 2 3 / in foro ponendem pecun(ia) publ(ica) decr[evit],/ inque locum eius aedil(em) substituendum [non]/ putavit in solacium Fabi pat[ris],/ qui ob honores ei hábitos (sestertium) L m(ilia) n(ummum)/ dedit ex quorum usuris quincunci[bus/ quot] annis ΧΙΠ kal(endas) Aug(ustas) die natalis eius decfurionibus]/ [si]ngulis (denarios) V dentur et decuri [alibus/ Ce]raris (denarios) XXXVIIS, libraris (denarios) [XXXVIIS], li[ctor]ibus (denarios) XXV.// [—]/ in aede Romae et Augusti placu[it]/ ordini decurionum praesente/ Fabio pâtre uti sportulas/ die natal(is) Hermogenis fili/ eius praesentibus in foro ante/ statuas ipsius dividi/ stipulatione interposita. 68. Ostia, late 2nd c. Marble base. (CIL 14.391.) P(ublio) Nonio P(ubli) fil(io)/ Palatina tribu) Livio/ Anterotiano/ equo publico ex ornato ab/ Imp(eratore) M(arco) Aurelio Antonino Aug(usto),/ dec(reto) dec(urionum) dec(urioni) adlecto,/ flamini divi Hadriani,/ salio Laurent(ium) Lavinatium,/ aedili, pr(aetori) sacr(is) Volk(ani) faciu(ndis),/ T(itus) Tinucius/ Sosiphanes/ carissimo/ pientissimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice).

^Compare CIL 14.4642, Hermogenes' funeral epitaph dedicated by his parents with nearly identical text, particularly citation of his virtues amor and industria.

Region 1

123

69. Ostia, 193-211. Base. (Bloch, Not. Sc. 1953, pp. 267-69 η. 31; AE 1955.177.) P(ublio) Martio Quir(ina tribu)/ Philippo/ curatori viae Prae[nesti]nae/ aedilicio curuli, v(iatori) q(uaestorio) a[b aer]ario/ tribuno fabrum nav[alium Port]ensium,/ plebes corporis [fabrum navaljium/ Ostiens(ium), quifbus ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) coire li]cety patrono [optim]o,/ s(ua) p(ecunia) p(osuerunt). 70. Ostia, 193-235. Marble base. (CIL 14.154; ILS 1431. PIR1 A 47; Pflaum, Carrières Π, η. 291.) Q(uinto) Acilio G(aii) fil(io) Pap(iria tribu)/ Fusco v(iro) e(gregio),/ procurat(ori) annon(ae)/ Aug(ustorum) , Ost(iensis), procuratori)/ operis Theatr(i) Pompeian(i),/ fisci advocat(o) codicill(aris)/ stationis hereditat(ium)/ et cohaerent(ium), sacerd(oti)/ Laurent(ium) Lavinat(ium),/ corpus me(n)sorum/ frument(ariorum) adiutorum/ et acceptorum Ost(iensium),/ erga se benignissimo. 24 71. Ostia, early 3rd c. 2 5 Large marble base. (CIL 14.370; ILS 6166.) G(aio) Iulio/ Tyranno/ mag(istro) q(uin)q(uennali) colleg(i)/ [f]abr(um) tignuar(iorum) Ostis/ Lustri XXII, huic/ primum omnium uni/versi honorati sta/tuam ponendam/ decreverunt/ ob merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 72. Ostia, late 2nd-early 3rd c. Bronze plaque. (CIL 14.403; ILS 4213.) Sex(to) Pompeio Sex(ti) fil(io)/ Maximo/ sacerdoti Solis in/victi M(ithrae), patri patrum,/ q(uin)q(uennali) corp(oris) treiect(us) toga/tensium, sacerdo/tes Solis invicti M(ithrae)/ ob amorem et meri/ta eius, (quae) semper ha/bet. 73. Ostia, 247-248. Tall statue base. (CIL 14.170; ILS 1433. PIR2 M 757; RE 16, Mussius; Pflaum, Carrières II, η. 349.) Aegippi./ L(ucio) Mussio Aemiliano/ Laurenti Lavinatium,/ IUI milit(iis), v(iro) e(gregio), praef(ecto) vehicul(orum)/ trium prov(inciarum) Gall(iae) Lugdunens(is)/ Narbonens(is) et Aquitanic(ae)/ ad (sestertium) LX (milia), proc(uratori) Alex(andriae) Pelusi Pfhari?]/ ad (sestertium) C (milia), 24

C o m p are CIL 8.1439, dedicated to the same Fuscus by the citizens of Thibursici Bure who honor him as a civis and patronus but without any citation of epithets or virtues. 25 T h e dating of this inscription is based on CIL 14.160, of the Severan-Gordian period and mentioning a lustrum XXXHl for the collegium during that time.

124

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions proc(uratori) portus utriusq(ue) ad [(sestertium) CC (miliary viro inocentissimo,/ codicarii navicular» et/ quinq(ue) corp(ora) navigantes ob/ insignem eius erga se/ benevolentiam ac singu/larem abstinentiam.// Dedic(ata) XV kal(endas) Iun(ias)/ d(ominis) n(ostris) [Philippis] Aug(ustis) co(n)s(ulibus)./ Curant(e) nun(dinas) Hermogen[e]/ Au(gusti) n(ostri) l(iberto) Paulino Coz[mo].

74. Ostia, circa 249. Marble plaque. (CIL 14.5340.) M(arco) Aurelio Hermogeni v(iro) e(gregio), p(atrono) c(oloniae), sacerd(oti)/ geni col(oniae), filio Aureli Hermetis p(erfectissimae) m(emoriae) v(iri), genero/ Fl(avi) Prisci p(erfectissimi) v(iri) p(atroni) c(oloniae), trib(uno) leg(ionis) XXX Ulpiae, praef(ecto) alae/ primae Thracum, proc(uratori) a studis Aug(usti) n(ostri) ad (sestertium) LX (milia) n(ummum), provect(o)/ (ad) (sestertium) C (milia) n(ummum), immunitati Musii fulto, scrib(ae) tribuniciae (sc. decuriae) maioris,/ item quaestoriae, sacerdoti Videntaliy ordo dec(urionum) ob insignem eius adfectionem. 75. Ostia, 251. Two plaques of Tiburtine stone. ( C I L 14.352; ILS 6149.) 1) D(ecimo) Fabio D(ecimi) filio Pal(atina tribu)/ Floro Veraiio/ sacerdot(i) sanct(ae) regtin(ae)] (se. Isidis)/ iudicio maiestatis eius,/ elect(o) Anubiaco primad [[dec(urioni) Laur(entium) vic(o) Aug(ustano), quattervi(ro)]],/ naviculario V corpor(um)/ lenunculariorum Ost(iensium),/ honorib(us) ac munerib(us)/ omnib(us) funct(o), sodali/ corp(orum) V region(um) col(oniae) Ost(iensis)./ Huic statuam Flavius/ Moschylus v(ir) c(larissimus), I s i a c u s ^ / huius loci, memor eius/ sanctimoniae castitat(is),/ testament(o) suo costituì (sic)/ ab heredib(us) suis iussit/ patrono munditiario/ [b(ene) m(erenti)]./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) [p(ublice)]. 2) Ob honore quo die sacerd(os) fa[ctus est],/ dedicat(a) XVII kal(endas) A[—]/ ter et semel/ co(n)s(ulibus). Locus datus a Iulio/ Faustino, pont(ifici) Vulk(ani)/ aed(ium) sacrar(um), permisit/ act(or) Fl(avi) Moscyli/ sub q(uin)q(uennalitate) c(ensoriae) p(otestatis)/ Q(uinti) Veturi Firmi Felicis/ Socratis etI L(uci) Fiori Euprepetis./ Ob cuius dedicatione(m)/ dedit decurionibus (denarios) III/ cum officio (ser. officialibus) basilices.

^^The titles Isiacus and Anubiacus denote priesthoods in the cult of Isis at Ostia.

Region 1

125

76. Ostia, 253-259. Marble plaque reconstructed from fragments. ( C I L 14.4624.) M(arco) Aurelfio .] f(ilio) Ter(entina tribu) Py[ladi]/ a[..]sci[...] Scythop[oli]/ p[an]tomim[o sui] tempor[is]/ primo in o[—]to et/ probato a[b imp(eratoribus) Valeriano/ e]t Gal[lien]o [—]/ ex provincia [....]e [—post]/ mortem patr[is s]ui Iudae; item de[cur/ioni civitat[iu]m Ascalo[nitan]orum/ et Damascen[or]um. Huic s[...]ndus/ ordo Augus[ta]lium non solum/ propter memo[ri]am patr[i]s eius, sed/ et propter plenam [ipsius pe]ritiam postul[antibus]/ omnibus pariter civibus [— 77. Ostia, 3rd c. Marble plaque cut from very large base. {CIL 14.373; ILS 6141.) L(ucio) Licinio L(uci) fil(io) Pal(atina tribu)/ Herodi/ equit(i) Rom(ano), decuriali/ decuriae viatoriae/ equestris co(n)s(ularis), decurioni/ quinquennali, duumviro,/ sacerdoti geni col(oniae), flam(ini)/ Rom(ae) et Aug(usti), curat(ori) oper(um) publ(icorum),/ quaestori aer(ari), aedili, flam(ini)/ divi Severi, sodali Arulensi/ praet(ori) prim(o) sac(ris) Volk(ani) faciu(ndis)/ ordo Augustal(ium)/ optimo civi ob merita. 78. Ostia, 3rd c. Marble plaque. {CIL 14.5344.) [...]io Ζ. [fil(io) F]ab(ia) vel S]ab(atina tribu)/ Lolliano e(gregio) v(iro),/ proc(uratori) ann(onae) Au(gustorum) (nostrorum) Ostisi proc(uratori) X[X] libertatis,/ proc(uratori) XX her[ed(itatium) tr]a(n)s P(adum) et per Aemil(iam),/ proc(uratori) bonor(um) [damnat(orum), tr]ib(uno) coh(ortis) Germ(anorum),/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis) II[..., IIvir?]o Bon[on(iae)?]/ et [—]/ honorati [coll(egi) f]abr(um)/ tign(uariorum) Ost(is) ob insignem amor[em] ei[us]/ in omnibus, cura a[gent]ibus/ [..] Cl(audio) Epagatho, L(ucio) Iu[..L]oriano vel Fl]oriano,/ [,.A]ur(elio) Den[.. mjag(istris) q(uin)q(uennalibus) lustri [— 79. Ostia, post 80. Cippus. 1913.190.)

(Vaglieri, Not. Sc. 1912, p. 348; A E

—]/ [decurioni adl]ecto,/ [aed]ili designato,/ q(uaestori) alimentorumy flamini divi Vesp(asiani)y T(itus) Rubrius Eupator/ filio piissimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice). 80. Ostia, 2nd-3rd c. Large marble plaque. {CIL 14.5342.) Flavio/ Domitiano/ praefecto honorificentissimoy ordo decurionum.

annonae,/

curatori

126

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

81. Ostia, n.d. Statue base, (de Chirico, Not. Sc. 1941, p. 216; AE 1946.214.) A(ulo) Livio Chryseroti seviro Aug(ustali) quinq(uennali)/ Agathangelus lib(ertus) sevir Aug(ustalis)/ quinquenn(alis) patrono dignissimo. 27 82. Pontecorvo, later 3rd c. Marble plaque. (Giannetti, Rendiconti dell'Accademia dei Lincei 29 (1974) 327-29, η. 4; AE 1974.232.) [— ma/t]ri Appii Caecinae/ Suetri(i) Sabini c(Iarissimi) v(iri), 28 / Suetrius Tertius lib(ertus) eius et/ Septimus ser(vus) cum suis/ patronae praestantissimae. 83. Praeneste, late Iste. Marble plaque. (CIL 14.3004.) [G(aio)] Septimio/ G(aii) f(ilio) Pup(inia tribu) Severo 2 9 / patron(o) mun(icipi)/ T(itus) Sentidius T(iti) f(ilius)/ Pal(atina tribu) Iulianus/ amico optimo. 84. Praeneste, 1st c. Marble plaque. ( C I L 14.2924. PIR2 I 29; RE 9, Insteius η. 4.) [Re]s publica ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) in hono[rem]/ [mu]nificentiae Q(uinti) Instei T(iti) f(ilii) Pup(inia tribu)/ [q(uaestoris), tr]ib(uni) pl(ebis), pr(aetoris), co(n)s(ulis), leg(ati) consularis pro[v(inciae)],/ [et patr]is eius ac fratris filiique et uxorifs], 3 0 [quod statuam] cum tabulis hospitalibus transferr[i impensa sua ve]l ante curiam vel in porticibus for[i collocandam] caverai, scholam hanc dicavit. 85. Praeneste, 1st c. Marble plaque inserted in a wall. (CIL 14.3015; ILS 6256.) L(ucio) Urvineio L(uci) l(iberto) Philomuso/ mag(istro) conl(egi) libert(orum)/ publice sepulturae et statuae in foro locus/ datus est, quod is testamento suo lavationem populo gratis/ per triennium, gladiatorumque paria X et Fortunae Primig(eniae)/ coronam auream p(oni) i(ussit) dari, idemque ludos ex (sestertiis) (20,000) 27 Compare CIL 14.379, Chryseros' epitaph dedicated by Agathangelus and several other liberti who call him there a patronus benemerens. 28

T h e son of C. Octavius Appius Suetrius Sabinus, consul second time in 240. See above ns. 12 and 21. 29 M o s t likely not the same Septimius Severus to whom Statius dedicated Silv. 4.5. See Duthoy (1984-1986) 150 note 66. 30

S e e FOS 877.

Region 1

127

per dies V fieri iussit./ Philippus l(ibertus) monumentum de suo fecit. 86. Praeneste, 138-192. Squared base. ( C I L 14.2922; ILS 1420. F 278; RE 12, Flavius η. 96; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 183.)

PIR2

T(ito) Flavio T(iti) f(ilio) Germano/ curatori triumphi Felicissimi/ Germanici secundi [[—]]/ [[—]]/ [[—]] 31 exornato,/ sacerdot(i) splendidissimo pontif(icatus) minor(is),/ proc(uratori) XX her(editatum), proc(uratori) patrimoni, proc(uratori) ludi/ magni, proc(uratori) ludi matutini, proc(uratori) reg(ionum) urbi(s)/ [a]diuncto sibi officio viarum/ [sterjnendarum urbis partibus duabus,/ [proc(uratori)] XX her(editatum) Umbriae Tusciae Piceni/ [region]is Campaniae, proc(uratori) ad alimenta/ Lucan(iae) Brutt(iae) Calabr(iae) et Apuliae/ cur(atori) [sartor]um tectorum operum publ(icorum)/ et aed(ium) [sacrar(um)], aed(ili), Ilvir(o), flam(ini) divi Aug(usti),/ Ilvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali, patrono coloniae, Cerdo lib(ertus) patrono incomparabili/ cum Flavis Maximino et Germano/ et Rufino filis equo publ(ico) ornatis. 87. Praeneste, circa 200. Six-sided marble cippus. (CIL 14.2947; ILS 2749.) P(ublio) Ael(io) P(ubli) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)/ Tironi/ salio arcis/ Albanae, quem/ Imp(erator) Caes(ar) [[—]]/ [[—]] Antoninus/ Aug(ustus) Pius [[—]]/ Germ(anicus) Sarm(aticus) Britt(anicus)/ agentem aetatis/ annum XIIII/ militia prima/ praefecturae/ equit(um) Brauco/num (quingentorum) exornare/ dignatus est./ Dec(reto) dec(urionum);/ Blandus pater/ pro amore civi/tatis summam et/ sumptum omnem/ reip(ublicae) remisit. 88. Praeneste, 207-211. Marble base. (CIL 14.2977; ILS 5194.) M(arco) Aurelio Aug(ustorum) lib(erto)/ Agilio Septentrioni/ pantomimo sui temporis/ primo hieronicae, solo in urbe coronato/ diapanton ab/ imp(eratoribus) dominis nostris/ Severo et Antonino Aug(ustis),/ parasito Apollinis,/ archieri synodi,/ IlIIIIvir(o) Aug(ustali)./ Huic respublica Praenestin(orum),/ ob insignem amorem eius erga/ cives patriamque,/ postulatu populi statuam/ posuit d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 32

31

In this and the following example, η. 87, the name of Commodus has been

erased. ^Compare CIL 14.2113, dedicated to the same Agilius Septentrio by the people of Lanuvium but without recognition of any virtues.

128

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

89. Praeneste, 193-235. Marble base. {CIL 14.2991.) A(ulo) Munio A(uli) fil(io)/ Men(enia tribu) Evaristo/ spl(endido) eq(uiti) R(omano), pat(rono) col(oniae),/ omnibus honor(ibus)/ nitide functo, ob/ insignem eius edition(em)/ muneris bidui, populo/ postulante, bigam/ placuit aequestri statua/ decreto ordinis eum/ ornait/ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 90. Praeneste, 243. Marble base. (CIL 14.2972; ILS 6253.) P(ublio) Acilio P(ubli) f(ilio) Men(enia tribu)/ Paullo IIIIIIvir(o) Aug(ustali), q(uaestori) col(oniae),/ aed(ili), IÎvir(o)/ flamini divi Aug(usti),/ cur(atori) annonae,/ cur(atori) muneris publici,/ cur(atori) kal(endari), cultores Iovis/ Arkani regio macelli/ patrono dignissimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedicata V idus/ Maias,/ Arriano et Pap(o)/ co(n)s(ulibus),/ curante Ti(berio) Cl.../ Vitale Iinn/vir(o) Aug(ustali). 91. Praeneste, 2nd-3rd c. Text on side of cippus perished. (CIL 14.2973.)

whose front has

Exempl(um) decr(eti). Q(uin)q(uennalibus) Cluvio Silano/ Q(uinti) Ser(vi) f(ilio), L(ucio) Septimio Valeriano Q(uinti) f(ilio),/ postulante Claudio Marone, uti locus/ ad statuam ponendam (Aelio Mabbidiano) optimae memoriae/ viro, quondam filio Aelii Aug(usti) lib(erti) Anatellontis/ pii amantissimi reipublicae nostrae/ placuit et in honorem Anatellontis/ semper et ubique pro commodis rep(ublicae)/ [nostrae excubantis, simul]/ in memoriam Aeli Mabbidiani op/[timi quondam iuvenis?]/ locum ad statuam ponendam filio electioni ipsius dari. 92. Praeneste, n.d. Large marble base. (CIL 14.3014; ILS 6252.) Gn(aeo) Voesio/ Gn(aei) f(ilio) Apro/ quaestori, aedili, Ilviro,/ flamini divi Aug(usti), VIviro/ Augustali, curatori annon(ae)/ triennio continuo, curat(ori) muneris publici gladiatori YR j quot is tempore honorum cu/rarumque suarum pienissimo/ munificentiae studio voluptatib(us)/ et utilitatibus populi plurima/ contulerit, ludum etiam gladi/atorium et spoliar(ium) solo empto/ sua pecunia exstructum publice op/tulerit. Cuius meritis postulante populo/ statuam publice poni placuit, d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

Region 1

129

93. Praeneste, mid 2nd c. Marble base. (CIL 14.2921. FOS 378.) [Flaviae Ruf]inae/ [M(arci) Barbi Fasjti/ Consularis 33 / patroni coloniae/ Praenestinorum filiae optimae/ meritae Praenesti[n(i)]/ d(ecrcto) d(ecurionum). 94. Privernum, 137. Limestone base. (Cancellieri, Atti Nazionale dei Lincei 29 (1974) 245-52; AE 1974.228.)

Accademia

T(ito) Flavio Acindyni fil(ilio)/ Quir(ina tribu) Scopelliano duo[r]/um equit(um) Romanor(um) patri, adlec/to in decuri(i)s, pr(aetori) Ilviro iterum,/ pr(aetori) Ilviro quinquennali, patrono colon(iae)./ Huic Privernates cenam idib(us) Mar(tiis) d[ari]/ et statuam ponendam [ ]imire c[e]n/[su]erunt ob merita eius quod ob/ honorem) quinquennalitatis ludos scaenicos diebus quinqué ediderit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// XIII k(alendas) Sept(embras),/ L(ucio) Aelio Caesare II,/ P(ublio) Coelio Balbino co(n)s(ulibus)./ Ob dedicationem crustu[lum]/ et mulsum [...]/ populo dedit. 95. Privernum, 235-284. Plaque. ( C I L 10.6439. PIR2 A 1013; RE 2, Aradius n. 1.) L(ucio) Aradio Roscio/ Rufino Saturni/no Tiberiano/ auguri, curioni, c(larissimo) v(iro),/ triumviro stliti/bus iudicandis, se/viro equestrium/ turmarum, [q(uaestori)] k(andidato),/ Privernates pa/trono di[gn]issimo/ et prestantissimo. 96. Rocca d'Arce, 107. (CIL 10.5670.) [—]liter functus/ [— in]crementa digni/ [— ma]nifesta spes/ [— f]iciant gratam/ [— q]uam industri/ [—v]avit et magis/ [— e]tiam plebis/ [—]ntur plac(ere)/ [ordini patronum eum creari] et tab(ulam) aeneam/ [ei offerii —] rem p(ublicam) erga/ [—] I R H 1/ [quod egregie de nobis insequejntis an/[ni curam antea, iam ab eo splendide ad]ministra/tam rusus subeundo meru[erit, et decretae sibi statuae]/ honore contentus sumptu[m remiserit cum pu]/blice decerneretur in e(a) v(erba) q(uae) i(nfra) [s(cripta) s(unt)]:/ Q(uinto) Licinio Graniano, L(ucio) Minicio Nata[le co(n)s(ulibus) ad ...]/sorae in Basilica Caes(aris), scrib(undo) adf(uerunt) M(arcus) Vibifus Au]/ctor, A(ulus) Iustuleius Balbus, M(arcus) Tossius Marcel/lus, G(aius) Albinius Ingenuus, G(aius) Iulius Clemens./ Quod A(uíus) Lucernius Decrianus, L(ucius) Tullius Cerialis II/vir(i) v(erba) f(ecerunt) de Π viro quinquennali in prox(imum) annum,/ fieri piacere M(arcum) Vibium Auctorem 33 V i d m a n Philologus (1980) 260-61, identifies him with M. Barbius Fulvius Aemilianus, consul suffect in 140. Raepsaet-Charlier, however, deems this argument very hypothetical.

130

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions multa de r(e) p(ublica)/ merentem ob tam egregium eius adfectum c[oti]/die excogitantis queadmodum col(oniam) n(ostram) benef[iciis]/ suis honoret; omnium suffragantibus [votis].

97. Signia, 3rd c. (CIL 10.5968; ILS 6272.) T(ito) Iulio Euticheti patron(o)/ et rectori colleg(i)/ dend(rophorum) Sign(iae), q(uin)q(uennali), ob/ plura sepius bene/ficia et munificent(iam)/ largitionesque que/ circa collegium su/um exibuerit, dignis/simo ex aere col/lato statuam colle/gium dendrofor(um)/ posuerunt, cuius de/dic(atione) dedit sing(ulis) (sestertios) ΧΧΧΠ/ et epulum ded(it). 98. Terracina, 98-161. Marble block. (Solin, Tyche 2 (1987) 183-87; AE 1990.138.) —]/ de ea re ita censue]runt hodie:/ [cum semper imitatu]s pietatem praeterita[m/ ad Capitoli] ni Io[vis] cultum se sibi aemulum/ [fecerit c]umq(ue) t[abel]lis suis vel aliena liberal[i]/tate conten[derit], piacere huic ordini commte]/mari grat[iss]imam populi voluntatem dar[iq(ue)]/ Verrio E[ub]ulidi biselli honorem cui co[m]/mendat[i]onem iudiciorum nostrum parefm]/ facet. Censuer(unt), adfuer(unt). 99. Tibur, late 1st c. (Mancini, Not. Sc. 1914, p. 101; AE 1915.60. PIR2 C 1425; RE S12, Cornelius n. 459a.) L(ucio) Cornelio/ Pusioni/ Annio Messallae/ co(n)s(uIi), Vllvir(o) epul(onum),/ proco(n)s(uli),/ Cornelia Sabina 3 4 h(onoris) c(ausa). 100. Tibur, circa 100. ( C I L 14.3612; ILS 1025. PIR1 R 65; RE 1A, Roscius n. 8.) L(ucio) Ro[s]cio M(arci) f(ilio) Qui(rina tribu)/ Aeliano Maecio/ Celeri/ co(n)s(uli), proco(n)s(uli) provinc(iae)/ Africae, pr(aetori), tr(ibuno) pl(ebis), quaest(ori)/ Aug(usti), Xvir stlitib(us) iudic(andis),/ trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) IX Hispan(iae)/ vexillarior(um), eiusdem/ in expeditione Germanica 35 / donato ab imp(eratore) Aug(usto)/ militarib(us) donis corona/ vallari et murali, vexillis argenteis II, hastis puris II,/ salio,/ G(aius) Vecilius G(aii) f(ilius) Pal(atina tribu) Probus/ amico optimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) s(enatus) c(onsulto).

34 35

She is either his wife or daughter. See FOS 292.

This expedition took place against the Chatti in 83; the emperor referred to is, therefore, Domitian.

Region 1

131

101. Tibur, circa 140. Large marble base. (CIL 14.3599; ILS 1061. PIR2 M 620; RE 15, Minicius 19.) L(ucio) Minicio L(uci) f(ilio) Gal(eria tribu) Natali/ Quadronio Vero 3 6 co(n)s(uli), proco(n)s(uli)/ prov(inciae) Africae, auguri, leg(ato) Aug(usti)/ pr(o)pr(aetore) provinciae Moesiae Infer(ioris),/ curatori operum publicorum/ et aedium sacrar(um), curat(ori) viae/ Flamin(iae), praef(ecto) alimentor(um), leg(ato)/ Aug(usti) leg(ionis) VI Victr(icis) in Britannia, praetori, trib(uno) pleb(is) candidato,/ quaestori candidato divi/ Hadriani et eodem t e m p o r e legato/ prov(inciae) A f r i c ( a e ) Dioeceseos Carthaginien(sis)/ proconsulis patris sui, trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) 1/ Adiut(ricis) p(iae) f(idelis), item leg(ionis) XI Cl(audiae) p(iae) f(idelis), item leg(ionis) XIIII/ Gemin(ae) Martiae victric(is), Illviro/ monetali a(uro) a(rgento) a(ere) f(lando) f(eriundo), patrono municipii,/ curat(ori) fani Herc(ulis) v(ictoris)/ decuriones Tiburt(es)/ ex aere collato, q(uin)q(uennali) maximi exempli.// Curante/ M(arco) Tullio Blaeso. 102. Tibur, circa 152. Text cut from front of cippus for statue. ( C I L 14.3610; ILS 1071. PIR1 Ρ 623; RE 22, Popilius η. 37.) G(aio) Popilio G(aii) f(ilio) Quir(ina tribu) Caro/ Pedoni cons(uli), VII viro epulon(um),/ sodali Hadrianiii, legato/ imp(eratoris) Caesaris Antonini Aug(usti)/ Pii pro pr(aetore) Germaniae Super(ioris) et ex/ercitus in ea tendentis, curatori/ oper(um) publicor(um), 37 praef(ecto) aerari Satur(ni),/ curatori viar(um) Aureliae Veteris et/ Novae, Corneliae et triumphalis,/ legato legionis X Fretensis/ a cuius cura se excusavit, praetori,/ tribuno plebis, q(uaestori) divi Hadriani Aug(usti),/ in omnibus honoribus candidato/ imperator(is), trib(uno) laticlavio leg(ionis) III/ Cyreneicae, donato donis mili/taribus a divo Hadriano ob/ Iudaicam expeditionem, Xviro/ stlitibus iudicandis, patrono/ municipi, curatori 3 8 maximi exempli;/ senatus populusque Tiburs/ optime de re publica merito. 103. Tibur, 172. Marble cippus. Hortensius η. 11.)

(CIL 14.3643. PIR2 Η 208; RE 8,

Q(uinto) Hortensio/ Q(uinti) f(ilio) Col(lina tribu)/ Faustino/ advocato fis/ci, praef(ecto) fabr(um),/ patrono municipi,/ 36 S o n of L. Minicius Natalis, consul suffectus in 106. See also CIL 2.4509 from Barcinone which records the construction of a bath with porticos and aqueduct by Natalis and his father. 37

Probably in the year 150. See CIL 6.855.

•^Dessau believes this may refer to his curatorship of the fanum Herculis

victoris.

132

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions collegium fabrum/ Tiburtium, ob/ merita. L(ocus) d(atus) s(enatus) c(onsulto).// Curantibus/ M(arco) Helvio Exspectato (sic) et/ G(aio) Alliano Tiburtino.// Curantibus/ G(aio) Alliano Tiburtino et/ M(arco) Helvio Expectato (sic)./ Dedicata/ ΙΠ id(us) Mai(as) Maximo et Orfito co(n)s(ulibus).

104. Tibur, 184. Cippus of Tiburtine stone. (CIL 14.3663; ILS 6234.) M(arco) Lurio M(arci) f(ilio) Palat(ina tribu)/ Lucretiano/ patrono municipi,/ Tiburtes municipes/ aere collato quod/ honore sibi quinquen/nalitatis oblato XX paria/ gladiatorum et venation(em)/ sua pecunia ediderit./ L(ocus) d(atus) s(enatus) c(onsulto).// Dedicata/ Villi kal(endas) August(as),/ L(ucio) Eggio Manilio,/ Gn(aeo) Papirio Aeliano co(n)s(ulibus). 105. Tibur, latter half of 2nd c. Marble cippus. (CIL 14.4239; ILS 1013. FOS 417; PIR2 H 137.) Herenniae M(arci) f(iliae)/ Helvidiae Aemilianae/ G(aii) Claudi Proculi/ Corneliani co(n)s(ulis) (uxori),/ reginae suae h(onoris) c(ausa) posuit/ Ti(berius) Claudius Ti(beri) f(ilius) Qui(rina tribu)/ Liberalis Aebutianus/ equo publico, praef(ecto) fabr(um),/ trib(uno) mil(itium) leg(ionis) III Cyrenaicae,/ dec(urialis) Caes(arum) co(n)s(ulum) pr(aetorum), cum/ Claudia Nectarea/ uxore. 106. Tibur, 2nd-3rd c. Large marble base. (CIL 14.4250; ILS 1391. PIR1 A 288.) [.. Ae]milio A(uli) fi(lio)/ [P]al(atina tribu) Victorino/ procuratori Aug(usti)/ ad accipiendus (sic) census/ in provinc(ia) Gallia/ Lugudunenensi (sic), et in provin/cia Thracia, equestribus mi/litiis functo, equo publico,/ G(aius) Vivius Iulianus scr(ibus) q(uaestorius)/ amico optimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 107. Tibur, n.d. Marble cippus elegantly decorated. (CIL 14.3654; ILS 6228.) G(aio) Bicleio G(aii) f(ilio) Cam(ilia tribu) Prisco/ omnibus honoribus/ functo, optime de re/ publica Tiburtium merito./ S(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) T(iburs).// Hic rem publicam/ Tib(urtium) ex asse/ heredem/ fecit. 108. Tibur, n.d. Cippus. (CIL 14.3677; ILS 6244.) Saufeiae Alexandriae/ v(irgini) V(estali) Tiburtium,/ Caplatores Tiburtes/ mirae eius innocentiae,/ quam vibae decreverunt post/ obitum posuerunt./ L(ocus) d(atus) s(enatus) c(onsulto).

Region 1

133

109. Tusculum, 131. Base of Tuscan stone. (CIL 14.2636; ILS 6209.) M(arco) Pontio M(arci) f(iIio)/ Quir(ina tribu) Felici/ senatori, aedil(i)/ munic(ipi), sodal(i) (sc. iuvenum),/ itemque aedil(i) (sc. iuvenum) et curat(ori) sodal(ium),/ municipes et/ incol(ae) ex a(ere) c(onlato)/ ob innoc(entiam) et ad/siduit(atem) ceterasq(ue)/ administr(ationes) eius,/ posit(a) νΠΠ k(alendas) Iunias/ M(arco) Antonio Rufino,/ S(ervio) Octavio Lenat[e]/ cons(ulibus).// Sta(tuae) dedicat(ione)/ po[pulo epu]lu(m)/ et mul[sum]/ defdit], 110. Tusculum, 138-192. Large marble cippus. (CIL 14.2607. PIR2 G 92.) M(arco) Gavio T(iti) f(ilio) Vel(ina tribu)/ Appalio Maximo/ c(larissimo) v(iro),/ sodali Hadria/nali, leg(ato) pro(vinciae) Narbonensis,/ q(uaestori) Aug(usti),/ Gavius Fortis lib(ertus)/ et proc(urator),/ ob meri/ta eius. 111. ager Tusculanum, circa 210. (CIL 14.2510. PIR2 I 334.) [G(aio)] Iulio Galerio/ Aspro 3 9 / pr(aetori), tr(ibuno) plebis,/ quaest(ori) provinciae/ Africae,/ cur(atori) aed(ium) sacrar(um)/ Cornelius Pla[—]/ amico incompa/rabili. 112. ager Tusculanum, circa 211. (CIL 14.2509; ILS 1156.) G(aio) Iulio Aspro/ co(n)s(uli) designato,/ curatori viae Appi/ae, sodali Augusta/li, praetori peregr(ino),/ trib(uno) pleb(is), quaestor(i)/ provinc(iae) Africae,/ curat(ori) aedium sacrar(um),/ prov(incia) Mauretania/ Tingitana patrono/ optimo. 113. ager Tusculanum, circa 212. (CIL 14.2505.) G(aio) Iulio Aspro/ co(n)s(uli), praetori,/ curatori viae/ Appiae, sodali/ Augustali, trib(uno)/ [p]leb(is), quaestori/ prov(inciae) Africae, cu/ratori aedium sacr(arum),/ Sex(tus) Umidius/ Artemidorus/ amico incomparabili.

39 Gaius Iulius Asper, consul Ordinarius in 212 along with his father (see n. 114), is the subject of CIL 14.2505-2511, three of which texts (ns. 111-113) are reproduced here. See also CIL 14.2507, a fragmentary text in which traces of the phrase amico incomparabili can be read, and CIL 14.2511, also fragmentary but showing traces of the phrase patrono benemerenti which would indicate that it was his epitaph.

134

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

114. ager Tusculanum, circa 212. (CIL 14.2516.) ---]/ p r o v i n c i a r u m V,/ H i s p a n i a r ( u m ) trium et/ M[a]ure[t]aniar(um) duar(um),/ oratori p r e s t a n t i s s i m o , / defensori clientium/ fidelissimo.40 115. Velitrae, n.d. (CIL 10.6586.) [..]ius Zosimus/ [therm]as utrasque cum/ [orna]mentis impensa s(ua) f(aciendum) c(uravit)./ [Cu]i ob munificentia impen/[sae ordo bijsellium decrevit./ [...]tino F(lavio) III, [—]o II/IIvir(is) quinq(uennalibus). 116. Verulae, 197. (CIL 10.5796; ILS 6268.) L(ucio) Alfio L(uci) f(ilio) Cor(nelia tribu)/ Valentino II/vir(o), (iterum)/ q(uin)q(uennali), p(atrono) m(unicipi) V(erulani),/ curat(ori) rei p(ublicae) col(oniae)/ Casinatium et/ patrono, ordo/ seviralium et/ Augustalium ob/ merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedicata kal(endis) Iun(iis)/ Laterano et/ Rufino co(n)s(ulibus)/ ob cuius dedicati/one(m) dedit decur(ionibus) et/ Vlvir(is) et Augus(talibus) (denarios) IUI,/ dendrophor(is) (denarios) III, adiec/to pane et vino, popu/lo (denarios) I, curante Urgu/lanio Secundo.

Campania 117. Abella, 170. Base. 41 (CIL 10.1211; ILS 5058.) L(ucio) Egnatio Invento/ patri L(uci) Egnati Polli/ Rufi honorati equo p(ublico)/ ab imperatorib(us) Antonino/ et Vero Aug(ustis)./ H i c 4 2 obliterato muneris spectac(ulo)/ impetrata editione ab inulgen(tia)/ max(imi) principis diem gladiatorum/ et omne apparatum pecunia sua/ edidit./ Coloni et incolae/ ob munificentiam eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// [E]ditum (ante diem) XII k(alendas) April(es) Claro et Cetego co(n)s(ulibus).

4

^This example perhaps pertains to the consul Iulius Asper, father of Iulius Asper inns. 111-113. S e e m 2 I 182. 41

One side of the monument bears the image of an amphitheater with two gladiators fighting inside. The opposite side bears the image of two more gladiators in combat, one of whom has fallen. 4

^Most likely refers to Inventus the father since he is the honorand, not his son.

Region 1

135

118. Abella, late 2nd c. Base. {CIL 10.1217; ILS 5651.) N(umerio) Plaetorio Oniro/ Augustali/ biselliario,/ honorato ornamentis/ decurionalibus,/ populus Abellanus/ aere conlato, quod/ auxerit ex suo ad/ annonariam pecuniam/ (sestertios) X n(ummos) et vela in th{a}eatro/ cum omni ornatu/ sumptu suo dederit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 119. Abella, 2nd-3rd c. Base. {CIL 10.1216.) N(umerio) Pettio N(umeri) f(ilio)/ Gal(eria tribu) Rufo/ IIvir(o), q(uaestori) aliment(orum),/ q(uaestori) pec(uniae) publicae,/ curatori frument(i), 43 / cultores Iovis/ ob merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 120. Abellinum, mid 2nd-late 3rd c. {CIL 10.1120.) M(arco) Antonio Rufino c(larissimo) v(iro),/ pro merito laborum/ studiorum suorum, qui/ basilicam civitatis nostrae/ pecunia sua a solo fecit,/ patrono optimo/ ordo splendidissimus/ coloniae Abellinatum. 121. Acerrae, n.d. {CIL 10.3759; ILS 6340.) Heuresi./ Gn(aio) Stennio Egnatio Gn(aei) Stenni/ Egnati Rufi fil(io) Fal(erna tribu) Primo IIIIvir(o),/ (iterum) q(uin)q(uennali), omnibus oneribus et/ honoribus functo, sac(erdoti) p(ublico)/ deae Isidis et Serapidis, curat(ori)/ operum publ(icorum), ingenui honorati/ et Augustales patrono dignissi/mo ob infinita merita eius; cu/ius dedicatione singulis universisque eorum (sestertium) centenos n(ummum)/ dedit, diem autem ludorum plenissi/me exhibuit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 122. Aversa, late 3rd c. Cippus. (Barbieri, Oesterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Akte des IV. internationalen Kongresses für griechische und lateinische Epigraphik (Vienna 1962, published 1964) 4950; AE 1964.223. RE S14, Caesonius η. 19.) L(ucio) Caesonio Ovinio Manlio/ Rufiniano Basso 44 c(larissimo) v(iro), cons(uli) II,/ pontifici) maiori, pontifici) dei/ Solis, salio Palatino, prae/fecto urbis, corniti Aug(ustorum),/ iudici sacrarum cognitio/num vice Caesaris sine appel/lationem cognoscendi inter/ fiscum et privatis, item inter/ privatos Roma et in provinc(ia) Afric(ae) tertium/ curat(ori) col(oniae) Carthag(inensium), leg(ato) pro/vinc(iae) Afric(ae) Carthag(inensis), curat(ori)/ albei Tiberi(s) et cloacarum/ sac(rae) urb(is), curat(ori) r(ei) p(ublicae) 43

Understand curatori frumenti comparandi.

44

T h i s Caesonius is also the honorand in n. S3 above.

136

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions Benevent(anorum),/ praet(ori) cand(idato), quaes(tori) cand(idato),/ seviro turmae deducendae,/ triumviro kapitali,/ patrono praestantissimo,/ Caesonius Achilleus lib[ert]us pos(uit).

123. Caiatia, 2nd c. Base. 4 5 ( C I L 10.4579. PIR2 Gavius n. 17.)

G 101; RE 13,

Q(uinto) Gavio Q(uinti) fil(io)/ Q(uinti) nep(oti) Q(uinti) pron(epoti)/ Q(uinti) abn(epoti) Q(uinti) adn(epoti) Fal(eria tribu)/ Fulvio Proculo/ trib(uno) coh(ortis) XV vol(untariorum),/ trib(uno) leg(ionis) VIII Aug(ustae),/ decuriones et/ Augustal(es) et popul(us)/ Caiatinus patron(o)/ munificentissimo. 46 124. Cales, 2nd-3rd c. ( C I L 10.4643.) Calibus in curia Torq(uata?) [V]itr(asia). Scrib(endo) [adf(uerunt)]/ Ti(berius) Cl(audius) Felix, Ti(berius) Cl(audius) Calt-.]nus, Q(uintus) Serfgius?]/ Priscus./ Quod recit(ata) epistula L(uci) Vitr(asi) Silvestfris]/ L(ucius) Marcius Vitalio IHIvir ad ordin[em v(erba) f(ecit)]/ q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt). Ordinem iam pr[idem]/ intellexisse L(uci) Vitrasi Silvestris [erga]/ communem patriam et Studium et [vo]/luntatem, cum is primo petition[e] m[unici]/pum suorum in suscipienda gladiatori mu]/neris cura tam sumptuose iniuncftum]/ sibi munus explicuerit, ut et nos [eum]/ orn(amentis) dec(urionalibus) et municipes statuae ho[nore]/ ornandum merito arbitrati sim[us],/ et iam cum is ultra modum facul[tati]/um suar(um) ultro et libenter obfera[t da]/turum se in perpetuum praesenti[bus]/ id(ibus) Mais sui cuiusq(ue) anni die natal[i suo]/ nobis liberisq(ue) n(ostris) vic(toriatos) n(ummos) 4 7 III, scrib(is) liber[isq(ue) eo]/rum vic(toriatos) n(ummos) II, Aug(ustalibus) vic(toriatos) n(ummos) II, munic[ipibus]/ vic(toriatos) n(ummos singulos), placer(e) univer(sis) conscr[iptis]/ L(ucio) Vitrasio Silvestri pro eius erg[a nos]/ amore public(e) gratias agi, cum is me[rced(em?) 48 ] suam cum r(e) p(ublica) n(ostra) sit paene partitus, pe[rmit]/tiq(ue) e[i] 45 T h i s base was apparently used again in the early 4th c. for CIL "Domino/ nostro/ Galeno/ Valerio Ma/ximiano nob(ili) Caes(ari)."

10.4577,

"^Compare CIL 10.4580, another 2nd century example from Caiatia in honor of the senator Quintus Gavius Fulvius Tranquillus, whose inscription ends abruptly with "patrono mun[—]," which may have meant patrono munifico/munificentissimo or perhaps just patrono municipi. victoriatus equals one half of a denarius. 48

Henzen suggests that this may refer to a salary earned by Vitrasius Silvester as a scriba, since the community's scribae and their children are singled out for sportulae above.

Region 1

137

inscription(em) basis suae sic u[t desi]/der(at) ampliare; 4 9 quoq(ue) manifestio[r sit]/ cunct(is) munic(ipibus) n(ostris) liberalit(as) eius, 50 ex[emplar]/ epist(ulae) IIIIvir(i) sub edict(o) suo celeberrimo) loc[o pro]/ponend(um) curent, u(nde) d(e) p(lano) r(ecte) l(egi) p(ossit). C(ensuerunt) c(uncti). 125. Capua, ante 69. ( C I L 10.3851; ILS 5890. PIR2 C 1156; RE 7, Clodius n. 15.) G(aio) Clodio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Quir(ina tribu) Adiutori 51 / praetoriy tribuno plebis,/ quaestori,/ quod ex reditu (sestertium) (1,000,000)/ legato a Clodis 52 / rei publicae Campanorum/ viae tutela praestatur. 126. Capua, ante 69. (CIL 10.3852. PIR2 C 1158; RE 7, Clodius n. 20.) [— Clodio] P(ubli) f(ilio)/ [— Capitoni/ [—]no provocato?)/ [ad censu]s provinc(iae)/ [Pann]oniae, quaest(ori),/ [triu]mviro capitali,/ [quod] ex reditu (sestertium) (1,000,000)/ [legato] a Clodis/ [rei publjicae Campanorum/ [viae tute]la praestatur. 127. Capua, early to mid 2nd c. White marble plaque. Epigraphica 51 (1989) 48-53, n. 1 \AE 1989.166.)

(Solin,

—]/ [—]ctor belli [—/ Be]neventi et [—]/ d(ecurionum) d(ecreto) postulatu pop[uli —]/ et praecipua annonf—]/ munificentia st[— ],/ in orchestram lect[—]/ ut modestiae suae [---]/ Ilviro q(uin)q(uennali), quaest(ore) sa[—]. 53

addition to recognizing Vitrasius Silvester through a formal gesture of public thanks, this decree grants him permission to expand the inscription on his previously erected statue base by adding both his letter concerning the sportulae to be distributed on his birthday (scant traces of which can be discerned on the back side of the base) and the text of the decree itself. S^The generosity of the Vitrasii Caleni is well attested, particularly in CIL 10.4873 from Venafrum dedicated to a "curatori templi et arcae Vitrasianae Calenorum." 5 ' Adiutor is also the honorand in example n. 154 below. 52 Clodius Adiutor and Clodius Capito to whom the following example, n. 126, is dedicated. 53

S o l i n suggests the following restorations in the text: line 1, [ob vi]ctor(iam) belli!—]; line 2, [duovir or aedilis - Be]neventi et [—]; lines 3-5, following the formula for municipal decrees, [huic] d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) postulatu pop[uli...ob singularia] et praecipua annon[ae sublevandae beneficia or merita, adiecta...] munificentia st[ipe conlata]; line 6-7, lect[us inter decuriones?]; line 8, [curante —] ¡¡viro q(uin)q(uennali), quaestfore) sa[crae pecuniae alimentariae].

138

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

128. Capua, lst-2nd c. ( C I L 10.3917.) P(ublio) Pescennio P(ubli) f(ilio)/ Secundo Illlvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo),/ quod agrum Lucan(iae)/ reciperavit sine/ inpensa rei publicae/ sen(atus) cons(ulto). 129. Capua, c. 235. ( C I L 10.3850; ILS 1181. PIR2 Claudius n. 310.)

C 992; RE 3,

L(ucio) Ti(berio) Claud(io)/ Aurel(io) Quilina tribu)/ Quintiano/ triumviro mo/netali a(ere) a(rgento) a(uro) f(lando) f(eriundo),/ quaestori can/did(ato), praet(ori), co(n)s(uli), 54 / pontifici),/ Ti(berius) Cl(audius) Felix Ilvir/ amico incomparabili./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 130. Capua, n.d. ( C I L 10.3903.) [Quod duoviri] verba fefcerunt/ co[— privatim e]t publice om[nibus honoribus ornare virum optim]um decfere], quid de ea r[e]/ fier[i placeret, de ea re haec auct]oritas facta e[st./ C]um L(ucius) An[tistius Campanus emeritis omnibu]s militiae stipefndis consecutus per gravissi]ma et periculo[si]ssima bella/ iudicia dei C[aesaris et divi Augusti] deductusque a[b hoc in coloniam] nostram adeo [prjivatim publi/ceque munifi[centiam exercue]rit ut et patrimo[nium suum quodammodo partirjetur cum re p[ub]lica variis et/ plurimis in[pendis in se receptis, et] laetior sempe[r erogasse videretur quod in unive]rsos inpendis[set] quam quod/ sibi ac suis i[nserviret et in cumulatio]ne officiorum r[ei p(ublicae) praestitorum co]nsenesceret, ut [nu]nc quoque in maximi[s nostris negotiis versaretur ips]e; iam deficiens r[ei p(ublicae) utili cura gravi tam]en annis suis [pl]acere conscri/ptis [civis honestissimi] atque utilissimi [memoriam —]ae hisce honor[ib]us decorali/ ut e for[o ad rogum funere per duov]iros alteram am[bosve locato pro]batoque ferat[ur] vadimoniaque/ eius diei diffferantur ne per quas r]es possit esse inped[itus populus quominus fun]us optimi et mutnijficentissimi/ princis v[iri quam maxime] frequentet ut s[tatua i]n aurata ei ex p[ub]lico ponatur/ cum ins[cripto hoc decurion]um decreto ubi l[ocum L(ucius) Antistius Ca]mpanus filius [o]ptimus et/ ministferii eius atque munificen]tiae successor [elegerit cete]risque statuis [cl]upeis donisque/ quae ac[ceperit] in mortem et [quae post obitum ei d]ata sint locu[m] publice dari/ quam L(ucius) [Antistius Campanus elegerit secundum [via]m Appiam. 55

5 4 H e was consul Ordinarius in 235. ^ T h i s text is reconstructed from six fragments, the first four of which are better preserved and represent the contents of this municipal decree concerning Antistius Campanus' honors. Fragments five and six, which are considerably more damaged,

Region 1

139

131. Capua, n.d. (CIL 10.3913; ILS 5380.) G(aio) Lart[—]/ Gabinio P(ubli) f(ilio)/ Pal(atina tribu) Fortuito/ dictatori Lan(uvi), 56 / Ilvir(o) Capuae,/ quod viam Dian(ae)/ a porta Volturn(i)/ ad vicum 5 7 usq(ue) sua/ pec(unia) silice straver(it)y ob munific(entiam) eius/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 132. near Cumae, 58 n.d. Plaque. (CIL 10.3704; ¡LS 5054.) [.] Veratio A(uli) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu) Severiano/ equiti Rom(ano), cur(atori) rei p(ublicae) Tegianensium, adlecto in ordin(em)/ decurion(um), 59 civi amantissimo, qui cum privilegio sacer/doti Caeninensis munitus potuisset ab honorib(us) et munerib(us)/ facile excusan, praeposito amore patriae et honorem aedilitat(is)/ laudabiliter administravit, et diem felicissimum (ante diem) III id(us) Ian(uarias) natalis/ dei patri n(omine?) venatione pass(iva), 6 0 denis bestis et ΙΙΠ feris dent(atis) et IUI paribus/ ferro dimicantib(us) ceteroq(ue) honestissim(o) apparatu largiter exhibuit./ Ad honorem quoque duumviratus ad cumulanda muñera patriae/ suae libenter accessit. Huic cum et populus in spectaculis adsidue/ bigas statui postulasset et splendidissim(us) ordo merito decreviss(et),/ pro insita modestia sua unius bigae honore content(us) alterius/ sumptus rei p(ublicae) remisit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) c(oloniae) I(uliae).

appear to preserve Campanus' official titulus honorarius honoratissimus and the term beneficia. 56

with traces of the epithet

For the office of dictator Lanuvi see CIL 14.191.

^ M o m m s e n , CIL 10.367, suggests that this vicus may have been situated near Mt. Tifata where a temple to Diana was located. 58 S i n c e magistrates at Cumae were named praetores, not duumviri, and this honorand was clearly a duumvir of the municipality honoring him, Dessau does not believe this inscription originated at Cumae. Its original location, then, remains unknown.

^Understand the ordo of the municipality honoring him, not the ordo of Cumae. Passiva in the sense of mixed or general (Tertullian, ad Marcion. 1.7), which suggests that there were a variety of animals hunted and with a variety of personnel and equipment.

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

140

133. Cumae, n.d. Inscription on round or curved monument. 10.3703; ILS 6338.)

(CIL

Sextiae L(uci) f(iliae) Kani 6 1 (uxori)/ monumentum publice/ factum d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) c(oloniae) I(uliae)/ quod ea munifica erga/ coloniam fuit. 134. Herculaneum, late Republic. Marble plaque. 6 2 (CIL 10.1453; ILS 5616.) Prid(ie) kal(endas) Martias in curia; scribendo adfuerunt cuncti. Quod verba facta sunt M(arcos) Remmios Rufos patr(em) et fil(ium) IIvir(os) iter(um) ex sua pequnia pondera et chalcidicum et scholam secundum municipii splendorem fecisse, quae tueri publice deceret, d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt): piacere huic ordini cum M(arci) Remmi pat(er) et fil(ius) II vir(i) iter(um) in edendis muneribus adeo liberales fuerint, ut eorum monumenta decori municipio sint, adeo diligentes ut vitieis ponderarti occurrerint idque in perpetuum providerint, piacere decurionibus M(arcis) Remmis Ruf[i]s patr(i) et fil(io), dum eei veiverent, eorum ponderum et scholae et chalcidi quae ipsi fecissent procurationem dari, 63 utque servos qui eius rei k(ausa) redemptus est erit eei negotio praeponenerent neque inde abduci sine decur(ionum) decreto et M(arcis) Remmis Rufîs patr(i) et fil(io) publice gratias agei, quod iterationem honoris eorum non ambitionei neque iactationi suae dederint sed in cultum municipi et decorem contulerint. 64 135. Herculaneum, early 1st c. Base with characteristics of an altar. (Schumacher, Chiron 6 (1976) 165-84 provides corrected reading of AE 1947.53; AE 1976.144. PIR2 Ν 129; RE 17, Nonius n. 27.) [Qu]od M(arcus) Ofillius Celer Ilvir iter(um) v(erba) f(ecit): pertinere at municipi/ dignitatem meritis M(arci) Noni Balbi respondere, d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt):/ [cu]m M(arcus) Nonius Balbus, quo hac vixerit parentis animum cum plurima liberalitat(e)/ singulis universisque praistiterit, piacere decurionibus statuam equestrem ei poni quam/ celeberrimo loco 6

1 Dessau suggests that he may be the Iulius Canus mentioned by Seneca at Dial.

9.14. 6 2 This monument, which is no longer extant, was first transcribed by Giordanus who described it as a marble plaque. The line divisions are uncertain for which reason they have been omitted. 63

Dessau suggests that we understand habere here.

64

T h e division of lines in this text is uncertain, for which reason they have been omitted.

Region 1

141

ex pecunia publica inscribique: M(arco) Nonio M(arci) f(ilio) Men(enia tribu) Balbo pr(aetori), proco(n)s(uli), patrono uni versus/ ordo populi Herculaniensis ob merita eius; 65 item eo loco, quo ciñeres eius conlecti sunt, aram/ marmoream fieri et constituí inscribique publice: 66 M(arco) Nonio M(arci) f(ilio) Balbo; exque eo loco parentalibu(s)/ pompam duci ludisque gumnicis, qui soliti erant fieri, diem adici unum in honorem eius et cum in theatro/ ludi fient sellam eius poni. 67 C(ensuerunt). 136. Misenum, 246. Statue base with cornice on top and bottom. (Gabrici, Not. Sc. 1909, pp. 209-211; AE 1910.36.) G(aio) Iul(io G(aii) f(ilio) Cl(ustumina tribu) Alexandro/ stolarc(o) class(is) pr(aetoriae) Misen(atium) p(iae) v(indicis)/ [Philippianae], adampliato/ iudicis divi Alexandri Aug(usti)/ ceterorumq(ue) princip(um), praep(osito)/ reliq(uationi) class(is) praet(orianarum) Misen(atium) et/ Ravenn(atium) p(iarum) v(indicium) expeditioni/ orientali, 6 8 adlec(to) in ordine/ decur(ionum) splendidiss(imi) civitat(is)/ Mis(eni) itemq(ue) splendidis(simi) col(oniae)/ Antiochiens(is) et splendidis(simi)/ col(oniae) Mallotar(um), patron(o) quo/que civitati Chil(manensium?), homini vere/cundiss(imo), G(aius) Iul(ius) Aprilis vet(eranus) Aug(ustorum)./ L(ocus) d(atus) ab Aurel(io) Serapione trib(uno) praep(...).// Dedic(ata) idib(us) Mart(ibus)/ [G(aio)] Presente et Albino co(n)s(uliubus). 137. Misenum, 3rd c. (CIL 10.3678; ILS 5689.) T(ito) Fl(avio) Avito/ Forensi II/vir(o) iter(um) q(uin)q(uennali), omnib(us)/ munerib(us) functo—hic/ idem ad lavacrum bal/near(um) publicar(um) Ugni/ duri vehes n(ummum) CCCC e n / t h e c a e 6 9 nomine in per/petuum obtulit, ita/ tamen ut magistratuus/ quod annis successorib(us)/ suis tradant-filio/ T(iti) Fl(avi) Aviti v(iri) e(gregi) patron(i) col(oniae)/ ordo et popul(us) Misenat(ium). 65

S e e CIL 10.1426.

66

It appears that this decree was inscribed on the altar as well.

67

See CIL 10.1427.

68

Most likely Caracalla's expedition against the Parthians.

69

Papinian (Dig. 33.7.21.1) and Ulpian (Dig. 32.68.3) define an entheca as any extra item belonging to a landed estate, such as livestock or slaves. In the Codex Theodosianus (15.1.12) entheca can be translated as "private store" or "treasury." Forensis, therefore, seems to have established a type of treasury to be administered by successive magistrates for the purpose of supplying wood to the public baths. For entheca used in a similar sense see CIL 6.2273 and 3.13569.38.

142

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

138. Nuceria Alfaterna, before 62. ( C I L 10.1081; ILS 6446.) M(arco) Virtió M(arci) f(ilio) Men(enia tribu)/ Cerauno 70 / aedili, Ilvir(o) iure/ dicundo, praefecto fabrum, V v i r ( o ) , 7 1 / cui decuriones ob munificentiam/ eius, quod equom magnum posuerat/ et denarios populo dedicatione eius/ dederat, duumviratum gratuitum/ dederunt Nuceriae. 72 139. Pompeii, Neronian period. 73 ( C I L 10.1026; ILS 6372.) G(aio) Calventio Quieto/ Augustali./ Huic ob munificent(iam) decurionum/ decreto et populi consesu bisellii/ honor datus est. 7 4 140. Puteoli, 64-66. Marble plaque. (D'Arms, The Ancient Historian and His Materials (London 1975) 155-65; Le Glay, Bulletin de la société nationale des antiquaires de France (1977) 106, n. 4; AE 1980.236.) [L(ucio)] Cassio L(uci) f(ilio) Palatina tribu) Cereali praef(ecto)/ f]abrum, aug(uri), q(uaestori), curatori o[perum]/ publicor(um) et locorum prim[o facto], Ilvir(o) q(uinquiens), quinq(uennali), curatori aq[uarum];/ [[huic]] universa pieps cum [[gladiat(orium) munus/ Neroni]] Caesari Aug(usto) in amphitheaftro 75 edidit],/ Cassia Cale Ceriale f(ilia?) piissimo. [L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(osuit)]. 7

^Ceraunus is also the honorand in a nearly identical text from Stabiae, n. 156 below. 7 •The quinqueviri were a type of collegium modelled on the quinqueviri cis Tiberim in Rome (RE 24.1170). Chosen for one year by senatorial decree, they provided a night patrol and fire brigade service. Other quinqueviri are attested in Interamnia Praetuttianorum (CIL 9.5070, 9.5072, 9.5083), Truentum (CIL 9.5276), and Aquileia (CIL 3.3836). Compare Reynolds 131 who argues that the stage at which Ceraunus held the position of quinquevir "is incompatible with the humble status of the quinqueviri cis Tiberim and analogous officials..." He suggests that the post in Italy was another magistracy involving some police duties. 72

T h e bottom of this monument, probably a plaque, represents a curale chair with footstool placed between two boys wearing Phrygian hats who appear to support the upper part of the stone containing the inscription. On each side of the inscription stands a togate man, presumably a lictor, carrying the fasces and two thinner staffs. 7 •'Based on Dessau's observation that the same man likely appears in a Pompeian wax tablet of the Neronian period (CIL 4.365). 74 O n each side of the inscription (perhaps a plaque) appears an oak crown with leaves and underneath the inscription stands a chair with footstool.

^Construction on this began during the last years of Nero's reign; it must have been fairly far along by 64, 65 or 66, the years in which Nero visited Puteoli for which occasion Cerealis produced the gladiator combats.

Region 1

143

141. Puteoli, 1st c. Inscription on circular mouth of cistern which represents the heads of four sacred cows joined by laurel wreaths. ( C I L 10.1818.)

M(arco) Vinicio P(ubli) f(iIio) post mortem/ municipes sui aere conlato pietatis/ caussa posuerunt. 142. Puteoli, 113. Marble plaque damaged on left and right. (D'Arms, American Journal of Archaeology 77 (1973) 160-62; AE 1974.256.) [L(ucio)] Publilio Celso I[I, G(aio) Clodio Crispino co(n)s(ulibus)/ ...]r in chalcidico 7 6 Aug(usti) Suettian[o scribundo adfuerunt —/ —] M(arcus) Caecilius Crispinus quod G(aius) BIossi[us ... Ilviri v(erba) f(ecerunt) de honoranda/ memor]ia Iuli Iuliani 77 probissimi adque orn[atissimi viri, q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(Iaceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt),/ cum Iulijus Iulianus splendidus adulescens co[— / —]s et inmatura velocitate fatorum occup[atus — / —] huic ordini Iulio Iuliano splendido viro stjatuam —/ ponere] placuit. 143. Puteoli, 169. {CIL 10.1881; ILS 6328.) L(ucio) Licinio/ Primitivo/ ornamentis decurion(alibus) honorato/ curatori Augustal(ium) perp(etuo),/ Augustales coφor(um)/ ob perpetuam et plurifariam/ munificentiam eius et quod/ res negotiaque eorum/ integre administret./ Cuius dedic(atione) decurionibus/ sing(ulis) (sestertios) XII, Augustalib(us) (sestertios) Vili, ingenuis/ et veteran(is) corp(oratis) (sestertios) VI, municipib(us) (sestertios) IUI n(ummos)/ et epulum decurionib(us) et Augustalib(us) ded(it),/ item pr(idie) idus Febr(uarias) die pervigilii dei patrii 78 / alterum tantum dedit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedicat(a) (ante diem) III k(aíendas) Aug(ustas)/ Pudente et Orfito/ co(n)s(ulibus).// Curante L(ucio) Laecanio Primitivo. 144. Puteoli, 187. Large statue base. (C/L 10.1784; ILS 6334.) Gaviae M(arci) fil(iae)/ Marcianae/ honestae et incompara/bilis sectae matron(ae), Gavi/ Puteolani decurion(is), omnib(us)/ honorib(us) functi, fil(iae),/ Curti Cris/pini splendidi equitis Romani,/ omnib(us) honorib(us) functi, uxori, Ga/vi Iusti splendidi equit(is) Romani/ sorori. Huic cum ob eximi[u]m pu/dorem et admirabilem cas[tit]a/tem inmatura et acerba morte/ 7
Vestibule of a public building.

77

Iulianus' family was well known in Puteoli throughout the second century. See, for example, CIL 10.2593 and PIR2 I 361a-368. 78

Dessau suggests that this may signify the Genius coloniae.

144

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions interceptae res p(ublica) funus public(um),/ item foleum et tres statuas decr(evit)/ M(arcus) Gavius Puteolanus pater, hon(ore)/ decreti contentus, sua pequn(ia)/ posuit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 79

145. Puteoli, circa 187. (C/L 10.1785; ILS 6333.) Gaviae M(arci) f(iliae)/ Fabiae Rufinae 8 0 / honestissim(ae) matron(ae) et ra/rissim(ae) femin(ae), M(arci) Aur(elii) [[....]] proc(uratoris)/ summar(um) rat(ionis) uxori, M(arci) Gavi Pute/olani Ilvir(i), aed(ilis), cur(atoris) muner(is) gla/diatori, quadriduo et omnib(u)s/ honorib(us) et munerib(us) perfunc(ti)/ filiae, M(arci) Gavi Fabi Iusti s[p]lendi/diss(imi) eq(uitis) R(omani), augur(is), IIvir(i) (bis), q(uaestoris) (bis),/ cur(atoris) muner(is) glad(iatori) et om[nibus hono]/rib(us) et munerib(us) perfunfcti sorori],/ res publica peq(unia) sua oblat [— 146. Puteoli, 180-192. (Sogliano, Not. Sc. 1888, p. 237; AE 1888.126.) L(ucio) Aurelio Aug(usti) lib(erto)/ Pyladi/ pantomimo temporis sui primo/ hieronicae coronato IIII, patrono/ parasitorum Apollinis, sacerdoti/ synhodi, honorato Puteolis d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)/ ornamentis decurionalib(us) et/ duumviralib(us), auguri, ob amorem/ erga patriam et eximiam libera/litatem in edendo muner(e) gladi/atorum venatione passiva 81 ex in/dulgentia sacratissimi princip(is)/ Commodi Pii Felicis Aug(usti),/ centuria Cornelia. 82 147. Puteoli, 2nd c. Inscription on squared stone. (CIL 10.1782.) L(ucio) Annio L(uci) f(ilio) Col(lina tribu)/ Modesto/ hon(orato) equo publ(ico)./ K(alendis) Iun(iis) in curia basilicae Augusti [An]nianiae, scribund(o) adfuer(unt)/ T(itus) Oppius Severus, Viguetius Liberalis, Iulius/ Capretanus, Granius Longinus, quod/ [T(itus)] Aufidius Thrasea, Ti(berius) Claudius Quartinus Ilviri/ v(erba) [f(ecerunt)] de confirmanda auctoritate memoriae honorand(ae)/ statuaq(ue) ponenda Annio Modesto Anni Numisiani ornati/ viri filio, q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) [i(ta)] c(ensuerunt): cum Annius Numisianus/ [omatus] vir, ad singulor(um) testimonium pertin(eat) qua 79 T h e actual decree of the senate concerning Marciana's public funeral, statues and other honors is recorded on the side of this base. 80 81

S h e is the sister of Gavia Marciana in the previous example, n. 144. See note 60 above.

82 Similar to the centuria Petronia (see CIL 10.1873, 10.1888), this centuria would have formed a division of the corpus Augustalium in Puteoli.

Region 1

145

probitate/ morum qua quietae vitae quod unic(um)/ in dolore praesidium est, meruerat (sie) adfectuum nostrorum/ consolationem adq(ue) candore ordinis no/stri bonum civem piumq(ue) patrem in tarn/ gravi fortunae iniuria qua potest indignatione/ a tanta avocare tristitia,/ piacere huic ordini auctorit(atem) in earn rem ante/ hanc diem factam confirmari permittiq(ue) Annio/ Adiecto lib(erto) eius statuam ponere Annio Modesto loco/ adsignato a Ilviris nostris quo testatior sit erga eum adfectus/ rei p(ublicae) nostrae conlaudantis quod in vita praestiterit. Censuer(unt)./ Adiectus lib(ertus)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 148. Puteoli, 2nd c. {CIL 10.1783; ILS 5919.) (ante diem) IUI non(is) Septembr(ibus) in curia templi basilicae Augusti Annianae, scribundo adfuerunt/ Q(uintus) Granius Atticus, M(arcus) Stlaccius Albinus, A(ulus) Clodius Maximus, M(arcus) Amullius Lupus, M(arcus) Fabius Firmus./ Quod T(itus) Aufidius Thrasea, Ti(berius) Claudius Quartinus Ilviri v(erba) f(ecerunt) de desiderio Laeli Atimeti optimi civis, q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt):/ Cum M(arcus) Laelius Atimetus vir probissimus et singulis et universis karus petierit in ordine nostro, uti solarium/ aedifici, quod extruit in transitorio, remitteretur sibi ea condicione, ut ad diem vitae eius usus et fruetus/ potestasque aedifici sui ad se pertineret, postea autem rei p(ublicae) nostrae esset: piacere huic ordini tarn gratam voluntatem optimi civis/ admitti, remittique ei solarium, cum plus ex pietate promissi eius res publica nostra postea consecutura sit. In curia f(uerunt) n(umero) LXXXXII. 149. Puteoli, 193-235. ( C I L 10.1795; ILS 1401. PIR2 Β 68; RE 3, Bassaeus η. 1 ; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 207.) M(arco) Bassaeo M(arci) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)/ Axio/ patr(ono) col(oniae), cur(atori) r(ei) p(ublicae), Ilvir(o) munif(ico), proc(uratori) Aug(ustae) viae Ost(iensis) et Camp(anae), 83 / trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae), proc(uratori) reg(ionis) Cala/bric(ae), omnibus honorib(us) Capuae func(to),/ patr(ono) col(oniae) Lupiensium, patr(ono) municipi/ Hudrentinor(um), universus ordo municip(um)/ ob rem publ(icam) bene ac fideliter gestam./ Hie primus et solus victores Campani/ae pretis et aestim(atione) paria gladiat(orum) edidit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

83no other procuratores viarum have yet been discovered. For a curator of the viae Ostiensis et Campanae see CIL 6.1610.

146

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

150. Puteoli, 193-235. Inscription recovered in fifteen fragments. (Huelsen, Mittheilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts, Roemische Abteilung (1908) 71-77; AE 1908.206.) T(ito) Caesio T(iti) fil(io), T(iti) n(epoti), L(uci) abn(epoti) Pal(atina tribu)/ Anthiano v(iro) e(gregio),/ proc(uratori) XX hered(itatium) tract(uum) Etrur(iae) Umbr(iae) Picen(i), part(is) Camp(aniae),/ proc(uratori) famil(iae) glad(iatoriae) per Aem(iliam) Transp(adanam), du[—]ias/ Delmatiam, proc(uratori) alim(entorum) pe[r —]/ trib(uno) leg(ionis) II Parth(icae) p(iae) f(elicis) f(ortis) a(eternae), trib(uno) leg(ionis) [—]/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis) II Aug(ustae) Thrac(um) equi[tatae —]/ patrono et cur(atori) Abellinati[um —]/ Puteolani pub[lice]/ civi i[n]digenae. 151. Puteoli, 3rd c. (Eph. Ep. 8.372.) [—]rnei [— iu]veni et Lo[—] populo q(uis) d(e) e(a) [r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt): [cum Mariu]s Sedatus splendidus iuvenis [populi gratiam praetejr plenissimum ordinis meruerit adfectum [sitque sol]lemne pari gratia bonos prosequi cives eos maxime quorum munificentiae suffragia plebis accedunt, piacere huic ordini Mario Sedato probissimo iuveni ho]norem Auguratus decerni ut is eo iure [aput nos augur] sit quoquis optimo iure aput nos au[gur est fuit.] 152. Salernum, 241. (CIL 10.521; ILS 6325. PIR2 G 155.) Dedicata/ (ante diem) XVI k[a]l(endas) Iunias, domino n(ostro) imp(eratore) Gordiano/ Pio Felice Aug(usto) II et Pompeiano co(n)s(ulibus),/ Geminio Tuti/cio Aemiliano/ c(larissimo) v(iro),/ patrono dignis/simo et inconpa/rabili mirabili[s]/ munificentiae,/ regio Hortensiana. 153. Salemum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 10.524. PIR1 S 418.) [—] Servilio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Marso c(larissimo) i(uveni), p(atrono) c(oloniae), ob/ eximiam eius erga/ se sing(ulos) universosq(ue)/ honorificentiam/ decuriones, Augustales, coloni p(ecunia) s(ua). 154. Sinuessa, before 69. (Ribezzo, Rivista indo-greco-italica di Filologia-Lingua-Antichità 9 (1925) 130; AE 1926.143. PIR2 C 1156; RE 7, Clodius n. 15.) G(aio) Clodio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Quir(ina tribu) Adiutori 84 / praet(ori), trib(uno) plebei,/ quaestori, publice quot (sestertium) CCC m(ilia) n(ummum)/ reipub(licae) legaverint/ ex qua pecunia templum/ exstructum et forum/ stratum est. ^Adiutor is also the honorand in η. 125 above.

Region 1

147

155. Sinuessa, 96-138. (ibid.; AE 1926.142.) P(ublio) Clodio P(ubli) f(ilio),/ P(ubli) nepot(i) Fal(erna tribu)/ L(ucio) Arleno Basso/ patr(ono) et cur(atori) col(oniae)/ universus ordo/ municipum/ ob merita eius. 156. Stabiae, before 62. Marble plaque. (Reynolds, Papers of the British School at Rome 40 (1972) 130, η. 10; AE 1974.284.) M(arco) Virtió M(arci) f(ilio) Men(enia tribu)/ Cerauno 85 aedili, Ilvir(o) iure/ dicundo, praefecto fabrum, Vvir(o),/ cui decuriones ob munificentiam/ eius quod equom magnum posuerat/ et denarios populo dedicatione eius/ dederat, duumviratum gratuitum/ dederunt Nuceriae. 157. Suessa, 193. Base. (CIL 10.4760; ILS 6296.) G(aio) Titio/ Chresimo Aug(ustali) (iterum);/ huic ordo decurionum,/ quod pro salute et indulgen/tia imp(eratoris) Antonini Pii Felicis Aug(usti) 86 / et ex volúntate populi munus/ familiae gladiatoriae ex pecunia/ sua diem privatum secundum digni/tatem coloniae ediderit, honorem/ biselli quo quis optimo exemplo in/ colonia Suessa habuit, et ut aquae/ digitus in domo eius flueret com/modisque publicis ac si decurio fru/eretur, et Titio Chresimo filio eius, ob merita patris honorem decuriona/tus gratuitum decrevit./ Ordo decurionum et Augustalium/ et pieps universa.// [Q(uinto) S]osio Falcone G(aio) Iulio/ Erucio Claro co(n)s(ulibus)/ nonis Septembr(ibus)/ Suessae in b[y]bl[i]otheca M[ati]diana scribundo adfujerunt]/ T(itus) Iulius Bassus, M(arcus) Maesius Q [—]J M(arcus) Arrius Aduitor [—]/ Quod universi [—]/ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecereto) d(ecurionum). 158. Surrentum, Iste. Large plaque. 87 (CIL 10.688.) —s]acerd(oti) public(ae) Vener(is)/ [et Cereris? h]uic matronae statuam/ [ex aere coll]ato in aedem Veneris/ [ponendam cujraverunt huic/ [decuriones pu]blice locum sepulturae et/ [in funere iis —] et statuam decreverunt.// L(ucio) Cornelio L(uci) f(ilio) Men(enia tribu) M[—]/ flamini Romae Ti(beri) C[aes(aris) Aug(usti)],/ auguri, aed(ili), IIvir(o) qu[inquenn(ali)]y praef(ecto) fabr(um) bis, hie togae virfilis die]/ crustulum et mulsum populo [dedit],/ aedilitate spectaculum gladia[torum]/ circensium edidit, 8 ^Ceraunus is also honored with a nearly identical inscription at Nuceria Alfaterna, n. 138 above. 8

^The emperor Commodus.

87

Above this plaque there appear to have been added decorative bronze shields from which thongs or reins hung down.

148

Appendix 1: Co/p«í of Inscriptions ob honorfem —]/ decurionib(us) magnam cenam d[edit, quin]/quennalitate sua ludos splfend(idissimos) edidit],/ huic decurion(es) publice locum [sepulturae et in]/ funer(e) (sestertium) (5000) et statuam [decreverunt].

159. Surrentum, 3rd c. (C/L 10.682. PIrI V 565; cf. RE S14, Ulpius n. 47.) Gennadii./ M(arco) Ulpio Pu/pienio Silva/no v(iro) c(larissimo), civi,/ oratori,/ ordo et popu/lus Surrenti/norum patro/no praestan/tissimo. 160. Teanum Sidicinum, mid-late 2nd c. Limestone cippus. (Palmieri, Sesta miscellanea greca e romana (1978) 519-20; AE 1979.155.) M(arco) Aurelio/ Libero 88 domino/ et agitatori fact(ionis)/ prasin(ae) Kapitolioni(cae),89 nat(ione) Afer (sic),/ Teanenses ob m[er(ita) eiu]s, d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 161. Venafrum, 180-220. (C/L 10.4860. PIR2 G 6; Pflaum, Carrières I, pp. 710-11.) L(ucio) Gab]inio L(uci) f(ilio) Ter(entia tribu)/ [Cosmianjo 90 trib(uno) leg(ionis) VI [— a mi]l(itiis), flam(ini), pont(ifici), p(atrono) c(oloniae), Cl(audi)/ [— Her]mogeniani c(larissimi) v(iri), pro/[consulis] Afric(ae) consocero, pa/[tri .. Gabini ..]r Aspri pont(ificis), augur(is)/ [— pro]c(uratoris) Aug(ustorum) n(ostrorum) et graph(...)/ [—]ni patronor(um) col(oniae) tri/[um?, avo .. G]abini Vindicis Pompe/[iani patr(oni) e]t cur(atoris) rerum publ[— Alet]rina(tum) et Interamn(atum)/ [Lirenat(um), ad]vok(ato) splendid(issimae) colon(iae)/ [Venafran]or(um) et Casinatium/ [quod operib(us)] publ(icis) non solum/ [servandi]s verum et augen/[dis omnejm sollicitudinem/ [intenderit f]ormamq(ue) aquae/ [ductus perejnni in curia con/[lapsam, vir sin]gularis innocen/[tiae afflicti]s reip(ublicae) viribus res/[ti]tuerit/ [Interamna]tes Lirenates/ [patr(ono) e]t cur(atori) r(ei) p(ublicae) p(ecunia) sua.

88

S e e also CIL 6.10058=¡LS 5296.

89 P r o b a b l y signifies a victory at the Capitolio, established by Domitian in 86.

a contest of equestrian races

^ C o s m i a n u s is the dedicator of the following inscription (n. 162) to Laberia Pompeiana, the mother of Cosmianus' son-in-law. Hermogenianus, Laberia's husband and the father of Cosmianus' son-in-law, is named in this inscription (line 4) along with Cosmianus' son Gabinius Asper (line 6), and his grandson Gabinius Vindex Pompeianus (lines 9-10).

Region 2

149

162. Venafrum, 193-235. (CIL 10.4861; ILS 1136. FOS 479; PIR2 16.)

L

Laberiae/ Pompeianae c(larissimae) f(eminae)/ coniugi M(arci) [Cl(audi)] Macrini/ Vindicis Hermog[e]ni/ani 91 c(larissimi) v(iri) et consularis/ ob rarissimam praeci/puamque ac munificam eius in se liberosque/ adfectionem/ pietatemque/ L(ucius) Gabinius Cosmianus/ pontif(ex), pat(ronus) col(oniae) et a mi/litiis, consocer./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 163. Volturnum, 235-284. (CIL 10.3725. PIR2 A 130; RE 1, Aelius η.

6.)

P(ublio) Aelio P(ubli) fil(io)/ Aeliano/ Archeiao/ Marco originis claris/simae viro, cuius/ aetatis laudabilis/ constantia et re/cens patronatus digni/tas provisione cumula/vit reipublicae vires./ Plutius Maximus legatione ter/ absolutus patrono pro meritis.

Region 2 164. Aeclanum, 161-169. (CIL 9.1175.) -—]/ q(uin)q(uennali), flaminfi divi — in honorem quinquennalitatis]/ eius, quod cum e[t antea plurima beneficia in rem p(ublicam) contule]/rit et quinquenn[alitatis causa et — fecerit]/ et, cum ex (sestertium) C (milibus) bidui [munus populo promisisset, impendio]/ suo alis (sestertiis) C tertium dfiem ediderit et viam —]/ straverit per milia pass[uum —],/ ad kaput eiusdem viae [optimorum —]/ imperatorum statu[as collocavit et in tutelam earum]/ kalendar[io rei p(ublicae) intulit — 165. Aeclanum, late 2nd. (CIL 9.1156; ILS 5878.) Ti(berio) Claudio/ Ti(beri) fil(io) Ti(beri) nepoti/ Cor(nelia tribu) Maximo q(uaestori),/ Ilvir(o) quinq(uennali)./ Hic cum ageret ae/tat(em) ann(orum) X X , in colon(ia)/ Aeclan(i) munus edidit/ impetrata editione ab imp(eratore)/ Antonino Aug(usto) Pio, in quo/ honore sepultus est./ Cuius mater Geminia M(ani) fil(ia)/ Sabina ob honorem eius in/ via ducente Herdonias 9 2 / tria milia passuum ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) in/tra lustrum honoris eius re/praesentata pecunia stravit.

9 1

Seem2C918.

9 2 According to Mommsen (CIL 9.99a), this road is the same as the one mentioned in the previous example, n. 164.

150

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

166. Aeclanum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.981.) Gal[—]/ ΙΠΙ A[—]/ vir(o) q(uin)q(uennali), q(uaestori) [pecuniae publ(icae), qua]/est(ori) aliment(orum), [sacerd(oti)],/ XVvir(o) matrifs deum],/ ob merita eius [et splen]/didam editionfnem mu]/neris gladiatori]/ pleps urbanfa aere]/ conlato, cuius de[dicat(ione)]/ populo utrius[que]/ sexsus (denarios) C et e[pulum]/ biduo dedfit.]/ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 167. Aeclanum, n.d. (CIL 9.1152.) P(ublio) Cantrio P(ubli) f(ilio) Cornelia tribu) Italo Ilvico) i(ure) d(icundo)/ P(ublio) Cantrio P(ubli) f(ilio) Cor(nelia tribu) Italo fil(io), Baebiae G(aii) f(iliae) Lupulae/ amici ob merita eorum. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecrcto) d(ecurionum). 168. Ausculum, 3rd c. (CIL 9.665; ILS 5784.) Pelaginii {a}./ P(ublio) Fundanio P(ubli) f(ilio) Pap(iria tribu)/ Prisco patron(o) municipi,/ omnibus honorib(us)/ et oneribus functo,/ patron(o) civit(atis) Auscul(anorum),/ qui cum multa et maxima in rem p(ublicam) saepius praestiterit, fontem/ quoque novum cum gran/di sumptu fabricae sua pecu/nia induxit et cives p a t r i / a m q u e r e f o r m a v i t , / {m} caplatores/ p a t r o n o praestantissimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 169. Beneventum, 117-138. (CIL 9.1686.) G(aio) Umbrío Vibio/ Numisio Druso/ patrono reli/giosissimo cir/ca omnes cives/ et liberalissi/mo semper cir/ca se collegium/ Martense/ Verzobianum. 93 170. Beneventum, n.d. (CIL 9.1685; ILS 6504.) Verzobio./ G(aio) Umbrio Eudrasto G(aii) f(ilio)/ Stel(latina tribu), patrono coloniae/ Beneventanorum, lar/gissimo adque honorifi/centissimo viro,/ quod is a solo Canopum 9 4 pro/priis sumptibus fecerity collegium Martensium/ infraforanum, memor/ liberalitas (sic) et honorificen/tiae eius, patrono praes/tantissimo posuit. 171. Beneventum, 120-138. (CIL 9.1619; ILS 5502.) G(aio) Oclatio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Pal(atina tribu) Modesto/ augur(i), Ilvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), quaest(ori) II,/ praef(ecto) fabr(um) Romae, praef(ecto)/ coh(ortis) II Pannonior(um), praef(ecto)/ 93A signature name used by several individuals and organizations in Beneventum. 94

S e e vit. Hadr. 26.7.

Region 2

151

coh(ortis) III Ityraeor(um), trib(uno) mil(itum)/ leg(ionis) IUI Scythic(ae), curat(ori) rei/ p(ublicae) Aecanor(um), item honora/to ad curam kalendari/ rei p(ublicae) Canusinor(um) a divo Tra/iano Parthico et ab imp(eratore) Hadriano Aug(usto). Hic opus quadri/gae cum effigie imp(eratoris) Hadri/ani Aug(usti) citra ullius postu/lation(em) cum municipibus/ suis optulisset ex argenti/ libris (mille) adiectis ampli/us libris DLSVII=, 95 viritim po/pulo (denariis) sing(ulis) distributis/ dedicari cavit./ P(ublice) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 172. Beneventum, circa 200. (CIL 9.1592; ILS 1126.) —]/ [XVviro sacris faci]undis, praetori/ candidato, legat(o)/ provinc(iae) Africae dioe/ceseos Hipponiensis,/ adlect(o) inter quaest(ores) a/ divo Commodo et in/ter patricios, trib(uno)/ laticl(avo) leg(ionis) V Maced(onicae),/ Xviro stlitib(us) iudic(andis),/ ob singularem erga pa/triam civisque adfec/tionem p(ublice) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 173. Beneventum, 231. 1914.164.)

(Meomartini, Not. Sc. 1913, p. 311; AE

Acesi h(onorati) p(raetura) C(eriali?)./ L(ucio) Staio L(uci) fil(io) Stel(latina tribu)/ Scrateio Mani/liano 96 pr(aetori) Cer(iali) i(ure) d(icundo)/ quinq(uennali),/ fil(io) eq(uitis) Romani ar/chiatri Benevent(i)./ Hic primus ob ho/norem Cerialitat(is)/ tesseris sparsis in/ aurum argentum aes/ vestem lntamen cete/raq(ue) populo divisit./ L(ucius) Staius Eutychus avus/ et Tatiana avia. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Pompeiano et/ Peliniano co(n)s(ulibus). 174. Beneventum, c. 231. {CIL 9.1655.) L(ucio) Staio L(uci) fil(io)/ Stel(latina tribu) Scrateio/ Man[ili]ano pr(aetori)/ Cer(iali) i(ure) d(icundo) q(uin)q(uennali),/ filio eq(uitis) Romani/ archiatri Benev(enti)./ Hic primus ob hono/rem Cerial(itatis) tesseris/ sparsis in quibus aurum et/ argentum aes vestem/ lntam ceteraq(ue) popu(lo)/ divisit./ L(ucius) Staius Rut(ilius) Manilius/ pater.

^ D u n c a n - J o n e s 164 note 513 puts the total weight in silver of this statue of Hadrian at 1,567.17 pounds and estimates its bullion value at (sestertios) 730,000. 96

T h i s same man is honored by his father in the following example, n. 174, a nearly identical text.

152

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

175. Beneventum, 257. Large bronze plaque. (CIL 9.1681; ILS 7219. RE ΙΑ, Rutilius η. 37.) Imp(eratoribus) Licinio Valeriano/ Aug(usto) IUI, Licinio Gallieno Aug(usto) III/ co(n)s(ulibus), idibus Martis./ Quod coeptum studi 9 7 iuvenum/ cultorum dei Herculis maiores/ retulerunt patronum cooptandum: 9 8 / plus speramus beneficia uberiora/ pos se 9 9 consequituros cuius in praete/rito summa dignationem sensimus, et ide/o cooptamus Rutilium Viatorem pa/tronum cum iis qui infra s(cripti) s(unt) Nonium Gra/tilianum 100 c(larissimum) v(irum) et Egnatium Sattianum 101 c(larissimum) v(irum)/ plerosque splendidos équités Romanos/ et concuriales eiusdem Viatoris, qui nos/ dignatione sua et merita 102 provocavit./ [C]ui offerii per Num[i]sium Numisia/num Attic(um) et maiores eorum. 176. Beneventum, 235-284. (CIL 9.1571. PIR2 C 66; RE 3, Caecilius n. 102.) M(arco) Caecilio Novatilliano 103 / cur(atori),/ poetae et oratori in/lustri, v(iro) c(larissimo), allecto in/ter consulares, praesi/di prov(inciae) Mo[e]s(iae), quaesto/ri Af[ric]ae, praefecto/ iuris d(icundi) Hispaniae cit(erioris) et/ Calabriae,/ splendidissimus ordo Beneven/tanorum privatim et pub/licae patrocinio eius sae/pe defensi p(ublice) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 177. Beneventum, 235-284. (CIL 9.1572; ILS 2939.) M(arco) Caecilio/ Novatilliano/ c(larissimo) v(iro), oratori et po/etae inlustri, al/lecto inter con/sulares, praesidi/ prov(inciae) Moes(iae) Sup(erioris), iurid(ico) His/pan(iae) cit(erioris), iurid(ico) Apul(iae) et Ca/labr(iae), praet(ori), trib(uno) pleb(is)/ q(uaestori) prov(inciae) Afric(ae),/ splendidiss(imus) ordo/ 97in Beneventum collegia were referred to as studia. name of the honorand, Rutilius Viator, should be read here. 99

Read here post nos.

100 101

S e e PIR2 Ν 139. See PIR2 E 33.

"-^Understand here per dignationem suam et merita. 'O^Novatillianus was again honored in Beneventum in the following example, n. 177, an inscription almost identical to our present text except for the added office of iuridicus Apuliae. See also CIL 2.4113, to Novatillianus from the ordo at Tarracone probably during his tenure as iuridicus Hispaniae citerioris, in which he is termed abstinentissimus, iustissimus, and dissertissimus.

Region 2

153

Beneventanorumy privatim et public(e)/ patrocinio eius/ saepe defensi/ p(ublice) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 178. Beneventum, 3rd c. (CIL 9.1590; ILS 5508.)

ullidio Argolico/ [—]/ [—]/ [— iu]dicio/ sac[ratis]simo et/ corniti [f]abricarum/ totius civitatis/ Ben(eventanae) urbis ob insig/nia merita eiusdem/ patrono universi/ Leontiani 104 statuam/ ponendam esse duxerunt. 179. Beneventum, 3rd c. Limestone base. (Cavuoto, Epigraphica (1968) 137-39, n. 7; AE 1968.124.)

30

Pullidio Argolico v(iro) p(erfectissimo)/ iuniori, 105 / iam inde a patre ao/ proao maioribus/ Leontiani collegi pa(trono),/ perpetuum amo/ris munus universi colle/giati statuam posuerunt/ quae ei vetera officia/ erga familiam eius reno/vet eo absentef...]. 180. Beneventum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.1578. Ρ IR2 E 38; RE 10, Egnatia η. 43) Egnatiae Cer/tianae c(larissimae) f(eminae)/ G(aii) Egnati Certi 106 / co(n)s(ulis) filiae/ patronae praestantissimae/ parasiti. 181. Brundisium, n.d. (CIL 9.47.) L(ucius) Cassius L(uci) f(ilius) L(uci) nep(os) L(uci)/ pron(epos) Mae(cia tribu) Flavianus IlIIvir,/ aed(ilis) p(lebis) i(ure) d(icundo), vix(it) ann(os) XXXX. Quod v(erba) f(acta) sunt de honoranda/ morte L(uci) Cassi Flaviani, q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt):/ cum Cassius Flavianus splendidus eques/ Romanus industria morum et eloquentia/ vere eminentis et rarissimi civis impleverit famam [— ]/[-182. Canosa, later 3rd c. (AE 1945.81.) M(arco) Arrio Cle/mentiano/ v(iro) c(larissimo) ob insig/nem benevo/lentia(m) eius er/ga cives et patria(m)/ ordo et populus/ Canusinus d(ecurionum) de/creto dedicavit.

"^Members of the collegium Leontianum. See the following example, n. 179. '^^Cavuoto suggests that this Argolicus was either the son or direct descendant of Argolicus in the previous example, n. 178. Note that both are honored patrons of the collegium Leontianum, most likely a professional organization but otherwise unknown. 106

S e e PIR2 E 20; RE 10, Egnatius n. 17.

154

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

183. Canusium, first half of 2nd c. Base. (CIL 9.340. PIR2 A 687.) L(ucio) Annio/ L(uci) fil(io) Ouf(entina tribu)/ Rufo patrono,/ ob insignem et/ incomparabilem/ munificentiam/ eius, ex consensu/ universorum. 184. Canusium, mid 2nd c. Base. (CIL 9.330. FOS 67; PIR2 A 722.) Anniae Q(uinti) f(iliae) Rufinae 1 0 7 / P(ubli) Cassi Dextri 1 0 8 Vllvir(i) epulon(um) (uxori),/ ob merita avi/ Rufi et Albinae/ matris eius ex con/sensu universorum. 185. Canusium, 193-235. Base. (CIL 9.339; ILS 5500. PIR2 A 687; RE 1, Annius η. 63.) Athenasi./ L(ucio) Annio L(uci) fil(io) Ouf(entina tribu)/ Rufo 1 0 9 e(gregio) v(iro), in omni/ actu vitae suae/ patrono) col(oniae). Huic popul(us) aput iudices 1 1 0 eques/trem postulasset, 1 1 '/ contentus honore{m}/ statuae pedestris/ voluntati eorum gra/tiam retulit. 186. Canusium, 3rd c. (CIL 9.334; ILS 2768.) M(arco) Antonio/ Vitelliano/ v(iro) e(gregio), patr(ono) col(oniae)/ Canus(i), p(rae)p(osito) trac/tus Apuliae/ Calabriae Lu/caniae Bruttior(um),/ ob insignem eius/ erga patriam ac/ cives adfectionem/ et singuiarem in/dustriam ad quietem/ regionis servandam/ postulatu populi/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice). 187. Herdonia, 3rd c. (CIL 9.688. PIR1 Ρ 791.) L(ucio) Publio Cel/so Patinino/ consulari viro,/ curatori rei p(ublicae), ob/ singuiarem iusti/tiam abstinentiam/que pariter et hono/rificentiam eius, or/do populusque Ca/nusinorum patrono.

O^She appears to be the granddaughter of the Rufus in the previous example, n. 183. 108

Consul suffect around 151. See PIR2 C 490.

" » T h i s may well be the same L. Annius Rufus named among the praetextati in the decurial roll at Canusium in the year 223 (CIL 9.338, pag. 4.25). He is probably a direct descendant of L. Annius Rufus in n. 183 above. 110 Either municipal magistrates, according to Henzen, or iuridici, according to Mommsen.

111 Dessau observes that the conjunction cum needs to be supplied before this verb.

Region 2

155

188. Herdonia, late 2nd-3rd c. Statue base. (Van Wonterghem, Ordo na II, Études de philol., d'arch. et d'hist. anc. 8 (1967) 131, no. 1; AE 1967.93.) L(ucio) Arrenius L(uci) f(ilio) Pap(iria tribu) Menandro/ aed(ili), IHIvir(o), II q(uin)q(uennali), m u / n e r i a r i o ) 1 1 2 civ(itatis) Herdoniae, om/nib(us) hon(oribus) et one/ribus reipubl(icae) fu/ncto, patrono,/ coll(egium) 1 1 3 fabr(um) tign(uariorum)/ ob praecipuam/ adfectionem/ eius statuam [po]/nendam meren/[ti] decrevit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 189. Herdonia, late 2nd-3rd c. Statue base of travertine marble, 130, no. 2; AE 1967.95.)

(ibid.

Bruttiae L(uci) fil(iae)/ Nereidi L(uci)/ Arr/eni Menand/ri (uxori) 1 1 4 dec(reto) et munif(icentia)/ coll(egi) cannopho/rum ob merita/ eius. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Ded(icata) kal(endis) Mar(tiis). 190. Herdonia, late 2nd-3rd c. Statue base of travertine marble, 132, no. 3 \ A E 1967.94.)

(ibid.

Arreniae/ Felicissimae/ sacerdoti/ [—]/ [—]/ Augíustae?) 1 1 5 L(uci) Arreni Men/andri fil(iae) 1 1 6 coll(egium)/ iuvenum 1 1 7 ob me/rita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Ded(icata) kal(endis) Iun(iis).

112

Λ £ substitutes this reading for mun(eribus)

in van Wonterghem's original

edition. 1

'^Again, AE substitutes this reading for colt(egii) in van Wonterghem's original edition. 114 S h e is, thus, the wife of Menandrus in the former example, η. 188, and most likely the mother of Arrenia Felicissima in the following, n. 190. 1 van Wonterghem suggests that Arrenia was probably a priestess in the cult of one of the Severan empresses.

H ö s h e is, thus, the daughter of Menandrus in n. 188 above, and probably the daughter of Bruttia Nereis in the previous inscription, n. 189. 117

This appears to be our only evidence for such an organization in Herdonia.

156

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

191. Herdonia, n.d. Statue base of travertine marble, (ibid. 134, no. 5; AE 1967.97.) M(arco) Minatio/ M(arci) fil(io) Gal(eria tribu) Suc/cesso 118 quod an/nonam civibus commodi/oribus pretiis/ ultro obtulerit, ob amorem eius/ statuam ponen/dam populus postulaverit (sic) co/nsensu decurionum./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 192. Larinum, c. 220. (CIL 9.729. PIR2 I 304; RE 10, Iulius n. 226.) L(ucio) Iulio Faustinia/no 1 1 9 c(larissimae) m(emoriae) v(iro) cons(ulari),/ patrono, ord[o]/ populusque La/rinatium ob/ amoris eius et/ dignationis erga/ se magna et atsi/dua documenta. 193. Latiano (near Brundisium), late Republic. Limestone plaque probably belonging to statue base originally. (Degrassi, Atti del Terzo Congresso Internazionale di Epigrafia Greca e Latina (Rome 1959) 303312, pi. 36-37; AE 1959.272.) [G(aio)] Falerio G(aii) f(ilio) Nigro III[I vir(o)]/ aed(ilicia) potest(ate), IlIIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), auguri, IIIIvi[r(o)]/ quinq(uennali), decuriones [et] municipes ex s(enatus) [c(onsulto)]/ pridie k(alendas) April(es),/ [sc(ribundo) ad]f(uerunt) L(ucius) Cornelius T(iti) f(ilius) [S]ur(us?) a(ugur?), A(ulus) Mineius A(uli) f(ilius) Piper, Q(uintus) Min[or]eius L(uci) f(ilius) Longinus, L(ucius) Aebu[rni]us [.] f(ilius), L(ucius) La[e]ni[us]/ [.] f(ilius) Flaccus, G(aius) F[ab]ius G(aii) f(ilius) Hadrianus, Q(uintus) Philoniu[s . f(ilius) R]ufus, T(itus) Hortionius F(lavi?) f(ilius), P(ublius) L[— f(ilius) Fl]ac[cus?]/ [» -]imus, G(aius) Philonius Q(uinti) f(ilius), L(ucius) Servilius [.] f(ilius) [c(ensoria) pot(estate?)], M(arcus) Fannius M(arci) f(ilius), Q(uintus) Afius S[—];/ [quod decurionjes et municipes cunctei postulaverunt de G(aio) Falerio G(aii) f(ilio) et G(aio) [— ],/ q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret),] d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt), quom iei (sic) de sua pecunia for[u]m sternant canales q[—]/ [—]o lapide f[ac]iendas polliciti sint idemque macellum [—]/ [— e]t armamentarium [— 194. Ligures Baebiani, 3rd c. (CIL 9.1459.) G(aio) Amar[fJio Q(uinti) filio/ Saturnino veterano/ Aug(ustorum) n(ostrorum) ex legione/ Secunda Parthica, [de]curioni/ et omnibus H 8 v a n Wonterghem observes that Minatius Successus was probably not from Herdonia originally, but from one of the neighboring communities, such as Luceria or Venusia, where one finds many other examples of Minatii. ' '^Compare CIL 3.6177, another honorary inscription to Faustinianus from the ordo of Troesmis, but without any epithets or citation of virtues.

Region 2

157

honoribus functo,/ patri et avo decurionum, patro/no, ob exsimiam adfectionem/ tarn in singulos quam in univer/sos cives, collegium dendro/forum itemque fabrum aere/ conlato patrono benignissi/mo posuerunt./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 195. Ligures Baebiani, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.1466.) —]/ patrono, qui [con]/Iapsum terr[a]e mo[tu]/ balineum ref[ici]/ curavit ac sua [pe]/cunia fecit, ob mu/nificentiam eius/ ordo et populus/ [Ligu]rum Baebian[o/r]um posuerunt. 196. Luceria, 97-102. Fragment of marble base. (Torelli, Rendiconti dell'Accademia dei Lincei 24 (1969) 22 = AE 1969/1970.155; Camodeca, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 35 (1979) 229-232, 2 = AE 1979.185; revised reading by Vendola, Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofìa dell'Università degli Studi di Bari 27-28 (1984-1985) 26-29, 2, photo, fig. 2 = AE 1985.302.) [—/ — c]ur(atori)/ [rei publicae d]ato ab imp(eratore)/ [Traiano Aug(usto) Germanico ob merita/ [eius, ordo A]ecanorum/ [patrono] p(ublice) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 197. Luceria, 3rd c. (CIL 9.804.) [..] Aurelio H [ — ] / [...]tentio quae[st(ori),/ I]Iviro q(uin)q(uennali), cur(atori)/ [mun(eris) m]u[n]ifico, patr[ono]/ co[lon]iae secu[ndum/ merita] benefic[iis]/ i[nnu]merab[ilib(us)/ pr]ovocatus/ [uni]versus p(opulus) Luce[rinus]/ ponendam decr[evit]. 198. Rudiae, 117-138. (CIL 9.23; ILS 6472.) [—] Tuccio M(arci) f(ilio) Fab(ia tribu) Ceri[al]i/ [e]xornato eq(uo) pub(lico) a sacratissi/mo principe Hadriano Aug(usto),/ patrono municipi, IHIvir(o),/ aed(ili), item aedili Brundisi, M(arcus) Tuccius Augazo/ optimo ac piissimo filio, ob cuius/ memoriam promisit municipib(us) Rudin(is)/ (sestertium) LXXX (milia) n(ummum) ut ex reditu eorum die natalis/ fili sui omnibus annis viscerationis/ nomine dividatur decur(ionibus) sing(ulis) (sestertios) XX n(ummos),/ Augustalibus (sestertios) XII n(ummos), Mercurialib(us) (sestertios) X n(ummos),/ item populo viritim (sestertios) Vili n(ummos)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 199. Sipontum, n.d. (CIL 9.698.) Magiae Q(uinti) f(iliae)/ Severinae/ ob merita/ Q(uinti) Magi Seve/ri patris eius/ ordo dec(urionum)/ populusque/ Sipontinus/ aere col[l]lat(o).

158

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

Region 3 200. Atina, 2nd c. (CIL 10.338.) A(ulo) Antonino A(uli) fil(io) Pom(ptina tribu)/ Pelagiano Ilüviro q(uin)q(uennali),/ equiti Rom(ano) raris[si]/mo innocentissi[mo]/que, cur(atori) r(ei)p(ublicae) et patr[o]/no decurione[s]/ Augustales/ et plebs/ Petelinorum./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 201. Atina, 3rd c. {CIL 10.344; ILS 6450.) M(arco) Traesio M(arci) f(ilio)/ Pom(ptina tribu) Fausto sen(iori)/ Illlvir(o) q(uin)q(uennalitate) potent(ia),/ cur(atori) r(ei) p(ublicae) Bantinor(um),/ cur(atori) r(ei)p(ublicae) Atinatium,/ ob merita eius/ dec(uriones), Aug(ustales) et plebs./ Cur(avit L(ucius) Porc(ius) Rufo 1 2 0 / ex a(ere) c(ollato). 202. Blanda Iulia, circa 150. Statue base. (Guzzo, Epigraphica 38 (1976) 138-141, n. 8; AE 1976.176.) M(arco) Arrio M(arci) f(ilio) Pomp(tina tribu)/ Clymeno IIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali),/ q(uaestori) p(ecuniae) p(ublicae), populus ex aer[e]/ conlato ob munifice/ntiam eius posuit qu/od eis annonam gra/tuitam de suo prae/buerit, ob cuius dedica/tionem epulum divis/it decurionibus (sestertium) VIII n(ummum),/ Aug(ustalibus) (sestertium) VI n(ummum), populo/ viritim (sestertium) IUI n(ummum),/ mulieribus (sestertium) II n(ummum)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Curantes (sic) P(ublio) Stlammio/ Simile et T(ito) Va/lerio Fabricio. 203. Carsioli, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.4067; ILS 6538.) M(arco) Metilio Succes/so M(arci) Metili Repen/tini patroni colo/niae filio, patro/no ordinis Augus/talium Martinor(um),/ collegium dendro/phorum Carsiola/norum patrono/ ob merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 204. Carsioli, n.d. (CIL 9.4064.) Gn(aeo) Cossutio L(uci) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu)/ Successino IIIIvir(o)/ [iur(e)] dic(undo), quaest(ori) r(ei)p(ublicae)/ populus ex aere coll(ato) ob/ merita eius/ ex s(enatus) c(onsulto).

120Mommsen, whom Dessau follows, omits a final "s" that appears at the end of this line.

Region 3

159

205. Eburum, 2nd-3rd c. {CIL 10.451.) L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)./ T(ito) Fl(avio) T(iti) f(ilio) Fab(ia tribu) Silvano patr(ono) mun(icipi)/ Ebur(ini), Ilvico), (iterum) q(uin)q(ueannli), qu(aestori) ark(ae), cur(atori)/ rei frument(ariae). Huic coll(egium) dend/rophor(orum) ob exsimiam erga/ se benivolentiam et spem per/petuam statuam dignissimo/ patrono posuerunt; cuius sta/[t]uae honore contentus ob/tulit coll(egio) s(upra) s(cripto) (sestertium) VIII m(ilia) n(ummum), ut quod annis/ natali eius die (ante diem) III Iduum Decembr(um)/ confrequententufr; et o]b statuae d[e]/dicationem collfegi patr(onis) sing(ulis)] (sestertios) XX n(ummos), et/ q(uin)q(uennalibus) Ilvir(is) aedilic(iis) s[ing(ulis) (sestertios) X]X n(ummos), et cete/ris condec(urionibus) sing(ulis) (sestertios) [n(ummos) XVII]IS, Augu[s]/talib(us) (sestertios) XII n(ummos), colleg(iis) dend[r]ophor(orum) et/ fab(rorum) sing(ulis) (sestertios) millenos n(ummos) et epulum,/ plebeis sing(ulis) (sestertios) [—] n(ummos) et viscerationem. 121 206. Grumentum, n.d. (CIL 10.228.) [—Jtio L(uci) f(ilio) Pom(ptina tribu)/ [in nostra] colonia omn/[ibus munjeribus et princi/[palibus] honoribus innoc/[enter fu]ncto, munerario/ [egregiae] editionis familia[e/ gladiat]oriae, decurioni e[t/ IHIvir(o) sp]lend[id]ae civitatis/ [reginor]um Iuliensium/ [ob magna]m eius onorific(entiam)/ [in nos col]l(egium?) Beneris patrono/ [opti]mo. 207. Locri, first half 2nd c. White marble statue base. (Costabile, Municipium Locrensium (Naples 1976) 31, η. 18; Lissi, "La collezione Scaglioni a Locri," AMSMG n.s. 4 (1962) 128, pi. 63, 244; Fedde, Epigraphica 26 (1964) 68-71, n. 1; AE 1978.273.) G(aius) Octfavianus . f(ilius)]/ Forenfsis patron(us)]/ Locrens(ium)],/ omnibfus honori]/bus fun[ctus. Aug(ustales) s(umptu) p(ublico) ob [merita eius]./ d[edication(em)] dedit decu[rionibus]/ et fili(i)s eorum (sestertios)...]/ n(ummos), seviris Aug[ustalibus]/

munic[ipi Seviri] Cuius ob [sing(ulis) sing(ulis)

Appearing on two other sides of this base are the following: "Praef(ecto) et do(mino)/ [njitente (insistente) Fl(avio) Delma/tio v(iro) p(erfectissimo), cur(atore) [e]iu[s].// Dedicata (ante diem) V kal(endas) April(es)/ [an]no Ilvir(um) G(aii) Stiacci Val(entis?)/ [e]t Gn(aei) Brinnii Steiani." I follow Mommsen's interpretation that these two sides belong to a much later monument commemorated on the fourth side of the base which is now hidden from view.

160

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions (sestertios) L n(ummos), po[pulo viri]/tim sing(ulis) (sestertios) III n(ummos), [mulier(ibus) (sestertios) II n(ummos)]. 122

208. Paestum, 138-192. Large cippus. (CIL 10.482; ILS 6449.) [M(arco) Tullio M(arci) f(ilio) Maec(ia tribu)]/ Cicer[oni Laur(enti) Lav(inati)],/ eq(uiti) R(omano), p[atr(ono) col(oniae), cur(atori) r(ei)p(ublicae)]/ Volceianor(um) [Atinati?]/um Acerentino[rum/ Ve]liensium Buxentin[or(um)]/ Tegianensium, integr(i)/ et rarissimo viro,/ M(arcus) Tullius Commun[i]s/ nutritor, multis lar/gitionibus eius in se/ conlatis./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 209. Paestum, 245. Statue base. (Marzullo, Atti del III Congresso Nazionale di Studi Romani, I (1934) 599, pl. 63 fig. 1; AE 1935.27.) M(arco) Tullio Primi/genio Benneiani/ Laurentis/ Lavinatis/ lib(erto), Augustali,/ homini probissimo,/ summa rudi, suo/ studiosi iubenes ob plu/rima ac maxima benefcia/ eius in se conlata./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedic(ata) (ante diem) sextum kal(endas) April(es),/ imp(eratore) Philippo Per(sico)/ [et] Titiano co(n)s(ulibus),/ cur(antibus) L(ucio) Digitio, L(ucio) Celado. 210. Paestum, after 180. Marble plaque. (Mello and Voza, Le iscrizione latine di Paestum, vol. 1 (Naples 1968) 143, no. 92; AE 1975.256.) [...]r [—equitis/ RJomani fi[l(io), —]/ nepot(i), A(uli) Vinici [— ]/ Ilviri (iterum) q(uin)q(uennalis) patro[ni col(oniae) pronep(oti) Lucano flamini per]/petuo divi M(arci) Anton[ini...rei publi]/cae municipi Eburinorum, sa[cerdoti? — \ j praefecto fabrum; huic or[do decurionum tabulam marmoream?]/ ponendam censuit propter [eximiam liberali]/tatem eius eo quot viginti par[ia gladiatorum —]/ edidit adiecta venatione qua[m —]/ noxeorum 123 comparatione adofrnavit —]/ decurionibus singulis (sestertios?) XX n(ummos) [—]/ Vinicia Lucana fi [lia tabulam? — pec(unia)]/ a re p(ublica) conlata rest[ituit].

Impostabile suggests that these sportulae may have highlighted the dedication of a temple consecrated to the imperial cult which would explain the involvement of the Augus tales. 123 a spectacle wherein persons already condemned to death were slated to perish in the arena.

Region 3

161

211. Paestum, n.d. Limestone base. (ibid. 134, no. 88; AE 1975.252.) G(aio) Pomponio M(arci) Pom/[p]oni Libonis trierarchi/ [f]il(io) Maec(ia tribu) Diogeni/ duovir(o) q(uin)q(uennali). Huic ordo decurio/num ob munificentiam eius quot/ familiam gladiatoriam ex sua/ liberalitate ob honorem q(uin)q(uennalitatis)/ primus ediderit, [it]em accep/tis sestertium XXV m(ilia) n(ummum) p[ecu]nia pu/blica alium d[iem] enixe c[u]/raverit, statuam ponendam/ pecunia publica censuerunt. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 212. Paestum, n.d. Limestone base. (ibid. 136, no. 89; AE 1975.253.) M(arco) Pomponio M(arci)/ Pomponi Libonis tri/erarchi fil(io) Maec(ia tribu) Dio/geni 124 duovir(o) q(uin)q(uennali)y coloni ex aere collato/ statuam quam honoris/ causa vivo ei summa/ effecta optulerant./ T(itus) Flavius Marullus trie/rarchus Aug(ustalis) et L(ucius) Dic(itius?) Arte/midorus heredes ponendam curaverunt. 213. Paestum, n.d. Quadrangular limestone base. (ibid. 139, no. 90; AE 1975.254.) G(aio) Plaetorio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Crescenti Ilvir(o)/ ob munifîcentiam eiu/s quod is populo in/ annonam HS XXV m(ilia) n(ummorum)/ ab herede suo dari iusserit/ statuamque sibi ab eodem re/missa pecunia pub[lica]/ poni caverit, ob cui[us]/ dedicationem decu[ri]/onibus sing(ulis) HS XII n(ummos)./ Vinicius Maec(ia tribu) Luc[anus]/ [L]aurens prae[tor]/ [h]eres ex tes[tamento]/ [d]edit./ L(ocus) d(atus) [d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).] 214. Paestum, n.d. 1975.255.)

White marble base.

(ibid. 141, no. 91; A E

M(arco) Egnio M(arci) f(ilio)/ Mae(cia tribu) Fortunatiano/ IIvir(o), iter(um) q(uin)q(uennali). Huic splen/didissimus ordo decuri/onum, postulante populo, ob/ praecipuam et insignem mu/nifìcentiam erga patriarci,/ statuam ponendam decre/vit, quod, cum XXV (milibus) (sestertiis) ac/ceptis a conparationem/ familiae gladiatoriae, ma/iorem quantitatem au/xerit a nobilium gladi/atorum conductionem/ adiectis etiam ursis mi/rae magnitudinis se et noxeo 125 omni quoque/ cultu adparatuque auctoy diem sublimiter exornavit.

^ A p p a r e n t l y the brother of the honorand in the previous example, η. 211. note 121 above.

162

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

215. Petelia, 138-161. Squared cippus. {CIL 10.114; ILS 6469.) M(anlio) Megonio M(anli) f(ilio)/ Cor(nelia tribu) Leoni/ aed(ili), inivir(o) leg(e) Cor(nelia), 126 / quaest(ori) pec(uniae) p(ublicae),/ patrono municipi,/ Augustales patrono/ ob merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 127 // Kaput ex testamento./ Hoc amplius rei p(ublicae) Petelinorum dari volo/ (sestertium) X (milia) n(ummum), item vineam Caedicianam cum/ parte{m} fundi Pompeiani ita uti optima maxi/maq(ue) sunt, finibus suis qua mea fuerunt. Volo au/tem ex usuris semissibus (sestertium) X (milium) n(ummum) comparati [in usum] Augus/talium loci n(ostri) ad instrumentum tricliniorum du/um, quod eis me vibo tradidi, candelabra et lucernal[s]/ bilychnes arbitrio Augustalium, quo facilius strati[o]/nibus publicis obire possint. Quod ipsum ad utilitate[m]/ rei p(ublicae) n(ostrae) pertinere existimavi, facilius subituris onus Augu[s]/talitatis, dum hoc commodum ante oculos habent./ Ceterum autem temporum usura semisse (sestertium) X (milium) n(ummum) ad instr[u]/mentum Augustalium arbitrio ipsorum esse volo, qu[o]/ facilius munus meum perpetuum conservare possint/ neque in alios usus usuras quas ita a re p(ublica) acceperint, tra/ferri volo quam si necesse fuerit in pastinationem./ Vineam quoq(ue) cum parte fundi Pompeiani sic ut su/pra dixi hoc amplius Augustalibus loci n(ostri) dar[i]/ volo. Quam vineam vobis, Augustales, idcirco dari/ volo—quae est Aminea 1 2 8 --ut si cogitationi meae, qua pro/spexisse me utilitatibus vestris credo, consenseritis,/ vinum usibus vestris, dumtaxat cum publice epulas ex/ercebitis, habere possitis. Hoc autem nomine relevati in/pendis facilius prosilituri hi, qui ad munus Augustalit[a]/tis conpellentur. Locatio vineae partis Pompeiani vin[e]/am colere potermi. Haec ita ut cavi fieri praestariqufe]/ volo. Hoc amplius ab heredibus meis volo praestar[i]/ rei p(ublicae) Petelinorum et a re p(ublica) Petelinorum corpori Au/gustalium ex praedis ceteris meis palum ridica[m]/ omnibus annis sufficiens pedaturae vineae/ quam Augustalibus legavi.// [A v]obis autem, Augustales, peto, hanc voluntatem/ meam ratam habeatis et ut perpetua forma obser/vetis curae vestrae mandetis. Quo facilius autem/ nota sit corpori vestro haec 126

Juding from its context, we may assume this lex somehow applied to the structuring of municipal administrations. Compare CIL 10.858 where reference is made to a similar lex Petronio. I 2 ? As Dessau observes, this example appears to be the first of two honorary monuments erected to Leo by the Augustales, for here he has not yet held the position of quattorvir quinquennalis which is cited in the following text, n. 216. The second part of this inscription recording a section of Leo's will must, therefore, have been added after his death. 128 I n other words, "cuius vites erant Amineae."

Region 3

163

erga vos voluntatem, 129 / totum loco 1 3 0 kaput, quod ad vestrum honorem perti/net. 216. Petelia, 138-161. 1894.148; ILS 6468.)

(Barnabei, Not. Sc. 1894, pp. 20-21; A E

M(anlio) Megonio M(anli) f(ilio),/ M(anli) n(epoti), M(anli) pron(epoti) Cor(neIia tribu)/ Leoni/ aed(ili), IlIIvir(o) leg(e) C o r ( n e l i a ) , 1 3 1 / q(uaestori) p(ecuniae) p(ublicae), patrono mu/nicipii, IIIIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali),/ decuriones, Augus/tales populusque/ ex aere conlat(o)/ ob merita eius.// Kaput ex testamento. Reip(ublicae) municipum meorum, si mihi statua pedestris,/ in foro superiore, solea lapidea, basi marmorea, ad exemplum basis/ quam mihi Augustales posuerunt, 132 prope eam quam mihi municipes/ posuerunt, 133 posita fuerit, (sestertium) C m(ilia) n(ummum), quae eis me vivo pollicitus sum, dari volo./ Ea autem condicione (sestertium) C m(ilia) n(ummum) q(uae) s(upra) s(cripta) s(unt) dari volo ut ex usuris semissibus/ eius pecuniae omnibus annis die natalis mei, qui est (ante diem) X kal(endas) April(es),/ distributio fiat decurionibus epulantibus (denariorum) CCC, deducto ex his/ sumptu strationis; reliqui inter eos qui praesentes ea hora erunt/ dividantur. Item Augustalibus eadem conditione (denarios) CL dari volo/ et municipibus Petelinis utriusque sexus ex more loci (denarios) I om/nibus annis dari volo, item in cena parentalicia (denarios) L et hoc/ amplius sumptum hostiae, prout locatio publica fuerit, 1 3 4 dari volo./ A vobis, optimi municipes, peto et rogo, per salutem sacratissimi principis/ Antonini Augusti Pii liberorumque eius, hanc voluntatem meam et dis/positionem ratam perpetuamque habeatis, totumque hoc caput tes/tamenti mei basi statuae pedestris, quam supra a vos (sic) petiv[i] mihi po/natis, inscribendam curetis, quo notius posteris quoque nostris/ esse possit vel eis quoque qui munifici erga patriam suam erint ad/moneat.

129

This should read voluntas.

13

0AS Mommsen explains, Leo has seen to it that this relevant portion of his will be carved into the monument. 131 132

See note 124 above.

Possibly the same statue erected to Leo in the former example, n. 215.

133

Probably a reference to the statue erected to Leo in the following example, n. 217, which Barnabei, p. 26, describes as an equestrian, not pedestrian, monument. 134

S e e chapter 69 of the lex Ursonensis.

164

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

217. Petelia, 138-161. (CIL 10.113.) M(anlio) Meconio M(anli) f(ilio)/ M(anli) n(epoti) M(anli) pron(epoti) Cor(nelia tribu)/ Leoni/ aed(ili), Illlvir(o) leg(e) Cor(nelia), q(uaestori) p(ecuniae) p(ublicae),/ patrono municipi/ inivir(o) q(uin)q(uennali)/ decuriones Augustales popu/lusque ex aere conlato/ ob merita eius. 135 218. Petelia, 138-161. (Eph. Ep. 8.261 ; ILS 6471.) Caediciae L(uci) f(iliae)/ Iridi/ municipes ex/ aere conlato/ ob merita Mego/ni Leonis fili eius,/ in cuius memori/am Leo r(ei) p(ublicae) (sestertium) C/ m(ilia) n(ummum)/ legavit. 136 219. Polla, mid 1st c. (Spinazzola, Not. Sc. 1910, p. 80; AE 1910.191.) G(aio) Utiano G(aii) f(ilio) Pom(ptina tribu) Rufo/ Latiniano IlIIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo) iter,/ Insteia M(arci) f(ilia) Polla sacerd(os) Iuliae/ A u g u s t a e 1 3 7 Voleéis et Atinae/ optimo et indulgentissimo viro qui/ eam pupillam annorum VII in domum/ receptam per annos LV cum summo/ honore uxorem habuit./ Hunc decuriones Volceiani inpensa/ publica funerandum et statua equestri/ honorandum censuerunt./ Latiniae M(arci) f(iliae) Posillae [sor]ori Latiniani. 220. Regium Iulium, 79. Marble plaque. (CIL 10.7.) Ob munificentiam earum/ quae dendrophoros/ honoraverunt, honos/ decretus est eis, q(ui) i(nfra) s(cripta) s(unt):/ Claudia Iusta,/ V[—]iva sac(erdos),/ S[—]ia Faustina sac(erdos),/ Sici[n..]ivocepta,/ Amullia Primigenia,/ Satria Pietas,/ Claudia Ptolemais,/ Terentia Athenais.// (ante diem) V idus April(es),/ [im]p(eratore) Vespasiano Caesar(e)/ Aug(usto) VIII co(n)s(ule)/ Tito Ves[pasiono Caes]ar(e)/ A[ug(usti) f(ilio) VU co(n)s(ule).]

135 This text, which duplicates the first part of the previous inscription, n. 216, quite likely belonged to the base of the honorary statue mentioned by Leo in the previous text. 136 The municipes of Petelia erect a similar inscription to honor the memory of Leo's wife Lucilia Isaurica (Eph. Ep. 8.260) for which he again makes a gift to the community of 100,000 sesterces. Isaurica's inscription, however, makes no mention of Leo's merita.

' 3 7 Most likely Livia, wife of Augustus.

Region 3

165

221. Regium Iulium, 138-148. (Putorti, Not. Sc. 1913, p. 153; AE 1914.141. PIR1 S 468; RE 2A, Sextius n. 26.) T(ito) Sext(io) T(iti) f(ilio) Vetur(ia tribu)/ Laterano c(larissimo) p(uero),/ patrono ob mul/ta merita paren/tium eius/ Reg(ini) Iul(ienses)/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 222. Regium Iulium, circa 250. Cippus. (Orsi, Not. Sc. 1922, p. 154; AE 1923.61-62.) Q(uintus) Sattius/ Fl(avius) Vettius/ G r a t u s 1 3 8 v(ir) c(larissimus)y augur p(ublicus) p(opuli) R(omani) Q(uiritium),/ corrector/ sacrario/ a solo restituto.// [Mi] rae bonitati et/ beni bolentiae/ comité [Aug(ustorum)?]/ ob merita eius/ [ord]o populusque/ [Rejginorum patrono/ praestantissimo. 223. Regium Iulium, post 250. (Eph. Ep. 8.247. PIR2 I 640; RE 10, Iulia n. 555.) Iuliae G(aii) f(iliae) Aemiliae Callittae c(larissimae) f(eminae), sacerdoti ob multa merita eius Reg(ini) Iul(ienses) s(ua) p(ecunia) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 224. Santa Severina, n.d. (Gasperini, Decima Miscellanea greca e romana (1986) 164; AE 1986.213.) [—] Q(uinti) f(iliae) Severinae/ ob merita patris/ ordo dec(urionum) popul[usq(ue)]/ aere conl(ato). 225. Valentia, 140-160. (CIL 10.53.) Q(uinto) Muticilio Q(uinti) f(ilio) Aem(ilia tribu) Sex(to) Decciano q(uin)q(uennali) c(ensoria) p(otestate),/ q(uaestori) p(ecuniae) p(ublicae), equo pub[l(ico) ho]norato ab imp(eratore) divo Hadriano,/ allecto in d[ecu]ris ab imp(eratore) Antonino Aug(usto) Pio,/ patrono municipi ob amorem patriae et [muni]fìcentiam/ multaque merita eius ex consensu populi, cuius ob/ dedicationem iterum decurionibus (sestertios) VID n(ummos), Augustalibus (sestertios) VI n(ummos), populo viritim (sestertios) IV n(ummos) dedit./ L(ocus) d(atus) p(ecunia) p(ublica) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

'38putortì 33 believes this Vettius Gratus to be the same as the consul of 250 {PIRI V 328), who may have been made corrector in parts of Italy due to extraordinary circumstances of plague and earthquake at this time; in other words, he was not one of regular correctores appointed by Diocletian in later years.

166

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

226. Veleia, 2nd-3rd c. Marble plaque. (Ebner, La Parola del Passato 33 (1978) 65, η. W \AE 1978.261.) [Voconiae]/ M(arci) f(iliae) Severae/ [sacerdot]i Cereris, 139 / [... i]ncompara/[bili ...l]aude d i g n i s / [ s i m a e ...]ctrici ordi/[n...]issimus se/[... or]do Augusta/[lium ...ho]norem et e/[...]ecase ex/ [—]atum/ [—] ob/ [—]ce/ [—]. 227. Velia, n.d. Cylindrical statue base with bilingual inscription in Greek and Latin, only the latter of which is given here. (Sestieri, International Association for Classical Archaeology: Fasti Archaeologici 11 (1956, published 1958) 140, n. 2174; AE 1959.97.) Senatus et populus Veliensis/ G(aio) Iulio G(aii) f(ilio) Nasoni honoris/ et virtutis causa. 228. Volcei, circa 140. (CIL 10.416.) P(ublio) Otacilio L(uci) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu) Rufo pat(rono)/ Illlvir(o) [i(ure)] d(icundo), (item) q(uin)q(uennali), flam(ini) perpetuo/ divi Hadriani, ab eodem equo publ(ico)/ honorato, curatori kalendari r(ei) p(ublicae) Aeclanensium electo a divo Pio,/ patrono municipi;/ ob eximiam munificentiam eius ordo dec(urionum)/ pecunia publica ponendum cens(uerunt); cuius/ dedicatione dec(urionibus) (denarios) III, Aug(ustalibus) (denarios) II, pop(ulo) (denarium) I dedit.

Region 4 229. Allifae, first half Iste. (CIL 9.2359.) [...] Statio L(uci) f(ilio) F[—]cilo tr(ibuno) mil(itum),/ praefecto, Ilvir(o), iter quinq(uennali),/ aed(ili), Augustales h(onoris) c(ausa). 230. Allifae, 138-192. 1916.118. PIR2 G 80.)

(Mengarelli, Not. Sc. 1915, p. 391; A E

L(ucio) Pullafieno L(uci) f(ilio)]/ Vel(ina tribu) Garfgilio An]/tiqu[o]/ XVvir(o) s(acris) [f(aciundis) allecto in pat]/ricias fam[ilias a —]/ praet(ori), aed(ili) c[ur(uli), q(uaestori), IIIvir(o)]/ a(ere) a(rgento) a(uro) f(lando) f(eriundo), praef(ecto) i(ure) d(icundo)],/ curat(ori) r(ei publicae) Praen[estinorum et]/ Allifanor(um), de[curiones popu]/lusq(ue) Allifano[r(um) patrono]/ amantis[simo]/ [— 139-rhis same priestess is the dedicant of CIL 10.467 to Ceres.

Region 4

167

231. Allifae, latter half of 3rd c. {CIL 9.2347. PIR2 C 1093; RE 3, Claudia n. 417.) [Cl]audiae/ Ti(beri) f(iliae)/ [Fa]dillae/ c(larissimae) f(eminae)/ [sa]cer[doti] Di/[v]arum Aug/[ust]ar(um), ob amor(em)/ [e]rga patriam/ [exi]mium eius/ [Au]gust(ales) p(atronae?) p(osuerunt). 232. Allifae, 2nd-3rd c. {CIL 9.2350; ILS 5059.) L(ucio) Fadio Piero Ilvir(o),/ munificentissimo civi,/ qui ob honorem decur(ionatus)/ eodem anno quo factus est/ g l a d ( i a t o r u m ) paria X X X et v e n a t i o n e m / b e s t i a r u m Africanar(um), et post/ paucos menses duumviratu/ suo, acceptis a re p(ublica) ΧΠΙ [m(ilibus)] n(ummum), venation(es)/ plenas et gladiatorum paria XXI d e d i t i item post annum ludos scaenicos p(ecunia) s(ua) f(ecit)./ Augustales./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 1 4 0 233. Amiternum, earlier 1st c. (Segenni, Epigraphica 42 (1980) 76-82, n. 2; AE 1983.326.) [..] Proculeis P(ubli) f(iliis) Qui(rina tribu) Galbae et Basilo/ Ilviris,/ populus annona levatus 1 4 1 aere conlato./ [. Proc]uleius P(ubli) f(ilius) Qui(rina tribu) Galba Crispus faciundum curavit. 234. Amiternum, 235-284. Tall base. {CIL 9.4206.) G(aio) Sallio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Quir(ina tribu) Procul(o)/ splendidissimo viro, Il(viro) q(uin)q(uennali), patrono de/curionum et populi/ Amit(emi), sacerdoti et pon/tifici Lanivinorum im/muni, patrono decur(ionum) et po[p(ulorum)]/ Aveiat(orum) Vestinor(um), summo ma/gistro Sept(em) Aquis, patrono/ Peltuinatium, ob perpetuo et sim/plicissimo eius erga se amore,/ provociti patrono dignissimo/ pagani. 142

14 ®C/L 9.2351, the remaining text of which is very similar to this example, is quite likely another honorary inscription to the same man. The top portion of the stone is damaged, however, preventing us from knowing if it too praised him as a muniflcentissimus civis. 141

Garnsey (1988) 221-23 highlights several ancient sources that indicate a series of food shortages and price increases during the reigns of Tiberius, Caligula and Claudius, any one of which would explain the circumstances of this inscription. 142

E v e n though this inscription appears to have been erected in Amiternum, Mommsen believed these pagani to be the Septaquenses for whom Proculus was summus magister. The septem aquae themselves he thought to be nearer Reate than Amiternum based on descriptions in Cicero (Att. 4.15.5) and Dionysius (1.14).

168

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

235. Amiternum, 235-284. (CIL 9.4208.) t—]viro atq[—]/ [—]orum Proculi p[— / sacerdoti Lanivino immun[i, patrono/ s]plendidissimi ordinis et populi Am[itern(orum), summo mag(istro)/ Septaquis, patrono Aveiatium et Pelftuinatium, 143 quod]/ ex indulgentia praetextatus adiutore patre mu]/neris Corneliani editione primus om[nium]/ cum quattuor paribus gladiatorum [et reliquo]/ splendido adparatu patriam suam ho[noravit]/ ipsosque cives sincera amoris adfect[ione] officis om]/nibus fovere non desinat plebs urba[na ex aere]/ conlato bigam quam in amphitheatr[o postularat — 236. Antinum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.3838.) Q(uinto) Novius Q(uinti) f(ilio)/ Serg(ia tribu) Iucundo/ p(atrono) m(unicipi), cur(atori) kalend(ari),/ omnibus oneri[b](us),/ honoribusqu[e]/ perfuncto, ordo/ decurionu[m]/ et sexvirum ex/ aere collato, ob/ merita eius; cuius ob d/edic(ationem) dédit dec(urionibus) epul(antibus) sing(ulis) (sestertios) XX n(ummos),/ sexvir(is) epul(antibus) (sestertios) Vili n(ummos), plebi/ epul(antibus) sing(ulis) (sestertios) II n(ummos). L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 237. Antinum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.3837.) Q(uinto) Novio Q(uinti) f(ilio) Serg(ia tribu)/ Felici 1 4 4 patrono/ municipi Antino,/ huic culto[re]s/ centonari/ [et dendr]of(ori) ar[a]m/ [et s]tatuam honor(is)/ [ca]usa posueru]nt,/ b(ene) m(erenti). 238. Antinum, n.d. (CIL 9.3842.) Sex(to) Petronaeo/ Sex(ti) f(ilio) Valeriano/ IlIIvir(o) iur(e) dicund(o)/ Sergia (tribu) Antino,/ collegius dendrophorum/ ex aere collato patrono meren/ti posuaerunt; ob cuius dedica/tionem dedit decurionibus/ aepulantibus sing(ulis) (sestertios) Villi n(ummos),/ seviris Aug(ustalibus) aepulan(tibus) sing(ulis) (sestertios) VI n(ummos),/ collegio s(upra) s(cripto) aepul(antibus) sing(ulis) (sestertios) XII n(ummos),/ plebi urbanae aepul(antibus) sing(ulis) (sestertios) IUI n(ummos)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

143 G i v e n the similarities in public career, this honorand is probably the same Proculus as in the previous example, n. 234, or perhaps his son.

'^Perhaps a relative of Novius Iucundus in the previous example, n. 236.

Region 4

169

239. Asculum Picenum, c. 237. (CIL 9.6414b; ¡LS 1166. PIR2 M 325; RE 14, Maria η. 79.) Mariae Au/rel(iae) Violentil/lae, Perpetui/ cons(ularis) viri 1 4 5 fil(iae),/ cons(ulari) femin(ae), 1 4 6 / co(n)iugi Q(uinti) Eg/nati Proculi/ co(n)s(ulis), 147 / dec(uriones) et plebs/ Ascul(anorum) ob sin[g(ularem)]/ erga se amor(em). 240. Corfmium, 3rd c. (CIL 9.3160; ¡LS 6530.) [—]asa[—] Corfiniensium, sacerdoti —]/ pontifici, curatori kalendar(i) rei public(ae), aedil(i), praef(ecto), IHIvir(o), IHIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo)./ Huius propter morum gravem patientiam maximamque verecundiam/ splendidissimus ordo, consentiente populo, tabulas patrocínales aheneas/ liberisque eius offerii censuerunt. Qui accepto honore statini/ splendidissimum ordinem liberosq(ue) et coniuges eorum sed et populum public(e)/ epulantes máximo cum gaudio exhilaravit. Huius ob merita/ ordo populusque Corfiniensium 148 / remunerandam adfectionem, quem in singulos universosque cives suos exhibuit,/ liberisque eius equestris dignitatis pueris ex pecunia publica poni censuerunt./ Cuius ob dedicationem obtulit decurionibus et universo populo (sestertium) L mil(ia) nummum/ quae Mammiana 149 vocentur, ex cuius summae usuris die natalis eius, (ante diem) VII idus Febrar(ias)/ divisionem percipere possint. Quod si die praestituto condicioni paritum non fuerit,/ tunc eius diei divisio ad Sulmonensium civitatem pertinere debebit. Item dedit/ decurionibus discumbentibus et liberis eorum singul(is) (sestertios) XXX nummos, sevir(is) Augustal(ibus)/ vescent(ibus) singul(is) (sestertios) XX numm(os), plebei universae epulantibus singulis HS VIII nummos. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

145 L . Marius Maximus Perpetuus Aurelianus, consul for the second time in 222. See PIR2 M 312. 146a rare title, although it appears elsewhere in CIL 8.8993 from Mauretania. 147 148

S e e « Λ 2 E 31.

Mommsen suggests the insertion here of a phrase such as "statuam ei ad." Mommsen suggests on the basis of this appellation that the honorand was from the gens Mammia, perhaps P. Mammius Aufidius Priscinus who appears in n. 244 below as the honorand's father. 149

170

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

241. Corfinium, 3rd c. Marble plaque. (Annibaldi, Epigraphica (1958) 15-17; AE 1961.109.)

20

Q(uinto) Avelio Q(uinti) f(ilio) Serg(ia tribu) Prisco/ Severio Severo Annavo Rufo flamini divi/ Augusti, patrono municipii,/ primo omnium Corfiniensium quaestori reipublicae,/ IlIIvir(o), aedili, IlIIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), IlIIvir(o), quinq(uennali), pontif(ici) Laurent(ium) Lavinati(um)./ Hic ob honorem quinq(uennalitatis) munus gladiatorium edidit, et ob/ honorem IlIIvir(atus) ludos scaenicos dedit, et ob honor(em) aedilitat(is) ludos deae V e t i d i n a e 1 5 0 / fecit, et in subsidium annonae frument(orum) (sestertium) L m(ilia) n(ummum) reip(ublicae) Corfiniens(ium) et balineum Avelianum/ muliebre cum (sestertium) XXX m(ilibus) n(ummum) donavit frequentesque epulationes et divisiones nummar(um)/ universis civibus ex suo distribuit et onera reip(ublicae) gratuita pecunia saepius iuvit./ Corfinienses publice, ob insignem/ eius erga rempublicam adfectum./ Avelius Priscus honore usus impens(am) remisit. 242. Corfinium, 2nd-3rd c. {CIL 9.3181.) G(aio) Rutilio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Pal(atina tribu) Gallico/ ordo Augustal(ium)/ patrono ob merita/ patris et ipsius/ p(osuit). 243. Corfinium, late I s t e . (CIL 9.3182. Pail R 184; RE 1A, Rutilia n. 42.) Rutiliae G(aii) f(iliae) 151 / Paulinae sevir(i)/ August(ales) patronae/ ob merita patris et/ ipsius p(osuerunt). 244. Corfinium, n.d. (CIL 9.3180.) Mammiae/ Aufidiae P(ubli) f(iliae) P(ubli) nep(oti)/ P(ubli) pron(epoti) Titeciae Ma/riae honestae pul/lae, filiae P(ubli) Mammi/ Aufidi Priscini eq(uitis) R(omani);/ huic ob benignitatem/ patris, quem circa (sic) ur/biculi secundi sevirum/ Augustalium honorem/ ecerit, statuam ex sua/ pecunia posuerunt./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 245. Cures, 173. (CIL 9.4970; ILS 6559.) Baebiae Pontiadi/ optimae feminae/ decreto ordinis Cur(ium) Sabin(orum)/ consesus (sie) decurionum/ et sevirum postulante/ plebe posuerunt./ Haec gratias agens honore/ contenta sumptus/ 150 a local goddess, but otherwise unknown. 151 She is the daughter of Q. Iulius Cordinus C. Rutilius Gallicus, Domitian's urban prefect commemorated by Statius. See PIR^ R 167; RE 1A, Rutilius n. 19.

Region 4

171

remisit./ Ob cuius dedicatione vi/ritim clustrum 152 et mul/sum et sportulas dedit./ Posita k(alendis) Iunis/ Cn(aeo) Claudio Severo II,/ Ti(berio) Claudio Pompeiano II co(n)s(ulibus),/ IHIvir(is) Cocceio Galeriano, Sextio/ Potho. L(ocus) d(atus) d(e)cre(to) c(entumvirum).// Cura agentibus/ G(aio) Iulio Feiice, M(anlio) Paccio Hermete,/ P(ublio) Vareno Probo, P(ublio) Postumio Ze/ussippo. 246. Cures, 161-180. (CIL 9.4976.) [—]vio Q(uinti) fil(io) Col(lina tribu) Pr[i —/ IIIIvi]r(o) iur(e) dic(undo) Curibus/ [Sabin]is (ter), praef(ecto) iur(e) dicun[do,/ quae]stori alimentor(um), q(uin)q(uennalicio) decur(ionum) [decret(o)]/ allecto in perpet(uum), item q(uin)q(uennali) p[—/ — ]ura, legato aput divum Piu[m ob?/ fi]nes públicos, ob merita ei[us,/ quod i]s primus omnium exhibi[tor(um)/ volu]ptatium spectaculum V/ [paribu]s splendide pecunia s[ua]/ ediderit,/ [decu]riones memores hon[estatis]/ et integritatis iuris di[ctionis/ s]uae, quam eis praebuit, pfubl(ica)/ pecu]nia posuerunt, ob cuius [dedic(ationem)/ po]p(ulo) clustrum et mulsum et spor[tulas/ dedi]t. Curam agentib(us) quaestor(ibus) L(ucio) Etr[ilio?/ Bajsso, T(ito) Flavio Hermete. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) c(entum) v(irorum).// [Dedicata cur(atore) r(ei)p(ublicae)]/ [—]io [—];/ IHIvir(is)/ [—]o Proculo,/ [—]o Pio. 247. Foruli, 235-284. (CIL 9.4399; ILS 5015a.) G(aio) Sallio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Qui(rina tribu) Proculo 153 / sacerdoti L a n u v i / n o r u m inmuni, pon/tifici, patrono civi/tatis Amiterninorum,/ iterum q(uin)q(uennali), summo/ magistro Septaquis,/ ob merita et amorem/ eius vicani Forulani/ patrono bene merenti. 248. Furfo, n.d. (CIL 9.3524.) G(aio) Betutio/ Eutycheti/ seviro August(ali),/ huic ordo decur(ionum)/ Peltuin(i) ob merita eius/ bisellium decrevit,/ Betutii Palatina tribu)/ Maximus et/ Maxima patri.

152[) e s s a u observes that this word is spelled similarly in other inscriptions from Cures, for example n. 246 below. Another inscription from Forali to Proculus is CIL 9.4207, which in its extant portion does not commemorate any virtues.

172

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

249. Interpromium, earlier 1st c. (CIL 9.3044; ILS 2689.) [S]ex(to) Pedio Sex(ti) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu)/ Lusiano Hirruto 154 / prim(i)pil(o) leg(ionis) XXI, pra[ef(ecto)]/ Raetis Vindolicis valli[s/ P]oeninae et levis armatur(ae),/ üllvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), praef(ecto)/ Germanic[i]/ Caesaris quinquennalici [i]uris ex s(enatus) c(onsulto), quinquen(nali) iterum./ Hie amphitheatrum d(e) s(ua) p(ecunia) fecit./ M(arcus) Dullius M(arci) f(ilius) Gallus. 250. Iuvanum, latter half 1st c. Limestone cippus. (Paci, Iuvanum. Atti del Convegno di Studi, Chieti, maggio 1983 (Chieti 1990) 65, η. 5\ AE 1990.228.) M(arco) Novio M(arci) f(ilio)/ Arn(ensi tribu) Probo/ IIIIvir(o) iure/ dicund(o), quaest(ori),/ quinq(uennali) bis,/ M(arcus) Novius M(arci) f(ilius)/ Arn(ensi tribu) Probus,/ Aufatius [Fi]rmus 155 / amico optimo. 251. Histonium, c. 106/140. 156 Base. {CIL 9.2860; ILS 5178.) L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Pudenti./ Hie cum esset anno/rum XIII, Romae/ certami ne sacro/ Iovis Capitolini/ lustro sexto, cla/ritate ingenii/ coronatus est/ inter poetas La/tinos omnibus/ sententis iudicum./ Huic plebs univer/sa municipum His/toniesium statuam/ aere collato decrevit./ Curat(ori) rei p(ublicae) Aeserninor(um) dato ab/ imp(eratore) optimo Antonino Aug(usto) Pio. 252. Marsi Marruvium, 193-235. ( C I L 9.3667. PIR2 M 663; RE 15, Modestus η. 10.) —]/co Modesto Pau/lino c(larissimo) v(iro),/ praef(ecto) urbis feriarum/ Latinarum, quaesto/ri urbano, aed(ili) cer(iali)y praetori, eodemq(ue)/ tempore praetor[i]/ Aetrur(iae) XV popul[or(um)],/ cur(atori) r[ei]p(ublicae) splend[i]/dissimae civita[tis] Mars(i)

' ^ D e s s a u identifies this Hirnitus as the father of Sex. Pedius Himitus praetor and grandfather of Sex. Pedius Hirrutus Lucilius Pollionis consul ( C / L 6.14851486=14.3994, 14.3995). 155p a c ¡' s analysis indicates that the second dedicator Aufatius Firmus was married to either the daughter or granddaughter of Probus the honorand. The first dedicator Probus was most likely the honorand's son, or perhaps his father, as Paci suggests. 156-p^e f¡ r s t p a r t 0 f t |, c inscription would have been inscribed around 106, the date of this Capitoline contest. The second part recording Pudens' curatorship must have been added subsequently during Antoninus Pius' reign, probably during the early part given that Pudens would already have been in his late forties by this time.

Region 4

173

Marr(uvini), eodem [te]m/pore et cur(atori) viar(um) Tib(uitinae) Val(eriae)/ et alim(entorum), patrono a[bst]i/nentissimo. 253. Reate, 184. Cippus. (CIL 9.4686.) L(ucio) Oranio L(uci) fil(io)/ Quilina tribu) Iusto p(rimo)p(ilo),/ praef(ecto) castror(um) leg(ionis) III Cyr(enaicae),/ Laurenti Lavinati sacerdoti),/ flamini Augustali,/ plebs Reatina/ patrono/ quod is primus omnium/ (sestertium) C m(ilia) n(ummum) ad annonae com/parationem municipibus su/is dedit statuamque hono/re contentus sua pecunia/ posuit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedic(ata) idib(us) [—]/ L(ucio) Eggio Marullfo Gn(aeo)/ Papirio Aeli[ano co(n)s(ulibus)]/ et ob dedicatiofnem uni]/versae plebei sin[gulos dena]/rios ded[it.] 254. Reate, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.4691.) T(ito) Fundilio Gemino/ Vlvir(o) Aug(ustali), mag(istro) iuv(enum),/ Augustales/ patrono et quinq(uennali) perpetuo/ optime merito. Hic arcae Augustalium se vivo/ (sestertios) XX dedit, ut ex reditu eius summae/ die natali suo (ante diem) ΙΙΠ k(alendas) Febr(uarias)/ praesentes vescerentur,/ et ob dedicationem statuae/ decurionibus et seviris et iuvenib(us) sportulas/ et populo epulum et oleum/ eadem die dedit. 255. Saepinum, 150-161. (CIL 9.2457; ILS 1076. PIR2 Ν 63; RE 16, Neratius η. 16.) L(ucio) Neratio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Vol(tinia tribu) Proculo/ Xvir stlitibus iudican(dis)/ trib(uno) militum legion(is)/ VII Gemin(ae) Felic(is) et leg(ionis)/ VIII Aug(ustae), quaest(ori), aedil(i)/ pleb(is) Cerial(is), praet(ori), leg(ato)/ leg(ionis) XVI Flaviae fidel(is),/ item misso ab imp(eratore)/ Antonino Aug(usto) Pio ad d[e]ducen/[d]as vex[i]llationes in Syriam ob/ [b]ellum [Par]thicum, praef(ecto) aerari/ militaris,/ co(n)s(uli),/ municipes Saepinat(ium). 256. Saepinum, 2nd c. (CIL 9.2475; ILS 5583.) M(arco) Annio/ Phoebo/ municipes/ Saepinates/ quot is ob/ honorem Aug(ustalitatis)/ et biselli macel/lum 157 cum colum/nis solo aera/mentis marmo/fribus — 257. Saepinum, n.d. (CIL 9.2473; ILS 6521.) Sossulenae/ G(aii) f(iliae) oppidani 158 / ob meritum/ eius. 157j 0 U ff r 0 y tentatively suggests a second century date for this macellum. 1 5 8 p ^ o m r n s e n equates them with urbani.

174

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

258. Superaequum, late I s t e . (CIL 9.3306; ILS 932. PIR1 V 187.) Q(uinto) Vario Q(uinti) f(ilio)/ Gemino 159 / leg(ato) divi Augusti II, 1 6 0 / proco(n)s(uli), pr(aetori), tr(ibuno) pl(ebis)/ q(uaestori), quaesit(ori) iudic(i),/ praef(ecto) frum(enti) dand(i),/ Xvir(o) stl(itibus) iudic(andis),/ curatori aedium sacr(orum)/ monumentorumque public(orum)/ tuendorum./ Is primus omnium Paelignorum senator/ factus est et eos honores gessit./ Superaequani publice patrono. 259. Superaequum, 271. (CIL 9.3314; ILS 5056.) L(ucius) Vibius Severus/ aedilis, IlIIvir q(uin)q(uennalis),/ s p l e n d i d u s eq(ues)/ R o m a n u s , p a t r o / n u s civitatis Supe/raequanorum, item/ patronus civitatis/ Anxatium Frentanor(um)/ et Peltuinatium Vestin(um)./ Hic ob honorem aedilita/tis L(uci) Vibi Ru[ti]li fili sui/ eq(uitis) R(omani) a deam Pelinam pri/mus huic loco venatio/nem edidit, deinceps ludos/ sol[l]emnes. L(ucius) Vibius Nepos/ filius, 1 6 1 aed(ilis), IlIIvir iur(e) d(icundo), eq(ues) R(omanus),/ patronus civitatis, ob/ nomen fratris sui ti/tulum publice dica/vit. Aureliano Aug(usto) et Basso II co(n)s(ulibus), (ante diem) XVI kal(endas) Iun(ias). 260. Telesia, 1 st-2nd c. (CIL 9.2252.) L(ucius) Manlius Rufio sévir/ an(nos?) LXXVII, Telesiae ludos/ scaenicos fecit, epulum/ colonis [T]elesinis et li[beris]/ eorum [et i]ncolis crustufm]/ et mulsum dédit, eique pro/ meritis eius coloni et incolae/ in clupeum contulerunt h(onoris) c(ausa)./ Hoc mon(umentum) si(ve) ho(c) se(pulcrum) h(e)r(edem) no(n) seq(uetur). 261. Telesia, 3rd c. (CIL 9.2243.) —]/ [—]ev[— cuius dedi]/ca[ti]one dédit d[uoviralib(us)?]/ (sestertios) XX, decurionibus [et]/ popularibus liberisque/ eorum (sestertios) VIII, sed et populo/ passim pecuniam distri[b]uit,/ ludorum quoque spectacu/lum ea die civibus exhibuit,/ patrono

1 ^ D e s s a u suggests that this may be the same Varius Geminus often mentioned by the elder Seneca. According to Dessau, this would indicate that he was the legate of two provinces whose names simply have not been recorded. " » T h e Vibii Nepos and Severus, probably son and father respectively, were more likely from Corfinium than Superaequum, according to Mommsen, because their honores conform more to those of Corfinium.

Region 4

175

abstnentissimo/ civi prestantissimo,/ amatori civium simplicissim(o?)/ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 262. Telesia, late 3rd c. Large base. (CIL 9.2237; ILS 5060.) Titio Fabio Severo 1 6 2 / patrono coloniae ob me/rita eius domi forisque/ et quod primus omnium/ editorum sum[ptu pr]oprio/ quinqué fer[as Libyc]as/ cum familia [glad(iatorum) —]ria/norum et adpa[ratu] mag/nifico dederit, ordo/ civesque libentissime/ statuam tribuerunt. 263. Telesia, late 3rd c. (CIL 9.2238; ILS 5507.) Civi optimo et erga/ patriam civesque obse/quentissimo Titio Fabio/ Saevero patrono coloniae,/ cuius cura et sollicitudi/ne omnia opera publica res/taurata sunt. Huic ordo/ splendidissimus et hones/tissimus populus Telesinus/ statuam ponendam/ decrevit. 264. Terventum, 138-235. (CIL 9.2592. PIR1 S 79.) M(arco) Salonio/ Longinio Mar/cello c(larissimo) v(iro), quest(ori)/ cand(idato), leg(ato) pro(vinciae)/ Afr(icae), trib(uno) ple(bis),/ leg(ato) pro pret(ori)/ prov(inciae) Moesae, pr(aefecto) pe(cuniae?) aer(ari) Sat(urni),/ Tereventina/tes patrono pi/mo (sic) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 265. Trebula Mutuesca, 139-180. (Torelli, Epigraphica 24 (1962) 55-58; AE 1964.106. FOS 478; PIR2 L 15; RE S14, Laberia n. 21a.) Laberiae Hostilia[e]/ Crispinae M(arci) Laberfi]/ Maximi 1 6 3 bis co(n)s(ulis) filiae,/ [G(aii)] Brutti Praesentis 164 / [b]is consulis uxori,/ [mjulieres Trebulanaje/ a]ere conlato patro/[n]ae ob merita. 165 266. Trebula Mutuesca, 243. (CIL 9.4894; ILS 6554. PIR2 k 1648.) Aureliae Cre[s]/centiae honestissim[e]/ et pudicissime femine, patro(nae), co(n)iugi Aureli Felicissimi 1 6 6 pro/[c(uratoris)] e(gregi) v(iri) patroni municipii Trebulan(orum)/ Mut(uescarum),

162

T h e following inscription, η. 263, is also dedicated to this Severus.

163

S e e PIR2 L 9 .

,64

S e e PIR2 Β 164.

165

Crispina's name appears on lead fistulae which indicates her merita consisted at least in part of generosity to public works. See Torelli 67. 166

S e e PIR2 A 1502; RE 2, Aurelius n. 128.

176

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions ob merita et be[ne]ficia saepe/ [i]n se conlata statuam ponendam/ [i]dem tricliniares decre/verunt./ Dedicata natali die (ante diem) XVII kal(endas) Feb(ruarias)/ Arriano et Papo co(n)s(ulibus)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

267. Trebula Mutuesca, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.4891.) G(aio) Abelasio Pro/culeiano adlecto su/pra numer[um —/ ex decreto] utriusq[ue —/ ordi]nis [—] decurioni et/ [—] sev(irum) Aug(ustalium), patri decur(ionum)/ avo nepotum G(aii) Abelasi/ G(aii) f(ili) Sabiniani ob sepe fa[...?]/ VlIIvir(i) aed(iliciae) pot(estatis), VHIvir(i) [...] suis, (tertium) aer(ari); G(aii) Abelasi G(aii) f(ili) Castoris/ VIIIvir(i) aed(iliciae) pot(estatis), VIIIvir(i) (iterum) fanor(um),/ Vlllvir(i) (tertium) aer(ari); G(aii) Abelasi G(aii) f(ili) Pro/culeiani iun(ioris), VHIvir(i) aed(iliciae) potest(atis);/ G(aii) Abelasi G(aii) f(ili) Castoris iun(ioris) VIII/vir(i) aed(iliciae) pot(estatis); G(aii) Abelasi G(aii) f(ili) Sabini/ VIIIvir(i) aed(iliciae) pot(estatis); G(aio) Abelasio M[...]/ bia[...] pronep(otum). Huic [—/ —] strenuo/ aebe[—]/ censuerunt, ob merita eius. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 268. Trebula Mutuesca, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 9.4896; ILS 6553.) T(ito) Petidio T(iti) f(ilio)/ Fab(ia tribu) Cessino/ VlIIviro aediliciae/ potestatis, VHIvir(o) (item)/ fanor(um), Vlllvir(o) (tertium) aerari,/ adlecto supra numer(um)/ sevirum Augustalium/ pleps Trebulana/ ob merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 269. Trebula Suffenas, 2nd-3rd c. Marble plaque. (Berni Brizio, Atti del Centro di Studi e Documentazione 2 (1969-1970) 152; AE 1972.167.) [,..]cio/ L(uci) f(ilio)/ Luciliano/ equiti Romano,/ Salio, Ilviro,/ quaest(ori) pro alim(entis),/ ob amore[m].

Region 5 270. Auximum, 137. (CIL 9.5839; ILS 2084.) G(aio) Oppio G(aii) f(ilio) Vel(atina tribu)/ Basso 1 6 7 p(atrono) c(oloniae),/ pr(aetori) Auximo, (centurioni) leg(ionis) IUI Fl(aviae) fel(icis), evoc(ato) Aug(usti)/ ab actis fori, beneficiario) pr(aefectorum) pr(aetorio), signif(eri), option(i), tesse(rario)/ coh(ortis) II pr(aetoriae), mil(iti) coh(ortium) XIIII/ et XIII 167-The same Bassus is also honored in the following example, η. 271.

Region 5

177

urbanarum/ coll(egium) cent(onariorum) Auxim(i)/ patr(ono) ob merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Posita VI k(alendas) Iul(ias)/ L(ucio) Aelio Caesare II/ P(ublio) Coelio Balbino co(n)s(ulibus). 271. Auximum, circa 137. {CIL 9.5840; ILS 2085.) G(aio) Oppio G(aii) f(ilio) Vel(atina tribu)/ Basso p(rimi)p(ilari), p(atrono) c(oloniae),/ pr(aetori) i(ure) d(icundo) Aux(imo), (centurioni) leg(ionis) IUI/ Fl(aviae) fel(icis) et leg(ionis) II Tr(aianae) for(tis),/ evoc(ato) Aug(usti) ab act(is) fori,/ b(eneficiario) pr(aefectorum) pr(aetorio), mil(iti) coh(ortis) II pr(aetorianae)/ et coh(ortium) XIII et XIIII urb(anarum),/ omnibus officiis/ in caliga functo, 1 6 8 / centuriones leg(ionis) II/ Traianae fortis/ optimo et dignissimo,/ in cuius ded(icatione) cenam col(onis) ded(it)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 272. Auximum, 96-138. ( C I L 9.5835; ILS 1415. PIR1 Ρ 388; RE 41, Plotius η. 8; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 152.) Q(uinto) Plotio Maximo/ Collin(a tribu)/ Trebellio Pelidiano 169 / eq(uo) pub(lico),/ trib(uno) leg(ionis) II Traian(ae) fort(is),/ trib(uno) coh(ortis) XXXII volunt(ariorum),/ trib(uno) leg(ionis) VI Victric(is),/ proc(uratori) Aug(usti)/ promagist(ro) XX hered(itatium),/ praef(ecto) vehiculor(um),/ q(uin)q(uennali), patirono) col(oniae) et suo, 1 7 0 pont(ifici),/ coll(egium) fabr(um) Auxim(i) ob/ eximium inter municip(es)/ suos amorem./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 273. Auximum, 96-138. {CIL 9.5836.) Q(uinto) Plotio Maximo/ Col(lina tribu) Trebellio Peli/diano equo p(ublico),/ trib(uno) leg(ionis) II Traian(ae) fort(is),/ trib(uno) coh(ortis) XXXII volunt(ariorum),/ trib(uno) leg(ionis) VI Victricisy proc(uratori) Aug(usti) promagistro/ XX hereditatiumy praef(ecto) vehiculor(um)y q(uin)q(uennali), p(atrono) c(oloniae) et suo, pont(ifici)y collegium) cent(onariorum) Auximat(ium)/ ob eximium in muni/cipes suos amorem./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

A référence to the muñera signiferi, optionis, and tesserarli the previous inscription, n. 270.

listed individually in

169-The same Pelidianus is honored with a very similar inscription by the collegium centonariorum at Auximum in the following example, n. 273. 170rhat is, patrono collegi

fabrum.

178

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

274. Auximum, 161-169. (CIL 9.5843.) T(ito) Saleno T(iti) f(ilio) Vel(ina tribu)/ Sedato veterano/ Aug(ustorum), accept(o) onesta/ mission(e) ex coho(rte) XIII urba(na),/ pr(aetori), q(uin)q(uennali), quaestori reip(ublicae) Auximat(ium),/ patrono colleg(i) centonarior(um),/ Masueta lib(erta) patrono optimo,/ cuius dedicatione decurionibus/ sing(ulis) VIII n(ummos) et colonis/ sing(ulis) IUI n(ummos) dedit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 275. Auximum, 138-192. (CIL 9.5831; ILS 6572.) M(arco) Oppio Capitoni/ Q(uinto) Tamudio Q(uinti) fil(io)/ T(iti) n(epoti) T(iti) pr(o)n(epoti) Vel(ina tribu) Milasio/ Aninio S e v e r o 1 7 1 / equo publ(ico), iudici select(o)/ ex V decur(iis), praef(ecto) fabr(um), pont(ifici),/ q(uin)q(uennali) (iterum), q(uaestori) (quater), p(atrono) c(oloniae) et p(atrono) c(oloniae) Aesis/ et munic(ipi) Numanat(ium) idem/ quinq(uennali),/ coloni ob merita eius,/ in cuius dedic(atione) cenam col(onis) ded(it)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 276. Auximum, 2nd c. (CIL 9.5841.) L(ucio) Praesentio L(uci) fil(io)/ Lem(onia tribu) Paeto/ L(ucio) Attio Severo/ praefecto coh(ortis) I Afr(orum)/ c(ivium) R(omanorum) eq(uitatum), iudici selecto ex/ V dec(uriis), pr(aetori) Auximi, pat(rono) col(oniae)/ aedili, IIvir(o) Anconae,/ Vibia L(uci) f(ilia) Marcella/ flamina August(ae)/ marito omnibus exem/plis de se bene merito/ et in dedic(atione) statuae/ cenam colon(is) et epul(um) pop(ulo) ded(it)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 277. Falerio, 193-235. Marble plaque originally belonging to a base. (CIL 9.5439; ILS 1368. Pflaum, Carrières II, η. 226.) T(ito) Cornasidio/ T(iti) f(ilio) Fab(ia tribu) Sabino e(gregiae) m(emoriae) v(iro),/ proc(uratori) Aug(usti) Daciae Apulensis, proc(uratori)/ Alpium Atractianar(um) et Poeninar(um)/ iur(idico) glad(iatorio), subpraef(ecto) class(is) pr(aetorianae) Raven(natium),/ praef(ecto) alae veter(orum) Gallor(um), trib(uno) leg(ionis) II/ Aug(ustae), praef(ecto) coh(ortis) I Mont(anorum) p(ia) c(onstans), auguri, Laur(enti)/ Lavin(ati), aed(ili), Ilvir(o), q(uaestori), q(uin)q(uennali) p(er)p(etuo),/ collegia fabrum centon(ariorum) dendrophor(orum)/ in honorem/ T(iti) Cornasidi/ Vesenni Clementis/ fili eius equo publ(ico), Laur(entis)/ Lavin(atis), patroni plebis et col/legior(um) qui ab 17 C o m p a r e CIL 9.5832, dedicated to the same man by the ordo et plebs of Treia but without any citation of virtues or epithets.

Region 5

179

ipsis oblatum/ sibi honorem statuae in/ patris sui nomen memo/riamque transmisit. 278. Firmum Picenum, 130-160. ( C I L 9.5359. PIR2 G 104; RE 13, Gavius η. 18; Pflaum, Carrières I, pp. 247-251 η. 105bis.) M(arco) Ga[vio M(arci) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)]/ Ma[ximo]/ p r a e f ( e c t o ) p r a e t ( o r i a n o ) , 1 7 2 / consular(i) or(dinario),/ [bene]fic[i]a[rius eius]/ [ob bene]ficia [— 279. Firmum Picenum, 138-192. (CIL 9.5357; ILS 1417. PIR2 A 942; RE 2, Appalius; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 144.) T(ito) Appallo T(iti) f(ilio) Vel(ina tribu)/ Alfino Secundo/ proc(uratori) August(i) XX hered(itatium),/ proc(uratori) Alpi Atrectianar(um),/ praef(ecto) vehicul(orum), subpraef(ecto)/ class(is) praet(orianae) Ravenn(atium), pr(aefecto)/ alae I Aug(ustae) Thrac(um), trib(uno) coh(ortis)/1 Aeliae Britton(um), praef(ecto)/ coh(ortis) IUI Gallor(um), patron(o)/ colon(iae), flamini divor(um)/ omnium, augur(i),/ Ilvir(o) quinq(uennali) b i s / ob merita eius,/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 280. Interamnia, I s t e . (CIL 9.5068.) —]/ Attiae P(ubli) fil(iae)/ Maximae/ sacerdoti/ Augustar(um),/ Ti(berius) Claud(ius) Vitalis/ uxori optimae./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 281. Omero, 97-117. (Fiorelli, Not. Sc. 1885, p. 167.) Ob merita Claudiae Hedones et memoriam Ti(beri) Claudi Himeri fili eius, cultores Herculis universi iurati per I(uppiterem) O(ptimum) M(aximum) geniumque imp(eratoris) Caesaris Nervae Traiani Aug(usti) Ger(manici) ita censuerunt. Piacere sibi posterisque suis uti quodannis in perpetuum (ante diem) VI idus Febr(uarias) natale Ti(beri) Claudi Himeri colerent vescerenturque in templo Herculis; quod si ita non fecissent tunc eo anno quo cessatum fuisset hi cultores Herculis, qui in titulo marmoreo scripti sunt, posterisque eorum inferrent cultoribus imaginum Caesaris n(ostri), qui sunt in vico strament(orum) annuos (sestertios) CC n(ummos) item [— 1 7 3

l^Maximus 73

was

praetorian prefect to Antoninus Pius for twenty years.

' T h e division of lines in this text is uncertain, for which reason they have been omitted.

180

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

Region 6 282. Amena, 2nd-3rd c. Cippus of travertine marble. (CIL 11.4371 ; ILS 6631.) Sex(to) Ticiaseno Sex(ti) f(ilio) Sex(ti)/ nep(oti) Sex(ti) pron(epoti) Clu(stumina tribu) Alliano/ pontifici, flamini Vic/toriae et Felic(itatis) Caesar(is)/ perpetuo, praef(ecto) coh(ortis)/ III Astur(um) eq(uitatae) c(ivium) R(omanorum), trib(uno) leg(ionis)/ II Italic(ae), IHIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali), mivir(o)/ i(ure) d(icundo) II, sacerdoti) V(ictoriae) F(elicitatis) C(aesaris), cur(atori) lusus/ iuvenum, VIviri Augustal(es)/ patrono ob amorem eius/ erga singulos universosque. 283. Amena, n.d. Marble statue base. (CIL 11.4395; ILS 6632.) T(ito) Petronio T(iti) f(ilio)/ T(iti) n(epoti) Clu(stumina tribu) Proculo/ IIvir(o) aed(ilicia) p(otestate), Illlvir(o)/ i(ure) d(icundo), curatori lu/sus iuvenum V(ictoriae) F(elicitatis) C(aesaris),/ iuvenes Aug(ustales)/ ob m(erita) e(ius), qui [o]b/ statuae dedicati/onem dédit iuve/nibus s(ingulis) (sestertios) XXX n(ummum),/ adiecto pane et/ vino epulantibus./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 284. Amena, n.d. Inscription on travertine marble. (CIL 11.4391.) Iuliae M(arci) f(iliae) Felicitati/ uxori/ G(aii) Curiati Eutychetis/ Illlvir(i),/ magistrae Fortu/nae Mel(ioris), coll(egium) centonarior(um)/ ob merita eius, quo honore/ contenta sumptum omnem/ remisit, et ob dedic(ationem) ded(it) sin/gulis (sestertios) XX n(ummos), et hoc amplius/ arkae eorum intul(it) (sestertium) V m(ilia) n(ummum),/ ut die natalis sui (ante diem) V idus Mai(as)/ ex usuris eius summae epu/lantes imperpetuum divider(ent),/ quod si divisio die s(upra) s(cripta) celebrata non/ fuerit, tunc pertineb(it) omn(is) summa/ ad familiam publicam. 285. Asisium, late 1st c. Fragment of a limestone or red marble base. (CIL 11.5382. PIR1 Τ 100; RE 5A, Tettius n. 6.) [G(aio) Tetti]o G(aii) f(ilio)/ Ouf(entina tribu) Africano/ [p]raef(ecto) vigilum,/ [p]raef(ecto) annonae,/ [p]raef(ecto) Aegyptiy piissimo/ munificentissimoq(ue)/ [er]ga patriam et1 [—

Region 6

181

286. Attidium, 97-117. Inscription on red stone. {CIL 11.5669; ILS 2728. PIR2 C 382; RE 3, Camurius n. 2; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 87.) G(aio) Camurio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Lem(onia tribu) Clementi 1 7 4 praef(ecto) fabrum ΠΠ, praef(ecto) i(ure) d(icundo) imper(atoris)/ Caes(aris) Traiani Aug(usti), praef(ecto) coh(ortis)/ VII Raet(iae) equ[i]t(atum), trib(uno) mil(itum) coh(ortis) II/ Ulpiae Petraeor(um) milliar(um)/ equit(atum), praef(ecto) alae Petrianae/ milliar(ae) c(ivium) R(omanorum) bis torquatae,/ proc(uratori) Aug(usti) ad Miniciam,/ proc(uratori) Aug(usti) epistrategiae/ Septem nomor(um) et Arsi/noitae, 175 Treienses patron(o)/ ob merita eius, decr(ecto) dec(urionum)/ publice. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 287. Attidium, n.d. 11.5677.)

From the front of a limestone cippus.

{CIL

Attidi[ae L(uci?) f(iliae)]/ Iulian[ae]/ munici[pes et]/ incolae/ ex aere conl[ato]/ ob mer(ita) patri[s]/ eius. 288. Camerinum, circa 160. Base of Tiburtine stone. {CIL 11.5632; ILS 2735. PIR2 M 67; RE 14, Maenius η. 17; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 120.) M(arco) Maenio G(aii) f(ilio) Cornelia tribu) Agrip/pae L(ucio) Tusidio Campestri/ hospiti divi Hadriani, patri/ senatoris, praef(ecto) coh(ortis) ü Fl(aviae)/ Britton(um) equitat(ae), electo/ a divo Hadriano et misso/ in expeditionum Brittan/nicam, trib(uno) coh(ortis) I Hispanor(um)/ equitat(ae), praef(ecto) alae I Gallor(um)/ et Pannonior(um) catafracta/tae, proc(uratori) Aug(usti) praef(ecto) classis/ Britannicae, proc(uratori) provin/ciae Brittanniae, equo pu/blico, patrono municipi,/ vicani Censorglacenses/ consecuti ab indulgentia/ optimi maximique imp(eratoris) Anto/nini Aug(usti) Pii beneficio inter/pretationis eius privilegia, quibus in p[e]rpetuum aucti/ confirmatique sunt./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). G(ratis). 289. Camerinum, 138-192. Base of Tiburtine stone. {CIL 11.5635; ILS 6640.) G(aio) Veianio G(aii) fil(io)/ Cor(nelia tribu) Rufo fil(io)/ aedili, IlIIvir i(ure) d(icundo), patro/no municipi et complu/rium civitatium, equo pu/blico, curat(ori) reip(ublicae) Plestinor(um)/ dato a maximis imp(eratoribus) Anto/nino Aug(usto) [[et ' 7 4 C l e m e n s is also honored in AE 1987.354 but without any citation of virtues or attribution of epithets. l ^ S e e also CIL 3.7127 from Ephesus in honor of a "procurator in Aegypto ad epistrategiam septem nomorum et Arsinoitum."

182

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions Commodo Aug(usto)]]/ Antonini Aug(usti) f(ilio), flamini di/vorum Aug(ustorum), Laurenti sacerdotio/ ornato. Huius pater annonae/ cantates saepius sustinuit,/ epulum frequenter dedit./ Municipes Camertes ob plurim(a)/ et maxima beneficia) patris eius et ips(ius)/ in se conlata. Honor(e) accept(o)/ quo contuler(ant) remisit. Cuius dedic(atione) epul[um] d(edit)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

290. Camerinum, n.d. Large base of Tiburtine stone. {CIL 11.5634; ILS 6639.) [.. Sa]trio G(aii) f(ilio) G(aii) n(epoti)/ [C]or(nelia tribu) Barbaro/ IlIIvir(o) iur(e) dic(undo),/ equo publ(ico), patron(o)/ Camertes/ aere conlato ob/ annonam quam/ eis [in I]ÓIvir(atu) suo/ exhibuit. Honore/ suscepto conla/tionem remisit. 291. Carsulae, 2nd-3rd c. Cippus. (CIL 11.4582.) T(ito) Flaminio/ Maio/ Vlvir(o) Aug(usti) l(iberto),/ huic mu/nicipes, cum aquaeductum ve/tustate corruptum de suo ob/ honorem IlIIvirat(us) Aufidiani/ fili sui refecisset, statuam ex aer[e]/ collato poni desideraverunt/ cuius ob dedication(em) dedit decurion(ibus)/ (denarios) II, Augustalib(us) (denarios) I, populo (denari) (uno et) s(emis asses) adiecto pane/ et vino. Item ob dedication(em) aquaeduct(i)/ decurionib(us) (denarium), Augustal(ibus) (denarium), populo (denarium) semel./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 292. near Carsulae, 2nd c. Cippus of Tiburtine stone with {CIL 11.4579; ILS 6633.)

fastigium.

T(ito) Calvisio T(iti) fil(io)/ [C]lu(stumina tribu) Vero augur(i)/ quinq(uennali), Illlvir(o), aedil(i),/ cur(atori) pec(uniae) frum(entariae) IUI,/ q(uaestori) p(ublico) aer(ari) p(ecuniae) p(ublicae), patrono/ mun(icipi) [et] Vlvir(orum) August(alium)/ procur(atori) iuvenum,/ collegiu iuven(um) ob/ plurima beneficia et/ munificentiam eius/ erga se collata. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 293. near Carsulae, n.d. Cippus of Tiburtine stone. {CIL 11.4580; ILS 6634.) Sagitti./ L(ucio) Egnatio L(uci) f(ilio) Clu(stumina tribu)/ Victorino Illlvir(o)/ i(ure) d(icundo) quinq(uennali), patrono/ August(alium) itemque/ fabr(um), editori iuven(alium),/ ob insignis vena/tionis ab eo edita[s],/ iuvenes ex aere coll(ato)/ patrono. Cuius ob/ dedic(ationem) dedit iuven(alibus) sing(ulis) s(estert)i(os) XII,/ decur(ionibus) s(estert)i(os) XII n(ummos), Vlvir(is) s(estert)i(os) II [—

Region 6

183

294. Fanum Fortunae, 2nd c. Marble cippus. (Bernardelli Calavalle, / manoscritti epigrafici della Biblioteca Federiciana di Fano (Fano 1983) 106; Le iscrizione romane del Museo Civico di Fano (Fano 1983) 35; A E 1983.373.) Bruttia[e]/ Iust[ae]/ Vivili [Aug(ustales)]/ ob mer(ita) c[—]/ Iustae m[atris?]/ eius [—]. 295. Forum Sempronii, 2nd c. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.6117. PIR2 M 79, 83, 326; RE 14, Maesius η. 7.) Mariae T(iti) f(iliae) Maesiae L(uci) f(iliae)/ Castae Domitillae/ Maesi Rufi (uxori),/ L(ucio) Maesio L(uci) f(ilio) Pol(lia tribu)/ Rufo proc(uratori) Aug(usti),/ trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) XV/ Apollinaris, trib(uno)/ coh(ortis) mil(iariae) Italic(ae) volunt(ariorum)/ quae est in Syria, praef(ecto)/ fabrum bis,/ municipes et incolae ob merita eius, quod annona kara frument(i)/ denario modium praestitit, earumque 1 7 6 dedicat(ione) Rufus epulum dedit/ decurionib(us) singul(is) (sestertios) XXX, sexviris et Augustalib(us) sing(ulis) (sestertios) XII, plebi sing(ulis) (sestertios) IUI. 296. Forum Sempronii, 2nd c. Marble statue base. (CIL 11.6123.) G(aio) Hedio G(aii) f(ilio) Clust(umina tribu) Vero/ equo publ(ico), praef(ecto) equit(um) alae/ Indianae p(iae) f(idelis), trib(uno) milit(um) leg(ionis) II/ Traian(ae) f(ortis), praef(ecto) coh(ortis) II Ling(onum) eq(uitatae),/ Ilvir(o), Ilvir(o) quinq(uennali), quaestori,/ patrono municipi, flamini,/ item Pitino Mergente/ IlIIvir(o) quinq(uennali), IlIIvir(o), aedili,/ patrono municipi, pontifici,/ quod cum antea statua ei nomine/ publico ob merita eius decreta esset/ et is honore contentus/ sumptibus publicis pepercissety decuriones ex suo posuerunt, 177 / quibus ob dedicationem/ Verus singulis (sestertios) LXX n(ummos)/ sportulas dedit.// Ilviri et decuriones Forosemproniens(es) Vero/ salutem./ Et dignitatis tuae tot tantique tituli iudici(i)s/ principalibus pulchri, et in rem public(am) n(ostram)/ notabilis munificentia, et adfectus, quos civi/bus nostris nunc ipse praestas, nunc ab eis per/cipis, et praecipue morum tuorum modestia/ singularis, reverentia insignis necessario/ nos compulit, ut tandem parem tibi grati/am, in quantum potest, dum ignoras, refera/mus. Nam statuam tibi pedestrem de nostro/ ponendam iam pridem decrevimus, sed idcirco/ decretum ad te non misimus, 1 7 ^Most likely a reference to two statues dedicated to Rufus and his wife Domitilla. 1 7 7 When honored earlier with a public statue Verus paid the full cost of the monument, for which reason the local decuriones now decree a second public statue of Verus to which this statue base and its inscription pertain.

184

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions ne nunc quoq(ue),/ sicut antea, cum publice tibi statua decreta/ est, fecisti, honore tantummodo te conten/tum esse rescriberes, quae res tuam quidem/ modestiam inlustraret, nobis vero velut/ segnitiam exprobaret. Igitur statua/ decreta, ne quid negare possis, iam comparata/ advehitur. Quod superest, voluntati nostrae/ consule et qualem inscriptionem dandam/ putas petentibus facito notum. Optamus te/ bene valere.

297. Fulginiae, circa 90. Large plaque of red limestone. (CIL 11.5210; ILS 990. PIR2 D 152; RE 9, Domitius n. 65.) Gn(aeo) Domitio Sex(ti) f(ilio) V[o]l[t(inia tribu)]/ Afro Titio Marcello/ Curvio Lucano/ co(n)s(uli), proco(n)s(uli) provinciae Africaey legato eiusdem provinciae Tul[li]/ fratris sui, septemviro epulonum, i[tem?] praetorio legato provinciae Afr[i]c[ae]/ imp(eratoris) Caesar(is) Aug(usti), praef(ecto) auxiliorum omnium/ adversus Germanos, donato ab imp(eratore) Vespasiano Aug(usto) et T(ito) Caesar(e) Aug(usti) f(ilio) coronis/ murali vallali aureis hastis puris ΙΠ/ vexillis III, adlecto inter patricios, praetori,/ tr(ibuno) pl(ebis),/ quaest(ori) propraetore provinciae Afric[ae,/ tr(ibuno)] mil(itum) leg(ionis) V Alaud(ae), Illlvir(o) viarum curandar(um), patrono/ optimo/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 298. Fulginiae, circa 90. Large plaque of red limestone broken at top. 0CIL 11.5211; ILS 991. PIR2 D 167; RE 9, Domitius n. 84.) [Gn(aeo) Domitio Sex(ti) f(ilio) Volt(inia tribu) — Curvio Tullo co(n)s(uli), proco(n)s(uli) provinciae Africae], fetiali, praef(ecto) au[xilior(um) omnium] adversus Germanos, qui cum esset/ candidatus Caesar(is) pr(aetor) desig(natus), missus est ab/ imp(eratore) Vespasiano Aug(usto) legatus propraetore ad/ exercitum qui est in Africa et apsens inter/ praetorios relatus, donato ab/ [imjp(eratore) Vespasiano Aug(usto) et Tito Caesare Aug(usti) f(ilio) coronis/ murali vallari aureis hastis puris III vexillis III,/ adlecto inter patricios, tribuno) pl(ebis), quaest(ori) Caesar(is) Aug(usti),/ [t]r(ibuno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) V Alaud(ae), Xvir stlitib(us) iudicandis, patrono optimo/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 299. Hispellum, 1st c. (Antiseri, Epigraphica 9 (1947) 41-42, n. 2; AE 1950.82.) Gn(aeo) Cornelio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Palat(ina tribu) Pomponio/ Martiali equo pub(lico),/ Vlvir(o), aed(ili), Ilvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo),/ quaest(ori) Π / IIvir(o) quinq(uennali), auguri/ plebs urbana/ ob merita ei[u]s./ L(ocus) d(atus) [d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)].

Region 6

185

300. Hispellum, late 2nd-3rd c. Base of Tiburtine stone. (CIL 11.5270. FOS 497; PIR2 L 278; RE 13, Licinia η. 203.) Liciniae G(aii) f(iliae) Vic/[t]orinae c(larissimae) m(emoriae) [f(eminae)],/ G(aii) Hispellae Gavi/ Saturnini c(larissimae) m(emoriae) v(iri), 178 / ob singularem eius/ castitatem/ et erga se munifi/centiam/ splendidissimus/ ordo colon(iae)/ Hispellatium./ D(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 301. Interamna, early 3rd c. Marble base. (CIL 11.4182. PIR2 1 367; RE 10, Iulius n. 289.) L(ucio) Iulio L(uci) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)/ Iuliano/ praetori, curator(i)/ civitatis Interamna/tium Nartium, praef(ecto) Minicia(e), proconsuli/ provinciae Achaiae,/ leg(ato) legionis Secund(ae)/ August(ae), legato Aug(usti)/ propr(aetore) provinci/ae Aquitaniae, con/suli, officiates/ eius provinciae Aquita/niae optimo praesidi/ homini bono. 302. Interamna, 240. (CIL 11.4209; ILS 6630.) T(ito) Fl(avio) T(iti) f(ilio) Clu(stumina tribu) Isidoro eq(uiti)/ Rom(ano), patri duorum eq(uo) pub(lico),/ omnibus honorib(us) honeste/ functo, quinq(uennali) II, auguri,/ sacer(doti), pont(ifici), praet(ori) sacror(um),/ patrono municipi Inte/ramnat(ium) Nart(ium), Casuenti/norum, Vindenatium,/ v(iro) b(ono) et quidquid in egre/gium hominem laudis/ dici potest in hoc sit/ beneficio naturae conlatum, possessores/ inquilini negotiantes/ viae strate cultores/ Herculis, rarissimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedic(atum)/ (ante diem) VIII id(us) Sept(embres)/ Sabino II et Venust(o)/ co(n)s(ulibus). 303. Mevania, Iste. Inscription on marble. (CIL 11.5029. PIR1 R 36.) T(ito) Resio T(iti) f(ilio) Aim(ilia tribu)/ leg(ato) propr(aetore)/ locus sepulturae ipsi/ posterisq(ue) eius ob plurima/ erga suos municipes/ merita, publice datus. 304. Mevania, n.d. Marble base. (CIL 11.5054; ILS 5271.) L(ucio) Succonio L(uci) f(ilio) Palatina tribu)/ Prisco IlIIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), q(uaestori) a(erari),/ omnium corpor(um) patr(ono),/ item Trebis decur(ioni), pont(ifici),/ IHIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), patrono mun(icipi),/ decuriae IUI scabillar(iorum)/ veteres a scaena,/ amantissimo sui,/ ex aere conlato. H(onore) a(ccepto) i(mpensam) r(emisit).

178i follow the improved reading of their names given by Kajava (1988).

186

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

305. Ocriculum, 2nd c. (CIL 11.4087.) L(ucio) Iulio L(uci) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)/ Iuliano/ IHIvir(o), aed(ili),/ IHIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo),/ IHIvir(o) quinq(uennali),/ quinq(uennali) II de s(enatus?) t(estimonio?), patrono/ municipi/ pieps ob merita./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 306. Ocriculum, 2nd c. Cippus of Tiburtine stone. (CIL 11.4090.) Iuliae Luciliae/ L(uci) Iuli Iuliani fil(iae)/ patroni municipi,/ cuius pater/ thermas Ocricola/nis a solo extructas sua pecunia dona/vit. Decur(iones), Aug(ustales), pleps./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecurionibus?). 307. Ocriculum, 202. Base of Tiburtine stone. (CIL 11.4086.) G HAMAI COm. 1 7 9 / L(ucio) Iulio L(uci) f(ilio) Am(iensi tribu) Au/gurino patrono/ civitatis et collegi/ iuvenum M(artensium) F(ortensium) et co/llegi dendroforum,/ omnibus honoribus/ et oneribus civitatis suae/functo, iuvenes sui/ amantissimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Cura agentibus/ L(uciis) Iuliis Augurino et/ Ireneo, et Maximo/ filis, dedicata idibus/ Iulis ter et semel co(n)s(ulibus). 308. Ocriculum, 247-248. Base. (CIL 11.7805; ILS 7365.) Romuli./ M(arco) Iulio Ulpio M(arci) f(ilio)/ Velina (tribu) Cleopatro pa/trono civit(atis) et collegi/ centonar(iorum), item amatoru/m Romuliorum, patri M(arcorum)/ Claudiorum Ulpiorum Cle/opatri et Sabini eq(uitum) R(omanorum),/ viro optimo ob merita et/ innocenti eius honoris/ gratia, amatores qui ad r/oburandum consensum ama/torum suorum donavit eis/ (sestertium) X m(ilia) n(ummum) et ob dedicatione(m) sin/gulis discumbentibus et epul(antibus)/ (sestertios) XXX n(ummos). L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedicata (ante diem) ΠΙ kal(endas) Martias/ [—] 1 80/ co(n)s(ulibus),/ cura agentibus Clau/[d(io)] Ulpio Achilleo et/ M(arco) Iulio Mercurio. 309. Ostra, n.d. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.6190.) Q(uinto) Precio Q(uinti) f(ilio) Pol(lia tribu) Proculo 181 / equo publico, augur(i), Ilviro designato,/ municipes, quo honore accepto/ Q(uintus) Precius Hermes filio piissimo pec(unia) s(ua) '^^Most likely Augurinus' agnomen, but otherwise unintelligible. ' 8®I follow Dessau's assumption that the consuls whose names were erased are the two Philippi of 247-248. ISlproculus is the dedicator of the following inscription, n. 310, in honor of his wife.

Region 6

187

f(ecit),/ cuius dedicatione vins et mulierib(us)/ epulum dedit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 310. Ostra, n.d. (iCIL 11.6189.) Graecinae Q(uinti) [f(iliae)]/ Paetinae uxori/ optimae pientissima[e]/ Q(uintus) Precius Proculus/ ob merita eius/ p(rimi)p(ilaris) bis. 311. Pisaunim, 180-192. Marble base. (CIL 11.6354; ILS 6655.) Abeienae G(aii) f(iliae)/ Balbinae/ flaminicae/ Pisauri et Ari mini,/ patronae municipi/ Pitinatium Pisaurensium./ Huic anno quinquenna[l(itatis)]/ Petini Apri mariti eius/ plebs urbana Pisau/rensium ob merita/ eorum. Cui/ imp(erator) [—]/ [—] 1 8 2 / ius commune Iibero/rum concessit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 312. Pisaurum, 180-192. Marble base. (CIL 11.6358; ILS 6654.) L(ucio) Apuleio/ Brasidae/ habenti ΙΠΙ lib(erorum) ius 1 8 3 dat(um) ab imp(eratore) [—]/ [—] 1 8 4 Aug(usto),/ VIvir(o) Aug(ustali), ornament(is)/ decurional(ibus) honor(ato)/ et Aug(ustali) mun(icipi) Ael(i) Karn(unti),/ colleg(ium) fabrum/ patrono et quinq(uennali)/ ob eximiam eius ergaJ se liberalitatem,/ cuius dedicatione cum/ collega singulis (sestertios) n(ummos) U adiecto pane et vin(o) ded(it)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 313. Pisaurum, 2nd c. (CIL 11.6357; ILS 5057.) T(ito) Anchario T(iti) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu) Prisco aedil(i), quaest(ori), üvir(o), quaest(ori) alimentorum, huic primo IIvir(o) biga posita ob eximias liberalitates et abundantissimas in exemplum largitiones, et quod ex indulgentia Aug(usti) octies spectaculum gladiator(um) ediderit, amplius ludos Florales, ob haec merita plebs urbana [—], cuius dedicatione T(itus) Ancharius Priscianus filius aedilis, quaestor, adsedente patre, gladiatorum paria decern, adiecta venatione legitima edidit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 185 1 8 2 Most likely Commodus. 183

The ius quattor liberorum gave to freedwomen the authority to make their own wills as well as general freedom from the tutela of their patrons (Gai. 3.44; Ulp. 29.3). We can assume then that this ius conferred the same privileges upon freedmen, as here in the case of Brasidas. See also inscription n. 446 below. l ^ M o s t likely Commodus. 185

T h e exact division of lines in this inscription is uncertain, for which reason they have been omitted.

188

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

314. Pisaurum, 2nd c. Red marble base. (CIL 11.6360.) G(aio) Aufidio G(aii) f(ilio) Cam(ilia tribu)/ Vero pont(ifici), q(uaestori), IIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali),/ plebs urbana ob merit(a) eius/ ex aere conlato, cuius dicatione/ dedit decurionibus singul(is) (sestertios) n(ummos) XXXX,/ Augustal(ibus) (sestertios) n(ummos) XX, plebei (sestertios) n(ummos) XII, adiecto/ pane et vino, item oleum in balneis. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 315. Pisaurum, 193-235. Inscription on marble. (CIL 11.6337; ILS 1422. PIR2 C 1055; RE 3, Claudius n. 380; Pflaum, Carrières II, η. 228.) T(ito) Claudio Zenon(i) Ulpiano Verrae f(ilio) trib(uno) co[h(ortis) I] Ast[u]rum, trib(uno) coh(ortis) I Fl(aviae) Britton(um), praef(ecto) alae I Claud(iae) (a) mil(itiis), adiut(ori) a[d c]ens(us), ex sacra iussione adhibit(o) in consil(ium) praef(ecti) praet(orio) item urb(i), pro[c(uratori) ad bona] damnatorum, proc(uratori) silicum viar(um) sacrae urbis, subpraef(ecto) vigil(um) {b}, proc(uratori) privatae regionis Ariminensium, patrono col(oniae) Pisaur(i) ob eximiam circa se ac patriam suam benivolentiam eius [— 186 316. Pisaurum, 256. Ornate bronze plaque with fastigium. 11.6335; ILS 7218. PIR1 Ρ 235; RE 19, Petronius η. 77.)

(CIL

L(ucio) Valerio Maximo et M(arco) Acilio Glabrio/ne co(n)s(ulibus) non(is) Ian(uariis),/ colonia Iulia Felicae Pisauro in schola deae/ Minerve Aug(ustae) col(legi) fab(rum) collegae univer/si convenerunt. Q(uod) u(niversorum) c(onsensu) v(erba) facta sunt:/ plena obsequia amoris numeri nostri in claritatem domus/ Petroni Victorini 187 c(larissimi) i(uvenis) patroni nostri demonstrari gloriosum est, quippe cum/ dignatio [e]ius in omnibus prona provocet, ut et Setinam Iustam c(larissimam) f(eminam), coniu/gem eius, incomparabilis pudicitiae, plurimo numero filiorum gloriantem, de/ quorum genere cum aetate eorum crescit felicitas, patronam nobis/ cooptali, Petronium quoque Aufidium Victorinum iun(iorem) pari modo sicu/ti et maiores fratres eius c(larissimos) p(ueros) abere nos in numero laetamur, eum quoque/ cooptatum patronum prono consensu adscribí gloriae, et ex hoc gaudium n(umeri) n(ostri)/ amplifican; 186 T h e text given follows Dessau's reading which differs slightly from Bormann's edition in CIL. The exact division of lines is uncertain, for which reason they have been omitted. 187 Probably the great-great-grandson of Aufidius Verus above in inscription n. 314 also from Pisaurum.

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189

piacere: pro generis claritate proque senatoria dignitat/ [Petr]oni Victorini c(larissimi) i(uvenis), cuius inconparabili amor et in numerum nostrum dig/nation licet impares, tarnen obsequio dignitati eius in omnibus parentes/ nec aliquit pr(a)etermittentes prono animo et voto properamus, cum et Setinam/ Iustam c(larissimam) f(eminan) coniugem eius patronam, set et Pe[t]ron[i]um Aufidium Victorinum/ iun(iorem) filium eorum, sicuti et fratres eius, patronum n(umeri) n(ostri) cooptasse nos per decre/tum insinuamus, quod offerii eis per q(uin)q(uennales) n(umeri) n(ostri) set et plurimos collegas placuisse/ hocque testimonium incidi in tabulam aeneam et quam primum eis offerii ut in/ plenum intellegentes amorem numeri nostri perpetua gloria ornare et fo/vere nos dignetur./ Censuer(unt). 317. Pisaurum, 3rd c. (CIL 11.6362; ILS 7364.) Zminthi./ T(ito) Caedio T(iti) f(ilio) Cam(ilia tribu)/ Atilio Crescenti eq(uo) p(ublico), patr(ono) col(oniae) et/ primario viro, q(uaestori), Ilvir(o) et/ Ilvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali), patr(ono) Vlvir(orum) Augus[t(alium)]/ itemq(ue) coll(egiorum) fabr(um), cent(onariorum), navic(ulariorum),/ dendr(ophororum), vici m(agistrorum), 1 8 8 iuvenum foren/sium, item studior(um) 1 8 9 Apollinaris) et Gunthar(is), 190 ci ves amici/ et amatores eius, quorum nomina inscripta sunt, ob/ eximiam benignamq(ue) erga/ omnes cives suos adfectio/nem sinceramq(ue) et incompa/rabilem innocentiam eius,/ patrono dignissimo./ Cuius dedicatione sing(ulis) (sestertios) n(ummos) XXXX/ adiecto pane et vino cum epul(o) dedit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Uttedius Amand(us) (and nine other names of the cives, amici and amatores.) 318. Pisaurum, 2nd-3rd c. Marble statue base. (CIL 11.6356.) P(ublio) Alfio P(ubli) f(ilio) Camsimniano/ equo publico,/ quaestori, Ilvir(o) quinq(uennali),/ huic primo omnium ob eximias/ liberalitat[es] et abundantissimas/ in ex[empl]um largitiones big(am) pos(uit)/ [pleb]s urb[ana] ex aere conlato./ [Loc(us) dat(us)] decur(ionum) decreto).

188

F o r another patron of a similar grouping of collegia

in Pisaurum see n. 323

below. 1 8 9 That is, collegiorum. 190-The meaning of Gunthar is unknown. Bormann cites CIL 11.6222 for comparison: "cenationem ad Guntham...aedificabit..."

190

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

319. Pisaurum, 2nd-3rd c. Inscription on marble. (CIL 11.6369.) G(aio) Mutteio G(aii) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)/ Quinto Severo/ q(uaestori), Ilvir(o), q(uaestori) alimentor(um),/ curatori calendar(i)/ pecuniae Valentini n(ummum) (sestertium) DC (milia),/ patrono Vlvir(orum) August(alium) et/ colleg(iorum) fabr(um), centonar(iorum), navicular(orum),/ decuriones et plebs urbana/ ex division(e) 191 epularum/ ob merita./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 320. Pisaurum, 2nd-3rd c. Marble cippus. (CIL 11.6377.) G(aio) Titio G(aii) f(ilio) Cam(ilia tribu) Valentino/ aedili, q(uaestori), Ilvir(o), qui testamen/to colonis coloniae Iul(iae)/ Felic(is) Pisaur(ensium) decies centena/ millia num(mum) dedit, ita ut per sing(ulos)/ annos ex sestertiorum CCCC (milia)/ usuris populo epulum die/ natali Titi Maximi fili eius/ divideretur et ex sestertiorum/ DC (milia) usuris quinto quoque an/no munus gladiatorium ederetur/ plebs urbana. 321. Pisaurum, n.d. Marble statue base. (CIL 11.6370.) M(arco) Naevio/ M(arci) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu) Iusto/ aedil(i), cur(atori),/ coll(egium) fabr(um) ob/ merita/ M(arci) Naevi Cerasi/ patris. 192 / L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 322. Pisaurum, n.d. (CIL 11.6371.) M(arco) Naevio M(arci) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu) Magno auguri, colleg(ium) fabr(um) patron(o) ob merita Naevi Cerasi patris, in quorum honor(em) idem Cerasus (sestertium) X (milia) n(ummum) arcae intulit et in tutelam statuae (sestertium) n(ummum) XX (milia), cuius dedicatione sportulas dedit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 193 323. Pisaurum, n.d. Marble base. (CIL 11.6378.) G(aio) Valio/ Polycarpo/ ornamenta decurio/natus inlustratus aI splendidissimo or/dine Arimin(i), patron(o)/ VII vicorum, item col/legior(um) fabr(um), cent(onariorum),/ dendr(ophororum) ' 9 ' Mommsen reads ex transcriptions.

division(e)

in place of ex divi

Nervae

in other

192 Cerasus' other son Magnus is similarly honored in the following example, n. 322, where a more detailed account is given of Cerasus' generosity in response to his sons' monuments.

l ^ T h e exact division of lines in this text is uncertain, for which reason they have been omitted.

Region 6

191

colon(iae) Arim(ini)/ item ornamenta decuri/onatus inlustratus a/ splendidissimo ordine Pi/saurens(is), patrono collegi/orum fabr(um), cent(onariorum), dendr(ophororum), navic(ulariorum),/ et vici mag(istrorum) colon(iae) Pisaur(ensis)y plebs Pisaur(ensis) ob merita, cuius/ dedicat(ione) sportulas decur(ionibus) (denarios) V,/ itemq(ue) collegiis (denarios) II, plebi (denarios) 1/ dedit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice). 324. Pitinum Mergens, lst-2nd c. Marble plaque which appears to have been the front of a cippus. (CIL 11.5960.) G(aio) Ligustinio/ G(aii) f(ilio) Clu(stumina tribu) Diserto/ (centurioni) leg(ionis) XX V(aleriae or Ulpiae) V(ictricis),/ (centurioni) leg(ionis) ΙΠΙ Scythicae,/ item (centurioni) leg(ionis) XX V(aleriae or Ulpiae) V(ictricis),/ evocato Aug(usti),/ benefic(iario) praef(ecti) praet(oriani),/ Eutyches lib(ertus)/ patrono optimo/ ob merita,/ cuius dedicatione/ decurionib(us) et plebei/ cru[stu]lum et mulsum/ dedit. 325. Pitinum Mergens, n.d. (CIL 11.5965.) [G(aio) M]essio G(aii) lib(erto)/ Zosimo/ [sevir]o Augustali hie/ [et Foro] Semproni, orna/[mentis] decurionalibus ab/ [ordine] Pit(inorum) Merg(entium) honorato,/ [decuri]ones et plebs urban(a)/ ob merita,/ [cuius d]edicatione decurionifbus sing]ulis (sestertios) XII, plebeis/ [(sestertios)...et] epulas dedit et/ [vis]cerationem. 326. Sentinum, 260. Bronze plaque. (CIL 11.5748; ILS 7220.) P(ublio) Cornelio Saeculare II et Iunio Donato II/ co(n)s(ulibus) kal(endis) Iulis,/ Sentini cum in scola sua freques numerus coll(egi) fabr(um)/ Sentinatium convenissent, numerum abentibusP G(aio) Iulio Martiale et G(aio) Casidio Rufino q(uin)q(uennalibus) et referentib(us)/ ipsis: semper t in praeteritum ita splendidissimum n(umerum) n(ostrum)/ conisum esse, ut adfectione(m) splendoris sui in singulos/ quosqu{a}e condignos merentes exibeant, vel maxime/ in honore a(t)que dignitate Memmiae Victoriae q u o n / ^ d a m indoles m[e]moriae femine, matris numeri nostri,/ pro{o}rsus usqu{a}eque esse provectum nomen domus/ eius, ut per ordinem generis sui omnes in numerum n(ostrum)/ patroni in collegium nostrum appellarentur, optan/da[q]ue erant, ut omnes universi{s}qu{a}e incólumes i n / ^ numerum nostrum viderentur, et quoniam vir splen/didus Coretius Fuscus patronus numeri debeat ex/emplo pietatis parentium et matris honorific! i }entia(e),/ itaque, si omnibus videretur, tabula(m) aeream ei offer/ri, q(uid) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(uncti) c(ensuerunt):/20

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

192

gloriosam esse relationem b(onorum) v(irorum) q(uin)q(uennalium) collegi n(ostri), et ideo cum sit Coretius Fuscus splendide natus, ut/ potius honorific {i Jentiae nostrae modum intel/legat necessque sit ei tabulam aeream titulis/ ornatam scriptam offeri petique ab eo, hanc/ oblationem nostrani libenti animo suscipe/^^re dignetur, legatosque in earn rem fieri qui/ {qui} digne prosequantur Titratium Ampliatum, Orfium Veri/tatem, Aemilium Victorem, Bebidium Iustum, Casidium Mart[i]a/lem, Iulium Martialem, Casidium Rufinum, Bebidium Ienu/arivium (sic), Aetrium Romanum, Casidium Clementinum, Aetrium/^O Vernam, Vassidenum Favorem, Casidium Iustissimum, Sa/trium Verecundum, Statium Velocem, Veturi(um) Celerinu(m). 327. Sentinum, 260. Bronze plaque. {CIL 11.5750.) P(ublio) Cornelio Saeculare II et G(aio) Iunio Dona/to II co(n)s(ulibus), (ante diem) III non(as) Dec(embres)/ Ostre in municipio coll(egium) centon(ariorum) cum (in) schola sua frequen/tes scribundo adfuissent ibique referente T(ito) Vessidio For/tunato q(uin)q(uennale) universoru(m) consensu verba sunt facta:/ Quanto amore quantaque munificentiafm} n(umerum) n(ostrum) Carenus Vibi/anus ornasse pala(m) est, cuius inpares beneficiis ad/ remunerandam ius adfectionem querere remedia/ debere, sed precipuum a[t]que laudabilem communis voti/ repertum consilium, ut Coretium Victorinum, 1 9 4 ad genus {a}e/ius et honors pertinentem, vel ac o{b}blatione muneremus/ et patronum {a}eum iandudum lectum publica testificatio/ne manifestetur; igitur, si cunctis videtur, tabulam aeream/ continentem testimonium circa eum nostre adfectionis,/ ideoque q(...) r(...), 195 q(uid) f(ieri) [p(laceret)], de (a)ea r(e) u(niversi) i(ta) censuerunt:/ piacere Coretio Victorino patrono n(umeri) n(ostri) tabul(am) aeream conti/nentem ve[r]ba decreti nostri offerii per Vessidium Fortuna/tum, Cornelium Tertium q(uin)q(uennales), Publilium Maximinum,/ Aurelium Ursinum, Valerium Iustum,/ Cocceium Mercurialem, Antistium M a x i m u m , / Octavium Clementem, Petronium Felicem,/ Vessidium Feloquirium (=Philocyrium), Octavium Tau/rum, Satrenu(um) Superum, Vessidium Verecundu(m),/ Statium Faustum legatos./ Féliciter.

'^Bormann thought that this plaque must have been preserved in the same house as n. 326 above and n. 328 below, for which reason he assumed Coretius Fuscus, the honorand in those texts, to be the brother of this Coretius Victorinus who adopted his cognomen from his mother, Memmia Victoria, who is also commemorated in n. 326. ' ^ U n d e r s t a n d

something similar in meaning to ei offerri.

Region 6

193

328. Sentinum, 261. Bronze plaque. (CIL 11.5749; ILS 7221.) Imp(eratore) Gallieno Aug(usto) ΠΠ et Volusiano co(n)s(ulibus)/ (ante diem) XV kal(endas) Septembres/ Sentini in triclini(o) domus c(ollegi) c(entonariorum) numerum habenti/bus sequella eiusdem colleg(i), ibi referentibus Casidio/^ Severo patre n(umeri) n(ostri) et Heldio Peregrino parente: cum sit/ oportunum crebris beneficiis et adfectionem amoris/ [erg]a n(umerum) n(ostrum) exibentibus adsistere et munificentia(m)/ [eo]rum sicut oportunitas testimonium perhiberet,/ [re]munerare, igitur si cunctis videtur Coretium F u s c u m / ^ [spjlendidum decurione(m) patriae n(ostrae) sed et patronum trium/ coll(egiorum) principalium et Vasia(m) Martinam, coniugem eius/ patronam, sed et Coretiu(m) Sa[b]inum filium eorum iam prid[e]m/ patronos per duplomum a numero n(ostro) cooptat[o]s, nunc tabulam/ aeream patronatus eis offerii, ut merito honore pro m e r i / 1 ^ t i s innotescat, q(uid) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(uncti) c(ensuerunt): quod in praeteritum Coreti Fusci patroni Vsiae Martine/ patrone et Coreti Sabini fili eorum erga amore beneficia praes/tita susceperimus, nunc etiam in futurum non dissimilia, quae nunc sentimus, perpetuo ex domum eorum processura pari adfec/tionem (sic) speramus a(t)que ideo consentiri relationi b(onorum) v(irorum) Casidi/ Severi patris n(umeri) n(ostri) et Heldi Peregrini parentis et ad remunerandam/20 eorum benevolentia(m), quo lautius aque pulchrius digne honorem/ sibi oblatum sus{i jcipere dignentur, decretum et in tabula aerea/ perscriptum eis, qua et a nobis profectum est legatosque/ fier{e}i placuit, qui hanc tabulam digne pr[o] sequi (scr. prosequantur)/ Satrius Achilles, Satrius C l e m e n s , V o e s i d e n u s Marcellinus, Cassidenus Verinus,/ Casidius Severus, Aeldius Primus, Heldius Peregrinus,/ Brittius Maximus, Aelius Honoratus, Appolulus Hilarianus, Aetrius/ Terminalis, Gavius Felicissimus, Satrius Ianuarius, Casidius Romu/lus, Aetrius Verna, Satrius Ursus. 329. Sentinum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 11.5752.) A v i d i a e G(aii) f(iliae) Tertulliae/ flam(inicae), municipal(ium),/ ordo Vlviral(ium)/ ob merita eius.

matri

330. Sentinum, n.d. Inscription decorated on each side with two columns and above with a tympanum showing a crown. (CIL 11.5757.) G(aio) Itio G(aii) l(ibertus)/ Prisco/ Vlvir(o) Aug(ustali), d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) hon(oris) gr(atia).

194

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

331. Sestinum, 193-235. Limestone cippus. (CIL 11.6014; ILS 6645.) L(ucio) Dentusio L(uci) f(ilio) Pap(iria tribu)/ Proculino eq(uo) p(ublico),/ curat(ori) kal(endari) Tif(ernatium) Mat(aurensium) da/[t]o a[b] imp(eratoribus) Severo et An/[t]onino Aug(ustis), aed(ili), IHIvir(o),/ flam(ini), auguri, pa[t]ron(o) coll(egi) cent(onariorum), IlIIIIviri Aug(ustales)/ et plebs urb(ana) ob pleraq(ue)/ merita eius, patrono./ Cuius dedicatione dec(urionibus)/ (denarios) III, sevir(is) et pleb(i) (denarios) II/ cum pane et vino dedit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 332. Sestinum, 3rd c. Limestone cippus. (CIL 11.6015.) L(ucio) Tullio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Clu(stumina tribu) Vero/ Vettonensi/ eq(uo) p(ublico), Laur(enti) Lav(inati),/ curat(ori) r(ei) p(ublicae) S(estini),/ patrono sex[vir(orum)],/ plebs Sest(ini), ob summ(am)/ aequit(atem) et incomp(arabilem)/ sollicitud(inem) eius er/ga ipsos. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 333. Sestinum, n.d. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.6022.) Paulinae/ ob merita eius/ Petronius T(iti) f(ilius) Clu(stumina tribu)/ Iustus/ amicus et procurator. 334. Spoletium, 1st c. (CIL 11.7872; revised reading by Sensi, Annali della Facoltà di Letteratura e Filosofìa Università degli Studi di Perugia 21 (1983-1984) 291-303 =AE 1986.228.) [L(ucio) Succonio . f(iIio) —/ —]r curat(ori) viar[um —/ — c]ensit(ori) Atiacine[nsium — / l(oco)] d(ato) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)/ [ob merita erga municipes civitat]emque eius [—/ — theatru?]m pecunia sua r[efecit —/ — nomine uxori]s et liberorum suo[rum/ ex cuius reditu quot(annis) curiae matr]onar(um) et conv[enientibus —/ — dedit in publicu]m (sestertios) DCLXXXX et d[edit —/ Vlvir(is) Aug(ustalibus) et compitalib(us) larum Aug(ustorum) et] mag(istris) vicor(um) (sestertios) CCCCL [—/ decuriis III scabillar(iorum) vet(eribus)] a scaena (sestertios) XXX [—/ — no]mine P(ubli) Calvisi(i) Sabi[ni Pomponi Secundi —/ — No]v(embr-) omnibus anni[s —/ —] Maias natali suo [—/ —]ci Succoniae fi [liae —/ — patronu]m factum municipi [Spoleti? —/ —] Rittiae Pannoniae [—]. 196 335. Spoletium, 2nd-3rd c. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.4815; ILS 6638.) G(aius) Torasius G(aii) f(ilius) Hor(atia tribu) Severus IlIIvir i(ure) d(icundo),/ augur, suo et P(ubli) Mecloni Proculi Torasiani '96Sensi attributes the fragmentary state of the text, which has been mutilated in spots, to Succonius' ties to P. Calvisius Sabinus Corbulo, the half brother of Domitius Corbulo who was forced to commit suicide under Nero.

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pontif(icis)/ fili sui nomine, loco et pecunia sua fecit. Idem/ ad celebrandum natalem fili sui in publicum dedit (sestertium) CCL (milia)/ ex quorum reditu (ante diem) ΠΙ k(alendas) Sept(embres) omnibus annis decuriones in publico/ cenarent et municipes praesentes acciperent aeris octonos; item/ dedit VIviris Aug(ustalibus) et compit(alibus) Larum Aug(usti) et mag(istris) vicorum (sestertium) CXX (milia) ut ex reditu/ eius summae eodem die in publico vescerentur. Hunc ob merita eius 1 9 7 / erga rem publicam ordo decurionum patronum municipi adoptavit. 336. Spoletium, n.d. Limestone plaque. (CIL 11.4813; ILS 5272.) M(arco) Septimio/ M(arci) fil(io) Hor(atia tribu)/ Septimiano/ equo publ(ico), IlIIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo),/ praef(ecto) fabr(um) Romae/ dec(uriae) ΙΙΠ scamillar(um) 198 operae veteres/ a scaena patrono ob/ merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 337. Suasa, circa 50. Plaque of polished black stone. (CIL 11.6163; ILS 967. PIR2 C 1257; RE 7, Coiedius.) L(ucio) Coiedio L(uci) f(ilio) Ani(ensi tribu)/ Candido/ tr(ibuno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) VIII Aug(ustae), Illv(iro)/ capital(i), quaest(ori)/ Ti(beri) Claud(i) Caes(aris) Aug(usti) Ger(manici),/ quaest(ori) aer(ari) Satur(ni), cur(atori) tab(ularum) p(ublicarum);/ hunc Ti(berius) Cl(audius) Caes(ar) Aug(ustus) Germ(anicus)/ revers(um) ex castr(is) don(is) m[il(itariis)] don(avit)/ cor(ona) au(rea) mur(ali) val(lari) hasta [p]ura, 199 / eund(em)q(ue) cum ha[be]r(et) inter suos q(uaestores)/ eod(em) ann(o) [e]t a[e]r(ari) Sat(urni) q(uaestorem) esse ius(sit)./ Pub[lice]. 338. Suasa, Iste. Inscription on marble. (CIL 11.6167; ILS 5673.) L(ucio) Octavio L(uci) f(ilio) Cam(ilia tribu)/ Rufo trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) 1111/ Scythicae, praef(ecto) fabr(um)/ bis, duomviro quinq(uennali) ex/ s(enatus) c(onsulto) et d(ecreto) d(ecurionum), auguri ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)/ creato,/ qui lavationem gratuitam/ municipib(us), i[ncoleis,/ hospitib(us) et

' 9 7 Among his public benefactions was the construction of the Turasti thermae which were later damaged by fire and restored by Constantine. CIL 11.4781, which records the restoration, is actually carved into the upper part of the stone bearing this plaque of Torasius Severus. l 9 8 M o s t likely the same as the scabillari, musicians who played foot-castanets for dramatic productions. appears to have earned the dona militaría as tribune of legio VIII Augusta in Britain.

196

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions adventorib(us), uxsorib(us), serveis, ancilleis/que eor(um) in perpetuom/ dedit, d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) publ(ice) patrono.] 200

339. Tifernum Tiberinum, 2nd c. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.5938.) G(aio) Acilio G(aii) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)/ Politiciano/ equo pub(lico), aed(ili),/ q(uaestori), IHIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), IIIIvir(o)/ q(uin)q(uennali), patron(o) munic(ipi),/ dec(uriones), Vlvir(i), plebs/ urb(ana) ob merita/ eius. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 340. Tifernum Tiberinum, 2nd-3rd c. White marble plaque. 11.5941)

(CIL

P(ublio) Petronio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Clu(stumina tribu) Proculo/ patrono munic(ipi),/ decuriones, seviri,/ plebs urb(ana), ob merita/ eius. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 341. Tuder, 270-275. (CIL 11.4659; ILS 6625.) L(ucio) Iulio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Clu(stumina tribu) Marcia/no 2 0 1 aed(ili), Ilvir/o, omnibus hono/ribus in splendi/dissima coloni[a]/ Tuder probe/ functo, ob me/rita eius cives/ posuerunt. 342. Tuder, 270-275. (CIL 11.4660.) Publiciae/ L(uci) f(iliae) [—] hone/stae matrone/ castissime et/ coniugi Iuli Marci/ani ob merita ma/riti cives ex aere/ collato. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 343. Near Tuder, 270-275. (CIL 11.4750; ILS 6626.) L(ucio) Iulio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Clu(stumina tribu) Marciano/ aed(ili), Ilvir(o) Tuder(tium),/ vicani Vici Martis/ Tudert(ium) ex aere coll(ato)/ ob merita eius. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)./ Curam agentibus/ L(ucio) Iulio Privat(o) patre/ et L(ucio) Primi[a]no amico. 344. near Tuder, 270-275. Fragments that possibly belonged to a base. (CIL 11.4750a.) [.] Iulio T(iti) f(ilio) Clu(stumina tribu)/ Marciano/ patro[no —/ vicani Vici Martis Tud(ertium)],/ ob mer[ita ipsius et]/

200

T h e s e last few bracketed lines appear to have been transcribed only once in the sixteenth century. 201 Marcianus' wife is the honorand in the following example, n. 342, and Marcianus himself is again the honorand in n. 343 below.

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maiorum 202 et [eximia]/ erga se beneficia]/ merent[ti posuerunt.]/ L(ocus) [d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).] Dedicati—]/ Aurelf— ].// L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). Dedicat[—]/ Aurelian[— 345. Tuder, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 11.4647.) —]/ legato provinc(iae) Narbon(ensis),/ legato legion(is) V Macedon(icae),/ proco(n)s(uli) provinciae Siciliae,/ praef(ecto) aeran militari[s],/ co(n)s(uli),/ decuriones et pleb[s],/ optimo et amantissimi]/ sui patrono. 346. near Tuder, n.d. Marble cippus. (CIL 11.4751.) Severinae G(aii)/ filiae/ Afrae h(onestae) m(atronae),/ coniugi Perpetuini/ Auspicis, ob merita/ mariti eius, vicani vici/ Martis Tudertium aere/ collato ob eximia bene/ficia eius erga se/ merenti posuerunt./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 347. Tuficum, circa 141. Statue base, the front of which bears this text and the left side the text in n. 348 following. (CIL 11.5693; ILS 2666.) Sex(to) Aetrio S[ex(ti) f(ilio)]/ Ouf(entina tribu) Feroci/ centurioni leg(ionis) II/ Traianae Fortis;/ huic primo omnium ex cornicul(ario)/ praef(ectorum) [v]igil(um)/ imp(erator) Caesar Antoninus Aug(ustus)/ Pius p(ater) p(atriae)/ ordinem A l e x a n d r i a e 2 0 3 dedit,/ quod per/ gradus militiae suae tam/ industriae se administraverit,/ dec(reto) dec(urionum) et consensu plebis/ ob merita eius./ Hic dedicatione statuae/ municipibus/ et incolis utriusque sexus/ epulum et (sestertios) IUI n(ummos) dedit. 348. Tuficum, 141. Text on left side of statue base in n. 347 above. (CIL 11.5694; ILS 2666a.) T(ito) Hoenio Severo, M(arco) Peducaeo Priscino co(n)s(ulibus)/ (ante diem) VI k(alendas) Dec(embres), decrt(o) decur(ionum):/ quod G(aius) Caesius Silvester p(rimi)p(ilaris) v(erba) f(ecit), Aetrium/ Ferocem, centur(ionem) leg(ionis) II Traian(ae) Fortis per incremen/ta gradus militiae suae tam singulis quam rei p(ublicae) n(ostrae)/ quotiens necesse fuit multum praestitisse, proxime quoque petition! nostrae ab optimo/ 2

® 2 Among his maiores may have been the Iulius Marcianus of examples ns. 341-

343. 203 T h i s pertains to his being promoted to the centurionate of legio II Traiano stationed in Alexandria. Dessau observes that Ferox appears to have been the first to be promoted to this post "ex corniculario praefecti vigilum." the usual sequence being that one was promoted "ex corniculario praefecti praetorio."

198

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions maximoque principe Antonino Aug(usto) Pio/ vectigal viae silic stratae ita in/stitisse ut mature impetraretur, et/ impendis urbicis resp(ublica) beneficio eius/ relevaretur, et optimus imp(erator) n(oster) ex/ corniculario praef(ecti) vigulum primo/ ei omnium ordinem Alexandriae/ dederit, debere nos itaq(ue) ei statuam/ pedestrem secus merita eius/ decernere, q(uid) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) referente/ L(ucio) Vario Firmo Ilílvir(o), censente G(aio)/ Cluvio Sabino, ita cens(uerunt): piacere universis consensu plebis/ Aetrio Feroci (centurioni) secus merita/ eius statuam ubi ipse desiderave/rit quam primum poni. Cens(uerunt).

349. Tuficum, 180-192. Base broken on right side. (CIL 11.5716.) L(ucio) Tif[anio L(uci) l(iberto)]/ Felici 2 0 4 A[ug(ustali?), honor(ato)]/ orname[ntis decur(ionalibus in]/ municip(iis) T[uficano]/ et Septempe[d(ano), patrono]/ collegi fabr(um), m[unicipes]/ Tuficani mer[enti ob]/ editionem mune[ris gla]/diatorii, quod pro [salute]/ [i]mp(eratoris) [[Commodi Antonini]]/ Aug(usti), ex pecunia sua edidfit],/ et mox honesta epulatione/ universos sit prosecutus./ Cuius dedicat(ione) decurion(ibus)/ sing(ulis) s(estertios) Vili n(ummos) et ceteris/ utriusque sexus (sestertios) IUI n(ummos) dedit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 350. Tuficum, late 2nd c. Limestone plaque. (CIL 11.5712.) Camurenae/ G(aii) fil(iae)/ Celerinae 205 / flam(inicae) Feron(iae)/ municipi Septemp(edani)/ L(ucius) Tifanius Felix/ patr(onae) optimae. 206 351. Tuficum, late 2nd c. Limestone base. (CIL 11.5711 ; ILS 6641.) Camurenae/ G(aii) fil(iae)/ Celerinae/ flam(inicae) Feron(iae)/ municipi Septemp(edani),/ municipes et incol(ae)/ Tuf(ici) utriusq(ue) sexus/ ob merita eius./ H(onore) a(ccepto) i(mpensam) r(emisit).

204

Bormann assumes this honorand to be the same L. Tifanius Felix who erected the following example, n. 350, to his patrona Celerina and CIL 11.5715 to Celerina's daughter Tifania Polla. 205

Celerina is also the honorand in the following example, n. 351.

206 T h e extant part of Felix's inscription to Celerina's daughter Tifania Polla ( C I L 11.5715) preserves only her name, although older transcriptions record the phrase patr(onae) optimae similar to the one in her mother's inscription.

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352. Tuficum, latter half of 2nd c. Limestone base. {CIL 11.5697; ILS 5891.) G(aio) Caesio G(aii) f(ilio) Ouf(entina tribu)/ Silvestri 2 0 7 p(rimi)p(ilo),/ patr(ono) munic(ipi),/ curatori viarum/ et pontium Umbriae/ et Piceni allecto ab/ optimo imp(eratore) T(ito) Aeli[o]/ Antonino Aug(usto) Pio p(atre) p(atriae) imp(eratore) II,/ liberti patrono/ optimo ac dignissimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 353. Tuficum, latter half of 2nd c. {CIL 11.5699.) G(aio) Caesio/ G(aii) f(ilio) Ouf(entina tribu)/ Silvestri p(rimi)p(ilari),/ Cesidia Eutich[..]/ marito optimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 354. Tuficum, circa 205. Limestone plaque. {Not. Sc. 1893, p. 135; CIL 11.8050; ILS 9003; AE 1894.144. PIR2 G 554; RE 13, Fulvius η. 101.) G(aio) Fulvio G(aii) f(ilio) Quir(ina tribu) Plautiano 2 0 8 / pr(aefecto) pr(aetoriano), c(larissimo) v(iro), co(n)s(uli) II, ad/sumpto inter patr(icias)/ famil(ias), necessario/ d(ominorum) n(ostrorum) Aug(ustorum) Seve/ri et Antonini di/cato numini aeor(um),/ patri Plautillae/ Aug(ustae), omnium prae/cedentium praef(ectorum)/ excellentissimo,/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice). 355. Tuficum, 3rd c. Inscription on limestone. {CIL 11.5717; ILS 6643.) L(ucio) Gresio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Ouf(entina tribu) Proculo/ Illlvir(o),/ municip(es) et incolae/ merenti, quod inter/ cetera tempore m[a]gist(ratus)/ sui in karitate olei civib(us)/ suis quattus 2 0 9 libr(as) pr(o) p(ortione)/ et epul(um) dedit,/ idem dedicatione/ [s]tatu[a]e municip(ibus) suis/ decur(ionibus) s(estertio)s VI et plebeis/ utriusque eus [s]in[g(ulis)]/ s(estertio)s [I]III n(ummos) dedit./ [L(ocus) d(atus)] d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). Silvester is the honorand in the following example, η. 353, dedicated by his wife. Other inscriptions from Tuficum concerning Silvester are: CIL 11.5687 citing his construction of a temple to Venus; CIL 11.5695 listing his purchase of various weights and scales for public use; CIL 5696 in honor of Silvester but without any language of praise. 208 S e p t i m i u s Severus' ruthless praetorian prefect, assassinated in 205. Other Italian inscriptions dedicated to him are CIL 11.1337 from Lunae and CIL 5.2821 from Patavium, neither of which records any epithets or virtues. 2

®^Buecheler suggests that quattor assibus be understood here.

200

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

356. Tuficum, 2nd-3rd c. Limestone cippus. (CIL 11.5718; ILS 6642.) L(ucio) Musetio/ L(uci) f(ilio) Ouf(entina tribu)/ Sabino 210 / equo publico, patrono municipi/ Tufïc(i) et municipi/ Attidiat(ium) et Cuprens(ium)/ Mont(anorum), pontif(ici), augur(i)/ MIvir(o) iuri dicund(o),/ decuriones et plebs/ ex epulis suis ob merit(a)/ eius. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 357. Urvinum Mataurense, 2nd c. (CIL 11.6054. ΡIR1 V 342; RE 8A, Vettius n. 48.) L(ucio) Vettio L(uci) f(ilio) Stel(latina tribu) Staturae [X]vir(o) stlit(ibus) iudic(andis), trib(uno) milit(um) leg(ionis) II Aug(ustae), quaestori provinc(iae) Narbonensis, trib(uno) pl(ebis), praetori, IlIIvir(o) quinq(uennali) i(ure) d(icundo), patrono municipi, decuriones ex aere conlato ob pienissima merita eius, quod primus omnium cum quinquennalis esset annuum se epulum municipibus suis daturum pollicitus est. 211 358. Urvinum Mataurense, circa 200. Inscription on four sided stone, (ιCIL 11.6053. PIR1 V 297; RE S15, Vesnius.) G(aio) Vesnio G(aii) f(ilio) Stel(latina tribu)/ Vindici popul(us)/ Urvin(i) patrono suo/ et municip[i],/ aedil(i), pontif(ici),/ IlIIvir(o) viarum curandar(um),/ tribun(o) milit(um) leg(ionis) Vili Aug(ustae),/ quo militante, cum liberata/ esset nova obsidioney legio pia fidelis constane/ Commoda cognominata est,/ ipse ut devotissimus imp(eratori)/ Commodo Aug(usto) Pio Felici,/ oblato honore quaestor/ designatus est annorum XXIII./ Divisit ob dedication(em) biga e/ decurion(ibus) singul(is) (denarios) V,/ collegiis omnibus (denarios) IUI, plebei/ et honore usis (denarios) III./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 359. Urvinum Mataurense, 3rd c. (CIL 11.6061; ILS 6648.) G(aio) Clodieno G(aii) fil(io) Stell(atina tribu) Sereno Vesnio Dextro 2 1 2 equiti Romano, patron(o) et pontif(ici) Urvinat(ium) Mat(aurensium), patrono et curatori reip(ublicae) Forocornel(iensium), optimo iustissimo, splendidissimus ordo Forocornel(iensium) ob merita eius, quod industria sua statum 21 ®Sabinus' name appears also in CIL 11.5719, a very fragmentary text with no discernable language of praise. 21 'The line divisions of this text are given arbitrarily in CIL, for which reason they have been omitted here. 212

Dextrus is also the honorand in CIL 11.6060 which records his distribution of sportulas and epulas to the local senate and citizenry for the occasion, but attributes no epithets or virtues to him.

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reip(ublicae) auxerit, [tarn] sing(ulos) quam civis in u[niv(ersos) [.„213 360. Urvinum Mataurense, n.d. Large marble base. 2 1 4 {CIL 11.6068; ILS 5782.) G(aio) Vesidieno Gn(aei) f(ilio)/ Basso aed(ili)/ IIIIvir(o) iur(e) dic(undo),/ Illlvir(o) quinq(uennali),/ publice/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum),/ quod aquam novam/ conquirendam et/ in municip(ium) perducend(am)/ et nymphaeum faciend(um)/ pec(unia) pub(lica) c(uravit). 361. Vettona, 223. Small marble base. {CIL 11.5178.) T(ito) Elufrio T(iti) f(ilio) Stel(atina tribu) Meliori/ in honorem T(iti) Elufri/ Aeliani paths, quod anno IIII/vir(atus) sui annonam suffícientem/ civitati pecunia sua/ praestiterit, cuius ob mefrita? — ]// [Dedi]cat(a) pr(idie) idus [—]/[L(ucio) R]oscio Pacul[o]/ Papirio Aeli[ano]/ co(n)s(ulibus)./ Loc(us) p(ublice) d(atus) d(ecrcto) [d(ecurionum).]

Region 7 362. Arretium, 261-267. Marble plaque. ( C I L 11.1836; ILS 1332. Plût Ρ 231; RE 19, Petronius n. 73.) L(ucio) Petronio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Sab(atina tribu) Tauro Volu/siano v(iro) co(n)s(ulari)/ ordinario, praef(ecto) praet(orio)/ em(inentissimo) v(iro), praef(ecto) vigul(um)/ p(erfectissimo) v(iro), trib(uno)/ coh(ortis) primae praet(oriae) protect(ori)/ Aug(ustorum) n(ostrorum), item trib(uno) coh(ortis) IIII praet(oriae),/ trib(uno) coh(ortis) XI urb(anae), trib(uno) coh(ortis) III vig(ilum), leg(ionum) XI et XIIII Gem(inarum) prov(inciae) Pannoniae superiori(s)/ itm leg(ionis) Daciae, praeposito equitum sin/gularior(um) Aug(ustorum) n(ostrorum), p(rimo) p(ilo) leg(ionis) XXX Ul/piae, centurioni deputato, eq(uo) pub(lico),/ ex V dec(uriis), Laur(enti) Lavin(ati),/ ordo Arretinorum patrono/ optimo.

213-rhe line divisions of this text are uncertain, for which reason they have been omitted. 214

T h i s monument represents a seated figure of a bearded river god leaning on his left elbow and raising up some object, possibly a dolphin, in his right hand.

202

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

363. Capena, 162. Cippus. (CIL 11.3936; ILS 6588.) L(ucio) Pacatio Tyranno/ honorato collegi/ fabrum tignariorum/ Romanensium, ex/ decreto ordinis municipi/ Capenatium foederatorum/ conlatione facta ordinis/ eiusdem municipi et/ Augustalium et vicanorum/ item libertorum ipsius,/ ob merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedicata (ante diem) XIIII k(alendas) Oct(obres)/ Iunio Rustico [II/ Plautio] Aquilino (co(n)s(ulibus)]./ Ludos/ [—]de/ [—]nto. 364. Capena, 172. Marble statue base. (Mancini, Not. Sc. 1953, p. 24; AE 1954.168.) M(arco) Gellio Servando/ Seniori seviro August(ali)/ municipio Capene foederato/ ludos edenti, ob merita/ eius, collatione facta decurionum/ et Augustalium item vicanorum,/ hoc honorem sibi oblatum (sestertium) V m(ilia) n(ummum)/ in aerarium r(ei) p(ublicae) C(apenatium) f(oederatorum) contulit ut ex eo die na/talis sui (ante diem) V k(alendas) Apr(iles) de (denariis) LXXV usure decurio/nibus et August(alibus) et vicanis dividatur prae/sentibus et ex ea divisione iubeo statuae/ meae coronas emi (denarios) III. L(ocus) d(atus) ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)./ Curantibus G(aio) Naevio Proculo et M(arco) Gellio/ Servando Iun(iori), et Vatinio Prisco scriba p(ublico) r(ei) p(ublicae) C(apenatium) f(oederatorum).// Dedic(ata) est (ante diem) III k(alendas) Decembr(es)/ Maximo et Orfito co(n)s(ulibu)s. 365. Capena, 2nd c. (CIL 11.3938; ILS 6589.) M(arco) Silio Epaphrodito/ patrono sevirum Aug(ustalium),/ magistro iuvenum iterum,/ iuvenes Lucoferonenses/ patrono ob merita/ quod amphithe[a]tru[m] col(oniae) Iul(iae) Felici/ Lucofer(onensi) s(ua) p(ecunia) f(ecit) dedicavitque./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)./ H(onore) c(ontentus) i(mpensam) r(emisit). 366. Capena, 256. Marble statue base. (Mancini, Not. Sc. 1953, p. 21; AE 1954.165.) Iuliae Ti(beri) fil(iae) Paulinae/ sacerdoti Cereris, municip(es)/ Capenatium foederatorum/ ob honorem sacerdotalem/ honestissimis caerimoniis/ praebitum decuriones/ item municipes;/ et postea sacerdoti Veneris/ bis; epulum et sportulas decur(ionibus)/ et municipibus praebuit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Dedicata (ante diem) VI kal(endas) Mar(tias)/ Glabrione et Maximo co(n)s(ulibu)s,/ curat(ore) L(ucio) Mucio Muciano/ marito eius.

Region 7

203

367. Capena, 3rdc. Marble cippus. (CIL 11.3890.) [L(ucio)?] Vetuleno L(uci) f(ilio)/ Pal(atina tribu) Proculo/ Anthiano viatori/ co(n)s(ulari), Decimia Gemina/ uxor ex testamento po/suit, quod idem reip(ublicae) Capen(atium)/ amantissimus testamento suo/ legaverit, ea condicione/ [—] V [..] pecuniae s(upra) s(criptae)/ ni[.] (?) decurionibus/ februariarum di n(atali)/ eius sportulis II [..]/ secundum verba tes(tamenti)./ L(ocus) [d(atus)] d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 368. Capena, 3rd c. Marble statue base. (Mancini, Not. Sc. 1953, p. 22; AE 1954.166.) Variae Italiae/ Pacati Fausti (uxori)/ sacerdoti et cultrici/ Cereris et Veneris/ dignissimae, ob merita eius/ decuriones, Augustales honorati/ et vicani pecunia collata posuerunty eique locum publice censuerunt. 369. Capena, 2nd-3rd c. 1954.167.)

Marble statue base,

(ibid.,

p. 23; A E

L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) f(ilio) Fab(ia tribu) Timiniano/ equo publico,/ o(mnes) h(onores) c(onsecuto), aed(ili), q(uaestori) alimentorum/ q(uaestori) p(ecuniae) p(ublicae) r(eciperandae?) succurator(i) m(uneris), ae(d(ili)) Cap(enatium),/ q(uin)q(uennali) m(unicipi) C ( a p e n a t i u m ) f ( o e d e r a t o r u m ) , perpetuo q(uin)q(uennali) ex/ decreto ordinis, conlatio/ne facta dec(urionum) et Aug(ustalium) item/ vicanorum ob merita eius./ Cur(antibus) Plotio Saturnino et G(aio) Licinio Secundino. 370. Capena, n.d. Marble cippus. (CIL 11.3933; ILS 3352.) Flaviae/ Ammiae/ sacerdoti/ Cereris/ ob honorem/ caerimoniorum/ Inonestissime/ praebitorum./ Decreto ordinis. 371. Capodimonte, 2 1 5 n.d. Quadrangular cippus. (Gasperini, Epigraphica 21 (1959) 40-43, n. 6; AE 1962.153. PIR2 L 284.) G(aio) Ligurio G(aii) f(ilio) Sab(atina tribu)/ Salutari A(ulo) Gavio/ Fortunato curatori) reipubl(icae), ex epistula [—]/ [—]/ [— de]/curiones Saturni/enses pecunia pri/vata quod adhibi/ta moderatione et r(ei) p(ublicae)/ statum foverit et uni/versis consuluerit.

originai location of this inscription remains unknown; it is preserved today in Capodimonte.

204

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

372. Clusium, c. 204. Marble cippus. (CIL 11.2106; ILS 1138. PIR2 F 43; RE 12, Fabius η. 97.) M(arco) Fabio M(arci) f(ilio) Quir(ina tribu) Magno/ Valeriano Xvir(o) stlitib(us)/ iud(icandis), trib(uno) laticl(avo) leg(ionis) XI Cl(audiae)/ p(iae) f(idelis), XVvir(o) s(acris) f(aciundis), 2 1 6 q(uaestori) cand(idato), Vlvir(o)/ turma V, tr(ibuno) pl(ebis), pr(aetori), luperco,/ cur(atori) r(ei) p(ublicae) Velitrensium,/ cur(atori) viae Latinae, iur(idico) reg(ionis) Tusciae et Piceni, leg(ato)/ Aug(ustorum) leg(ionis) I Italicae,/ splendidissimus ordo/ Clusinorum patrono/ optimo ob benivolen/tiam eius in se conlatam. 373. Falerii, n.d. Marble cippus. (CIL 11.3156; ILS 7504.) Q(uinto) Fulvio Chareti/ argentario) coactor(i)/ de portu vinario/ superiori,/ patrono optmo/ et indulgentissim(o),/ Doctus et/ Festus lib(erti). 374. Ferentinum, post 175. Statue base. (Fenelli, Epigraphica 33 (1971) 168-69; AE 1972.179. RE S14, Allius n. 10.) L(ucio) Allio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Stel(latina tribu) Volusiano/ trib(uno) laticlavio/ leg(ionis) XII Fulminat(ae)/ Certae Constantis,/ quaestori/ prov(inciae) Baeticae,/ aedili cenali,/ colleg(ia) fabrum/ et centonarior(um) patrono optimo. 375. Forum Clodi, 173. 11.7555; ILS 1886.)

Marble base broken at bottom. 2 1 7 ( C I L

P(ublio) Aelio P(ubli) f(ilio) Palatina tribu)/ Agathocliano/ pontif(ici) praetori Laurenti/um Lavinatium, scrib(ae) tribuni/cio maior(i), scrib(ae) q(uaestorio) sexsprimo,/ scrib(ae) aedil(ium) curulium, de/curial(i) pullario maiori,/ praef(ecto) fabr(um) III, accens(o) velat(o),/ Foroclodienses ex decr(eto)/ decur(ionum) patrono ob meri/ta eius, et quod primus/ ad thermas publicas/ marmora et columnas/ [de]derit, cuius ob dedicati/[onem] sportulas dec[urionibus] virit[im divisit.]// Ded(icata) (ante diem) VII id(us) Aug(ustas)/ Gn(aeo) Claudio Severo II,/ Ti(berio) Cl(audio) Pompeiano Π co(n)s(ulibus). 376. Forum Clodi, 174. Marble statue base. (CIL 11.7556; ILS 6584.) L(ucio) Cascellio L(uci) fil(io)/ Volt(inia tribu) Probo/ quinquennali/ adlect(o), q(uaestori) alim(entorum), cur(atori)/ 2

' ^Fabius Magnus is recorded as XVvir sacris faciundis saecularium of 204. 2

in the acta

ludorum

^ T h i s base and the next one, n. 376, were found relatively near each other.

Region 7

205

anonnae, decurio/nes et populus Foro/clodienses praef(ecturae)/ Claudiae 218 ob merita/ eius dignissimo. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)./ Curantibus/ Ti(berio) Iulio Antistiano,/ T(ito) Volcasio Mercatore,/ T(ito) Volcasio Ianuario,/ L(ucio) Fufio Fructo.// Hie primus omniufm]/ adlectus in ordinefm quin]/quennalium kal(endis) Ap[ril(ibus)]/ Pudente et Orfito c[o(n)s(ulibus)] 219 / ob honorem sibi oblatu[m]/ imaginem Geni prae[f(ecturae)]/ Claudiae ex argenti/ pondo sex cum base/ aerea de sua pecunia/ rei p(ublicae) d(ono) d(edit.)/ Ob cuius dedicationem/ patronis et decurionibus/ singulis dedit (sestertios) C n(ummos), item/ ministeriis publicis (sestertios) L n(ummos),/ item municipibus suis/ epulum cum sportulis dedit.// Dedicata (ante diem) XII kal(endas) Iun(ias)/ Q(uinto) Volusio Fiacco, L(ucio) Aurelio Gallo/ co(n)s(ulibus),/ ob cuius dedicationem epulum/ dedit et viritim (sestertios) vicenos n(ummos). 377. Luca, 2nd c. Mutilated marble plaque. (CIL 11.1527.) Q(uinto) Vibio [—]/ ex quinqu[e dec(uriis), praef(ecto) alae]/ Hispanorum a[...],/ hie (sestertium) C (milia nummum) in opus amphithe[atri dedit]/ in annos decern, et cum [perfici res/ publica decrevisset pe[cunia]/ publica, ex testamento opere]/ a quinquennalibus [probato]/ [su]a inpensa fecit [—]/ [—]ique rett[- ] / [—]sima[—]. 378. Nepet, 2nd-3rd c. Large marble base. (CIL 11.3211.) Gn(aeo) Corellio Gn(aei) f(ilio)/ Fro[nt]ino IIIIv[ir(o)],/ aedil(i), [IHIvir(o)] i(ure) d(icundo), pon[tif(ici)],/ q(uaestori) alimentorum Caes(aris),/ plebs Nepesina ex aere co[nl(ato)]/ ob munificentiam eius,/ cuius statuae dedicat(ione)/ Otacilia Comice uxor/ decur(ionibus) et August(alibus) sportul(as)/ et populo epulum dedit./ L(ocus) a(dsignato) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)./ Curante L(ucio) Turpilio Feiice.

Spraefectura Claudiae appears to have been the original name of this region. See Pliny, H.N. 3.52. 219

T h e year 165.

206

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

379. Perusia, 1st c. 11.1946.220)

Marble plaque broken on left side.

(CIL

[— Aqu]am Virgine[m]/ [— Her]culis ad vetere(...)/ [— saliente in foro fecit de/ [— (sestertios)] (30,000) Vlllvir(orum) arbitratu/ [—]i sternendum curavit/ [huic municipes e]t incolae in statuam (sestertios) (25,000)/ [contulerunt decurionesque titulum ei] in comitio ponendum censuer(unt)./ [Ordo decurionum, quo die funere publjico est elatus,/ [—] équités Romani eum ad rogum/ [ut deferrent et, qui honor primo ei est h]abitus, ei in comitio statua/ fut poneretur, decrev]it. 380. Pisa, circa 168. (CIL 11.1432. PIR1 V 253; RE 8A, Venuleius n. 7.) [L(ucio) Venuleio L(uci) f(ilio) Gal(eria tribu)] Aproniano Octavio/ [— IIIvir(o) a(ere) a(rgento)] a(uro) f(lando) f(eriundo), praef(ecto) urb(is) feriar(um)/ [Lat(inarum), augur(i), quaest(ori), tr(ibuno) pl(ebis)?, pr]aetor(i), leg(atus) leg(ionis) prim(ae) Ital(icae), co(n)s(uli) II,/ [sodal(i) Hadrianal(i), sodal(i)] Antoninian(i) Verian(i), leg(ato) Aug(usti)/ [pr(o) pr(aetore) prov(inciae) Hispaniae Citeri)oris, praetori Etruriae V Pisis/ [—] publice d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)/ [ob plurima? i]n patriam suam beneficia. 221 381. Saturnia, circa 220. Tali base. (CIL 11.7264; ILS 9194.) G(aio) Didio G(aii) f(ilio) Sab(atina tribu)/ Saturnino/ p(rimi)p(ilo),/ donato bello Par(thico)/ a divo Vero item/ bello Germanico/ a divo M(arco) torq(uibus) et ar(millis),/ item divis Severo/ et Magno Antonino/ coron(a) aurea civica/ et asta pura argent(ea),/ ob insignita] eius in/ rem pub(licam) merita/ Saturnienses/ municipes patro(no).// Cura(m) agente G(aio) Min/tio Uro. 382. Saturnia, 3rd c. Large marble base. (CIL 11.2650.) G(aio) Didio G(aii) f(ilio) Sab(atina tribu) Silves/tri Ilviro [i(ure) d(icundo), q(uaestori) p(ecuniae) p(ublicae)?] et ali/ment{i}(orum) [—]/ [— VI]viri/ Aug(ustales) et plebs u[rb]ana/ Saturn(ina) ob mefrita]/ eius digniss(imo) posue[r(unt)];/ ob cuius dedication(em) [po]pu[lo]/ [..] sportulas di[vi]s[it] sing(ulis) (denarium) 1/ et dotem eis dedit (sestertium) 220rhis text follows Mommen's conjecture in CIL. 2 2 l 0 n e of these beneficia is recorded by CIL 11.1433 which commemorates Octavius' expenditure on the channelling of water into the public baths from a nearby river bed.

Region 7

207

VIII m(ilia) n(ummum)/ ex cuius usuris die VII kal(endas)/ Martias natali eius Aug(ustales) et/ plebs urb(ana) confreq(uententur) et spor(tulis) 2 2 2 / [f]ungan[t]ur. L(ocus) d(atus) ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Cura(m h)abent[ibus]/ G(aio) Pomponio Ach[ille?/ et?] L(ucio) Petisio Octav[iano],/ Q(uinto) Hater[i]o Cleme[nte]/ [---]/ [Max]im[o II] et Ur[bano co(n)s(ulibus).]// Critina Iuniano et/ L(ucio) Calvisio [—]/ cura(m) agentibu[s], 383. Saturnia, 2nd-3rd c. Base. (CIL 11.7265; ILS 6596.) Sex(to) Meció Sex(ti) f(ilio) Sab(atina tribu)/ Marcello Il(viro) q(uin)q(uennali) Satur/ni(ae), q(uaestori) kal(endari) r(ei) p(ublicae) et aliment(orum),/ curat(ori) pagi Lucreti,/ iuveni o(ptimo) et amant(issimo)/ ob multa eius bene/ficia pagani pagi s(upra) s(cripti) in se conlata/ dignissimo po/suerunt./ L(ocus) d(atus) ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 384. Sutrium, n.d. Statue base. (CIL 11.3258.) G(aio) Lepido G(aii) f(ilio) Pap(iria tribu)/ Victori/ Ilviro iure dic(undo), cur(atori)/ pec(uniae) publ(icae) et operum pu/blicorum, quibus ex fide refectis, ob merita eius,/ decuriones et August(ales)/ et populus/ statuam ponendam/ ex aere conlato decre/verunt, qui honore/ contentus ex suo posuit/ et conlationem reddidit. 385. Tarquinii, 240. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.3367; ILS 1180. ΡIR1 Ρ 214; RE 19, Petronius η. 47.) Q(uinto) Petronio Meliori 223 viro/ co(n)s(ulari), cur(atori) r(ei) p(ublicae) Tarquinens(ium)/ et Graviscanor(um), praefec/to frum(enti) dandi, legat(o) leg(ionis)/ XXX Ulpiae, curat(ori) Pyrgens(ium)/ et Ceretanor(um), leg(ato) leg(ionis) Vili Aug(ustae), praet(ori), trib(uno) pleb(is)/ kandid(ato), quaes(tori) prov(inciae) Nar/bon(ensis), quaest(ori), sodali Aug(ustali)/ Claudiali, sexvir(o) turm(ae)/ pr(imae), trib(uno) laticl(avo) leg(ionis) pr(imae) Min(ervae),/ Xviro stlitib(us) iudicand(is),/ ordo et cives Tarqui/niensium patrono op/timo, quod rem p(ublicam) fove/rit et thermas resti/tuerit.

222

For this interpretation of confreq. and spor. see Aberson and Solin 154.

223^ e ]¡ o r ' s 386.

w¡fe

Domitia is honored by the town in the following example, n.

208

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

386. Tarquinii, mid 3rd c. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.3368. PIR2 D 184; RE 9, Domitia n. 106.) Domitiae Melpidi c(larissimae) f(eminae)/ coniugi Q(uinti) Petro/ni Melioris viri/ co(n)s(ularis),/ ordo et cives/ Tarquiniensium/ patronae dig/nissimae. 387. Veii, 26. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.3805; ILS 6579.) Centumviri municipii Augusti Veientis/ Romae in aedem Veneris Genetricis cum convenis/sent, placuit universis, dum decretum conscriberetur,/ interim ex auctoritate omnium permitti/ G(aio) Iulio divi Augusti l(iberto) G e l o t i 2 2 4 qui omni tempore/ municip(ium) Veios non solum Consilio et gratia adiuverit,/ sed etiam inpensis suis et per fìlium suum celebrai/ voluerit, honorem ei iustissimum decemi, ut/ Augustalium numero habeatur aeque ac si eo/ honore usus sit liceatque ei omnibus spectaculis/ municipio nostro bisellio proprio inter Augus/tales considere cenisque omnibus publicis/ inter centumviros interesse, itemque piacere/ ne quod ab eo liberisque eius vectigal municipii/ Augusti Veientis exigeretur./ Adfuerunt/ G(aius) Scaevius Curiatius,/ L(ucius) Perperna Priscus IIvir(i),/ M(arcus) Flavius Rufus q(uaestor),/ T(itus) Vettius Rufus q(uaestor),/ M(arcus) Tarquitius Saturnin(us),/ L(ucius) Maecilius Scrupus,/ L(ucius) Favonius Lucanus,// Gn(aeus) Octavius Sabinus,/ T(itus) Sempronius Gracchus,/ P(ublius) Acuvius P(ubli) f(ilius) Tro(mentina tribu),/ G(aius) Veianius Maximus,/ T(itus) Tarquitius Rufus,/ G(aius) Iulius Merula./ Actum/ Gaetulico et Calvisio Sabino co(n)s(ulibus). 388. Veii, circa 256. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.3808; ILS 6582c.) Gn(aeo) Caesio Ath[icto] 225 / adlecto inter C[vir(os)]/ ob pietatem et/ munificentiam eius/ erga domum divinam/ et municipium Aug(ustum) Veios, 2 2 6 / centumviri et seviri et/ Augustales et municipes/ intramurani ex aer{a}e quod/ in orchestra conlatum est/ ludis quos fecerunt/ Vergilius Cogitatus/ Iulius Senecio II viri.

224 T h i s Gelos may be the homonymous man of CIL 6.10399 whose sons died in approximately 15 or 16. 22

^ Athictus is again the honorand in the next example, n. 389, and his wife is honored in n. 390 following. CIL 11.3807 and 11.3810 are also dedicated to Athictus but without any attribution of epithets or virtues. 22 6Among Athictus' acts of munificence was his repair of a statue ( C I L 11.3801) erected in the first century to M. Tarquitius Saturninus, a centumvir of Veii ( C I L 11.3805).

Region 7

209

389. Veii, circa 256. Large marble plaque. (CIL 11.3809; ILS 6582a.) Gn(aeo) Caesio Athicto/ adlecto inter Cvir(os),/ omnib(us) honorib(us) exornato,/ Augustales municipii/ Aug(usti) Veientis ex aere conlato h(onoris) c(ausa). 390. Veii, mid 3rd c. {CIL 11.3811; ILS 6583.) Caesiae Sabinae/ Gn(aei) Caesi Athicti (uxori)./ Haec sola omnium/ feminarum/ matribus Cvir(orum) et/ sororibus et filiab(us)/ et omnis ordinis/ mulieribus municipib(us)/ epulum dedit diebusq(ue)/ ludorum et epuli/ viri sui 227 balneum/ cum oleo gratuito/ dedit./ Sórores piissimae. 391. Veii, n.d. Marble cippus. (CIL 11.3824.) T(ito) Flavio T(iti) f(ilio) Pal(atina tribu)/ Salinatori/ Fufio Clementi/ equo public(o),/ Eubulus lib(ertus) 2 2 8 / optimo et indulgentiss(imo)/ patrono/ testament(o) poni iussit. 392. Veii, n.d. Marble cippus. (CIL 11.3825.) Cassiae P(ubli) f(iliae) Sabinae/ Salinatoris/ Eubulus lib(ertus)/ optimae et indulgen/tissimae/ patronae/ testament(o) poni iussit. 393. Viterbo, 2nd c. (CIL 11.3014.) L(ucio) Valerio L(uci) f(ilio) Pa[l(atina tribu)]/ Tullio Tusciano/ equiti Romano,/ sacerdoti Lanivino,/ Sorrinenses No/venses patrono/ quod opus macelli/ solo et omni cultu/ suae reip(ublicae) con/tulit, et cob dedicatio/nem> 2 2 9 eius [uni]versos/ Íncolas honoravit./ C(uram) a(gente) Ti(berio) Rustico Rufo. 394. Viterbo, n.d. (CIL 11.3013.) [...ilo G(aii) f(ilio) Stel(latina tribu) Severo/ [IIII]viro i(ure) d(icundo), q(uin)q(uennali) (bis), praef(ecto)/ [fabjrum bis, equo publico,/ cui cum ob abstinentiam/ singularem eius decuriones/ consentientibus Augustalibus/ et plebe statuas aere conlato/ obtulissent, remissa conlationis/ inpensa ipse poni iussit,/ ob quarum dedicationem heredes/ ex testamento eius 227

T h e s e ludi...viri sui may refer to the ludi mentioned in η. 388 above at which Athictus was honored. The epulum may refer to Sabina's own feast for the town's women, which she might certainly have financed in recognition of her husband's honor, or it may refer to a separate feast altogether. 228

Clemens' wife is also honored by this freedman in the next example, n. 392.

229

T h e reading ob dedicationem rationem.

is an improvement upon the alternate quod

210

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions decurionbus/ sing(ulis) (denarios) IUI, Augustal[ibu]s (denarios) III, plebei/ intra murum habitantibus (denarios) II,/ liberis omnium eorum dimidium dederunt./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

395. Ager Viterbiensis, n.d. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.7427; ILS 9196.) L(ucio) Pomponio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Lupo Illlvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo)/ quinq(uennali) iter, trib(uno) milit(um)/ leg(ionis) IIII Macedonic(ae),/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis) equitatae/ Macedonum et coh(ortis)/ Lusitanor(um) et/ Baliarium Insularum,/ ex s(enatus) c(onsulto)/ ob munifîcentiam eius. 396. Ager Viterbiensis, n.d. Marble plaque. (CIL 11.3009; ILS 6595.) M(arco) Aurelio Elaini filio/ Marcello/ pontifici) iur(e) dic(undo) Sorr(ienensium) Nov(ensium),/ quaestori ark(ae) publicae,/ patron(o) coll(egiorum) fabr(um) et cent(onariorum)./ Huic prim(o) omnium splendid(issimus)/ ordo ex sportul(is) suis ob mer(ita) eius/ statuam ponendam censuer(unt)./ Cuius ob dedicationem dedit/ decurionibus pane(m) vinu(m) et (denarios) X,/ hoc ampl(ius) ob hon(orem) sibi oblatum/ (sestertium) V (milia) n(ummum) popul(o) in annonam perpetuo/ dedit. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). C(uram) a(gente) T(itio) Vario Severo. 397. Voici, n.d. (CIL 11.2929.) M(arco) Aur(elio) Lucio trib(uno)/ mil(itum) leg(ionis) II Aug(ustae) et/ Ant(oniae) Sebere (sic) coiug(i)/ M(arcus) Aur(elius) Menofilus/ lib(ertus) pat(ronis) b(ene) m(erentibus) fecit. 398. Volsinii, mid 2nd c. (Flambard, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'Ecole française de Rome Antiquité 97 (1985) 551-53; AE 1985.385.) —]/ coll(egia) fabr(um)/ [et] centonar(iorum)/ optimo/ patrono. 399. Volsinii, 193-235. Marble fragment with cornice on three sides. (CIL 11.2699; ILS 5013.) —]/ [tr(ibuno) p]l(ebis) (?) cand[id(ato), quaest(ori), patrono]/ in Italia Volsiniensium/ patriae suae, item Ferent(inatium)/ et Tiburtium, item colon(orum)/ Italicens(ium) in prov(incia) Baetica,/ praet(ori) Etrur(iae) XV populor(um),/ sacerdoti Caeninensium,/ M(arcus) Helvius M(arci) f(ilius) Clemens Arnen/sis domo Cartilagine, praef(ecto) eq(uitum)/ alae primae

Region 7

211

Cannanefatum,/ praesidi 2 3 0 sanctiss(imo) et rarissimo,/ cura agente L(ucio) Aconio Callisto/ trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) ΧΠΠ Gem(inae) Sev(erianae). 400. Volsinii, 224. Bronze plaque. {CiL 11.2702; ILS 7217.) Ap(io) Claudio Iuliano II, L(ucio) Bruttio Crispino/ co(n)s(ulibus), (ante diem) X kal(endas) Feb(ruarias)/ in schola collegi fabrum civitatis Volsiniensium, quem (sic) coegerunt/ T ( i t u s ) Sossius Hilarus et Caetennius Onesimus q(uin)q(uennales), ibi idem q(uin)q(uennales) verba fecer(unt):/ quanto amore quantaque adfectione Laberius Gallus p(rimi)p(ilus), v(ir) e(gregius) erga/ collium n(ostrum) agere instituent, beneficia eius iam dudum in nos/ conlata confirmant; et ideo Anchariam Lupercam, uxorem/ eius, filiam Anchari quondam Celeris b(onae) m(emoriae) v(iri), cuius proles et/ prosapia omnibus honoribus patriae n(ostrae) sincera fide func/ta est, in honorem eorum et pro morum eius castitatae/ et iam priscae consuetudinis sanctitatae patronam/ collegi n(ostri) cooptemus, statuam etiam ei aeream iuxta eun/dem Laberium Galium maritum suum in schola collegi n(ostri)/ ponamus, q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret), u(niversi) i(ta) c(ensuerunt): recte et merito retulisse/ q(uin)q(uennales) n(ostros) ut Anchariam Lupercam, honestam matronam, sanc/te indolis et disciplinae, caerimonis etiam praedit feminam/ in honorem Laberi Galli p(rimi)p(ilaris), e(grcgi) v(iri) mariti eius, patroni collegi/ n(ostri), et in memoriam Anchari quondam Celeris, patris eius,/ dignissimam patronam cooptemus, statuamque ei aeream/ in schola collegi n(ostri) iuxta eundem Laberium Galium maritum/ suum ponamus, ut eius erga{a} nos pietas et nostra erga earn vo/luntas publica etiam visione! m} conspiciatur; tabularti quo/que patrocinalem in domo eius adfigi. 401. Volsinii, n.d. Limestone cippus-231

(C/L 11.2708.)

L(ucio) Aco[nio . f(ilio)]/ P[om(ptina tribu)]/ Cal[listo]/ aedil[i]/ ob pieftatem]/ L(ucius) Aco[nius]/ patr[i].

2 3 0 T h i s honorand was praeses of upper Pannonia where both the ala prima Cannenefatium and the legio XIIII Gemina appear to have had their camps, which would explain his relationship to the dedicator and the agent of the honorary monument. 231 The fact that this cippus was found in the municipal forum near an arch in a wall would indicate that it was originally a public inscription, not a private funerary epitaph.

212

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

Region 8 402. Ariminum, 66. ( C I L 11.395; ILS 2648. PIR1 V 345; RE 8A, Vettius n. 54; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 32.) M(arco) Vettio M(arci) f(ilio) Ani(ensi tribu)/ Valenti/ mil(iti) coh(ortis) Vili pr(aetoriae), beneficiano) praef(ectorum) pr(aetorio)y donis donato 232 bello Britan(nico)/ torquibus armillis phaleris,/ evoc(ato) Aug(usti), corona aurea donat(o),/ (centurioni) coh(ortis) VI vig(ilum), (centurioni) stat(orum), (centurioni) coh(ortis) XVI urb(anae), (centurioni) coh(ortis)/ II pr(aetorianae), exercitatori equit(um) speculatorum, princip(i)/ praetori 233 leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae), ex trec(enario) [p(rimo) p(ilo)] leg(ionis) VI/ Victr(icis), donis donato ob res prosper(e)/ gest(as) contra Astures torq(uibus) phaler(is) arm(illis),/ trib(uno) coh(ortis) V vig(ilum), trib(uno) coh(ortis) XII urb(anae), trib(uno) coh(ortis)/ ΙΠ pr(aetorianae), tr(ibuno) leg(ionis) ΧΙΠΙ Gem(inae) Mart(iae) Victr(icis),/ proc(uratori) imp(eratoris) [[Neronisj] Caes(aris) Aug(usti) prov(inciae) Lusitan(iae),/ patron(o) coloniae, speculator(es) X h(onoris) c(ausa)./ L(ucio) Luccio Telesino G(aio) Suetonio Paulino co(n)s(ulibus). 403. Ariminum, 69-79. (CIL 11.390.) L(ucio) Lepidio L(uci) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu)/ Proculo 234 / mil(iti) leg(ionis) V Macedon(icae),/ (centurioni) leg(ionis) eiusd(em), (centurioni) leg(ionis) eiusd(em) II,/ (centurioni) leg(ionis) VI Victricis,/ (centurioni) leg(ionis) XV Apollinaris),/ prim(ipilo) leg(ionis) XII[I] Gemin(ae),/ donis donato ab/ imp(eratore) Vespasiano Aug(usto)/ bello Iudaico torquib(us)/ armillis phaleris/ corona vallari,/ salinatores civitatis/ Menapiorum ob mer(ita) eius./ Septimina f(ilia) reponend(am) curavit.

232

B y the emperor Claudius.

233 According to Mommsen, the princeps praetori was the most decorated centurion in a legion after the primipilus. 234

Proculus is honored in the following inscription, n. 404, as well.

Region 8

213

404. Ariminum, 69-79. (CIL 11.391.) L(ucio) Lepidio L(uci) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu)/ Proculo/ mil(iti) leg(ionis) V Macedon(icae),/ (centurioni) leg(ionis) eiusd(em), (centurioni) leg(ionis) eius[d(em)] II/ (centurioni) leg(ionis) VI Victricis,/ (centurioni) leg(ionis) XV Apollinar(is),/ prim(ipilo) leg(ionis) XII[I] Gemin(ae),/ donis donato ab imp(eratore)/ Vespasiano Aug(usto) bello/ Iudaico torquib(us) armillis/ phaleris corona va[ll]ari,/ salinatores civitatis/ Morinorum ob mer(ita) eius./ Septimina f(ilia) reponend(am) curavit. 405. Ariminum, 70-100. (C/L 11.419.) L(ucio) Septimio/ Liberali/ Vlvir(o) Aug(ustali)/ vicani vici Cermali ob/ merita eius, quot decurion(ibus)/ et vicanis vicor(um) VII sing(ulis)/ in annos (denarios) ΙΠ in perpet(uum) re[l(iquit)]/ et in eam rem fundos XXI/ obligari iussit. Quorum/ partem VI legis Falc(idiae) nomin(e)/ deductam ab tutoribus/ Septimiae Priscae matris/ suae Lepidi[a] Septimina/ populo concessit. 406. Ariminum, 116-117. (CIL 11.421; ILS 6662.) M(arco) Vettio M(arci) f(ilio)/ Ani(ensi tribu) Valenti 2 3 5 / imp(eratoris) Caesaris Nerv(ae)/ Traiani opt(imi) Aug(usti) Ger(manici)/ Dacici Part(hici) Òvir(i) quinq(uennalis)/ praef(ecto), flamini, auguri/ patrono coloniae/ vicani vici Aventin(i)/ optimo civi/ patrono suo. 407. Ariminum, 169. (CIL 11.405.) Aureliae/ Calligeniae/ Titi Sabiniani/ equitis Romani/ pudicissimae honorificentissimaeq(ue)/ feminae/ coll(egium) fab(rum) splendidissimae/ civitatis Ariminensium/ ob munificentiam in se/ [ab u]trisq(ue) conlatam. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)./ Dedicat(a) idib(us) Ian(uariis)/ Q(uinto) Sossio Prisco Senecione/ P(ublio) Coelio Apollinare co(n)s(ulibus),/ cuius dedicat(ione) sing(ulis) d(e)d(it) (sestertios) n(ummos) ΠΙΙ. 408. Ariminum, 138-192. (CIL 11.377. PIR? C 1357; RE 7, Cornelius η. 151.) G(aio) Cornelio/ G(aii) f(ilio) Quirin(a tribu)/ Felici Italo/ iurid(ico) per Flamin(iam)/ et Umbri[am], leg(ato)/ prov(inciae) Achaiae, praet(ori),/ tr(ibuno) pl(ebis), quaest(ori) prov(inciae) Sicil(iae),/ patrono coloniae,/ vicani vicorum VII et/ colleg(ia) fabr(um) cent(onariorum) dendr(ophororum)/ urb(ium) iuridicatus eius ob eximiam/ moderationem et in sterilitate/ annonae 235p o s s ¡(j]y

r e i a ted

to M. Vettius Valens in η. 402 above.

214

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions laboriosam erga ipsos fidem/ et industriam ut et civibus annon(a)/ superesset et vicinis civitati/bus subveneretur./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

409. Ariminum, late 2nd c. (CIL 11.378; ILS 1381. PIR2 F 105; RE 12, Faesellius; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 153.) L(ucio) Faesellio/ L(uci) filio An(iensi tribu)/ Sabiniano/ proc(uratori) i[m]p(eratoris) Anton(ini)/ Aug(usti) Pii prov(inciae) Pan(noniae) inf(erioris),/ proc(uratori) XX [h]er(editatium) region(is)/ Campan(iae) Apul(iae) Calabr(iae)y [e]quo publ(ico), aug(uri), Illvir(o),/ Ilvir(o) quinq(uennali), [f]la[m(ini)],/ patron(o) col(oniae),/ colleg(ium) [c]enton(ariorum)/ patrono opt[im(o)] et rarissim(o)./ Honor(e) acce[pt(o)] impens(am) remiss(it)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 410. Ariminum, 2nd c. (CIL 11.385.) L(ucio) Betutio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Pal(atina tribu) Furiano 236 / p(rimo) p(ilo) leg(ionis) I Ital(icae), IIvir(o)/ quinq(uennali), Ilvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), IIIvir(o)/ aedili cur(uli), pontifici)/ flamini divi Nervae,/ patrono colon(iae),/ colleg(ium) centonarior(um)/ amantissimo patriae./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 411. Ariminum, 2nd c. (CIL 11.386; ILS 6659.) L(ucio) Betutio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Palatina tribu) Furiano/ p(rimo) p(ilo) leg(ionis) I Ital(icae), Ilvir(o)/ quinq(uennali), Ilvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), Illvir(o) aedili cur(uli), pontifici),/ flamini divi Nervae,/ patrono colon(iae)/ colleg(ium) fabr(um)/ amantissimo patriae./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 412. Ariminum, 2nd c. (CIL 11.387; ILS 6660.) L(ucio) Betutio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Pal(atina tribu) Furiano/ aedili cui et/ curulis i(uris) d(ictio) et/ plebeia mandata/ est, plebs urbana/ ex aere conlato/ ob honorem ab eo/ integre et sine/ ambitione/ administratum./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 413. Ariminum, lst-2nd c. Base of Greek marble. (CIL 11.393; ILS 2739.) G(aio) Nonio/ G(aii) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu) Caepian[o]/ equo publ(ico), ex quin[q(ue)]/ decuris iudicu[m],/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis) III Britt[o]/num veteranor[um]/ equitatae, trib(uno) leg(ionis) I Ad[iu]/tricis piae fidelis, pra[ef(ecto)]/ alae I Asturum, 2 3 6 p u r j a n u s j s a i s o t j, e honorand in the following two examples, ns. 411 and 412, the former of which is essentially identical to this text but dedicated by the collegium fabrum.

Region 8

215

praepos[ito]/ numen equitum elector[um]/ ex Illyrico,/ G(aius) Valerius Saturninus de[c(urio)]/ alae I Asturum praef(ecto) optim[o]./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 414. Ariminum, 3rd c. (CIL 11.376; ILS 1192. PIR2 A 150; RE 1, Aelius η. 30.) M(arco) Aelio Aurelio/ Theoni 2 3 7 v(iro) c(larissimo),/ iurid(ico) de infinito per Flam(iniam)/ et Umbriam Picenum, sodali/ Hadrianali, praetori, tribun(o) plebis,/ adlecto inter quaestorios, trib(uno)/ militum laticlavio leg(ionis) XI Claudiae,/ item tribuno militum laticl(avio)/ leg(ionis) XII Fulm[i]natae, decemvir(o)/ sclitibus iudicandisy ob singularem abstinentiam/ industriamq(ue) exhibitae iudicat(ionis)/ ordo Ariminensium/ patrono. 415. Ariminum, 3rd c. (CIL 11.379; ILS 6664.) G(aio) Faesellio G(aii) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu)/ Rufioni eq(uo) publ(ico), L(aurenti) L(avinati),/ cur(atori) reip(ublicae) Forodr(uentinorum), patr(ono) col(oniae) Arim(inum)/ itemq(ue) vicanorum vicorum VII/ et coll(egiorum) fabr(um) et cent(onariorum), optimo et/ rarissimo civi quod liberalitates/ in patriam civesque a maioribus/ suis tributas exemplis suis supe/raverit, dum et annonae populi/ inter c[e]tera beneficia saepe/ subvenit et praeterea singulis/ vicis munificentia sua (sestertios) XX (milia nummum) ad/ emptionem possessionis, cuius de/ reditu die natalis sui sportula(rum)/ divisio semper celebretur,/ largitus sit, ob cuius dedicationem/ (sestertios) (nummum) ΙΙΠ vicanis divisit/ vicani vici Dianensis.// Proseri. 416. Ariminum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 11.414; ILS 6656.) G(aio) Galerio G(aii) f(ilio) Ann(iensi tribu)/ Iuliano eq(uo) p(ublico),/ quaestori, dumviro,/ curatori Sa[s]sinatium,/ curatori Solonatium,/ flamini, patron(o) col(oniae) Aug(ustae)/ Arim(inum), advoc(ato) public(o)/ amantissimo, decurion(i)/ amantissimo civium,/ splendidissimus ordo/ Ariminensium/ mentis fidei/ bonitati innocen/tiaeque eius.// Megethi Megethi. 417. Ariminum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 11.417; ILS 6661.) G(aio) Memmio/ G(aii) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu)/ Mariano/ flam(ini) divi Claud(i),/ Ilvir(o), IIIvir(o),/ curatori aedium,/ q(uaestori) alim(entorum) ad ar[k]am,/ vicani vic(i) Velab(ri)/ patron(o) ob

2 3 7 A s a legatus Augustorum Theo was honored in Bostra ( C I L 3.89) by a group of centurions who declared him rarissimus and iustissimus. And in another inscription from Bostra ( C I L 3.90) he was praised as "integerrimum benignissimum atque iustissim(um)."

216

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions mer[it(a)] eius./ Cuius dedicat(ione) singul(is)/ (sestertios) n(ummum) VIII ded(it)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

418. Ariminum, n.d. (CIL 11.406.) [—] Q(uinti) f(ilio) An(iensi tribu) L(ucio?) Bae[bio? —]/ [I]Ivir(o) [---]/ [qua]estori Luperc(alium) Laur(entium) La[vin(atium)]/ [—] Ovir(o), Illvir(o) aed(ili), p[ont(ifici)?]/ [—]t colleg(ia) [f]abr(um) et centonar[ior(um)]/ [ob ra]ram fid[em ejt industriam [— 419. Ariminum, n.d. (CIL 11.418.) G(aio) Sentio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Pal(atina tribu) Valerio/ Faustiniano/ Ilviro, niviro, augur(i),/ vicani vicorum VII/ collegia fabr(um) et/ centonar(iorum)/ ex aere conlato/ quod in honore Ilviratus/ industriae administrato/ omnibus plebis desideriis/ satisfecit./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 420. Parma, 2nd c. Marble base broken at top. (CIL 11.1059.) —]/ praef(ecto) leg(ionis) XX Valer(iae)/ Victr(icis), primop(ilo) leg(ionis)/ X Gemin(ae) piae fidel(is),/ cent(urioni) legion(um) IUI Scy/thic(ae), XI Claud(iae), XIIII Gem(inae),/ VII Gemin(ae),/ patr(ono) col(oniae) Iul(iae) Aug(ustae) Parm(ensis),/ patr(ono) municipiorum/ Forodruent(inorum) et Foro/novanor(um), patron(o) col/legior(um) fabr(um) et cent(onariorum) et/ dendrophor(orum) Parmens(ium),/ colleg(ium) cent(onariorum) merenti. 421. Regium Lepidum, 190. Bronze plaque. (CIL 11.970; ILS 7216.) Imp(eratore) Caes(are) M(arco) Aurelio/ [[Commodo]] Antonino Aug(usto) Pio/ Felice VI, M(arco) Petronio Septimi/ano co(n)s(ulibus), (ante diem) X kal(endas) April(es) in templo collegi fabrum/ et centonariorum Regiensium./ Quod referentib(us) P(ublio) Saenio Marcellino et G(aio) Aufidio/ Dialogo quaestoribus v(erba) f(ecerunt)/ Tutilium Iulianum, virum et vita et modestia et/ ingenita verecundia ornatum et liberalem,/ oportere collegi nostri patronum cooptali, ut/ sit ceteris exemplo iudici nostri testimonium,/ q(uid) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt):/ Salubri Consilio tam honesta(m) relatione(m) a quaestorib(us)/ et magistris collegi nostri factam et singuli et uni/versi sentimus, et ideo excusandam potius honesto viro/ Iuliano huius tardae cogitationis nostrae necessitat(em)/ petendumq(ue) ab eo, libenter suscipiat collegi n(ostri) patronal(em)/ honorem tabulamque aeream cum inscriptione huius decre[ti i]n domo eius poni. Censuerunt.

Region 9

217

Region 9 422. Albingaunum, 193-235. (CIL 5.7784.) P(ublio) Muc(io) P(ubli) / Publico Vero/ aequiti Romano/ aequo publico,/ patrono municipii,/ trib(uno) [le]g(ionis) I[I]I Galli[c(orum)],/ censitori/ provinciae Thraciae,/ civi optimo/ semper pro municipi(i)/ incolumit(ate) sollicito./ Plebs urbana. 423. Dertona, 22 B.C. {CIL 5.7376.) [...]/ [...]/ [„.] orphitae [—]/ [—]/[— bib]liothec[am] CXXC [— ]/ [—] porticum vet[ustate]/ [corruptam reficit] forum s(ua) p(ecunia) rest[ituit]/ [in cuius dedi]catione epulum inter/ spectacula et [—] (sestertios) col(oniae)/ dedit, civ[i optimo],/ decur[iones] et pl[ebs] col(oniae)/ [Iuliae A]ugus(tae) Derton(ae)/ [M(arco) Claudio Mar]cel[lo et L(ucio) Ar]runtio co(n)s(ulibus)/ s(ua) p(ecunia) p(osuerunt) p(ublice). 424. Dertona, 2nd-3rd c. {CIL 5.7375; ILS 6744.) G(aio) Metilio/ G(aii) f(ilio) Pomp(tina tribu)/ Marcellino/ eq(uiti) R(omano) equo p(ublico),/ iudici ex V dec(uriis)/ inter selectos,/ Ilvir(o)/ q(uin)q(uennali), flam(ini) divi Traiani,/ patrono collegiorum/ omnium, patrono colo/niae Foro Iuli Iriensium,/ patron(o) causar(um) fedelissimo,/ ob insignem circa singu/los universosque cives/ innocentiam ac fidem,/ homini optimo, civi abstinen/[t]issimo, coll(egium) fabr(um) Dert(onae) patrono/ [o]b merita. D(atum) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 425. Industria, 2nd-3rd c. Large bronze plaque. {CIL 5.7468; ILS 6745.) Genio et honor(i)/ L(uci) Pompei L(uci) f(ili) Pol(lia tribu) Heren/niani eq(uitis) Rom(ani) eq(uo) pub(lico),/ q(uaestoris) aer(ariae) p(ublicae) et alim(entorum), aedil(is),/ Ilviro, curatori (sic)/ kalendarior(um) rei p(ublicae),/ collegium pasto/phorum 238 Indus/triensium patro/no ob merita./ T(itus) Grae(...) Trophimus Ind(ustriensis) fac(iebat). 426. Pollentia, late 2nd c. (Alföldy, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 47 (1982) 201-205; AE 1982.376; CIL 5.7617; ILS 6750. FOS 847.) [—]nae/ [ Re]stituti (?)/ [co(n)s(ulis) desig(nati),/ sacerdoti/ divae Plotinae/ Pollentiae,/ divae Faustinae/ Taurinis,/ divae

238

Worshippers of Isis, as often mentioned by Apuleius (e.g. Met. 11.17).

218

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions Faustinae Maioris/ Concordiae,/ coll(egium) dendr(ophororum) Poll(entinorum)/ ob insignia eius/ merita./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecrcto) d(ecurionum).

Region 10 427. Altinum, n.d. Bronze tablet with holes for attachment to a pedestal. (Pavan, Athenaeum 33 (1955) 231-32; AE 1956.33.) Hon(ori)/ G(aii) Saeni G(aii) f(ilii) Sc(aptia tribu) Veri/ e(quo) p(ublico), IHIvir(i) i(ure) d(icundo) (iterum) Lau(rentium) Lav(inatium),/ cur(atoris) r(e)r(um) p(ublicarum) Vicet(inorum) Atr(ianorum)/ Opit(erginorum),/ L(ucius) Acutius Marcl/lus cliens. 428. Aquileia, early 1st c. Limestone plaque from a statue base. ( C I L 5.903; Alföldy 95.) A(ulo) Caesilio A(uli) f(ilio) Vel(ina tribu)/ Acastino p(rimo) p(ilo),/ Illlviro iure dic(undo), q(uin)q(uennali),/ rei p(ublicae) suae amantissimo,/ municip(es) et incol(ae) in solacium/ amissi optimi et r[arissim]i civfis./ L]ocus datus de[cret(o)] dec[u]r[ionum]. 429. Aquileia, early 1st c. Limestone plaque from larger base for statue or statue group. (Brusin, Aquileia Nostra 7/8 (1936/1937) 19 ff.; Alföldy 97.) G(aio) Iulio/ G(aii) fi[l(io)] Fab(ia tribu)/ Agathopo/ flamini,/ p a t r o n ( o ) c o l o n ( i a e ) , / I H I v i r ( o ) iur(e) dic(undo), q(uin)q(uennali),/ ordo Augustal(ium)/ et IlIIIIvirorum/ ob honori[f]ica merita/ eius et in exhibendis/ populo voluptatibus/ largum nitorem. 430. Aquileia, 105. Limestone facing from equestrian statue base. (CIL 5.875; ILS 1374; Alföldy 87. PIR¿ M 614; RE 15, Minicius η. 15; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 59.) G(aio) Minicio G(aii) fil(io)/ Vel(atina tribu) Italo Illlviro i(ure) d(icundo),/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis) V Gallor(um) equit(atae),/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis) I Breucor(um) equit(atae) c(ivium) R(omanorum),/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis) II Varc(ianorum) eq(uitatae), trib(uno) milit(um) ìeg(ionis) VI vict(ricis),/ praef(ecto) eq(uitatum) alae I sing(ularium) c(ivium) R(omanorum), donis donat(o) a Divo/ Vespasiano coron(a) aurea hast(a) pur(a),/ proc(uratori) provinc(iae) Hellespont(i), proc(uratori) provinciae Asiae quam/ mandatu principis vice

Region 10

219

defuncti proco(n)s(ulis) rexit, procurat(ori)/ provinciarum Luguduniensis et Aquitanicae item Lactorae,/ praefecto annonae, praefecto Aegypti, flamini Divi Claudi/ decr(eto) dec(urionum).// P(ublius) Tullius Max[—]amula IHIviri i(ure) d(icundo), III k(alendis) Iun(iis),/ s(enatum) c(onsuluerunt), scrib(endo) adf(uerunt) [—] Proculus G(aius) Appuleius Celer/ A(ulus) Iunius G[—] Sex(tus) Cossutius Secundus./ Quod v(erba) f(acta) s(unt) in ho[norem G(aii) Minici Itali splendidi]ssimum virum quidquid conse/qui gratiae au[t potentiae per summos honor]es equestris dignitatis potuerit,/ it omne ad au[gendam et ornandam patria] m suam convertisse nec ullo/ se feliciorem [credere officio quam ut pro ea la]boret, q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt):/ Cum G(aius) Minic[ius Italus — hjunc praecipuum virtutum/ suarum fi[nem] [—]rtunam locis [a]mplificaverit/ et super cet[era omnibus sit notu]m, sacratissimum principem/ Traianum A[ugustum decrevisse rogatu ei]us, ut incolae, quibus fere cense/mur, muneri[bus nobiscum fungantur, e]t ut pleniorem indulgentiam/ maximi imperfatoris habeamus per eum cont]igisse, p(lacere) h(uic) o(rdini) adq(ue) e r(e) p(ublica) v(ideri), statuam/ aeream cum [basi marmorea ei poni decretujmque nostrum basi inscribi,/ quo testatiu[s sit pro meritis beneficiijsque tanti viri solvendo nos/ aliter [non esse, nisi ut de eo publijce gloriemur. Censuer(unt)./ Ti(berio) Iulio [Candido Π, G(aio) Ant]io Quadrato II co(n)s(ulibus). 431. Aquileia, circa 150. Limestone statue base. (CIL 5.867; ILS 1339; Alföldy 83. PIR2 C 1015; RE 3, Claudius η. 336; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 109.) Ti(berio) Claudio/ Ti(beri) fil(io) Palatina tribu)/ Secundino/ L(ucio) Statio Macedon[i]/ p(rimo) p(ilo) leg(ionis) IUI F(laviae) f(elicis), trib(uno) coh(ortis)/ prim(ae) vig(ilum), trib(uno) coh(ortis) XI/ urban(ae), trib(uno) coh(ortis) VIDI pr(aetoriae), p(rimo) p(ilo) iterum, praef(ecto) leg(ionis) II Tra(ianae) [f(ortis)],/ proc(uratori) XX her(editatium), proc(uratori) provin[c(iae)]/ Lugdunens(is) et Aquitan[icae],/ a rationibus Aug(usti), praef(ecto) an[non(ae)]/ L(ucius) Saufeius Iulianu[s]/ amico optim[o]. 239 432. Aquileia, first half of 2nd c. Lost inscription, probably from one of longer sides of equestrian statue base. (CIL 5.961; Alföldy 96.) K(alendis) Novembr(ibus). L(ucius) Nonius Rufinus Pomponianus, Q(uintus) Vesonius Fuscus p(raefecti) i(ure) d(icundo)./ Scrib(endo) adf(uerunt) G(aius) Lucretius Helvianus, M(arcus) Trebius Proculus, L(ucius) Cammius Maximus./ 239secundinus Macedo is similarly honored by another friend in Aquileia ( A E 1934.232) but only with the designation amico.

220

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions S(enatus) c(onsultum): Cum prona volúntate honestissimo animo ultro Calvius Pollio Illlvir i(ure) d(icundo)/ in proximum annum professus sit, quo facto haesitationi publicae in partem/ moram ademerit, piacere ei, quo magis etiam ceteri ad bene faciendum in re publica/ provocentur, statuam equestrem auratam in foro n(ostro) poni. Censuer(unt). Prim(us) cens(uit) G(aius) Lucret(ius) Helvianus.

433. Aquileia, 2nd c. Limestone plaque from front of statue base. ( C I L 5.930; Alföldy 91.) G(aio) Quintilio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Rom(ilia tribu) Prisco p(rimo) p(ilo),/ trib(uno) cohor(tis) I vig(ilum),/ trib(uno) cohor(tis) XII urb(anae),/ trib(uno) coh(ortis) VI praet(oriae),/ donis milit(aribus) don(ato) IUI,/ M(arcus) Valerius Chrysanthus/ IHIIIvir Aquileiae/ bene merenti./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 434. Aquileia, 3rd c. {CIL 5.8972; ILS 1459. PIR2 A 1685; RE 2, Axilius n. 2; Pflaum, Carrières Π, η. 340.) Q(uinto) Auxilio/ Urbico/ viro/ perfectissimo/ magistro/ sacrarum/ cognitionum,/ a studiis et/ a consiliis Aug(ustorum),/ Aquileienses/ publice/ patrono/ praestantissimo/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 435. Aquileia, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 5.1012; ILS 6686.) G(aio) Valer(io) G(aii) f(ilio)/ Vel(atina tribu) Eusebeti/ IlIIv(iro) i(ure) d(icundo), IlIIv(iro) i(ure) d(icundo) q(uin)q(uennali),/ patron(o) Sept(imianorum) Aureli(anorum)/ Aug(ustalium)/ IlIIIIvir(orum), patron(o)/ coll(egiorum) cent(onariorum) et dend(rophororum) Aquil(eiae),/ ob insignem eius erga se/ largition(em) et liberalitaftem]/ suffrag(ibus) univers(is) ex aere [coll(ato)],/ coll(egium) fabr(um)/ patron(o) dignissim(o)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 436. Arilica, 2nd c. Limestone statue base. ( C I L 5.4015; ILS 6711; Alföldy 252.) G(aio) Petroni G(aii) f(ilio)/ Pob(lilia tribu) Marcellini (sic)/ inter primos colleci/ato (sic) in collegio navicula/riorum Arelicensium, cui/ collegio dedit legavitqu[e]/ (sestertium) n(ummum) II (milia) at (sic) sollemnia cibu[m]/ et rosarum sibi et coniu[gi]./ Petronia Pia pat[ri]/ pientissim[o].

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437. Bellunum, 3rd c. Limestone statue base. (Not. Sc. 1888, p. 408; AE 1888.132; Sartori, Arch. Stor. di Belluno, Feltre e Cadore 46 (1976) 54; AE 1976.252b; Alföldy 152.) [I]thaci./ M(arco) Carmi/nio M(arci) fil(io)/ Pap(iria tribu) P u d e n / t i 2 4 0 equo pub(lico),/ sacerdoti Lau(rentium)/ Lav(inatium), electo/ ad causas fisci/ tuendas in pro/vincia Alpium ma/ritimarum, patro/no rei publ(icae) Ter/gestinorum, pa/trono pleb(is) urb(anae),/ patrono colleg(iorum)/ dendrophoror(um) et/ fabr(um), cur(atori) rei p(ublicae)/ Vicetinor(um), patro/no Catubrinorum,/ Iunia Valeriana/ marito rarissi/mo. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).// Ithaci. 438. Bellunum, 3rd c. Limestone statue base. (Sartori, ibid. 52ff.; AE 1976.252a; Alföldy 153.) M(arco) Carminio/ M(arci) f(ilio) Pap(iria tribu) Pude/nti equo pub(lico)/ sacerdoti Lau(rentium) La(vinatium)y electo ad causas/ fisci tuendas in pro/vinc(ia) Alpium mariti/mar(um), patron(o) rei p(ublicae) Terge[s]/tinor(um), patrono pleb(is) urb(anae),/ patron(o) colleg(iorum) dendropho/ror(um) et fabr(um), cur(ator) rei p(ublicae) Mantu/anor(um), cur(atori) rei p(ublicae) Vicetinor(um)y patrono Catubrinorumy plebs urbana patrono/ ob merita./ Statuam a plebe oblatam/ Iunia Valeriana remissa/ plebei inpensa pecunia su/a posuit. 439. Brixia, late 2nd c. (CIL 5.4428; ILS 6720.) Pietati/ Hostiliae/ Hostilianae/ Vlvir(orum) Aug(ustalium) sociy quib(us) ex permiss(u) divi Pii/ arcam habere permiss(um),/ primae benemerenti.241 T(itulo) u(sa). 440. Brixia, circa 201. (CIL 5.4355. FOS 713; PIR1 S 483.) Sextiae/ T(iti) fil(iae)/ Asiniae Pollae/ M(arci) Noni Arri/ Muciani 2 4 2 (uxori) colleg(ium)/ iuvenum Brixian(orum)/ ob merita.

240

Pudens is also honored below in η. 438.

241

M o m m s e n suggests that the designation prima benemerens indicates Hostilia's bequest to the Augustales immediately after they received permission from the emperor for their arcus. 242

M . Nonius Arrius Mucianus Manlius Carbo, consul designate perhaps in 189.

222

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

441. Brixia, 210-220. ( C I L 5.4323; ILS 1333. PIR2 A 1537; RE 2, Aurelius n. 153; Pflaum, Carrières II, η. 354.) Aurelio Iuliano 243 / praef(ecto) praet(oriano),/ eminentissim(i)/ et singularis/ exempli viro,/ ordo Brixianor(um)/ patron(o) clemen[tiss(imo).] 442. Brixia, 3rd c. (CIL 5.4333; ILS 6717. PIR2 G 13.) L(ucio) Gaboni Arunculeio Valeriano v(iro) e(gregio), eq(uiti) R(omano), sacerd(oti) et principal(ibus) omnib(us) honorib(us) funct(o), patri et avo senator(um), curatori suo ob merita coll(egia) fabr(um) et cent(onariorum). L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 244 443. Brixia, early 3rd c. ( C I L 5.4341; ILS 1150. PIR2 Ν 116; RE 17, Nonius η. 12.) M(arco) Nonio M(arci) f(ilio)/ Fab(rateria tribu) Arrio Paulino/ Apro c(larissimo) v(iro), XVviro/ sacris faciundis, quae[s]/tori candidato, praeto[ri]/ urbano, curatori rei pu[bl(icae)]/ Nicomedensium et Nica[een]sium, curatori viae App[iae],/ i u r i d i c o region(is) T r a n f s p a d ( a n a e ) ] , / coll(egium) dendroph[or(orum)]/ quod eius industria immuni[t]/as collegi nostri sit confirma[ta],/ patrono. L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 444. Brixia, late 2nd-early 3rd c. (CIL 5.4356. FOS 714; PIRX S 485; RE 2A, Sextia n. 48.) Sextiae/ Q(uinti) f(iliae)/ Iulianae, 245 / c(larissimae) f(eminae), ob laudabilem/ in omnibus vitam et/ morum eius/ atque innocentiae pro/positum singularis,/ ordo Brixianor(um)./ Q(uintus) Lucanius/ Valerianus/ v(ir) c(larissimus) mari/t(us) titul(o) usus.24**

2 4 3 j u | j a n u s j s a i s o honored in example η. 24 above. 244

T h e division of lines in this text is uncertain, for which reason they have been

omitted. 24

^Raepsaet-Charlier, FOS 714, suggests that Sextia Iuliana may be the niece of Sextia Asinia Polla above in example n. 440. 246

exemplo.

C o m p are CIL 5.4357 to Sextia from her husband with the phrase uxori sine

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445. Brixia, n.d. (CIL 5.4388.) Aemiliae/ Synethiae, Aemil(iae)/ Agrestinae/ patronae eius,/ Aemil(iae) Prosoche(ti)/ matri eius, ob merit(a)/ Aemil(iae) Synethiae/ coll(egium) dendrof(ororum) d(e) p(ecunia) s(ua) p(osuit). 446. Brixia, n.d. (CIL 5.4392; ILS 5631.) P(ublio) Atilio/ Philippo/ ornamentis/ decurion(alibus) Brixi[ae]/ Veron(ae) Cremon(ae) [honorato]/ et iure quattor [liberorum] 247 / usuq(ue) anulor(um) a d[ivo —]/ ex postulation[e populi]/ ob liberalita[tem eius quod]/ in opus amp[hitheatri — 447. Brixia, n.d. (CIL 5.4408.) Coll(egia) fabr(um)/ et cent(onariorum)/ Q(uinto) Clodio/ Ursino/ ob honor(em)/ quaest(ionis) eius. 448. Brixia, n.d. (CIL 5.4416.) Collegia/ fabr(um) et cent(onariorum)/ L(ucio) Cornelio/ Prosodico VIvir(o)/ Aug(ustali) Brixiae et Veron(ae), sacerd(oti)/ colleg(i) iuvenum Brixian(orum)/ primum institut/ ob merita eius, honore/ contentus inpendium remis(it)/ datis in tut(elam) (statuae) (sestertium) (nummum) D. 449. Brixia, n.d. (CIL 5.4432.) Iunius Eufra[nor? —]/ et/ cultores collegi/ Larum/ patronae/ bene merenti. 248 450. Brixia, n.d. (CIL 5.4433.) Coll(egium) fabr(um)/ M(arco) Iuventio/ Magio/ qui facultat(es) suas/ colleg(io) reliq(uit). 451. Brixia, n.d. (CIL 5.4426.) Coll(egium) cent(onariorum)/ Sex(tus) Helvius Leo (sie)/ ob merita erga se/ collat(a).

247 Dessau's correction of Mommsen's reading iure quattordecim ordinum, for which Dessau cites CIL 6.1877 and Pais 169 as parallel examples.

2 4 8 T h e patroness' name has apparently been lost from the beginning of the inscription.

224

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

452. Brixia, n.d. (CIL 5.4499) —]/ omnib(us) h[onoribus]/ municip(alibus) ffuncto],/ ob insi[gnem]/ abstin[entiam]/ fidem pr[aecipuam]/ [i]nnocentia[m singular(em)]/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 453. Concordia, 1st or early 2nd c. Limestone statue base restored from several fragments. 24 ? (CIL 5.1897-1900, 5.8664; Alföldy 137.) M(arco) [Acu]tio M(arci) l(iberto)/ N[oeto] Aug[u]st(ali)./ Hi[c testam]ento [c]ol(oniae)/ C[oncord(iae) in] ludos [et] in/ c[oenam et i]n epulum/ [(sestertium) CCC]C (milia) ite[m]/ in [subsidium] anno[n]ae/ (sestertium) [CCCC (milia) d]ari iu[ss]it./ Pr[aeterea q]uant[u]m/ e[x tota h]eredit[a]te/ s[uperfuit], f(ilius) oper[ib(us)/ publicis] inpendfit], 454. Concordia, c. 166. 250 Limestone plaque from front of statue base. (CIL 5.8660; ILS 1364; Alföldy 127. Ρ IR* D 57; RE 9, Desticius n. 5; Pflaum, Carrières I, η. 167.) T(ito) Desticio T(iti) f(ilio)/ Cla(udia tribu) Severo 2 5 1 p(rimo) p(ilo) leg(ionis)/ X gem(inae), subpraef(ecto) vigil(um),/ proc(uratori) Aug(usti) prov(inciae) Daciae/ super(ioris), proc(uratori) prov(inciae)/ Cappad(ociae) item Ponti medi/terran(ei) et Arme[ni]ae minor(is) et Ly/caoniae An[tiochi]an(ae), proc(uratori) prov(inciae) Rae/tiae, flam[ini Divi Hajdriani, pontifici,/ [patrono] coloniae,/ ala[e II Fl(aviae) (milliariae) (?) — Gejrmanus, Martial(ius) Titianus/ Fro[ntin(ius) —]an(us) alae I Fl(aviae), Iul(ius) Memorinus,/ Iul(ius) D[—]s, Fl(avius) Speratus alae I sing(ularium), Aelius/ Sever[us, Pe]tron(ius) Iulianus decurion(es) exerc(itus)/ Raetici,/ praesidi optimo et sanctissimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 455. Concordia, 168. Limestone plaque from front of statue base. (CIL 5.1874; ILS 1118; Alföldy 124. 252 PIR2 A 1088; RE 2, Arrius n. 13.) [G(aio)] Arrio [G(aii) f(ilio)]/ Quir(ina tribu) Anto/nino praef(ecto)/ aer[a]ri Saturn[i],/ iuridico per Italiam [re]/gionis Transpadanae pr[i]/mo, fratri Arvali, praetori/ cui primo 2

4 9 i h e text is represented twice on both the front and back side of the base; the restored text from the front side is given here. The smaller sides of the base both display a kantharos plant sprouting upwards from vine tendrils and surrounded by two birds. 25 ^Alfôldy dates this text to the period shortly after 166, that is, after the year in which Desticius was procurator of Raetia (see CIL 16.121). 25

1 Desticius is also the honorand in n. 456 below.

252! follow both Alföldy's reading and dating of this text.

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iurisdictio pupilla/ris a sanctissimis imp(eratoribus) mandata/ est, aedil(i) curul(i), ab actis senatus, se/viro equestrium turmar(um), tribuno/ laticlavio leg(ionis) IUI Scythicae, IlII/viro viarum curandar(um), qui pro/videntia maximor(um) imperat(orum) mis/sus urgentis annonae difficuli/tates (sic) iuvit et co(n)suluit securi/tati fundatis rei p(ublicae) opibus, ordo/ Concordiensium patrono opt(imo)/ ob innocentiam et labori (sic). 456. Concordia, 169. Limestone plaque from front of statue base. (Pais, Supplemento Italica 1,1227; Alföldy 128.) T(ito) Desticio/ T(iti) f(ilio) Cla(udia tribu) Severo/ p(rimo) p(ilo) leg(ionis) X gem(inae), sub/praef(ecto) vigil(um), proc(uratori)/ Aug(usti) prov(inciae) Daciae/ super(ioris), proc(uratori) prov(inciae)/ Cappad(ociae) item Ponti/ mediterr(anei) et Armen(iae)/ minor(is) et Lycaoniae/ proc(uratori) Augustor(um) prov(inciae)/ Raetiae, procuratori) prov(inciae)/ Belgicae, flamini divi/ Hadriani, pontifici,/ patrono coloniae,/ M(arcus) Claud(ius) Paternus/ amico optimo./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 457. Concordia, 160-180. Limestone plaque from front of statue base. (Pais, Supplemento Italica /, 1228; Alföldy 131. Ρ IR2 D 54; RE 9, Desticius n. 3.) T(ito) Desticio/ T(iti) f(ilio) Cla(udia tribu)/ Iubae/ M(arcus) Claudius/ Moderatus/ amico/ optim(o)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 458. Concordia, second half of 2nd c. (CIL 5.8667; Alföldy 136.) Q(uinto) Dec(io) Q(uinti) f(ilio) Cl(audia tribu)/ Mett(io) Sabinia/no eq(uo) public(o),/ Laur(enti) Lav(inati), q(uaestori), aed(ili),/ Ilvir(o) iter(um), patr(ono) coll(egiorum) fab(rum) et cent(onariorum),/ praef(ecto) coll(egi) fab(rum),/ curat(ori) r(ei) p(ublicae) Polens(ium),/ ordo Polens(ium)/ iustissimo/ innocentissimoq(ue)./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 459. near Cremona, n.d. (CIL 5.4122; ILS 6723.) Colleg(ium) fabror(um)/ G(aio) Mefanati/ Gracili et/ L(ucio) Minicio Alexandre/ VIviris Aug(ustalibus) et/ Ursioni Secundi fil(io)/ qui facultates suas/ coll(egio) rcliq(uerunt).

226

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

460. Opitergium, 177-180. Limestone statue base. (CIL 5.1968; Alföldy 140. P/fll R 13; RE 1A, Ragonius n. 5.) L(ucius) Ragon[ius]/ L(uci) fil(ius) Pap[ir(ia tribu)]/ Urinatfius]/ Larciu[s/ Q]uintian[us 253 / le]g(atus) leg(ionis) XIIII g[em(inae),/ stajtuam ob[la/tam] ab ord[ine/ Aug]ustali[um/ Opit]erginor[um/ ex m]unifice[ntia/ hono]re contefnt(us)/ de suo] posu[it]. 461. Paderno, 182-192. Fragments of a limestone statue base. ( C I L 5.2112; Alföldy 145.) L(ucio) Ragonio L(uci) f(ilio)/ Pap(iria tribu) Urinatio/ Larcio Quinti/ano co(n)s(uli), 2 5 4 sodal(i)/ Hadrianal(i), leg(ato)/ leg(ionis) XIIII gem(inae), donis/ militarib(us) donat(o)/ ab imp(eratore) [[Commodo?]]/ Antonino Aug(usto), pro/ co(n)s(uli) provinc(iae) Sard(iniae),/ iurid(ico) per Apuliam,/ praef(ecto) frum(enti) dand(i),/ praetor(i), aedil(i), q(uaestori)/ provinc(iae) Afric(ae),/ sevir(o),/ Chrysopaes, Euty/ches, [[—]]/ servi/ domino optim(o). 462. Parentium, end of 1st c. Limestone statue base. (Sonje, Arh. Vestnik 25 (1974) 247, fig. 3; AE 1977.316; Alföldy 21.) G(aio) Flaminio/ G(aii) f(ilio) Vel(ina tribu) Marcel/lo tr(ibuno) coh(ortis) VI pr(aetoriae),/ p(rimo) p(ilo) bis, donis dona/to a divis Vespa/siano et Tito,/ Ti(berius) Claudius Atticus/ amico optimo. 463. Pola, circa 41 -43. 2 5 5 Probably from a statue base. (CIL 5.35; ILS 946; Alföldy 9. PIR1 Ρ 53; RE 18, Palpellius η. 2.) Sex(to) Palpellio P(ubli) f(ilio) Vel(ina tribu)/ Histro/ leg(ato) Ti(beri) Claudi Caesaris Aug(usti),/ pro co(n)s(ule),/ pr(aetori), tr(ibuno) pl(ebis), Xvir(o) stl(itibus) iudic(andis), tr(ibuno) mil(itum)/ leg(ionis) XIIII geminae, corniti/ Ti(beri) Caesaris Aug(usti) dato ab divo Aug(usto),/ G(aius) Precius Felix Neapolitanus/ memor benefici.

253

T h i s Quintianus is also the honorand in the following example, η. 461. According to Alfoldy, this first inscription was dedicated between 177 and 180 during Quintianus' tenure as senatorial legate of the 14th legion. See also CIL 5.1969, to Quintianus from members of the Vetti family but without any language of praise. 2 54This second inscription to Quintianus (see n. 460 above) would have been dedicated between 182, the year of his consulship, and 192, before the death of Commodus, as explained by Alföldy.

Alföldy indicates that this inscription must have been dedicated to Hister before his suffect consulship in 43.

Region 10

227

464. Pola, 2nd c. Limestone statue base. (CIL 5.60; Alföldy 13.) Gn(aeo) P[a]pirio/ Gn(aei) [f(ilio) V]el(ina tribu)/ Sec[un]din(o)/ Ilvir(o), [II]vir(o) q(uin)q(uennali),/ patro[no e]t praef(ecto)/ coll(egi) [fab]ror(um) Pol(ensium),/ cura[tor]i rei p(ublicae)/ Flafnatijum,/ M(arcus) Helvfius Her]mias/ amic[o dig]niss(imo)./ L(ocus) d(atus) [d(ecreto)] d(ecurionum). 465. Pola, 227. Limestone statue base. 256 (CIL 5.56, 5.61; Alföldy 12.) Q(uinto) Mursio Q(uinti) [f(ilio) Vel(ina tribu)]/ Plinio Minerfviano]/ Ilvir(o), patr(ono) c[oll(egi)],/ coll(egium) dendroph[orum]/ ob merita eius e[x aere]/ conlato. L(ocus) d(atus) [d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)]./ Exemplum decre[ti]/ M(arco) Nummio Senecione, Albino Aiaelio. 257 466. Pola, n.d. (CIL 5.8139; ILS 6676.) In colonia Iulia Po/la Pollentia Herculanea/ referentibus P(aulo) Muttieno Pris/co et G(aio) Marcio Histro Ilvir(is)/ non(is) Sept(embribus):/ quo[d v]erba facta sunt, Settidium/ Abas[ca]ntum praeter probita/tem v[itae c]um ea sollicitudine/ adq[u]e in[dus]tria delegatum sibi/ officium [in] insula Minervia tuen,/ ut non [tan]tum contentus sit cura ac/ diligentia Religioni publicae satisfa/cere, verum [et]iam quaedam proprio sum/[t]u suo ad excolendum locum excogitet/ [et ei im]penda[t] et propter hoc talis adfecti/[onis merita decret]o publico remuneranda/ [esse —] Ulis por(...) public(...) gra/[—. 467. Tergeste, shortly after 138. Limestone statue base. (CIL 5.545; ILS 6681; Alföldy 40.) L(ucio) Vario/ Papirio/ Papiriano/ Ilvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo), Ilvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo) q(uin)q(uennali),/ praef(ecto) fabr(um) Romae/ et Tergeste, 2 5 8 / flam(ini) Hadr(iani), pontific(i), augur(i)/ collegium fabrum/ patrono merenti.

256

Alföldy describes a veiled figure performing a sacrifice on the left narrow side of this base, and on the right narrow side a figure of an orator standing at or on a pedestal. 257

There follows a copy of the decree to honor Minervianus with such a statue in the forum including a clause that the decree be inscribed on the statue base as well. 258 Mommsen explains that Papirius fulfilled the praefectura fabrum as one of the equestrian muñera militaría of the rei publicae Romae and that he was also a prefect and patron of the fabri in Tergeste.

228

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions

468. Tergeste, 138-161. Large oblong base. (C/L 5.532; ILS 6680. PIR2 F 66; RE 12, Fabius η. 145.) L(ucio) Fabio [L(uci) f(ilio)]/ Pup(inia tribu) Sev[e]r[o]/ quaestor(i)/ urbano,/ [de]cu[r(iones) et] plebs/ T[ergesti]nor(um).// [—] k(alendis) [N]ovembr(ibus)/ [Quod] [— jspanius Lentulus et/ [—]s Nepos IIv[i]r(i) iur(e) dic(undo) v(erba) f(ecerunt),/ [L(ucium) Fabium S]everum clarissimum vi/5[rum m]ulta iam pridem in rem p(ublicam) nos/[tra]m beneficia contulisse, ut qui a pri/[m]a sua statim aetate id ege[r]it, uti in ad/[iuva]nda patria sua et dignitate et el[o]quentia cres/[ce]ret; nam ita multas et magnificas causas publi/lO[c]as apu[t] optimum principem Antoninum Aug(ustum) Pium/ [a]dservisse egisse vicisse sine ullo quidem aerari nos/[t]ri inpendio, ut quamvis admodum adulescens senili/bus tarnen et perfectis operibus ac factis patriam suam nos/que insupe[r] sibi universos obstrinxerit; nunc vero tarn gr/' 5 a ndi beneficio, tarn salubri ingenio, ta[m] perpetua ut[il]itate rem/ p(ublicam) n(ostram) adfecisse, ut omnia praecedentia facta sua, quamquam im/mensa et eximia s[i]nt, facile superari[t]; nam in hoc quoque mira/bilem esse c(larissimi) v(iri) virtutem, quod cotidie in bene faciendo et in pa/tria sua tuenda ipse se vincat; et id[cir]co, [q]uamvis pro mensu/20ra beneficiorum eius impares in referenda gratia simus, inte/rim tarnen pro tempore vel facúltate, ut adiuvet saepe factu/[r]us, rem[u]nerandam esse c(larissimi v(iri) benevolentiam, non ut ilium pro/niorem habeamus, aliut enim vir ita natus non potest facere, sed/ ut nos iudicantibus gratos praebeamus et dignos tali decore t a / c l i q u e praesidio: q(uid) f(ieri) p(laceret), d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) c(ensuerunt), primo censente Calpurnio Certo:/ Cum Fabius Severu[s vi]r amplissimus adque clarissimus tanta pietate tanta/[q]ue adfectione rem p(ublicam) n(ostram) amplexus sit itaque pro minimis ma/[x]imisque commodis eius excubet adque omnen praestantiam/ [s]uam exerat, ut manifestum sit id eum agere, ut non modo nobis, sed pro/30ximis quoque civitatibus declaratum velit esse se non ali quam/ [pa]triae suae natum et civilia studia, quae in eo quamvis admodum/ iuvene iam sint peracta adque perfe[c]ta, ac senatoriam dig/[ni]ta[t]em hac maxime ex causa concupivisse, uti patriam su/[am c]um ornatam tum ab omnib[us] iniuriis tutam d e f e n s a m q u e / 3 5 praestaret, interim aput iudices a Cae[sar]e datos, interim aput ip/[sum i]mperatorem causis publicis patro[ci]nando, quas cum iusti/tia divini principis tum su[a] eximia ac [pr]udentissima oration(e)/ s[e]m[pe]r no[b]is cum victoria firmiores r[e]misit; ex proximo vero,// ut manifestatur cael[es]tibus litteris Antoni/ni Aug(usti) Pii, tam feliciter d[e]siderium pu[b]licum a/pud eum sit prosecutus impetrando, uti Car/ni Catalique attributi a divo Augusto rei publiPcae nostrae,

Region 10

229

prout qui meruissent vita atque cen/su, per aedilitatis graduiti in curiam nostram admit[te]/rentur ac per hoc civitatem Romanam apisceren/tur, et aerarium nostrum ditavit et curiam complev[it]/ et universam rem p(ublicam) n(ostram) cum fomentis ampliavit adm[it]/10tendo ad honorum communionem et usurpationjem]/ Romanae civitatis et optimum et locupletissimum/ quemque, ut scilicet qui olim erant tantum in redit[u]/ pecuniario, nunc et in ilio ipso duplici quidem per/ honorariae numerationem repperiantu[r, e]t s i n [ t ] , / l ^ c u m quibus muñera decurionatus iam ut paucifs one]/rosa honeste de pl[e]no compartiamur. Ad cui[us rei]/ gratiam habendam, ut in saecula perm[a]nsu[ro eius]/ modi beneficio, oportuerat quidem, si fieri poss[et et]/ si verecundia clarissimi viri permitteret, universos n[os]/20 ire et gratias ei iuxta optimum principem agere. Sed/ quoniam certum est nobis, onerosum ei futurum t[a]/le nostrum officium, illut certe proxime fieri opo[r]/tet o (sic) statuam ei auratam equestrem primo quoque/ tempore in celeberrima fori [n]ostri par[te] poni et i[n]/^5 basi eius hanc nostram c[o]nsensionem adque hoc/ decretum inscribi, uti ad posteros nostras tarn volt[us]/ amplissimi viri quam facta per[m]aneant: petique a/ [Fa]bio Vero egregio viro patris (ser. patre) Severi, uti, quando q[ui]/dem et commentum hoc ipsius sit providentiae, qua/™ rem publicam n(ostram) in[f]atigabili cura gubernat et in hoc/ plus publici benefici, quod talem et nobis et imperio civem p[ro]/creavit adque formavit, cuius opera studioq(ue) et ornatio[res]/ et tutiores in dies nos magis magisque sentiamus, uti patiatu[r]/ se in hanc rem ad fili[u]m suum legari mandarique sibi/^5 u ti gratias publice c[l]ariss[im]o viro mandatu no[s]/tro agat et gaudium universorum singulorumqu[e]/ ac voluntatem ut mag[i]ster talium rerum in notitia[m]/ eius perferat. Censuerunt. 469. Tergeste, 3rd c. Limestone statue base. (¡nsc. It. 10, 4.44; Alföldy 31.) [.] Aur(elio) Marco/ v(iro) p(erfectissimo)/ M(arcus) Nonius Mer/cusenus v(ir) [p(erfectissimus) (?)/ ami]co/ [in]comparab(ili). 470. Trevenzuolo, 90's. Marble statue base. (CIL 5.3337; Alföldy 242. Pflaum, Carrières I, 160ff. n. 68.) [Ti]b(erio) Claudio/ Tib(eri) f(ilio) Quir(ina tribu)/ Augustano patri/ Bellici Sollertis,/ proc(uratori) Aug(usti) prov(inciae) Britan(niae)y Claudia Ti(beri) f(ilia) Marcellina 259 / socero optimo p[os(uit)]. 259 S e e FOS 243; P1R2 C 1104. Claudia dedicates a similar inscription, n. 473 below, to her husband Ti. Claudius Alpinus Bellicus Sollers, Augustanus' son, in which he too is termed optimus.

230

Appendix 1 : Corpus of Inscriptions

471. Tridentium, late 2nd-early 3rd c. Limestone plaque from a statue base. (CIL 5.5032; Alföldy 258. PIF? I 359; RE 10, Iulius η. 281.) G(aio) Iulio/ Ingenuo/ c(larissimo) i(uveni),/ trib(uno) leg(ionis) ΙΠ Itali(icae)y Tib(erius) Cl(audius) Victor v(ir) e(gregius)/infanti benig(no)/ plura de se/ merenti. 472. Venetia, beginning of 1st c. (Ghirardini, Not. Sc. 1905, p. 221, AE 1906.76.) Publice/ L(ucio) Anchario G(aii) f(ilio) Ro[m(ilia tribu)]/ trib(uno) mil(itum) bis, praef(ecto) fa[br(um)],/ Ilvir(o), auuri,/ honoris caussa loc[us]/ sepulturae datu[s]/ ipsi posterisque ei[us]/ sepult[—/ Vicellia T(iti) fi[l(ia) —]. 473. Verona, late 1st c. Limestone statue base. (CIL 5.3356; ILS 2710; Alföldy 219. PIR2 Β 103; RE 3, Claudius η. 41.) [Ti(berio) Claudio]/ Ti(beri) f(ilio) Quir(ina tribu) Alpino/ praef(ecto) alae Gallic(ae),/ trib(uno) leg(ionis) II Aug(ustae),/ praef(ecto) coh(ortis) II pr(aetoriae),/ don(is) don(ato) bello Germ(anico), 2 6 0 / Claudia Ti(beri) f(ilia) Marcellina/ marito optimo. 474. Verona, lst-2ndc. Statue base. (CIL 5.3407; Alföldy 208.) L(ucio) Laetorio/ L(uci) f(ilio) Pob(lila tribu)/ Anneio Rufo/ [—]/ A[—, IlIIvir(o) v]iar(um) cur(andarum) ( ? ) / [—/ —/ —/ —] Nar/ [bonensis (?), —] viro/ sex viri/ ob merita eius./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). 261 475. Verona, 204-235. Marble statue base. (CIL 5.3342; ILS 1148; Alföldy 209. PIR1 Ν 114; RE 17, Nonius η. 11.) M(arco) Nonio M(arci) [f(ilio)]/ Pob(lilia tribu) Arrio/ Mucian[o]/ c o ( n ) s ( u l i ) , 2 6 2 pr(aetori), XV[v]ir(o)/ sac(ris) f(aciundis), curatori/ et patrono r(ei) p(ublicae)/ Veronens[i]um,/ ob largitionem eius/ quod at thermas/ Iuventianas/ perficiend(as) (sestertium) (quadringenta milia) n(ummum)/ rei public(ae) dederity ordo.

2

^^Alföldy indicates that Alpinus would have received these dona militaría in his earlier career as an equestrian officer under Domitian. 261 Alföldy's reading of the fragmentary middle section is given here. Mommsen believed the missing text originally listed the names of the sexviri who dedicated the inscription. Ordinarius in 201.

Region 11

231

476. Verona, n.d. Small plaque. {CIL 5.3348.) —]/ [— ve]xillis IUI/ [c]orona vallari trium[phal/ —]rico theatfrum condent]/ [hon]oris causa Trans(...) Ath(...)/ patrono.

Region 11 477. Bergomum, 2nd c. 2 6 3 Bronze plaque. {CIL 5.5127; AE 1984.435). Quod Q(uintus) Acilius Montanus, M(arcus) Iunius Proculus Ilviri v(erba) f(ecerunt):/ cum M(arcus) Sempronius Fuscus praefectus cohortis Baeticae, vir summae integritatis pro/pe diem successorem exspectet et Romam proficisci debeat, q(uid) f(ieri) p(laceret) d(e) e(a) r(e) i(ta) cens(uerunt):/ cum M(arcus) Sempronius Fuscus, adulescens omni[bus virt]utibus instructissimu[s ita se in] colo/nia nostra gesserit ut unus ex nobis esse [videretur] contuleritque in n[os plu]rima/ m[eri]ta summa militiae modestia sum[maque l]ibera[litate rejmittendo inpens[as quas]/ pr[io]rum temporum res p(ublica) nostra contulerat redd[iq]ue [tes]timonium debeat qu[od ex]/ discipulina opt(i)m(i) ma[xi]mique principis i[t]a coho[rti B]a[etic]ae p[raef]uerit ut succès [sorem]/ stationi eius similefm speremus, pljacere n[obis l]egat[os ex hoc ordine mitti] clarissimos v[iros et]/ rei publicafe a]man[tissimos, qui eum] commen[dent..]ea [et iudi]cium nostr[um virtu]tis eius ad optimu[m maximumque] principem per[ferant.]/ Item per legatos n[ostros — praefec]tis coh[or]tium [—]nam[—]nes quos sumfma —. 478. Bergomum, 2nd-3rd c. {CIL 5.5128; ILS 6726.) P(ublio) Mario/ Vot(uria tribu)/ Luperciano/ eq(uiti) R(omano) eq(uo) pub(lico), omn(es)/ honor(es) municipal(es) adept(o),/ iudici de select(is),/ sacerd(oti) Caeninen(si), coll(egia)/ fabr(um) cent(onariorum) dend(rophorum) m(unicipi) B(ergomatium) patron(o)/ cuius eximia liberalitas post/ multas largitiones hucusque/ enituit, ut lucar Libitinae/ redemptum a re p(ublica) sua universis/ civibus suis in perpetuum/ remitieret. 264 Huius tot et 263 Garzetti 65-80 argues against the interpretations of Syme, Birley and Alföldy that this Fuscus is the same as the prefect of the cohors Baetica under Nero. On the basis of internal textual evidence--o/?//'mi« maximusque princeps was not official until Trajan and discipulina Augusti was more typical under Hadrian and his successors— Garzetti would place this inscription in the second century. 264

M o m m s e n believed the lucar Libitina to be a sum of money paid to the community in the name of the godess Libitina for funeral privileges. Lupercianus, therefore, set up a trust in the community the interest on which was to be made available to those having to pay this funeral fee.

232

Appendix 1: Corpus of Inscriptions tam/ ingentia merita ita/ remuneranda censuerunt,/ ut effigiem illius perpetua/ veneratione celebrarent./ L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum).

479. Comum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 5.5304; ILS 7231.) Colleg(ium) fabr(um)/ P(ublio) Sextilio P(ubli) f(ilio)/ Primiano/ ob quaesturam/ fideliter ac/ liberaliter/ gestam, 265 et/ Lusiae L(uci) f(iliae)/ Quintulae eius/ et P(ublio) Sextilio/ Carpiano fil(io). 480. Comum, 2nd-3rd c. (CIL 5.5305.) —]/ VI vir[o et] Aug(ustali)/ L(ucio) Valerio Amanti/ VIviro et Aug(ustali),/ Q(uinto) Sentio Amanti/ VIviro et Aug(ustali),/ L(ucio) Cornelio Luciano/ VIviro et Aug(ustali),/ Q(uinto) Marc[--]/ VIviro et Aug(ustali)/ ob curam integre/ ac liberaliter gestam,/ qui ob hunc honorem/ sibi habitum largiti/ sunt trulas arg(enteas) duas. 481. Taurini, late Iste. Thin bronze plate. (CIL 5.7007; ILS 2544.) G(aio) Valerio G(aii) f(ilio)/ Stel(latina tribu) Clementi/ primipilari,/ Ilvir(o) quinquennali,/ flamini divi Aug(usti) perpetuo/ patrono coloniae/ decuriones alae Gaetulorum/ quibus praefuit bello Iudaico/ sub divo Vespasiano Aug(usto) patre/ honoris causa./ Hic ob dedicationem statuarum equestris et/ pedestris oleum plebei utrique sexui dedit. 482. Taurini, n.d. (CIL 5.7008.) —]/[— prae]f(ecto) alae Aug(ustae)/ [d(ecreto)] d(ecurionum)/ ob merita et munificentiam/ eius,/ honore contentus/ impensam remisit.

265compare the phrase "ob curam integre ac liberaliter gestam" in the following example, η. 480.

233

Appendix 2: Regional Distribution of Inscriptions 1

1 Roman numerals indicate region number; percentages represent the number of inscriptions from that region relative to all inscriptions in the corpus.

235 Appendix 3:

Chronological Distribution of Inscriptions

IA. Inscriptions from Late Republic 134, 193

IB. First Century Inscriptions dated to within a decade 27 BC-10:

59,423

11-20

21-30

387

31-40

23

41-50

337, 463

51-60 61-70

140,402

71-80

40, 220,403 404

81-90:

297,298

91-100:

100,470

dated to within half a century 27 BC-54 or first half: 3, 11, 125, 126, 135, 138, 154, 156, 229, 233, 249, 428, 429, 472

54-96 or second half: 43, 83, 99, 139, 219, 243, 250, 258, 285, 405, 462, 473, 481

dated within a century

84, 85, 141, 158, 280, 299, 303, 379, 334, 338,379

236

Appendix 3 IC. First or Second Century Inscriptions 36, 128, 260, 324, 413, 453, 474 ΠΑ. Second Century Inscriptions

dated to within a decade 101-110: 96,430 111-120: 142,406 121-130:

dated to within half a century 96-138 or first half: 35, 55, 63, 98, 127, 155, 169, 171, 183, 196, 198, 207, 251, 272,273,281, 286, 432

131-140: 44,94,101, 109, 228, 270, 271,467 141-150: 60, 61, 62, 102, 221, 347, 348, 431 151-160: 202, 255,288 161-170: 2, 19, 117, 143, 164, 274,363, 375, 376, 380, 407, 454,455, 456 171-180: 103, 245, 364, 460 181-190: 65, 66, 104, 144, 145, 253, 311, 312, 421, 461 191-200:: 116,157,172

138-192 or second half: 4, 5, 18, 64, 67, 68, 86, 93, 105, 110, 118, 146, 160, 165, 184, 208, 215, 216, 217, 218, 225, 230, 246, 265, 275, 278, 279, 289, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 398, 408, 409, 426, 439, 457, 458, 468

dated within a century

34, 56, 123, 147, 148,200, 256, 276, 292, 294, 295, 296, 305,306, 313, 314, 339, 357, 365, 377, 393, 410,411,412, 420, 433, 436, 464,477

Chronological Distribution of Inscriptions

237

IIB. Second or Third Century Inscriptions 7, 8, 9, 15, 38, 41, 46, 48, 50, 51, 79, 80, 91, 106, 119, 120, 124, 153, 161, 166, 180, 188, 189, 190, 195, 203, 205, 210, 226, 232, 236, 237, 242, 254, 264, 267, 268, 269, 282, 291, 300, 318, 319, 320, 329, 335, 340, 345, 356, 369, 374, 378, 383, 416, 417, 424, 425, 435, 444, 478, 479, 480

III. Third Century Inscriptions dated to within a decade 201-210:

87, 88, 111, 307, 354, 358, 372, 440

211-220:

12, 21, 24, 45, 112, 113, 114, 192, 381,441

221-230:

14, 361, 400, 465

231-240:

54, 129, 173, 174, 239, 302, 385

241-250:

57, 73, 74, 90, 136, 152, 209, 222, 266, 308

251-260:

28, 53, 75, 76, 122, 175, 316, 326, 327, 366, 388, 389

261-270:

328, 362

271-280:

259, 341, 342, 343, 344

dated to within half a century 193-235 or first half: 1, 10, 37, 69, 70, 71, 72, 89, 149, 150, 162, 185, 252, 111, 301, 315, 331, 399, 422, 443, 471,475

235-284 or second half 22, 49, 82, 95, 122, 163, 176, 177, 182, 223, 231, 234, 235, 247, 262, 263, 386, 390

dated within a century

6, 13, 25, 29, 30, 31, 32, 58, 77, 78, 97, 137, 151, 159, 168, 178, 179, 186, 187, 194, 197, 201, 240, 241, 261, 317, 332, 355, 359, 367, 368, 382, 414, 415, 434, 437, 438, 442, 469

239 Appendix 4:

Social Make-up and Distribution of Honorands

Senators (71 total or 15% of all honorands in corpus) Municipal Patrons:

Patrons of Municipalities and Collegia175, Non-Patrons:

Inscriptions dedicated by private persons to Municipal Patrons: to Municipal Patron and Personal Patron: to Personal Patrons: to Others:

1, 12, 14, 21, 95, 101, 102, 112 (=111, 113), 114, 120, 135, 152, 153, 159, 176=177, 183, 187, 192, 221, 222, 230, 252, 258, 264, 297, * 298, 345, 357, 358, 362, 372, 385, 408, 414, 455, 475, 476

316, 374, 443 40, 54, 66, 84, 125= 154, 126, 172, 182, 255, 301, 303, 337, 354, 380, 460, 468

399, 457 163 1, 22, 53=122, 110 99, 100, 111 = 113 (=112), 129, 278, 461, 463, 471

High-Ranking Equestrians2 (50 total or 10% of all honorands in corpus) Municipal Patrons:

10, 25, 70, 74, 103, 123, 149, 150, 161, 185, 186, 279, 286,

'The term collegia in this appendix denotes all types of corporations and organizations-professional, religious, athletic, social, geographic-existing within larger municipalities, including (seviri) Augustales. 2 Equestrians who served primarily as officers in the military or as administrators in the imperial civil service.

240

Appendix 4 288, 315, 402, 409, 422, 434, 441 (=24) Patrons of Municipalities and Collegia:

272=273, 438 (=437)

Patrons of Collegia:

179, 400

Non-Patrons:

49, 73, 78, 80, 142, 285, 295, 377, 430, 442, 454, 477, 482

Inscriptions dedicated by private persons to Patrons of Municipalities and Collegia: to Municipal Patron and Personal Patron: to Personal Patron: toOthers:

24 (=441), 35, 437 (=438), 456 86 397 106,413,431,433, 462, 469, 470, 472, 473

Equestrian Municipals 3 (73 total or 15% of all honorands in the corpus) Municipal Patrons:

11, 18, 34, 89, 196, 200, 225, 228, 234, 235, 247, 253, 270=271, 275, 289, 290, 296, 302, 334, 338, 339, 356, 359, 375, 381, 393,416

Patrons of Municipalities and Collegia:

277, 317, 331, 415, 420, 424

Patrons of Collegia:

7, 60, 69, 282, 326=328, 327, 332, 336, 425, 458, 478

^Equestrians whose careers involve primarily municipal magistracies.

Social Make-up and Distribution of Honorands

Non-Patrons:

Inscriptions dedicated by private persons to Municipal Patrons: to Municipal Patron and Personal Patron: to Personal Patron: to Others:

36, 67, 77, 87, 132, 147, 151, 181, 229, 269, 309, 318, 369, 395, 403=404

241

130, 171, 299, 394,

136, 198, 208, 259, 276 352 (=353) 391, 427 68, 249, 353 (=352)

Municipal Magistrates and Decurions (117 total or 25% of all honorands in corpus) Municipal Patrons:

6, 15, 46, 94, 104, 116, 155, 197, 207, 236, 241, 305, 335, 410=411=412, 429, 481

96, 168, 240, 406, 417,

Patrons of Municipalities and Collegia:

31, 194, 205, 215= 216=217, 292, 304, 307

Patrons of Collegia:

19, 28, 29, 30, 61, 90, 121, 188, 206, 238, 293, 319, 396, 435, 465, 467

Non-Patrons:

26, 41, 42, 50, 52, 57, 59, 62, 64, 76, 92, 107, 109, 119, 127, 128, 131, 134, 137, 138=156, 140, 158, 164, 165, 166, 193, 201, 202, 204, 210, 211, 212, 214, 232, 233, 246, 251, 267, 268, 283, 313,

242

Appendix 4 314, 320, 341=343, 355, 361, 371, 376, 382, 383, 384, 419, 428, 432, 466, 479 Inscriptions dedicated by private persons to Municipal Patron and Personal Patron: to Patron of a Collegium: Collegium Patron and Personal Patron: Personal Patron: Others:

321, 360, 378, 418, 447,

63 464 274 75 79, 167, 173, 174, 213, 219, 250, 401

Municipal Dignitaries 4 (51 total or 11% of all honorands in corpus) Municipal Patrons:

33, 51, 237, 262= 263, 340, 344

Patrons of Municipalities and Collegia:

169, 170,308

Patrons of Collegia:

97, 178, 203, 242, 322, 323, 365, 421

Non-Patrons:

8, 39, 65, 71, 72, 98, 115, 117, 118, 124, 141, 143, 148, 157, 191, 227, 256, 347=348, 363, 388=389, 405, 446, 448, 451, 459, 480

Inscriptions dedicated by private persons to Municipal Patron: to Personal Patron: Others:

4

83 47, 324, 373 367,436

Male honorands whose honorary inscriptions record no municipal magistracies, including: those decorated with decurial honors, magistrates of collegia, athletes and entertainers, low-ranking staff in the imperial administration.

Social Make-up and Distribution of Honorands

243

Women (71 total or 15% of all honorands in the corpus) Municipal Patronesses from Senatorial elite: from Equestrian elite: from Municipal elite:

265, 386 266 311 (also a priestess)

Patronesses of Collegia from Senatorial elite: from Equestrian elite: from Municipal elite:

243, 316 328, 400 449

Priestesses from Senatorial elite: from Municipal elite:

37, 223, 231, 426 9, 32, 44, 108, 158, 190, 220, 226, 329, 351 (=350), 366, 368, 370

Non-Patronesses from Senatorial elite: from Equestrian elite: from Municipal elite:

Inscriptions dedicated by private persons to Personal Patronesses: toOthers:

93, 184, 239, 300, 440,444 5, 13, 144, 145, 244, 342, 346, 407 16, 17, 27, 43, 48, 133, 144, 189, 199, 218, 224, 245, 257, 281, 284, 287, 294, 306, 390, 439, 445

82*, 180*, 350 (=351), 392, 397 105*, 162*, 167, 280, 310, 333 indicates senatorial order

244

Appendix 4

Freedmen (28 total or (

of all honorands in the corpus)

Municipal Patrons:

Patrons of Collegia: imperial freedman: Augustales:

4, 20 (both imperial freedmen)

146 38, 45, 254, 312, 349

Non-Patrons: imperial freedmen: Augustales: Others: Inscriptions dedicated by private persons to Personal Patron: Others:

2, 3, 55, 58, 88, 91, 160, 291, 387 139, 209, 260, 325, 330, 364, 453 23

81 (Augustalis) 85,248 (Augustalis)

Honorands of Unknown Status Patrons: Patroness: Others:

183, 195, 261, 398 449 56, 379, 423, 452, 474

245 Appendix 5:

Social Make-up and Distribution of Dedicators

Municipal Public and Surrounding Populations (98 total or 20% of inscriptions) Named Municipalities:

10, 16, 18, 37, 42, 94, 95, 150, 161, 221, 223, 241, 258, 264, 265 (mulieres), 290, 393, 434

Cives:

317 (with amici amatores), 341, 342

Coloni:

117 (et incolae), 212 (et heredes), 260 (et incolae), 275

Municipes:

33 (popularesque), 50, 52 (et curiales), 104, 141, 218, 255, 256, 289, 291, 309, 349, 381, 390 (sorores)

Municipes et Incolae:

109, 287, 295, 351, 355, 428

Pagani:

234, 383

Plebs:

12, 55, 140, 251, 253, 268, 305, 323, 332, 378

Plebs Urbana:

166, 235, 257, 299, 311, 313, 314, 318, 320, 412, 422, 438

Populus:

13, 118, 185 (apud iudices), 197, 202, 204, 225, 233, 358,446

Publice datus:

154, 303, 337, 472

Regio:

152

Res publica:

88, 144, 145

Vicani:

247, 288, 343, 344, 346, 405, 406, 415, 417

et

246

Appendix 5 ex consensu universorum:

183,184

Municipal Ordines1 (84 total or 17% of inscriptions) 11, 23, 25, 32, 34, 36, 44, 48, 49, 57, 58, 59, 62, 64, 67, 74, 80, 87, 91, 96, 98, 101, 115, 120, 124, 128, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 138, 142, 147, 148, 149, 151, 155, 156, 158, 171, 172, 176, 177, 181, 196, 210, 211, 228, 246, 279, 296, 297, 298, 300, 330, 335, 338, 348, 354, 357, 359, 360, 362, 370, 371, 372, 380, 387, 395, 396, 414, 416, 430, 432, 441, 444, 452, 455, 458, 466, 475, 477, 482

Ordines and Municipal Public (55 Total or 11% of inscriptions) 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 26, 27, 41, 43, 46, 51, 56, 84, 89, 92, 93, 102, 107, 127, 132, 137, 139, 159, 160, 182, 186, 187, 191, 192, 193, 195, 199, 214, 222, 224, 227, 230, 239, 240, 262, 263, 286, 319, 325, 345, 347, 356, 366, 375, 376, 379, 385, 386, 423, 468

1 Includes examples dedicated by ordines, decuriones, senatus, centumviri and the like.

Social Make-up and Distribution of Dedicators Professional Collegia, Religious Guilds, Organizations (95 total or 19% of inscriptions)

247

and

Local

amatores Romuli:

308

cannophori:

189 (with decuriones)

capulatores:

108, 168

centonarii:

270, 273, 284, 327, 328, 409, 410, 420, 451

centonarii et dendrophori:

237 (cultores)

codicarìi navicularii et quinqué corporum navigantes:

60, 73

cultores Cereris:

30

cultores Herculis:

175, 281, possessores negotiantes)

cultores lovis:

90,119

dendrophori:

45, 97, 203, 205, 220, 238, 426, 443, 445, 465

dendrophori et fabrì:

194

fabrì:

103, 272, 312, 316, 321, 322, 326, 400, 407, 411, 424, 435, 450, 459, 467, 479

fabrì tignuarii:

66, 71, 78, 188

fabrì navales Ostiensium:

69 (plebes)

fabrì et centonarii:

374, 398, 418, 419 (with vicani), 421, 442, 447, 448

fabrì, centonarii, et dendrophori:

277, 408 (with vicani), 478 (with decuriones)

graphini:

17

302 (et Inquilini

248

Appendix 5 iuvenes:

7, 31 (Herculanei), 190, 209, 292, 293, 307, 365 (lucoferonenses), 440

Lares:

449 (cultores with private dedicator)

Leontiani:

178, 179

mancipes gregum:

2

Martenses:

169, 170

mensores frumentarii:

61,70

pastophori:

425

sacerdotales:

54 (et populus)

sacerdotes Solis Mithrae:

72

salinatores:

403, 404

scaenici:

19 (adlecti), (veteres)

sodales Herculani:

29

sodales iuvenumforensium:

28

tricliniares:

266

collegium Veneris:

206

304 and 336

Augustales (31 total or 6% of inscriptions) 38, 39, 77, 116, 121 (with ingenui honorati), 143, 146, 207, 215, 226, 229, 231, 232, 242, 243, 244, 254, 282, 283 (iuvenes), 294, 329, 389, 429, 439, 460, 474 with municipal public:

76,331,382

Social Make-up and Distribution of Dedicators with local senate:

249

65, 236

Ordo, Augustales, and Municipal Public (20 total or 4% of inscriptions) 3, 15, 123, 153, 157, 200, 201, 216, 217, 245, 306, 339, 340, 363, 364, 368, 369, 384, 388, 394

Provinces, Provincial Officials, and Military Divisions (6 total or 1% of inscriptions) decuriones alae Gaetulorum:

481

centuriones legionis II Traianaefortis:

271

decuriones exercitus Raetici:

454

officiates provinciae Aquitaniae:

301

provincia Mauretania Tingitana:

112

speculators:

402

Private Dedicators (74 total or

of inscriptions)

Family Relatives:

24, 40, 79, 99, 198, 219, 248, amicus), 259, 310, 353, 367, 437, 470, 473

173, 174, 250 (with 276, 280, 401, 436,

Amici:

35, 83, 98, 100, 106, 111, 113, 129, 167, 333, 431, 456, 457, 462, 464, 469

Clientes:

63, 75, 81, 163, 350, 427

Liberti:

1, 22, 47, 53, 82 (et servi), 85, 86 (with family relatives), 110, 122, 274,

Appendix 5

250

324, 352, 373, 391, 392, 397 Parasiti:

180

Servi:

461

Other

68, 105, 136, 162, 208, 213, 249, 278, 399, 413, 433, 463, 471

Unknown (20 total or 4% of inscriptions) 14, 20, 21, 114, 125, 126, 164, 165, 252, 261, 267, 269, 285, 315, 334, 361, 377, 453, 476, 480

251 Appendix 6: Attribution of Terms of Praise by Type of Dedicator1 A U G υ S τ Α L Ε S

C 0 L L Ε G I Α

0 R D I Ν E S

Ρ 0 Ρ υ L I

(176)2

57

43

41

17

13

Optimus (61)

17

6

8

2

24

Munificentia (51)

29

8

7

3

5

Amor (42)

14

8

14

3

1

Descriptions (37)

15

11

2

5

Beneficia (27)

6

8

10

Honor(27)

8

3

7

2

3

4

5

9

3

3

8

5

7

1

11

3

5

Pietas (19)

5

3

3

Insignis (19)

7

4

7

Merita

Dignissimus

(25)

Liberalitas (22) Adfectio (20)

Ρ R I V Α Τ I

Α L I I

4

2

1

1 1

6

1 Terms are listed in descending order of frequency and only those which appear in at least three examples have been included. Divided into six broad categories: ORDINES, including decuriones, senatus, centumviri and the like; Ρ O PULI, including plebs, municipes, cives, vicani, incolae and the like; COLLEGIA, including all professional and religious guilds and other civic organizations; AUGUSTALES; PRIVATI, including family relatives, freedmen clients, slaves; ALII, including military personnel and provincials. When an inscription has been dedicated by a combination of decuriones, plebs, and Augustales, I have counted it only once in the ordines category on the assumption that the decuriones probably had greatest discretion over the language in the final text. 2

The total number of examples in which the word appears.

252

Appendix 6

Innocentia (16)

7

3

5

Incomparabilis (14)

1

4

2

Praestantissimus (14)

3

1

2

Fides (13)

5

1

6

Largitio (13)

3

3

4

Singularis (13)

11

1

1

Industria (12)

8

Rarissimus (12)

2

4

2

Honestas/Honestissimus (10)

4

3

2

Abstinentia (9)

3

3

Benevolentia (9)

5

3

Honorificentia (8)

4

4

Dignitas.Dignatio (6)

3

2

Integritas (6)

2

1

Probitas (6)

3

1

Modestia (5)

4

Benignitas (4)

1

2

Sollicitude (4)

2

2

1

Verecundia (4)

2

Virtus (4)

4

1

1

2

1

4

1 1 1

1

1

Diligentia (3)

1

1

1

3

6

1

1

Cura (3)

6

4

Castitas (4)

Pudicitia (4)

1

2

1

1 1

1

Attribution of Terms of Praise by Type of Dedicator lustitia (3)

3

Labor (3)

2

1

Obsequium (3)

2

1

Studium (3)

3

25 3

255 Appendix 7 Chronological Distribution of Key Terms of Praise in I II III IV V VI

= = = = = =

Corpus1

27 BC-AD 54 or first half of first century AD 54-96 or second half of first century AD 96-138 or first half of second century AD 138-192 or second half of second century AD 193-235 or first half of third century AD 235-284 or second half of third century I

II

III

IV

V

VI

Merita (76/176)2

4

4

12

30

9

17

Optimus (39/61)

2

8

3

17

5

4

Munificentia (25/51)

4

3

1

9

4

4

Amor(26/42)

2

2

5

6

11

Descriptions (20/37)

4

2

9

2

1

Beneficia (20/27)

1

2

9

1

7

Honor (16/27)

3

1

2

3

4

1

3

3

6

4

3

1

1

3

4

2

4

2

3

2

4

2

2

1

2

2

3

2

2

5

2

3

Dignissimus (13/25) Liberalitas (10/22)

1

2

Adfectio (9/20) Pietas (12/19)

1

Insignis (8/19) Innocentia (6/16) Incomparabilis (7/14) Praestantissimus (7/14)

1

^This table includes only those examples which can be securely dated to within a half century and only those terms which occur in at least four such dateable examples. ^This fraction represents the number of examples dateable to within a half century out of the total number of examples of the term in the corpus.

256

Appendix 7

Fides (6/13) Largitio (4/13)

1 1

1

2

3

1

1

Singularis (4/13) Industria (4/12) Rarissimus (8/12)

1 1

Honestissimus (9/10)

1

Benevolentia (6/9) Honorificentia (4/8)

1

Dignitas (6/6) Integritas (4/6)

1

2

2

3

3

1

3

1

4

1

2

3

3

1

1

1

1 3

1 1

3

257 Appendix 8 Comparative Virtues from the Literary Exempla and from the Coins of Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus

A. Virtues from the Literature on Moral Exempla Listed in Descending Order of Frequency Cited1

virtus paupertas

140 53

constantia pietas erga patriam

47

fortitudo dementia severitas continentia

46

moderatio

20 16

pudicitia fides aequitas pietas erga déos gravitas pietas erga ceteros pietas erga parentes concordia magnanimus comitas duritia

46 24 23 21

15

11 11 10 9

6 5 5 3 3

^This table is based upon the fundamental work of Litchfield, particularly his chart 28-35.

258

Appendix 8 Β. Virtues Represented on the Imperial Coins of Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus

Antoninus Pius 2

Septimius S e v e r u s 3

Aequitas

Aequitas

Aeternitas

Aeternitas Imperii

Annona

Annona

Bonus

Eventus

Bona

Spes

Clementia

Bonus

Felicitas

Concordia

Felicitas

Temporum

Fides Fides

Eventus

Fecunditas Felicitas

Exercituum

Felicitas

Fortuna

Fides

Hilaritas

Fortuna

Honos

Fortuna

Indulgentia

Hilaritas

luventas

Indulgentia

Laetitia

Iustitia

Liberalitas

Laetitia

Imperii

Redux

vol. 4: Aequitas, p. 1, no. 1; Aeternitas, p. 5; Annona, p. 29, no. 180; Bonus Eventus, p. 182, no. 1155; Clementia, p. 15, no. 81; Felicitas, p. 2; Felicitas Temporum, p. 97, no. 678; Fides, p. 1, no. 2; Fides Exercituum, p. 271; Fortuna, p. 11, no. 51; Hilaritas, p. 85, no. 593; Honos, p. 40, no. 263; Indulgentia, p. 320, no. 1920; luventas, p. 41, no. 268; Laetitia, p. 105, no. 724; Liberalitas, p. 33, no. 216; Libertas, p. 177, no. 1141; Moneta, p. 33, no. 220; Munificentia, p. 300, no. 1838; Ops, p. 34, no. 221; Pax, p. 12, no. 53; Pietas, p. 3, no. 7; Providentia, p. 347; Pudicitia, p. 160, no. 1051; Salus Publica, p. 209, no. 1310; Securitas/Securitas Publica, p. 209, no. 1311; Spes, p. 216, no. 1354; Tranquilinas, p. 38, no. 251; Victoria, p. 12, no. 60; Virtus, p. 39, no. 255. 3BMC, vol. 5: Aequitas, p. 175, no. 122; Aeternitas Imperii, p. 185, no. 158; Annona, p. 130, no. 518; Spes/Bona Spes, p. 90, no. 340; Bonus Eventus, p. 83, no. 321; Concordia, p. 121, no. 483; Fecunditas, p. 124, no. 494; Felicitas, p. 138, no. 560; Felicitas Saeculi, p. 222; Fides, p. 294, no. 712; Fortuna, p. 176, no. 127; Fortuna Redux, p. 160, no. 24; Hilaritas, p. 161, no. 31; Indulgentia, p. 47, no. 163; Iustitia, p. 282, no. 637; Laetitia, p. 162, no. 45; Liberalitas, p. 20, no.l; Moneta, p. 33, no. 220; Munificentia, p. 300, no. 1838; Nobilitas, p. 246, no. 455; Pax, p. 420, no. 4; Pax Aeterna, p. 61, no. 253; Pietas, p. 355, no. 865; Providentia, p. 48, no. 172; Pudicitia, p. 166, no. 72; Saeculum Frugiferum, p. 20, no. 4; Securitas Publica, p. 35, no. 87; Securitas Imperii, p. 199, no. 240; Victoria, p. 113, no. 450.

Comparative Virtues Libertas Moneta Munificentia Ops

Liberalitas

Pax Pietas Providentia Pudicitia Salus Publica Securitas

Pax Pax Aeterna

Securitas Publica Spes Tranquillitas

Securitas Publica Securitas Imperii Spes Victoria

Victoria Virtus

Moneta Munificentia Nobilitas

Pietas Providentia Pudicitia Saeculum Frugiferum

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Indices I. Personal names of honorands Numbers correspond to inscription numbers from Appendix 1. Names in all capitals indicate senatorial status; names in italics indicate equestrian status. The status of freedman or sevir Augustalis is indicated where necessary for clarification. A. Persons with clan names Abeiena G. f. Balbina 311 G. Abelasius Proculeianus 267 L. Acilius L. f. Pompt. Eutyches 19 T. Acilius P. f . An. Florentinus 36 Q. Acilius G. fil. Pap. Fuscus 70 P. Acilius P. f. Men. Paullus (sev. Aug.) 90 G. Acilius G. f . Pal Politicianus 339 L. Aco[nius . f.] P[om.] Cal[listus] 401 M. [Acu]tius M. 1. N[oetus] 453 P. AELIUS P. FIL. AELIANUS ARCHELAUS MARCUS 163 T. Aelius T. fil. Palat. Aelianus 33 P. Aelius P. f . Pal. Agathoclianus 375 Aelius Aug. lib. Anatellons 91 M. AELIUS AURELIUS THEO 414 Aelius Mabbidianus 91 Aeli[us — Pom]peian[us—] 56 P. Ael. P.f. Pal. Tiro 87 [.] Aelius Aug. 1. Saturninus 55 [.. Aejmilius A. fi. [Ρ]al. Victorinus 106 Aemilia Agrestina 445 Aemilia Prosoches 445 Aemilia Synethia 445 Sex. Aetrius S[ex. f.] Ouf. Ferox 347, 348 Agusia T. f. Priscilla 44 P.AlfiusP.f. Camsimnianus 318

274

Indices

L. Alfius L. f. Cor. Valentinus 116 L. ALLIUS L. F. STEL. VOLUSIANUS 374 G. Amar[f]ius Q. filius Saturni nus 194 Amullia Primigenia 220 L. Ancharius G.f. Ro[m.] 472 L. Annius L. f . Col. Modestus 147 M. Annius Phoebus (Aug.) 256 L. ANNIUS L. FIL. OUF. RUFUS 183 L. Annius L fil. Ouf. Rufus 185 ANNIA Q. F. RUFINA 184 L. An[tistius Cajmpanus 130 A. Antoninus A. fil. Pom. Pelagianus 200 M. ANTONIUS RUFINUS 120 T. Appalius T. f . Vel. Alfinus Secundus 279 T. Ancharius T. f. Pal. Priscus 313 Ancharía Luperca 400 M. Antonius Vitellianus 186 L. Apuleius Brasidas (sévir Aug.) 312 M. Aquilius M. f . Fab. Felix 10 L. ARADIUS ROSCIUS RUFINUS SATURNINUS TIBERIANUS 95 L. Arrenius L. f. Pap. Menander 188 Arrenia Felicissima L. Arreni Menandri fil. 190 [G.] ARRIUS [G. F.] QUIR. ANTONINUS 455 M. ARRIUS CLEMENTIANUS 182 M. Arrius M. f. Pomp. Clymenus 202 P. Atilius Philippus 446 [—] Attia P. fil. Maxima 280 Attidi[a L? f.] Iulian[a] 287 P. Aufidius P. fil. Quir. Fortis 63 G. Aufidius G. f. Cam. Verus 314 M. Aurelius Augg. lib. Agilius Septentrio 88 Aurelius Augg. lib. Alexandrus 58 M. Aurelius Basileus 49 M. Aurelius Hermogenis 74

Indices [..] Aurelius H[—] [..Jtentio 197 M. Aurelius Iulianus 24,441 M. Aurelius Liber (lib.) 160 M. Aur. Lucius 397 M. Aurelius Elaini fîlius Marcellus 396 [.] Aur. Marcus 469 [M.] Aurelius Augg. lib. Plebeius 2 L. Aurelius Aug. lib. Pylades 146 M. Aurel[ius .] f. Ter. Py[lades] 76 M. Aurelius Sabinianus Augg. lib. 4 MARIA AUREL. VIOLENTALA PERPETUI HL. 239 Aurelia Calligenia 407 Aurelia Cre[s]centia 266 Q. Auxilius Urbicus 434 Q. Avelius Q. f. Serg. Priscus Severius Severus Annavus Rufus 241 Avidia G. f. Tertullia 329

P. Baebius P. f. Ter. Iustus 57 Baebia G. f. Lupula 167 Baebia Pontias 245 M. Bassaeus M. f . Pal. Axius 149 G. Betutius Eutyches (sev. Aug.) 248 L. Betutius L. f. Pal. Furianus 410, 411,412 G. Bicleius G. f. Cam. Priscus 107 Bruttia Iust[a] 294 Bruttia L. fil. Nereis 189

M. CAECILIUS NOVATILLIANUS 176,177 Caedicia L. f. Iris 218 T. Caedius T.f. Cam. Atilius Crescens 317 A. Caesilius A. f. Vel. Acastinus 428 [L. CA]ESONIUS L. F. [OV]INIUS MANLIUS BASSUS 53,122 T. Caesius T.fil. T. n. L. abn. Pal. Anthianus 150

276

Indices

Gn. Caesius Athictus 388, 389 G. Caesius G.f. Ouf. Silvester 352, 353 Caesia Sabina 390 [L.] Cassius L. f. Pal. Cerealis 140 CASSIA CORNELIA G. F. PRISCA 37 G. Calventius Quietus (Aug.) 139 T. Calvisius T. fil. [C]lu. Verus 292 Calvius Pollio 432 Camurena G. fil. Celerina 350, 351 G. Camurius G. f . Lem. Clemens 286 P. Cantrius P. f. Cor. Italus 167 P. Cantrius P. f. Cor. Italus fil. 167 M. Carminius M. fil. Pap. Pudens 437,438 L. Cascellius L. fil. Volt. Probus 376 L. Cassius L f . L. nep. L. ρ ron. Mae. Flavianus 181 Cassia P. f. Sabina 392 [Ti. Claudius] Ti. f . Quir. Alpinus 473 [Ti]b. Claudius Tib. f . Quir. Augustanus 470 L. TI. CLAUD. AUREL. QUIR. QUINTIANUS 129 T. Cl. Ti. fil. Pub. Crescentianus 6 Ti. CI. Ti. filius Iu[stus] 26 Ti. Claudius Ti. fil. Ti. nepos Cor. Maximus 165 Ti. Claudius Ti. fil. Pal. Secundinus L. Statius Macedo 431 T. Claudius Zeno Ulpianus Verrae f . 315 [CL]AUDIA Ή. F. [FA]DILLA 231 Claudia Hedone 281 Claudia Iusta 220 Claudia Ptolemais 220 G. Clodienus G. fil. Stell. Serenus Vesnius Dexter 359 G. CLODIUS G. F. QUIR. ADIUTOR 125, 154 G. Clodius Hilaras 39 P. Clodius P. f. P. nepot. Fai. L. Arulenus Bassus 155 [— CLODIUS] P. F. [— CAP]ITO 126 Q. Clodius Ursinus 447

Indices

277

L. COIEDIUS L. F. ANI. CANDIDUS 337 Gn. Corellius Gn. f. Fro[nt]inus 378 Coretius Fuscus 326, 328 Coretius Victorinus 327 T. Cornasidius T. f . Fab. Sabinus 277 G. CORNELIUS G. F. QUIRIN. FELIX ITALUS 408 L. Cornelius Lucianus (sévir et Aug.) 480 L. CORNELIUS PUSIO ANNIUS MESSALLA 99 L. Cornelius L. f. Men. M[—] 158 Gn. Cornelius G.f. Palat. Pomponius Martialis 299 L. Cornelius Prosodicus (sevir Aug.) 448 Gn. Cossutius L. f. An. Successinus 204

Q. Dec. Q.f. CI. Mett. Sabinianus 458 Q. Decius Q. f. Saturninus 11 L. Dentusius L. f . Pap. Proculinus 331 T. DESTICIUS T. F. CLA. IUBA 457 T. Desticius T. f . Cla. Severus 454, 456 G. Didius G.f. Sab. Saturninus 381 G. Didius G. f. Sab. Silvester 382 G. Dissenius Quir. Fuscus 18 G. Dissenius G. f. Quir. Fuscus Hadrianus 18 G. Dissenius G. f. Quir. Fusc[us] Sabinianus 18 GN. DOMITIUS SEX. F. V[0]L[T.] AFER TITIUS MARCELLUS CURVIUS LUCANUS 297 [GN. DOMITIUS SEX. F. VOLT. — CURVIUS TULLUS] 298 DOMTITA MELPIS 386

L. Egnatius Inventus 117 EGNATIUS SATTIANUS 175 L. Egnatius L. f. Clu. Victorinus 293 EGNAHA CERTIANA 180 M. Egnius M. f. Mae. Fortunatianus 214

278

Indices

T. Elufrius Aelianus 361 T. Elufrius T. f. Stel. Melior 361

D. Fabius D. filius Pal. Florus Veraiius 75 [—] Fabius Hermog[enis] 67 M. FABIUS M. F. QUIR. MAGNUS VALERIANUS 372 L. FABIUS [L. F.] PUP. SEV[E]R[US] 468 Titius Fabius Severus 262, 263 M. Fadius Crispus 48 L. Fadius Pierus 232 Fadia M. f. 48 G. Faesellius G.f. An. Rufio 415 L. Faesellius L. filius An. Sabinianus 409 [G.] Falerius G. f. Niger 193 T. Flaminius Maius Aug. 1. 291 G. Flaminius G. f . Vel. Marcellus 462 T. Flavius T. fil. Quir. Aelianus 46 T. Fl. Avitus Forensis 137 Flavius Domitianus 80 T. Flavius T. f . Germanus 86 T. Fl. T. f . Clu. Isidorus 302 T. Flavius Karus 8 T. Flavius Lysiponus (Aug.) 38 [.] Fl. G. f. Proculeianus 30 T. Flavius T.f. Pal. Salinator Fufius Clemens 391 T. Fl. T. f. Fab. Silvanus 205 T. Flavius Acindyni fil. Quir. Scopellianus 94 [T.] Flavius T. f. Trom. [—] 28 Flavia Ammia 370 Flavia Kara 9 [Flavia Ruf]ina [M. Barbi Fas]ti Consularis filia 93 Fl. T. fil. Varian(a) 43 Q. Fulvius Chares 373 G. FULVIUS G. F. QUIR. Ρ ί Α υ Ή Α Ν ^ 354

Indices

279

P. Fundanius P. f. Pap. Priscus 168 T. Fundilius Geminus (sevir Aug.) 254

[L. Gab]inius L f . Ter. [Cosmianjus 161 L. Gabo Arunculeius Valerianus 442 G. Galerius G.f. Ann. Iulianus 416 M. GAVIUS T. F. VEL. APPALIUS MAXIMUS 110 Q. Gavius Q. fil. Q. nep. Q. pron. Q. abn. Q. adn. Fai Fulvius Proculus 123 M. GAfVIUS M. F. PAL.] MAfXIMUS] 278 Gavia M. f . Fabia Rufina 145 Gavia m. fil. Marciana 144 M. Gellius Servandus Senior (sevir Aug.) 364 Graecina Q. [f.] Paetina 310 G. Granius G. fil. Quir. Maturas 62 L. Gresius L. f. Ouf. Proculus 355

G. Hedius G. f . Clust. Verus 296 Sex. Helvius Leo 451 HERENNIA M. F. HELVIDIA AEMILIANA 105 P. Horatius Chryseros (sev. Aug.) 65 Q. Hortensius Q.f. Col. Faustinus 103 Hostilia Hostiliana 439 Q. Herius Q. f. Ter. Octavius Iustus 15

Q. INSTEIUS T. F. PUP. 84 G. Itius G. 1. Priscus 330 G. Iulius G. fi[l.] Fab. Agathopus 429 G. lui. G.f. Cl. Alexander 136 [G. IULIUS ASPER?] 114 L. Iulius L. f. Arn. Augurinus 307 T. Iulius Eutiches 97 L. IULIUS FAUSTINIANUS 192

Indices

280

[G.] IULIUS GALERIUS ASPER 111, 112, 113 G. Iulius divi Augusti 1. Gelos 387 G. Iulius Augusti 1. Helenus 3 G. IULIUS INGENUUS 471 L. IULIUS L. F. PAL. IULIANUS 301 L. Iulius L. f. Pal. Iulianus 305 Iulius Iulianus 142 L. Iulius L. f. Clu. Marcianus 341, 343 [.] Iulius T. f. Clu. Marcianus 344 G. Iulius G. f. Naso 227 M. Iulius Ulpius M. f. Velina Cleopatras 308 IULIA G. F. AEMILIA CALLITTA 223 Iulia M. f. Felicitas 284 Iulia Lucilia L. Iuli Iuliani fil. 306 Iulia Ti. fil. Paulina 366 Iulia Pelagio G. f . 13 M. Iunius Silani 1. Monimus 23 G. Iulius Tyrannus 71 M. Iulius Zoticus (lib., sev. Aug.) 45 Iunia Gradila 16 M. Iuventius Magius 450

Laberius Gallus 400 LABERIA HOSTILIA CRISPINA M. LABER[I] MAXIMI FILIA 265 LABERIA POMPEIANA 162 M. Laelius Atimetus 148 L. Laetorius L. f. Pob. Anneius Rufus 474 G. Lart[—] Gabinius P. f. Pal. Fortuitus 131 L. Lepidius L. f . An. Proculus 403, 404 G. Lepidus G. f. Pap. Victor 384 L. Licinius L. fil. Pal. Herodes 77 L. Licinius Primitivus 143 LICINIA G. F. VIC[T]ORINA 300

Indices G. Ligurius G. f. Sab. Salutaris A. Gavius Fortunatus 371 G. Ligustinius G. f. Clu. Disertus 324 A. Livius Chryseros (sev. Aug.) 81 [...]cio L. f . Luciiianus 269 P. Lucilius P. f. P. n. P. pronep. Gamala 59 P. Lucilius P. [f.] P. n. P. pro. Gamala 64 M. Lurius M. f. Palat. Lucretianus 104 Lusia L. f. Quintula 479

M. Maenius G.f. Cor. Agrippa L. Tusidius Campester 288 L. Maesius L. f . Pol. Rufus 295 Maesia L. f . Domitilla 295 Magia Q. f. Severina 199 Mammia Aufidia P. f . P. nep. P. proti. Titecia Maria 244 L. Manlius Rufio (sevir) 260 Marcia Aurel. Ceionia Demetrias 5 Q. Marc[—] (sevir et Aug.) 480 P. Marius Vot. Lupercianus 478 L. MARIUS MAXIMUS PERPETUUS AURELIANUS 14 Maria T. f. Casta 295 P. Martius Quir. Philippus 69 Sex. Mecius Sex. f. Sab. Marcellus 383 G. Mefanas Gracilis (sevir Aug.) 459 M'. Megonius M*. f. Cor. Leo 215, 216, 217 G. Memmius G. f. An. Marianus 417 [G. MJessius G. lib. Zosimus 325 G. Metilius G. f . Pomp. Marcellinus 424 M. Metilius Successus M. Metili Repentini filius 203 M. Minatius M. fil. Gal. Successus 191 L. Minicius Alexander (sevir Aug.) 459 G. Minicius G.fil. Vel. Italus 430 L. MINICIUS L. F. GAL. NATALIS QUADRONIUS VERUS 101 [—]CUS MODESTUS PAULINUS 252 G. Mollius F. f. Trom. Secundinus 29

282

Indices

P. Mue. P. Publicus Verus 422 A. Munius A. fil. Men. Evaristus 89 Q. Mursius Q. [f. Vel.] Plinius Miner[vianus] 465 L. Musetius L. f . Ouf. Sabinus 356 L. MUSSIUS AEMILIANUS 73 Q. Muticilius Q. f . Aem. Sex. Deccianus 225 G. Mutteius G. f. Pal. Quintus Severus 319

M. Naevius M. f. Pal. Iustus 321 M. Naevius M. f. Pal. Magnus 322 L. NERATIUS G. F. VOL. PROCULUS 255 M. NONIUS M. [F.] POB. ARRIUS MUCIANfUS] 475 M. NONIUS M. F. FAB. ARRIUS PAULINUS APER 443 M. NONIUS M. F. ΜΕΝ. Β ALBUS 135 G. Nonius G. f . An. Caepian[us] 413 NONIUS GRATILIANUS 175 P. Nonius P. fil. Pal. Livius Anterotianus 68 Q. Novius Q. f. Serg. Felix 237 Q. Novius Q. f. Serg. Iucundus 236 M. Novius M. f. Arn. Probus 250

G. Oclatius G.f. Pal. Modestus 171 G. Oct[avianus . f.] Forensis 207 G. OCTAVIUS APPIUS S[UE]TRIUS SABINUS 12, 21 L. Octavius L. f . Cam. Rufus 338 G. Oppius G. f. Vel. Bassus 270, 271 M. Oppius Capito Q. Tamudius Q. fil. T. n. T. prn. Vel. Milasius Aninius Severus 275 L. Oranius L. fil. Quir. Iustus 253 P. Otacilius L.f. Pal. Rufus 228

L. Pacatius Tyrannus 363 SEX. PALPELLIUS P. F. VEL. HISTER 463

Indices Gn. P[a]pirius Gn. [f. V]el. Sec[un]din. 464 Paulina 333 [S]eχ. Pedius Sex. f . An. Lusianus Hirrutus 249 P. Pescennius P. f. Secundus 128 T. Petidius T. f. Fab. Cessinus 268 Sex. Petronaeus Sex. f. Valerianus 238 G. Petronius G. f. Pob. Marcellinus 436 Q. PET[RONIUS Q. F.] MEL[IOR] 66 Q. PETRONIUS MELIÖR 385 P. Petronius G. f. Clu. Proculus 340 T. Petronius T. f. T. n. Clu. Proculus 283 L. PETRONIUS L. F. SAB. TAURUS VOLUSIANUS 362 PETRONIUS VICTORINUS 316 N. Pettius N. f. Gal. Rufus 119 G. Plaetorius G. f. Crescens 213 N. Plaetorius Onirus (Aug.) 118 Q. Plotius Maximus Collin. Trebellius Pelidianus 272,273 A. Plutius Epaphroditus 47 L. Pompeius L. f . Pol. Herennianus 425 Sex. Pompeius Sex. fil. Maximus 72 G. Pomponius M. Pom[p]oni Libonis [f]il. Maec. Diogenes 211 M. Pomponius M. Pomponi Libonis fil. Maec. Diogenes 212 L. Pomponius L. f . Lupus 395 Q. POMPONIUS MUNATflANUS] CLODIANUS 22 Pomponia 17 M. Pontius M. f. Quir. Felix 109 G. POPILIUS G. F. QUIR. CARUS PEDO 102 L. Praesentius L. fil. Lem. Paetus L Attius Severus 276 Q. Precius Q.f. Pol. Proculus 309 [..] Proculeius P. f. Qui. Basilus 233 [..] Proculeius P. f. Qui. Galba 233 Publicia L. f. 342 L. PUBLIUS CELSUS PATRUINUS 187

284

Indices

L. PULLAflENUS L. F.] VEL. GARfGILIUS AN]TIQU[US] 230 Pullidius Argolicus 179

ullidius Argolicus 178

A. Quinctilius A. f . Pal. Priscus 34 G. Quintilius G. f . Rom. Priscus 433

L. RAGONIUS L. FIL. PAP. URINATIUS LARCIUS QUINTIANUS 460, 461 M. Remmius Rufus (pater), M. Remmius Rufus (filius) 134 T. RESIUS T. F. AIM. 303 L. RO[S]CIUS M. F. QUI. AELIANUS MAECIUS CELER 100 [T. Rubrius?] 79 L. Runtius L. f. Aem. Gemellus 42 G. Rutilius G. f. Pal. Gallicus 242 RUTILIUS VIATOR 175 Rutilici G. f . Paulina 243

G. Saenius G. f . Sc. Verus 427 Saenia Gn. fil. Balbilla 32 T. Salenus T. f. Vel. Sedatus 274 G. Sallius G.f. Quir. Procul. 234, 235?, 247 M. SALONIUS LONGINIUS MARCELLUS 264 Q. SATTIUS FL. VETTIUS GRATUS 222 Saufeia Alexandria 108 Marius Sedatus 151 M. Sempronius Fuscus 477 Q. Sentius Amans (sevir et Aug.) 480 G. Sentius G. f. Pal. Valerius Faustinianus 419 [.] Septimius L. f. Tro. Hermes 31 L. Septimius Liberalis (sevir Aug.) 405 M. Septimius M. fil. Hör. Septimianus 336 [G.] Septimius G. f. Pup. Severus 83

Indices [—] SERVILIUS G. F. MARSUS 153 SETINA IUSTA 316 Settìdius Abas[ca]ntus 466 Severino G. filia Afra 346 T. SEXT. T. F. VETUR. LATERANUS 221 SEXTIA T. FIL. ASINIA POLLA 440 SEXTIA Q. F. IULIANA 444 SextiaL. f. 133 P. Sextilius P. f. Carpianus 479 P. Sextilius P. f. Primianus 479 [.. Sajtrius G.f. G. n. [C]or. Barbarus 290 Satria Pietas 220 M. Silius Epaphroditus 365 Sossulena G. f. 257 L. Staius L. fil. Stel. Scrateius Manilianus 173, 174 [...] Statius L f . F[—Jcilus 229 Gn. Stennius Egnatius Gn. fil. Fai. Primus 121 L. Succonius L. f. Pal. Priscus 304 [L. Succonius . f . —] 334 G. Sulpicius Victor 51 S[—]ia Faustina 220

[L. TAMPIUS L. F. F]LAVI[ANUS] 40 Terentia Athenais 220 [G. Tettijus G.f. Ouf Africanus 285 Sex. Ticiasenus Sex. f . Sex. nep. Sex. pron. Clu. Allianus 282 L. Tif[anius L. 1.] Felix 349 G. Titius Chresimus (Aug.) 157 G. Titius G. f. Cam. Valentinus 320 G. Torasius G. f. Hör. Severus 335 M. Traesius M. f. Pom. Faustus 201 [—] TucciusM.f. Fab. Ceri{al]is 198 [M. Tullius M.f. Maec.] Cicero 208 M. Tullius Primigenius Benneiani lib. 209

286

Indices

L. Tullius L. f . Clu. Verus Vettonens 332 GEMINIUS TUTICIUS AEMILIANUS 152 Tutilius Iulianus 421

M. ULPIUS PUPIENIUS SILVANUS 159 M. Ulpius M. f. Aem. Natalis 41 G. Umbrius Eudrastus G. f. Stel. 170 G. Umbrius Vibius Numisius Drusus 169 Ursio Secundi fil. 459 L. Urvineius L. 1. Philomusus 85 G. Utianus G. f. Pom. Rufus Latinianus 219

[— VJALERIUS CLAUD[—] ACILIUS PRISCILIAN. 54 L. Valerius Amans (sevir et Aug.) 480 G. Valerius G. f. Stel. Clemens 481 G. Valer. G. f. Vel. Eusebes 435 L. Valerius L. f. Pudens 251 L. Valerius L. f . Fab. Timinianus 369 L. Valerius L. f . Pa[L] Tullius Tuscianus 393 M. Valerius M. f. 50 G. Valius Polycarpus 323 Q. VARIUS Q. F. GEMINUS 258 L. Varius Papirius Papirianus 467 Varia Italia 368 Vasia Martina 328 P. Vegellius P. f . Pub. Primus 7 G. Veianius G. fil. Cor. Rufus 289 [L. VENULEIUS L. F. GAL.] APRONIANUS OCTAVIUS 380 [.] Veratius A. f . Pal. Severianus 132 Verrius E[ub]ulidius 98 G. Vesidienus Gn. f. Bassus 360 G. VESNIUS G. F. STEL. VINDEX 358 L. VETTIUS L. F. STEL. STATURA 357

Indices M. Vettius M. f . Ani. Valens 402 M. Vettius M. f. Ani. Valens 406 [L?] Vetulenus L. f. Pal. Proculus Anthianus 367 G. Veturius G. f . Testius Amandus 60 M. Vibius Auetor 96 L. Vibius Severus 259 Q. Vibius [—] 377 L. Villius G. f . Tromen. Atilianus 35 M. Vinicius P. f. 141 M. Virtius M. f. Men. Ceraunus 138, 156 L. Vitrasius Silvester 124 [Voconia] M. f. Severa 226 Gn. Voesius Gn. f. Aper 92

D. [—]cirius D. f. Pal. Auspicatus 52 [—] Q. f. An. L. Bae[bius?] 418 [—] fi[l. —] nepot. A. Vinici [—] pronep. Lucanus 210 [...]io Ζ [fil. F]ab vel S]ab. Lollianus 78 [—]vio Q. fil. Col. Pr[i—] 246 [—] Q. f. Severina 224 [...i]o G.f. Stel. Severus 394 Gal[—] ΠΙΙ A[—] 166 [—]tio L. f. Pom. 206

Β. Persons without clan names Felix Victorius 25 Natalis Aug. lib. 20 Sici[n..]ivocepta 220 Tutia 27 Vf—]iva 220 [,.]ius Zosimus 115

287

288

Indices

II. Concordance of inscriptions in Appendix 1 with other epigraphical editions

Alföldy, Römische Statuen in Venetia et Histria

9 12 13 21 31 40 83 87 91 95 96 97 124 127 128 131 136 137 140 145 152 153 208 209 219 242 252 258

463 465 464 462 469 467 431 430 433 428 432 429 455 454 456 457 458 453 460 461 437 438 474 475 473 470 436 471

AE

1888.126 1888.132 1894.144 1894.148 1903.337 1906.76 1908.206 1910.36 1910.191 1913.190 1914.141 1914.164 1915.60 1916.118 1923.61-62 1926.142 1926.143 1927.124 1927.128 1935.20 1935.27 1945.81 1946.214 1947.53 1950.82 1954.165 1954.166 1954.167

146 437 354 216 54 472 150 136 219 79 221 173 99 230 222 155 154 39 38 58 209 182 81 135 299 366 368 369

Indices 1954.168

364

1978.100

48

1955.177

69

1978.261

226

1956.33

427

1978.273

207

1959.97

227

1979.140

28

1959.272

193

1979.141

29

1961.109

241

1979.155

160

1962.153

371

1980.236

140

1964.106

265

1982.156

56

1964.223

122

1982.376

426

1966.68

40

1983.326

233

1967.93

188

1983.373

294

1967.94

190

1984.435

477

1967.95

189

1985.302

196

1967.97

191

1985.385

398

1968.109

53

1986.213

224

1968.124

179

1986.228

334

1971.79

37

1988.212

61

1972.167

269

1989.166

127

1972.179

374

1990.127

1

1974.129

22

1990.138

98

1974.228

94

1990.228

250

1974.232

82

1974.256

142

1974.284

156

1975.252

211

5.35

463

1975.253

212

5.56

465

1975.254

213

5.60

464

1975.255

214

5.61

465

1975.256

210

5.532

468

1976.144

135

5.545

467

1976.176

202

5.867

431

1976.252a

438

5.875

430

1976.252b

437

5.903

428

1977.316

462

5.930

433

CIL

290 5.961 5.1012 5.1874 5.1897-1900 5.1968 5.2112 5.3337 5.3342 5.3348 5.3356 5.3407 5.5032 5.5127 5.5128 5.4015 5.4122 5.4323 5.4333 5.4341 5.4355 5.4356 5.4388 5.4392 5.4408 5.4416 5.4426 5.4428 5.4432 5.4433 5.4499 5.5304 5.5305 5.7007 5.7008

Indices

432 435 455 453 460 461 470 475 476 473 474 471 477 478 436 459 441 442 443 440 444 445 446 447 448 451 439 449 450 452 479 480 481 482

5.7375 5.7376 5.7468 5.7617 5.7784 5.8139 5.8660 5.8664 5.8667 5.8972 9.23 9.47 9.330 9.334 9.339 9.340 9.665 9.688 9.698 9.729 9.804 9.981 9.1152 9.1156 9.1175 9.1459 9.1466 9.1571 9.1572 9.1578 9.1590 9.1592 9.1619 9.1655

424 423 425 426 422 466 454 453 458 434 198 181 184 186 185 183 168 187 199 192 197 166 167 165 164 194 195 176 177 180 178 172 171 174

Indices 9.1681

175

9.1685

170 169

9.1686 9.2237 9.2238 9.2243 9.2252 9.2347 9.2350 9.2359 9.2457 9.2473 9.2475 9.2592 9.2860 9.3044 9.3160 9.3180 9.3181 9.3182 9.3306 9.3314 9.3524 9.3667 9.3842 9.3837 9.3838 9.4064 9.4067 9.4206 9.4208 9.4399 9.4686 9.4691

262 263 261 260 231 232 229 255 257 256 264 251 249 240 244 242 243 258 259 248 252 238 237 236 204 203 234 235 247 253 254

9.4891 9.4894 9.4896

267 266 268

9.4970 9.4976 9.5068 9.5357 9.5359 9.5439 9.5831 9.5835 9.5836 9.5839 9.5840 9.5841 9.5843 9.6414b 10.7 10.53

245 246 280 279 278 277 275 272

10.113 10.114

217 215 206 200 201 228 205 208 152 153

10.228 10.338 10.344 10.416 10.451 10.482 10.521 10.524 10.682 10.688 10.1026 10.1081 10.1120

273 270 271 276 274 239 220 225

159 158 139 138 120

292

Indices

10.1211 10.1216 10.1217 10.1453 10.1782 10.1783 10.1784

117 119 118 134 147

10.1785 10.1795 10.1818 10.1881 10.3678 10.3703 10.3704 10.3725

145 149 141 143 137 133 132

10.3759 10.3850 10.3851 10.3852 10.3903 10.3913 10.3917 10.4579 10.4643 10.4760 10.4860 10.4861 10.5067 10.5069 10.5100 10.5178 10.5336 10.5392 10.5395

148 144

163 121 129 125 126 130 131 128 123 124 157 161 162 15 16 17 21 49 11 13

10.5398 10.5653 10.5654 10.5656 10.5657 10.5670

33 30 32 31 96

10.5781 10.5796 10.5808

25 116 3

10.5853 10.5917 10.5918 10.5919 10.5923 10.5924 10.5928 10.5968 10.6005 10.6012 10.6090 10.6102 10.6240 10.6243 10.6255

34 4

10.6439 10.6524 10.6529 10.6586 10.6657 10.6764 11.376 11.377 11.378 11.379

12

5 6 8 9 7 97 55 57 35 36 42 41 40 95 26 27 115 10 14 414 408 409 415

Indices 11.385

11.3805

11.386

410 411

11.387

412

11.390 11.391 11.393 11.395 11.405 11.406 11.414 11.417

403 404

11.3809 11.3811 11.3824 11.3825 11.3890 11.3933 11.3936 11.3938 11.4086

389 390

11.418 11.419 11.421 11.970 11.1059 11.1432

419 405 406 421 420 380

11.4087 11.4090 11.4182 11.4209

305 306 301 302 282 284

11.1527 11.1836

377 362

11.1946 11.2106 11.2650 11.2699 11.2702 11.2708

379 372 382 399 400

11.2929 11.3009 11.3013 11.3014 11.3156 11.3211 11.3258 11.3367 11.3368

397 396 394

413 402 407 418 416 417

401

393 373 378 384 385 386

11.3808

11.4371 11.4391 11.4395 11.4579 11.4580 11.4582 11.4647 11.4659 11.4660 11.4750 11.4750a 11.4751 11.4813 11.4815 11.5029 11.5054 11.5178 11.5210 11.5211

387 388

391 392 367 370 363 365 307

283 292 293 291 345 341 342 343 344 346 336 335 303 304 361 297 298

294

Indices

11.5270

300

11.6163

337

11.5382

285

11.6167

338

11.5632

288

11.6189

310

11.5634

290

11.6190

309

11.5635

289

11.6335

316

11.5669

286

11.6337

315

11.5677

287

11.6354

311

11.5693

347

11.6356

318

11.5694

348

11.6357

313

11.5697

352

11.6358

312

11.5699

353

11.6360

314

11.5711

351

11.6362

317

11.5712

350

11.6369

319

11.5716

349

11.6370

321

11.5717

355

11.6371

322

11.5718

356

11.6377

320

11.5748

326

11.6378

323

11.5749

328

11.7264

381

11.5750

327

11.7265

383

11.5752

329

11.7427

395

11.5757

330

11.7555

375

11.5938

11.7556

376

11.5941

339 340

11.7805

308

11.5960

324

11.7872

334

11.5965

325

11.8050

354

11.6014

331

14.154

70

11.6015

332

14.170

73

11.6022

333

14.353

67

11.6053

358

14.362

62

11.6054

357

14.367

65

11.6061

359

14.370

71

11.6068

360

14.375

59

11.6117

295

14.376

64

11.6123

296

14.391

68

Indices

14.403 14.352 14.373 14.2114 14.2120 14.2121 14.2299 14.2407 14.2408 14.2409 14.2463 14.2466 14.2505 14.2509 14.2510 14.2516 14.2607 14.2636 14.2804 14.2806 14.2807 14.2809 14.2812 14.2921 14.2922 14.2924 14.2947 14.2972 14.2973 14.2977 14.2991 14.3004 14.3014 14.3015

72 75 77 52 51 50 2 20 19 18 24 23 113 112 111 114 110 109 44 46 43 45 47 93 86 84 87 90 91 88 89 83 92 85

14.3599 14.3610 14.3612 14.3643 14.3654 14.3663 14.3677 14.4144 14.4239 14.4250 14.4621 14.4624 14.5340 14.5342 14.5344 14.5345

101 102 100 103 107 104 108 60 105 106 63 76 74 80 78 66

ILS

406 932 946 967 985 990 991 1013 1025 1061 1071 1076 1118 1126 1136

5 258 463 337 40 297 298 105 100 101 102 255 455 172 162

296 1138 1148 1150 1156 1159 1166 1180

1181

1192 1332 1333 1339 1364 1368 1374 1381 1387 1391 1401 1415 1417 1420 1422 1431 1433 1445 1459 1568 1886

1909 2084 2085 2544 2648

Indices 372 475 443 112 12 239 385 129 414 362 441 431 454 277 430 409 10 106 149 272 279 86 315 70 73 49 434 55 375 4 270 271 481 402

2666 2666a 2689 2710 2728 2735 2739 2749 2768 2939 3352 4213 5013 5015a 5054 5056 5057 5058 5059 5060 5062 5178 5194 5196 5206 5271 5272 5380 5500 5502 5507 5508 5583 5616

347 348 249 473 286 288 413 87 186 177 370 72 399 247 132 259 313 117 232 262 57 251 88 19 2 304 336 131 185 171 263 178 256 134

Indices

5631 5651 5683 5689 5782 5784 5878 5890 5891 5919 6135 6141 6147 6148 6149 6164 6166 6173 6189 6199 6201

6209 6218 6219 6220 6228 6234 6244 6252 6253 6256 6257 6262; 62621

446 118 50 137 360 168 165 125 352 148 62 77 59 67 75 65 71 60 18 51 52 109 44 45 43 107 104 108 92 90 85 3 8 9

6263 6264 6268 6271 6272 6281 6282 6287 6289 6295 6296 6325 6328 6333 6334 6338 6340 6372 6446 6449 6450 6468 6469 6471 6472 6504 6521 6530 6538 6553 6554 6559 6572 6579

297 6 7 116 34 97 42 36 31 25 35 157 152 143 145 144 133 121 139 138 208 201 216 215 218 198 170 257 240 203 268 266 245 275 387

Indices

298

6582a

389

6711

436

6582c

388

6717

442

6583

390

6720

439

6584

376

6726

478

6588

363

6744

424

6589

365

6745

425

6595

396

6750

426

6596

383

7216

421

6625

341

7217

400

6626

343

7218

316

6630

302

7219

175

6631

282

7220

326

6632

283

7221

328

6633

292

7231

479

6634

293

7364

317

6638

335

7365

308

6639

290

7504

373

6640

289

7601

47

6641

351

9003

354

6642

356

9194

381

6643

355

9196

395

6645

331

6648

359

6654

312

6655

311

6656

416

6659

411

6660

412

6662

406

6664

415

6676

466

6680

468

Not.

6681

467

1885, p. 1 6 7

6686

435

Inscriptiones Italiae X 4 44

469

Eph. Epig. 8.247

223

8.261

218

8.372

151

Sc. 281

Indices

Pais, Supplemento Italica I 1227

456

1228

457

299