Mozi: A Study and Translation of the Ethical and Political Writings 1557291039, 9781557291035

Table of contents :
Cover
Notes to this edition
Dedication Page
Title Page
Copyright Page
Contents
Tables
Preface
Abbreviations and Conventions
Introduction
I. Portrayals of Mozi
1. Dates and Birthplace
2. Master Mo and Master Kong
3. Master Mo and the Xia Legacy
4. Mozi as a Baseborn Artisan
5. Mozi the Magician
II. The Mohist School
1. The Three Branches of Mohism
2. The First-Generation Disciples
3. The Grand Master
4. The “Law” of the Mohist Community
III. The Creation of the Text of the Mozi
IV. Mohism’s Fate
1. Mohism in the Han
2. Mozi’s Daoist Persona
3. Knowledge of Mozi during the Tang and Song
4. The Ming and Qing Reassessment
5. Mozi in the Twentieth Century
V. The Philosophy of the Political and Ethical Chapters
1. The Chapters of Group 2
2. The Chapters of Group 1
3. The Chapters of Group 4
Group 1: The Syncretic Writings
Chapter 1: Cherishing Gentlemen
Chapter 2: Cultivate the Self
Chapter 3: On Dyes
Chapter 4: On the Proper Model
Chapter 5: Seven Worries
Chapter 6: Avoiding Excess
Chapter 7: Three Disputes
Group 2: The Ten Doctrines
Exalt the Worthy
Chapter 8: Exalt the Worthy (Upper)
Chapter 9: Exalt the Worthy (Middle)
Chapter 10: Exalt the Worthy (Lower)
Exalt Conformity
Chapter 11: Exalt Conformity (Upper)
Chapter 12: Exalt Conformity (Middle)
Chapter 13: Exalt Conformity (Lower)
Impartial Love
Chapter 14: Impartial Love (Upper)
Chapter 15: Impartial Love (Middle)
Chapter 16: Impartial Love (Lower)
Condemn Aggression
Chapter 17: Condemn Aggression (Upper)
Chapter 18: Condemn Aggression (Middle)
Chapter 19: Condemn Aggression (Lower)
Moderate Consumption
Chapter 20: Moderate Consumption (Upper)
Chapter 21: Moderate Consumption (Middle)
Moderate Burials
Chapter 25: Moderate Burials (Lower)
Heaven’s Will
Chapter 26: Heaven’s Will (Upper)
Chapter 27: Heaven’s Will (Middle)
Chapter 28: Heaven’s Will (Lower)
Explaining Ghosts
Chapter 31: Explaining Ghosts (Lower)
Condemn Music
Chapter 32: Condemn Music (Upper)
Condemn Fatalism
Chapter 35: Condemn Fatalism (Upper)
Chapter 36: Condemn Fatalism (Middle)
Chapter 37: Condemn Fatalism (Lower)
Group 4: Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”
Chapter 39: Condemn the Ru (Lower)
Chapter 46: Master Gengzhu
Chapter 47: Valuing Righteousness
Chapter 48: Master Gongmeng
Chapter 49: The Lord of Lu Asks a Question
Chapter 50: Master Gongshu
Appendix A
Appendix B
Appendix C
Additional Notes
Bibliography
Index
Back Cover

Citation preview

Mozi

墨 子 A Study and Translation of the Ethical and Political Writings

CHINA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH 68

Notes to this edition This is an electronic edition of the printed book. Minor corrections may have been made within the text; new information and any errata appear on the current page only. China Research Monograph 68 Mozi: A Study and Translation of the Ethical and Political Writings John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel ISBN-13: 978-155729-157-8 (electronic) ISBN-13: 978-1-55729-103-5 (print) ISBN-10: 1-55729-103-9 (print)

Please visit the IEAS Publications website at http://ieas.berkeley.edu/publications/ for more information and to see our catalogue. Send correspondence and manuscripts to Katherine Lawn Chouta, Managing Editor Institute of East Asian Studies 1995 University Avenue, Suite 510H Berkeley, CA 94704-2318 USA [email protected]

February 2016

Mozi 墨子

This Book Is Dedicated to the Memory of John Knoblock

未敗墨子道 雖然歌而非歌哭而非哭樂而非樂 是果類乎 I would not fault the Way of Master Mo. And yet if you sang he condemned singing, if you cried he ­condemned crying, and if you made music he ­condemned music. What sort was he after all? —Zhuangzi, “In the World”

CHINA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH 68 CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES

Mozi 墨子 A Study and Translation of the Ethical and Political Writings

John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel

A publication of the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley. Although the institute is responsible for the selection and acceptance of manuscripts in this series, responsibility for the opinions expressed and for the accuracy of statements rests with their authors. The China Research Monograph series is one of the several publication series sponsored by the Institute of East Asian Studies in conjunction with its constituent units. The others include the Japan Research Monograph series, the Korea Research Monograph series, and the Research Papers and Policy Studies series. Send correspondence and manuscripts to Katherine Lawn Chouta, Managing Editor Institute of East Asian Studies 2223 Fulton Street, 6th Floor Berkeley, CA 94720-2318 [email protected] Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mo, Di, fl. 400 B.C.  [Mozi. English. Selections] Mozi : a study and translation of the ethical and political writings / by John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel.   pages cm. -- (China research monograph ; 68)  English and Chinese.  Includes bibliographical references and index.  ISBN 1-55729-103-9 (alk. paper) 1. Mo, Di, fl. 400 B.C. Mozi. I. Knoblock, John, translator, writer of added commentary. II. Riegel, Jeffrey K., 1945- translator, writer of added commentary. III. Title.  B128.M79E5 2013 181'.115--dc23                   2013001574

Copyright © 2013 by the Regents of the University of California. Printed in the United States of America. All rights reserved. Cover design: Mindy Chen.

Contents

Tables x Preface xi Abbreviations and Conventions

xvi

Introduction 1 I. Portrayals of Mozi 1 1. Dates and Birthplace 1 2. Master Mo and Master Kong 2 3. Master Mo and the Xia Legacy 2 4. Mozi as a Baseborn Artisan 4 5. Mozi the Magician 5 II. The Mohist School 7 1. The Three Branches of Mohism 7 2. The First-Generation Disciples 9 3. The Grand Master 9 4. The “Law” of the Mohist Community 11 III. The Creation of the Text of the Mozi 14 IV. Mohism’s Fate 16 1. Mohism in the Han 16 2. Mozi’s Daoist Persona 18 3. Knowledge of Mozi during the Tang and Song 21 4. The Ming and Qing Reassessment 23 5. Mozi in the Twentieth Century 24 V. The Philosophy of the Political and Ethical Chapters 26 1. The Chapters of Group 2 27 2. The Chapters of Group 1 36 3. The Chapters of Group 4 39

viii

Group 1: The Syncretic Writings Chapter 1: Cherishing Gentlemen Chapter 2: Cultivate the Self Chapter 3: On Dyes Chapter 4: On the Proper Model Chapter 5: Seven Worries Chapter 6: Avoiding Excess Chapter 7: Three Disputes Group 2: The Ten Doctrines Exalt the Worthy Chapter 8: Exalt the Worthy (Upper) Chapter 9: Exalt the Worthy (Middle) Chapter 10: Exalt the Worthy (Lower) Exalt Conformity Chapter 11: Exalt Conformity (Upper) Chapter 12: Exalt Conformity (Middle) Chapter 13: Exalt Conformity (Lower) Impartial Love Chapter 14: Impartial Love (Upper) Chapter 15: Impartial Love (Middle) Chapter 16: Impartial Love (Lower) Condemn Aggression Chapter 17: Condemn Aggression (Upper) Chapter 18: Condemn Aggression (Middle) Chapter 19: Condemn Aggression (Lower) Moderate Consumption Chapter 20: Moderate Consumption (Upper) Chapter 21: Moderate Consumption (Middle) Moderate Burials Chapter 25: Moderate Burials (Lower) Heaven’s Will Chapter 26: Heaven’s Will (Upper) Chapter 27: Heaven’s Will (Middle) Chapter 28: Heaven’s Will (Lower) Explaining Ghosts Chapter 31: Explaining Ghosts (Lower)

Mozi

41 47 51 56 61 67 75 79 82 87 100 108 112 116 129 139 145 149 155 169 171 174 180 192 193 196 201 203 219 223 229 241 252 254

Contents

ix

Condemn Music Chapter 32: Condemn Music (Upper) Condemn Fatalism Chapter 35: Condemn Fatalism (Upper) Chapter 36: Condemn Fatalism (Middle) Chapter 37: Condemn Fatalism (Lower)

273 275 284 289 297 302

Group 4: Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects” Chapter 39: Condemn the Ru (Lower) Chapter 46: Master Gengzhu Chapter 47: Valuing Righteousness Chapter 48: Master Gongmeng Chapter 49: The Lord of Lu Asks a Question Chapter 50: Master Gongshu

312 326 340 352 369 387

Appendix A

391

Appendix B

393

Appendix C

396

Additional Notes

401

Bibliography 479 Index 491

Tables

1. Mozi’s First-Generation Disciples 2. Comparison of the Three Versions of the Ten Doctrines 3. Watanabe Takashi’s Chronology of the Core Chapters 4. A. C. Graham’s Series Divisions

10 31 34–35 392

Preface

The authors of the Mozi, an anthology of enormous scope and great importance, can be credited with having produced, during the Warring States period (453–221 b.c.e.), the earliest extended philosophical discourse in China on a remarkably varied set of topics that range from aggressive warfare, fatalism, music, and prolonged mourning for the dead—all of which the authors vehemently opposed—to meritocracy, uniform adherence to government directives, frugality, love for others, and a belief in divine agency—all of which they fervently embraced. The philosophy found in the Mozi speaks in favor of such conservative values as obedience to the will of Heaven and respect for one’s elders and superiors, while at the same time encouraging the individual to endeavor to change the world, to widen his sense of moral responsibility so that it might extend well beyond the narrow confines of family and local community. The work’s emphasis on the efficacy of collaborative human effort and its passionate arguments in favor of impartial treatment of others are two of the most notable features of Mohist philosophy. Although various parts of the Mozi were evidently composed by several anonymous authors over a period of many years, the seeds of the text’s philosophy, embedded in most of its chapters, are the teachings, slogans, and arguments of Mo Di, or Master Mo. A fifth-century b.c.e. thinker of obscure and possibly plebeian origins, Master Mo became the founder and patriarch of a closely knit and tightly organized intellectual lineage and social movement—according to some accounts, a religious and quasi-military movement—that had a profound effect on Warring States thought and society. The documents that now make up the text date from the late fifth to the late third century b.c.e., when formerly independent and belligerent states and principalities had been forcibly welded together into a single empire. The text consequently both reflects and is a product of the social upheaval and intellectual changes for which the period is noted. In addition to the discursive writings,

xii

Mozi

the anthology includes an elaborate lexicon, representing an almost obsessive concern with the precise use of terminology, not only for the purposes of logical argumentation, but also for description in such specialized areas as optics, construction, and commerce. Yet manifestly clear in the diverse contents of the Mozi is the characterization of Master Mo as unshakably wedded to a code of guiding moral and political principles. The text is not a passive reflection on the meaning and value of these principles but is instead a call, sometimes stated with great urgency, to Mozi’s followers to forcefully and faithfully defend his doctrines against attack and to the ruling elite to examine the mistaken policies they impose, to consider their unfortunate consequences, and then to reform themselves and their governments along the lines Master Mo articulates. This volume is a study and translation of thirty-six chapters in the Mozi that are concerned largely with political and ethical philosophy; the remaining seventeen chapters are related to military defense and logic. The story of how this book came to be is complicated. Sometime in the late 1980s, while John ­Knoblock was working on his monumental study of the Xunzi and before he and I had begun collaborating on our translation of the Lüshi chunqiu, he showed me some rough translations of the chapters of the so-called Mohist Analects, that is, chapters 46 through 50, and suggested that we collaborate on an anthology of readings from early Chinese philosophy that would include chapters from the Mozi. Over the course of the following decade we talked about the project as something we might do after work on the Xunzi and Lüshi chun­ qiu was completed. In the wake of John’s death in 1999, while helping his family sort through his books and papers, I discovered that in his home computer files were, among other things, a translation and critical edition of the thirty-six chapters from the Mozi devoted to political and ethical philosophy. I do not know what John intended to do with the material—he had never mentioned wanting to publish a volume on the Mozi—but I decided that his translations could become just that. With the encouragement of John’s family and friends, most notably his brother Phil and his colleague Jane Connolly, I decided to complete the work in his memory. In Beijing on sabbatical leave during the academic year 2002–2003, I went through John’s translation and critical edition word by word. Although there is much that remains in the present translation of John’s diction and distinctive style of writing, I have made countless changes based on my understanding of the language of the Mozi. As a result, there are parts of the translation as it now stands that John would not recognize; in some instances, he might not agree with my final rendering of some of the Mozi’s technical vocabulary and its more problematic passages. I also reedited the Chinese text and, in the process,

Preface

xiii

significantly revised decisions John had taken, and changed completely the text-­ critical conventions used to indicate interpretations and emendations, deciding that it was best not to suggest that I was reconstructing an original text of the Mozi. Early manuscripts excavated in recent years provide ample proof that the notion of a strict Chinese orthography did not exist in Warring States times; hence, the identification of “graphic errors” or “loan characters” can be controversial. For the most part I emend what I take to be scribal errors introduced into the text during its later transmission. Otherwise, the notes repeat glosses proposed by other scholars—primarily those quoted in Sun Yirang’s edition of the Mozi as well as Wang Huanbiao’s commentary—that I find best enable us to make sense of the odd and puzzling graphs so often encountered in the Mozi. During my sabbatical in Beijing I also drafted additional notes that provide information on proper names, technical terms, canonical sources quoted in the Mozi, and the relationship between the Mozi and other early Chinese literary and philosophical texts. I compiled the bibliography with the help of Han Baosen 韩宝森. With regard to primary sources, I have relied where possible on the editions in Hanji dianzi wenku (hanji.sinica.edu.tw/index.html), the database compiled by Academia Sinica, Taiwan. In the years following my sabbatical, I reviewed the secondary literature on Mohist thought, taught a graduate seminar on the text at the University of California, Berkeley, and after relocating from Berkeley to the University of Sydney in 2007, started work on the general introduction, the shorter introductory essays preceding individual chapters and the triads of the “core chapters,” and the three appendixes. The general introduction covers the life of Mozi, the nature of the Mohist school, the creation of the book Mozi by Liu Xiang, the fate of Mohism in later Chinese history, and the structure and philosophy of the text’s political and ethical chapters. In the introductory essays I discuss the main ideas of each chapter, analyze technical vocabulary that appears in it, and suggest how it relates to other parts of the Mozi as well as to the text’s overall philosophy. The first appendix is devoted to a summary of A. C. Graham’s contribution to our understanding of the composition of the core chapters; the second is an analysis and translation of a recently excavated manuscript relating to the Mohist belief in the existence of ghosts and spirits; and the third provides an analysis of the Mengzi 3A5 argument between Mengzi and the Mohist Yi Zhi. I never had the opportunity to discuss with John Knoblock the various topics covered in my introductions, notes, and appendices. The opinions expressed there are thus mine and not his, and they are influenced by the groundbreaking scholarship of Watanabe Takashi. In spite of my alterations to his translation,

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and the general interpretive framework that I have provided, I believe that John would not mind being identified as coauthor of this volume. Earlier translations of all or part of the Mozi include the complete translation (into German) by Alfred Forke; the translation of the ethical and political chapters by Y. P. Mei (identical with the material translated in the present volume); the translation of samples of the core chapters by Burton Watson; another sample of this material by P. J. Ivanhoe; a translation of the chapters devoted to military defense by Robin Yates as part of his doctoral dissertation; a translation of the logic chapters by A. C. Graham; and a recent complete translation of the text by Ian Johnston. These translations are cited in the bibliography and discussed in my general introduction to the volume. Johnston’s complete translation appeared in 2010, after I had completed most of the work on this volume. I have published a short review of it but do not think it appropriate either to comment on its accuracy in these pages or take it into account in my own work. I remain committed to the decision I took at the beginning of this project to translate only the political and philosophical chapters. I am still firmly in agreement with Y. P. Mei’s sage assessment that the textual condition of the “logic chapters,” chapters 40 through 45, is too poor to permit a confident rendering of their contents. I have attempted to distinguish my study and translation of the ethical and political chapters from the work done by previous scholars (Forke, Mei, Watson, Ivanhoe, and Johnston) by providing a more detailed and authoritative analysis of textual problems, more thorough identification of personal names, place-names, and technical terms, and more comprehensive introductory materials, in order to give readers a better understanding of Mohist philosophy, the complexities of its argumentation, and its place in early Chinese intellectual history. Those who have helped and supported me in this work span three continents. I will mention first relatives and friends in North America: Marty Backstrom; my sister and brother-in-law, Richel and Gerry Serody; my friends Tony Newcomb, Tom Grey, Ralph Hexter, and the late Ted Rex; and my brothers Joe and Eddie Winston and their wives, Sally and Cheri. My teachers at Stanford, Al Dien and David Nivison, are friends as well as mentors whom I try to emulate in my life and work. In Australia, I have been fortunate to have Chea Bunthong watching over me, and I have enjoyed the wonderful hospitality and company of colleagues and friends Mabel Lee and David Goodman, John Yu and the late George Souter. My life in Australia has been greatly enhanced by having made the acquaintance of Her Excellency Professor Marie Bashir, governor of New South Wales and former chancellor of the University of Sydney, and of ­Stephen ­Garton, provost and deputy vice chancellor of the University of Sydney. The most pleasant times I have spent in China I owe to the ­companionship

Preface

xv

of my good friend Ren Ming­liang 任明亮 and my cousin the late Michelle Blumenthal. I am also very much indebted to colleagues who contributed their time and efforts to improving the quality of my work. Two anonymous readers—one contracted by the University of Washington Press and the other by the Institute of East Asian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley—made numerous invaluable suggestions. Michael Nylan of Berkeley’s History Department provided me with a long list of helpful changes and additions. I am also grateful to Kate Lawn Chouta, head of the publication division of the Institute of East Asian Studies, for her help in preparing the final copy, and to Deborah Rudolph for her extraordinarily thorough copyediting of the manuscript. Peter Zhou and the staff at Berkeley’s East Asian Library as well as Nancy Li and ­others at the East Asian collection of the Fisher Library, University of Sydney, have been extremely responsive to my numerous requests for assistance. Any errors of fact or interpretation that remain in this work are the result of my own carelessness and lack of insight. I am thankful both to the University of California, Berkeley, and to the University of Sydney for providing me with generous financial support during the years I have been working on this volume. At Berkeley I received a Humanities Research Fellowship, sabbatical leave, and numerous grants from the Center for Chinese Studies. At the University of Sydney, the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, under the successive leadership of Deans Stephen Garton and Duncan Ivison, provided me with the funding (and the time) required to do necessary research, including a six-month sabbatical in China and subsequent return ­visits to use libraries and consult with colleagues. I would like also to express my sincere thanks to Yeh Wen-hsin, director of Berkeley’s Institute of East Asian ­Studies, and Marty Backstrom, its associate director, for agreeing to publish a work that other university presses might have regarded as too great a financial risk. My final expression of gratitude is to John Knoblock. Quite apart from his substantial contributions to the translations in this volume, John remains an ever present influence on my intellectual and personal life. J. R.

Abbreviations and Conventions

Abbreviations

JR LSCQ QSZY TPYL

Jeffrey Riegel Lüshi chunqiu Qunshu zhiyao Taiping yulan

Conventions For the Chinese text, I have generally adopted the readings and paragraph divisions of Sun Yirang’s Mozi xiangu. Any changes to that text are indicated using the conventions described next. But in questions of punctuation of the C ­ hinese text, especially when it identifies direct quotation, I generally follow Wang Huanbiao’s Mozi jiaoshi. Both works can be found in the bibliography. My overall goal with regard to the Chinese text of the Mozi included in this volume has been to replicate as closely as possible the graphs that appear in Sun’s edition. I have been occasionally frustrated in realizing this goal by limitations in the available fonts. Where there are variant forms generally recognized as the same word, I have adopted the form found in the available fonts. Graphs that have no accepted variant have been created. Because this translation provides the Chinese text with full emendations justified by textual notes, these emendations are incorporated but not indicated in the English text. All dates are b.c.e. unless otherwise designated. The following editorial conventions are observed in the notes to the Mozi: (X) Enclosed graph or graphs (usually excrescent) should be deleted from the text. [X] Enclosed graph or graphs should be inserted into the text, on the basis of the reading of a parallel text.

Abbreviations and Conventions

xvii

The enclosed graph or graphs should be inserted into the text, usually from a different place in the text. {X} The text enclosed by these brackets has been substantially emended following an authority named in the footnote. (X> Enclosed graph or graphs should be understood as the graph or graphs that follow. In these instances, “GE” signifies graphic error and “TA” signifies taboo avoidance. □ This symbol indicates a lacuna of one character in the text. In the use of these conventions it is assumed that the textual changes and emendations they involve are necessary due to scribal errors introduced into the text during its later transmission. They are not intended to be understood as corrections to original or early Warring States manuscripts of the contents of the Mozi. It is also assumed that in the scribal practices of the Warring States, there was a degree of free variation in the graphs used to represent words. Thus the way graphs were written in early manuscripts may not correspond to what is now regarded as proper orthography. This does not mean, however, that graphs that deviate from the accepted orthography should be regarded as wrong and duly corrected within the body of the Chinese text. Any problematic graph or graphs are identified by a note reference letter; the corresponding note provides the proposed alternative graph or graphs followed by the name of the authority responsible for the identification. Occasionally abbreviations indicate why, according to that authority, the graph in question should be read as another: “GV” signifies graphic variant, “LC” signifies loan character, “SF” signifies short form, and “TV” signifies textual variant. Several different note styles are adopted in this book. Notes to the introduc­ tion appear at the bottom of the page as do notes to the essays that introduce translated chapters; text critical notes identified by letters of the alphabet appear after each section of Chinese text; notes to the translation are given as “Additional Notes” at the back of the book.

Introduction

I. Portrayals of Mozi 1. Dates and Birthplace The details of the life of Mozi 墨子, or Master Mo, are largely unknown to us. The exact dates of his birth and death as well as the precise identity of his native place, if these were ever definitively known, ceased to be transmitted by the late third century b.c.e.1 Passages in the text of the Mozi indicate that his personal name was Di 翟.2 They further suggest that he was a native of the state of Lu 魯 3—Confucius’s native place—and that the period during which he was active falls largely in the middle of the fifth century—not long after the death of Confucius, and spanning the juncture that marked the end of the Spring and Autumn period and the beginning of the era of the Warring States (453–221 b.c.e.).4 Attempts to provide more precise dates for Mozi’s birth, death, and the 1.  Mozi and his followers figure prominently in the contents of the Lüshi chunqiu (hereafter LSCQ), compiled in 239 on the eve of the founding of the Qin empire. Sources that date to the subsequent Han dynasty contain only brief references to Mozi, devoid of facts that relate to his life. This review of the circumstances of Mozi’s life follows the assessment given by Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 3–7. 2.  The passages are from chapters 46 through 50. As Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 3, notes, these chapters “have the look of later dramatizations of issues arising within the school.” The extremely brief biographical notice found in the Shiji of Sima Qian gives Mozi’s full name as Mo Di; see Shiji, “Mengzi Xun Qing liezhuan 孟子荀卿列傳,” 74.2350. Sima Qian’s twenty-four-character passage about Mozi is attached to his somewhat fuller account of Mengzi and Xunzi. 3.  Arguments in favor of Lu are presented in Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 630, and Fang Shouchu, Mo xue yuanliu, 7–9. The textual evidence they and other authorities adduce suggests only that Mozi resided for a time in Lu, not that he was a native of the place. The biographical notice found at Shiji 74.2350 identifies Mozi as a native of the state of Song. 4.  It is extremely telling of the paucity and poor quality of the evidence available in the Han dynasty (206 b.c.e.–220 c.e.) that Sima Qian (Shiji, “Mengzi Xun Qing liezhuan,” 74.2350) could not determine whether Mozi was contemporaneous with Confucius or lived after him. The suoyin commentary to this Shiji passage quotes the Han bibliographer Liu Xiang (79–6) to the effect that Mozi was contemporaneous with secondgeneration followers of Confucius’s teachings; i.e., with the disciples of such disciples as Zixia. Confucius’s traditional dates are 551–479, but the evidence in support of these dates is problematic, as Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 642, notes. See the discussion in Riegel, review of China in Antiquity, 789–92.

2

Mozi

major events of his life all have involved allotting him an improbably long life span.5 2. Master Mo and Master Kong Whatever the exact period of his activity, Mozi established himself as a fierce opponent of the teachings of Master Kong 孔子 (Confucius) and his followers—a group the Mohists called the Ru 儒—and of their version of the cultural legacy of the Zhou 周 dynasty. An early Han 漢 dynasty source, the Huainanzi, explained Mozi’s familiarity with Ru teachings and his aggressive repudiation of them by claiming that he had once “studied the curriculum of the Ru” and had “received the arts of Confucius,” but that he found the rituals and practices so complex, wasteful, and harmful that “he turned his back on the Way of the Zhou and adopted the principles of governance of the Xia.”6 But this account reflects the view of the Huainanzi more generally that historical change, particularly the rise and fall of schools of thought, was informed by antagonism and competition rather than by reconciliation and collaboration.7 Another tradition, recorded in the more syncretic Lüshi chunqiu, has it that Mozi studied Zhou rituals in Lu with the descendants of Scribe Que 史角, who had been sent to Lu by an early Zhou king to explain the proper rites for sacrifices.8 Far from suggesting that Mozi turned his back on the Zhou, this text implies that he studied the Zhou cultural legacy and thus provides a rationale for the fact that although the Mozi is indeed marked by aggressive attacks on the Ru (and on others), it celebrates the founders of the Zhou dynasty as moral exemplars and cultural heroes. 3. Master Mo and the Xia Legacy Though the Huainanzi claim that Mozi was once a student of Confucius and the Ru school is unreliable, it is part of a characterization, especially popular in the third and second centuries b.c.e., that Mozi and his followers were preservers of the legacy of the Xia 夏 dynasty and in particular of Yu 禹 the Great, founder of the dynasty and mythic controller of the floods.9 This characteriza5.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 643–54, constructs a chronological table that dates Mozi’s life to the years 468–376; Fang Shouchu, Mo xue yuanliu, 10–14, dates Mozi to 490–403; Qian Mu, Xian Qin zhuzi xinian, 119–21, 556, 566, gives as approximate dates 478–392. 6.  Huainanzi, “Yaolue 要略,” 21.709, preserves this tradition; see also Major et al., Huainanzi, 864. 7.  This is clearly illustrated by another Huainanzi passage that explains that Mozi formulated his teachings in opposition to Confucius only to have his own philosophy refuted by Yang Zhu. See Huainanzi, “Fanlun 氾論,” 13.436; Major et al., Huainanzi, 501. 8.  LSCQ, “Dangran 當染,” 2.96; Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 90. 9.  This characterization is not, however, borne out by the text of the Mozi. In virtually every significant

Introduction

3

tion relates to debates about which of the archaic dynasties should serve as the proper models for the Qin 秦 (221–206 b.c.e.) and the Han; it is nonetheless instructive for its portrayal of Mozi as one devoted to an ethic of hard work, and one who recommended Yu’s labors and hardships as the path to be followed and the model emulated by all who think themselves virtuous. An especially vivid rendering of this portrayal is found in the Zhuangzi chapter titled “In the World”: Mozi commended the Way of Yu: “In the past, when Yu channeled the waters of the flood, he dredged the Yangzi and Yellow rivers thus connecting the Four Yi Tribes and the Nine Provinces. The famous mountains numbered three hundred, the branch streams three thousand, and the tiny rivulets were countless. Yu personally wielded the spade and wove together all the rivers of the world. The flesh was worn from his calves and the down from his shins; the heavy rains bathed him and his hair was swept back by the fierce winds. In this way he established the myriad states. Though Yu was a great sage he nonetheless did physical work like this for the world.” Thus Mozi caused later generations of Mohists to make their clothes of fur and hemp, wear clogs, work day and night without rest, and regard self-hardship as the highest ideal, saying to them, “If you are incapable of this then you are acting contrary to the Way of Yu and are not worthy of being called a Mohist.”10 The path Mozi imposed on his followers, with its regimen of self-denial and a cultish adherence to a uniform of simple clothes and footwear, reminds one of the practices found in some religions. (More than one commentator has noted the resemblance of the Mohist organization to a church.)11 The text of the Zhuangzi goes on to characterize it as too extreme but allows that it was a path that Mozi himself sincerely believed in, for he “would pursue the unattainable and not quit even though he became worn and withered.”12

instance, Yu is mentioned together with earlier sages as well as with the founders of the Shang and the Zhou dynasties. 10.  Zhuangzi, “Tianxia 天下,” 10B.1077. Graham, Chuang Tzu, 277, dates “Tianxia” to the period after the Han dynasty reunification in 202. But as Graham notes, Mohism as a movement was by that time “already moribund or dead,” and so the text’s description of ongoing Mohist sectarianism as “uninterrupted” would make no sense. If we are to take the “Tianxia” and other chapters in the Zhuangzi as “syncretic,” as Graham, suggests, then I propose that we date them to the middle or third quarter of the third century b.c.e. when the LSCQ—a syncretic text par excellence—was being composed. 11. Fung, History of Chinese Philosophy, 82; Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 4. 12.  Zhuangzi, “Tianxia,” 10B.1080.

4

Mozi

4. Mozi as a Baseborn Artisan The portrayal of Mozi as willing to do physical work is connected to another aspect of his popular persona: his status as a jianren 賤人, a man of base origins and of the lowly laboring population, as distinct from the educated ruling elite that they served.13 Indeed some have seen in the word mo—a descriptive term that can refer to the sun-darkened skin of laborers or the punishment of branding—corroboration of Master Mo’s lowly status. It has been a commonplace throughout most of Chinese intellectual history to regard Mo as the philosopher’s surname (and Di his given name), even while it has been acknowledged that the Mohists called themselves mozhe 墨者 or simply mo. It is also odd that a pre-Han school of thought—even one as disciplined and tightly knit as the Mohists—should have taken its name from the surname of the founder. Starting in the early twentieth century, scholars began to argue that mo was not a surname but was rather meant to associate Mozi with laborers or convicts who had undergone branding, one of the five punishments.14 How this description came to be associated with and adopted by Mozi and his followers is not evident.15 But if this line of reasoning is accepted, then the name Mo Di meant something like “the branded Di” or “the dark-skinned Di.” Moreover, the text of the Mozi refers to Mozi as someone of lowly origins. According to a story preserved in chapter 47, when King Hui of Chu (488– 13. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 6, observes: “Most early Chinese thinkers seem as far as we can tell to stand rather high up in the social hierarchy; but there is strong evidence that the Mohist movement was rooted in the trades and crafts of the towns, among people otherwise inarticulate in ancient China.” 14.  Jiang Quan, in his 1917 Du zi zhiyan, 127–49, argues that Mo is not Mozi’s surname. His arguments are quoted extensively by Fang Shouchu, Mo xue yuanliu, 3–7, who rejects them. Gu Shi, Hanshu yiwenzhi jiangshu, 150, suggests that Mozi acquired the name Mo because his face was blackened by all-day work. In this respect it is noteworthy that in the text of the Mozi, at 47.14B, a fortune-teller says to Mozi that his complexion is hei 黑, “black.” Qian Mu, Xian Qin zhuzi xinian, 121–26, argues that Mo derives from the name of a form of corporal punishment and is applied to the school because of a comparison made between the school’s elevation of physical labor and the work done by convict-laborers who had been branded. Fung, His­ tory of Chinese Philosophy, 79, refers approvingly to Qian Mu’s argument. Wu Yujiang, Mozi jiaozhu, 1042–57, follows Jiang Quan’s arguments on the form of Mozi’s name. It is, however, difficult to accept the conclusion shared by Jiang and Wu that Mozi’s surname was Di, since Mozi refers to himself as Di and would not have done so were that his surname. 15. “Mo” seems more like an insult than anything else. Similarly, “Ru,” the name of the Confucian schools, may have originally referred to lowly academic jobs such as ushering at weddings and funerals for which one might be rewarded with a free meal. In the sole Analects occurrence of the term (at Lunyu 6.13), where it does not seem to be used as the name of Confucius’s school of thought, the Master warns his disciple Zixia that he should not devote his learning to petty jobs but should rather concentrate on the gentlemanly pursuits of study and self-cultivation. For a discussion of the use of this term in the Analects passage, see Li Ling, Sang jia gou, 134. Perhaps the two terms were each invented by adversaries—i.e., the Mo invented the term “Ru” and vice versa—and were then embraced by the members of the respective schools devoid of their original intent and in defiance of rhetoric. Fung, History of Chinese Philosophy, 79–80, offers more or less the same explanation.

Introduction

5

432) refused Mozi an interview, the nobleman who instead agreed to meet with Mozi explained that although the king might find Mozi’s doctrines commendable, he still might not use them since they are “the work of a man of base origins.” Mozi does not deny the characterization of his social standing but claims that his teachings are virtuous, no matter their origins, likening them to a medicinal herb that will cure illness even though a mere root.16 Other tales in the Mozi seem to suggest that Mozi worked as a master wood-carver or carpenter.17 Chapter 49 has him boast that he can carve a three-inch linchpin for a chariot capable of carrying a weight of fifty stones.18 Throughout the text of the Mozi one finds imagery and analogies derived from a variety of practical skills and crafts that suggest that, far more than other early thinkers, Master Mo and his disciples were closely familiar with the world of artisans and their technologies; yet it would be a mistake to see Mozi’s “base origins” as much more than rhetorical posturing that enabled his school to distinguish their founder and his teachings from the Ru. In fact, there is a somewhat conflicting tradition of a bookish Mozi: the text of the Mozi is filled with references to canonical sources prized by Confucius and his followers;19 also, a tale in the same chapter of the Mozi where Mo is referred to as “base” is contrived to respond to the evidently popular perception that Mozi found it necessary to bring a cartload of documents when traveling to various states to seek audience with their rulers.20 This is hardly the portrait of a lowly, unschooled laborer. Indeed, a passage in the Lüshi chunqiu, roughly contemporaneous with chapter 47 of the Mozi, notes that Mozi, like Confucius, “spent the entire day reciting, memorizing, and practicing lessons.”21 5. Mozi the Magician A portrayal of Master Mo that occupies the entirety of chapter 50 of the text, and that A. C. Graham has singled out as unique and especially noteworthy, has Mozi rushing to the powerful southern state of Chu when he learns that 16.  Mozi 47.2B. This tale has Mozi, in the course of his self-defense, refer to Yi Yin, adviser to Tang, the founder of the Shang, as “a man of base origins.” This should be regarded as an example of a philosophical text presenting historical precedent in a fashion that suits its arguments. 17.  Fang Chushuo, Mo xue yuanliu, 15–18, has gathered together the textual materials that represent Mozi as an artisan. He suggests that in Mozi 47.10, Mozi is describing his craft as lying somewhere between official service and agricultural labor. But in that passage Mozi seems instead to be describing himself as someone without any sort of employment. 18.  Mozi 49.17. See the additional notes, at 49.17, n. 43, for other versions of the tale. 19.  In an essay originally published in 1931, Luo Genze, Luo Genze shuo zhuzi, 77–98, gives a detailed account of the Mozi’s quotation of the classics. 20.  Mozi 47.10. 21.  LSCQ, “Bozhi 博志,” 24.1619 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 618).

6

Mozi

Gongshu Pan—a renowned artisan famous for his clever contraptions22—has devised scaling ladders, which the Chu army planned to use to conquer the capital of the much smaller state of Song.23 Though the story is of doubtful historicity, it is nonetheless remarkable.24 When all his persuasions—as well as a demonstration that he possesses the devices and strategies to prevail against any of the machines that Chu might use to topple Song—both fail to compel the king of Chu to desist and further elicit a veiled threat to kill Mozi if he stands in the way, Mozi states that he has an army on the ready to defend tiny Song: “But the case is that my disciple Qin Guli and three hundred men armed with my own implements for defending the perimeter are stationed atop the walls of Song ready for the bandits from Chu. Even if you were to kill me, you would be unable to destroy Song’s defense.”25 Allowing that this story contains a large measure of bravado and self-importance on the part of its Mohist authors, if there is any truth at all to Mozi’s warning, it means that he was not only the founder of a philosophical lineage but also the leader of a private army ready to defy the will of large powers like the state of Chu. The tale ends with a more subtle suggestion of Mozi’s powers. Having persuaded the king of Chu to call off the attack, Mozi returns home, passing through Song on the way. A gatekeeper there refuses him entry into a village when he seeks shelter from the rain. Thus, Mozi has protected the state of Song from destruction but its people will not afford him protection from rain. But the thrust of the tale does not lie in the irony of Mozi’s situation; it lies in the comment on the gatekeeper’s shortsightedness: “The masses do not recognize the accomplishments of one who puts things in order by spiritual means; they recognize only those who contend for things in the bright light of day.” Mozi is not a mundane figure whose reputation is built on tasks easily witnessed. He is closer to a divine force whose works, invisible to most, accomplish their ends by “spiritual means” (shen 神). In this characterization are the seeds of a tradition that would lead Daoists of the fourth century c.e. and later to portray Mozi as an immortal roaming the empyrean on the back of a dragon and using herbs and charms to transform one thing into another, as well as conjuring success in unlikely circumstances, as he did in saving Song from an attack by Chu.26 22.  See the additional notes, 49.16, n. 38. 23.  Mozi 50.1–3. Mozi’s concerns for Song contributed to the impression that he was a native of the state. 24.  The identity of the Chu king has not been determined, nor is the date of this supposed attack on Song known. See the additional notes, 50.1, n. 2. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 6, says that the story is “the only episode in Mo-tzu in which he figures as anything but a preacher or debater.” Graham overstates the story’s uniqueness. There are others in chapters 46 through 49 in which Mozi’s personality is vividly etched. 25.  Mozi 50.3. 26.  See “Mozi’s Daoist Persona” for further discussion of the Daoist portrayal of Mozi. Another seed of

Introduction

7

II. The Mohist School 1. The Three Branches of Mohism The passage in the Zhuangzi chapter “In the World” that speaks of the discipline and loyalty Mozi expected of his followers sheds additional light on the strict, quasi-religious organization of the Mohist school.27 It identifies as Mozi’s chief disciple one Qin Guli 禽滑釐, the leader of the Mohist army in the story of the defense of Song.28 Many other sources confirm that Master Qin was Mozi’s closest colleague and the one most willing to undergo the exhausting labor involved in the Mohist way of life. When Qin Guli began his studies with Mozi, he is said to have spent three years serving Mozi personally and engaging in so much hard labor that even Mozi took pity on him.29 That Master Qin became a prominent teacher in his own right is confirmed by a passage in the “Master Gengzhu” chapter, where he is referred to as “our Master Qinzi,” a title that would have been used only by a master’s disciples.30 In its account of the early master-­ disciple lineage within the Mohist school, the Lüshi chunqiu says that Xu Fan 許犯 studied with Qin Guli and Tian Xi 田繫 studied with Xu Fan.31 It is possible that Tian Xi was still active in the early third century. After naming Qin Guli, the Zhuangzi then states that Mozi’s followers were divided into three branches: (1) the disciples of Xiangli Qin 相里勤; (2) the followers of Wu Hou 五侯; and (3) the Mohists of the south 南方之墨 者—Kuhuo 苦獲, Jichi 已齒, Master Dengling 鄧陵子, and others.32 In the “Eminent Learning” chapter of the Hanfeizi, the three lineages are given as the Mohists of the Xiangli lineage 相里氏之墨, the Mohists of the Xiangfu lineage 相夫氏之墨, and the Mohists of the Dengling lineage 鄧陵氏之墨.33 Nothing further is known of the origins of these lineages. Two of the names, the tradition of Mozi the magician occurs in the Huainanzi story in which Mozi fashioned a wooden bird that flew for three days without alighting. See Huainanzi, “Qisu 齊俗,” 11.369; Major, Huainanzi, 421. 27.  Zhuangzi 10B.1079. 28.  On Qin Guli, see the additional notes, 3.3, n. 34; 46.12, n. 24; and 50.3, n. 9. Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 655–58, collects numerous stories relating to Qin Guli. 29.  Mozi 56.497–98 (not translated in the present volume). Shiji, “Rulin liezhuan 儒林列傳,” 121.3116, claims that before becoming Mozi’s disciple, Qin Guli had received instruction from Master Xia, a prominent follower of Confucius. 30.  Mozi 46.12. The use of the title suggests that at least parts of the “Gengzhu” chapter were written by Qin Guli’s disciples. 31.  LSCQ, “Dangran,” 2.96 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 90). Qian Mu, “Xu Xing wei Mozi zaizhuan dizi kao,” identifies Xu Fan with the Xu Xing of Mengzi 3A.4, but this is disputed by Sun Cizhou, “Xu Xing shifou wei Mojia de wenti.” 32.  Zhuangzi, “Tianxia,” 29.1003. 33.  Hanfeizi, “Xianxue 顯學,” 19.1080.

8

Mozi

Xiangli and Dengling, appear to be toponyms and so perhaps refer to Mohist bases or strongholds. The Hanfeizi states explicitly that the three branches appeared “after the death of Mozi”; it also seems probable that both the Han­ feizi and the Zhuangzi are citing the three lineages in chronological order. Because the third, and presumably youngest, branch is identified in the Zhuangzi as “southern,” it seems reasonable to conclude that the other two branches were located in northern states. “South” referred to the state of Chu, the homeland of two noble patrons of the Mohists: Lord Wen of Luyang, who is mentioned in chapters 46 and 49, and the Lord of Yangcheng, mentioned in the Lüshi chunqiu.34 The site of Dengling, or Deng Mound, as well as the city of Yang, which was the fortified center of the Lord of Yangcheng’s domain, were both located in the northern part of the state of Chu in what is now southern Henan Province. It is likely that this area was a Mohist stronghold, dominated by the followers of Master Dengling, from approximately 300 b.c.e. until the demise of the school at the end of the third century.35 All three branches “recited the Mohist canons but when they deviated and did not agree they labeled each other ‘bie Mohists,’ ” according to the Zhuang­ zi.36 A. C. Graham and others have assumed that the three branches were labeling one another “heretical Mohists” because of their divergences and disagreements.37 But for Mohists the term bie 別 referred, not to heresy, but rather to the self-interested and self-centered doctrines and behavior of those who opposed the values of impartiality and inclusiveness, referred to in the Mozi as jian 兼. Evidently, by the time the “lower” chapter of the “Impartial Love” triad was composed in the late fourth century,38 making a clear terminological distinction between impartiality and partiality had emerged as an important argument against the opponents of the doctrine of impartial love.39 The Zhuangzi passage reveals that this same distinction was also brandished within the Mohist school 34.  LSCQ, “Shangde 上德,” 19.1257 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 487–88). See Graham, Divisions in Early Mohism, 23, for a discussion of Mohism in Chu. A manuscript that relates to Mohist doctrine on ghosts and spirits was unearthed from a Chu site in the early 1990s and is now in the collection of the Shanghai Museum. See appendix B. 35. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 522. 36. Graham, Divisions in Early Mohism, 18, observes that the term “canons” (jing) as used in the Zhuangzi passage does not refer to the dialectical chapters but rather, as Hu Shi, Zhongguo zhexue shi dagang, 185, claims, the “ten doctrines” of the school that are elaborated upon in the core chapters. This is far from certain. Nowhere are the ten doctrines or the core chapters referred to as jing, whereas the term has been applied not only to the dialectical chapters but also to the first seven chapters of the text. See “The Chapters of Group 1.” 37. Graham, Chuang Tzu, 277, and Divisions in Early Mohism, 18. The term bie does not mean “heretical” in the Zhuangzi or in the Mozi. Graham’s understanding of the term contributed to his conclusion that what he took to be differences in the triad chapters was a reflection of the disagreements existing among the three branches of Mohism. 38. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 474–79, 653. 39. See Mozi 16.4 and 16.5.

Introduction

9

to castigate as self-interested and self-centered those disciples deemed, through their words and actions, to have departed from the consensual understanding of what the Zhuangzi calls “the Mohist canons” and thus to have threatened the unity and solidarity of Mohism. 2. The First-Generation Disciples Since none of the Mohists named in the Zhuangzi and Hanfeizi (apart from Qin Guli) appears in the Mozi, it may be assumed that they are not first-generation disciples but rather second- and third-generation followers.40 Surveying passages in the Mozi and Lüshi chunqiu, as well as the bibliographic catalog in the Hanshu, it is possible to identify with some certainty the names of fifteen first-generation disciples (see table 1).41 Although few in number compared to the seventy-two first-generation disciples conventionally associated with Confucius, if these fifteen all gathered their own second- and third-generation followers, it is easy to see why it was said that by the middle of the third century b.c.e., “the heirs of the learning of Confucius and Mozi who have attained eminence and glory in the world are multitudinous, a number so great as to be uncountable.”42 (However, the midsecond-­century Huainanzi tamps down such hyperbole, stating that Confucius and Mozi were so refined and learned that those capable of imitating and following them were no more than twenty or thirty in number.43) 3. The Grand Master The Zhuangzi also reveals that, as a whole, the school followed a leader given the title juzi 巨子, or “grand master,” whom all regarded as a sage.44 So highly esteemed was this master, the text continues, that “all wished to serve him as impersonator, hoping thereby to become his successor, a practice that has continued unbroken until the present day.”45 In ancient rites of royal ­ancestor 40.  Hanfeizi, “Xianxue,” 19.1080, confirms that the division took place after Mozi’s death. The “canons” referred to in the Zhuangzi passage refer to the ten basic doctrines of the school, not to the so-called logic chapters. 41.  Table 1 is derived from Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 655–62. Sun also provides a list of second- and thirdgeneration disciples as well as the names of figures whose connection with Mozi is uncertain; see 662–71. 42.  LSCQ, “Dangran,” 2.96 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 90). For a brief discussion of Yi Zhi 夷之,an active second- or third-generation follower of Mozi mentioned in the Mengzi, see appendix C. 43.  Huainanzi, “Zhushu 主術,” 9.302–3 (Major et al., Huainanzi, 326). 44.  The title is also written 鉅子. Either way, the title more literally means something like “one who is strong and unyielding.” Yu-lan Fung, because of his awareness of the religious dimensions of the Mohist school, equates the juzi to the pope (History of Chinese Philosophy, 82). 45.  Zhuangzi, “Tianxia,” 10B.1079. Because it is unlikely that this practice survived the Qin dynasty suppression of philosophical schools, reference to it suggests that “Tianxia” predates 221. Cf. n. 10 herein.

Mozi

10

Table 1: Mozi’s First-Generation Disciples Name

Principal Textual Source

Qin Guli 禽滑釐

Mozi, “Master Gongshu,” 50.3

Master Gaoshi 高石子

Mozi, “Master Gengzhu,” 46.12

Gao He 高何

LSCQ, “On Honoring Teachers,” 4/3.2.B

Xian Zishi 縣子石

LSCQ, “On Honoring Teachers,” 4/3.2.B

Gongshang Guo 公上過/公尚過 LSCQ, “A Lofty Sense of Honor,” 19/2.3 and   Mozi, “The Lord of Lu Asks a Question,” 49.9 Master Gengzhu 耕柱子

Mozi, “Master Gengzhu,” 46.1

Wei Yue 魏越

Mozi, “The Lord of Lu Asks a Question,” 49.10

Master Suichao 隨巢子

Hanshu, “Bibliographical Catalog,” 30.1738

Master Hufei 胡非子

Hanshu, “Bibliographical Catalog,” 30.1738

Guan Qian’ao 管黔滶

Mozi, “Master Gengzhu,” 46.12

Master Gaosun 高孫子

Mozi, “The Lord of Lu Asks a Question,” 49.15

Zhitu Yu 治徒雨

Mozi, “Master Gengzhu,” 46.3

Die Bi 跌鼻

Mozi, “Master Gongmeng,” 48.15

Cao Gongzi 曹公子

Mozi, “The Lord of Lu Asks a Question,” 49.11

Sheng Chuo 勝綽

Mozi, “The Lord of Lu Asks a Question,” 49.15

­ orship, an “impersonator” (shi 尸) was a descendant—usually a grandson— w chosen by his father to stand in for the deceased and receive the sacrificial offerings.46 As host, or medium, for the spirit of the dead, the impersonator was required to wear the dead man’s clothes (kept for just such occasions) and in other respects to imitate his bearing and appearance with care; otherwise, the performance would not be convincing, the spirit would not receive the offerings, and the ceremony would fail. If we can rely on the accuracy and precision of Zhuangzi’s description of succession to the position of grand master, it suggests that the Mohist leadership was organized along the lines of a noble lineage, complete with rites of ancestor worship, and that generational succession within the leadership was determined by whether a candidate had successfully impersonated a former grand master. This presumably involved, as it did in the context of ancestor worship, serving as a medium for the dead man’s spirit, wearing the clothes of the deceased, and otherwise playing the role of grand master. The text of the Mozi confirms that 46. See Liji, “Jitong 祭統,” 49.835, and the subcommentary to Yili, “Tesheng kuishi li 特牲饋食禮,” 45.530.

Introduction

11

skills, such as those possessed by magicians and diviners, that give access “to the will of Heaven and spirits” are necessary for those who would determine what constitutes correct doctrine.47 The Zhuangzi passage suggests that one whose skills were sufficiently refined to allow him to impersonate the grand master could win the powerful position for himself. Mozi may have been the first in the line of grand masters, or perhaps the title was created only after his death. The Lüshi chunqiu names three later masters: Meng Sheng 孟勝, who was in the position circa 380 and appears to have been especially active in the southern state of Chu; his successor, Master Tian Xiang 田襄子,48 a native of Song; and Fu Tun 腹䵍, who resided in the state of Qin during the reign of King Hui (337–311). The anecdotes involving them throw light on their roles and on Mohist ideology and practices more generally. When a fief that Meng Sheng’s patron Lord Yangcheng had entrusted to him was appropriated by the Chu authorities and Meng Sheng proved unable to keep his word to protect it, he committed suicide. Worried that his failure might affect the survival of Mohist teachings, he transmitted the title of grand master before his death to Tian Xiang, whom he had found worthy. He was accompanied in death by 180 disciples who chose to die with him. That sort of devotion, the text observes, arises not from “severe punishments and generous rewards,” but from obedience, an essential part of the Mohist teachings.49 It is also noteworthy that in this version of succession within the Mohist school, the heir to the title of grand master was chosen because of his “worthiness” (xian 賢), and not necessarily because he had performed the rite of impersonation. When Grand Master Fu Tun resided in Qin, his son murdered another man, a crime for which King Hui of Qin was prepared to extend a pardon in light of Fu Tun’s advanced age. Fu Tun would not hear of it, however. Quoting a Mohist law comparable to “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth” in its severity, Fu Tun killed his son. “The grand master,” the text observes, “may properly be called impartial. A son is what a man is most partial to. Yet Fu Tun endured the loss of what he was most partial to in order to observe his most important moral obligation.”50 4. The “Law” of the Mohist Community The almost obsessive concern, evident throughout the text of the Mozi, that bias toward one’s own family not be permitted to interfere with the fulfillment 47.  Mozi 36.1. 48.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 669–71, lists Meng Sheng’s other disciples. 49.  LSCQ, “Shangde,” 19.1257–58 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 487–88). 50.  LSCQ, “Qusi 去私,” 1.55–56 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 75). Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 669, assumes that the final observation on Fu Tun represents the personal opinion of Lü Buwei.

12

Mozi

of obligations to others is part of what lies behind Fu Tun’s willingness to sacrifice the life of his son. Equally important, however, is Fu Tun’s desire to adhere to “Mohist law” (Mozhe zhi fa 墨者之法) and to regard it as more compelling than other moral imperatives. The text of the Mozi records several examples of a corpus of laws—many attributed to the “sage-kings”—that in all likelihood were enforced within the Mohist community. They cover a range of issues: • No man of twenty shall dare remain unmarried. No woman of fifteen shall dare not serve a man.51 • As a general principle, let the hundred artisans of the world—wheelwrights, tanners, potters, smiths, and wood-carvers—each do that in which he specializes.52 • Let what is consumed be no more than sufficient to fill the emptiness, extend vital energies, strengthen the limbs, make hearing keen and sight acute. Do not make a special effort to harmonize the five tastes or make the fragrances complementary. Do not send to distant countries for rare and exotic delicacies and unusual things.53 • Let it be sufficient that dress in winter be made of blue or gray cloth that is light as well as warm, and that dress in summer be made of fine or coarse linen cloth that is light and cool.54 • Let the shroud be three wrappings of cloth, which is sufficient to hold together the rotting flesh; the coffin be three inches thick, which is sufficient to hold the rotting bones; the excavation for the burial pit not reach down to the water but be deep enough to keep the foul ethers from escaping. Nothing further need be done.55 These laws had little or no impact on the marriage practices, diet, clothing, and burial rites of most people of the Warring States period. If they were enforced within the Mohist school, then that organization was not only different from the larger community, but also exceptionally hierarchical and marked by an unusually strict regimen of self-restraint and self-denial. This impression is reinforced by a passage in the Huainanzi that claims that Mozi’s followers were so extremely disciplined and mindless to their own survival that he could order them to “rush into a fire or walk on bare blades.”56 51.  Mozi 20.2. This and the other laws recorded in chapters 20 and 21 are repeated in chapter 6, a synopsis of the contents of the “Moderate Consumption” triad. 52.  Mozi 21.2. 53.  Mozi 21.3. 54.  Mozi 21.4. 55.  Mozi 21.5, 25.9, 25.12B. 56.  Huainanzi, “Taizu 泰族,” 20.681 (Major et al., Huainanzi, 818).

Introduction

13

What is missing in the foregoing account of the Mohist school, its membership, institutions, and discipline, is an appreciation of the practical knowledge and technical skills for which the school was known. The odd anecdotes about Mozi’s abilities as a military strategist and artisan were intended to hint at the origins of such pragmatic interests but are of limited use in providing specifics. Another, somewhat more useful, source of information are chapters 40 through 43, often referred to (together with chapters 44 and 45) as the “logic” or “dialectical” chapters because they are to an extent concerned with the precise use of terminology in offering propositions or making claims about the world. It is also possible to read these chapters as a sort of elaborate lexicon, whose individual terms mirror the broad and evolving interests and concerns of the Mohists as their thought and engagement with the world expanded and matured during the two centuries or so of their pre-Han activity. The language of this lexicon is difficult and its text proportionately far more corrupt than other parts of the Mozi. Yet it is possible to recognize in it a suggestion of some of the areas in which the Mohists could claim expertise. The lexicon of course reflects the Mohist concern with moral values,57 political roles and hierarchies, and the tools of government that are also the subjects of the “core chapters” of the text.58 But it additionally shows that the Mohists were interested in logic and the arts of discrimination, which were also associated with the Mingjia 名家, or school of Names.59 Some of the nuanced distinctions that are made in the lexicon reveal that the Mohists were masterful hairsplitters. For example, they distinguished between jin 盡, “to exhaust” in the sense of using up a supply of anything countable, including ideas, people, grains of rice, and qiong 窮, “to exhaust” in the sense of reaching the limits of a particular course of action.60 Still other entries in the lexicon show the Mohists to have been at least reasonably conversant in the language, and presumably the techniques, used by makers of bronze mirrors61 and such machines as levers 57.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 282–83, defines zhong 忠, “loyalty,” xiao 孝, “obedience,” and xin 信, “being true to one’s word.” Harbsmeier, Language and Logic, 341–42, makes the insightful point that xiao as well as the important terms ren 仁, “humaneness,” and yi 義, “righteousness,” are defined in terms of either desire and dislike or benefit and harm. Harbsmeier also notes that although the definition of ai 愛, “love,” was lost from the lexicon, together with all the definitions of terms in the core chapters, “the system of definitions is so tight that one can surmise with reasonable assurance that the definition of love must have run somewhat like this: ‘to desire benefit and dislike harm for the sake of the man (not for one’s own sake).’” 58.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 286, defines shang 賞, “reward,” and fa 罰, “penalty.” 59.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 285, defines bian 辯, “discrimination”; 284 alludes to the famous discussion of the properties of jianbai 堅白, “the hard and the white,” by the logician Gongsun Long 公孫龍. See ­Graham, Disputers of the Tao, 167–70; Harbsmeier, Language and Logic, 329–37. 60.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 286. Cf. Harbsmeier, Language and Logic, 334–35. 61.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 293, explores the way that reflections appear in mirrors. See Graham, Dis­ puters of the Tao, 163.

Mozi

14

and ladders.62 In addition, they seem to have been interested in the problems of describing and measuring, problems that would have arisen in the work of carpenters and other craftsmen.63 The knowledge gathered together in these chapters makes them, in the opinion of many, the most important single document in the history of ancient Chinese science.64

III. The Creation of the Text of the Mozi In the period before the Han dynasty, books as we think of them, consisting of chapters somehow relating to one another, were rare. Documents in the form of pian 篇, or bundles of bamboo strips, which might have related to a larger whole, seem to have circulated independently.65 Thus it is likely that in the period prior to the Han, the arguments, treatises, essays, and dialogues that constitute the present-day text of the Mozi were probably not known as chapters of the Mozi but as separate documents associated in some fashion to Mozi and his followers. We can gain some insight into the length and format of these documents thanks to recent archaeological discoveries of texts in tombs of Warring States date located in the ancient territory of the state of Chu. Especially relevant because of their Mohist content are two manuscripts now in the collection of the Shanghai Museum: one consisting of a mere five bamboo strips and the other of fifty-three strips.66 Lü Buwei’s Lüshi chunqiu was therefore a remarkable innovation, noteworthy not only for its length but for its overarching plan, which required that the chapters be read together and thus circulate together as part of a grand opus. It was perhaps with the model of this text in mind67 that the great Han bibliographer Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–6) compiled the Mozi and thereby created the text 62.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 335–36. See Graham, Disputers of the Tao, 163–64. 63.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 280, distinguishes between the terms for equal height and equal length; 282–83 distinguishes, in terms of their extent, between an enclosed space and its enclosure. 64. Harbsmeier, Language and Logic, 326. 65.  Some ancient documents were also written on juan 卷, silk scrolls. Indeed some Han dynasty examples of juan, such as those discovered at the mid-second-century b.c.e. burial site of Mawangdui in Hunan Province, contain several unrelated documents. 66.  The shorter of the two manuscripts has been given the title “Guishen zhi ming 鬼神之明” because its contents relate to the Mohist doctrine on ghosts and spirits. See appendix B for a discussion of this manuscript. The other, titled Rongcheng shi 容成氏, discusses various Mohist doctrines in language that resembles passages in the Mozi. See Chen Jian, “Shangbo jian ‘Rongcheng shi’”; Zhao Ping’an, “Chu zhushu ‘Rongcheng shi’”; and Allan, “Abdication and Utopian Vision.” Whereas both manuscripts provide insights into the original nature of the texts from which the Mozi was constructed, neither should be regarded as a fragment of the Mozi, i.e., as a part of the text that was lost during its transmission from ancient times to the present. 67.  Luo Genze, “Mozi tanyuan,” 101.

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that is arguably the ancestor of the present text.68 According to the catalog of the Han imperial library, Liu Xiang’s edition contained seventy-one pian (translated here as “chapters” to reflect Liu Xiang’s incorporation of the writings into the book Mozi).69 The extant text of the Mozi consists, however, of only fifty-three pian.70 It is possible that the other eighteen chapters disappeared during the subsequent transmission of the text: they were not part of the Mozi when it was transferred to a set of silk scrolls, sometime before the early sixth century c.e.71 It is equally possible, however, that the chapters were never included in Liu’s compilation.72 Liu may simply have indicated in the table of contents where research told him the “missing” pian would have been.73 His judgment may have been informed in part by the conviction that each of the ten fundamental doctrines of Mohism had been represented in three different pian although he had been unable to locate all of them. If this explanation is correct, it means that the Han imperial catalog adopted the chapter count in Liu’s table of contents and consequently claimed for the Mozi eighteen chapters that were not in the Han dynasty text. The fifty-three chapters that are in the Mozi are conventionally divided into five groups, the boundaries of which are not marked in a formal fashion in the text but are generally agreed upon by scholars because they serve to divide the chapters according to their form and content:

1. chapters 1 through 7;



2. chapters 8 through 37 (the “core chapters,” of which seven are missing);



3. chapters 40 through 45 (usually referred to as the “dialectical chapters” or “logic chapters”);74

68.  In 26 b.c.e., Liu and others were charged with reviewing and editing the books in the imperial collection and producing fair copies of them. After completing each book, Liu submitted it to the throne along with a memorial called a “record” (lu 錄) that originally served as postface to the edited book. At some point in the Latter Han, these lu were detached from the books and gathered together into a separate compilation called the Bielu 別錄. The suoyin commentary to the brief biographical notice of Mozi at Shiji, “Mengzi Xun Qing lie zhuan 孟子荀卿列傳,” 74.2340, quotes a passage from the Bielu composed by Liu for his edition of the Mozi. 69.  Hanshu, “Yiwenzhi 藝文志,” 30.1738. The lu written by Liu Xiang and his son Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.) formed the basis of Liu Xin’s bibliography, the Qilue 七略, which was in turn abridged by Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) when he compiled the Hanshu “Yiwenzhi.” 70.  Bi Yuan, cited in Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 588–94, constructs a list of the original seventy-one chapters and indicates where he thinks the losses occurred. 71.  The silk-scroll edition of the Mozi and the loss of the missing eighteen chapters are discussed later. 72.  This possibility is suggested in Graham, Divisions in Early Mohism, 17. See also Maeder, “Some Observations,” 33–34. 73.  This has been the practice in subsequent tables of contents for editions even though they did not include the missing chapters. 74.  For a study and complete translation, see Graham, Later Mohist Logic. Forke, Mê Ti, and Johnston, Mozi,

Mozi

16



4. chapters 46 through 50 (the “Mohist Analects”) and chapter 39, which appears to bear some relation to them;75 and



5. chapters 51 through 71 (the “military chapters,” of which eleven survive).76

The present book focuses on the thirty-six chapters that constitute groups 1, 2, and 4—chapters that represent for the most part Mohist social and political philosophy. We no longer know on what basis Liu Xiang and his colleagues selected documents for inclusion in the Mozi. But a survey of the broad range of its ­present-day contents suggests that they must have regarded the text they created as a compilation or anthology of writings that related not only to Mozi and his first-­ generation followers, but also to other members of the Mohist intellectual lineage and social movement whose interests and activities had considerably evolved from the moral and political homilies that form the foundation of the core chapters to encompass the highly technical subjects of what are now chapters 40 through 45 and chapters 51 through 71.

IV. Mohism’s Fate 1. Mohism in the Han A common but questionable assumption made with regard to the philosophical schools of the Warring States period is that, with the exception of the Legalists, they were suppressed at the end of the third century b.c.e. as part of a campaign by the First Emperor of the Qin and his prime minister, Li Si, to eliminate groups that might pose a challenge, intellectual or otherwise, to Qin authority. If, as the Zhuangzi, Hanfeizi, and certain dialogues in the Group 4 chapters suggest, the Mohists had established some sort of base in the northern part of Chu, and if their claims of a private army such as that made in chapter 50 were thought credible, one can imagine that the Qin censors may have specially include these chapters in their respective translations of the Mozi. Harbsmeier, Language and Logic, 326–45, devotes a section of his survey to the Mohist logic chapters. Other observations on the use of ­argumentation in the Mozi more generally can be found elsewhere in the volume. For a recent survey of the contents of the logic chapters, see Hansen, “Mohism.” 75.  Graham, “Mo tzu,” 337, puts chapter 39 in a group of its own. 76.  For a study and translation of the military chapters, see Yates, “The City under Siege.” Forke and J­ ohnston also include translations of these chapters in their respective translations of the Mozi. See also N ­ eedham and Yates, Military Technology, 254–485, which contains numerous translations and insightful discussions of the technical vocabulary of the military chapters.

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targeted the Mohists and their doctrines.77 If, as the descriptions of the school in the Zhuangzi suggest, the Mohists nevertheless managed to survive into the early Han, they seem quickly to have disappeared as a formally organized philosophical lineage. No Han dynasty figure is identified as being a Mohist, a Mo or Mozhe. Writing retrospectively in the first century c.e., Wang Chong 王充 (27 to ca. 97 c.e.) observed that, Mohist doctrines, because they were extreme and impractical, “have been cast aside and not handed down.”78 Yet one wonders how, in the absence of a school lineage or similar organization, it was possible that the evidently abundant and diverse textual material used by Liu Xiang to compile the Mozi survived until the first century b.c.e. Another questionable but commonplace assumption of early intellectual history is that Mohist teachings, along with those of other schools, were absorbed into the Confucian synthesis that took place during the second century b.c.e. Certainly one finds evidence of Mohist influence in the political doctrines of such Han “Confucians” as Gongsun Hong 公孫弘 (200–121) and Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (ca. 179–ca. 93).79 But a synthesis of Mohist and Confucian thought was not a Han dynasty innovation. Passages from the Lüshi chunqiu make it clear that by approximately the middle of the third century b.c.e. attempts were being made to find common ground between the old adversaries.80 It is also worth noting that glimmers of distinctive and unreconstructed Mohist ideological positions are still to be seen even during the period of Confucian ascendancy in the Han dynasty. According to his biography in the Hanshu, before Yang Wangsun 楊王孫 died (sometime late in the second century b.c.e.), he instructed his son to put his naked corpse in a sack and place it in a hole with no coffins or other conventional tomb furnishings.81 Troubled by Yang’s determination to be buried in such a mean fashion, the marquis of Qi 祁侯 asked him why he was not permitting his son to carry out the usual 77.  See p. 8. 78.  Lunheng, “Anshu 案書,” 29.1161 (Forke, Lun-Heng, pt. 1, p. 461). 79.  See Fukui Shigemasa, “Zen-Kan ni okeru Bokka no saisei,” for a discussion of what he describes as the “amalgamation” of Ruist and Mohist thought. 80.  These same passages are also discussed in the section titled “The Chapters of Group 1,” in connection with the contents of the Group 1 chapters. 81.  Hanshu, “Yang Hu Zhu Mei Yun zhuan 楊胡朱梅云傳,” 67.2907. Yang’s wish was unusual in the context of the Han, which is no doubt why he warranted a biography in the Hanshu. Things were different in the aftermath of fall of the Han dynasty: Cao Cao 曹操 (155–122), founder of the Wei, issued an edict prohibiting elaborate burials. According to Bokenkamp, Ancestors and Anxiety, 54, “this austere measure had a distinct impact on the burial practice of succeeding Wei and Jin emperors, as well as those of many of the elite, as confirmed both by archaeology and by the number of ‘last wills’ recorded for those who chose modest burials.” Bokenkamp also notes that Cao Cao’s heir, Cao Pi 曹丕, composed such a living will “with full knowledge of the fate of the Han emperors whose sumptuous burials had, in his view, ensured that their tombs would be robbed and their remains desecrated.” Cao Pi’s will is more an echo of the arguments against lavish burials in the Lüshi chunqiu than of the Mozi.

18

Mozi

filial rituals. Yang replied by quoting, without attribution, the description of Yao’s unadorned burial found in the “Moderate Burials” chapter of the Mozi: the body was wrapped in a simple shroud and placed in a coffin of loathsome wood that was bound together with kudzu vines.82 With the collapse of the Han dynasty at the beginning of the third century c.e. and the perception that Confucianism had somehow failed, there was a renewed interest in Mohism and the other early schools of thought. As if to move quickly to thwart any attempt by the Mohists to gain an audience, the Confucians went on the attack. Sometime during the first half of the third century, an anonymous author, perhaps Wang Su 王肅 (195–256 c.e.), composed the Kong congzi 孔叢子 (The assembled Kong masters), which concerns, as its title indicates, the lives and teachings of various descendants of Confucius up to the early second century c.e.83 One chapter, titled “An Indictment of Mo,” written by the anonymous author in the guise of Kong Fu 孔鮒 (264–208), an eighth-generation descendant of Confucius, refutes as false and anachronistic the ad hominem charges made against Confucius in the second half of the Mozi chapter “Condemn the Ru.”84 2. Mozi’s Daoist Persona While Mozi’s reputation was assailed by some, others embrace him in a novel incarnation. Writing in approximately 310 c.e., Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343), the noted hagiographer and expert of esoteric treatises, lists in the Baopuzi neipian 抱樸子內篇 catalog of Daoist books a text titled Mozi zhenzhong wuxing ji 墨 子枕中五行記, or Mozi’s Secret Treatise on the Five Phases.85 Later in the same chapter, Ge Hong describes the contents of this work apocryphally ascribed to Mozi: “Its method employs medicinals and talismans to enable the user to fly up and down, conceal himself and enter where there is no space, become a woman by a mere smile, or an old man by a mere twist of his face, or a little boy by merely kneeling on the ground, or a tree by merely grasping his staff.”86 82.  Mozi 25.10. Yang Wangsun’s description of Yao’s burial conflates Mozi passages describing Yao’s burial with others in the same paragraph describing the burial of Yu. 83. Ariel, K’ung-Ts’ung-Tzu, 3–69, provides a complete and detailed account of the nature, date, and authorship of the text. 84.  Kong congzi, “Jie Mo 詰墨,” 6.1a–3b. Ariel, K’ung-Ts’ung-Tzu, 59–60, comments on the chapter (the title of which he mistakenly transcribes as “Ch’i Mo”). The Kong congzi chapter attributes to Mozi slanders against Confucius that do not appear in chapter 39. The chapter concludes with an otherwise unknown figure named Cao Ming 曹明 commenting that the critique of Mozi made by “Kong Fu” is not to be doubted. 85.  Baopuzi, “Xialan 遐覽,” 19.305. Campany, Heaven and Earth, 13–17, provides a biography of Ge Hong. Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 8–9, discuss Ge Hong’s catalogue of Daoist books. 86.  Baopuzi, “Xialan,” 19.309. Campany, Heaven and Earth, 330, translates the entire passage quoted here only in part. Earlier in the Baopuzi, at 19.305, Ge Hong includes the work “in five juan” in a list of “canonical

Introduction

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The appearance of the text marks the apotheosis of Mozi as a Daoist master of alchemical arts and “achiever of earthbound transcendence.”87 Apparently inspired by Mozi’s treatise and other esoteric facts about the old philosopher that were transmitted to him, Ge Hong is supposed to have composed a biography that he included in his Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳. The biography recounts how, at the age of eighty-two, Mozi withdrew to a mysterious mountain where he received instruction “on the teachings of the Dao” from a divine figure who “bestowed on Mo a silk text and esoteric methods and charts for making ‘efflorescence of vermilion’ pills.” After Mozi produced the elixirs and fashioned the essentials of what he had learned from the divine figure into his Treatise on the Five Phases, “he obtained the status of earthbound transcendent and secluded himself so as to avoid the wars among the states.”88 What did the Daoists see in Mozi? At least a small part of his attractiveness may have to do with the third-century b.c.e. description of Mozi in chapter 50 of the Mozi as someone possessed of magical powers, in addition to other sources’ references to his skills in making wooden birds that could fly for days without landing.89 But the Daoist adoption of Mozi is based on other, more complicated, reasons as well. Ge received the books he lists in his catalog of Daoist works from his master, Zheng Yin 鄭隱, who, Ge claims, had originally obtained them from Ge’s own ancestor Ge Xuan 葛玄 (164–244). Moreover, the Daoism that Ge Hong studied consisted for the most part of Han dynasty practices associated with the search for immortality mainly through alchemy, that is, a form of Daoism more ancient than the ecclesiastical Tianshi dao 天 Daoist works.” In a long list of alchemical methods found in another Baopuzi chapter, “Jindan 金丹,” 4.72, Ge Hong includes “Mozi’s Cinnabar Method.” In Campany’s translation the passage reads: “Place mercury in a copper vessel with solutions of the five minerals. Heat over fire, stirring with an iron spoon, for ten days. When it reverts to cinnabar, ingest it. A dose of one spatula will dispel any illness from your body; long-term ingestion will render you deathless.” 87. Campany, Heaven and Earth, 329. Campany, 329–30 and 508–10, authoritatively summarizes the sources that relate to Mozi’s transformation into a Daoist immortal. Another important study is Durrant, “The Taoist Apotheosis of Mo Ti,” based on his 1975 Ph.D. dissertation, 326–34. See also Forke, Mê Ti, 38–39. 88. Campany, Heaven and Earth, 329 and 508–9, translates the short biography and provides critical notes on the date and authenticity of the passage. Mozi’s Shenxian zhuan biography is believed to have survived only because it was quoted in Taiping guang ji 5.2, in an expanded version that incorporates material from chapter 50 of Mozi. Because the Taiping guang ji is an early Song source there may be some grounds for questioning the authenticity of the material it identifies as having come from the Shenxian zhuan. Another biographical notice for Mozi is found at Sandong qunxian lu 三洞羣仙錄 16.3a/b, a Daoist hagiography compiled by Chen Baoguang 陳葆光, with a preface by Lin Jizhong 林季仲 dated 1154. The biography is adopted with minor variants from the Taiping guang ji, and so its account of the Daoist Mozi may also be no earlier than the Song dynasty. In a private communication dated 20 July 2010, Dr. Benjamin Penny of the Australia National University alerted me to some of the problems involved in using the Shenxian zhuan as a source for early Daoist hagiography. 89.  See p. 477.

20

Mozi

師道 form that did not penetrate into southern China where Ge lived before 317 c.e. And these Han Daoist practices emerged at least in part from “the Han Confucian rejection of Daoism that provoked the separation between the two traditions.”90 All this suggests that Mozi’s Secret Treatise on the Five Phases and the apotheosis of Mozi that it signals quite possibly originated in the late second or early third century c.e. and were connected not only to an intense interest by Han Daoists in alchemy and transcendence but also to their conflict with Han Confucians. And what better ally for the Daoists than Mozi, who remained, as the Kong congzi attack on him would confirm, a powerful adversary of the Ru.91 Mozi’s elevation in Daoist circles persists in the south after the arrival there, a little later in the fourth century, of the Tianshi dao form of the religion. Hence Mozi’s techniques for attaining transcendence are thrice mentioned in the Zhen­ gao 真誥, or Declarations of the Perfected, a collection of revelations and other Daoist texts compiled by Tao Hongjing 陶洪景 (452–536), the alchemist and “presiding genius” of the Daoist school that was centered in the Maoshan 茅山 region of Jiangsu Province in southern China.92 Moreover, Mozi’s Secret Treatise on the Five Phases is included in the section devoted to “Medical Prescriptions” in the bibliographical catalog of the Sui dynasty, as it most likely had been in the Southern Liang catalog upon which the Sui catalog was partly based.93 Determining how long, beyond the Sui, Mozi’s divine identity survived is problematic. The Secret Treatise on the Five Phases apocryphally attributed to Mozi is not listed in the Tang imperial catalogs, but it may have been included, under an abbreviated title, in the Song dynasty Tongzhi 通志 of Zheng Qiao 鄭 樵 (1104–1162).94 Moreover, in the Five Dynasties period between the fall of the Tang in 906 and the establishment of the Song in 960, an “odd person from 90.  The foregoing characterizations of Ge Hong’s Daoism including this quotation on the Daoist-Confucian conflict are borrowed from Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 8–10. 91.  These reasons may also account for the inclusion of the Mozi in the Daoist canon, discussed later. 92.  Tao Hongjing’s compilation has been famously studied by Michel Strickmann in “The Mao Shan Revelations,” “On the Alchemy of T’ao Hung-ching,” and Le Taoïsme du Mao Chan. Campany, Heaven and Earth, 509–10, summarizes the three occurrences of Mozi’s name in the Zhengao 眞誥: he swallowed “rainbow elixir” in order to be able to cast (himself ?) in water; he is mentioned as an example of one who attained transcendence by sheer “firm will”; and he is listed as one of several practitioners who “ingested gold and cinnabar” and announced their impending deaths. See Strickmann for background on Tao Hongjing and the Zhen­gao revelations. 93.  Suishu, “Jingjizhi 經籍志,” 34.1043, lists Mozi zhennei wuxing jiyao 墨子枕內五行記要. The title given in the Suishu catalog is slightly different from that in Ge Hong’s list. At Suishu 34.1038, in the section devoted to Five Phases cosmology, the compilers of the catalog refer to a work titled Wuxing bianhua Mozi 五行變化墨子, or the Five Phases Transformations of Mozi, that was included in the Liang catalog of Ruan Xiaoxu but not the Sui catalog. For Ruan Xiaoxu’s catalog, see n. 99 herein. 94.  Tongzhi, “Yiwen lue 藝文略,” “Daojia 道家,” 67.790, lists a Mozi zhenzhong ji 墨子枕中記 in one juan under the category of “Talismans and Registers.”

Introduction

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Weizhou 魏州” named Yang Qianlang 楊千郎 is said to have enjoyed great favor from the Latter Tang emperor Zhuangzong 莊宗 (r. 923–926) because he “claimed to possess the techniques of Mozi and so was able to command the ghosts and spirits and transform cinnabar and mercury.”95 In any case, in Tang times Mozi seems to have resumed his older role as opponent to Confucius, for it is that aspect of his life and reputation that Han Yu 韓 愈 (768–824) addresses in the essay titled “Du Mozi” 讀墨子, “On Reading the Mozi.” Han Yu notes that although the Ru criticize the Mo for their doctrines of exalting conformity, impartial love, exalting the worthy, and explaining ghosts, what Confucius taught was identical to what Mozi advocated: “Both the Ru and the Mo are alike in approving the sages Yao and Shun and condemning the tyrants Jie and Zhou.” Mozi and Confucius are so closely linked, Han Yu concludes, that, if one had not relied on the other, “they would not be Kong and Mo.” Though his syncretic comments are tempered and restrained, because he dared to suggest that Mozi and Confucius are comparable, Han Yu provoked considerable criticism, especially among Confucian scholars of the subsequent Song dynasty.96 3. Knowledge of Mozi during the Tang and Song Han Yu’s knowledge of Mozi’s philosophy was based on the “pre-apotheosis” text of the Mozi that had been transmitted into Tang times. By the early sixth century c.e., probably during the Southern Liang dynasty, the pian of Liu Xiang’s text had been transcribed onto juan 卷, or silk scrolls.97 It is clear that this manuscript on silk—fifteen scrolls of text and one scroll devoted to the table of contents—consisted of only the fifty-three chapters that have been transmitted to the present day and did not include the missing eighteen chapters. The actual length of the scrolls was such that they could not have accommodated the transcribed chapters as well as the missing chapters; additional scrolls would have been required.98 The bibliographical catalog included in the dynastic history of 95.  Xin Wudai shi, “Tang Taizu jiaren zhuan 唐太祖家人傳,” 14.151. 96.  Zhang Yongyi, Mozi yu Zhongguo wenhua, 340. 97.  Yu Zhongrong 庾仲容 (476–549) includes a Mozi in sixteen juan among the works he consulted in compiling his Zichao 子抄. This list is preserved in the Zilüe 子略 of Gao Sisun 高似孫 (fl. 1184). See Zilüe 1.10b for the entry on Mozi. The sixteen juan consisted of fifteen juan of text and the table of contents, a division evident from subsequent bibliographical notices concerning the silk-scroll recension. 98.  Juan 8, e.g., contains the surviving chapters of the “Explaining Ghosts” and “Condemn Music” t­ riads. If it were to also contain the missing two chapters of “Explaining Ghosts,” as indicated in the table of contents, it would have had to accommodate a length of text probably twice as long as that of scrolls which the table of contents identifies as complete. Maeder, “Some Observations,” 33, makes a similar argument and concludes that “the loss of the pian now listed as missing occurred sometime before the text was transferred to silk between Later Han and Sui.” Maeder also provides a useful table that shows how the chapters were grouped when they were transcribed onto scrolls. Luo Genze, “Mozi tanyuan,” 100, is of the opposite opinion.

22

Mozi

the Sui dynasty lists a Mozi “in fifteen juan”—probably a reference to the same Liang dynasty version of the text.99 The bibliographical catalogs of the two Tang dynastic histories also include entries for a Mozi “in fifteen juan,” referring presumably to a fair copy of the same Liang dynasty version that is mentioned in the Sui catalog.100 This recension may have had limited circulation from the Tang until the beginning of the Ming, having been partly supplanted by an abridged Mozi in three scrolls that consisted of only thirteen chapters, the first seven of the complete edition plus the six chapters of the “Exalt the Worthy” and “Exalt Conformity” triads.101 The means by which the complete text of the Mozi survived was its inclusion in the Daozang 道藏, or Daoist canon, of the Song dynasty, along with a few other pre-Qin philosophical texts such as the Hanfeizi.102 Although the two Song dynasty versions of the canon do not survive, the Mozi included in the Ming canon, published in 1445, observes the taboo against the character kuang 匡, the temple name of the Song founder Taizu 太祖, who died in 997, proving that the text was in at least one edition of the canon, if not both.103 The fact that all modern editions of the Mozi derive from the version in the Ming canon suggests that the fifteen-juan edition had become extremely rare in the period between the Tang and the Ming, probably as a consequence of the popularity of the abridged three-juan version.104 The reasons given earlier for Mozi’s Daoist apotheosis may also help explain the inclusion of the text of the Mozi He argues that the loss of the ten military chapters happened sometime between the Tang and the Song and that the eight missing triad chapters—he includes in this group the upper chapter of “Condemn the Confucians”—were lost early in the twelfth century when the Song capital was relocated to the south. 99.  Suishu, “Jingjizhi,” 34.1005. The compilers of the Sui bibliographical catalog are known to have used the Qilu 七錄, the bibliography of the Liang imperial library compiled by Ruan Xiaoxu 阮孝緒 (470–549). That the number of juan is given as fifteen rather than sixteen simply indicates that the Liang and Sui catalogs do not include the table of contents in the total number of juan. 100.  Tangshu 47.2032 and Xin Tangshu 59.1533. 101.  This abridged version of the Mozi is first mentioned in the Southern Song catalog Zhongxing guange shumu 中興館閣書目, where it is recorded as including a commentary by Yue Tai 樂臺 (sixth century c.e.?). A Ming dynasty manuscript copy titled Mozi sanjuan Ming chao Huang Pilie ba 墨子三卷明抄黃丕 列跋 (without the Yue Tai commentary) is housed at the National Library of China; see Luan Tiaofu, Mozi yanjiu lunwen ji, 147–58. See also Bi Yuan’s notes to the Mozi table of contents, quoted in Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 595; Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 68, and “Mo tzu,” 336. 102.  Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 26–35, give a history of the compilation of the canon and, on 63–64, discuss the Daozang editions of the Mozi and the Hanfeizi. 103.  Durrant, “Examination,” 320. 104.  Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 63, describe chapter divisions among the fifteen juan of the Daozang edition of the Mozi; they are identical with the text in circulation today. The Daozang edition had no commentary and no table of contents. Bi Yuan, cited in Mozi xiangu, 588–94, provides a table of contents for the Ming Daozang and the other Ming editions derived from it. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 68–69, provides reasons for concluding that the complete Mozi had extremely limited circulation in the period from the seventh to the fourteenth centuries.

Introduction

23

in the Daozang. Perhaps particularly compelling was recognition of Mozi as an opponent of Confucianism; this might also explain the inclusion of the almost equally anti-Confucian Hanfeizi. 4. The Ming and Qing Reassessment Literary essays of the Ming and Qing dynasties show that for many thinkers of the period, Mozi was noteworthy, if not quite notorious, only as the anti-Confucius. Worries such as those expressed by Cheng Yaotian 程瑤田 (1725?–1814) over the negative influence of the concept of impartial love and other Mohist doctrines on cultivating a properly proportioned sense of social responsibility remained commonplace.105 But the assessment of Mohism had already begun to undergo a change in the seventeenth century. An important part of this change was the “rediscovery” of the text’s logic or dialectical chapters by Fu Shan 傅 山 (1607–1684). Though Fu’s work focused on chapter 44, it was instrumental in demonstrating that the text of the Mozi preserved important ancient traditions of science, mathematics, and argumentation. These traditions would subsequently be explored in more detail by Zou Boqi 鄒伯奇 (1819–1869) and Chen Li 陳澧 (1810–1882), as well as by scholars who followed in their footsteps in the twentieth century.106 Fu’s work on chapter 44 is one of the first efforts at textual analysis of the Mozi. As such, it can be seen as part of the larger Qing dynasty project of textual scholarship that regarded the text not only as a repository of controversial philosophy but also as an important specimen of pre-Qin language and usage. In this context Mozi the personality and philosopher were overshadowed by Mozi the book, an antique document to be closely examined by textual critics. Thus generations of scholars, starting with Bi Yuan 畢沅 (1730–1797)107 and Wang Zhong 汪中 (1744–1794),108 and including some of the most authoritative text critics of the age such as Wang Niansun 王念孫 (1744–1832),109 probed and analyzed Mozi the relic while attempting to cleanse it of the textual 105.  For a glimpse of Cheng’s anti-Mohist sentiments, though not properly identified as such, see Chin, The Authentic Confucius, 111–12. Elman, From Philosophy to Philology, 182 and 184, discusses other aspects of Cheng’s intellectual life. 106.  For the scholarly contributions of Fu, Zou, and Chen to understanding the logic chapters, see G ­ raham, Later Mohist Logic, 70–71; Zhang Yongyi, Mozi yu Zhongguo wenhua, 337–39 and 347–48. 107.  Bi depended heavily on the work of Sun Xingyan 孫星衍 (1753–1818) and others. See Elman, From Philosophy to Philology, 108; Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 70. 108.  Wang Zhong’s work on the text does not survive. Its preface is cited by Sun Yirang in Mozi xiangu, 617–21. 109.  Wang Niansun published his Dushu zazhi 讀書雜志 in 1831. It includes six juan of notes on the Mozi, all of which are copied into Sun Yirang’s commentary.

Mozi

24

error and corruption that had accumulated over the centuries. For Wang Zhong in particular, study of the text was important in “dethroning Confucius from his supreme position at the heart of Confucian culture.”110 The capstone of the numerous Qing studies and commentaries devoted to the text is the Mozi xiangu of Sun Yirang (1848–1909), first published in 1895.111 It would be difficult to overstate the importance of Sun’s contribution to the study of the text and Mohist philosophy more generally. Sun’s “magnificent commentary” helped to solve the fundamental problems of interpretation that had hindered a full understanding and appreciation of the chapters relating to Mohist social and political philosophy, which are translated in the present volume. His work also, in the words of Graham, “threw open the sanctum of the Canons [i.e., the logic chapters] to all comers.”112 5. Mozi in the Twentieth Century Sun made the Mozi an accessible resource for concerned individuals who, in a period that witnessed the fall of the Qing and the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912, were looking for solutions to the problems the country faced after almost a century of social turmoil, incompetent governance, and Western intrusion. Two leaders who turned to the Mozi in their search for Chinese replies and counterparts to Western scientism and sociology were Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873–1929) and Hu Shi 胡適 (1891–1962). Many of the Mohist doctrines that had repelled earlier generations of thinkers are precisely what recommended Mohist philosophy to Liang, Hu, and a broad swath of other intellectuals in their attempts to fashion a program of modernization for China. Graham sums up the appeal of Mohism for Hu: In order to learn from the West without ceasing to be Chinese it was important, as Hu Shi explains in the introduction to his Zhongguo zhexue shi dagang 中國哲學史大綱 (1919), to break with Confucian preconceptions but also to find the alternatives within the Chinese tradition which point in the new direction. Hu Shi explored the pre-Han thinkers for ‘what I consider to be the most essential part in every history of philosophy, the development of logical method,’ which he perceived as culminating in the later Mohists.113 110. Elman, From Philosophy to Philology, 76. Elman discusses Wang’s desire to resuscitate Mozi and Xunzi as an antidote to Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. 111.  Two important additions to the genre are Wu Yujiang, Mozi jiaozhu, and Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jigu. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 74–75, describes the significance of Wu Yujiang’s work.. 112. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 70. 113. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 72.

Introduction

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Liang, to whom Sun had sent a copy of Mozi xiangu, argued that in order to create a “new China” it was necessary to “root out” systems of thought that stemmed from Confucianism and cultivate in their place ancient Chinese alternatives such as Mohism. Liang believed that, in “rediscovering” Mozi and other pre-Han philosophers, China was replicating the renaissance of Greek antiquity in fifteenth-century Italy. But Mozi was especially significant to Liang as a standard-bearer for Chinese nationalistic pride: the similarity (and even superiority) of his thought to that of European thinkers like Thomas Hobbes demonstrated that ideas circulating in Europe in the seventeenth century had already been equaled in China in the fifth century b.c.e.114 The national pride and the search for an “anti-Confucius” that inspired Liang to turn to Mozi also prompted Mei Yi-pao to produce his groundbreaking English translation and study of the Mozi. He notes in his 1927 preface to Motse: The Neglected Rival of Confucius: Unfortunately for the intellectual world, Confucianism finally won out through suppression of its rival systems, including Moism. As a formal discipline, Moism has been left little noticed through all these centuries, but as an habitual way of life it has taken deep root in the soil of the nation and the fibre of the people. The vitality of the philosophy is further evidenced by the fact that Young China in her present period of unrest is again eagerly turning to her old teacher who taught under rather similar conditions over two millenniums ago.115 Most of what Hu, Liang, and Mei found valuable in Mohist thought—its offering an alternative to Confucianism as well as embodying native versions of altruism, empiricism, logical reasoning, and pragmatism—often, though not always, found a receptive audience in the decades that followed.116 In a 1939 letter Mao Zedong wrote to Chen Boda 陳伯達 (1905–1989), in which he comments on a study of Mohist thought by Chen, Mao shows both familiarity and fascination with Mohist logic and what he takes to be its roots in “materialism.”117 114.  Ma Kefeng, “Liang Qichao yu chuantong Moxue,” provides the most detailed account of Liang’s infatuation with Mozi. See also Levenson, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, 94, 99, 133, and 125 n. 100, where Levenson writes that “Liang rejoices in ‘our Mo-tzu’s’ speculative achievement in anticipating by almost two thousand years Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau.” Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 72, says of Liang Qichao that “in his Mozi xuean 墨子學案 (1921) and Mojing jiaoshi 墨經校釋 (1922) [Liang] presents Mozi and his school (with its logic, science, utilitarianism, and quasi-Christian morality and religion) as the ancient model most relevant to modern China.” 115. Mei, Ethical and Political Works, xi. 116.  Chow, “Anti-Confucianism,” 305 and 374 n. 62. 117.  Chen’s essay “Mozi zhexue sixiang 墨子哲學思想” was published in 1939–40. Mao’s letter is reproduced in Cai Shangsi, Shijia lun Mo, 334–36.

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26

While Mohist logic had a popular following among intellectuals of the time, the fundamental doctrines of the school could still be viewed as problematic. Guo Moruo 郭沫若 (1892–1978), writing in 1943, excoriated Mozi: Mozi is from beginning to end a religious figure. His thought is utterly reactionary in nature—unscientific, undemocratic, antiprogressive, unnatural, calling for love that is impartial in name but partial in reality, condemning aggression in name but praising it in fact, condemning fatalism in name but adhering to it in reality. I genuinely do not understand how such an advocate of the elite, such a believer in ghosts and God, a religious thinker excessively despotic and excessively conservative, can be regarded as “a representative of the revolution of the workers and peasants!”118 Guo’s essay is both purposefully provocative and a reflection of the fact that, whether one favored Mohist doctrines or not, in the years leading up to the Communist Revolution, they were seriously taken into account when discussing social and political policy. Post-1949 scholarship on Mohism remained earnestly engaged with issues of textual interpretation as well as the relevance of Mohist doctrine to contemporary society. New works appeared continually, except during the periods of social and political upheaval that generally disrupted scholarly activity. In most of them the Mozi was singled out for its materialism and advocacy of communal effort, though one had to be careful to castigate and hang a placard on those parts of the text that displayed superstition and other forms of feudal thought. As China currently forges ahead with an ambitious program of economic development and social change, interest in Mozi and his school has not waned.119 A proper assessment of the value and impact of Mohist thought with regard to contemporary China is, however, best left to those in a good position to provide it.120

V. The Philosophy of the Political and Ethical Chapters The discussion that follows examines the structure and content of the political and ethical chapters of the Mozi—identified earlier as Group 1, Group 2, and 118.  Guo Moruo, “Mozi de sixiang 墨子的思想,” in Guo’s Qingtong shidai; excerpted in Cai Shangsi, Shijia lun Mo, 136–52. 119.  This is best reflected by the formation in the late 1980s of the Mozi xuehui 墨子學會, or Mozi Studies Association. To date the organization has held seven (triennial and, more recently, biennial) meetings and has published the conference proceedings of all. Active participation in the association by members of the People’s Liberation Army suggests serious interest in Mohist arguments favoring a strong national defense. 120.  See, for example, Zhang Yongyi, Mozi yu Zhongguo wenhua, 368–80.

Introduction

27

Group 4—as well as their relative dates and other aspects of how they connect to one another. Because the chapters that make up Group 2 are usually judged to contain the earliest passages in the book, they are discussed first, followed by the chapters of Group 1 and Group 4. 1. The Chapters of Group 2 The chapters of Group 2 are conventionally referred to as the core chapters because they are devoted to the ten fundamental doctrines of Mohism. The doctrines, as expressed in the titles of the chapters, are “Shangxian 尚賢,” “Exalt the Worthy”; “Shangtong 尚同,” “Exalt Conformity”; “Jian’ai 兼愛,” “Impartial Love”; “Feigong 非攻,” “Condemn Aggression”; “Jieyong 節用,” “Moderate Consumption”; “Jiezang 節葬,” “Moderate Burials”; “Tianzhi 天志,” “Heaven’s Will”; “Minggui 明鬼,” “Explaining Ghosts”; “Feiyue 非樂” “Condemn Music”; and “Feiming 非命,” “Condemn Fatalism.” Many of the doctrines’ names, as they are given in the text of the Mozi, appear to be slogans: “Exalt Conformity,” “Impartial Love,” “Moderate Consumption,” “Moderate Burials,” and “Heaven’s Will,” for example. Some slogans are injunctive, calling on people to praise or, more often, to blame someone or something: “Exalt the Worthy,” “Condemn Aggression,” “Condemn Music,” “Condemn Fatalism.” “Explaining Ghosts,” bland in comparison to the others, was also known by the titles “Shigui 事鬼,” “Serve the Ghosts!” and “Yougui 右 鬼,” “Honor the Ghosts!”—perhaps preferable alternatives given the polemical nature of the names of the other nine.121 In chapter 49, in a conversation with a disciple, Mozi speaks of the circumstances in which one should apply the ten doctrines. Whenever you enter a country you must select what most needs attention and devote your efforts to that. If the country is in confusion and chaos threatens, then expound the principles of “Exalt the Worthy” and “Exalt Conformity.” If it is impoverished, then expound the principles of “Moderate Consumption” and “Moderate Burials.” If the nation is infatuated with music and besotted with wine, then expound the principles of “Condemn Music” and “Condemn Fatalism.” If the nation is wanton, perverse, and lacking in ritual principles, then expound the principles of “Honor Heaven” and “Serve the Ghosts.” If the nation cheats, plunders, extorts and terrorizes others, then expound the principles of “Impartial Love” 121.  Mozi 49.10 gives the former alternative; the latter is found in Huainanzi, “Fanlun 氾論,” 13.436 (Major et al., Huainanzi, 501); Hanshu, “Yiwenzhi,” 30.1738 (see the additional notes to 31.1).

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28

and “Condemn Aggression.” This is why I said you must select what most needs attention and devote your efforts to that.122 This passage is probably later than most of the core chapters and for that reason should be regarded as a retrospective view based on what some members of the Mohist school took to be the origin and significance of the doctrines. It traces all ten doctrines back to Mozi and treats them as methods for addressing five discrete problems within the borders of a single state.123 There is sparse evidence to support such an interpretation of the origins of the ten doctrines. While quotations of Mozi in the core chapters have him refer to eight of the ten doctrines, these quotations are of doubtful historicity and are more likely to have been manufactured to lend authority to the interpretation of the doctrines articulated in the chapters in which the quotations occur.124 Mohist philosophy not only addresses issues pertinent to individual states, as in the passage quoted earlier; it also envisions a world in which geographic and administrative divisions—including the borders that demarcated discrete states—are overcome through the implementation of such doctrines as impartial love. Another possibility should therefore be considered, that the ten doctrines emerged gradually over time, as Mohist philosophy became more comprehensive and more engaged with the social and political realities obtaining from the fifth to the third centuries, and that the doctrines formed part of a philosophy concerned with creating, sustaining, and governing institutions that transcended natural or imposed divisions and encompassed in an undivided whole the various kingdoms of the Warring States era. 122.  Mozi 49.10. Note that in addition to the alternative title “Serve the Ghosts,” this passage prefers “Honor Heaven” in place of “Heaven’s Will.” 123.  The “Bibliographic Catalog” of the Hanshu provides another account of the origins of the core doctrines of the Mozi: Mohist teachings began with the guardians of the Qingmiao 清廟 ancestral temple. Preserving the simplicity of the temple’s thatched roof and carved rafters was the origin of valuing frugality; nurturing the three elders and the five experienced men was the origin of impartial love; selecting gentlemen to participate in the grand archery ceremony was the origin of exalting the worthy; offering cult to ancestors and reverence for fathers was the origin of honoring the ghosts; acting in harmony with the four seasons was the origin of condemning fatalism; viewing all under Heaven from the perspective of filial piety was the origin of exalting conformity. The Hanshu catalogue provides a similar account of the bureaucratic origins of the other philosophical schools. All were probably adopted from the writings of Liu Xiang and Liu Xin, for whom see notes 68 and 69 herein. See also Hanshu, “Yiwenzhi,” 30.1738; Porter, Aids, 62. 124.  Mozi 8.2, 13.2A, 19.7, and 26.7 are quotations of Mozi’s teachings in which he refers to the doctrines using the names that appear in the chapter titles. In 15.3 Mozi refers to “impartially loving others” (兼相愛); in 25.12A to “moderation in funerals and burials” (葬埋之有節); in 31.1 to those who “fail to understand the abilities of the ghosts and spirits” (不明乎鬼神之能); and in 35.7 to the fact that “the doctrine of the advocates of Fate Exists must be condemned” (執有命者之言不可不非).

Introduction

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At the heart of this philosophy is the doctrine of impartial love, initially formulated to oppose those who advocated the importance of self-interest. Perhaps encountering resistance to arguments that called on people to reject practices designed to benefit oneself, the doctrine was reconfigured so as to place less stress on eliminating self-interest than it did on benefiting others with whom one has no familial connection or other personal relation, even if this involved self-sacrifice. This is the philosophy that Mencius associated with Mozi in the second half of the fourth century. Contrasting Mozi with Yang Zhu 楊朱, Mencius declares: “Yangzi selects the doctrine ‘I Do It for Me!’ If he could benefit the world by pulling out one hair he would not do it.125 Mozi advocates impartial love. If by shaving his head and showing his heels he could benefit the world, he would do it.”126 For the Mohists, people should be led to adopt such altruism since it would effectively satisfy their own self-interest. Because impartial love involved reciprocity, all would benefit if everyone practiced it. But this does not mean that the Mohists were content to have people cynically act out the requirements of impartial love while selfishly holding fast to their own interests. In the more mature statements of the doctrine (in chapter 16), it is clear that the Mohists expected that the experience of caring for others would serve “self-love” and that the experience would bring people to appreciate the benefits of impartial love and cultivate in themselves more altruistic tendencies and inclinations. The doctrine of impartial love was also expanded to include an argument against larger states attacking and absorbing their smaller neighbors, the doctrine that calls on rulers to “condemn aggression.” In this doctrine the Mohists imagine a universal empire free of state boundaries and petty local loyalties and argue that it should be brought about, not through conquest, but rather by laying down arms. Creating and sustaining a world in which peace prevailed involved exhorting rulers to adopt selfless attitudes of the sort exhibited by Heaven and, by their example, to encourage their subjects to do the same. Rulers could become such exemplars, the Mohists realized, only by deciding to “exalt the worthy,” by ceasing to show partiality to relatives and favorites and employing only those fit to govern, richly rewarding them for their talents and services. 125. Lau, Mencius, 187 n. 3, suggests that Mencius’s portrayal of Yang Zhu is “almost certain to be a distortion.” 126.  Mengzi 7A26. A similar passage occurs at Mengzi 3B9. These passages can be read as evidence of rivalry between the schools of Mo and Yang. Another passage suggestive of this rivalry is found at Zhuangzi, “Pianmu 駢拇,” 4A.314; Graham, Chuang Tzu, 200. Luan Tiaofu, Mozi yanjiu lunwen ji, 59–67, argues that the Yang-Mo rivalry was far more intense than that between the Mo and the Ru. Thus, he concludes, when the Mozi vilifies the opponents of the school’s doctrines, one should not assume that it is always the Ru to whom the text is referring. Robins, “The Moists,” makes the same point. For a further discussion of Mengzi’s criticism of the Mohist doctrine of impartial love, see appendix C.

30

Mozi

The need to reward the competent and to accumulate the resources necessary to sustain large institutions meant that rulers had to “moderate consumption,” to restrict their own, and the ruling elite’s, use of resources. To prove to rulers that expenditure for the sake of good governance rather than luxury and ostentatious display was worthwhile, the Mohists called on those in government service to “exalt conformity,” by which they advocated putting aside their self-interest and local loyalties, in order to cooperate with those who employ and pay them. Such loyalty would at the same time ensure the uniformity of policy and practice necessary in the governance of a universal empire. All were obligated to participate in this uniformity because, the Mohists stressed, its ultimate source was Heaven. By invoking Heaven in the doctrine of “Heaven’s will” and Heaven’s divine agents in “explaining ghosts,” the Mohists claimed for themselves the role of interpreting Heaven’s will. They further claimed that their social and political philosophy, as the expression of Heaven’s wishes and enforced through rewards and punishments delivered by ghosts, was both practical and efficacious and demanded by Heaven. Perhaps recognizing that accumulating sufficient material resources was an essential element in making their political program more viable, the Mohists renewed their call to moderate consumption by eliminating elaborate burial and mourning practices, as well as musical performances because of their extravagance and wastefulness. Thus they formulated doctrines that called on rulers to “moderate burials” and “condemn music,” doctrines closely associated with Mozi and his followers in such third-century sources as the Xunzi, the Hanfeizi, and the Zhuangzi chapter “In the World.”127 Because some rulers believed that inheritance of their lofty positions gave them possession of a divine mandate to rule and thereby exempted them from the need to be frugal or to care for their subjects, the Mohists capped their philosophy by pointing out that unless these rulers “condemned fatalism” and relied on their own efforts, they were dooming themselves and their states to the most ignominious consequences. The Mohists were in effect embracing a distinction between the workings of Heaven and of men, also reflected in Xunzi’s “Discourse on Heaven,” which implied that Heaven could not be counted on to accomplish tasks that were the responsibilities of man. The core chapters of Group 2 are also referred to as the “triad chapters” because most of the ten doctrines are explained in three-chapter clusters, of “upper,” “middle,” and “lower” chapters. It is usually assumed that, in the case of 127.  Xunzi, 20 “Yuelun 樂論,” 14.459, and 10 “Fuguo 富國,” 6.208 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:82 and 2:127). Zhuangzi, “Tianxia,” 10B.1075 (Graham, Chuang-tzu, 276). Hanfeizi, “Xianxue,” 19.1085. It should be noted, however, that the Mohist opposition to lavish burials was already noted by Mengzi. See Mengzi 3A5 and appendix C.

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Table 2: Comparison of the Three Versions of the Ten Doctrines Upper Middle Lower Total   1. “Exalt the Worthy”   819 2338 1495 4652   2. “Exalt Conformity”   795 2398 1871 5068   3. “Impartial Love”   563 1307 2721 4591   4. “Condemn Aggression”   426 1276 2002 3704  5. “Moderate Consumption”  596  572 Missing 1168   6. “Moderate Burials” Missing Missing 2812 2812   7. “Heaven’s Will” 1362 2302 2284 5948   8. “Explaining Ghosts” Missing Missing 2401 2401   9. “Condemn Music” 1540 Missing Missing 1540 10. “Condemn Fatalism” 1473   991 1436 3900   Adapted from Luo Genze, “Mozi tanyuan,” 116–17.

the three doctrines for which a complete set of three chapters does not survive, the gaps are chapters that went missing at some point in the transmission of the text. (Table 2 provides a summary of the surviving and missing chapters and the number of characters of each extant triad.) The arrangement of the chapters into ten sets of triads is probably the work of Liu Xiang. It seems likely that when he and his colleagues surveyed the Mohist texts that had survived into Han times, they concluded that there were three distinct documents that related to each of the ten doctrines. Liu is probably also responsible for labeling the documents as the upper, lower, or middle chapters of the triads. It is not possible to say whether Liu’s edition contained a complete set of thirty chapters. That is, perhaps the chapters now identified as missing were not part of Liu’s edition but were only presumed by him to have existed since in most cases he had been able to identify a triad of chapters devoted to a doctrine. Alternatively, if Liu’s edition was complete in thirty chapters, the seven now missing disappeared sometime later in the history of the text’s transmission. Some scholars have sought to explain why there are three chapters for each doctrine. Yu Yue 俞越 (1821–1907), in his preface to Sun’s Mozi xiangu, proposes that the three chapters represent versions of the doctrines transmitted within the three branches of the Mohist school as they are named and characterized in the “Eminent Learning” chapter of the Hanfeizi.128 Because Yu finds that the three chapters of a single triad exhibit “slight disparities of wording 128.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 1.

32

Mozi

and phraseology but show no difference in their overall import,” he regards the branches responsible for them as probably closely related and mutually dependent in terms of their positions on the meaning and significance of the ten doctrines. Yu, to say the least, understates the differences among the chapters. Graham’s studies of the Mozi offer alternative visions of the role played by the three branches of Mohism in composing the triad chapters and of the nature of the chapters and the relationships among them.129 Adopting as true the characterization in the Zhuangzi that the three branches were antagonistic and hostile, Graham assumes that the chapters of a triad were composed completely independently of one another.130 What concerns him most is determining how the chapters of a given triad were related to the chapters of other triads, so that he can identify three series of chapters that cut across the triads.131 Once he establishes the three series, Graham describes the three competing philosophies they represent. For example, he characterizes the chapters of one series as the most radical expressions of Mohist doctrine, the chapters of another as somewhat more accommodating of political realities, and the chapters of a third as compromises determined by expediency. While the chapters of two of the series rely on the authority of antiquity, according to Graham, the chapters of the other series do not regard political problems as unchanging and so recommend the solutions of the sage-kings, not because they are ancient, but because they are wise.132 Graham’s arguments are far too involved to be treated within the scope of these pages.133 His assumption that the chapters of a triad were composed completely independently of one another is mistaken as can be demonstrated by even a superficial comparison of the chapters’ numerous overlapping passages and parallels. Equally problematic is his failure to recognize that some triads are later than others in date and that a chapter in a late triad might adopt material from any of the chapters of an earlier one.134 Finally, the differences of opinion reflected in the various core chapters are too complex to be reduced to a 129. Graham, Divisions in Early Mohism. See appendix A for an assessment of Graham’s argument. 130.  Graham’s misreading of the term bie as “heretical” in the Zhuangzi passage contributes to an exaggerated understanding of the sectarianism of the three branches of Mohism. 131.  Graham’s identification of three series of chapters is based in part on the pioneering study of the grammar of the core chapters in Durrant, “Examination.” 132.  See appendix A for a discussion of Graham’s three series and the methods he employs to identify them. 133.  Maeder, “Some Observations,” provides both an appreciation and a critique of Graham’s approach. Desmet, “The Growth of Compounds,” and Defoort, “The Growing Scope of Jian,” also provide useful assessments of Graham’s scholarship on the core chapters. 134.  Such eclecticism accounts for why chapters 35 and 36 cannot fit comfortably into Graham’s scheme. His solution for the disparity is to rewrite the chapters—moving the contents from one to another—to make them fit.

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mere three strands of thought. Graham’s work, in spite of its problems, provides the reader of the Mozi with a useful guide for considering the triad chapters as parts of larger, related groups sharing common features of language and argumentation. Watanabe Takashi (1912–1971) and others have rejected the idea that the composition of the triad chapters reflects the existence of three branches of Mohism.135 Watanabe, whose analysis of the core chapters is by far the most comprehensive and detailed of any modern scholar, is not interested in explaining why there are three chapters for each doctrine. His scholarship centers on identifying the relationships between the chapters of a triad and among the ten sets of triads in order to provide a chronological framework for all the chapters that will aid in reconstructing the development of Mohist thought during the Warring States period (see table 3).136 According to this framework, the upper chapter of the “Impartial Love” triad is the earliest of the triad chapters, and the sole chapter in the “Explaining Ghosts” triad is the youngest. The evidence of textual borrowing between chapters leads Watanabe to conclude that in the case of three triads—“Exalt the Worthy,” “Exalt Conformity,” and “Heaven’s Will”—the sequence of the chapters in the text is not the same as that in which they were written.137 Watanabe’s analysis also leads him to argue that the intervals between the composition of one chapter and that of the chapter immediately following it in the text could have been in some cases quite lengthy. Why that should have been so for some triads and not for others is a problem that is not fully addressed in Watanabe’s study. One is left to wonder about the actual circumstances of textual composition that would have permitted the chapters of some triads to appear almost simultaneously while others are separated in time by as much as a century. Watanabe’s chronology of the triad chapters, and the close reading of the texts on which it is based, suggest that Mohist thought evolved through four stages, from the late fifth century, following the death of Mozi, until ca. 210, at the apex of the Qin imperial dynasty.138 He suggests, for example, that one can recognize a change in the Mohist approach toward the concept of li 利, “profit” or “benefit,” that involved a shift from arguing against benefiting oneself and toward advocating doctrines that call for benefiting everything and everyone. 135. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 472. Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi shangdui, 40, also dismisses the idea that the triad chapters represent the views of three branches of Mohism. 136.  Desmet, “The Growth of Compounds,” 103, provides a summary of Watanabe’s methodology and suggests ways that it differs from that of Graham. Table 3 based on Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 653. 137.  My own analysis of the relationship among the chapters supports Watanabe’s conclusions with respect to “Elevate the Worthy” and “Heaven’s Will.” I find that the sequence of the chapters of “Solidarity with Superiors” is most likely the order in which they were composed. 138. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 514–18.

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Table 3: Watanabe Takashi’s Chronology of the Core Chapters Period 400 BCE

Impartial Love

Condemn Aggression

Exalt the Worthy

Moderate Consumption

Moderate Burials

14 Upper Early

17 Upper

380 350

8 Upper 15 Middle 18 Middle

Middle

20 Upper 16 Lower 300

19 Lower 21 Middle

250

10 Lower

Late 25 Lower

9 Middle 220



Watanabe sees this shift occurring during what he identifies as the early and middle periods of Mohist thought, from roughly 390 to 300. Parallel to this development is another whereby Mohist argumentation matured from relatively simple forms involving the use of analogies to the sophisticated deployment of inference and deduction based on fine-grained analyses of terminology and propositions. Another emblem of the evolution of Mohist thought is etched by evidence of an expanding worldview, which in its early stages, in passages in the middle chapter of “Impartial Love,” involved knowledge of immediate neighbors but later encompassed the customs and practices of the far-flung southern territories of Wu and Yue, as illustrated by the accounts of foreign burial practices in the sole representative of the “Moderate Burials” triad. Other

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Table 3: Watanabe Takashi’s Chronology of the Core Chapters (cont.) Condemn Music

Exalt Conformity

Heaven’s Will

Condemn Fatalism

Explaining Ghosts

Period 400 BCE

Early

380 350 Middle

300

11 Upper 26 Upper 250 13 Lower Late

28 Lower 32 Upper 12 Middle

27 Middle

35 Upr., 36 Mid., 37 Lower

31 Lower

220

Note: Discrepancies between the dates in this table and those elsewhere in the present volume are due in part to discrepancies in Watanabe’s original scholarship that arose as he refined and revised his views of the text.

patterns suggested by Watanabe’s approach can be discerned. For example, the portrayal of Mozi evolves from a teacher who complains about inadequacies and conflicts within his society, in passages in the “Impartial Love” and “Condemn Aggression” triads, to a formidable figure capable of channeling divine wrath against the enemies of his doctrines, illustrated by passages in the “Heaven’s Will” triad.139 Watanabe argues that these developments were driven by the 139.  Group 4 chapters share this grandiose vision of Mozi. In chapter 49 he is portrayed as a statesman of great stature, serving as a diplomatic go-between and protector of the state of Lu. Chapter 50, discussed earlier, claims that Mozi had at his disposal a private army that he was willing to deploy against even large states like Chu.

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rise and fall of a large number of sects within Mohism that advocated particular interpretations of the school’s fundamental doctrines. 2. The Chapters of Group 1 The first seven chapters of the Mozi constitute a single juan in the present text. This means that when the bundles of bamboo strips from which the chapters of Liu’s edition were first transcribed onto silk, these seven were copied together on a single scroll, probably to reflect a judgment that they formed a group of chapters distinct from others in the text. In formal terms, however, the seven chapters can be divided into subgroups, since the first three are not introduced with the words “Our Master Mozi said,” chapters 4 through 6 are introduced with these words, and chapter 7 begins with a question posed by a representative of the Ru school. Two of the chapters that do not begin with the introductory “Our Master Mozi said” have references to historical figures that would be anachronistic if the chapters had been presented as quotations of Mozi’s teachings.140 Five of the seven chapters of Group 1 refer in one way or another to some of the text’s most fundamental doctrines as they are set forth in the core chapters. Chapter 1 stresses the need to employ and maintain good relations with the skilled and educated elite of a state; chapter 4 argues that knowing Heaven’s will is crucial for good governance; chapters 5 and 6 share an emphasis on frugal expenditure; and chapter 7 defends Mohist opposition to elaborate musical performances. In contrast to these chapters, chapter 2 takes self-cultivation as its theme, and chapter 3 emphasizes education and the influence, for better or worse, that some historical figures have had on their rulers—themes that are not otherwise important in the core chapters or elsewhere in the text. Chapter 3 opens with a quotation from Mozi, which serves as a point of connection with the text overall. But thematically neither it nor chapter 2 fits comfortably into the overall philosophical scheme of the Mozi as it is articulated in the core chapters. In effect, chapters 2 and 3, placed as they are close to the beginning of the whole work, serve to revise our perception of the text by pointing out that contrary to the impression gained from the core chapters, self-cultivation and education are central Mohist concerns after all. All the chapters except chapter 7 take the form of lectures replete with historical examples and analogies, many of which are familiar from elsewhere in the text. The lectures offer advice to rulers whose states appear to be imperiled because of threats from external enemies or because their governments are 140.  Mozi 1.4 refers to the 381 death of Wu Qi; 3.2D mentions Song Kang, who died in 286.

Introduction

37

unstable and their populations impoverished and discontent. An air of urgency seems to hang over these chapters. This is perhaps one reason why they appear first in the text. Chapter 7, however, is a dialogue between Mozi and Cheng Fan in which the latter challenges Mozi’s opposition to music. There is nothing particularly urgent in their exchange. Chapter 7 is unique in form among the first seven chapters, though its references to historical paragons provide at least some connection with most of the others. Because several of these seven chapters not only refer to basic Mohist doctrines but also incorporate extracts from some of the core chapters in which these doctrines are treated more fully, the first seven chapters of the Mozi have been labeled “epitomes” or “digests.”141 They are neither. It is apparent that when they are read closely, the chapters that incorporate themes and passages from the core chapters contextualize them in a way that serves to revise and alter the meaning and significance they possess in their original setting.142 Each of these chapters accomplishes this in its own way: • The opening chapter, “Cherishing Knights,” shares with the “Exalt the Worthy” triad an emphasis on the necessity, for the survival of the state, that a ruler award positions to those most skilled at performing their duties. However, chapter 1 departs from the “Exalt the Worthy” chapters by referring to those it says the ruler should employ as junzi, or “superior men,” the name for the moral paragons in the Analects of Confucius but a term of derision in the core chapters of the Mozi. Moreover, the second half of the chapter displays close affinities with early Daoist philosophical sources. • Like the “Heaven’s Will” triad, chapter 4 exhorts rulers to regard Heaven as the ultimate moral authority, but unlike “Heaven’s Will,” the chapter is uncompromising in its insistence that true practice of humaneness is marked by a universalism that Heaven alone demonstrates and that compared to Heaven, other, closer, figures are by definition inadequate moral models. • Chapter 5 modifies the concept of moderate consumption as articulated in the two surviving members of the eponymous triad by claiming that starvation is the single greatest peril facing mankind and thus that the most important steps to be taken have to do with producing and storing an adequate supply of food. 141.  Durrant, “Examination,” uses the term “epitomes”; Graham, Divisions in Early Mohism, prefers “digests.” 142.  These points are explored in more detail in my introductions to the individual chapters.

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• Chapter 6 recites sumptuary laws that also appear in the two surviving “Moderate Consumption” chapters, but it introduces the historical explanation (missing from those chapters) that sages “rose up” and invented what people required—shelter, clothing, cooked food, and so on—in response to the needs of the moment. This explanation is similar to one found in the Legalist summa, the Hanfeizi. In describing the proper relations between the sexes, the text introduces the concepts of yin and yang and other aspects of early cosmological thought absent from the core chapters. • The chapter 7 dialogue between Mozi and Cheng Fan (probably a spokesman for the Ru school) has the former defend his condemnation of music, not by referring to its wastefulness as in the sole chapter of the “Condemn Music” triad, but rather by adopting an argument common in the Zhuangzi, that music and the sages who created it destroyed the utopian simplicity and purity of the past. That these chapters take as a starting point the fundamental doctrines of the core chapters suggests that they are derivative of them and hence not only their intellectual heirs but also representatives of the later stages in the evolution of Mohist thought. At the same time several of the chapters exhibit syncretic elements that distinguish them from the core chapters: chapters 1 and 7 juxtapose Mohist doctrines with Daoist concepts; 2 and 3 insinuate an essentially Ru school emphasis on self-cultivation into a Mohist context; chapter 6 shows evidence of having been influenced by a dualistic cosmology and a Legalist perspective on the past. Perhaps the closest parallels to the syncretism exhibited by these works are found in the Lüshi chunqiu. Not only does chapter 3 have an extremely close textual cousin in the latter’s “Dangran 當染,” “On the Proper Kind of Dyeing”; parts of chapters 1 and 5 also bear something of a family resemblance to passages in the Lüshi chunqiu. Their syncretism may have been part of the reason why the first seven chapters of the Mozi came to be regarded by some as the text’s most essential teachings. In the three-juan, thirteen-­edition that circulated for almost a millennium, from Tang through Ming dynasty times, the upper juan consisted of the seven Group 1 chapters identified as the text’s jing 經, or canonical writings, while the middle and lower juan consisted of the “Exalt the Worthy” and “Exalt Conformity” chapters, labeled lun 論—a somewhat degraded status that suggests that six of what are now regarded as core chapters were merely commentaries.143 143.  For more on this edition of the text, see n. 101 herein.

Introduction

39

3. The Chapters of Group 4 Six chapters in the Mozi are conventionally categorized as Group 4 chapters: chapters 46 through 50 and chapter 39. Four of these, chapters 46 to 49, are essentially records of the teachings and activities of Mozi framed as dialogues between him and others. In this respect they are reminiscent of the Analects of Confucius and have been occasionally called the “Mohist Analects” or “dialogue chapters.” “Valuing Righteousness” is, as its title indicates, chiefly concerned with the theme of righteousness, and that may be a signal to look for this theme in other dialogues in the “Analects” chapters. But aside from that, the four chapters are, in contrast to those of Group 1 and Group 2, decidedly eclectic in terms of the Mohist philosophical themes upon which they touch. What appears to have bound the dialogues of chapters 46 through 49 together was a desire on the part of their compiler to preserve a record that would be regarded as a historical account of the life of Mozi. It is, however, highly doubtful that these passages present us with accurate accounts of either Mozi’s actions or his words. This is not only because the dialogues appear designed for entertainment and reflect a love of storytelling and the pleasure that comes from witnessing a battle of wits. A few examples will perhaps suffice to demonstrate that the dialogues are designed so that Mozi will appear to give support to philosophical positions that emerged only later in the history of Mohist thought. • Mozi, in his response to a question put to him by Master Wuma (in 46.4), advocates benefiting others, a concept that did not emerge in Mohist thought until the appearance of the middle chapter of “Impartial Love.” • In answering the question posed by the Lord of Lu that opens chapter 49, Mozi talks about “taking the world,” an expression related to the imperial ambitions addressed in the middle chapters of the “Exalt the Worthy” and “Moderate Consumption” triads, but no earlier. • The author of “Valuing Righteousness” has Mozi (in 47.8) counsel his followers on the need to eliminate emotions. The idea of diminishing or perhaps even eradicating the self and its needs is implicit in the Mohist doctrines that emphasize self-sacrifice and benefiting others, but it appears that the explicit statement to this effect attributed to Mozi in chapter 47 owes more to the fourth-century “Neiye 內業” chapter of the Guanzi than it does to the explanations of the doctrines found in the core chapters.

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Examples such as these prompted Watanabe to date chapter 47 to the first quarter of the third century and the other three to the second quarter; others who have examined the chapters, although they do not attempt to be as precise, more or less follow suit.144 Chapter 50, “Master Gongshu,” is formally distinct from the four chapters that precede it in the text because it is made up of the single story of Mozi’s defense of the state of Song from an attack by Chu, discussed earlier. The same caveats about the historicity of chapters 46 through 49 apply to the chapter’s portrayal of Mozi. Indeed, the depiction of a Mozi able to marshal an army of three hundred men to defy mighty Chu should be seen as comparable to the “Heaven’s Will” passages in which Mozi is said “to possess Heaven’s will” and to use it to measure everyone, to assure that they meet the standard of righteousness that Heaven intends for the world. The anti-Confucian dialogues of chapter 39 are what suggest that the chapter be treated in kind with the other Group 4 chapters. The chapter is, however, distinct from the others in that it appears originally to have been the lower chapter of a pair, the other member of which is now missing. What also distinguishes the chapter and furthermore suggests that it dates to the last stage in the development of Mohist thought at the end of the third century is its unparalleled ad hominem attack on Confucius. The attacks by the Ru and the Mo on each other’s philosophical positions had escalated during the course of the fourth and third centuries. The other dialogue chapters of Group 4, “Value Righteousness,” “The Lord of Lu Asks a Question, “Master Gengzhu,” and “Master Gongmeng,” illustrate that escalation with their increasingly heated rhetoric. With chapter 39, the acrimonious Mohist pot boils over. Because the attack on Confucius’s honesty and loyalty is represented in the text as the personal opinion of Mozi, he, rather than the late and probably marginal branch of Mohism that the views represent, was held responsible by subsequent generations of Confucians.

144. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 544–46; Durrant, “An Examination,” 317–81; and Maeder, “Some Observations,” 60 n. 57.

Group One

The Syncretic Writings

1. Cherishing Gentlemen Chapter 1 is written in the form of a memorial or lecture, apparently addressed to a ruler who has newly gained control of a state, counseling that the best way to maintain control in such precarious conditions is to be heedful and respectful of the state’s shi 士, or “gentlemen,” its educated and skilled elite. These individuals, along with the general population, are a resource that, properly used and employed, can help a ruler change defeat and humiliation into conquest and glory (1.2). Sun Yirang notes that the chapter refers to concepts found in the “Exalt the Worthy” triad. The 1.3 description of the junzi 君子, or “superior man,” who “makes things difficult for himself but easy for others,” is consistent with the emphasis in those chapters on the need to lead others by the example of one’s own hard work. Examples of similarities between chapter 1 and other Mozi passages include the 1.5 reference to “the Way of an altruistic king” and the 16.5 description of an “altruistic lord”; and the 1.3 advice that a ruler surround himself with “subordinates who rebuke him,” which appears connected to the 49.7B definition of a ruler’s loyal minister as one who will “remonstrate with him at just the right moment.” We are probably meant to assume that Mozi is the author of this advice, though his name is not mentioned. In any case, his authorship would be a chronological improbability since the chapter mentions the death of Wu Qi—an event Mozi did not live to witness—and also alludes to Meng Ben (1.4), a figure who flourished at the very end of the fourth century. In addition to having Mohist aspects, chapter 1 reflects some ideas not typical of the contents of the Mozi. For example, the 1.3 passage about the hard work of the “superior man” presents this figure as an ideal—something typical of Confucian sources but odd in the Mozi, where the junzi is an object of scorn. Sun Yirang notes such Confucian influence in the chapter and concludes that it was because of its Confucian content that the chapter was placed at the opening of the Mozi by an early editor who fixed the present sequence of chapters in the text. It is also possible to view the 1.3 advice that the ruler encourage his

Mozi

42

subordinates to disagree with him as Confucian in nature; it does seem somewhat at odds with the Mohist emphasis on top-down governance and uniformity of opinion. In addition to possible Confucian influence, the second half of the chapter, starting with the opening sentence of 1.4, appears to reflect ideas found in Daoist philosophical sources. Passages 1.4 and 1.5 both have close parallels to passages in the Laozi and Zhuangzi. Already in the eighteenth century Wang Zhong had recognized the Daoist character of these passages.1 It should be noted, however, that in spite of such parallels, the overall message of 1.5 is in line with the Mohist view that a ruler should go well beyond the narrow confines of his palace in seeking out talented men to help him with the governance of his state. Finally, chapter 1 employs terminology and formulaic usages (1.2 and 1.4) that are foreign to the remainder of the Mozi but identical with the language of The Annals of Lü Buwei. It is therefore likely that the chapter was composed sometime during the second half of the third century by Mohists who were influenced by both Confucian and Daoist thought, and it should be read in conjunction with chapters in Lü’s Annals that share its philosophy; namely, 15/3 “Submitting to the Worthy,” 22/5 “Seeking Men,” 23/1 “Valuing Straight Talk,” and 23/2 “Forthright Remonstrances.”

親士第一 Chapter 1: Cherishing Gentlemen1 1.1 入國而不存其士，則亡國矣。見賢而不急，則緩其君矣。

非賢無急，非士無與慮國。緩賢忘士，而能以其國存者， 未曾有也。 If upon entering a state you fail to provide for the survival of its gentlemen, that state will perish.2 If you do not regard granting an audience to a worthy as a matter of urgent importance, he will neglect his ruler. There is nothing more urgent than employing the worthy, and no one aside from the gentlemen with whom you can lay plans for the state. There has never been an instance of a ruler who was able to preserve his state while neglecting the worthy and ignoring the gentlemen. 1.2 昔者文公出走而正天下，桓公去國而霸諸侯，越王句踐

遇吳王之醜，而尚攝 a 中國之賢君，三子之能達名成功於

1.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 619.

Group 1. The Syncretic Writings

天下也，皆於其國抑而大醜也。太上無敗，其次敗而有以 成，此之謂用民。 a.  懾 Sun Yirang.

In the past, Duke Wen of Jin went into exile yet became chief of the world. Duke Huan of Qi had to flee his own country yet became the leader of the lords of the various states. King Goujian of Yue was once humiliated by King Fuchai of Wu, yet he awed the most worthy lords of the Central States into submission.3 The reason each of these three was able to become famous and successful in the world at large is that within his own state he could endure the weight of great humiliation. It is best to suffer no defeat; but the next best thing is to turn defeat into success.4 It is this that we mean by the phrase “Employ the people!” 1.3 吾聞之曰:「非無安居也，我無安心也；非無足財也，我無

足心也。」是故君子自難而易彼，眾人自易而難彼。君子 進不敗其志，內究其情，雖雜庸民，終無怨心，彼有自信 者也。是故為其所難者，必得其所欲焉，未聞為其所欲， 而免其所惡者也。是故 (偪 GE>佞 a 臣傷君，諂下傷上。君 必有弗弗之臣，上必有詻詻 b 之下。分議者延延 c，而支苟 d 者詻詻 b，焉可以長生保國。臣下重其爵位而不言，近臣 則喑，遠臣則吟，怨結於民心，諂諛在側，善議障塞，則 國危矣。桀紂不以其無天下之士邪？殺其身而喪天下。故 曰：歸 e 國寶不若獻賢而進士。

a.  Sun Yirang. Cao Yaoxiang suggests text bi 偪 LC bi 嬖, “favorite.” b.  Hong Yixuan: text e 詻 GV e 諤. c.  Wang Huanbiao: text 延 GE 齦. d. Text zhi gou 支苟 is unclear. Sun Yirang: 支 GE jiao 交; 苟 SF jing 敬. e. Read 歸 guì. Wang Huanbiao: LC kuì 饋 or 餽.

I have heard it said: “It is not that I lack a peaceful abode, but that I lack a peaceful heart. It is not that I lack sufficient wealth, but that I lack a satisfied heart.” For this reason, the superior man makes things difficult for himself but easy for others. The mass of men makes things easy for themselves but difficult for others. The superior man does not subvert his ideals for the sake of advancement; when in retirement he remains true to himself. Even if he must serve among menials, to the end he has no remorse in his heart, for he has been true to himself. It is for this reason that he

43

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44

who attempts what he finds difficult is certain to succeed in getting what he desires. I have never heard of anyone who has pursued his desires and succeeded in avoiding what he disliked. Thus, subjects who speak artfully do injury to their lord; subordinates who flatter do injury to their superiors. A lord must have subjects who oppose him. A superior must have subordinates who rebuke him.5 Only when those who offer counsel are aggressive and those who scold uncompromising is it possible to prolong the life of the lord and protect the state. When subjects and subordinates do not speak out because they place great store in their rank and position, when those nearby lapse into silence, and those far away merely sigh aloud, then bitter resentment fills the people’s hearts. When flatterers and sycophants are at his side and those who offer good counsel are hindered and thwarted, the state is endangered. Was it not because they lacked the support of the world’s gentlemen that Jie and Zhou lost the empire and their own lives? Therefore it is said: “To hand over a state’s treasures is not as valuable as recommending the worthy and advancing gentlemen.”6 1.4 今有五錐，此其銛，銛者必先挫；有五刀 a ，此其錯，錯

者必先靡。是以甘井 (近GE>先 b 竭，招木 (近GE>先 b 伐， 靈龜 (近GE>先 b 灼，神蛇 (近GE>先 b 暴。是故比干之殪， 其抗也；孟賁之殺，其勇也；西施之沈，其美也；吳起之 裂，其事也。故彼人者，寡不死其所長，故曰：太盛難守 也。

a.  Wang Huanbiao: 刀GE石.

b.  Yu Yue.

Now of five awls, the one most pointed is certain to break first. Of five swords, the sharpest is certain to be the first worn down. For the same reason, the sweetest well is the first to be drained, the most attractive trees are the first to be felled,7 the most spirit-laden tortoise shells are the first to be burnt, the snakes with the most magic are the first to be exposed to the sun.8 Thus Bigan9 was cut into pieces because of his unyielding opposition, Meng Ben10 perished because of his courage, Xishi11 was drowned because of her beauty, and Wu Qi12 was torn asunder for always performing his duties well. Rare are the people of this sort who do not die because of what they excelled in. Thus it has been said: “Those at the zenith find it difficult to remain there.”13

Group 1. The Syncretic Writings 1.5 故雖有賢君，不愛無功之臣，雖有慈父，不愛無益之子。

是故不勝其任而處其位，非此位之人也；不勝其爵而處其 祿，非此祿之主也。良弓難張，然可以及高入深；良馬難 乘，然可以任重致遠；良才難令，然可以致君見尊。是故 江河不惡小谷之滿己也，故能大。聖人者，事無辭也，物 無違也，故能為天下器。是故江河之水，非一源之水也； 千鎰之裘，非一狐之白也。夫惡有同方取不取同而已者 乎？蓋非兼王之道也。是故 (天GE>大 a 地不昭昭，大水不 潦潦，大火不燎燎，王德不堯堯者。乃千人之長也，其直 如矢，其平如砥，不足以覆萬物。是故谿陝者速涸，逝淺 者速竭，墝埆者其地不育。王者淳澤，不出宮中，則不能 流國矣。

a.  Wang Huanbiao.

Therefore, even a worthy ruler does not favor ministers who accomplish nothing and even an affectionate father does not favor useless sons. It is for this reason that one who occupies a position but is unequal to its responsibilities is not the proper person for the position; and one who draws an emolument but is unequal to the rank it involves is not the proper possessor of the emolument. Though a good bow is hard to draw, arrows shot from it soar to great heights and pierce deeply. Though a good horse is difficult to drive, it is able to bear heavy loads and travel great distances. Though a man of great talent is hard to order about, he can make his lord greatly respected. The great rivers are great because they do not despise the small rivulets that fill them up. Because the sage declines no task and loathes no one,14 he is able to become an instrument for the world.15 This is the reason the waters of the Yangzi and Yellow Rivers do not come from a single source, nor does a coat worth a thousand yi come from the white fur of a single fox.16 How can a ruler select only those who agree with him and not select those who disagree!17 Surely this is not the Way of an altruistic king.18 Just as great expanses of land do not dazzle, great bodies of water are not sparklingly clear, and great conflagrations do not coruscate, so, too, royal virtue does not appear exalted. As chief over a thousand men, though he is

45

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46

as straight as an arrow and as smooth as a whetstone,19 he would not be adequate to make allowance for the myriad things. This is why narrow gorges dry up quickly, shallow streams are rapidly drained dry, and rocky soils are not fruitful. If the king does not extend his generosity and favors beyond the confines of the palace, then he will prove incapable of influencing his kingdom.

Group 1. The Syncretic Writings

47

2. Cultivate the Self This chapter is a lecture on how the superior man cultivates himself and is careful to maintain good relations with those close to him. His self-cultivation focuses, not on external forms, but on feelings and intentions, and his efforts to improve himself serve as a model for those around him (2.1). Only by carefully adhering to a daily regimen in which one works to refine one’s speech, comportment, and behavior toward others can a fine reputation be achieved (2.2). As in chapter 1, we are probably meant to understand that these are the words of Master Mo, though his name is not mentioned in the chapter. The qualities of the superior man listed in 2.2 are not fundamentally at odds with the conception of moral responsibility and comportment found elsewhere in the text of the Mozi. Yet as Sun Yirang notes in his general preface to Mozi xiangu, there are aspects of the chapter that distinguish it from the remainder of the text and reflect a more “Confucian” sensibility. For example, cultivating the self and relations with those nearby seems at odds with the emphasis on the need for rulers to broaden the scope of their concerns and governance. Moreover, not only is the phrase “cultivate the self ” not part of the doctrinal scheme of the Mozi, the practices of self-examination and self-reflection mentioned conspicuously in chapter 2 are contrary to the text’s emphasis on discipline and instruction. Self-cultivation and, in particular, the practice of “self-reproach” mentioned in 2.1 are more typical of Ru school sources, as are the references (in both 2.1 and 2.2) to the Ruist ideal, the superior man. The opening paragraph is repeated in other early sources in which its teachings are attributed to Confucius. Moreover, its reference to grief being fundamental to mourning is similar in wording and sentiment to three passages in the Analects of Confucius.1 However, the juxtaposition in that passage of doing battle, mourning, and learning is not a combination one finds in Ru sources but it does reflect the mix of doctrinal issues addressed in the Mozi. In light of its content and, in particular, its syncretic representation of both Mohist and Confucian points of view, the chapter can probably be judged to have been written during the third century by someone within the tradition and committed to incorporating Confucian concepts of self-cultivation into the Mohist mainstream.

1. Lunyu 3.26, 19.1, and 19.14.

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脩身第二 Chapter 2: Cultivate the Self 1 2.1 君子戰雖有陳，而勇為本焉；喪雖有禮，而哀為本焉；

士 a 雖有學，而行為本焉。是故置本不安 (者)b，無務豐 末；近者不親，無務來遠；親戚不附，無務外交；事無終 始，無務多業；舉物而闇，無務博聞。是故先王之治天下 也，必察邇來遠。君子察邇而邇脩者也。 (見)c 不脩行見 毀，而反之身者也，此以怨省而行脩矣。譖慝之言，無入 之耳；批扞之聲，無出之口；殺傷人之 (孩GE>刻 d，無存 之心，雖有詆訐之民，無所依矣。故君子力事日彊，願欲 日逾，設壯日盛。君子之道也，貧則見廉，富則見義，生 則見愛，死則見哀，四行者不可虛假，反之身者也。藏於 心者無以竭愛，動於身者無以竭恭，出於口者無以竭馴。 暢之四支，接之肌膚，華髮隳顛，而猶弗舍者，其唯聖人 乎！ a. 仕 Wang Huanbiao. c. Wang Huanbiao.

b. Yu Yue. d. Wang Huanbiao.

Though a superior man always arrays his troops in formation when doing battle, he knows that it is his courage that is fundamental. Though he always observes proper ritual forms when mourning, he knows that it is his grief that is fundamental. Though his learning has prepared him to hold office, he knows that it is his conduct that is fundamental.2 It is for this reason that when the roots are not securely established, one does not bother to make the branches flourish. When those nearby do not love you, do not bother to attract those afar. When relatives do not adhere to your cause, do not bother to establish intercourse with foreigners.3 When a single task is never finished from beginning to end, do not bother with numerous projects. When a simple matter leaves you perplexed, do not bother to pursue wider knowledge. It is for this reason that, in governing the world, the ancient kings always examined closely those around them and then attracted those far away to come to them. Because the superior man closely examines those around him, they improve themselves. When he himself fails to cultivate proper behavior and is defamed by others, the superior man reproaches himself. In this way complaints against him decrease and at the same

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time he has cultivated proper behavior in himself. Do not permit words of vilification and slander to enter your ear; do not allow the sounds of censure and opposition to issue from your mouth; and have no vindictive spirit of injuring others linger in your heart. Then, even though there might still be people who slander and impeach your character, they will gain no following. Therefore, the superior man each day is more energetic in his tasks, each day broadens his ambitions, and each day perfects his appearance. It is the Way of the superior man to show frugality when poor and generosity when rich and to exhibit love for the living and grief for the dead. These four moral qualities cannot be mere empty pretense, for he is one who “turns inward to improve himself.” Nothing but love fills his heart. Every movement of his body is utterly respectful. Every word he utters is perfectly refined. These qualities permeate his four limbs and penetrate his flesh and skin, and he persists in cultivating them, not stopping even when his hair has turned white and then falls out. Only the sage is capable of this! 2.2 志不彊者智不達，言不信者行不果。據財不能以分人者，

不足與友；守道不篤、遍物不博、辯是非不察者，不足與 游。本不固者末必幾，雄而不脩者其後必惰，原濁者流不 清，行不信者名必秏。名不徒生，而譽不自長，功成名 遂，名譽不可虛假，反之身者也。務言而緩行，雖辯必不 聽；多力而伐功，雖勞必不圖。慧者心辯而不繁說，多力 而不伐功，此以名譽揚天下。言無務為多而務為智，無務 為文而務為察。故彼 a 智無察，在身而 (情GE>惰 b，反其 路者也。善無主於心者不留，行莫辯於身者不立。名不可 簡而成也，譽不可巧而立也，君子以身戴行者也。思利尋 焉，忘名忽焉，可以為士於天下者，未嘗有也。 a. 非 Bi Yuan.

b. Sun Yirang.

In one whose purpose is not strong, wisdom will not reach full understanding. One whose word is not trustworthy will not be resolute in his actions. One who is incapable of dividing his possessions with others is not fit to be a friend. One who does not safeguard the Way steadfastly, who differentiates

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between things without a broad acquaintance, and who discriminates between right and wrong without careful examination is not fit to be a companion. When the root is not firmly planted, the branches are certain to be threatened. A person who is brave but does not cultivate himself is certain to place his posterity in jeopardy. When the wellspring is muddy, the outflow will not be clear. One whose conduct is unreliable is certain to squander his reputation. Reputation does not spring up out of nothing, and praise does not grow by itself. Reputation follows upon accomplishment. Reputation and praise cannot be had by empty pretense, but are the result of his “turning inward to improve himself.” He who devotes himself to talk but is dilatory in acting, no matter how discerning he may be, will certainly not be heeded. He who expends much energy but boasts of his achievements, no matter how hard he works, will certainly not be selected. The truly intelligent is discerning in thought but is not loquacious. He expends much energy but does not boast about accomplishments. In this way his fame and reputation are exalted in the world. In speech one should devote oneself, not to how much one says, but to the wisdom of one’s remarks, not to the form of one’s discourse, but to being discerning. Thus, to be not wise and not discerning and to be lazy in cultivating the self are acts contrary to the proper route. Any goodness that is not rooted in the heart cannot remain and any virtuous act whose rightness is not understood by the individual who does it cannot be established. Reputation is not easily perfected and fame is not established by mere artfulness. The superior man is one who regards his body as the conveyor of his character. There has never been an instance of anyone able to become a gentleman recognized by the whole world who deeply desired personal gain but indifferently neglected his reputation.

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3. On Dyes Chapter 3 opens with Mozi’s comments on witnessing plain silk fibers being dyed. In other sources this is taken as a troubling lesson for Mozi, who “shed tears” over it, because it demonstrated that once the original purity of something is altered, the change is irreversible.1 But in chapter 3 Mozi merely “sighs” and, in the remainder of the chapter, Mozi’s apparent expression of distress is transformed into a history lesson on how eight kings, eleven lords, and six scholars were all deeply affected by those whose company they kept, some for ill but some much improved by it. The chapter also contains numerous references to people and events that Mozi could not possibly have been familiar with: the most prominent example is King Kang of Song, mentioned in 3.2D, who died in 286. Moreover, the chapter’s main assertion—that people and things are influenced profoundly by their surroundings—is more typical of the philosophy of the Xunzi and of The Annals of Lü Buwei than it is of the Mozi. The 3.2E pronouncement that adept rulers are “painstaking in selecting men but lax in exercising control over their offices” occurs in a number of late Warring States sources, such as the Xunzi, the Hanfeizi, and Lü Buwei’s Annals. Finally, the concept of promoting the worthy reflected in the chapter has more to do with the late Warring States discussions about enhancing the reputations of rulers than it does with the Mohist concern with benefiting the population at large. The Annals of Lü Buwei includes another version of this chapter, titled “Dang­ ran 當染,” “On the Proper Kind of Dyeing.” Determining which of the two versions is the original one is a question of long standing in the study of early Chinese philosophy. Opinion that favors the Mozi is based in part on mistaken assessments of Lü Buwei’s Annals as an “eclectic” text, the contents of which were borrowed from other sources. Arguments offered in favor of Lü’s version give too much weight to anachronisms in the chapter with respect to Mozi and outdated notions of authorship in early China. The account of the scholarly lineages of the Ru and Mo schools found in the concluding paragraph in the Mozi (3.3) is much shorter than the version in Lü’s Annals. That the Ru school lineage is barely mentioned in the Mozi is not surprising, though it is nevertheless a textual oddity that 3.3 contains a reference to Duangan Mu, well attested as a student of Confucius’s prominent disciple Zixia. As for the Mo lineage, only the names of Mozi and his chief disciple Qin Guli appear in 3.3; Lü’s text, in contrast, identifies Mozi’s teacher, Shi Que, and mentions as well Qin Guli’s student Xu Fan and the latter’s student Tian Xi. 1.  See, e.g., Huainanzi, “Shuolin 說林,” 17.583.

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所染第三 Chapter 3: On Dyes1 (言)a 見染絲者而歎曰：「染於蒼則蒼，染於黃則 黃，所入者變，其色亦變，五入 (必)a 而已 (則)b 為五色 矣！」故染不可不慎也！

3. 子墨子



a. Sun Yirang, Wang Huanbiao; excrescent, following LSCQ 2/4. b. Wang Huanbiao; excrescent, following LSCQ 2/4.

While watching a dyer of silk at work, our Master Mozi sighed aloud and said,2 “What is dipped in azure dye becomes azure, and what is dipped in yellow dye becomes yellow. When the dye into which something is dipped is changed, so too does the resultant color change. When it is dipped into five different dyes, it takes on all five colors.” One cannot be careless, therefore, in using dyes. 3.2A

非獨染絲然也，(國)a [帝王]b 亦有染。舜染於許由、伯 陽，禹染於皋陶、伯益，湯染於伊尹仲虺，武王染於太 公、周公。此四王者所染當，故王天下，立為天子，功名 蔽天地。舉天下之仁義顯人，必稱此四王者。

a. Moved to 3.2B. b. Reconstructed on the basis of internal parallelism and LSCQ 2/4.

It is not only to the dyeing of silk that this applies, for sovereigns and kings as well can be influenced by “dyes.” Shun came under the influence of Xuyou and Boyang;3 Yu under the influence of Gaoyao and Bo Yi;4 Tang under that of Yi Yin and Zhong Hui;5 and King Wu under that of the Grand Duke6 and the Duke of Zhou. What influenced each of these four kings was the proper kind of “dye.” Therefore they exercised universal kingship over the world, were established as Sons of Heaven, and their accomplishments and fame filled Heaven and earth. Whenever one provides examples of the individuals in the world most famous for their humanity and morality, one is certain to name these four kings. 3.2B

夏桀染於干辛、推哆，殷紂染於崇侯、惡來，厲王染於 (厲GE>虢 a 公長父、榮夷 (終GE>公 b，幽王染於傅公夷、蔡 公穀。此四王者，所染不當，故國殘身死，為天下僇。舉 天下不義辱人，必稱此四王者。

a. Following the reading found in the parallel LSCQ 2/4. b. This name is defective; following the alternate textual tradition cited by Bi Yuan.

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Jie of the Xia dynasty came under the influence of Ganxin and Tuichi;7 Zhou Xin of the Yin dynasty came under the influence of the marquis of Chong and Wu Lai;8 King Li of Zhou came under the influence of Zhangfu, duke of Guo,9 and Duke Yi of Rong; and King You of Zhou came under the influence of Yi, the duke of Fu,10 and Gu, the duke of Cai.11 What influenced each of these four was an improper kind of “dye”; therefore their states were destroyed, they lost their own lives, and they are held in contempt by the whole world. Whenever one provides examples of the individuals in the world who were immoral and disgraceful, one is certain to name these four kings. 3.2C

[非獨帝王也，]a b [亦有染]c 齊桓染於管仲、鮑叔，晉 文染於舅犯、高偃，楚莊染於孫叔、沈尹，吳闔閭染於伍 員、越句踐染於范蠡、大夫種。此五君者所染當，故霸諸 侯，功名傳於後世。 [ 舉天下之…，必稱此五君者。]d

a. Reconstructed on the basis of parallelism. c. Reconstructed on the basis of parallelism. d. Reconstructed on the basis of parallelism.

b. Moved from 3.2A.

It is not only to sovereigns and kings that this applies, for states as well can be influenced by “dyes.” Duke Huan of Qi came under the influence of Guan Zhong and Bao Shu;12 Duke Wen of Jin came under the influence of Uncle Fan and Gao Yan;13 King Zhuang of Chu came under the influence of Sunshu Ao and the magistrate of Shen;14 King Helü of Wu came under the influence of Wu Yun and Wen Yi;15 and King Goujian of Yue came under the influence of Fan Li16 and Grand Officer Zhong.17 What influenced each of these five lords was the proper kind of “dye,” therefore they became lords protector over the lords of the various states and their accomplishments and reputations have been transmitted to later ages. Whenever one provides examples of men who . . ., one is certain to name these five lords. 3.2D

范吉射染於長柳朔、王胜，中行寅染於籍秦、高彊，吳夫 差染於王孫雒、太宰嚭，知伯搖染於智國、張武，中山尚 染於魏義、偃長，宋康染於唐鞅、佃不禮。此六君者所染 不當，故國家殘亡，身為刑戮，宗廟破滅，絕無後類，君 臣離散，民人流亡，舉天下之貪暴 (苛擾者GE>可羞人 a， 必稱此六君也。

a. Wang Huanbiao; following the LSCQ 2/4 reading.

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Fan Jiyi18 came under the influence of Zhang Liushuo and Wang Xing;19 Zhonghang Yin20 came under the influence of Jiqin and Gao Qiang;21 King Fuchai of Wu came under the influence of Wangsun Luo and Grand Steward Pi;22 Earl Yao of Zhi23 came under the influence of Zhi Guo and Zhang Wu;24 Zhongshan Shang25 came under the influence of Wei Yi and Yan Zhang;26 King Kang of Song came under the influence of Tang Yang and Tian Buli.27 What influenced each of these six lords was an improper kind of “dye”; therefore their states were annihilated, some of them died while others were disgraced, the ancestral temples no long enjoyed sacrifices of blood and food, their lines were cut short, these lords and their ministers were alienated and scattered abroad, and their people fled to escape destruction. Whenever one provides examples of the greediest, cruelest, and most despicable individuals in the world, one is certain to name these six lords. 3.2E

凡君之所以安者何也？以其行理也，行理性 a 於染當。故 善為君者，勞於論人，而佚於治官。不能為君者，傷形費 神，愁心勞意，然國逾危，身逾辱。此六君者，非不重其 國愛其身也，以不知要故也。不知要者，所染不當也。 a. 生 Bi Yuan; on the basis of LSCQ 2/4 parallel and TPYL quotation.

As a general principle, by what means do lords obtain security? By conducting themselves in accord with the principles of order. Conduct that accords with the principles of order is the outcome of the proper kind of influences. Therefore, those who are most adept at ruling were “painstaking in selecting men but lax in exercising control over their offices.”28 Those who are incapable of being rulers wear out their bodies, waste their spirits, tax their minds, and toil away at laying plans; nonetheless, their countries are placed in ever greater danger, and they stand ever greater risk of personal humiliation. It was not that these six lords did not value their countries or love themselves; the cause was that they did not recognize what is essential. Their not recognizing what is essential was caused by their being influenced by an improper kind of “dye.” 3.3 非獨國有染也，士亦有染。其友皆好仁義，淳謹畏令，則

家日益、身日安、名日榮，處官得其理矣，則段干木、禽 子、傅說之徒是也。其友皆好矜奮，創作比周，則家日 損、身日危、名日辱，處官失其理矣，則子西、易牙、豎

Group 1. The Syncretic Writings

刀之徒是也。詩曰「必擇所堪 a 」。必謹所堪者，此之謂 也。 a. 湛 Wang Niansun.

It is not only the state to which this applies, for scholars as well are influenced by “dyes.” When all their friends are devoted to humanity and morality, when they are honest, attentive, and carry out their orders with a sense of awe, then each day their families grow more prosperous, they themselves become more secure, their reputations more honorable, and in the exercise of their office they succeed in conforming with natural principles. Examples of such men are Duangan Mu,29 Master Qin, and Fuyue.30 When all their friends are fond of erratic and impetuous acts, given to invention and fabrication, and form parties and cliques, then each day their families suffer greater loss, they themselves are placed in ever greater danger, their reputations at greater risk, and in the exercise of their office they abandon all the more natural principles. Examples of such men are Prince Xi,31 Yi Ya, and Shudiao.32 A song says: “One must select what one is soaked in.”33 This means that one must be careful about what one is influenced by.34

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4. On the Proper Model Chapter 4 is immediately distinguishable from the three that precede it because, unlike the others, it opens with the words “Our Master Mozi said”; thus its contents are explicitly represented as Mozi’s teachings. The “proper model” of the chapter’s title is Heaven. The chapter argues that of all available models one might think to emulate—parents, teachers, or the ruler of one’s state—Heaven is superior because the others are not genuinely humane (4.2). Heaven alone is broadly inclusive and absolutely impartial in its love of people (4.3). Some of the argumentation in support of this view is borrowed from the “Heaven’s Will” triad, chapters 26 through 28. A passage in chapter 28 is the source of chapter 4’s title, and several passages from chapter 26 are repeated here, in 4.1, 4.3, and 4.4. The author of chapter 4 also seems to have been mindful of the contents of the “Exalt Conformity” triad, chapters 12 through 14. In the process of adopting this material, some changes were introduced. For example, chapter 26, along with the “Exalt Conformity” chapters, emphasizes yi, “righteousness,” but chapter 4 favors fa, “model” or “standard”; the phrase airen, “loving others,” in the “Heaven’s Will” passages was changed to ren, “humaneness,” in chapter 4. The invidious claim in 4.2 that one’s parents, teachers, and ruler are not adequate models of humaneness is unique within the Mozi and more generally odd in early Chinese usage, for it transforms “humaneness” into a transcendent value possessed exclusively by Heaven and the universal rulers Heaven has designated its deputies. Chapter 12, the upper chapter in the “Exalt Conformity” triad, had allowed that village and district elders, along with the ruler of state, were all models of humaneness, although the chapter emphasizes that solidarity with Heaven is always the most crucial consideration in any decision. It may be that by insisting explicitly on the superiority of Heaven as a model of humaneness, the author of chapter 4 was rejecting the argumentation of chapter 12 and more broadly countering a tendency to regard Heaven as distant and indifferent, and immediate superiors as thus preferable, or at least sufficient, models. On the basis of a detailed comparative reading of their contents, Watanabe Takashi dates the composition of chapter 4 to sometime between that of chapter 15, which he dates to ca. 350, and chapter 16,which he dates to ca. 300.1 If he is correct, then chapter 4 is significantly earlier than the three chapters that precede it in the Mozi. 1. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 530.

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法儀第四 Chapter 4: On the Proper Model 4.1 子墨子曰： 「天下從事者不可以無法儀，無法儀而其事能

成者無有也。雖至士之為將相者，皆有法，雖至百工從 事者，亦皆有法，百工為方以矩，為圓以規，[為]a 直以 繩，[為平以水]a [為]a 正以縣。無巧工不巧工，皆以此五者 為法。巧者能中之，不巧者雖不能中，放依以從事，猶逾 己。故百工從事，皆有法所度。今大者治天下，其次治大 國，而無法所度，此不若百工，辯也。」

a. Sun Yirang and Wang Huanbiao.

Our Master Mozi said: “To do anything in the world one must have standards. There has never been a case where anyone was able to do his job right in the absence of standards. Even gentlemen fulfilling their duties as generals and ministers possess standards. Even the various craftsmen working on their different jobs have standards. All craftsmen use the carpenter’s square to makes things square, the compass to make them round, the plumb line to make them straight, the water level to make them level, and the pendulum to make them perpendicular. Whether skilled or unskilled, a craftsman uses these five implements as standards.1 With them, the skillful are able to make their work accurate. Although the unskilled are unable to be this accurate, by adhering closely to the standards, they are still able to surpass their native talents. Thus the various craftsmen in doing their work all possess standards by which they measure. But those governing the empire and, beneath them, those governing large states lack any standards by which to measure. It is clear that they are inferior to craftsmen.” 4.2 然則奚以為治法而可？當 a 皆法其父母奚若？天下之為父

母者眾，而仁者寡，若皆法其父母，此法不仁也。法不 仁，不可以為法。當 a 皆法其學奚若？天下之為學者眾， 而仁者寡，若皆法其學，此法不仁也。法不仁，不可以 為法。當 a 皆法其君奚若？天下之為君者眾，而仁者寡， 若皆法其君，此法不仁也。法不仁不可以為法。故父母、 學、君三者，莫可以為治法。 a. 儻 Wang Yinzhi.

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This being the case, what then is the proper model for governing? Supposing everyone were to model themselves on their parents, what would that be like? There are many parents in the world, but very few of them are humane. If we were to model ourselves on our parents, the model we chose would not be a humane one. A model that is not humane cannot serve as a model. Supposing everyone were to model themselves on their teachers, what would that be like? There are many teachers in the world, but very few of them are humane. If we were to model ourselves on our teachers, the model would not be a humane one. A model that is not humane cannot serve as a model. Supposing everyone were to model themselves on their rulers, what would that be like? There are many rulers in the world, but very few of them are humane. If we were to model ourselves on our rulers, then the model would not be a humane one. A model that is not humane cannot serve as a true model. Therefore of the three—parents, teachers, and rulers—not one can be regarded as the model for governing. 4.3 然則奚以為治法而可？故曰莫若法天。天之行廣而無私，

其施厚而不 (德GE> 息 a，其明久而不衰，故聖王法之。既 以天為法，動作有為必度於天，天之所欲則為之，天所不 欲則止。然而天何欲何惡者也？天必欲人之相愛相利，而 不欲人之相惡相賊也。奚以知天之欲人之相愛相利，而不 欲人之相惡相賊也？以其兼而愛之、兼而利之也。奚以知 天兼而愛之、兼而利之也？以其兼而有之、兼而食之也。 今天下無大小國，皆天之邑也。人無幼長貴賤，皆天之臣 也。此以莫不犓 [牛]b 羊、豢犬豬，絜為酒醴粢盛，以敬 事天，此不為兼而有之、兼而食之邪！天苟兼而有食之， 夫奚說以不欲人之相愛相利也！故曰愛人利人者，天必福 之；惡人賊人者，天必禍之。曰殺不辜者，得不祥焉。夫 奚說人為其相殺而天與禍乎！是以知天欲人相愛相利，而 不欲人相惡相賊也。

a. Sun Yirang; QSZY quotation and internal parallelism. b. Bi Yuan.

That being so, what then should serve as the proper standard for governing? We claim that nothing is as good as modeling oneself on Heaven. The activities of Heaven are all-inclusive and impartial. Its

Group 1. The Syncretic Writings

b­ lessings are generous and unceasing. Its bright guidance is long lasting and untiring. Thus the sage-kings modeled themselves after Heaven. Having done so, the sage-kings measured every action and enterprise by the standard of Heaven. What Heaven desired to be done was done, and what it did not desire was forbidden. Now, what is it that Heaven desires and what does it find repulsive? Heaven surely desires that men should love and benefit one another, and it does not want men to hate and prey upon one another. How do we know that it wants men to love and benefit one another and does not want them to hate and prey upon each other? From the fact that Heaven loves all men impartially and that it benefits all of them impartially. How do we know that Heaven loves and benefits all impartially? From the fact that Heaven possesses all and accepts food offerings from all impartially.2 Now all the states of the world, whether large or small, are fiefs that belong to Heaven. All the people of the world, young and old, noble and base, are the subjects of Heaven. This is shown by the fact that they all graze oxen and sheep, rear dogs and pigs for slaughter, and prepare sweet wine and fill the offering vessels with liquor in order to serve Heaven with strict, reverent care. Does this not mean that Heaven possesses all and accepts food offerings from all impartially? And does this not in turn argue against the claim that Heaven does not desire men to love and benefit one another? Therefore it is said: “Heaven blesses those who love and benefit others, Heaven damns those who hate and prey upon others.” It is moreover said: “Those who kill an innocent person are certain to meet with misfortune because of it. How else can we explain the fact that when men kill each other Heaven sends down calamities upon them? In this way we know that Heaven desires that men should love and benefit one another and that they should not hate and prey upon each other.”3 4.4 昔之聖王禹湯文武，兼愛天下之百姓，率以尊天事鬼，

其利人多，故天福之，使立為天子，天下諸侯皆賓事之。 暴王桀紂幽厲，兼惡天下之百姓，率以詬天侮鬼，其賊人 多，故天禍之，使遂失其國家，身死為僇於天下，後世子 孫毀之，至今不息。故為不善以得禍者，桀、紂、幽、厲 是也，愛人利人以得福者，禹湯文武是也。愛人利人以得 福者有矣，惡人賊人以得禍者亦有矣。

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The sage-kings of the past—Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu—loved all the Hundred Clans of the world impartially and led them to pay honor to Heaven and to serve the ghosts. Their benefits to the people being many, therefore Heaven blessed them with good fortune, established them in the position of Son of Heaven so that the lords of the various states in the empire all submitted to their authority and served them. The tyrant kings—Jie, Zhou, You, and Li—hated all the Hundred Clans of the world equally and led them to curse Heaven and ridicule the ghosts. Their injuries to the people being many, therefore Heaven sent down calamity upon them and caused them as a consequence to lose their homelands, and they themselves were executed by the world. Their descendants of later generations—extending even to the present— unrelentingly vilify them. Thus, to do evil and thereby to obtain calamity—Jie, Zhou, You, and Li are examples of this. To love and benefit others and thereby to obtain good fortune—Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu are ­examples of this. Thus, there are instances of men loving and benefiting others and thereby obtaining good fortune, and instances as well of men hating and harming others and thereby obtaining calamity.4

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5. Seven Worries Chapter 5 sets out the defensive measures that a state needs to put in place in order to survive in a hostile world. The opening paragraph surveys the “seven worries” that are typically signs that a state is endangered. This provides an opportunity to allude to some of the key doctrines of the core chapters, namely, the need to maintain good military defenses, as opposed to putting aggressive armies into the field; to treat neighboring states with love and concern, as called for in the Mohist teachings on impartial love, so that they will reciprocate when one’s own state is threatened with attack; to avoid squandering wealth and resources; and to take steps to ensure the loyalty of government servants. It is, however, the seventh worry, insufficiency of grain crops and domestic animals, that is the focus of the chapter. Although it can be argued that this concern is very much part of the Mohist emphasis on frugality—Sun Yirang views the contents of chapter 5 as closely connected to the “Moderate Consumption” triad—the detailed treatment of the steps that should be taken to ensure an adequate food supply has no real parallel elsewhere in the text. It seems to echo instead the concerns of the ancient agronomists whose ideas survive in a few ancient sources, including the four chapters on farming and food production that conclude The Annals of Lü Buwei. The quotation of canonical documents from the Xia, Shang, and Zhou in 5.3 and 5.4 as well as the use of numerological formulas, such as “seven worries” (5.1), “five grains” (5.2A), and “three resources of the state” (5.4), are typical of the younger members of the core chapters and suggest a third-century date for the chapter.

七患第五 Chapter 5: Seven Worries 5.1 子墨子曰： 國有七患。七患者何？城郭溝池不可守，而治

宮室，一患也；(邊GE> 敵 a 國至境四鄰莫救，二患也； 先盡 (民力)b 無用之功，賞賜無能之人，民力盡於無用， 財寶虛於待客，三患也；仕者持祿，游者愛佼，君脩法 討臣，臣懾而不敢拂，四患也；君自以為聖智而不問 (事 GE> 吏 c，自以為安彊而無守備，四鄰謀之不知戒，五患 也；所信者不忠，所忠者不信，六患也；畜種菽粟不足以 食之，大臣不足以事之 d，賞賜不能喜，誅罰不能威，七

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患也。以七患 (居GE> 君 e 國，必無社稷；以七患守城，敵 至國傾。七患之所當，國必有殃。



a. Hong Yixuan. b. Wang Huanbiao; contamination with its occurrence in the next clause. c. Wang Huanbiao. d. Wang Huanbiao believes that the text here is defective and has been rearranged to make sense of it. He emends: 大臣畜種，菽粟不足以食之，□□不足以 事之, “when the great ministers hold great power and influence so that there is not enough grain to feed them and not enough . . . [gap in the original text, possibly ‘jades and silks’ or ‘boys and girls’] to supply their needs.” e. Wang Huanbiao, based on an old reading preserved in Wu Yujiang’s collation.

Our Master Mozi said: For the state there are seven worries. What are these? That its inner and outer city walls, defensive trenches and moats cannot be defended, and yet palaces and houses are kept in good repair— this is the first worry. That the army of an enemy approaches its frontiers but none of its four neighbors come to its aid—this is the second worry. That having expended all its efforts on useless enterprises and squandered gifts on incapable men, that its people’s energies are consumed without useful result and its resources and treasures are depleted in the entertainment of guests—this is the third worry. That officials seek merely to maintain their emoluments, itinerant persuaders care only about cultivating influential friends, lords promulgate laws for the sole purpose of condemning their subjects, and ministers out of fear of breaking a law dare not remonstrate against error—this is the fourth worry. That the lord, considering himself to possess the wisdom of a sage, does not ask the advice of his officials, or considering himself to be secure and powerful, does not take precautions and keep his state prepared, or when his four neighbors are scheming against him, does not realize that he should take care—this is the fifth worry. That those who are trusted are not loyal and those who are loyal are not trusted—this is the sixth worry. That domestic animals and grain crops are insufficient to feed the people, the great ministers of state are not equal to their official responsibilities, and rewards and gifts cannot make the people happy nor can punishments and penalties make them afraid— this is the seventh worry.

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The ruler of a state who suffers these seven worries is certain to lose the altars of soil and grain. The protector of the city walls who suffers these seven worries, will have enemies come and the state will be toppled. Wherever these seven worries occur, That state is certain to suffer catastrophe. 5.2A

凡五穀者，民之所仰也，君之所以為養也，故民無仰則君 無養，民無食則不可事 a，故食不可不務也，地不可不力 也，用不可不節也。五穀盡收，則五味盡御於主，不盡收 則不盡御。一穀不收謂之饉，二穀不收謂之 (旱GE> 罕 b， 三穀不收謂之凶，四穀不收謂之餽，五穀不收謂之饑。

a. Yu Xingwu: (事GE> 使.

b. Yu Yue.

As a general principle, the five grains are what the people rely upon and what provides nourishment for the ruler.1 Thus, if the people have nothing to rely upon, the ruler will have no source of nourishment. If the people lack food, they cannot be employed. Thus, supplies of food cannot but be the object of one’s attention, land cannot but be energetically worked, and consumption must be moderated. If all five grains are fully harvested, then the five tastes can be completely offered to the ruler for his utmost enjoyment.2 If there is not a full harvest of all five grains, then the ruler cannot have complete enjoyment of them. Failure of one of the five grains is called a “dearth”; failure of two is called “scarcity”; failure of three is called “misfortune”; failure of four is called “want”; failure of all five grains is called “famine.”3 5.2B

歲饉，則仕者大夫以下皆損祿五分之一。 (旱GE> 罕 a，則 損五分之二。凶，則損五分之三。餽，則損五分之四。 饑，則盡無祿稟食而已矣。故凶饑存乎國，人君徹鼎食 五分之 (五GE> 三 b，大夫徹縣，士不入學，君朝之衣不革 制，諸侯之客，四鄰之使，(雍食GE>饔孫 c 而不盛，徹驂 騑，塗不芸，馬不食粟，婢妾不衣帛，此告不足之至也。

a. Yu Yue. c. Wang Niansun.

b. Sun Yirang.

In years of dearth, all the officials from grand officers down have their official emoluments reduced by one-fifth; in years of scarcity by

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two-fifths, in years of misfortune by three-fifths; and in years of want by four-fifths. When there is a famine, they receive no emolument whatever beyond their basic ration of food. Thus when the calamity of famine is visited upon the people of a country, its lord omits three of the five portions of meat from the offerings presented in the sacrificial tripods.4 Grand officers eliminate the playing of chimes and bells,5 gentlemen do not begin their studies,6 and the lord does not change to the regulated clothing to attend court. Envoys from the lords of the various states and emissaries of neighboring states are provided with hot breakfasts and dinners but these meals are not sumptuous. The two side horses are omitted from the four-horse carriage teams; walkways are not weeded; horses are not fed with grain; and concubines are not dressed in silks. All these steps are intended to make known the extreme degree of the scarcity.7 5.3 今有負其子而汲者，隊其子於井中，其母必從而道之。

今歲凶、民饑、道餓，(重其子此疚於隊GE>此疚重於隊 其子 a，其可無察邪？故時年歲善，則民仁且良；時年歲 凶，則民吝且惡。夫民何常此之有？為者 (疾GE>寡 b，食 者眾，則歲無豐。故曰：「財不足則反之時，食不足則反 之用」。故先民以時生財，固本而 (用財GE>節用 c，則財 足。故雖上世之聖王，豈能使五穀常收，而旱水不至哉？ 然而無凍餓之民者何也？其力時急，而自養儉也。故夏書 曰：「禹七年水」，殷書曰：「湯五年旱」，此其離凶 (餓 GE>饑 d 甚矣，然而民不凍餓者何也？其生財密，其用之 節也。

a. Wang Niansun. c. Cao Yaoxiang.

b. Yu Yue. d. Sun Yirang

Now if carrying her child on her back while drawing water from the well, a woman drops the child into the well, she would certainly figure out a way to pull it out. But years of calamity, of the people facing famine, and of people starving on the streets are a much greater disaster than dropping a child into a well.8 Can one not examine closely this matter! Thus in years when the harvest is good, the people are humane as well as good, but in years when the harvest is calamitous, the people are selfish as well as evil. Given this, where is the constancy in human nature? When those who produce are few and those who consume are many, then there will be no years of abundance.

Group 1. The Syncretic Writings

Anciently it was said: “When there is scarcity of resources, examine whether food is being produced in the proper season; when there is scarcity of food, examine whether resources are being used frugally.” Thus the worthy people of earlier ages had goods in adequate quantities, because they produced goods according to the season and made sure that the foundation of agriculture was solid and that they were frugal in their consumption of resources. Though earlier generations were governed by sage-kings, how could they have guaranteed that the five grains should always ripen and that droughts and floods should never come! Nonetheless, none of their subjects starved or froze to death. How did they accomplish this? They exerted their efforts according to the exigencies of the season and were frugal in caring for themselves. Thus the Document of Xia says, “In the time of Yu the deluge lasted seven years,” and the Document of Yin says, “In the time of Tang the drought lasted for five years.”9 Although they met with extreme cases of calamitous famines, their subjects did not starve or freeze to death. How did they accomplish this? They produced goods in large quantities and kept their consumption of resources within due measure. 5.4 故倉無備粟，不可以待凶饑。庫無備兵，雖有義不能征無

義。城郭不備全，不可以自守。心無備慮，不可以應卒。 是若慶忌無去之心，不能輕出。夫桀無待湯之備，故放； 紂無待武之備，故殺。桀、紂貴為天子，富有天下，然 而皆滅亡於百里之君者何也？有富貴而不為備也。故備者 國之重也，食者國之寶也，兵者國之爪也，城者所以自守 也，此三者國之具也。故曰：以其極賞，以賜無功，虛其 府庫，以備車馬衣裘奇怪，苦其役徒，以治宮室觀樂，死 又厚為棺椁，多為衣裘，生時治臺榭，死又脩墳墓，故民 苦於外，府庫單於內，上不厭其樂，下不堪其苦。故國離 寇敵則傷，民見凶饑則亡，此皆備不具之罪也。且夫食 者，聖人之所寶也。故周書曰：「國無三年之食者，國非 其國也；家無三年之食者，子非其子也。」此之謂國備。 Thus, it is impossible to prepare against calamity and famine without stores of food in granaries. The just cannot chastise the unjust without sufficient weaponry in armories. When inner and outer walls are not kept in a good state of repair, it is impossible to defend ­oneself. When

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the mind has not made plans beforehand, one cannot respond to an unexpected turn of events. This is, for example, like Prince Qingji, who [though brave] had failed to make adequate preparations to leave and so was unable to treat his own departure lightly.10 Jie made no preparations against Tang and thus was sent into exile. Zhou made no preparations against King Wu and thus he was executed. Jie and Zhou enjoyed the eminent position of Son of Heaven and the wealth of the empire; nonetheless they were both destroyed and ruined by lords who ruled territories of only a hundred li. How did this happen? Though they had wealth and eminent position, they did not make any preparations. Thus being well prepared is vital to the state. Food supplies are the treasure of the state, the army its defensive claws, and city walls the means of its self-protection. These three are the resources of the state. Therefore, it is said: “[Rulers now] squander vast wealth in order to reward those who lack accomplishment. They empty their treasuries and armories to acquire carriages and horses, clothes and furs, and exotic and strange valuables. They make bitter exactions of corvée labor to erect palaces and chambers in which to witness musical performances. The dead are provided with generous numbers of inner and outer coffins and with many layers of clothing. When alive, terraces and pavilions are built for them, and when dead, grave mounds and tomb chambers are prepared. Thus, on the one hand, the people are embittered, and on the other the treasuries and armories are left bare. Superiors do not find these amusements satisfying, and inferiors find the hardship unendurable. Thus, when the state experiences outbreaks of brigandage or is attacked, it will suffer harm; when the people suffer from calamity and famine, they will perish. All these are the fault of preparations that were not complete. Indeed food supplies are what the sages valued most. Thus the Document of Zhou says: “A state that does not have a three-year supply of food is a state that does not belong to its ruler. A family that does not have a three-year supply of food has sons who are not real sons.”11 This refers to the fundamental preparations of the state.

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6. Avoiding Excess Chapter 6, as its title suggests, is concerned with frugal practices, the theme of the two surviving chapters of the “Moderate Consumption” triad. The chapter opens with a paraphrase of the opening paragraph of chapter 20 and the concluding paragraph of chapter 21, concerning the frugal measures observed by the sages, and it quotes from the sumptuary laws discussed in the two chapters. In the process of adopting this material, chapter 6 deletes the 20.1 and 21.4B references to how the sages crafted weapons for self-defense; it substitutes for them a passage on the production of food not mentioned in the “Moderate Consumption” chapters, echoing chapter 5’s emphasis on ensuring an adequate food supply. This emphasis is perhaps a response to actual occurrences of famine and starvation that were not a problem at the time chapters 20 and 21 were composed. The 6.5 description of sexual relations between men and women that makes use of the terms yin and yang, and the reference in 6.6 to the reciprocal influences of Heaven and people—“When husbands and wives observe due measure, the affairs of Heaven and earth stay in harmony. When wind and rain come in due measure, the five grains ripen.”—are not found in the “Moderating Consumption” chapters, being more akin to late Warring States cosmological speculation than to Mohist thought. The emphasis on marriage and procreation suggests, however, that a major purpose in composing the chapter may have been to address the problem of a shrinking population and the steps needed to counteract it. Sun Yirang noted the thematic relationship between chapter 6 and the “Moderate Consumption” triad. Zhang Chunyi, followed by Wang Huanbiao, took this a step further by declaring that chapter 6 is, in fact, the missing lower chapter of the triad. This seems farfetched. The vocabulary of chapter 6 is markedly different from that of the “Moderate Consumption” chapters. For example, the term ba 霸, “lord protector” or “leader of the lords of the various states,” appears at 6.2 and in chapters 1 and 3, but it is absent from the core chapters of the Mozi. Moreover, at several points in the chapter (in all paragraphs except 6.5), we are told that sage-kings arose at a particular moment in time in order to solve a problem that was troubling the people. This account of how and why the sages invented the essentials of daily life and the emphasis on the need for timely intervention closely parallel passages found in the late third-century “Wudu 五 蠹” chapter of the Hanfeizi but have no counterparts in the “Moderate Consumption” triad or elsewhere in the core chapters of the Mozi.

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辭過第六 Chapter 6: Avoiding Excess

6.1

子墨子曰：古之民未知為宮室時，就陵阜而居。 [堀]a 穴 而處，下潤濕傷民，故聖王作，為宮室。為宮室之法， 曰：「室高足以辟潤濕，邊足以圉風寒，上足以待雪霜雨 露，宮牆之高足以別男女之禮。謹此則止。」凡費財勞 力，不加利者，不為也。 [以其常]b 役，脩其城郭，則民 勞而不傷；以其常正，收其租稅，則民費而不病。民所苦 者非此也，苦於厚作歛於百姓。是故聖王作為宮室，便於 生，不以為觀樂也。作為衣服帶履便於身不以為辟怪也。 故節於身，誨於民，是以天下之民可得而治，財用可得而 足。當今之主，其為宮室則與此異矣。必厚作斂於百姓， 暴奪民衣食之財以為宮室臺榭曲直之望、青黃刻鏤之飾。 為宮室若此，故左右皆法 [而]c 象之。是以其財不足以待 凶饑，振孤寡，故國貧而民難治也。君實欲天下之治而惡 其亂也，當為宮室不可不節。

a. Wang Jingxi; based on 21.7 parallel. b. Bi Yuan; context. c. Added from Changduan jing 長短經 quotation as cited by Sun Yirang.

Our Master Mozi said: In antiquity, before people knew how to build houses, they lived on mounds and hillocks or dug caves in which they dwelled. The dampness and moisture of these low dwelling places injured the health of the people. Thereupon, a sage-king arose and invented houses. The “Law for Building Houses” stated: “Houses should be raised high enough above the ground to avoid dampness and moisture; walls should be thick enough to keep out the wind and cold; roofs should be solid enough to protect against snow, frost, rain, and dew; and the partitions within palaces should be high enough to keep males and females separate as required by ritual. One should be careful to do this but no more.”1 As a general principle with regard to the expenditure of resources or the use of the labor of the people, one does only what increases benefit. If one keeps the inner and outer walls in repair with regular corvée labor, then the people may labor but will suffer no injury. If one collects taxes and fees according to the regular levies, then the people may have expenditure but will suffer no damage. What embitters the people is not this.

Group 1. The Syncretic Writings

They are embittered by the increased imposition of exactions on the Hundred Clans. Thus when the sage-kings created houses, they did so in order to improve living conditions and not in order to please the eye. When they fashioned clothes and hats as well as belts and shoes, they did so for the convenience of the body and not in order to make bizarre and exotic things. Thus they were personally thrifty and instructed the people to be the same. For these reasons, the people of the empire could be governed and resources made adequate to satisfy their needs. The practice of present-day rulers in building houses is quite different. They are certain to increase the imposition of exactions on the Hundred Clans, to tyrannize the people and rob them of their means of livelihood in order to construct houses with terraces and pavilions that are adorned with intricate and complicated decorations ornamented with carving and painting. When the rulers of the present build their palaces and houses this way, their subordinates all imitate and emulate them. This is why their resources are insufficient to protect them against calamity and famine or to relieve widows and orphans. Thus as the state becomes poorer, the people become more difficult to govern. If these lords truly desired the world to be orderly and were disgusted by its anarchy, then they could not but be economical and restrained in constructing their houses. 6.2 古之民未知為衣服時，衣皮帶茭，冬則不輕而溫，夏則不

輕而凊。聖王以為不中人之情，故 [聖人]a 作，誨婦人治 絲麻，梱 b 布絹，以為民衣。為衣服之法：「冬則練帛之 中，足以為輕且煖；夏則絺綌之中，足以為輕且凊。謹此 則止。」故聖人之為衣服，適身體，和肌膚，而足矣，非 榮耳目而觀愚民也。當是之時，堅車良馬不知貴也，刻鏤 文采不知喜也。何則？其所道之然。故民衣食之財，(家)c 足以待旱水凶饑者何也？得其所以自養之情，而不感於外 也。是以其民 [用財]d 儉而易治，其君用財節而易贍也。 府庫實滿，足以待不然，兵革不頓，士民不勞，足以征不 服，故霸王之業可行於天下矣。當今之主，其為衣服， 則與此異矣。冬則輕煗，夏則輕凊，皆已具矣，必厚作斂 於百姓，暴奪民衣食之財，以為錦繡文采靡曼之衣，鑄金 以為鉤，珠玉以為珮，女工作文采，男工作刻鏤，以為身 服。此非云益煗 (之情GE>凊 e 也，單財勞力，畢歸之於無

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用也。以此觀之，其為衣服，非為身體，皆為觀好。是以 其民淫僻而難治，其君奢侈而難諫也。夫以奢侈之君御好 淫僻之民，欲國無亂，不可得也。君實欲天下之治而惡其 亂，當為衣服不可不節。 a. Added on the basis of Changduan jing and parallelism. b. 稛 Sun Yirang c. Wang Huanbiao. d. Sun Yirang; Changduan jing quotation and parallelism. e. Wang Kaiyun.

In antiquity, before people knew how to make clothing, they wore garments of skins and furs with belts made of grasses. In winter they were neither light nor warm and in summer neither light nor cool. A sage-king would consider this situation not to accord with the requirements of man’s essential nature. Thus, a sage arose and taught women how to make silk and hemp and how to weave grass cloth and silk fabric from which to make clothing for people. The “Law for Making Clothes” stated: “In winter, underwear should be of spun silk so that it is light as well as warm. In summer, underwear should made of linen fine enough so that it is light as well as cool. One should be careful to do this but no more.” Thus the sages made clothing that suited the body and was comfortable on the flesh. They did not make clothing to make the stupid look at it by having it dazzle the senses. During that same age, strong carts and good horses were not recognized as valuable. Carved ornaments and colorful trappings were not thought pleasing. Why was this so? Because the sages guided the people to be like this. Thus the people had sufficient means of livelihood to protect them against drought and flood and against calamity and famine. How did this come about? Because the sages understood the conditions necessary for self-sufficiency and so were unaffected by external things. For these reasons their subjects, being thrifty in consuming resources, were easy to govern, and their lords, using materials economically, were easily provided for. Their treasuries and armories were filled with goods that were sufficient to protect them against times that were not so prosperous. Weapons and armor were not blunted by use, and their knights and subjects were not exhausted in war, so they were ready for use in corrective expeditions against those who would not submit. Therefore the work of the leader of the lords of the various states could be carried out in the world. Rulers of the present age have their clothing made for quite different purposes. They already possess clothing that in winter is light and

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warm and in summer light and cool. But they are certain to increase the exactions made from the Hundred Clans, to tyrannize the people and rob them of their means of livelihood in order to make elaborately embroidered garments in gorgeous colors and with extravagant and elegant patterns. Cast gold is used to make belt hooks and pearls and jades to make girdle ornaments. Female artisans create the elaborately patterned embroideries and male artisans the carved and engraved designs that are used to clothe the body. All these things do not add to either the warmth or coolness of the garments. Resources are wasted and energy squandered with nothing useful resulting from all the expenditure. Looking closely at this situation, we see that they made clothing not for the body but for the beauty it presented the eye. This is why subjects, having become dissolute and wicked, are so difficult to govern and why lords, having become extravagantly wasteful in lavish displays, are so difficult to admonish with good counsel. A lord given to extravagant and lavish displays trying to lead a dissolute and wicked people out of a desire that his country should experience no anarchy is an impossible task. If these lords truly desired that the world should be well governed and were disgusted by its anarchy, then they could not but be economical and restrained in making clothing. 6.3 古之民未知為飲食時，素食而分處。故聖人作，誨男耕稼

樹藝，以為民食。其為食也，足以增氣，充虛，彊體，適 腹而已矣。故其用財節，其自養儉，民富國治。今則不 然，厚作斂於百姓，以為美食芻豢，蒸炙魚龜。大國累百 器，小國累十器，前 [別]a 方丈，目不能遍視，手不能遍 操，口不能遍味，冬則凍冰，夏則 (飾 GE>堨 b 饐。人君為 飲食如此，故左右象之。是以富貴者奢侈，孤寡者凍餒。 雖欲無亂，不可得也。君實欲天下治而惡其亂，當為食飲 不可不節。

a. Zhang Chunyi.

b. Hong Yixuan, Yu Yue, Wang Kaiyun.

In antiquity, before the people knew how to prepare food, they ate only raw vegetables and had to live divided into small groups. Thus, a sage arose and taught men to plow and sow grain and to plant trees in order to provide the people with food. When preparing food, their sole purpose was to make enough to increase energy, fill the inner void,

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strengthen the limbs, and nourish the stomach. Thus, their consumption of materials was restrained, their style of living was frugal, and their subjects became rich and their country orderly. Today this is not so. Rulers increase the exactions made from the Hundred Clans in order to make refined preparations of food using grass- and grain-fed animals2 and of steamed and broiled fish and turtles. The ruler of a large state selects from a hundred different dishes, while that of a small state selects from tens of dishes.3 Their tables, laden with such food, measure ten feet across. The eye cannot survey all the dishes, the hand cannot grasp them, and the mouth cannot taste them. In winter the food freezes and becomes ice; in summer it spoils and become rank. Since the lord of men eats like this, his subordinates emulate his example. This is why the rich and noble turn to extravagance and lavish displays and why orphans and widows are hungry and cold. Even though they desire that there should be no disorder, it is impossible that it will not be the result. If these lords truly desired that the world should be well governed and were disgusted by its anarchy, then they could not but be economical and restrained in preparing food. 6.4 古之民未為知舟車時，重任不移，遠道不至。故聖王作，

為舟車，以便民之事。其為舟車也，全固輕利，可以任重 致遠，其為用財少，而為利多，是以民樂而利之。法令不 急而行，民不勞而上足用，故民歸之。當今之主，其為舟 車，與此異矣。全固輕利皆已具 [矣]a，必厚作斂於百姓， 以飾舟車：飾車以文采；飾舟以刻鏤。女子廢其紡織，而 脩文采，故民寒；男子離其耕稼，而脩刻鏤，故民饑。人 君為舟車若此，故左右象之。是以其民饑寒並至，故為姦 [邪]b。姦 [邪]b 多則刑罰深，刑罰深則國亂。君實欲天下 之治而惡其亂，當為舟車不可不節。

a. Sun Yirang; QSZY parallel.

b. Wang Huanbiao; QSZY parallel.

In antiquity, before the people knew how to make boats and carts, they could not carry heavy loads nor travel to distant places. Thus, a sage-king arose and created boats and carts to facilitate the activities of their subjects. They made boats and carts that were complete, strong, nimble, and convenient and that could be used to carry heavy loads to distant places. Such boats and carts consumed few resources but provided multiple benefits. This is why the people were pleased to have

Group 1. The Syncretic Writings

them and benefited from them. Laws and orders were not needed to accomplish this. The people did not have to toil, and yet their superiors had sufficient resources to use. Thus, the people gave their allegiance to the sage-king. The practice of rulers of the present age in making boats and carts is most certainly quite different. They already possess vehicles that are complete, strong, nimble, and convenient, yet they are certain to make increased exactions from the Hundred Clans in order to decorate their boats and carts. They decorate their carts with colorful trappings and their boats with carved and incised ornaments. Women put aside their weaving to embroider such colorful trappings, and so the people are cold. Men abandon their plowing and sowing to carve and incise the ornaments, and thus the people suffer hunger. That their ruler makes boats and carts like these is the cause of his subordinates’ emulating his example. This is why his subjects, being both cold and hungry, become wicked and depraved. When wickedness and depravity multiply, then punishments and penalties become heavy. When punishments and penalties become heavy, then the country falls into anarchy. If these lords truly desired that the world be well governed and were disgusted by its anarchy, they could not but be economical and restrained in building boats and carts. 6.5 凡回於天地之間，包於四海之內，天壤之情，陰陽之和，

莫不有也，雖至聖不能更也，何以知其然？聖人有傳： 「天地也，則曰上下；四時也，則曰陰陽；人情也，則曰 男女；禽獸也，則曰牡牝雄雌也。」真天壤之情，雖有先 王不能更也。雖上世至聖，必蓄私不以傷行，故民無怨， 宮無拘女，故天下無寡夫。內無拘女，外無寡夫，故天 下之民眾。當今之君，其蓄私也，大國拘女累千，小國累 百。是以天下之男多寡無妻，女多拘無夫。男女失時，故 民少，君實欲民之眾，而惡其寡，當蓄私，不可不節。 Everything that circulates in the space between Heaven and earth and is enclosed within the four seas takes its essential nature from the sky and soil and is a harmonious blend of yin and yang. Even the greatest sage could not alter this fact. How do we know that this is so? The sages have handed down to us a teaching: “Of Heaven and earth it is said that one is on top and the other is on the bottom. Of the four seasons it is said that they alternate according to yin and yang. Of mankind it is said

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that there are men and women. Of birds and beasts it is said that there are males and females.” What truly belongs to the essential nature taken from sky and soil could not be altered even by the founding kings. Even the most sagely of men in high antiquity had to keep a female mate. But as it did not harmfully influence their conduct, there was no reason for the people to resent this. Because there were no sequestered women within their palaces, there were no bachelors left in the empire. Within the palace: no sequestered women. Outside the palace: no bachelors. This is why the population of the empire became large. The lords of the present age also maintain private households that in large states include sequestered women numbering into the thousands, and in small states numbering into the hundreds. This is why so many men in the empire lack wives and why so many women are without husbands. Men and women missing the opportunity to be married is the reason the population is small. If these lords really desire their subjects to be numerous and hate to see their number shrink, then they cannot but exercise restraint in taking concubines. 6.6 凡此五者，聖人之所儉節也，小人之所淫佚也。儉節則

昌，淫佚則亡。此五者，不可不節。夫婦節而天地和，風 雨節而五穀孰 a，衣服節而肌膚和。 a. 孰SF熟, Wang Huanbiao.

As a general principle there are five things in which the sages exercised frugality and observed due measure and in which petty men are excessive and profligate.4 Frugality and observing due measure result in prosperity; excess and profligacy result in ruination. In regard to these five things one cannot but be economical and restrained. When husbands and wives are restrained in sexual relations, the affairs of Heaven and earth stay in harmony. When wind and rain come in due measure, the five grains ripen. When clothing is kept moderate and economical, the muscles and flesh are comfortable.5

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7. Three Disputes Chapter 7, whose contents have no evident connection with its title, is a dialogue between Mozi and Cheng Fan in which the latter challenges Mozi’s claim that “the sage-kings did not make music” (7.1). Nowhere in the text of the Mozi does such a claim occur; what we do find, in the surviving “Condemn Music” chapter, is Mozi’s statement that “making music is wrong” (32.2 and 32.5–8). Although Cheng Fan refers to Mozi as fuzi 夫子, “master,” this should be regarded as a polite gesture, and not as a sign that Cheng Fan was one of Mozi’s disciples. In the present chapter, as well as in chapter 48, “Master Gongmeng,” Cheng Fan appears as a representative of Ru teachings who aggressively challenges Mozi’s claims and the validity of the arguments he uses to support them (48.10C–11). In response to Cheng Fan’s challenge, Mozi does not refer at all to the pragmatic arguments against musical performance—its pointlessness and waste of resources—that feature so prominently in chapter 32 and elsewhere in the Mozi. He offers instead an overview of the rites and music created and performed at the courts of the sage-kings—Yao, Shun, Tang, and Kings Wu and Cheng of the Zhou—and concludes that “the government of King Cheng of Zhou did not equal that of King Wu, whose government did not equal that of Tang the Successful, whose government did not equal that of Yao and Shun.” The lesson to be drawn from this, Mozi tells Cheng Fan, is that as music became more lavish and complex, government order became diminished and reduced (7.2). In blaming the sages and their rites and music for the decline in good government, the text is echoing a half dozen passages in the Zhuangzi that condemn the sages for allowing their rites and music to destroy the utopian simplicity and purity of the past. Zhuangzi, for example, says: “In the time of the House of Hexu, the people when at home were unaware of what they were doing, when traveling did not know where they were going, basked in the sun chewing a morsel or strolled drumming on their bellies. This was as far as the people’s capabilities went. Then came the sages, bowing and crouching to rites and music, in order to square off the shapes of everything in the world, groping in the air for humaneness and righteousness.”1 Another, very late chapter in the Zhuangzi, “In the World,” is probably referring to the Mohist argument against music found in chapter 7 when it says of 1.  Lunyu 3.26, 19.1, and 19.14.

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Mozi that “he did not agree with the Former Kings and so defamed the rites and music of the ancients” (不與先王同，毀古之禮樂).2 In the opinion of Cheng Fan, evidently more obsessed with consistency than with the substance of the reply, Mozi had simply admitted that the sage-kings did make music, and he presses him on that point (7.3). Unfortunately, the text of Mozi’s answer (7.4) is garbled, and its meaning difficult to determine. Given the first reply, however, perhaps Mozi replied that the ignorant rulers of his day had created such an excess of music that by comparison the sage-kings had created virtually none at all.

三辯第七 Chapter 7: Three Disputes 7.1 程繁問於子墨子曰： 「夫子曰『聖王不為樂』。昔諸侯倦

於聽治，息於鐘鼓之樂；士大夫倦於聽治，息於竽瑟之 樂；農夫春耕夏耘，秋斂冬藏，息於聆缶之樂。今夫子 曰：『聖王不為樂』，此譬之猶馬駕而不稅，弓張而不 弛，無乃非有血氣者之所 (不)a 能至邪？」

a. Wang Huanbiao.

Cheng Fan questioned our Master Mozi, saying:1 “Master, you have said, ‘The sage-kings did not make music.’ But anciently, when the lords of the various states grew weary from hearing the affairs of government, they sought relaxation in the music of bells and drums. When gentlemen and grand officers grew weary of hearing the affairs of their offices, they sought relaxation in the music of reed organ and zither. Farmers, who plowed in spring, weeded in summer, harvested in autumn, and stored in winter, sought relaxation in the music of earthenware rattles and clay drums. Now, Master, you say, ‘The sage-kings did not make music.’ They were, to use an analogy, like horses that pull a carriage but are never unharnessed, or a bow that is drawn tight but is never unstrung. This is surely not what an ordinary blood-and-breath mortal could accomplish, is it?” 7.2 子墨子曰： 「昔者堯舜有茅茨者，且以為禮，且以為樂；

湯放桀於大水，環天下自立以為王，事成功立，無大後 2.  Zhuangzi, “Tianxia,” 10B.1072 (Graham, Chuang Tzu, 276).

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患，因先王之樂，又自作樂，命曰護，又脩九招；武王勝 殷殺紂，環天下自立以為王，事成功立，無大後患，因先 王之樂，又自作樂，命曰象；周成王因先王之樂，又自作 樂，命曰騶虞。周成王之治天下也，不若武王，武王之治 天下也，不若成湯，成湯之治天下也，不若堯舜。故其樂 逾繁者，其治逾寡。自此觀之，樂非所以治天下也。」 Our Master Mozi replied: “In the past, when Yao and Shun lived in grass huts, they created rites as well as composed music. Tang sent Jie into exile by Great Water,2 encompassed the whole world, and installed himself as its king. Having achieved success and established his accomplishments, there was no further cause for anxiety. Basing himself on the music of the first kings, he too composed music that he named Helping Those in Danger, and he also embellished the Nine Splendors.3 King Wu conquered the Yin and executed Zhou, encompassed the whole world, and installed himself as its king. Having achieved success and established his accomplishments, there was no further cause for anxiety. Basing himself on the music of the first kings, he too composed music that he named Imitation. King Cheng of Zhou, basing himself on the music of the first kings, also composed music, which he named Zouyu.4 The government of King Cheng of Zhou did not equal that of King Wu, whose government did not equal that of Tang the Successful, whose government did not equal that of Yao and Shun. Thus, the more elaborate musical performances become, the more government order diminishes. From this it can be seen that music is not something that should be used to govern the empire.”

7.3

程繁曰：「 [夫]a 子曰：『聖王無樂』，此亦樂已，若之何其 謂聖王無樂也？」

a. Yu Xingwu.

Cheng Fan said: “Master, you have said, ‘The sage-kings lacked music.’ All this shows that they did have it. How then can you contend that the sage-kings had no music?” [者]a 寡之。食之利也，以知 饑而食之者智也，(因GE>固 b 為無智矣。今聖有樂而少， 此亦無也。」

7.4 子墨子曰： 「聖王之命也，多



a. Sun Yirang.

b. Yu Yue and Sun Yirang.

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Our Master Mozi replied: “The instruction of the sage-kings was that whatever was excessive should be reduced. Because there is benefit to be had from eating, those who eat when they feel hunger are wise. But those who persist in doing so (even when they are not hungry) lack wisdom. Now, although the sage-kings had music, it amounted to so little, it was like being altogether without music.”5

Group Two

The Ten Doctrines

Exalt the Worthy The doctrine of “exalting the worthy” complements the doctrine of “exalting conformity.” A ruler should reward with employment and emolument the most virtuous and skillful individuals in his state, and they, in return, should work hard to fulfill their duties and obey to the letter their ruler’s orders and instructions. Though a full implementation of the two doctrines would have a great impact on a state’s governance and hence on its population at large, the two doctrines are primarily concerned with the practices of a state’s ruling elite, and it is to them that these doctrines are addressed. All three chapters of the “Exalting the Worthy” triad survive. An analysis of their contents suggests that chapter 8 was compiled first, followed by chapter 10, and finally by chapter 9. They are accordingly discussed in that order in the following. A problem presented by all three chapters of the triad is that they fail to provide either a definition of what Mozi and his followers meant by xian 賢, “worthiness,” or an explanation of how they thought xian could be achieved. In the fifth and fourth centuries b.c.e., and no doubt earlier, worthiness was seen to be closely related to de 德, “virtue”: those who genuinely possessed or enacted virtue were deemed worthy or excellent individuals. The Ru school emphasis on the role of education and self-reflection in cultivating virtue is largely missing from the Mozi. (Although de appears frequently in the Mozi, it is not a key term in the philosophy of the text. Its occurs most often in the somewhat archaic anecdotes that are quoted to provide proof and precedents for arguments favored by Mozi and his followers.) The Mohists simply take an individual’s worthiness or lack of it as a given. How it is cultivated and achieved is apparently not of great interest. What does interest them is the challenge of getting rulers to treat the worthy with the reverence and generosity they deserve. Their approach to meeting this challenge also distinguishes them from the Ru, for whom properly appreciating the worthy was also an important concern. In the Analects of Confucius, in particular Lunyu 1.7, we learn that worthiness, like

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virtue, is regarded as having characteristics and a measurable value that make it comparable to objects of sensual desire, like food and beauty. Lunyu 1.7 concerns how an individual can transform a commonplace desire for such things into the much rarer appreciation of worthiness in others. What one should aim to do is xian xian 賢賢, “treat the worthy as worthy”; that is, regard virtuous individuals as ends in themselves, appreciating their qualities, not because they serve some utilitarian purpose, but because of the sheer delight that perceiving them engenders. The Mohists, too, regard worthiness as something of value and, by the time of the composition of chapter 9 in the late third century, they recognize that the worthy do not wish to be regarded as mere tools by their rulers but desire from them their “sincere love.” The Mohists, however, did not explore how rulers might cultivate such feelings for the worthy. Instead they counseled the ruling elite that, in order to motivate the worthy to work to produce the wealth and stability that they required, rulers must demonstrate how much they revered the worthy by offering them lofty positions matched by generous emoluments. These apparently would convince the worthy of the sincerity of a ruler’s admiration for them. Thus those in power are not advised to xian xian— the term never occurs in the text of the Mozi—but rather to adopt the Mohist slogan shang­xian, “exalt the worthy,” that calls upon them to calculate what the worthy are worth to them and then very publicly and without hesitation to pay the price. Chapter 8 opens with Mozi stating a fundamental dilemma—rulers desire wealth, a large population, and good governmental order but obtain the opposite of these—and asking what is to be done about it (8.1). He answers this and other rhetorical questions in the succeeding passages by advising rulers to enrich and esteem the worthiest individuals in the state. In his explanation, Master Mo uses the analogy of rewarding archers and charioteers in order to increase their number (8.4). The chapter ends with Mozi pronouncing that, no matter the outcome, promoting and honoring capable gentlemen, individuals who possess the specialized skills necessary for good government, is good simply because it is the Way of the ancient sage-kings and “the foundation of government” (8.7). Having begun the chapter with arguments that appeal to a ruler’s lust for wealth and a large population, Mozi concludes by appealing to a ruler’s desire to be compared with the sages of antiquity. Inserted between the quotations from Mozi are citations of “regulations” promulgated by the ancient sage-kings (8.5, 8.6). The first of these mandates that the ruler should favor only the righteous. The term yi 義, “righteous,” has a broad range of meanings in the Mozi. In chapter 8 it appears to refer to those who wholeheartedly devote themselves to serving the interests of the ruler and the state. The second regulation dictates that those with ability should be granted lofty title, generous salary, and the power to

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issue mandatory orders. These are essential for ensuring that those employed by the state are able to win the loyalty, trust, and obedience of all those governed. Chapter 10 elaborates on the sparse language and elliptical argumentation of chapter 8. It consists of one long teaching attributed to Mozi, thus making Mozi author of all the arguments in the chapter. The regulation that appears in 8.6 is incorporated into the argument of 10.1, and its contents paraphrased in language more accessible and relevant to the theme of exalting the worthy. Borrowing language from Mozi’s concluding teaching in 8.7, 10.1 identifies exalting the worthy as the Way of the sages and then claims it could be employed in governing the entire world—a reference to imperial ambitions that are at most muted in 8.5 and 8.6. 10.2 offers criticism of the shi junzi 士君子, or “nobles in office” (favorite objects of derision in many Mozi chapters), for not being able to distinguish between insignificant tasks like butchering meat, which they gladly assign to specialists, and significant tasks like governing the state, which they hand over to relatives or favorites, even when it is certain that they will fail. (The nobles in office are criticized in similar language in 28.1, a parallel that suggests an affinity between chapters 10 and 28.) While chapter 8 emphasizes that only the righteous and those with ability were employed and rewarded by the ancient sagekings, 10.3 appears to introduce a purposeful hint of ambivalence by noting that they “did not necessarily” enrich and ennoble their “flesh and blood kin,” implying that there were exceptions to chapter 8’s version of history. Passage 10.3 concludes with the observation that by elevating the worthy, the ancient sage-kings benefited Heaven, the spirits, and men. The concept of benefiting these three realms, repeated again in 10.6, is totally absent from chapter 8 but is harmonious with ideas found in chapters 19 and 26. Passage 10.4A cites canonical sources that are introduced as originally having been “inscribed on bamboo strips and silk scrolls and engraved on jade and stone basins.” The phrase is echoed in 16.6, 28.6, 31.7, 36.4, and 37.3, parallels that indicate a connection between chapter 10 and those passages. Passage 10.5 criticizes contemporaneous rulers for ennobling and enriching their relatives, thus creating a situation in which the only way to succeed is to be related to the ruler, which no amount of study or wisdom can help one accomplish. Chapter 9, the longest of the three chapters, consists of two distinct parts, 9.1 through 9.5 and 9.6 through 9.8. The first part is a lengthy teaching by Master Mo on the triad’s main theme. The second half comments on and supplements the first part. This sequence of canon and elaboration is different from the structure of chapters 8 and 10. In its content as well, chapter 9, especially its first part, departs somewhat from the other two chapters of the triad. According to 9.1, what a ruler desires is not wealth, a large population, and good governmental

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order—as in chapters 8 and 10—but to hold on to power. The way to do this is to have “the eminent and wise exercise authority over the stupid and base.” In 9.2 Mozi details the hard work done by the worthy on behalf of the state, a description absent from the other two chapters. In 9.4 Mozi laments the fact that unlike the sage rulers of the past, “the kings, dukes, and great men of today” do not offer their servants the requisite high salary; instead, they rely on relatives and lovers, mindless to the fact that their incompetence will bring about chaos and anarchy (9.5). This criticism is not significantly different from that found in 10.5. Passage 9.6 begins the elaboration on Mozi’s teaching by protesting that the doctrine of exalting the worthy is not simply Mozi’s alone (a device also seen in 13.8, 16.6, and 19.4, which shows that Mozi cannot be the author of the chapter), but is also attested in ancient documents, which are then quoted to prove the claim and illustrate the power of Heaven to reward the good and punish the bad (9.7). The 10.6 praise of the sages—perhaps composed in part with language borrowed from a stele erected to celebrate the accomplishments of the First Emperor—is replaced in 9.7F with a “Hymn of Zhou,” whose praise for “the virtue of the sages” similarly suggests a vision of imperial unification. The theme is further elaborated upon in 9.8: “The kings, dukes, and great men of today desire to become a universal king over the world and to establish their leadership over the lords of the various states.” (This terminology is repeated in 21.1 and 35.4B, parallelism that suggests a conceptual link between this part of chapter 9 and those two passages.) Chapter 9 closes with the argument that the best way to become a universal king is not through aggressive warfare, but by honoring the worthy. At least part of the motivation for compiling the chapter may have been to counter arguments that the most effective way to become a universal king was by mounting a campaign of aggressive warfare.

尚賢上第八 Chapter 8: Exalt the Worthy (Upper) 8.1 子墨子言曰： 「今者王公大人為政於國家者，皆欲國家之

富，人民之眾，刑政之治，然而不得富而得貧，不得眾而 得寡，不得治而得亂，則是本失其所欲，得其所惡，是其 故何也？」 Our Master Mozi taught: “The kings, dukes, and great men of today who rule states all desire to enrich their states, increase their popula-

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

tions, and achieve good order in the enforcement of penal law and regulations.1 Nonetheless, since what they obtain is not enrichment but rather impoverishment, not a large population but one reduced in size, and not order but anarchy, then in truth they have failed to get what they desired and have obtained what they hated. What is the reason for this?” 8.2 子墨子言曰 a： 「是在王公大人為政於國家者，不能以尚賢

事能為政也。是故國有賢良之士眾，則國家之治厚，賢 良之士寡，則國家之治薄。故大人之務，將在於眾賢而 己。」

a.  Wang Huanbiao regards these five characters as possibly excrescent.

Our Master Mozi taught: “The reason lies in the fact that the kings, dukes, and great men who make the rules in their states are incapable of making exalting the worthy and employing the able a regulation. It is the case that when the good and worthy gentlemen of a country are numerous, the good order of the country is substantial, but that the order of any state which has only a few good and worthy gentlemen is paltry. Thus the task to which a great man should devote his entire attention consists in nothing more than creating an abundance of worthy men.” 8.3 曰： 「然則眾賢之術將柰何哉？」

Someone asked: “If that is so, then what is the proper method by which to increase the number of worthy men?” 8.4 子墨子言曰： 「譬若欲眾其國之善射御之士者，必將富

之，貴之，敬之，譽之，然后國之善射御之士，將可得而 眾也。況又有賢良之士厚乎德行，辯乎言談，博乎道術者 乎，此固國家之珍，而社稷之佐也，亦必且富之，貴之， 敬之，譽之，然后國之 [賢]a 良士，亦將可得而眾也。」

a.  Wang Huanbiao; parallelism.

Our Master Mozi taught: “It is, to use an analogy, like wishing to increase the number of those in the state who are expert archers and charioteers. One would certainly go about this by enriching them and giving them high position, by treating them with respect and praising them. For only when this had been done could the number of gentlemen in the state who are expert archers and charioteers be increased

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successfully. How much more then is this the case with worthy and good gentlemen who are richly accomplished in the practice of virtuous conduct, discriminating in their discourse and talk, and broadly learned in the Way and methods! Such men assuredly are the real treasures of the nation and the true keepers of the altars of soil and grain. Surely it is necessary that they too should be enriched and given high position, that they as well should be treated with respect and given praise. For only when this has been done can the number of worthy and good gentlemen in the state be increased successfully.”2 8.5 是故古者聖王之為政也，言曰： 「不義不富，不義不貴，

不義不親，不義不近。」是以國之富貴人聞之，皆退而 謀曰：「始我所恃者，富貴也，今上舉義不辟貧賤，然則 我不可不為義。」親者聞之，亦退而謀曰：「始我所恃者 親也，今上舉義不辟 [親]a 疏，然則我不可不為義。」近 者聞之，亦退而謀曰：「始我所恃者近也，今上舉義不避 [近]b 遠，然則我不可不為義。」遠者聞之，亦退而謀曰： 「我始以遠為無恃，今上舉義不辟遠，然則我不可不為 義。」逮至遠鄙郊外之臣，門庭庶子，國中之眾、四鄙 之萌人聞之，皆競為義。是其故何也？曰：上之所以使下 者，一物也，下之所以事上者，一術也。譬之富者有高牆 深宮，牆立既謹 c，上為鑿一門，有盜人入，闔其自入而 求之，盜其無自出。是其故何也？則上得要也。 a.  Wang Huanbiao; QSZY reading. c. 塈墐 Yu Xingwu.

b.  Wang Huanbiao; QSZY reading.

It is for this reason that in antiquity the sage-kings made a rule, the text of which said: “If not righteous, not rich; if not righteous, not noble; if not righteous, not kin to the ruler; if not righteous, not intimate with the ruler.” This is why, when the rich and noble men of the state heard this, they all withdrew to deliberate among themselves, saying: “What we previously relied on was our wealth and noble positions, but now our superior promotes the righteous without caring whether they are from poor or humble circumstances. Given that this is so, we cannot but become righteous.” When the kin of the ruler heard this, they also withdrew to take counsel together, saying: “What we previously trusted in was our tie of kinship, but now our superior promotes the righteous without caring how near or distant the kinship. Given

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

that this is so, we cannot but become righteous.” When the intimates of the ruler heard this, they likewise withdrew to consult together, saying: “What we previously depended on was our close personal relationship, but now our superior promotes the righteous without caring how intimate or distant their relationship may have been. Given that this is so, we cannot but become righteous.”3 When those having only a distant relationship with the ruler heard this, they withdrew likewise and deliberated together, saying: “Previously on account of our distant relationship we had nothing on which to rely, but now our superior will promote the righteous without regard to ties of intimacy. Given that this is so, we cannot but become righteous.” So vassals in distant and remote areas, the sons of cadet branches of noble houses serving in the palace, the multitude within the capital, and the peasants living in the four outlying regions, upon hearing this, all competed to be righteous. Why did they do this? We say: Superiors have exclusive control of the material things with which to employ their subordinates. Subordinates have exclusive control of the technical skills with which to serve their superiors.4 Consider the analogy of the rich man who builds high walls to protect the privacy of his mansion. When the wall is finished and plastered with mud, it is pierced by only one gate. Then if a thief should enter the compound, the rich man has only to shut the gate by which he entered and he will find him, since there is no other way for the thief to escape. Why is this? It is because the superior has control over the vital point. 8.6 故古者聖王之為政，列德而尚賢，雖在農與工肆之人，有

能則舉之，高予之爵，重予之祿，任之以事，斷予之令， 曰：「爵位不高則民弗敬，蓄祿不厚則民不信，政令不斷 則民不畏」，舉三者授之賢者，非為賢賜也，欲其事之 成。故當是時，以德就列，以官服事，以勞殿賞，量功而 分祿。故官無常貴，而民無終賤，有能則舉之，無能則下 之，舉公義，辟私怨，此若言之謂也。故古者堯舉舜於服 澤之陽，授之政，天下平；禹舉益於陰方之中，授之政， 九州成；湯舉伊尹於庖廚之中，授之政，其謀得；文王舉 閎夭泰顛於罝罔之中，授之政，西土服。故當是時，雖在 於厚祿尊位之臣，莫不敬懼而 [不]a 施，雖在農與工肆之 人，莫不競勸而尚意。故士者所以為輔相承嗣也。故得士

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則謀不困，體不勞，名立而功成，美章而惡不生，則由得 士也。

a.  Liu Shipei.

Thus in antiquity the sage-kings made a regulation giving the highest rank to the virtuous and elevating the worthy. “Though a man be a farmer, an artisan, or a shopkeeper, if he has ability, then promote him. Bestow on him a lofty title, give him a generous salary, and in entrusting him with important duties, grant him the power to issue mandatory orders.” The sage-kings explained: “If the rank and position of the worthy are not high, then the people will not revere them. If their allowances and emoluments are not generous, then the people will not have confidence in them. If their regulations and orders are not mandatory, the people will not stand in awe of them.” These three honors were bestowed upon the worthy, not to reward their worth, but out of the sage-kings’ desire to assure the success of governmental undertakings. Thus at that time, there were these sayings that referred to elevating the worthy: Assign rank according to virtue, assign tasks according to the office held, give reward according to the effort expended, and apportion emolument according to the magnitude of the ­achievement. It is so that holding office does not guarantee high rank and commoners are not forever condemned to humble circumstances. Raise up those who have ability and send down those without ability.  Promote public good and suppress private grudges. Thus in antiquity when Yao raised Shun up from the north bank of Fu Swamp and entrusted the government to him, the world became tranquil.5 When Yu raised up Bo Yi from the midst of the Yinfang6 and entrusted the government to him, the Nine Provinces were successfully organized.7 When Tang raised up Yi Yin from the midst of his labors in the kitchens and entrusted the government to him, his plans were realized. When King Wen raised up Hongyao Taidian from among his nets, the western land bowed in submission.8 Therefore, in those days the ministers, despite their high rank and generous emoluments, all took strict, reverent care to do nothing improper; and the commoners, despite their being farmers, artisans, or shopkeepers, all competed in set-

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87

ting their minds on lofty ideals.9 Thus it is gentlemen who are to be used as assistants and subordinates in the government. Therefore, if gentlemen are obtained, then the ruler’s plans will not be thwarted and his body will not be worn with care. His reputation will be secured and his undertakings will succeed. Beauty will be visibly manifested and nothing ugly will arise to mar it. All of this is the result of obtaining gentlemen. 8.7 是故子墨子言曰： 「得意賢士不可不舉，不得意賢士不可

不舉，尚欲祖述堯舜禹湯之道，將不可以不尚賢。夫尚賢 者，政之本也。」 This is the reason our Master Mozi taught: When you realize your ambitions, you must promote worthy gentlemen. When you fail to realize your ambitions, you must still promote worthy gentlemen. If you wish to emulate and carry on the Way of Yao, Shun, Yu, and Tang, you must exalt the worthy. For exalting the worthy is the foundation of government.

尚賢中第九 Chapter 9: Exalt the Worthy (Middle) 9.1 子墨子言曰： 今王公大人之君人民，主社稷，治國家，欲

脩保而勿失，故不察尚賢為政之本也。何以知尚賢之為政 本也？曰自貴且智者，為政乎愚且賤者則治；自愚 [且]a 賤者，為政乎貴且智者則亂。是以知尚賢之為政本也。故 古者聖王甚尊尚賢而任使能，不黨父兄，不偏貴富，不嬖 顏色，賢者舉而上之，富而貴之，以為官長；不肖者抑而 廢之，貧而賤之以為徒役，是以民皆勸其賞，畏其罰，相 率而為賢者。 [是]b 以賢者眾，而不肖者寡，此謂進賢。 然後聖人聽其言，迹其行，察其所能，而慎予官，此謂事 能。故可使治國者，使治國，可使長官者，使長官，可使 治邑者，使治邑。凡所使治國家，官府，邑里，此皆國之 賢者也。

a.  Sun Yirang; parallelism.

b.  Wang Huanbiao.

Our Master Mozi taught: The kings, dukes, and great men of today are lords over their peoples and subjects, preside over the ceremonies at

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their altars of soil and grain, and govern their nations. In doing so, they desire to prolong their rule and not to lose it. Thus how is it that they fail to examine the principle of exalting the worthy, which is the foundation of good governance! How do we know that the principle of exalting the worthy is the foundation of good governance? We say: From the fact that there is order whenever the eminent and wise exercise authority over the stupid and base, and from the fact that there is anarchy whenever the stupid and base exercise authority over the eminent and wise. This is how we know that the principle of exalting the worthy is the foundation of good governance. Thus, in antiquity, the sage-kings especially esteemed and exalted the worthy as well as used and employed the able, showing no special consideration for their own fathers or older brothers, no partiality to the rich and eminent, no favoritism toward the handsome and attractive. The worthy were promoted to high places, enriched and honored, and made heads of government offices. The unworthy were demoted and rejected, impoverished and debased, and made menials and slaves. All the people, thus motivated by these rewards and fearful of these punishments, led each other into joining the ranks of the worthy. Thus the worthy multiplied and the unworthy were reduced in number. This is what is called “having the worthy come forward.” Following upon this, the sages listened carefully to their teachings, examined closely how they behaved, and investigated their abilities in order to assign them to office carefully. This is what is called “employing the able.” Accordingly, those capable of governing the state were appointed to govern the state, those capable of heading a government office were assigned to head an office, and those capable of administering a provincial post were assigned to a provincial post. In every case, those who administered the state, government offices and treasuries, as well as provincial cities and villages, were all the worthiest people in the country. 9.2 賢者之治國也，蚤朝晏退，聽獄治政，是以國家治而刑法

正。賢者之長官也，夜寢夙興，收斂關市、山林、澤梁之 利，以實官府，是以官府實而財不散。賢者之治邑也， 蚤出莫 a 入，耕稼、樹藝、聚菽粟，是以菽粟多而民足乎 食。故國家治則刑法正，官府實則萬民富。上有以絜為酒 醴栥盛，以祭祀天、鬼，{下有以食飢息勞將養其萬民， 內有以懷天下之賢人，外有以為皮幣與四鄰諸侯交接。是 故上者天、鬼富之，下者萬民親之，內者賢人歸之，外者

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

諸侯與之。}b 以此謀事則得，舉事則成，入守則固，出誅 則彊。故唯昔三代聖王堯、舜、禹、湯、文、武，之所以 王天下正諸侯者，此亦其法已。 a.  暮 Wang Huanbiao. b. The passage within brackets has been emended and corrected following Wang Huanbiao, 50 n. 15.

When worthy men govern the state, they appear at court early and retire late, hearing lawsuits and administering the affairs of government. Consequently, the state is well governed and its laws and punishments are just. When worthy men head government offices, they go to bed late and get up early, and fill the coffers of government by collecting taxes on what passes through the customs barriers and markets as well as on the beneficial products of the highland forests and low-lying fish weirs. On account of this, the treasury being full, resources are not wasted. When worthy men administer provincial posts, they leave their houses early and return late, supervising the plowing and sowing, the planting of trees, and the gathering of vegetables and grain. As a result, vegetables and grain being plentiful, the people have enough to eat. Accordingly, when the state is well governed, its laws and punishments are just; and when the treasuries are full, the myriad of people are rich. Above, there will be the means to prepare pure sweet wine and millet with which to make offerings to Heaven and the ghosts. Below, there will be the means to feed the hungry, give rest to the weary, and provide nourishment for the myriad of subjects. Within, there are the means to embrace all the worthy men of the world. Without, there are the means to provide gifts of furs and bolts of silk to neighbors in the four directions as well as to the lords of the various states. On account of this, from above Heaven and the ghosts will send down riches to the ruler; from below, the myriad of his subjects will feel kinship with him; within the state, worthy men will spontaneously turn to him; and without, the lords of the various states will become his allies. By these means what they plan for will be attained and their undertakings will succeed. When retreating to a defensive posture, they will be secure; when going forth on a punitive expedition, they will be overpowering. Thus, it was only by this principle (of exalting the worthy) that in the past the sagekings of the three dynasties—Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, King Wen, and King Wu—became universal kings over the empire and established leadership over the lords of the various states.

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(曰GE>有 a 若法，未知所以行之術，則事猶若未成，是 以必為置三本。何謂三本？曰爵位不高則民不敬也，蓄祿 不厚則民不信也，政令不斷則民不畏也。故古聖王高予之 爵，重予之祿，任之以事，斷予之令，夫豈為其臣賜哉， 欲其事之成也。詩曰：『告女憂卹，誨女予 b 爵，孰能執 熱，鮮不用濯。』則此語古者國君諸侯之不可以不執善， 承嗣輔佐也。譬之猶執熱之有濯也。將休其手焉。古者聖 王唯毋得賢人而使之，裂地以封之，終身不厭。賢人唯毋 得明君而事之，竭四肢之力以任君之事，終身不倦。若有 美善則歸之上，是以美善在上而所怨謗在下，寧樂在君， 憂慼在臣，故古者聖王之為政若此。

9.3 既



a.  Wang Niansun.

b.  序 Wang Huanbiao.

Though one possesses the right principle, if one does not understand the techniques of implementing it, then undertakings will never reach successful completion. It is for this reason that three fundamental rules must be laid down. What are the three fundamental rules? They are: If the rank and position of the worthy man are not high, then the people will not revere him. If his allowances and emoluments are not generous, then the people will not have confidence in him. If his regulations and orders are not mandatory, then the people will not stand in awe of them. Therefore, the ancient sage-kings “bestow on him a lofty title, give him a generous salary, and in entrusting him with important duties, grant him the power to issue mandatory orders.”1 Was this done merely to reward their ministers? It was done because they desired that their undertakings should succeed. One of the Odes says: I counsel you to be concerned for the distress of others; I instruct you to assign ranks properly. For who can take hold of something hot Without first moistening his hand?2 By using the analogy of moistening the hand before grasping anything hot in order to protect the hand from injury, these verses show that in antiquity, rulers and lords of the various states could not fail to treat their assistants and subordinates kindly. In antiquity the sage-kings needed only to find a worthy man whom they could appoint to office; they then distributed titles to honor him,

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

divided up land to enfeoff him, and never tired of doing so even to the end of their days. A worthy man needed only to find an enlightened lord to serve; he then exhausted the strength of his four limbs in bearing the burden of carrying out his lord’s undertakings, and never wearied of doing so even to the end of his days. If anything beautiful or good resulted, he attributed it to his superior. Consequently, since what was beautiful and good lay with the superior, anything that caused resentment or complaint lay with his subordinates. Repose and pleasure were the portion of the ruler, care and worry that of his subordinates. This, then, is how the sage-kings of antiquity administered their government. (人GE>之 a 以尚賢使能為政，高予之 爵，而祿不從也。夫高爵而無祿，民不信也。曰：『此非 中實愛我也，假藉而用我也。』夫假藉之民，將豈能親其 上哉！故先王言曰：『貪於政者不能分人以事，厚於貨者 不能分人以祿。』事則不與，祿則不分，請問天下之賢人 將何自至乎王公大人之側哉？若苟賢者不至乎王公大人之 側，則此不肖者在左右也。不肖者在左右，則其所譽不當 賢，而所罰不當暴，王公大人尊此以為政乎國家，則賞亦 必不當賢，而罰亦必不當暴。若苟賞不當賢而罰不當暴， 則是為賢者不勸而為暴者不沮矣。是以入則不慈孝父母， 出則不長弟鄉里，居處無節，出入無度，男女無別。使治 官府則盜竊，守城則倍畔，君有難則不死，出亡則不從， 使斷獄則不中，分財則不均，與謀事不得，舉事不成，入 守不固，出誅不彊。故雖昔者三代暴王桀紂幽厲之所以失 措其國家，傾覆其社稷者，已此故也。何則？皆以明小物 而不明大物也。

9.4 今王公大人亦欲效



a.  Wang Huanbiao.

The kings, dukes, and great men of today still desire to imitate the sage-kings of old by using the principle of exalting the worthy and employing the able in their governance. But they grant the worthy and able high rank without the emolument that should go with it. People have no confidence in those who give high rank but not the emolument that should go with it. They will say: “This is done not out of any heartfelt love for me; it is done to make use of me as a means for his ends.” Now if subjects are treated only as the means to the ruler’s ends, how can

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they feel any ties of kinship with their superior? The sage-kings taught, “He who is greedy for power in the government will prove unable to share tasks with others, and he who places much emphasis on wealth will prove unable to apportion emoluments to others.” If tasks are not shared and if emoluments are not apportioned, then may I ask what will induce the worthy men of the empire to come to the side of these kings, dukes, and great men? If it should come to pass that the worthy do not come to the side of kings, dukes, and great men, then the unworthy will surround them. If the unworthy surround them, then those they praise will not be the worthy and those they punish will not be the wicked. If kings, dukes, and great men govern the state in this fashion, then those they reward will certainly not be the worthy and those they punish will certainly not be the wicked. If it should come to pass that the worthy are not rewarded and the wicked are not punished, then the worthy will not be encouraged and the wicked will not curbed. On account of this, people will not love and obey their parents, nor will they respect and treat politely their neighbors. In their daily life at home people will lack a sense of restraint, in their comings and goings they will lack the proper measure, and relations between men and women will not heed the proper separation. Appointed to administer an office or treasury, they will plunder and pilfer. Entrusted with the defense of a city, they will betray their trust or rebel. When their lord experiences difficulties, they will not die for him. If he is sent into exile, they will not follow him. If put in charge of settling lawsuits, they will not strike a reasonable balance. If charged with apportioning resources, they will not be equitable. Plans made with them will result in the undertaking not succeeding; tasks shared with them will not be successfully completed. When retreating into a defensive posture, they will not be secure; when going forth on a punitive expedition, they will not be overpowering. These, then, are the reasons why in the past the tyrannical kings of the Three Dynasties—Jie, Zhou, King You, and King Li—lost control over their kingdoms and had their altars of soil and grain overturned and destroyed. All of this came about because they understood minor matters but were oblivious to important things. 9.5A

今王公大人，有一衣裳不能制也，必藉良工；有一牛羊不 能殺也，必藉良宰。故當若之二物者，王公大人未 [嘗不]a 知以尚賢使能為政也。逮至其國家之亂，社稷之危，則不

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93

知使能以治之，親戚則使之，無故富貴 [則使之]b、面目佼 好則使之。夫 [親戚]b、無故富貴、面目佼好 (則使之)b， 豈必智且有慧哉！若使之治國家，則此使不智慧者治國家 也，國家之亂既可得而知已。

a.  Wang Niansun.

b.  Wang Huanbiao, 55 n. 9.

The kings, dukes, and great men of today, being incapable of cutting a suit of clothes, realize that they must rely upon a skilled tailor, and being incapable of slaughtering an ox or sheep, know that they must rely upon a good butcher. Given these two instances, kings, dukes, and great men surely know that they should govern by exalting the worthy and employing the able. But when the state is endangered by anarchy and the altars of soil and grain imperiled, they seem unaware that they should employ the able to restore order. Rather, if relatives are at hand, they use them. If there are men who are rich and eminent without cause, they use them. If there are handsome and attractive men about, they use them. But can it be certain that relatives, men who are rich and eminent without merit, or the handsome and attractive will be wise as well as intelligent? To entrust such men with the task of bringing order to the state is to entrust it to men who are neither intelligent nor wise. That the state will fall into anarchy can be predicted in advance.

9.5B

且夫王公大人有所愛其色而使 [之]a，其心不察其知而與 其愛。是故不能治百人者，使處乎千人之官，不能治千人 者，使處乎萬人之官。此其故何也？曰處若官者爵高而祿 厚，故愛其色而使之焉。夫 [不能治百者，使處乎千人之 官]b，不能治千人者，使處乎萬人之官，則此官什倍也。 夫治之法將日至者也，日以治之，日不什脩，知以治之， 知不什益，而予官什倍，則此治一而棄其九矣。雖日夜相 接以治若官，官猶若不治，此其故何也？則王公大人不明 乎以尚賢使能為政也。故以尚賢使能為政而治者，夫若言 之謂也，以下賢 [廢能]c 為政而亂者，若吾言之謂也。

a.  Sun Yirang. c.  Wang Huanbiao.

b. Wang Huanbiao; parallelism.

Further, when kings, dukes, and great men appoint to office those to whom they are sexually attracted, they do not inquire into whether such men are wise, but give them office out of their love. This is why men

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incapable of governing even a hundred men are put in an office in charge of a thousand men and those incapable of governing a thousand men are appointed to offices in charge of ten thousand men. What is the reason for this? We say that because these offices have a high rank and generous emolument, the ruler grants them to those for whom he feels sexual attraction. If officers incapable of controlling a hundred men are put in charge of a thousand and if officers incapable of controlling a thousand men are put in charge of tens of thousand, they are being appointed to offices requiring ten times their ability. In the model of governing, tasks of each day are settled that day. But since new tasks must be attended to each day, the day cannot be made ten times longer for such men. And as the requisite knowledge is required to handle each task, their knowledge cannot be expanded ten times. If men are appointed to offices requiring ten times their ability, they will attend to one matter and neglect nine. Though such men work day and night seeing to the duties of their offices, still affairs of their offices will not be brought under control. Why do they do this? It is simply because kings, dukes, and great men do not understand that they should make exalting the worthy and employing the able a government regulation. Thus, those who make it their policy to exalt the worthy and employ the able achieve order, just as my doctrine contends, and those who make it their policy to deprecate the worthy and dismiss the able create chaos, just as my teachings claim. 9.6 今王公大人中實將欲治其國家，欲脩保而勿失，胡不察尚

賢為政之本也？且以尚賢為政之本者，亦豈獨子墨子之言 哉！此聖王之道，先王之書《距年》之言也。傳曰：「求聖 君哲人，以裨輔而身」，《湯誓》曰：「聿求元聖，與之 戮力同心，以治天下。」則此言聖 [王]a 之不失以尚賢使 能為政也。故古者聖王唯能審以尚賢使能為政，無異物 雜焉，天下皆得其利。古者舜耕歷山，陶河瀕，漁雷澤， 堯得之服澤之陽，舉以為天子，與接天下之政，治天下之 民。伊摯，有莘氏女之私臣，親為庖人，湯得之，舉以為 己相，與接天下之政，治天下之民。傅說被褐帶索。庸築 乎傅巖，武丁得之，舉以為三公，與接天下之政，治天下 之民。此何故始賤卒而貴，始貧卒而富？則王公大人明乎

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

以尚賢使能為政。是以民無飢而不得食，寒而不得衣，勞 而不得息，亂而不得治者。

a.  Sun Yirang.

If the kings, dukes, and great men of today really desire to keep order in their states and desire to maintain and preserve their states and not lose them, why do they fail to examine the principle that exalting the worthy is the foundation of good governance? Further, how could it be that taking the principle of exalting the worthy to be the foundation of good governance is merely the idiosyncratic teaching of our Master Mozi? It is the Way of the sage-kings; it is a teaching found in a document of the first kings, the Distant Years; and it has been handed down in sayings from ancient times: “Seek our sage lords and wise men to protect and aid you!”3 The “Oath of Tang” says: “Then I sought out the foremost sage with whom I might join my strength and unite my purpose in order to govern the world.”4 These passages show that the sage-kings did not neglect the principle of exalting the worthy and employing the able in their exercise of government. Thus, in antiquity the sage-kings were able to concentrate on this principle alone: exalt the worthy and employ the able in the exercise of the government. They mixed nothing else in with it. So the whole world benefited from them. Anciently Shun plowed at Mount Li,5 made pottery beside the Yellow River, and fished at Thunder Swamp.6 Yao discovered him on the north bank of Fu Swamp, raised him up to be Son of Heaven, and shared with him authority over the administration of the world and governance of its subjects. Yi Zhi7 served in the bridal party of a daughter of the Xin8 clan when she went to marry Tang and by his own wish served as a cook in Tang’s kitchens. Tang discovered him, raised him up to become his own prime minister, and shared with him authority over the administration of the world and governance of its subjects. Fuyue,9 wearing a coarse robe and belt of rope, worked as a convict laborer at Fuyan.10 Wuding discovered him, raised him up to be one of the Three Elders, and shared with him authority over administration of the world and governance over its subjects.11 How did it happen that these men began in humble positions and ended in exalted ones, began in poverty and ended in riches? It was because kings, dukes, and great men understood the principle of exalting the worthy and employing the able in the exercise of their

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governments. This is why there was no one hungry who found no food, no one cold who found no clothing, no one tired who found no rest, and no one given to disorder who was not made orderly. 9.7A

故古聖王以審以尚賢使能為政，而取法於天。雖天亦不辯 貧富、貴賤、遠邇、親疏、賢者舉而尚之，不肖者抑而廢 之。 Thus, in antiquity the sage-kings, by examining carefully the principle of exalting the worthy and employing the able in the exercise of their government, were adopting the model provided by Heaven. Although Heaven shows no partiality between the poor and rich, the noble and base, the near and far, the closely and distantly related, it nevertheless lifts up and exalts the worthy and demotes and dismisses the unworthy.

9.7B

然則富貴為賢，以得其賞者誰也？曰若昔者三代聖王堯、 舜、禹、湯、文、武者是也。所以得其賞何也？曰其為政 乎天下也，兼而愛之，從而利之，又率天下之萬民以尚尊 天、事鬼、愛利萬民，是故天鬼賞之，立為天子，以為民 父母，萬民從而譽之曰「聖王」，至今不已。則此富貴為 賢，以得其賞者也。 If this is so, then who were the rich and eminent who were rewarded for being worthy? We say: In the past the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties—Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu—were such men. What did they do to obtain their just rewards? We say: When they governed the world, they loved all the people impartially and consequently benefited them. Moreover, as the leaders of the myriad peoples of the world, they exalted the virtues of “honoring Heaven and worshiping the ghosts” as well as “loving and benefiting the myriad peoples.” This is why Heaven and the ghosts rewarded them, established them as Sons of Heaven, and made them the father and mother of the people. The myriad peoples all praised them, calling them “sage-kings,” and so they are called down to the present. These, then, were cases of the rich and eminent being worthy and obtaining their reward for it.

9.7C

然則富貴為暴，以得其罰者誰也？曰若昔者三代暴王桀、 紂、幽、厲者是也。何以知其然也？曰其為政乎天下也， 兼而憎之，從而賊之，又率天下之民以詬天侮鬼，賊 (傲

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

GE>殺 a 萬民，是故天鬼罰之，使身死而為刑戮，子孫離 散，室家喪滅，絕無後嗣，萬民從而非之曰「暴王」，至 今不已。則此富貴為暴，而以得其罰者也。

a.  Wang Niansun.

If this is so, then who were rich and eminent who were punished for being tyrants? We say: In the past the tyrannical kings of the Three Dynasties—Jie, Zhou, You, and Li—were such men. How do we know that this was so? We say: When they ruled the world, they hated everybody and consequently oppressed them all. Moreover, as leaders of the myriad peoples of the world, they exalted the principles of “cursing Heaven and abusing the ghosts” as well as “mistreating and killing the myriad peoples.”12 This is why Heaven and the ghosts punished them, causing them to die or suffer corporal punishment, and their descendants to be scattered and dispersed, their noble houses to be overthrown and destroyed, and their noble lines to be cut off without successors to their positions. The myriad peoples condemned them, calling them “tyrannical kings,” and so they are called down to the present. These, then, were cases of the rich and eminent being tyrannical and receiving their punishment for it. 9.7D

然則親而不善，以得其罰者誰也？曰若昔者伯鯀，帝之元 子，廢帝之德庸，既乃刑之于羽之郊，乃熱照無有及也， 帝亦不愛。則此親而不善以得其罰者也。 If this is so, then are there cases of the ruler’s close kin not doing good and being punished for it? We say: In the past such was Bogun, the eldest son of the sovereign Zhuanxu.13 He ruined the virtuous accomplishments of the sovereign. For this he was punished with banishment to the frontier region of Yu,14 where neither warmth nor light could reach him, for the sovereign loved him no more. Bogun, then, is a case of a ruler’s close kin not doing good and being punished for it.

9.7E

然則天之所使能者誰也？曰若昔者禹、稷、皐陶是也。 何以知其然也？先王之書《呂刑》道之曰：「皇帝清問下 民，有辭有苗。曰：『群后之肆在下，明明不常，鰥寡不 蓋 a，德威維威，德明維明。』乃名三后，恤功於民，伯 夷降典，哲民維刑。禹平水土，主名山川。稷隆播種，農 殖嘉穀。三后成功，維假於民。」。則此言三聖人者，

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謹其言，慎其行，精其思慮，索天下之隱事遺利，以上 事天，則天鄉 b 其德，下施之萬民，萬民被其利，終身無 已。故先王之言曰：「此道也，大用之天下則不窕，小用 之則不困，脩用之則萬民被其利，終身無已。」 a.  害 Wang Huanbiao.

b.  享 Sun Yirang.

If this is so, then are there cases of able men whom Heaven employed? We say: In the past, such were Yu, Lord Millet, and Gaoyao.15 How do we know that this is so? A document of the first kings, the “Punishments of Lü,” provides instruction on them: The august sovereign made general inquiry among his subjects who made complaints against the Miao, saying: “All those from the lords on down should reveal those who are enlightened and those whose practices are irregular, so that widowers and widows are not harmed. Only moral severity can truly overawe. Only moral brilliance can truly understand.” Then he charged the three lords to be zealous in doing meritorious work for the people. Boyi issued the statutes and made the people take the learned as their model. Yu regulated waters and land, presiding over the naming of the mountains and rivers. Lord Millet descended to sow seed and energetically grew fine grain. When these three lords had completed their work, the people were amply benefited.16 This teaches that these three sages were careful in what they said, cautious in what they did, and subtle in their thoughts and plans. They sought to discover every hidden matter in the world and every benefit that had been neglected. They served Heaven above, and Heaven savored their virtue.17 They put this into practice among the myriad peoples below and the people were benefited. They did not quit their efforts to the end of their days. Thus the teachings of the first kings said: “This Way! If used for grand undertakings, it will never be found wanting. If used for minor undertakings, it will never prove too unwieldy. If it is cultivated for a long time, then the myriad peoples will be protected by its benefits. Do not stop using it to the end of your days.”18 9.7F

《周頌》道之曰：「聖人之德， {昭於天下，若天之高，若 地之普，若埴之固}a，若山之承，不坼不崩。若日之光，

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若月之明，與天地同常。」則此言聖人之德，章明博大， 埴固，以脩久也。故聖人之德蓋總乎天地者也。

a. The text within brackets {} has been emended following Yu Yue and Wang Huanbiao.

A “Hymn of Zhou” provides instruction on them: The virtue of the sages Shines across the whole world. It is high as the sky, Broad as the earth, Solid as the ground, Lofty as mountains, Never splitting, never collapsing. Brilliant like the sun, Bright like the moon, It shares with Heaven and earth the same constancy.19 This describes how beautifully bright, how far-reaching and great, how solidly grounded, and therefore how everlasting is the virtue of the sage. Thus the virtue of the sage combines all the virtues of Heaven and earth. 9.8

今王公大人欲王天下，正諸侯，夫無德義將何以哉？其說 將必挾震威彊。今王公大人將焉取挾震威彊哉？傾者 a 民 之死也！民生為甚欲，死為甚憎，所欲不得而所憎屢至， 自古及今，未 (有)b 嘗能有以此王天下、正諸侯者也。今 大人欲王天下，正諸侯，將欲使意得乎天下，名成乎後 世，故不察尚賢為政之本也？此聖人之厚行也。 a.  諸 Sun Yirang.

b. Su Shixue.

The kings, dukes, and great men of today desire to become universal king over the world and to establish their leadership over the lords of the various states. But since they lack virtue and morality, how can they expect to do it? Some theorize that it must be done by a show of power and might. But why would the kings, dukes, and great men of today choose power and might to accomplish this? Those who try to overthrow others bring death to their subjects. What their subjects most desire is life and what they dread most is death. What is most desired is never obtained and what is most dreaded occurs again and again. From antiquity to the present day, there has never been a case of anyone who

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was able to use this theory to become universal king over the world and to establish leadership over the lords of the various states. The kings, dukes, and great men of today in desiring to become universal king over the world and to establish leadership over the lords of the various states, really want to impose their will over the whole world and to perfect a reputation for future generations. Why, then, do they not investigate the principle that exalting the worthy and employing the able is the foundation of good governance? This principle represents the lofty behavior of the sages.

尚賢下第十 Chapter 10: Exalt the Worthy (Lower) 10.1A

子墨子言曰：天下之王公大人皆欲其國家之富也，人民之 眾也，刑法之治也，然而不識以尚賢為政其國家百姓，王 公大人本失尚賢為政之本也。若苟王公大人本失尚賢為政 之本也，則不能毋舉物示之乎？ Our Master Mozi taught: The kings, dukes and great men of the world all desire that their homelands should be enriched, that their populations should grow, and that their penal laws and standards should be properly enforced. Nonetheless, they do not recognize the need to exalt the worthy in order to govern their homeland and the common people, and thus the kings, dukes, and great men utterly abandon the principle that exalting the worthy is the foundation of good governance. Since they have forsaken this principle, then we must provide an example to illustrate it for them, mustn’t we?

10.1B

今若有一諸侯於此，為政其國家也，曰：『凡我國能射御 之士，我將賞貴之，不能射御之士，我將罪賤之。』問於 若國之士，孰喜孰懼？我以為必能射御之士喜，不能射御 之士懼。我賞 a 因而誘之矣，曰：『凡我國之忠信之士，我 將賞貴之，不忠信之士，我將罪賤之。』問於若國之士， 孰喜孰懼？我以為必忠信之士喜，不忠不信之士懼。今惟 毋以尚賢為政其國家百姓，使國 [之]b 為善者勸，為暴者 沮，大以為政於天下，使天下之為善者勸，為暴者沮。然 昔吾所以貴堯舜禹湯文武之道者，何故以哉？以其唯毋臨

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眾發政而治民，使天下之為善者可而勸也，為暴者可而沮 也。然則此尚賢者也，與堯舜禹湯文武之道同矣。 a.  嘗 Sun Yirang.

b.  Wang Jingxi; parallelism.

Now suppose there was the lord of a state who in governing his homeland should say: “All the gentlemen in my country who can shoot arrows and drive chariots I will reward and ennoble. Those who cannot shoot or drive I will punish and degrade.” If we were to inquire which of the gentlemen of this country would be delighted and which alarmed, I am certain that gentlemen who can shoot and drive would be delighted and those who are unable to do so would be alarmed. If this is given, then let us go on. Suppose the same lord were to say: “All the gentlemen of my country who are loyal and faithful I will reward and ennoble. Those who are not loyal and faithful I will punish and degrade.” If we were to inquire which of the gentlemen of his country would be delighted and which alarmed, I am certain that gentlemen who are loyal and faithful would be delighted and that those who are neither loyal nor faithful would be alarmed.1 Now were one merely to implement the principle of exalting the worthy in governing one’s homeland and the common people, this would cause those who do good to be encouraged and those who are violent to be stopped. Speaking on a larger scale of the exercise of governmental authority over the entire world, it would cause the good of the entire world to be encouraged and the violent to be stopped. That being so, what is the reason that, in my previous teachings, I esteemed the Way of Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, King Wen, and King Wu? Is it merely because they brought order to their people by overseeing the masses and issuing regulations? No, rather, it is because they encouraged those who did good and put a stop to those who committed acts of violence. That being so, our principle of exalting the worthy is identical with the Way of Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu. 10.2

而今天下之士君子，居處言語皆尚賢 [而使能]a，逮至其 臨眾發政而治民，莫知尚賢而使能，我以此知天下之士君 子，明於小而不明於大也。何以知其然乎？今王公大人， 有一牛羊之財不能殺，必索良宰；有一衣裳之財不能制， 必索良工。當王公大人之於此也，雖有骨肉之親，無故富 貴、面目美好者，實知其不能也，不使之也，是何故？恐 其敗財也。當王公大人之於此也，則不失尚賢而使能。

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王公大人有一罷馬不能治，必索良醫；有一危弓不能張， 必索良工。當王公大人之於此也，雖有骨肉之親，無故富 貴、面目美好者，實知其不能也，必不使。是何故？恐其 敗財也。當王公大人之於此也，則不失尚賢而使能。逮至 其國家則不然，王公大人骨肉之親，無故富貴、面目美 好者，則舉之，則王公大人之 (親GE>視 b 其國家也，不若 (親GE>視 b 其一危弓、罷馬、衣裳、牛羊之財與。我以此 知天下之士君子皆明於小，而不明於大也。此譬猶瘖者而 使為行人，聾者而使為樂師。

a.  Wang Huanbiao; parallelism.

b.  Sun Yirang.

The nobles in office of the world today all pay lip service to the principle of exalting the worthy and employing the able in their everyday conversations.2 But when they are in a position to bring order to their subjects by overseeing the masses and issuing regulations, not one of them recognizes the principle of exalting the worthy and employing the able. From this I know that the world’s nobles in office understand insignificant things but are oblivious to what is important. How do I know that this is so? If a king, duke, or great man of today had a sheep or cow but was incapable of killing it himself, he would certainly look for a good butcher. And if he had the materials to make a suit of clothing but was incapable of cutting it out himself, he would certainly look for a skilled tailor. For such tasks the kings, dukes, and great men would not employ relatives, though they were of the same bones and flesh, nor men who were rich and eminent but without merit, nor men who were handsome and attractive, knowing that these people were incapable of performing such tasks. Why do they not do this? They fear they would destroy their possessions. In these matters these kings, dukes, and great men do not fail to implement the principle of exalting the worthy and employing the able. When a king, duke, or great man has an infirm horse he is certain to look for a good veterinarian, and when he has a dangerous bow that he cannot draw he is sure to look for a skillful craftsman. For such tasks the kings, dukes, and great men would not employ relatives, though they were of the same bones and flesh, nor men who were rich and eminent but without merit, nor men who were handsome and attractive, knowing that these people were incapable of performing such tasks. Why

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

do they not do this? They fear they would destroy their possessions. In these matters these kings, dukes, and great men do not fail to implement the principle of exalting the worthy and employing the able. But when it comes to their states the situation is quite different. The flesh-and-bone kin of kings, dukes, or great men, men who are rich and eminent but without merit, and men who are merely handsome and attractive are all promoted. Does not this suggest that the kings’, dukes’, and great men’s regard for their states does not equal their regard for a dangerous bow, infirm horse, suit of clothing, or ox and sheep? From this I know that the world’s nobles in office understand insignificant things but are oblivious to what is important. This is, to use an analogy, like employing the dumb as emissaries and the deaf as musicians. 10.3

是故古之聖王之治天下也，其所富，其所貴，未必王公大 人骨肉之親、無故富貴、面目美好者也。是故昔者舜耕於 歷山，陶於河瀕，漁於雷澤，灰於常陽。堯得之服澤之 陽，立為天子，使接天下之政，而治天下之民。昔伊尹 為莘氏女 (師GE>私 a 僕，使為庖人，湯得而舉之，立為三 公，使接天下之政，治天下之民。昔者傅說居北海之洲， 圜土之上，衣褐帶索，庸築於傅巖之城，武丁得而舉之， 立為三公，使之接天下之政，而治天下之民。是故昔者堯 之舉舜也，湯之舉伊尹也，武丁之舉傅說也，豈以為骨肉 之親、無故富貴、面目美好者哉？惟法其言，用其謀，行 其道，上可而利天，中可而利鬼，下可而利人，是故推而 上之。

a.  Yu Yue.

This is why when the ancient sage-kings governed the world, those they enriched and ennobled were not necessarily the flesh-and-bone kin of kings, dukes, and great men, nor those who were rich and eminent but without merit, nor those who were handsome and attractive. This is why, anciently, Shun plowed at Mount Li, made pottery beside the Yellow River, fished at Thunder Swamp, and dug for lime at Changyang.3 Yao found him on the north bank of Fu Swamp, established him as Son of Heaven, and shared with him authority over the administration of the world and governance of its subjects. In the past, Yi Yin served in the bridal party of a daughter of the Xin clan and was sent to work as a cook in Tang’s kitchens. Tang discovered him, raised him up, appointed

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him to be one of the Three Elders, and shared with him authority over the administration of the world and governance over its subjects. In the past, Fuyue, living on an islet of the North Sea within the prison enclosure and wearing a coarse robe and belt of rope, worked as a convict laborer on the walls of Fuyan. Wuding discovered him, raised him up, appointed him to be one of the Three Elders, and shared with him authority over the administration of the world and governance over its subjects. This is the reason that in the past Yao raised up Shun, Tang raised up Yi Yin, and Wuding raised up Fuyue. Would any of them have considered using flesh-and-bone relatives, men who were rich and eminent but without merit, or men who were merely handsome and attractive? It was only by doing exactly what they advised, using their plans, and putting their way into practice, that in the higher realm they could benefit Heaven, in the middle realm they could benefit the spirits, and in the lower realm they could benefit men. This is why they selected and promoted them.4 10.4A

古者聖王既審尚賢欲以為政，故書之竹帛，琢之槃盂， 傳以遺後世子孫。於先王之書《呂刑》之書然，王曰： 『於！來！有國有 (士GE>土 a，告女訟刑，在今而安百 姓，女何擇 (言GE>否 b 人，何敬不刑，何度不及。』能擇 人而敬為刑，堯、舜、禹、湯、文、武之道可及也。是 何也？則以尚賢及之，於先王之書《豎年》之言然，曰： 『晞夫聖、武、知人，以屏輔而身。』此言先王之治天下 也，必選擇賢者以為其羣屬輔佐。

a.  Wang Huanbiao.

b.  Wang Yinzhi.

In antiquity, the sage-kings concentrated on the principle of exalting the worthy because they wanted to employ it in their government. Thus, they inscribed it on bamboo strips and silk scrolls and engraved it on jade and stone basins, all of which were transmitted as their legacy to descendants of later generations. Among the Documents of the first kings, the “Punishments of Lü” is a case of this. In it the king says: “Oh come, you lords who possess states and gentlemen who possess estates. I will inform you about the impartial application of the punishments. Now when you bring peace to the common people, whom should you choose if not proper men; what should you attend to with strict, rever-

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

ent care if not the application of punishments; and what should you calculate if not the means by which to attain (your goal)?”5 It is by being able to select proper men and to take strict, reverent care in applying punishments that the Way of Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu can be attained. What does this mean? It is through using the principle of exalting the worthy that one can attain it. A teaching in a document of the founding kings, “Early Years,” speaks of this: “Seek sage, martial, and wise men to aid and protect you!”6 This means that when the founding kings governed the world, they were certain to choose and select worthy men to serve among those who protected and aided them. 10.4B

曰今也天下之士君子，皆欲富貴而惡貧賤。曰然。女何為 而得富貴而辟貧賤？莫若為賢。為賢之道將柰何？曰有力 者疾以助人，有財者勉以分人，有道者勸以教人。若此則 飢者得食，寒者得衣，亂者得治。若飢則得食，寒則得 衣，亂則得治，此安生生。 We say: Today those in the world who occupy official positions all desire wealth and high office and hate poverty and low office. We say: If that is true, then what should you do to obtain wealth and eminent position and avoid poverty and a humble position? Nothing is as important as being worthy. What then is the Way of the worthy? We say: Let him who has strength be anxious to help others; let him who has wealth endeavor to divide it with others; let him who possesses the Way be exhorted to teach it to others. Acting in this fashion, the hungry will have food, the cold will obtain clothing, the tired will find rest, and the anarchic will be brought to order. If the hungry have food, the cold obtain clothing, the tired find rest, and those given to disorder are made orderly, then the living will continue to survive.7

10.5A

今王公大人其所富，其所貴，皆王公大人骨肉之親，無故 富貴、面目美好者也。今王公大人骨肉之親，無故富貴、 面目美好者，焉故必知哉！若不知，使治其國家，則其國 家之亂可得而知也。 All those whom the kings, dukes, and great men of today enrich and ennoble are their flesh-and-bone kin, men who are rich and eminent but without merit, and men who are handsome and attractive. Now what will guarantee the wisdom of relatives of flesh and bone, men who are

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rich and eminent but without merit, or the handsome and attractive? But if the unwise are appointed to govern the state, it can be predicted with certainty that the state will fall into anarchy. 10.5B

今天下之士君子皆欲富貴而惡貧賤。然女何為而得富貴， 而辟貧賤哉？曰莫若為王公大人骨肉之親，無故富貴、面 目美好者。王公大人骨肉之親，無故富貴、面目美好者， 此非可學 [而]a 能者也。使不知辯，德行之厚若禹、湯、 文、武不加得也，王公大人骨肉之親，躄、瘖、聾，暴為 桀、紂，不加失也。是故以賞不當賢，罰不當暴，其所賞 者已無故矣，其所罰者亦無罪。是以使百姓皆攸心解體， 沮以為善，垂其股肱之力而不相勞來也；腐臭餘財，而不 相分資也，隱慝良道，而不相教誨也。若此，則飢者不得 食，寒者不得衣，亂者不得治。 (推而上之以)b

a.  Wang Niansun. b.  Wang Niansun, Wang Huanbiao; cf. last phrase of 10.3.

Today those in the world who occupy official positions all desire wealth and lofty posts and hate poverty and humble posts. If that is so, then what should you do to obtain wealth and eminent position and avoid poverty and a humble position? We say that it would appear as if nothing was as good as being the flesh-and-bone kin of kings, dukes, or great men, or being rich and eminent but without merit, or being handsome and attractive. But it is not possible through study and learning to become the flesh-and-bone kin of kings, dukes, or great men, or a man who is rich and eminent but without merit, or one who is handsome and attractive. We may suppose that any man who does not do this, then, however richly endowed with discriminating wisdom and virtuous conduct—though equal to that of Yu, Tang, King Wen, or King Wu—will not get employment.8 So too a flesh-and-bone relative of a king, duke, or great man. However lame or dumb and however deaf or blind he may be, and even though he may be as violently tyrannical as a Jie or Zhou, he will not be cast out of his position. This is the reason that the reward bestowed does not correspond to the worth, and the punishment applied does not fit the violence of the tyranny. Those who have been rewarded have been rewarded without reason and those who were punished were punished without incurring any blame. Thus they cause

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the common people to be anxious of mind and dissipated of body, and impede them from doing what is good. With all the strength of their hands and feet being unused, the people are not encouraged to exert themselves in helping each other. With surplus goods rotting and souring, they are not willing to divide them with others. Keeping secret and hiding the excellent Way, they will not teach and instruct others. As a result of this, the hungry will find no food, the cold will obtain no clothing, and those given to anarchy will not be made orderly. 10.6

是故昔者堯有舜，舜有禹，禹有臯陶，湯有小臣，武王有 閎夭泰顛、南宮括、散宜生，而天下和，庶民阜，是以近 者安之，遠者歸之。日月之所照，舟車之所及，雨露之所 漸，粒食之所養，得此莫不勸譽。且今天下之王公大人士 君子，中實將欲為仁義，求為上士，上欲中聖王之道，下 欲中國家百姓之利，故尚賢之為說，而不可不察此者也。 尚賢者，天鬼百姓之利，而政事之本也。 This is why in the past, Yao had Shun, Shun had Yu, Yu had Gaoyao, Tang had the minor servant Yi Yin, and King Wu had Hongyao Tai­ dian, Nangong Kuo, and San Yisheng, and as a result the world was at peace and the people flourished.9 Thus those who were near felt at ease with them and those at a distance joined them loyally. Wherever the sun and moon shone, boats and carts reached,10 the rains and dews moistened, and the eating of grains provided nourishment, all were moved to praise them. Further, if the kings, dukes, great men, and those who hold official positions in the world today really desire to do what is humane and proper and to seek out superior gentlemen, there are two things they must do. First, they must desire to meet exactly the demands of the Way of the sage-kings; and second, they must desire to do exactly what will benefit their homeland and the common people. Therefore they must investigate our argument in favor of exalting the worthy. For exalting the worthy is what benefits Heaven, the ghosts, and the common people, and it is the foundation of the affairs of government.

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Exalt Conformity The doctrine of exalting conformity calls upon individuals, especially those in official positions of responsibility, to eliminate their differences of opinion in order to create the solidarity with their superiors—their rulers, district l­eaders, village chiefs, fathers, older brothers—that is necessary for a viable society and effective government. It would be an exaggerated reading of the doctrine to suggest that the Mohists were calling on people to put aside their own views and ideas completely and thus effectively give up any means for maintaining moral autonomy. Yet the Mohists do emphasize that for the sake of the harmonious and efficient working of the larger social and political units to which they belong, individuals ought to take as moral models the thought and behavior of their immediate superiors, and even their definitions of right and wrong or good and bad. Mozi says that the state of affairs in which “every man’s standard was different” was characteristic of antiquity, when mankind was first engendered and before there were any leaders to provide moral guidance (11.1, 12.1, and 13.2a). As others have, Benjamin Schwartz observes how Mozi’s “image of a ‘state of nature’ as a state of atomized individuals in all-out conflict with each other seems to lead, by a logic similar to that of Hobbes, to the notion that only by the concentration of an undivided authority or ‘sovereignty’ in one ruler can conflicts among individuals or even groups be overcome.”1 It might also be observed that accomplishing the uniformity that the Mohists have in mind requires them to advocate, in addition to the sovereign’s authority, a strong, tightly controlled, and highly bureaucratic government with mechanisms that not only ensure loyalty but also enable those above to keep track of the actions of those below and, in some versions of the doctrine, even penetrate their innermost thoughts. What distinguishes the doctrine from Hobbes’s emphasis on the sovereignty of the monarch—and injects a measure of moral concern for the subjects of a state—is the consistent message that the actions of the Son of Heaven, who sits on top of the pyramid of power, are monitored and constrained by Heaven, or God on high, and a host of spiritual agents. It is possible that in composing the chapters of the “Exalt Conformity” triad, the Mohists were at least in part responding to a saying attributed to Kongzi in the Analects (13.23)—“The superior man is conciliatory but not conformist; the petty man is conformist but not conciliatory”—in an attempt to rescue what they took to be the correct meaning of tong 同, “conformity.” Passages in 1.  World of Thought, 143, 439 n. 19.

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the Guoyu and Zuozhuan that are closely related in content to the Analects passage elaborate on the difference between advisers who are he 和, “harmonious, conciliatory,” and those who are merely tong, “compliant, conformist.”2 In the Zuozhuan passage, for example, the Qi statesman Yan Ying 晏嬰 tells Duke Jing of Qi 齊景公 (r. 547–490) that an adviser who is he manages to maintain the distinctiveness and independence of his opinions even while they harmonize with those of his ruler. Such an adviser will point out what is unworthy or worthy in what his ruler approves and disapproves of. Yan notes that a favorite whom Duke Jing had called he, “harmonious and conciliatory,” was in fact tong, “blandly acquiescent”: “Whatever you say ‘yes’ to, he says ‘yes’ to; and whatever you say ‘no’ to, he also says ‘no’ to.” Yan’s characterization of the obsequiousness of Duke Jing’s favorite resembles the Mohists’ description of how a subordinate should react to his superior’s pronouncements (11.2B, 12.2B): “What his superior judges to be correct, he too must affirm as correct; what his superior condemns as wrong, he too must condemn as wrong.” Perhaps what originally inspired the compilers of the Analects, Zuozhuan, and Guoyu to draw a distinction between tong and he were just such Mohist ideas about the proper comportment of an official. But as the three chapters of “Exalt Conformity” make clear, for the Mohists, conformity did not simply refer to an adviser’s acquiescing to his superior, as the Analects passage and others suggest. Conformity, as explained in the triad, involved a host of complex interactions between superior and subordinate that included the former rewarding the latter and, in return, the latter reporting good deeds or bad, offering good plans, admonishing the superior when he was in error, and striving to collaborate with him rather than forming cliques and cabals with fellow subordinates. There seems little doubt that chapter 11 is the earliest chapter in the triad. Less clear is the chronology of 12 and 13, the middle and lower chapters. Watanabe Takashi argues that chapter 13 is older, on the basis of wording in passages that the two chapters share in common.3 But Watanabe’s conclusions are more than usually tentative. Other assessments of the two chapters, as well as comparisons between 12 and 13 and chapters that occupy similar positions in other triads, suggest that chapter 12 should be seen as the older of the two. In any case chapter 12 appears to be more closely related to chapter 11, while chapter 13 is notably distinct from the other two. First, unlike chapters 11 and 12, chapter 13 refers neither to subordinates agreeing with their superiors’ pronouncements on right and wrong nor to subordinates remonstrating with their superiors. Moreover, of the three, only chapter 13 uses the phrase yi yi 一義, “unify standards,” 2. See Guoyu, “Zhengyu” 鄭語, 16.515–16; and Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Zhao 20.5, 49.858. 3. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 496–97.

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as a slogan that parallels and complements shang tong, “exalt conformity”; it also serves as an abbreviated reference to elaborate passages in chapters 11 and 12 that describe how sage-kings of the past eliminated the multiplicity of standards that endangered the stability and coherence of their realms. (Other distinctive features of chapter 13 are discussed later.) Chapter 11, largely the work of an anonymous Mohist, sets forth the basic premises of the doctrine: the absence of penal laws and regulations administered by a centralized government leads to dangerous differences in the definitions of what constitutes right and wrong. For this reason a governing hierarchy was created from the top down, that is, from Son of Heaven down to the heads of bureaucratic offices. This original hierarchy produced a system whereby information on moral or immoral behavior was reported upward. Heaven oversaw the system and so reports must ultimately be submitted to the supreme deity who, if displeased, would send down disasters. Finally, Mozi informs us that the Son of Heaven can penalize those who displease him by using man’s counterparts to Heaven’s disasters, the five corporal punishments. It is noteworthy that aside from including no references to canonical sources, the chapter contains only one quotation from Master Mo, which concludes the chapter, stressing the vital importance of corporal punishment. An essential element in the chapter’s structure is the series of four nearly identical proclamations (11.2) that require subordinates to report all deeds, good or bad, to their superiors, allowing the Son of Heaven to learn all that is happening in his realm; to agree with the judgments of superiors; to admonish superiors when they are in error; and to conform with their superiors rather than form cliques with other subordinates. This feature of the chapter can be compared with the regulations of chapter 8. Chapter 12 is the longest of the triad’s chapters. Its first several paragraphs are amplifications of significant parts of chapter 11. The proclamations quoted in chapter 11 are expanded to include injunctions that subordinates recommend “good plans” to their superiors; that those at the village, district, and state levels of the bureaucracy “abandon evil doctrines” and “cease evil practices”; and that they prefer instead to imitate the good examples set by their superiors. This passage provides one of the rare descriptions of Mohist moral education in practice. With 12.6, the chapter departs somewhat from the main arguments of chapter 11. It recounts the rites involved in worshiping Heaven and speaks of what Heaven and the ghosts “desire,” thus echoing parts of the “Heaven’s Will” triad. Where chapter 11 concluded with a brief mention of corporal punishment, 12.7 distinguishes between punishment that contributes to good government and punishment that, because misused, is little more than torture masquerading as legal recourse. Passage 12.8B makes the point that the reason the

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sage-kings ­created the bureaucracies described in chapters 11 and 12 was not to provide officials with noble rank and generous salaries, but to alleviate the suffering of the common people. But, 12.8C points out, this is not in the situation of the present day, when “kings, dukes, and great men” appoint favorites, clansmen, relatives, and friends to high office. The consequence is that the common people, aware of their nepotism and favoritism, do not accept their superiors’ judgments of what constitutes blameworthy or praiseworthy behavior. Instead, they turn away from their rulers, form cabals and cliques, and ridicule the use of reward and punishment as meaningless. This undermines reward and punishment as an effective means to govern; hence, families, states, and indeed the entire world slip back into the chaos that prevailed before there were leaders. This complaint also appears in chapter 13; thus both chapters 12 and 13 lend an immediacy to the need for exalting conformity that is missing from chapter 11. There follows a fascinating account (12.8D) of the apparently magical power that enabled the ancient rulers to know the behavior of someone “many thousands or even ten thousand li away, unknown even to his own family, and utterly unrecognized in his home village,” and how that knowledge was in fact due to a network of spies. Passage 12.9 quotes three odes from the Book of Songs to illustrate the claim that the lords of the various states came to the court of the king to receive orders. The passage is probably not intended to be understood as part of a teaching of Mozi, being followed by a final quote from the master in which he identifies conformity with superiors as a fundament of governance that yields what chapters 8 and 10 tell us are the three things rulers desire most: wealth, a large population, and good governmental order. Consisting partly of citations of Mozi’s teachings, canonical sources, and other materials, chapter 13 quotes, reworks, and elaborates on the chapter 12 passages that were intended to supplement chapter 11. Distinctive in chapter 13 is the observation that in order to create and maintain good order, it is necessary for superiors to know what their subordinates are thinking. While chapters 11 and 12 speak of information being reported upward, 13 stresses the need for those in charge actively to search out what might otherwise remain hidden and unknown to them. This degree of intrusion into people’s lives is unparalleled in the other two chapters but permeates the entirety of chapter 13. Passage 13.3 repeats the worry expressed in 12.8C that the common people’s unwillingness to accept their ruler’s delineation of deeds worthy of praise and blame nullifies the ruler’s use of reward and punishment. The rules and regulations quoted in chapters 11 and 12 to define what the text means by “conformity” are changed and simplified in chapter 13. The author of the chapter is concerned only with the family, the state, and the world (13.4, 13.5, 13.6), in that order, and makes

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no mention of the village and district. “Conformity” does not involve offering plans to superiors, agreeing with their judgments, or admonishing them, as it does in chapters 11 and 12. For the author of chapter 13, it means simply reporting those who have performed loving or hateful deeds that benefited or harmed a family, the state, or the world, to their respective heads—the elder, the lord, or the Son of Heaven. In 13.10, the author translates the 12.8C emphasis on ending the common people’s suffering into a strongly worded injunction, attributed to Master Mo, that rulers must “intensely love the people.” There is no reference to love in the previous two chapters. Its mention in 13.10, as well as references to love in 13.4, 13.5, and 13.6, are meant to forge a link between the doctrines of exalting conformity and impartial love. 13.8 signals that the chapter cannot be regarded as the work of Mozi by specifying that the doctrine is “not only held by Master Mo” but is attested in canonical sources that the author then proceeds to quote. This distancing device is also used in chapter 9, suggesting a connection between chapters 9 and 13. (The two chapters also share a self-referencing feature, by which Mozi alludes in one teaching to something he said at an earlier point in the text.) A textual similarity between a phrase in 13.9 and Mengzi 6A.17 suggests to Watanabe that chapter 13 was composed later than the Mengzi passage.4

尚同上第十一 Chapter 11: Exalt Conformity (Upper)1 11.1 (子墨子言曰)a 古者民始生，未有刑政之時，蓋其語

[曰]b 「人異義」。是以一人則一義，二人則二義，十人則十 義，其人茲眾，其所謂義者亦茲眾。是以人是其義，以非 人之義，故交相非也。是以內者父子兄弟作怨惡，離散不 能相和合。天下之百姓，皆以水火毒藥相虧害，至有餘力 不 (能)a 以相勞，腐㱙餘財，不以相分，隱匿良道不以相 教，天下之亂，若禽獸然。

a. Wang Huanbiao.

b. Cf. parallel text in 12.1. JR.

In antiquity, when mankind was first born, in the time before there were penal laws and administrative regulations, it may be said that 4.  Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 496.

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

“every man’s standard was different.”2 For this reason, one man had one standard, two men two standards, and ten men, ten standards— the more people, the more standards. The result was that as each man affirmed his own standard and condemned the standards of other men, relations between men involved mutual condemnation. Because of this, within the home, fathers and sons, older and younger brothers started to resent and hate each other, became estranged from each other, and split apart since they could not live harmoniously together. In the world at large, the common people tried to harm each other using water, fire, and poisonous substances. Those with strength to spare would not work on others’ behalf. With surplus provisions rotting and decaying, they were unwilling to share them with others. Keeping secret and hiding the excellent Way, they would not teach each other.3 The disorder of the world was like that of birds and beasts. 11.2A

夫明虖天下之所以亂者，生於無政長。是故選天下之賢可 者，立以為天子。天子立，以其力為未足，又選擇天下之 賢可者，置立之以為三公。天子三公既以立，以天下為博 大，遠國異土之民，是非利害之辯，不可一二而明知， 故畫分萬國，立諸侯國君，諸侯國君既已立，以其力為未 足，又選擇其國之賢可者，置立之以為正長。 Later, people came to understand that the chaos of the world was produced by the absence of government leaders. This is why they selected the world’s worthiest and most appropriate man to be established as Son of Heaven.4 When the Son of Heaven had been established, finding his own strength inadequate, he too selected worthy and appropriate men of the world and appointed them to be the Three Elders. When the positions of Son of Heaven and the Three Elders had been established, the world being so vast and large, it was not possible for one or two alone to understand the peoples of distant states and diverse lands and the distinctions they made between matters of right and wrong or benefit and harm. Thus the Son of Heaven and Three Elders marked off the boundaries of the myriad states and established the lords and rulers of the various states. When the positions of the lords and rulers of the various states had been established, finding their own strength inadequate, they too selected the worthiest and most appropriate men in the state and appointed them to positions as heads of government offices.

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11.2B

正長既已具，天子發政於天下之百姓，言曰：「聞善而不 善，皆以告其上。上之所是，必皆是之，所非必皆非之， 上有過則規諫之，下有善則傍薦之。上同而不下比者，此 上之所賞，而下之所譽也。意若聞善而不善，不以告其 上，上之所是，弗能是，上之所非，弗能非，上有過弗規 諫，下有善弗傍薦，下比不能上同者，此上之所罰，而百 姓 [之]a 所毀也。」上以此為賞罰，甚明察以審信。

a. Wang Jingxi; parallelism.

When all the heads of government offices had been appointed, the Son of Heaven issued a proclamation to the common people of the world that said: When hearing of good or bad deeds, everyone shall inform his superior of these. What the superior judges correct, all must affirm as correct. What the superior condemns as wrong, all must condemn as wrong. When superiors make mistakes, inferiors should correct and admonish them. When inferiors do good, superiors should search them out and recommend them for higher office. Superiors will reward and inferiors praise those who maintain solidarity with superiors and who do not form cliques with subordinates. Learning of a good or bad deed and not informing one’s superior; being unable to affirm as correct what one’s superior judges to be so and unable to condemn as wrong what one’s superior judges to be so; failing to correct and admonish the mistakes of superiors and failing to look for and recommend inferiors who do good; forming cliques with subordinates but being unable to maintain solidarity with superiors—all such conduct superiors will punish and the common people will condemn.5 By adopting this principle, superiors applied rewards and punishments that were extremely clear and reliable. 11.2C

是故里長者，里之仁人也。里長發政里之百姓，言曰： 「聞善而不善，必以告其鄉長。鄉長之所是，必皆是之， 鄉長之所非，必皆非之。去若不善言，學鄉長之善言；去 若不善行，學鄉長之善行。則鄉何說以亂哉？」察鄉之所 治何也？鄉長唯能壹同鄉之義，是以鄉治也。

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

For this reason, the head of each village was the most humane man of the village, and on taking office he issued a proclamation to the common people of the village:6 “When learning of good or bad deeds, all must report them to the district leader. What the district leader judges correct, all must affirm as correct. What the district leader condemns as wrong must be condemned by everyone as wrong. Discard your evil doctrines and study the good doctrines of the district leader. Abandon your evil practices and imitate the good practices of the district leader. Then how can anyone in the district argue that there is disorder?” If we examine the reason why the district was in good order, we find that it is simply that the district leader was able to unify standards within the district, and this resulted in the district being well ordered. 11.2D

鄉長者，鄉之仁人也。鄉長發政鄉之百姓，言曰：「聞善 而不善者，必以告國君。國君之所是，必皆是之，國君之 所非，必皆非之。去若不善言，學國君之善言，去若不善 行，學國君之善行。則國何說以亂哉。」察國之所以治者 何也？國君唯能壹同國之義，是以國治也。 The district leader was the most humane man of the district. The district leader issued a proclamation to the common people of the district that said: “When learning of good or bad deeds, all must report them to the lord of our state. What the lord of our state judges correct, all must affirm as correct. What he condemns as wrong, all must condemn as wrong. Discard your evil doctrines and study the good doctrines of the lord of our state. Abandon your evil practices and imitate the good practices of the lord of our state. Then how can anyone in the state argue there is disorder?” If we examine the reason why the state was in good order, we find that it is simply that the lord of the state was able to unify all the standards within the state, and thus the state was well ordered.

11.2E

國君者，國之仁人也。國君發政國之百姓，言曰：「聞善 而不善，必以告天子。天子之所是，皆是之；天子之所 非，皆非之。去若不善言，學天子之善言；去若不善行， 學天子之善行。則天下何說以亂哉？」察天下之所以治者 何也？天子唯能壹同天下之義，是以天下治也。 The lord of the state was the most humane man of the state. The lord of the state issued a proclamation to the common people of the state

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that said: “When learning of good or bad deeds, all must report them to the Son of Heaven. What the Son of Heaven judges to be correct, all must affirm as correct. What he condemns as wrong, all must condemn as wrong. Discard your evil doctrines and study the good doctrines of the Son of Heaven. Abandon your evil practices and imitate the good practices of the Son of Heaven. Then how can anyone in the world claim there is disorder?” What is the reason the world was in good order? It is simply that the Son of Heaven was able to unify all the standards in the world, and thus the world was well ordered. 11.3 天下之百姓皆上同於天子，而不上同於天，則菑猶未去

也。今若天飄風苦雨，溱溱而至者，此天之所以罰百姓之 不上同於天者也。 If the common people of the world all upwardly conform with the Son of Heaven but do not upwardly conform with Heaven itself, then the calamities sent down by Heaven will never cease. Today the violent winds and bitter rains sent down in such profusion are how Heaven punishes those of the common people who fail to exalt conformity with Heaven itself. 11.4 是故子墨子言曰： 「古者聖王為五刑，請以治其民。譬若

絲縷之有紀，罔罟之有綱，所 [以]a 連收天下之百姓不尚 同其上者也。」

a. Yu Yue.

It is for this reason that our Master Mozi taught: “In antiquity the sage-kings made the five corporal punishments truly in order to produce order among their subjects.7 They are, to use analogies, like the main thread that binds the skein of silk or the main cord that controls the net. They were the means by which they bound and seized the common people in the world who did not upwardly conform with their superiors.”

尚同中第十二 Chapter 12: Exalt Conformity (Middle) 12.1 子墨子曰：方今之時，復古之民始生，未有正長之時，蓋

其語曰，「天下之人異義」。是以一人一義，十人十義，

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

百人百義，其人數茲眾，其所謂義者亦茲眾。是以人是其 義，而非人之義，故相交非也。內之父子兄弟作怨讐，皆 有離散之心，不能相和合。至乎舍餘力不以相勞，隱匿良 道不以相教，腐㱙餘財不以相分。天下之亂也，至如禽 獸然，無君臣上下長幼之節，父子兄弟之禮，是以天下亂 焉。 Our Master Mozi said: Now in the present age, when we reexamine ancient times, when mankind was first born and before there were leaders of government offices, it may be said that “each person in the world had a different standard.” Thus, one man had one standard, ten men, ten standards, and a hundred men, a hundred standards—the more people, the more standards. Thus as each man affirmed his own standard and condemned the standards of other men, relations between men involved mutual condemnation. Within the home, fathers and sons as well as older and younger brothers developed enmity for each other, and all harbored feelings of estrangement, so that they were unable to live harmoniously together. It reached the point where those with strength to spare would not work on each other’s behalf. Keeping secret and hiding the excellent Way, they would not teach each other. With surplus provisions rotting and decaying, they were unwilling to divide them with others.1 The disorder of the world reached a state like that of birds and beasts: there were no regulations governing the relationship between lord and subject, superior and inferior, and old and young, and no rituals governing relations between father and son and between older and younger brothers. Thus the world fell into chaos. 12.2A

明乎民之無正長以一同天下之義，而天下亂也。是故選擇 天下賢良聖知辯慧之人，立以為天子，使從事乎一同天下 之義。天子既以立矣，以為唯其耳目之請 a，不能獨一同 天下之義，是故選擇天下 (贊閱)b 賢良聖知辯慧之人，置 以為三公，與從事乎一同天下之義。天子三公既已立矣， 以為天下博大，山林遠土之民，不可得而一也，是故靡分 天下，設以為萬諸侯國君，使從事乎一同其國之義。國君 既已立矣，又以為唯其耳目之請 a，不能一同其國之義，

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是故擇其國之賢者，置以為左右將軍大夫，以 (遠GE>逮 c 至乎鄉里之長，與從事乎一同其國之義。 a. 情 Bi Yuan. c. Sun Yirang

b. Wang Huanbiao; gloss.

Those who understood that the chaos of the world was produced by the absence of leaders who could unify all the standards in the world selected the world’s most steadfast, learned, and logical man to be established as Son of Heaven, charging him with the task of unifying the standards of the world. When the Son of Heaven had been established, he found that by using only his own eyes and ears, he alone would be incapable of unifying the standards of the whole world. For this reason, he selected the most steadfast, learned, and logical men he could find in the world and appointed them to be the Three Elders and shared with them the task of unifying the standards of the whole world. When the Son of Heaven and the Three Elders had been established, the world being so vast and large, they alone could not unify all the peoples of the mountain forests and distant lands. This is why they established the myriad lords and rulers of states, charging them with the task of unifying the standards of their states. When the positions of the rulers of states had been established, also finding that by using only their own eyes and ears, they alone would be incapable of unifying the standards of their state, they selected the worthy men of their state, appointed them to be their associates, generals, grand officers, and officials down to the level of heads of districts and villages, and shared with them the task of unifying the standards of their state.2 12.2B

天子，諸侯之君，民之正長，既已定矣，天子為發政施教 曰：「凡聞見善者，必以告其上，聞見不善者，亦必以告 其上。上之所是，必亦是之，上之所非，必亦非之。己 有善，傍薦之，上有過，規諫之。尚同 (義GE>乎 a 其上， 而毋有下比之心。上得則賞之，萬民聞則譽之。意若聞見 善，不以告其上，聞見不善，亦不以告其上，上之所是不 能是，上之所非不能非。己有善，不能傍薦之；上有過， 不能規諫之。下比而非其上者，上得則誅罰之，萬民聞則 非毀之。」故古者聖王之為刑政賞譽也，甚明察以審信。 是以舉天下之人，皆欲得上之賞譽，而畏上之毀罰。

a. Sun Yirang.

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

When the Son of Heaven, lords of the various states, and the leaders of the people had been settled, the Son of Heaven issued a proclamation and propagated his teachings, saying: As a general rule, he who hears of or sees a good deed must report it to his superior; he who hears of or sees an evil deed must report it to his superior; what his superior judges to be correct, he too must affirm as correct; what his superior condemns as wrong, he too must condemn as wrong; if he himself has a good plan, he informs his superior of it and recommends it to him;3 when his superior makes a mistake, he corrects and admonishes him; he upwardly conforms with superiors and has no mind to form cliques with subordinates. When his superior learns of such a man he will reward him and when the myriad people hear of him they will praise him. If he who hears of or sees a good deed fails to report it to his superior; if he who hears of or sees an evil deed fails to report it to his superior; if what his superior judges correct he is unable to affirm as correct; if what his superior condemns as wrong he is unable to condemn as wrong; if when he has a good plan, he is unable to inform his superior and recommend it to him; if when his superior makes a mistake, he is unable to correct and admonish him; if he forms cliques with subordinates and condemns his superiors—when his superior learns of him he will punish him, and when the myriad people hear about him they will revile him. Thus the sage-kings of antiquity applied penal regulations and offered rewards that were extremely clear and reliable. On account of this, the people of the world all desired to obtain reward and praise from their superiors and dreaded being reviled and punished by them.4 12.3

是故里長順天子政，而一同其里之義。里長既同其里之 義，率其里之萬民，以尚同乎鄉長，曰：「凡里之萬民， 皆尚同乎鄉長，而不敢下比。鄉長之所是，必亦是之，鄉 長之所非，必亦非之。去而不善言，學鄉長之善言；去而 不善行，學鄉長之善行。鄉長固鄉之賢者也，舉鄉人以法 鄉長，夫鄉何說而不治哉？」察鄉長之所以治鄉者何故之 以也？曰唯以其能一同其鄉之義，是以鄉治。 For this reason, the village head, in accordance with the regulations of the Son of Heaven, unified the standards of his villages. ­Having u­ nified

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the standards of his village, the village head led the myriad people of his village in maintaining solidarity with the district elder. He thus proclaimed: As a general rule, the myriad people of the village must all upwardly conform with the district elder and not dare to form cliques with subordinates. What the district elder judges right, they too must affirm as right, and what the village elder condemns as wrong, they too must condemn it. Abandon your evil doctrines and study the good teachings of the district elder; cease your evil practices and imitate instead the good practices of the district elder. Since the district elder is assuredly the most worthy man in the district, if all the people of the district therefore take the district elder as their model, how could anyone in the district claim that it is not well governed? If we investigate the reason that the district elder brought order to his district, what then is it? I say that it is simply because he was able to unify the standards of his district and thus the district was well governed. 12.4

鄉長治其鄉，而鄉既已治矣，有率其鄉 [之]a 萬民，以尚 同乎國君，曰：「凡鄉之萬民，皆上同乎國君，而不敢下 比。國君之所是，必亦是之，國君之所非，必亦非之。去 而不善言，學國君之善言；去而不善行，學國君之善行。 國君固國之賢者也，舉國人以法國君，夫國何說而不治 哉？」察國君之所以治國，而國治者，何故之以也？曰唯 以其能一同其國之義，是以國治。

a. Wu Yujiang.

When a district had become well governed because its district elder brought order to it, he then led the myriad people of the district in maintaining solidarity with the lord of the state. He thus proclaimed: As a general rule, the myriad people of the district should all upwardly conform with the lord of the state and not dare to form cliques with subordinates. What the lord of the state judges to be right, they too must affirm as right; and what the lord of the state condemns as wrong, they too must condemn. Abandon your evil doctrines and study instead the good teachings of the lord of the

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

state; cease your evil practices and imitate instead the good practices of the lord of the state. Since the lord of the state is assuredly the worthiest man in the state, if all the people in the state should therefore take the lord of the state as their model, how could anyone in the state claim that it is not well governed? If we investigate the reason why the lord of a state created order in his state, what then is it? I say that it is simply that he was able to unify the standards in his state, and thus the state was well governed. 12.5 國君治其國，而國既已治矣，有率其國之萬民，以尚同乎

天子，曰：「凡國之萬民上同乎天子，而不敢下比。天子 之所是，必亦是之，天子之所非，必亦非之。去而不善 言，學天子之善言；去而不善行，學天子之善行。天子 者，固天下之仁人也，舉天下之萬民以法天子，夫天下何 說而不治哉？」察天子之所以治天下者，何故之以也？曰 唯以其能一同天下之義，是以天下治。 When a state had become well governed because its lord brought order to it, the lord of the state then led the myriad people of his state in upwardly conforming with the Son of Heaven. He thus proclaimed: As a general rule, the myriad people of the state should all upwardly conform with the Son of Heaven and not dare to form cliques with subordinates. What the Son of Heaven judges to be right, they too must affirm as right; and what the Son of Heaven condemns as wrong, they too must condemn. Abandon your evil doctrines and study instead the good teachings of the Son of Heaven; cease your evil practices and imitate instead the good practices of the Son of Heaven. Since the Son of Heaven is assuredly the most humane man in the world, if all the myriad people of the world take the Son of Heaven as their model, then how could anyone in the world claim that it is not well governed? If we investigate into the reason why the Son of Heaven created order in the world, what then is it? I say that it is simply because he was able to unify the standards in the world, and thus the world was well governed. 12.6A

夫既尚同乎天子，而未上同乎天者，則天菑將猶未止也。 故當若天降寒熱不節，雪霜雨露不時，五穀不孰，六畜不

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遂，疾菑戾疫、飄風苦雨，荐臻而至者。此天之降罰也， 將以罰下人之不尚同乎天者也。 If upwardly conforming with the Son of Heaven has been accomplished but upwardly conforming with Heaven itself has not, then the calamities wrought by Heaven will never cease. Thus in such circumstances, Heaven will send down cold and heat without natural limits as well as snow, frost, rain, and dew in the wrong season. Moreover, the five grains will not ripen, the six domestic animals will not breed, and there will be diseases, epidemics, and pestilences, and violent winds and bitter rains, which will recur again and again.5 These Heaven has sent down as punishments to penalize those people below who have not upwardly conformed with Heaven itself. 12.6B

故古者聖王，明天鬼之所欲，而避天鬼之所憎，以求興 [天下之利，除]a 天下之害。是以率天下之萬民，齊戒沐 浴，潔為酒醴粢盛，以祭祀天鬼。其事鬼神也，酒醴粢盛 不敢不蠲潔，犧牲不敢不腯肥，珪璧幣帛不敢不中度量， 春秋祭祀不敢失時幾，聽獄不敢不中，分財不敢不均，居 處不敢怠慢。曰其為正長若此，是故上者天鬼有 [深]b 厚 乎其為政長也，下者萬民有便利乎其為政長也。天鬼之所 深厚而能彊從事焉，則天鬼之福可得也。萬民之所便利而 能彊從事焉，則萬民之親可得也。其為政若此，是以謀事 得，舉事成，入守固，出誅勝者。何故之以也？曰唯以尚 同為政者也。故古者聖王之為政若此。

a. Li Li.

b. Sun Yirang.

Thus the ancient sage-kings clearly understood what Heaven and the ghosts desired and scrupulously avoided what they despised, seeking to promote what benefited the world and to eliminate what harmed it. This is why they led the myriad peoples of the world to perform rites of fasting and cleansing their bodies, and with purified sweet wine and vessels of millet to pray and make offerings to Heaven and the ghosts. In worshiping Heaven and the ghosts, they dared not use wine or millet that was unclean, or sacrificial animals that were not plump and fat, or jade batons and disks and rolls of silks that did not precisely meet standard requirements. They never dared miss the proper times for spring and autumn prayers and offerings. In hearing lawsuits, they dared not

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

but meet the requirement of the law exactly. In distributing goods, they did not presume not to be equitable. When living at home, they never dared to be lax or remiss. I say that it was because they were such good leaders that, above, Heaven and the ghosts profoundly and substantially supported their leadership, and, below, the myriad people made the work of their leaders effortless and trouble-free. With the profound and substantial support of Heaven and the ghosts, they were able to be even more diligent in doing their tasks and thus could win the blessings of Heaven and the ghosts. With the myriad people making their work effortless and trouble-free, they were able to be even more diligent in performing their tasks and thus could secure the feelings of true kinship from the myriad people. Since their governance was this good, the sagekings succeeded in what they had planned, advanced their undertakings successfully, safeguarded their security, punished criminals, and were victorious in battle. What was the cause of all this? I say that is simply because exalting conformity was a principle of their government. This is why the governance of the ancient sage-kings was as good as it was. 12.7 今天下之人曰： 「方今之時，天下之正長猶未廢乎天下

也，而天下之所以亂者，何故之以也？」子墨子曰：「方 今之時之以正長，則本與古者異矣，譬之若有苗之以五 刑然。昔者聖王制為五刑，以治天下，逮至有苗之制五 刑，以亂天下。則此豈刑不善哉？用刑則不善也。是以先 王之書《呂刑》之道曰：『苗民否用練折則刑，唯作五殺 之刑，曰法。』則此言善用刑者以治民，不善用刑者以為 五殺，則此豈刑不善哉？用刑則不善。故遂以為五殺。是 以先王之書《術令》之道曰：『唯口出好興戎。』則此言 善用口者出好，不善用口者以為讒賊寇戎。則此豈口不善 哉？用口則不善也，故遂以為讒賊寇戎。」 The people of the world ask, “Why is it that although the leaders of the world have not been cast aside by the world, the world is nevertheless in turmoil?” Our Master Mozi says: “The leaders of the present age are fundamentally different from those of antiquity. We may illustrate this by the analogy of the use of the five corporal punishments6 by the Miao. In the past, when sage-kings administered the five corporal punishments, the world was put in order; but later when the Miao used the five corporal punishments, they upset the order of the world. How can it be that

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the ­punishments themselves were not good? It was the way they were employed that was not good. Thus one of the Documents of the founding kings, the ‘Punishments of Lü,’ teaches: ‘The Miao people did not use moral instruction but restrained with corporal punishments. They created five kinds of torture and called them “law.”’7 This means that those who are adept at applying punishments can govern the people with them, while those who are not adept make the standard punishments into five kinds of torture. How could it be that the punishments themselves were not good? It was the way the punishments were used that was not good. This is why they came to be regarded as the five tortures. Thus one of the Documents of the founding kings, the ‘Methods and Ordinances,’ teaches: ‘The mouth can bring about good will or lead to conflict.’8 This means that one who uses his mouth well utters words of friendship, and one who does not use it well brings about slander, killing, brigandage, and even war. How could it be that the mouth itself is not good? It is the use to which the mouth is put that is not good, and that is why it produces slander, killing, brigandage, and war.” 12.8A

故古者之置正長也，將以治民也，譬之若絲縷之有紀，而 罔罟之有綱也，將以運役天下淫暴，而一同其義也。 The reason that rulers were established in antiquity was to bring order to the people. The ruler was, to use analogies, like the main thread that binds the skein of silk or the main cord that controls the net. He provided the means by which people given to violence and excess were bound and seized. He unified the standards of the whole world.

12.8B

是以先王之書，《相年》之道曰：「夫建國設都，乃作后 王君公，否用泰也，輕 a 大夫師長，否用佚也，維辯使治 天均。」則此語古者上帝鬼神之建設國都，立正長也，非 高其爵，厚其祿，富貴 [游]b 佚而錯之也，將以為萬民興 利除害， (富貴貧寡GE>富貧眾寡 c，安危治亂也。故古者 聖王之為 [政]d 若此。 a. 卿 Bi Yuan c. Sun Yirang

b. Wang Niansun. d. Dai Wang.

This is why one of the Documents of the founding kings, “Great Harvest,” teaches: “After the state has been founded and its capital established, the positions of the sovereign king and ruling dukes are created, but not for the purpose of aggrandizing them. Ministers and grand

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officers are appointed supervisors of bureaus, but not to provide them with leisure. Rather this is done to apportion duties and to create order in accordance with Heavenly equality.”9 The meaning of this passage is that the supreme sovereign, as well as the ghosts and spirits, had as their purpose in establishing states and capital cities and installing rulers and supervisors not to make their rank noble or their emolument munificent; rather, it was to enrich the people where they had been poor, make them many where they had been few, make them secure where they had been threatened, and create order where there had been anarchy. This assuredly was why the governance of the ancient sage-kings was as good as it was. 12.8C

今王公大人之為刑政則反此。政以為便譬 a，宗 (於GE>族 b. 父兄故舊，以為左右，置以為正長。民知上置正長之非 (正)c 以治民也，是以皆比周隱匿，莫肯尚同其上。是故 上下不同義。若苟上下不同義，賞譽不足以勸善，而刑罰 不足以沮暴。何以知其然也？曰上唯毋立而為政乎國家， 為民正長，曰人可賞吾將賞之。若苟上下不同義，上之所 賞，則眾之所非，曰人眾與處，於眾得非。則是雖使得上 之賞，未足以勸乎？上唯毋立而為政乎國家，為民正長， 曰人可罰吾將罰之。若苟上下不同義，上之所罰，則眾之 所譽，曰人眾與處，於眾得譽。則是雖使得上之罰，未足 以沮乎？若立而為政乎國家，為民正長，賞譽不足以勸 善，而刑罰不 [足以]d 沮暴，則是不與鄉吾本言民「始生 未有正長之時」同乎？若有正長與無正長之時同，則此非 所以治民一眾之道。 a. 僻 Dai Wang. c. Dai Wang.

b. Bi Yuan. d. Sun Yirang.

The governance of the kings, dukes, and great men of today, however, is opposite to this. Their favorites, their clansmen, their fathers and elder brothers, as well as their old acquaintances, are made advisers and assistants and are appointed leaders.10 Realizing that their ruler did not appoint the proper officials to govern them, all the people accordingly participate in cliques and cabals, and none of them upwardly conform with their superiors. This is why superiors and inferiors do not hold common standards of what is right and wrong. When it happens that superiors and inferiors do not share the same standards, rewards and

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praise are no longer enough to encourage the people to do good, and punishments and penalties no longer sufficient to prevent violence. How do we know that this is so? I say that whenever a superior, in governing a nation, appoints leaders for the people, he says: “If this man deserves a reward, I shall reward him.” But when superiors and inferiors do not share the same standards, those rewarded by the superior are condemned by the mass of the people. They say, “If this man dwells together with the masses, he shall meet with their condemnation.” Thus were one to win a reward from a superior, it would not be sufficient encouragement. Whenever a superior, in governing a nation, appoints leaders for the people, he says: “If this man deserves punishment, I shall punish him.” But when superiors and inferiors do not share common standards, those punished by the superior are praised by the mass of the people. They say, “If this man dwells together with the masses, he shall meet with their praise.” Thus even if one were to suffer punishment, it would not be a sufficient restraint. If in governing the nation and supervising the people, rewards and praise are no longer enough to encourage the people to do good, and punishments and penalties no longer sufficient to prevent violence, is not the situation exactly like that which I mentioned earlier, at the beginning of this lecture, when I described the time “when mankind was first born, before there were leaders”? If having leaders and not having leaders are one and the same, then this is not the proper way by which to govern the people and unify the masses. 12.8D

故古者聖王唯而 (審)a 以尚同 (以)a 為正 (長)a，是故上下情 (請為)b 通。上有隱事遺利，下得而利之；下有蓄怨積害， 上得而除之。是以數千萬里之外，有為善者，其室人未遍 知，鄉里未遍聞，天子得而賞之。數千萬里之外，有為不 善者，其室人未遍知，鄉里未遍聞，天子得而罰之。是以 舉天下之人皆恐懼振動惕慄，不敢為淫暴，曰天子之視聽 也神。先王之言曰：「非神也，夫唯能使人之耳目助己視 聽，使人之吻助己言談，使人之心助己思慮，使人之股肱 助己動作」。助之視聽者眾，則其所聞見者遠矣；助之言 談者眾，則其德音之所撫循者博矣；助之思慮者眾，則其 (談)c 謀度速得矣；助之動作者眾，即其舉事速成矣。

a. Yu Yue. c. Wang Niansun.

b. Wang Niansun.

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Thus because the ancient sage-kings were able to make the principle of exalting conformity a government regulation, superiors and inferiors fully sympathized with each other’s sentiments. Whenever a superior had some secret plan still untried or a prospect for benefit still unrealized, his subordinate helped him bring them to fruition. Whenever a subordinate harbored resentments or suffered repeated injuries, his superior eliminated them. This is why if there was anyone who did good, even if he was many thousands or even ten thousand li away, unknown even to his own family, and utterly unrecognized in his home village, the Son of Heaven knew to reward him. It is also why if there was anyone who did something bad, even if he was many thousands or even ten thousand li away, was unknown even to his own family, and utterly unrecognized in his home village, the Son of Heaven knew to punish him. This is why all the people of the world shook and trembled in fear and thus dared not do anything lewd or violent. They said: “The Son of Heaven has spiritual powers of hearing and seeing.” But the teaching of the founding kings said: “It is not because of the spirits, but simply because I am able to use the eyes and ears of other men to enhance my own sight and hearing, their lips to augment my own speech, their minds to magnify my own thoughts and reflections, and their limbs to extend my range of movement and action.” When those who enhance his sight and hearing are a multitude, what he sees and hears becomes far-reaching. When those who augment his speech are a multitude, then the area to which his virtuous voice brings comfort and obedience is broad. When those who magnify his thoughts and reflections are a multitude, his plans and designs can be quickly realized. When those who extend the range of his movement and action are a multitude, everything he undertakes is quickly completed. 12.9 故古者聖人之所以濟事成功，垂名於後世者，無他故異物

焉，曰唯能以尚同為政者也。是以先王之書《周頌》之道 之曰：「載來見彼王，聿求厥章。」則此語古者國君諸侯 之以春秋來朝聘天子之廷，受天子之嚴教，退而治國，政 之所加，莫敢不賓。當此之時，本無有敢紛天子之教者。 詩曰：「我馬維駱，六轡沃若，載馳載驅，周爰咨度。」 又曰：「我馬維騏，六轡若絲，載馳載驅，周爰咨謀。」 即此語 (也)a 古者國君諸侯之聞見善與不善也，皆馳驅以

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告天子，是以賞當賢，罰當暴，不殺不辜，不失有罪，則 此尚同之功也。

a. Wang Niansun.

Thus that the sage-kings of antiquity were successful and handed down their reputation to later generations was not due to an odd cause or strange phenomenon. I say that it was simply that they were able to make exalting conformity the principle of their government. This is why in the Hymns of Zhou, a book of the founding kings, it is recounted: First they came to an audience with the king, Seeking from him the regulations.11 These lines discuss how in antiquity the rulers and lords of the various states came to the court of the Son of Heaven each spring and autumn, received his stern instructions, and then returned home to rule their states accordingly. Everywhere his regulations reached, no one dared not obey them. During this period, there were basically none that dared to alter the instructions of the Son of Heaven. Another ode says: My horses are white with black manes, Their six reins are glossy, I gallop them, hurry them on, Everywhere I inquire about the rules. And the ode continues: My horses are gray, Their six reins are silken, I gallop them, hurry them on, Everywhere I inquire about plans.12 This passage says that in antiquity, all the rulers and lords of the various states, on hearing or seeing good or evil deeds, galloped and hurried to report them to the Son of Heaven. This is why rewards went only to the truly worthy and punishments fell only on the violent. The innocent were not killed, and the guilty did not escape blame. All of this was accomplished by exalting conformity. 12.10

是故子墨子曰：「今天下之王公大人士君子，請將欲富其

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國家，眾其人民，治其刑政，定其社稷，當若尚同之不可 不察，此之本也。」 These are the reasons our Master Mozi said: “Today, if the world’s kings, dukes, great men, and those who hold office truly desire to enrich their countries, increase their populations, put punishments and government in order, and guarantee the future of the altars of soil and grain, they must examine closely the principle of exalting conformity, for it is foundation of all that they claim to desire.”

尚同下第十三 Chapter 13: Exalt Conformity (Lower) 13.1 子墨子言曰： 「知者之事，必計國家百姓所以治者而為

之，必計國家百姓之所以亂者而辟之。」然計國家百姓之 所以治者何也？上之為政，得下之情則治，不得下之情則 亂。何以知其然也？上之為政，得下之情，則是明於民 之善非也。若苟明於民之善非也，則得善人而賞之，得暴 人而罰之也。善人賞而暴人罰，則國必治。上之為政也， 不得下之情，則是不明於民之善非也。若苟不明於民之善 非，則是不得善人而賞之，不得暴人而罰之。善人不賞 而暴人不罰，為政若此，國眾必亂。故賞 [罰]a 不得下之 情，而不可不察者也。

a. Su Shixue

The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “It is the duty of the wise person always to do what he knows will create order in his country and among the common people and always to avoid what he knows will create anarchy among them.” If that is so, then how does one figure out what will create order in his country and among the common people? If superiors, in governing, grasp the true nature of their subordinates, there is order, and if they do not, there is anarchy. How do we know that this is so? If in governing, superiors grasp the true nature of their subordinates, they then know which people are good and which are not. If they know which of the people are good and which are not, they can reward those that are good and punish those that are violent. When good men are rewarded

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and violent men punished, the state is certain to be well ordered. If in governing, superiors do not grasp the true nature of their subordinates, they then fail to know which of the people are good and which are not. If they do not know which people are good and which are not, they cannot reward the good and punish the violent. When a government works in such a way that good men are not rewarded and violent men are not punished, the state and its masses are certain to lapse into anarchy. Accordingly, when rewards and punishments do not take into account the true nature of subordinates, the matter cannot but be investigated thoroughly. 13.2A

然計得下之情將柰何可？故子墨子曰：「唯能以尚同一義 為政，然後可矣。」何以知尚同一義之可而為政於天下 也？然胡不審稽古之治 a 為政之說乎？古者，天之始生 民，未有正長也，百姓為人。若苟百姓為人，是一人一 義，十人十義，百人百義，千人千義，逮至人之眾不可勝 計也，則其所謂義者，亦不可勝計。此皆是其義，而非人 之義，是以厚者有鬭，而薄者有爭。 a. 始 Yu Yue.

If that is so, what is the best way to figure out the true nature of subordinates? Our Master Mozi said: “It is possible only if one uses the principles of exalting conformity and unifying standards.” How do we know that with the principles of exalting conformity and unifying standards, it is possible to govern the whole world? To find this out, why not examine the ancient accounts of the origins of government? In early times, when Heaven first gave birth to humans and there were not yet any leaders, every commoner was an independent individual. When everyone is an independent individual, with one man there is one standard of right and wrong, with ten men, ten standards, with a hundred men, a hundred standards, and with a thousand men, a thousand standards. When you reach the incalculable number of the whole mass of humans, the number of what they call their standards is also incalculable. All these people judged their own standards as right and condemned the standards of everyone else. This resulted, in serious cases, in warfare and, at the very least, in fighting.

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

13.2B

是故天下之欲同一天下之義也，是故選擇賢者，立為天 子。天子以其知力為未足獨治天下，是以選擇其次立為三 公。三公又以其知力為未足獨左右天子也，是以分國建諸 侯。諸侯又以其知力為未足獨治其四境之內也，是以選 擇其次立為卿之宰。卿之宰又以其知力為未足獨左右其君 也，是以選擇其次立而為鄉長家君。 For this reason, since the world wished to unify all the standards of the world, they therefore selected the worthiest man and established him as Son of Heaven.1 The Son of Heaven, realizing that his own strength was inadequate to govern the world by himself, selected the next worthiest men and appointed them to be the Three Elders. The Three Elders, also realizing that their strength was by itself inadequate to assist the Son Heaven, divided the country and established the lords of the various states. The lords of the various states, also realizing that their own strength was inadequate for them to govern alone the lands within their four borders, selected the next worthiest men and appointed them to positions as chief ministers. The chief ministers, also realizing that their own strength was inadequate to assist their lords, accordingly selected the next worthiest men to be appointed as community leaders and heads of families.

13.2C

是故古者天子之立三公、諸侯、卿之宰、鄉長家君，非特 富貴游佚而擇之也，將使助治 (亂)a 刑政也。故古者建國 設都，乃立后王君公，奉以卿士師長，此非欲用說也，唯 辯而使助治天明也。

a. Sun Yirang.

Thus, in ancient times, when the Son of Heaven established the Three Elders, lords of the various states, chief ministers, and community leaders and heads of families, he did not select them to make them rich and eminent and give them lives of ease. His purpose was rather to have them help him in the tasks of creating order and applying penal regulations. Hence, in ancient times, when the various countries were founded and their capitals sited, the various sovereigns, kings, lords, and dukes were established, and the ministers, knights, generals, and leaders were elevated. This was not for the purpose of pleasing them; it was only to divide responsibility for bringing order in accordance with Heaven’s bright teaching.2

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13.3

今此何為人上而不能治其下，為人下而不能事其上，則是 上下相賊也，何故以然？則義不同也。若苟義不同者有 黨，上以若人為善，將賞之，若人唯使得上之賞，而辟百 姓之毀，是以為善者，必未可使勸，見有賞也。上以若人 為暴，將罰之，若人唯使得上之罰，而懷百姓之譽，是以 為暴者，必未可使沮，見有罰也。故計上之賞譽，不足以 勸善，計其毀罰，不足以沮暴。此何故以然？則義不同 也。 Why is it that today superiors are incapable of governing their subordinates and subordinates are incapable of serving their superiors? It is because they prey upon each other! What is the cause of that? Their standards are not the same. When those whose standards are not the same form cliques, superiors will nevertheless think such men to be good and reward them. Although such a man may win his superior’s reward, he cannot escape the ridicule of the common people. For this reason, those who perform good deeds are not always encouraged to do so, even when they see that they will be rewarded. Or the superior may think particular men miscreants and punish them. Although such a man suffers punishment by his superiors, he nevertheless wins the praise of the common people. For this reason, those who commit violent acts cannot always be stopped from doing so, even when they see that they will be punished. Thus we reckon that the rewards and praises of superiors are inadequate to encourage good, and that their ridicule and punishments are inadequate to halt violence. What is the reason for this? Their standards are not the same.

13.4

然則欲同一天下之義，將柰何可？故子墨子言曰：「然胡 不賞 a (使家君)b 試用家君，發憲布令其家，曰：『若見愛 利家者，必以告，若見惡賊家者，亦必以告。若見愛利 家以告，亦猶愛利家者也，上得且賞之，眾聞則譽之，若 見惡賊家不以告，亦猶惡賊家者也，上得且罰之，眾聞則 非之。』是以遍若家之人，皆欲得其長上之賞譽，辟其毀 罰。是以善言之，不善言之，家君得善人而賞之，得暴人 而罰之。善人之賞，而暴人之罰，則家必治矣。」然計若 家之所以治者何也？唯以尚同一義為政故也。 a. 嘗 Wang Niansun.

b. Wang Niansun.

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

That being so, if a ruler wished to unify the standards of the whole world, how could it be done? The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “In such a case, why not try to have the lord of a family issue a rule for his family that says: ‘He who witnesses someone loving and benefiting our family must be certain to report it; he who witnesses someone scorning and preying upon our family must also be certain to report it. He who reports those that love and benefit our family is himself loving and benefiting the family. The superior, on finding out about it, will reward him; and the family, on learning of it, will praise him. He who fails to report those that scorn and harm our family is himself scorning and harming the family. The superior, on finding out about it, will punish him; and the family, on learning of it, will condemn him.’ On account of this, everyone in that family will want to gain the rewards and praises of their leaders and superiors and to avoid their ridicule and punishments. And on account of this, they will recount good deeds as well as bad, enabling the lord of the family to reward good men and punish miscreants. When good men are rewarded and miscreants are punished, the family is certain to be well ordered.” That being so, what do we reckon will cause the family to become well ordered? Simply using the principles of exalting conformity and unifying standards in governance—this will cause it to become well ordered. 13.5 家既已治，國之道盡此已邪？則未也。國之為家數也甚

多，此皆是其家，而非人之家，是以厚者有亂，而薄者有 爭，故又使家君總其家之義，以尚同於國君。國君亦為發 憲布令於國之眾，曰：『若見愛利國者，必以告，若見惡 賊國者，亦必以告。若見愛利國以告者，亦猶愛利國者 也，上得且賞之，眾聞則譽之，若見惡賊國不以告者，亦 猶惡賊國者也，上得且罰之，眾聞則非之。』是以遍若國 之人，皆欲得其長上之賞譽，辟其毀罰。是以民見善者言 之，見不善者言之，國君得善人而賞之，得暴人而罰之。 善人賞而暴人罰，則國必治矣。然計若國之所以治者何 也？唯能以尚同一義為政故也。 Once the family has become well ordered, does that cover in its entirety the Way of governing the state?

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Not as yet. The families that compose a state being extremely numerous, each family judges its own family as right and condemns the families of others. This will result, in the extreme, in rebellion and, at the very least, in strife. We must thus go on to induce the heads of the families to unify the standards of their families so that they all upwardly conform with the lord of the state. The lord of the state should issue a rule to the entire state that says: “He who witnesses someone loving and benefiting the state must be certain to report it; he who witnesses someone scorning and preying upon the state must also report it. He who reports those that love and benefit the state is himself loving and benefiting the state. The superior, on finding out about it, will reward him; and the rest of the state, on learning of it, will praise him. He who fails to report someone who hates and harms the state is himself hating and harming the state. The superior, on finding out about it, will punish him; and the rest of the state, on learning of it, will condemn him.” On account of this, everyone in the state will want to gain the rewards and praises of their leaders and superiors and to avoid their ridicule and punishments. And on account of this, people who witness good deeds will tell their superiors of them and people who witness bad deeds will tell their superiors of them, enabling the lord of the state to reward good men and punish miscreants. When good men are rewarded and miscreants are punished, the state is certain to be well ordered. That being so, what do we reckon will cause the state to become well ordered? Simply using the principles of exalting conformity and unifying standards in governance—this will cause it to become well ordered. 13.6

國既已治矣，天下之道盡此已邪？則未也。天下之為國數 也甚多，此皆是其國，而非人之國，是以厚者有戰，而薄 者有爭。故又使國君選其國之義，以尚同於天子。天子 亦為發憲布令於天下之眾，曰：『若見愛利天下者，必以 告，若見惡賊天下者，亦以告。若見愛利天下以告者，亦 猶愛利天下者也，上得則賞之，眾聞則譽之。若見惡賊 天下不以告者，亦猶惡賊天下者也，上得且罰之，眾聞則 非之。』是以遍天下之人，皆欲得其長上之賞譽，避其毀 罰，是以見善不善者告之。天子得善人而賞之，得暴人而 罰之，善人賞而暴人罰，天下必治矣。然計天下之所以治 者何也？唯而以尚同一義為政故也。

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

Once the state has become well ordered, does that cover in its entirety the Way of governing the world? Not as yet. The states that compose the world are also extremely numerous. Each state affirms its own views and condemns those of other states. This will result, in the extreme, in warfare and, at the very least, in strife. Thus we must go on to induce the lords of every state to make the standards of their various states uniform so that they all upwardly conform with the Son of Heaven. The Son of Heaven should issue a rule to the masses of the entire world that says: “He who witnesses someone loving and benefiting the world must be certain to report it; he who witnesses someone scorning and preying on the world must also report it. He who reports those that love and benefit the world is also loving and benefiting the world. The superior, on finding out about it, will reward him; and the masses, on hearing of it, will praise him. He who fails to report those who hate and harm the world is also hating and harming the world. The superior, on finding out about it, will punish him; and the masses, on hearing of it, will condemn him.” On account of this, everyone in the world will want to gain the rewards and praises of their leaders and superiors and to avoid their ridicule and punishments. And on account of this, those who witness good deeds as well as bad will report them, enabling the Son of Heaven to reward good men punish miscreants. When good men are rewarded and miscreants are punished, the world is certain to be well ordered. That being so, what do we reckon will cause the state to become well ordered? Simply using the principles of exalting conformity and unifying standards in governance—this will cause it to become well ordered. 13.7 天下既已治，天子又總天下之義，以尚同於天。故當尚同

之為說也，尚用之天子，可以治天下矣；中用之諸侯，可 而治其國矣；小用之家君，可而治其家矣。是故大用之， 治天下不窕，小用之，治一國一家而不橫者，若道之謂 也。 Once the world is well ordered, the Son of Heaven then unifies the standards of the world to make them all upwardly conform with Heaven. Thus when exalting conformity, as a proposal, is adopted at the highest level, the Son of Heaven can thereby put the whole world in order; when it is adopted at the middle level, the lords of the various states can thereby put their states in order; and when adopted at the lowest level, heads of families can thereby put their families in order.

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Thus, use it on a large scale—to govern the world—and it is not too insubstantial; use it on a small scale—to govern a single state or family— and it is not too bulky. This describes perfectly the principle of exalting conformity. 13.8 故曰治天下之國若治一家，使天下之民若使一夫。意獨子

墨子有此，而先王無 [有]a 此 (其有)b 邪？則亦然也。聖王 皆以尚同為政，故天下治。何以知其然也？於先王之書 也《大誓》之言然，曰：「小人見姦巧乃聞，不言也，(發 GE>厥 b 罪鈞。」此言見淫辟不以告者，其罪亦猶淫辟者 也。

a. Sun Yirang.

b. Su Shixue.

Hence the saying, “Governing the states of the world is like governing a single family; giving orders to the people of the whole world is like giving orders to a single person.” Do you imagine that this principle belongs solely to our Master Mozi and that the founding kings did not possess it? They, too, like our Master Mozi, possessed it. All the sage-kings took exalting conformity as a governing principle; this is why the world was well ordered. How do we know that this is so? One of the Documents of the founding kings, the “Great Oath,” says that “when the little people witness wickedness and wiliness, they should make this known. If they fail to tell, their crime is equally great.”3 This says that if you witness lewdness or perverseness and do no report it, your crime is just as lewd and perverse. 13.9 故古之聖王治天下也，其所差論，以自左右羽翼者皆良，

外為之人，助之視聽者眾。故與人謀事，先人得之；與人 舉事，先人成之；光譽令聞，先人發之。唯信身而從事， 故利若此。古者有語焉，曰：「一目之視也，不若二目之 (視GE>明 a 也。一耳之聽也，不若二耳之 (聽GE>聰 b 也。 一手之操也，不若二手之彊也。」夫唯能信身而從事， 故利若此。是故古之聖王之治天下也，千里之外有賢人 焉，其鄉里之人皆未之均聞見也，聖王得而賞之。千里之 內有暴人焉，其鄉里 [之人皆]c 未之均聞見也，聖王得而 罰之。故唯毋以聖王為聰耳明目與？豈能一視而通見千里 之外哉！一聽而通聞千里之外哉！聖王不往而視也，不就

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而聽也。然而使天下之為寇亂盜賊者，周流天下無所重足 者，何也？其以尚同為政 (善GE>故 d 也。

a. Wu Rulun, Tao Hongqing. c. Bi Yuan.

b. Sun Yirang. d. Jiang Lihong.

Thus when in antiquity the sage-kings governed the world, those they chose as their personal assistants were all good. In addition, they had men who served as their deputies far from the court.4 Because of this, those who helped them see and hear were a multitude. Because they had help in planning their activities, they succeeded before others did; because they had help in initiating a project, they finished before others did. Their brilliant reputations and excellent renown spread throughout the world earlier than those of others. It was only because they sincerely devoted themselves to their tasks that they enjoyed such benefits. In antiquity there was a proverb that said: “The sight of a single eye is not as clear as the sight of two; the hearing of a single ear is not as acute as the hearing of two; the grasp of a single hand is not as strong as the grasp of two.” Only because they were capable of sincerely devoting themselves to their tasks did they enjoy such benefits.5 For these reasons, when the sage-kings of antiquity governed the world, if there was a worthy man more than a thousand li away, the sage-kings could reward him before any of his fellow villagers were aware of his worthiness. And if there was a miscreant within a thousand li, they could punish him before his fellow villagers were aware of his misdeeds. Accordingly, even though the sages were keen of sight and acute of hearing, how could one pair of eyes see beyond a thousand li and one pair of ears hear beyond a thousand li? The sage-kings did not travel to see things personally, nor did they go anywhere to hear things personally. That being so, why did thieves, fomenters of disorder, robbers, and predatory individuals keep constantly moving on, never finding a place where they might take refuge? The reason is that the sage-kings adopted exalting conformity as a principle of their governance. 13.10

是故子墨子曰：「凡使民尚同者，愛民不疾，民無可使。 曰：必疾愛而使之，致信而持之，富貴以道其前，明罰以 率其後。為政若此，唯欲毋與我同，將不可得也。」 For these reasons, our Master Mozi said: “A general rule for inducing the people to maintain conformity with their superiors is: if you fail to feel an intense love for the people, they cannot be induced to follow.

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This means that one must intensely love the people in order to induce them to follow; one must extend trust to the people in order to employ them; and one must lead the vanguard with wealth and honors and bring along the stragglers with clear punishments. Were I to govern in this fashion, even if I desired that the people would not maintain conformity with me, that would be impossible.” 13.11

是以子墨子曰：「今天下王公大人士君子，中情將欲為 仁義，求為上士，上欲中聖王之道，下欲中國家百姓之 利，故當尚同之說，而不可不察，尚同為政之本，而治要 也。」 For these reasons, our Master Mozi said: “Nowadays, if the world’s kings, dukes, great men, and those who hold official positions truly desired in their hearts to become humane and righteous; and if they sought to become superior knights; and if above they wanted their actions to match perfectly the Way of the sage-kings and below wanted to accord perfectly with what would benefit their country and the common people, then this proposal to exalt conformity could not but be investigated, since exalting conformity is the foundation of good governance and the essential element in achieving good order.”

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

139

Impartial Love Although the Mohist doctrine of loving others is traditionally regarded as forming a complementary pair with condemning aggression, it can also be seen as a conceptual complement to conformity with superiors. The latter is concerned with how individuals adhering to their own exclusive standards of right and wrong, oblivious to notions of a common good, cause divisiveness within their families and communities, which, if unchecked, will lead to a breakdown in society and render populations ungovernable. Failing to love others in favor of loving oneself is another form of divisiveness; by pitting individuals and ever larger social entities against each other, it yields similar disastrous consequences. (The term ai 愛 in the name of the doctrine does not refer to romantic love or sexual attraction. It means something more like “prefer,” “covet,” “favor,” or “care for,” nuances that are perhaps best captured in English by “love.” Those who object to translating ai as “love” fail to appreciate the full breadth of the English word.) There were different forms of love in ancient China, and the chapters of the “Impartial Love” triad provide the names of some of them. The simplest statement of the doctrine, in chapter 14, points out the dangers and limitations of “self-love.” It is possible that what inspired this essay was a desire to counter the weiwo 為我—“I do it for me!”—doctrine of Yang Zhu 楊朱. According to Mengzi 3B.9 and 7A.26, Yang Zhu, in opposition to Mozi’s doctrine of impartial love, taught that one should do things only for oneself and sacrifice nothing for others. Although the Mencius passages are perhaps somewhat distorted representations of the positions of both Yang Zhu and Mozi, there may be some truth to the suggestion that they were rivals. Subsequent statements of the doctrine, in chapters 15 and 16, systematically expand on chapter 14’s basic, and somewhat vague, premise that one should “love others,” in the process of which they transform a set of reflections on the causes of disorder into a major building block of Mohist social philosophy. Before discussing the composition of the triad’s chapters, it would be worthwhile to distinguish the Mohist jian’ai 兼愛, “impartial love,” from ren 仁, “benevolence” or “humaneness,” a term important in both Ru and Mohist contexts, and to explore more general differences between Ru and Mohist moral arguments. The terms ren and ai are semantically different and are not substituted one for the other in early texts. Whereas ai can be directed toward the self and toward others, ren is directed only toward others. (Passage 14.2a refers to ziai 自愛, “loving” or “caring for the self ”; *ziren 自仁 never occurs in ancient Chinese sources—just as it would be odd, in English, to speak of being humane with

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regard to oneself ). In the Analects of Confucius, ren is often used in a broad sense to refer to the almost transcendental quality of goodness that was possessed by the sages and legendary heroes but that Confucius is loath to attribute to those of his own generation or even to one who might hypothetically “compass the salvation of the whole state.”1 The Mozi, too, seems to associate those who possess ren with the sage-kings. But for Mozi the practice of jian’ai is not a transcendental goal that can be attained only by the very few. On the contrary, everyone is capable of jian’ai. The Mozi claims that all that is needed is that rulers require it of their subjects. Moreover, ren, in its somewhat narrower sense, refers to the affective concern one experiences when witnessing the suffering of the weak or easily victimized. One does not treat one’s superiors with ren; toward them one should display the moral value of yi 義, “righteousness” or “duty.”2 But Mozi expected jian’ai to be to be practiced toward all who are “other,” no matter their relation to the self or their status vis-à-vis the self. Passage 14.3 defines impartial love as regarding both one’s superiors and inferiors exactly as one regards oneself. Central to all ethical teachings found in the Analects of Confucius is the notion that the social arena in which the tools for creating and maintaining harmonious relations are fashioned and employed is the extended family. Among the various ways in which social divisions could have been drawn, the most important were the vertical lines that bound multigenerational lineages. And the most fundamental lessons to be learned by individuals within a lineage were what role their generational position had imposed on them and what obligations toward those senior or junior to them were associated with those roles. In the world of the Analects, the dynamics of social exchange and obligation primarily involved movement up and down along familial roles that were defined in terms of how they related to others within the same lineage. It was also necessary that one play roles within other social constructs—neighborhood, community, political bureaucracy, guild, school of thought—that brought one into contact with a larger network of acquaintances and created ethical issues that went beyond those that impacted one’s family. But the extended family was at the center of these other hierarchies and could be regarded as a microcosm of their workings. One who behaved morally in all possible parallel structures extending outward from the family probably approximated Confucius’s conception of ren. Although the Mohists shared with Confucius and his followers the goal of bringing about effective governance and a stable society, they constructed their ethical system not on the basis of social roles but rather on the self or, to be 1. See Lunyu 6.28. 2. See Mengzi 1A.7, 2A.6, 7A.33. For more on the uses and meanings of ren, see Shun, Mencius and Early Chinese Thought, 48–52.

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more precise, the physical self that has cravings, needs, and ambitions.3 For the Mohists, the individual’s love for his physical self is the basis on which all moral systems had to be built.4 The Confucian emphasis on social role rather than on the self seems to involve, in comparison to the Mohist position, an exaggerated emphasis on social status and position and an excessive form of self-centeredness. While the Mohist love of self is also of course a form of self-interest, what distinguishes it from the Confucian position is that the Mohists regard self-love as a necessary means to an end, not the end in itself, which the Confucian pride of position and place appears to be. The Mohist program called for a process by which self-love was replaced by, or transformed into, impartial love—the unselfish and altruistic concern for others that would, in their reckoning, lead to an improved world untroubled by wars between states, conflict in communities, and strife within families. Elsewhere in the text of the Mozi—including chapters 14 and 15—such ideal consequences are regularly offered as part of the argument why someone should adopt a particular moral position. But in the triad’s chapter 16, it appears that the Mohists realized that such consequentialist arguments were not sufficient to convince people to put aside their own interests for the sake of helping others. What was required was an argument that demonstrated that it was in one’s own interest to care about others. For Mozi, it was essential that such an argument force people to consider their reactions in moments of danger or crisis, and 16.4 presents just such an argument. When one is going off to war and might be killed or is sent on a diplomatic mission to a distant place from which one might not return, to whom would one trust the well-being and safety of one’s family? The text points out that at such perilous junctures, one must rely on the altruism of others, and this leads one to appreciate, in a moment of insight, the value of selflessness and caring for others. Thus it is by means of self-love that impartial love is brought about. The immediacy and transformative power of such an insight are not dissimilar to Mengzi’s descriptions of ren reactions when one sees a child about to fall into a well or an ox being led off to slaughter. One significant distinction between the Ru and the Mohists is the Mohist argument that self-love leads to impartial love. To adopt impartial love would be to ignore the barriers that privilege the self, one’s family, and one’s state and that separate them from other individuals, families, and states. In this argument, self-love is a fact that informs the cultivation of concern for those within one’s own silo; it is also the basis for interacting laterally with those to whom one is 3. Graham, Disputers of the Tao, 159, makes a similar point. 4.  Nivison, “Weakness of Will,” 83, and Schwartz, World of Thought, 145, refer to self-interest as a principal source of motivation in Mohist thought. Fraser, “Moism and Self-interest,” questions their understanding of the concept.

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not related, individuals that the Mohists argued should be treated as the equals to the members of one’s family. There was very little room in the Confucian scheme of ethical obligation for those to whom one was not related or otherwise formally connected.5 A comparison of the use of the word li 利, “profit,” in the triad with its use in early Ru sources, as well as other evidence of parallels and similarities between Ru and Mohist texts, has led Watanabe Takashi to conclude that chapter 14 dates to approximately the same time as the earliest passages in the Analects of Confucius, or the early fifth century; that chapter 15 was composed sometime before the mid to late fourth century, when Mencius flourished; and that chapter 16 should date to the period between Mencius and Xunzi, roughly the middle of the third century.6 It is partly on this basis that Watanabe assigns the chapters related to the doctrines of impartial love and condemning aggressive warfare to the early periods of Mohist thought and regards the chapters related to the other doctrines as later in date.7 Chapter 14 was composed by an anonymous Mohist who quotes from the master only at the very end of the essay, in 14.3. The author probably did not quote Mozi as support of his own observations on the source of social chaos but rather intended his observations as a commentary on Mozi’s words. The chapter is concerned not only with identifying the source of the chaos, but also with signaling the need to understand such things. In 14.1, a medical analogy emphasizes the necessity of knowing the cause of a problem before it can be cured. This attentiveness to issues of epistemology runs through all three chapters of the triad (see, e.g., 15.4 and 16.1B). Passage 14.2A identifies “not loving others” and “love of self ” as the causes of the disorder that afflicts society. Both are linked to the desire to li 利, “profit,” the self at the expense of others; chapter 14 thus poses a conflict between feelings of love and a desire for profit that is unusual in Mohism. (Chapter 15 not only erases any hint of conflict but claims that to love others involves concern with profit.) We also learn in 14.2A that love for superiors is xiao 孝, “obedience,” and that love for inferiors is ci 慈, “affection.” The remainder of the chapter explains that the absence of love for others is responsible for robbery and murder (14.2B), as well as for families attacking other families and states attacking other states (14.2C). The concluding paragraph (14.3) expresses a wish to “induce everyone in the world to love others unselfishly, so 5.  For more on the difference between these ethical systems, see Riegel, “Master Kong versus Master Mo.” Robins, “The Moists,” 387, argues that the Mohist advocacy of impartial love allowed for a continuing commitment to partiality within the family. 6. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 483–87. Later, Watanabe judged only chapter 14 to have been composed in the early period of Mohist thought. Chapter 15 he dated to ca. 350 and chapter 16 to ca. 320. See table 3. 7.  Defoort, “The Growing Scope of Jian 兼,” summarizes the scholarship that has been devoted to the three chapters and presents her own understanding of their composition and relationship.

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that each person loved others just as he loved himself.” It offers no program for what might induce people to adopt such behavior; those inducements are introduced in chapters 15 and 16. It is noteworthy that the ideal of “loving others just as one loves one’s own person” (愛人若愛其身) is not far distant from the sayings on the treatment of others recorded in the Analects of Confucius.8 The similarity suggests that such teachings were not the exclusive property of early philosophers but circulated more popularly. Chapter 15, markedly different in structure from the preceding chapter, consists of a number of relatively short quotes from Mozi separated by longer discussions in which the chapter’s author refines and hones the vocabulary used to articulate the doctrine and recounts the reasons for adopting it. The chapter begins by claiming that the worries it addresses are not the concerns of the sage, as in chapter 14, but of the ren ren 仁人, the “humane man” who by definition “loves others.” His concern for others involves not only loving them but profiting them. Like the preceding chapter, chapter 15 acknowledges the divisive failure to love others that separates ruler and subject, father and son (15.1), and in the process identifies the sentiments—generosity, loyalty, affection, obedience, harmony—that should inform these relationships. It also points out that the consequences of not loving others have a far greater impact on the weak and vulnerable: “When the people of the entire world do not love each other, the strong are sure to overpower the weak, the many oppress the few, the rich demean the poor, the noble treat the humble with contempt, and swindlers cheat the simple” (15.2). This observation is not found in chapter 14. The term “self-love,” prominent in the chapter 14 account of the causes of disorder, does not appear at all, being replaced by the expression X獨知愛其Y, “X selfishly loves his own Y.” More so than the “self ” of chapter 14, the term du 獨, rendered here “selfishly,” refers to an inward, self-absorbed demeanor. The 14.3 formula for loving others becomes, in 15.3, the more elaborate “Rule for Impartially Loving Others and Reciprocally Benefiting Others,” which Mozi expands into a set of precepts. The text details the positive results that occur when these precepts are obeyed. Perhaps because chapter 14 is not concerned with the practicalities of impartial love, objections to the difficulties of adopting the doctrine arose; these are quoted and refuted by Mozi in 15.4. (Here and in 15.8 and 15.9 the doctrine is referred to by the shorthand jian 兼, the full significance of which is explored in chapter 16.) The essence of Mozi’s reply to the doctrine’s critics is that if rulers choose to adopt it, everyone will follow their lead. Examples of the persuasive power of rulers are given in the paragraphs that follow. But Mozi’s answer begs 8. See Lunyu 12.2 and 15.24. Li Ling, Sang jia gou, 223, discusses the Analects passages in a way that points to a connection with the Mozi notion of “loving others.”

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the question of what would induce rulers to adopt the doctrine to begin with— that is an issue that is only fully addressed in chapter 16. In any case, the additional objection is raised that in spite of a ruler’s encouragement, the doctrine remains too difficult to practice (15.8). Mozi rebuts that Yu, founder of the Shang, and the founding kings Zhou, Wen, and Wu, put the doctrine into practice. The example of King Wu is notable because it includes the text of a prayer he offered to Mount Tai after conquering the Shang; in it he details accomplishments that we are to interpret as examples of his practice of impartial love (15.8B). Chapter 16 seamlessly weaves quotations from Mozi into arguments intended to resolve problems that emerge in the chapter 15 elaborations on principles introduced in chapter 14. The more significant arguments are, first, that rulers will adopt impartial love because they will recognize how it benefits them (16.5), and, second, that they will move their subjects to follow their lead, not through the power of example, but by fully utilizing a system of rewards and punishments (16.10D). This responds to the critics whose objections, quoted in chapter 15, appear in 16.4 and 16.5. The reference to rewards and punishments as means to persuade people to practice impartial love suggests that chapter 16 was compiled toward the end of the Warring States period. Probably the most important aspect of chapter 16’s articulation of impartial love is its relatively more sophisticated use of epistemological terminology to distinguish between the forms of love that Mozi favors and those he disparages. In 16.1B the chapter says that as a consequence of the intellectual process of benyuan 本原, “tracing the origins of things,” one must then fenming 分名, “classify” or “distinguish by name”—perhaps a rudimentary allusion to the categories of knowledge discussed in the dialectical chapters of the Mozi, where similar terminology occurs. This produces the distinction between jian 兼 and bie 別. Bie, antithetically juxtaposed with jian, does not occur in the previous two chapters; its introduction in chapter 16 was no doubt intended to delineate how jian should be understood. Jian itself occurs only a handful of times in chapters 14 and 15, and it is only in chapter 16 that, along with bie, jian comes into its own as a fundamental concept of Mohist philosophy. Wang Huanbiao definines the two antonyms concisely.9 Paraphrasing one of the 15.3 precepts, Wang defines jian as “seeing others as equal to oneself, seeing others and oneself as constituting a single entity”; he defines bie as “differentiating between oneself and others.” It is difficult to settle on English terms that accurately express the subtleties and full force of the two words as they are used in chapter 16. For jian, “inclusive,” selfless,” “altruistic,” “self-sacrificing,” “magnanimous,” “ungraded,” “reciprocal,” and “impartial” collectively may suggest 9.  Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi, 117 n. 5.

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what the word meant for the Mohists. The meaning of bie is suggested by considering in combination equivalents such as “exclusive,” “selfish,” “self-absorbed,” “small-minded,” “differentiating,” “discriminating,” “uncooperative,” and “partial.” The full range of possible renderings for each term should be kept in mind through the three chapters. Nevertheless, to avoid confusion, jian is consistently translated as “impartial,” and bie as “partial.” Chapter 16’s use of jian and bie in place of the airen 愛人 and ziai of the preceding two chapters marks a significant evolution in the terminology of the three chapters since jian and bie refer to forms of love the Mohists encouraged or disparaged as well as to other modes of participating in or separating oneself from larger units of social organization and responsibility. That is, the chapter 16 treatment of impartial love speaks not only to modes of caring for others but also to whether one’s role in society is conceived of as membership in a larger group with defined obligations and duties or as free agency, allowing one to act singly and exclusively on behalf of and for the benefit of oneself. Finally, it is worth noting that the discussion of jian and bie appears to be reflected in the opening paragraph of chapter 26, in the “Heaven’s Will” triad, and that it is considerably amplified in chapter 28, the lower chapter of the same triad, which must accordingly be regarded as closely related to chapter 16 in date and the circumstances of its composition. In defending his doctrines, Mozi quotes from canonical texts that he characterizes as what the founding sage-kings “wrote on bamboo and silk, engraved on bronze and stone, and inscribed on bowls and basins” (16.6), a description found in 10.4A as well as in other passages to which the present paragraph is no doubt related. The author of chapter 16 contextualizes Mozi’s teachings in 16.6, 16.7, and 16.8 by claiming that the quotation of canonical sources shows that Mozi modeled his opinions on those of King Wen, Yu, and Tang. Since many sources regard Yu as the primary model for the Mohists, it is noteworthy that King Wen is mentioned first. The claim that Mozi’s opinions were shared by the ancients is also seen in 9.6, 13.8, and 19.4, indicating that the present chapter is linked in a fashion to a corpus of writings that includes these other passages.

兼愛上第十四 Chapter 14: Impartial Love (Upper) 14.1 聖人以治天下為事者也，必知亂之所自起，焉能治之；不

知亂之所自起，則不能治。譬之如醫之攻人之疾者然；必 知疾之所自起，焉能攻之；不知疾之所自起，則弗能攻。

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治亂者何獨不然？必知亂之所自起，焉能治之；不知亂之 所自起，則弗能治。 The sages, being ones who made governing the world their task, made certain to understand the source of disorder so that they would be able to quell it. Had they been ignorant of the source of disorder, they would not have been capable of quelling it. It is, to use an analogy, like a physician attacking someone’s illness. He must understand the source of the illness in order to be able to attack it. If he is ignorant of the source, he will be incapable of attacking it. Why should quelling disorder be any different from attacking an illness? Only by knowing the source of disorder can one quell it. If one is ignorant of its source, it will not be possible to quell it. 14.2A

聖人以治天下為事者也，不可不察亂之所自起。當察亂何 自起？起不相愛。臣子之不孝君父，所謂亂也。子自愛不 愛父，故虧父而自利；弟自愛不愛兄，故虧兄而自利；臣 自愛不愛君，故虧君而自利，此所謂亂也。雖父之不慈 子，兄之不慈弟，君之不慈臣，此亦天下之所謂亂也。父 自愛也不愛子，故虧子而自利；兄自愛也不愛弟，故虧弟 而自利；君自愛也不愛臣，故虧臣而自利；是何也？皆起 不相愛。 The sages, being ones who made governing the world their task, could not but investigate the source of disorder. What did their investigation show the source of disorder to be? It arises from not loving others. Minister and son being disobedient toward lord and father is called “disorder.” The son, loving himself and not his father, therefore benefits himself to the detriment of his father. The younger brother, loving himself and not his older brother, therefore benefits himself to the detriment of his older brother. The minister, loving himself and not his lord, therefore benefits himself to the detriment of his lord. All of these are called “disorder.” When a father shows his son no affection, an older brother shows his younger brother none, and the ruler shows his ministers none, this is also what the world calls “disorder.” The father, loving himself and not his son, therefore benefits himself to the detriment of his son. The elder brother, loving himself and not his younger brother, therefore benefits himself to the detriment of his younger brother. The ruler, loving himself and not his ministers, therefore benefits himself to

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the detriment of his ministers. Why does this happen? All of this arises from not loving others. 14.2B

雖至天下之為盜賊者亦然，盜愛其室不愛 (其)a 異室，故竊 異室以利其室；賊愛其身不愛人，故 賊 人以利其身。此何 也？皆起不相愛。

a. Wang Niansun; excrescent, Yilin quotation.

Even among the thieves and murderers of the world this is also true. The thief, loving his own family but not the families of other men, therefore benefits his own family by stealing from other families. The murderer, loving his own person but not others, therefore benefits his own person by murdering others. Why does this happen? All of this arises from not loving others. 14.2C

雖至大夫之相亂家，諸侯之相攻國者亦然。大夫各愛其 家，不愛異家，故亂異家以利其家。諸侯各愛其國，不愛 異國，故攻異國以利其國。天下之亂物具此而已矣。察此 何自起？皆起不相愛。 Even among the grand officers who produce disorder in each ­other’s houses and the lords of the various states who attack each other’s states this is also true. A grand officer, loving his own house but not other houses, therefore benefits his own family by producing disorder in another’s household. The lord of a state, loving his own state but not that of another, therefore benefits his state by attacking another’s state. All of the disorder in the world is encompassed by these examples. If we investigate the source of this disorder, what do we find? In every case disorder arises from not loving others.

14.3

若使天下兼相愛，愛人若愛其身，猶有不孝者乎？視父兄 與君若其身，惡施不孝？猶有不慈者乎？視弟子與臣若其 身，惡施不慈？故不孝不慈亡有，猶有盜賊乎？(故)a 視人 之室若其室，誰竊？視人身若其身，誰賊？故盜賊亾有。 猶有大夫之相亂家、諸侯之相攻國者乎？視人家若其家， 誰亂？視人國若其國，誰攻？故大夫之相亂家、諸侯之相 攻國者亡有。若使天下兼相愛，國與國不相攻，家與家不 相亂，盜賊無有，君臣父子皆能孝慈，若此則天下治。故

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聖人以治天下為事者，惡得不禁惡而勸愛？故天下兼相愛 則治，交相惡則亂。故子墨子曰：「不可以不勸愛人者， 此也。」

a. Sun Yirang

If we could induce everyone in the world to love others impartially, so that each person loved others just as he loved himself, would there be any person who failed to be obedient to superiors? If each person regarded his father and elder brothers as well as his lord just as he did himself, how could he do anything that was disobedient? And would there be any person who failed to be affectionate to inferiors? If each person regarded his younger brothers and sons as well as ministers just as he did himself, how could he do anything that was unaffectionate? Thus disobedient and unaffectionate conduct would cease to exist. And would there be robbery and murder? If each person regarded the families of other men just as he regards his own family, from whom would he steal? And if he regarded other men’s bodies just as he regards his own, on whom would he inflict injury? Thus robbers and murderers would cease to exist. And would there be grand officers who bring disorder to each other’s houses and lords of the various states who attack each other’s states? If a grand officer regarded other men’s houses just as he regards his own, to whom would he bring disorder? If the lord of a state regarded another lord’s state just as he regards his own, whom would he attack? Thus grand officers who bring disorder to each other’s houses and the lords of the various states who attack each other’s states would both cease to exist. If we could induce everyone in the world to love others impartially, states would not attack each other, houses would not bring disorder to each other, there would be neither robbers nor murderers, and every lord and minister, father and son, would be capable of behaving obediently and affectionately. If the world were like this, then it would be well ordered. Thus when the sages made governing the world their task, how could they not have prohibited hate and encouraged love? Thus when everyone in the world impartially loves others there is order, but when they mutually hate each other there is disorder. This is the reason our Master Mozi said, “We must encourage people to love others.”

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兼愛中第十五 Chapter 15: Impartial Love (Middle) 15.1 子墨子言曰： 「仁人之所以為事者，必興天下之利，除去

天下之害，以此為事者也。」然則天下之利何也？天下之 害何也？子墨子言曰：「今若國之與國之相攻，家之與家 之相篡，人之與人之相賊，君臣不惠忠，父子不慈孝，兄 弟不和調，此則天下之害也。」 The teaching of our Master Mozi says: “Of the tasks of the humane man, the one he considers his personal responsibility is always to promote what benefits the world and to eliminate what harms the world.” If that is so, what, then, benefits the world? What harms the world? The teaching of our Master Mozi says: “The present situation of one state attacking another state, of one fief seizing another fief, of one man murdering another man, of lords being ungenerous and ministers disloyal, of fathers being unaffectionate and sons disobedient, and of older and younger brothers being disharmonious—this is what harms the whole world.” 15.2

然則 (崇GE>察 a 此害亦何用生哉？以 (不)b 相愛生邪？子 墨子言：「以不相愛生。」今諸侯獨知愛其國，不愛人之 國，是以不憚舉其國以攻人之國。今家主獨知愛其家，而 不愛人之家，是以不憚舉其家以篡人之家。今人獨知愛其 身，不愛人之身，是以不憚舉其身以賊人之身。是故諸侯 不相愛則必野戰。家主不相愛則必相篡，人與人不相愛則 必相賊，君臣不相愛則不惠忠，父子不相愛則不慈孝，兄 弟不相愛則不和調。天下之人皆不相愛，強必執弱，[眾 必劫寡]c，富必侮貧，貴必敖賤，詐必欺愚。凡天下禍篡 怨恨，其所以起者，以不相愛生也，是以仁者非之。

a. Yu Yue. c. Sun Yirang.

b. Yu Yue.

If that is so, when we investigate such harm, by what means does it arise? Does it arise from loving others? Our Master Mozi taught: “Harm arises out of not loving others.”1 The lord of a state today selfishly knows to love his own state and not to love another lord’s state. On account of this, he does not shrink from

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mobilizing his state in order to attack another lord’s state. A grand officer in possession of a fief today selfishly knows to love his own fief and not to love another man’s fief. On account of this, he does not shrink from mobilizing his fief to seize another man’s fief.2 A man of today selfishly knows to cherish his own body and not to care about another man’s body. On account of this, he does not shrink from murdering another man. Thus it is because the lords of the various states do not love others that there are wars in the wilderness. It is because grand officers who possess fiefs do not love others that they seize the fiefs of others. It is because men do not love each other that they murder each other. It is because lord and subject do not love each other that lords are ungenerous and subjects disloyal. It is because fathers and sons do not love each other that fathers are unaffectionate and sons disobedient. It is because older and younger brothers do not love each other that they are not harmonious. When the people of the entire world do not love each other, the strong are sure to overpower the weak, the many to oppress the few, the rich to demean the poor, the noble to treat the humble with contempt, and swindlers to cheat the simple. The occurrence of all the disasters, usurpations, grudges, and hatred in the world is the result of not loving others. This is why the humane condemn it. 15.3

既以非之，何以易之？子墨子言曰：「以兼相愛交相利之 法易之。」然則兼相愛交相利之法將柰何哉？子墨子言： 「視人之國若視其國，視人之家若視其家，視人之身若視 其身。」是故諸侯相愛則不野戰，家主相愛則不相篡，人 與人相愛則不相賊，君臣相愛則惠忠，父子相愛則慈孝， 兄弟相愛則和調。天下之人皆相愛，強不執弱，眾不劫 寡，富不侮貧，貴不敖賤，詐不欺愚。凡天下禍篡怨恨可 使毋起者，以相愛生也，是以仁者譽之。 Having condemned the practice of not loving others, what would they put in its place? The teaching of our Master Mozi says: “They replace it with the Rule of Impartially Loving Others and Reciprocally Benefiting Others.” If that is so, what is the Rule of Impartially Loving Others and Reciprocally Benefiting Others? Our Master Mozi taught: “Treat another man’s state as one does one’s own; treat another man’s fief as one does one’s own; treat another man’s body as one does one’s own.”3

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Thus if the lords of the various states love each other, there will be no battles in the fields. If the grand officers love each other, they will not seize each other’s fiefs. If men love each other, there will be no murder. If lords and ministers love each other, lords will be generous and ministers loyal. If fathers and sons love each other, fathers will be affectionate and sons obedient. If younger and older brothers love one another, they will be harmonious. When all the people in the world love one another, the strong will not overpower the weak, the many oppress the few, the rich demean the poor, the noble treat the humble with contempt, or swindlers cheat the simple. The prevention of all the disasters, usurpations, grudges, and hatred in the world will result from loving others. This is why the humane praise it. 15.4

然而今天下之士君子曰：「然，乃若兼則善矣，雖然，天 下之難物于 a 故也。」子墨子言曰：「天下之士君子，特 不識其 (利GE>物 b，辯其故也。今若夫攻城野戰，殺身為 名，此天下百姓之所皆難也，苟君說之，則士眾能為之。 況於兼相愛，交相利，則與此異。夫愛人者，人必從而愛 之；利人者，人必從而利之；惡人者，人必從而惡之；害 人者，人必從而害之。此何難之有！特上弗以為政，士不 以為行故也。」 a. 迂 Sun Yirang.

b. Wang Huanbiao.

Yet the elite who hold office in the world today say, “We grant that an impartial concern for others is good, nonetheless it is for the world a difficult thing and a remote ideal.” The teachings of our Master Mozi say: The elite who hold office in the world today simply do not grasp the nature of things, nor can they distinguish whether something is practical or not. If, for example, in attacking a city or engaging in battle, a man were to win a name by sacrificing himself, the common people of the world would all agree that this was a difficult thing to accomplish. Yet if a lord delights in it, all his gentlemen are capable of doing it. How very different from this are unselfishly loving others and cooperatively benefiting others! He who loves others is certain to be loved in return. He who benefits others is certain to be benefited in return.4 He who hates others is certain to be hated in return. He who harms others is certain to be harmed in return. Why is it so difficult! The reason is simply that the ruler fails to make the impartial love of others a government regulation, and gentlemen fail to make it a principle of their conduct.

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15.5 昔者晉文公好士之惡衣，故文公之臣皆牂羊之裘，韋以帶

劍，練帛之冠，入以見於君，出以踐於朝。是其故何也？ 君說之，故臣為之也。 In the past, Duke Wen of Jin was fond of gentlemen who wore coarse clothing. Thus all of Duke Wen’s subordinates wrapped themselves in sheepskin, attached their swords to leather belts, and wore caps of plain silk, whether entering the duke’s private quarters for an audience or standing about in the outer court. Why did they do this? Because their lord delighted in it, his ministers did it. 15.6

昔者楚靈王好士細要，故靈王之臣皆以一飯為節，脅息 然後帶，扶牆然後起。比期年，朝有黧黑之色。是其故何 也？君說之，故臣能之也。昔越王句踐好士之勇，教馴其 臣，(和合之GE>私令人 a，焚舟失火，試其士曰：『越國之 寶盡在此！』越王親自鼓其士而進之。士聞鼓音，破碎亂 行，蹈火而死者左右百人有餘。越王擊金而退之。

a. Sun Yirang.

Formerly King Ling of Chu was fond of gentlemen with slender waists. Thus all King Ling’s ministers went on a diet of one meal a day, breathed out deeply so they could draw in their bellies before cinching their belts, and thus became so weak, they could stand only by leaning against a wall. Within a single year, the faces of everyone in the court had turned black from starvation. Why did they do this? Because their lord delighted in it, his ministers did it. In the past King Goujian of Yue was fond of knights that were daring, and so he trained his ministers to be brave. Once he personally tested them by having a man set fire to a ship and then proclaiming, “All the treasures of Yue are in there.”5 The king of Yue beat the drum himself to rouse his knights, and on hearing its sound, they fell over each other, rushing forward in disorderly columns. Only after more than a hundred burned to death in the flames did the king of Yue beat the gong to sound their withdrawal.6 15.7 是故子墨子言曰： 「乃若夫少食惡衣，殺身而為名，此天

下百姓之所皆難也，若苟君說之，則眾能為之。況兼相 愛，交相利，與此異矣。夫愛人者，人亦從而愛之；利人

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者，人亦從而利之；惡人者，人亦從而惡之；害人者，人 亦從而害之。此何難之有焉，特上不以為政而士不以為行 故也。」 This is why the teachings of our Master Mozi say: “Now what the common people of the world all regard as difficult are things like eating too little, wearing coarse clothing, and sacrificing oneself to make a reputation. Yet, if a lord is pleased by them, the multitude are capable of doing them. How very different from these is impartially loving ­others and cooperatively benefiting others. He who loves others is also loved in return. He who benefits others is also benefited in return. He who hates others is also hated in return. He who harms others is also harmed in return. Why is it so difficult! The reason is simply that the ruler fails to make impartially loving others a government regulation, and the gentlemen fail to make it a principle in their personal conduct.” 15.8A

然而今天下之士君子曰：「然，乃若兼則善矣。雖然，不 可行之物也，譬若挈太山越河濟也。」子墨子言 ：「是非 其譬也。夫挈太山而越河濟，可謂畢 (劫GE>勁 a 有力矣， 自古及今，未有能行之者也。況乎兼相愛，交相利，則與 此異，古者聖王行之。」何以知其然？古者禹治天下，西 為西河漁竇，以泄渠孫皇之水；北為防原泒，注后之邸， 嘑池之竇，洒為底柱，鑿為龍門，以利燕、代、胡、貉與 西河之民；東 (方GE>為 b 漏 (之GE>大 b 陸，防孟諸之澤， 灑為九澮，以楗東土之水，以利冀州之民；南為江、漢、 淮、汝，東流之，注五湖之處 ， 以利荊楚、干、越與南夷 之民。此言禹之事，吾今行兼矣。

a. Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang.

In spite of this argument, the elite who hold office in the world today say: “Granted, an impartial concern for others is good. Even so, it is a thing that cannot be practiced. It is, to use an analogy, like plucking up Mount Tai and leaping over the Yellow and Ji Rivers with it!” Our Master Mozi taught: “This is not the right analogy. Picking up Mount Tai and leaping across the Yellow and Ji Rivers with it can properly be called a feat requiring the most prodigious strength. From antiquity to the present there has never been anyone capable of it. How very different is

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the case of impartially loving others and cooperatively benefiting others, for this was actually accomplished by the sage-kings of antiquity!”7 How do we know that this is true? In antiquity when Yu ruled the world, in the west he dug the channels for the West and Yudou Rivers8 in order to provide drainage for the waters of the Qu, Sun, and Huang Rivers.9 In the north, he constructed a dike that caused the Yuan and Gu Rivers10 to flow into the channels that drain Houzhidi and Huchi,11 he caused Mount Dizhu12 to divide the flow of the Yellow River into separate channels, and he excavated a passage through the Dragon Gate.13 He did all these things in order to benefit the states of Yan and Dai,14 the Hu and Mo tribes,15 as well as the people living on the west side of the Yellow River. In the east he caused the Great Plain16 to be drained, made embankments around Mengzhu Swamp,17 and distributed the water into nine courses. He did these things in order to direct the flow of the water through the eastern lands and to benefit the people living in Ji Circuit.18 In the south he made the Yangzi, Han, Huai, and Ru Rivers flow to the east and empty into the empty expanse of the five lakes19 in order to benefit the peoples of of the states of Jing-Chu,20 Han,21 and Yue, as well as the Southern Yi tribes. The deeds of Yu described here are examples of the impartial concern for others that we today ought to put into practice. 15.8B

昔者文王之治西土，若日若月，乍光于四方于西土，不為 大國侮小國，不為眾庶侮鰥寡，不為暴勢奪穡人黍、稷、 狗、彘。天屑臨文王慈，是以老而無子者，有所得終其 壽；連獨無兄弟者，有所雜於生人之閒；少失其父母者， 有所放依而長。此 [言]a 文王之事，則吾今行兼矣。昔者 武王將事泰山，隧 b 傳曰：「泰山，有道曾孫周王有事， 大事既獲，仁人尚作，以 (祗GE>振 c 商夏，蠻夷醜貉。雖 有周親，不若仁人，萬方有罪，維予一人。」此言武王之 事，吾今行兼矣。

a. Wang Niansun; parallelism. c. Sun Yirang.

b. 遂 Wang Huanbiao.

In the past when King Wen ruled the western territories, he illuminated the four quarters and the western territories with a bright light like that of the sun and moon. He did not, in the manner of a large state, tyrannize small states, nor, in the manner of those with a large following, bully the widowers and the orphans, nor, in the manner of the strong

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and powerful, rob farmers of their grain and livestock. Heaven paid close attention to King Wen’s compassionate treatment of his subjects.22 This is why the old who had no children to look after them could nevertheless live out their full life spans, why the solitary who lacked brothers were nevertheless incorporated into the society of living men, and why the young who had lost both their parents nevertheless had the support they needed to grow up. The deeds of King Wen described here are examples of the impartial concern for others that we today ought to put into practice. In the past when King Wu was about to worship Mount Tai, the prayer he uttered was immediately recorded: “Oh, Mount Tai! Possessing the Way, I, the great-grandson, the king of Zhou, have come to report. The great undertaking has been accomplished. With the aid of the humane men who have risen up, we have rescued the Shang and Xia peoples as well as the tribes of the Man, Yi, and the many Mo. Although I have close relatives, their help was not equal to that of the humane men. Should crimes be committed any place, I, the one man, alone am to blame.”23 The deeds of King Wu described here are examples of the impartial concern for others that we today ought to put into practice. 15.9 是故子墨子言曰： 「今天下之君子，忠實欲天下之富，而

惡其貧；欲天下之治，而惡其亂，當兼相愛，交相利，此 聖王之法，天下之治道也，不可不務為也。」 This is why the teachings of our Master Mo say: “Now if the gentlemen of the world truly desire that the world be rich and hate its present poverty, truly desire that the world be orderly and hate its present dis­ order, they ought to practice impartially loving others and cooperatively benefiting others. This is the model of the sage-kings and the way they used to govern the world. They must be diligently put into effect.”

兼愛下第十六 Chapter 16: Impartial Love (Lower) 16.1A

子墨子言曰：「仁人之事者，必務求興天下之利，除天下 之害。」然當今之時，天下之害孰為大？曰：「若大國之 攻小國也，大家之亂小家也，強之劫弱，眾之暴寡，詐之 謀愚，貴之敖賤，此天下之害也。」又與為人君者之不惠

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也，臣者之不忠也，父者之不慈也，子者之不孝也，此 又天下之害也。又與今 (人)a 之賤人，執其兵刃、毒藥、 水、火，以交相虧賊，此又天下之害也。

a. Wang Niansun.

The teaching of our Master Mozi says: “It is the task of the humane man always to seek to promote what benefits the world and to eliminate what harms it.” At the present time, what produces the greatest harm to the world? We say: “Great states attacking small states, large fiefs producing disorder in smaller fiefs, the strong oppressing the weak, the many tyrannizing the few, swindlers cheating the simple, and the noble treating the humble with contempt—these are all examples of doing harm to the world.”1 In addition, the lords of men not being generous, ministers not being loyal, fathers not being affectionate, and sons being disobedient are further examples of doing harm to the world. Moreover, the shameless men of today who use weapons, poisons, fire, and water to indiscriminately wound and murder others are yet another example of doing harm to the world. 16.1B

姑嘗本原若眾害之所自生，此胡自生？此自愛人利人生 與？即必曰非然也，必曰從惡人賊人生。分名乎天下惡人 而賊人者，兼與？別與。即必曰別也。然即之交別者，果 生天下之大害者與？是故別非也。 Let us try to trace the origin of this host of harms. From what are they born? Are they born from loving others and benefiting others? Everyone would certainly say that that is not the case and would want to say instead that they are born from hating others and harming others. When we then classify those in the world who hate others and harm others, will we say they are examples of “being impartial” or “being partial”? Everyone would surely say being partial. It is just such partiality in dealing with others that bears as its fruit the greatest harms to the world. This is why partiality is wrong.

16.2A

子墨子曰：「非人者必有以易之，若非人而無以易之，譬 之猶以水 [救水，以火救]a 火也。」其說將必無可焉。是 故子墨子曰：「兼以易別。」然即兼之可以易別之故何 也？曰：藉為人之國，若為其國，夫誰獨舉其國以攻人之

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

國者哉？為彼者由為己也。為人之都，若為其都，夫誰獨 舉其都以伐人之都者哉？為彼猶為己也。為人之家，若為 其家，夫誰獨舉其家以亂人之家者哉？為彼猶為己也，然 即國、都不相攻伐，人家不相亂賊，此天下之害與？天下 之利與？即必曰天下之利也。

a. Yu Yue.

Our Master Mozi said: “If you think others wrong, you must offer an alternative. To think others wrong but offer no alternative is, to use an analogy, like using water to stop a flood or flames to put out a fire.”2 One who fails to offer an alternative will find that his arguments are not accepted anywhere. It is for this reason that our Master Mozi said: “Replace partiality with impartiality.”3 But by what means can impartiality replace partiality? We say: If men treat other states as they do their own, who would selfishly mobilize his own state in order to invade another’s state? For how he treats others derives from how he treats himself. If men treat other cities as they do their own, who would selfishly mobilize his own city in order to attack another’s city? For how he treats others derives from how he treats himself. If men treat other households as they do their own, who would selfishly mobilize his own family in order to disrupt another’s family? For how he treats others derives from how he treats himself. That being the case, states and cities would not attack or invade each other and individuals and households would not disrupt and prey upon each other. Would this harm the world? Or would it benefit the world? Certainly we have to say that it would benefit the world. 16.2B

姑嘗本原若眾利之所自生，此胡自生？此自惡人賊人生 與？即必曰非然也，必曰從愛人利人生。分名乎天下愛人 而利人者，別與？兼與？即必曰兼也。然即之交兼者， 果生天下之大利者與。是故子墨子曰：「兼是也。」且鄉 吾本言曰：「仁人之事者，必務求興天下之利，除天下之 害。」今吾本原兼之所生，天下之大利者也；吾本原別 之所生，天下之大害者也。是故子墨子曰：「別非而兼是 者，出乎若方也。」 Let us try to trace the origin of this host of benefits. From what does it derive? Are benefits born of hating others and preying on others?

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Everyone would certainly say that that is not the case and would certainly want to say instead that they are born of loving others and benefiting others. When we then classify those in the world who love others and benefit others, will we call them examples of “impartiality” or of “partiality”? All would certainly say impartiality. It is just such cooperation and identification with others that bears as its fruits the greatest benefits in the world. This is why our Master Mozi said: “Impartiality is right.” Earlier, we began this essay by quoting the following teaching: “It is the task of the humane man to be certain to seek to promote what benefits the world and to eliminate what harms it.” Now, we have demonstrated that what impartiality produces is of greatest benefit to the world, and we have demonstrated that what partiality produces is of greatest harm to the world. That is why our Master Mozi said: “The conclusion that partiality is wrong and impartiality is correct derives from this principle.”4 16.3

今吾將正求與 a 天下之利而取之，以兼為正，是以聰耳明 目相與視聽乎，是以股肱畢強相為動宰乎，而有道肆相教 誨。是以老而無妻子者，有所侍 b 養，以終其壽 ；幼弱孤 童之無父母者，有所放依以長其身。今唯毋以兼為正， 即若其利也，不識天下之士，所以皆聞兼而非者，其故何 也？ a. 興 Su Shixue; the graphs are used interchangeably in early manuscripts ( JR). b. 持 Yu Yue.

Now, were I to seek out a way to benefit the world that I could then adopt, it would be impartial cooperation with others that I would use to govern. If I did, those with sharp ears and keen eyes would help others to see and hear. If I did, those with sturdy limbs and prodigious strength would strive on behalf of others. And those who possess the Way would diligently teach and educate others.5 Because of this, the aged who have no wives or sons would find someone to support and feed them so that they could live out their full span of life. The young children and orphaned youths who have no fathers or mothers would find someone on whom to rely for support so that they could grow to maturity.6 Were one to adopt impartial cooperation as the principle by which to govern, such would be its benefits. I do not know why it is that the gentlemen of the world all condemn impartiality when they learn of it!7

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16.4

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然而天下之士非兼者之言，猶未止也。曰：「即善矣。雖 然，豈可用哉？」子墨子曰：「用而不可，雖我亦將非 之。且焉有善而不可用者？」姑嘗兩而進之。 (誰GE>設 a 以為二士，使其一士者執別，使其一士者執兼。是故別士 之言曰：『吾豈能為吾友之身，若為吾身，為吾友之親， 若為吾親。』是故退睹其友，飢即不食，寒即不衣，疾病 不侍養，死喪不葬埋。別士之言若此，行若此。兼士之言 不然，行亦不然，曰：『吾聞為高士於天下者，必為其友 之身，若為其身，為其友之親，若為其親，然後可以為高 士於天下。』是故退睹其友，飢則食之，寒則衣之，疾病 侍養之，死喪葬埋之。兼士之言若此，行若此。若之二士 者，言相非而行相反與？當使若二士者，言必信，行必 果，使言行之合猶合符節也，無言而不行也。然即敢問， 今有平原廣野於此，被甲嬰冑將往戰，死生之權，未可識 也；又有君大夫之遠使於巴、越、齊、荊，往來及否未可 識也。然即敢問，不識將惡 [從]b 也，家室，奉承親戚， 提挈妻子，而寄託之？不識於兼之有是乎？於別之有是 乎？我以為當其於此也，天下無愚夫愚婦，雖非兼之人， 必寄託之於兼之有是也。此言而非兼，擇即取兼，即此言 行費也。不識天下之士，所以皆聞兼而非之者，其故何 也？

a. Wang Yinzhi.

b. Yu Yue.

Yet the arguments that the gentlemen of the world use against impartiality do not stop here. They say, “Although it may be a good thing, how can it be put into practice?” Our Master Mozi said: “Were it unusable, even I would also condemn it. But how can something be good yet unusable?”8 Let us set forth the arguments both for and against the practicality of impartiality and follow them to their logical ends. Say there were two men, and suppose that one advocated differentiating oneself from others and the other advocated impartially treating others as one treats oneself. Accordingly, the self-absorbed man will say, “How could I possibly treat the body of my friend as I do my own body, or treat the parents of my friend just as I do my own parents?” Thus when he sees that his friend is hungry he will not feed him, nor give him clothes when he is cold,

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nor care for him when he is sick, nor bury him when he dies. Such are the words and the actions of the self-absorbed man. The words of the man who impartially treats others as he does himself are not like this, nor are his actions. He says: “I was taught that a man of true distinction is certain to treat his friend’s body the same as his own and to treat his friend’s parents the same as his own, for only then can he be regarded by the world as man of true distinction.” Thus when he sees that his friend is hungry he will feed him, and clothe him when he is cold, care for him when he is sick, and bury him when he dies. Such are the words and actions of the man who impartially treats others as he does himself. Do not these two gentlemen hold doctrines that contradict each other, and are not their actions diametrically opposed? We may suppose that both men believe what they say and are determined to carry it out in action. When speech and action perfectly match, there is nothing that is said that is not put into practice. That being so, let us make bold to ask a question.9 Suppose that on a flat plain or a broad field there is a man with armor buckled and helmet donned in anticipation of the coming battle, where the outcome, life or death, cannot be known. Or suppose there is a grand officer who, on the order of his lord, is going out on a diplomatic mission to a distant place like Ba, Yue, Qi, or Jing and cannot know whether or not he will be able to return home. That being so, let us make bold to ask a question.10 When they do not know whom to rely on, to whom will they entrust the household responsibilities of providing for the support of their parents and guiding their wives and children?11 When they do not know whether the impartial friend or the self-absorbed one is the right choice, what will they do? I think that under the circumstances, no matter whether they were the most foolish man or woman in the world, even if they opposed the notion of not differentiating onself from others, they would choose an impartial friend as the right one to whom to entrust their household. To condemn impartiality in one’s speech but to adopt it as a principle when selecting friends is a contradiction between word and deed. I do not know why it is that the gentlemen of the world all condemn impartiality on learning of it. 16.5 然而天下之士非兼者之言，猶未止也。曰： 「意可以擇

士，而不可以擇君乎！」姑嘗兩而進之。 (誰GE>設 a 以為 二君，使其一君者執兼，使其一君者執別。是故別君之言 曰：「吾惡能為吾萬民之身，若為吾身，此泰非天下之情

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也。人之生乎地上之無幾何也，譬之猶駟馳而過隙也。」 是故退睹其萬民，飢即不食，寒即不衣，疾病不侍養， 死 喪不葬埋。別君之言若此，行若此。兼君之言不然，行亦 不然。曰：「吾聞為明君於天下者，必先萬民之身，後為 其身，然後可以為明君於天下。」是故退睹其萬民，飢即 食之，寒即衣之，疾病侍養之，死喪葬埋之。兼君之言若 此，行若此。(然即交)b 若之二君者，言相非而行相反與？ 常 c 使若二君者，言必信，行必果，使言行之合猶合符節 也， 無言而不行也。然即敢問，今歲有癘疫，萬民多有勤 苦凍餒，轉死溝壑中者，既已眾矣。不識將擇之二君者， 將何從也？我以為當其於此也，天下無愚夫愚婦，雖非兼 者，必從兼君是也。言而非兼，擇即取兼，此言行拂也。 不識天下所以皆聞兼而非之者，其故何也？ a. Wang Niansun. c. 嘗 Sun Yirang.

b. Dai Wang.

Yet the arguments that the gentlemen of the world use against impartiality do not stop here. They say: “While the idea could be used to choose among gentlemen, it cannot be used in choosing between lords.” Let us present the arguments for and against this and follow them to their logical ends. Suppose there were two lords, one of whom advocated differentiating oneself from others and the other, impartiality. Accordingly, the lord who differentiates himself from others will say: “How could I possibly treat the bodies of the myriad people as I treat my own body? Such a thing is utterly contrary to common sense. A man’s brief stay on earth is but an instant. It is, to use an analogy, as brief as the moment a team of horses is glimpsed through a crack in the wall as they gallop past.” Thus when he sees that his myriad subjects are starving, he will not feed them, or clothe them when they are cold, or care for them when they are sick, or bury them when they die. Such are the words of the selfish lord that his actions reflect. The words of the impartial lord are not like this, and his conduct is also not like this. He says: “I was taught that a truly enlightened lord of the world is certain to place his myriad subjects first and place himself last, for only then could he be regarded by the world as an enlightened lord.” Thus when he sees that his subjects are starving, he will feed them, clothe them when they are cold, care for them when they are sick, and bury them when they die. Such are the words of the impartial lord that his actions reflect.

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Do not these two lords hold doctrines that contradict each other, and are not their actions diametrically opposed? We may suppose that both lords believe their own words and are determined to carry them out in action. When speech and action perfectly match like the two halves of a tally, there is nothing that is said that is not put into practice. That being so, let us make bold to ask a question. Now suppose that the year has been marked by plague and pestilence, so that many of the myriad people suffer extreme misery, cold, and hunger, and those who die and have their corpses abandoned in ditches at the sides of the roads are a multitude. When they do not know which lord to select, whom will they follow? I think that in such circumstances, even the most foolish man or woman in the world, even if they condemn impartiality, would certainly follow the impartial lord. To condemn impartiality but then adopt it as a principle for selecting the proper lord is a contradiction between word and deed. I do not know why it is that there are those in the world who condemn impartiality on learning of it. 16.6

然而天下之士非兼者之言也，猶未止也。曰：「兼即仁 矣，義矣。雖然，豈可為哉？吾譬兼之不可為也，猶挈泰 山以超江河也。故兼者直願之也，夫豈可為之物哉？」子 墨子曰：「夫挈泰山以超江河，自古之及今，生民而來， 未嘗有也。今若夫兼相愛，交相利，此自先聖六王者親行 之。」何知先聖六王之親行之也？子墨子曰：「吾非與之 並世同時，親聞其聲，見其色也。以其所書於竹帛，鏤於 金石，琢於槃盂，傳遺後世子孫者知之。」《泰誓》曰： 「文王若日若月，乍照，光于四方于西土。」即此言文王 之兼愛天下之博大也，譬之日月兼照天下之無有私也。即 此文王兼也，雖子墨子之所謂兼者，於文王取法焉。 Yet the arguments used by the gentlemen to condemn impartiality do not stop here. They say: “We grant that impartiality is both humane and proper. Nonetheless, how could it possibly be enacted? To our view, the impossibility of enacting impartiality is, to use an analogy, like picking up Mount Tai and leaping over the Yangzi or Yellow River with it. Thus impartiality is merely something to be wished for; but how could it be something actually put into practice?” Our Master Mozi said: “As for ‘picking up Mount Tai and leaping over the Yangzi or Yellow River with it,’ from antiquity to the present,

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from the time people were first created, no one has ever accomplished such a thing. But as for impartially loving others and cooperatively benefiting others, the six founding sage-kings put them into practice.”12 How do we know that the six founding sage-kings actually put them into practice? Our Master Mozi said: “I am not their contemporary, nor have I personally heard their voices and seen their faces. I know what they did from what they wrote on bamboo and silk, engraved on bronze and stone, and inscribed on bowls and basins, which have been handed down through successive generations of their descendants.”13 The “Great Oath” says: “When King Wen ruled the western territories, he illuminated the four quarters and the western territories with a bright light like that of the sun and moon.”14 This describes the great breadth and large size of King Wen’s impartial love for the world. It does so by using an analogy that compares the king’s impartial love to the complete lack of partiality of the sun and moon when they impartially illuminate the world. Such was King Wen’s impartiality. Even when he spoke of impartiality, our Master Mozi adopted the model of King Wen. 16.7 且不唯《泰誓》為然，雖《禹誓》即亦猶是也。禹曰： 「濟

濟有眾，咸聽朕言，非惟小子，敢行稱亂，蠢茲有苗，用 天之罰，若予既率爾群 (對GE>封 a 諸群，以征有苗。」禹 之征有苗也，非以求 (以)b 重富貴、干福祿、樂耳目也， 以求興天下之利，除天下之害。即此禹兼也。雖子墨子之 所謂兼者，於禹求 [取法 ]c 焉。

a. Sun Yirang. c. Sun Yirang.

b. Dai Wang.

Moreover, it is not only the “Great Oath” that has such a record. The “Oath of Yu” also has it. Yu said: “All you teaming multitudes! Heed my words! It is not that I, the little child, presume to act in a way that would create disorder. It is that the Miao are busy stirring up these troubles and deserve Heaven’s punishment. So I would lead you, the shepherds of the various states, in a campaign of rectification against the Miao.”15 In his campaign of rectification against the Miao, Yu did not seek to increase his wealth or prestige, win fame or fortune, or find pleasures for his ears and eyes. He sought rather to promote what benefited the world and eliminate what did it harm.16 Such was Yu’s impartiality. Even when he spoke of impartiality, our Master Mozi adopted the model of Yu.

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16.8

且不唯《禹誓》為然雖《湯說》即亦猶是也。湯曰：「惟 予小子履，敢用玄牡，告於上天后 [土 ]a 曰：『今天大旱， 即當朕身履，未知得罪于上下，有善不敢蔽，有罪不敢 赦，簡在帝心。萬方有罪，即當朕身，朕身有罪，無及萬 方。』」即此言湯貴為天子，富有天下，然且不憚以身為 犧牲，以祠說于上帝鬼神。即此湯兼也。雖子墨子之所謂 兼者，於湯取法焉。

a. Sun Yirang.

Further, it is not only the “Oath of Yu” that has such a record. The “Supplication of Tang” also has it. Tang says: “I, the little child, Lü, dare to sacrifice a dark-colored male calf, informing Supreme Heaven and Sovereign Soil, saying: ‘Now there is a great drought, and the responsibility rests with Lü. But I do not know for what crime I am being punished by Heaven and earth. I have not dared to hide the good deeds performed by others, nor have I pardoned those who committed crimes. This is in complete accord with the wishes of the Supreme Sovereign. If in the myriad regions there is any crime, may it rest upon my person. And if I personally am guilty of any crime, may punishment not extend to the myriad regions.’”17 This means that Tang, honored with the position of Son of Heaven and possessing the wealth of the world, would nonetheless offer himself as a sacrificial victim in order to pray for blessings from the Supreme Sovereign, the ghosts, and the spirits. Such was Tang’s impartiality. Even when he spoke of impartiality, our Master Mozi adopted the model of Tang. (誓命GE>禹誓 a》與《湯說》為然，《周詩》即 亦猶是也。《周詩》曰：「王道蕩蕩，不偏不黨，王道平 平，不黨不偏。其直若矢，其易若厎，君子之所履，小人 之所視。」若吾言非語道之謂也，古者文武為正，均分賞 賢罰暴，勿有親戚弟兄之所阿。即此文武兼也。雖子墨子 之所謂兼者，於文武取法焉。不識天下之人，所以皆聞兼 而非之者，其故何也？

16.9 且不惟《



a. Sun Yirang.

Moreover, it was not only the “Oath of Yu” and “Supplication of Tang” that have such records. They are also to be found in the “Odes of Zhou.” An ode of Zhou says:

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Broad, broad is the royal road, Neither partial nor partisan. Even, even is the royal way, Neither partisan nor biased. It is straight like an arrow, Smooth like a whetstone. The gentleman treads it; The petty man observes it.18 If these verses I have quoted are not describing the Way, then let us look at ancient times when kings Wen and Wu administered the government. Their distributions of land were fair, rewarding the worthy and punishing the violent, and never showing special preference for their own kin or brothers. Such was the impartiality of Wen and Wu. Even when he spoke of impartiality, our Master Mozi adopted the model of Wen and Wu. I do not know why it is that the world’s people all condemn impartiality on learning of it. 16.10A

然而天下之非兼者之言，猶未止，曰：「意不忠 a 親之利， 而害為孝乎？」子墨子曰：「姑嘗本原之孝子之為親度 者。吾不識孝子之為親度者，亦欲人愛利其親與？意欲人 之惡賊其親與？以說觀之，即欲人之愛利其親也。然即吾 惡先從事即得此？若我先從事乎愛利人之親，然後人報我 愛利吾親乎？意我先從事乎惡人之親，然後人報我以愛利 吾親乎？即必吾先從事乎愛利人之親，然後人報我以愛利 吾親也。然即之交孝子者，果不得已乎，毋先從事愛利人 之親者與？意以天下之孝子為遇 b 而不足以為正乎？姑嘗 本原之先王之所書，《大雅》之所道曰：『無言而不讎， 無德而不報，投我以桃，報之以李。』即此言愛人者必見 愛也，而惡人者必見惡也。不識天下之士，所以皆聞兼而 非之者，其故何也？」 a. 中 Su Shixue.

b. 愚 Sun Yirang.

Yet the arguments of those in the world who oppose impartiality do not stop here. They say: “It is possible, is it not, that impartiality will not only fail to hit the mark of what benefits parents, it will also harm their children’s attempts to be obedient?” Our Master Mozi said: “Let us identify the intentions of an ­obedient son who makes plans for the well-being of his parents. I do not know

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whether an obedient son, in making plans for the well-being of his parents, desires that other men love and benefit his parents or desires that other men hate and prey upon his parents. Based on normal observation, I would argue that he desires other men to love and benefit his parents. What should I do first in order to fulfill this desire? Would I not first love and benefit another man’s parents so that later he would repay me by loving and benefiting my parents? Or would I first hate another man’s parents so that later he would repay me by loving and benefiting my parents? Surely I would first love and benefit his parents so that later he would repay me by loving and benefiting my parents. Thus an obedient son reciprocating by loving and benefiting another man’s parents is the inevitable consequence of making the first move and loving and benefiting the parents of others, is it not? Or is it possible that the obedient sons of the world are all too stupid and incapable of doing the right thing? Let us search into the documents written by the founding kings, where we find the “Greater Ya Odes” recounting: There is no word that is not answered in kind, No act of kindness that is not repaid. Throw me a peach, I’ll repay you with a plum.19 This means that he who loves others is certain to be loved in return, and he who hates others is certain to be hated in return. I do not know why it is that the gentlemen of the world all condemn impartiality on learning of it.” 16.10B

意以為難而不可為邪？嘗有難此而可為者。昔荊靈王好小 要，當靈王之身，荊國之士飯不踰乎一固，據而後興，扶 垣而後行。故約食為 (其GE>甚 a 難為也，然後為而靈王說 之，未踰於世而民可移也，即求以鄉其上也。昔者越王句 踐好勇，教其士臣三年，以其知為未足以知之也，焚舟失 火，鼓而進之。其士偃前列，伏水火而死 (有GE>者 b，不 可勝數也。當此之時，不鼓而退也，越國之士可謂顫矣。 故焚身為 (其GE>甚 a 難為也，然後為之越王說之，未踰於 世而民可移也，即求以鄉上也。

a. Yu Yue.

b. Wang Niansun.

Are we to suppose that impartiality is too difficult to put into practice? There are things more difficult than it that nonetheless are done. In

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the past King Ling of Jing was fond of slender waists. During his reign, all the gentlemen of Jing ate only one meal a day consisting of a single spoonful. They could get up only by leaning on staffs and could walk only by leaning against walls. To so restrict one’s diet is a truly difficult thing to do, nonetheless everyone did it to please King Ling. In less than a single generation, the people can be transformed because they seek to conform to their superiors. In the past King Goujian of Yue was fond of bravery and taught it to his knights and ministers for three years. Because he was not sufficiently wise to know the effectiveness of this training, he set fire to a ship and beat the drum for them to advance. His knights knocked over those in the front ranks as they raced to respond, and those who perished in the fire and water were too numerous to be counted. If he had not ceased to beat the drum, thus signaling them to retreat, the knights of Yue might have all died.20 To consign one’s own body to the flames is a truly difficult thing to do, nonetheless everyone did it to please the king of Yue. In less than a single generation, the people can be transformed because they seek to conform to their superiors. 16.10C

昔者晉文公好苴服，當文公之時，晉國之士，大布之衣， 牂羊之裘，練帛之冠，且苴之屨，入見文公，出以踐之 朝。故苴服為 (其GE>甚 a 難為也，然後為而文公說之，未 踰於世而民可移也，即求以鄉其上也。

a. Yu Yue.

In the past, Duke Wen of Jin was fond of coarse clothing. During his reign, the gentlemen of the state of Jin wore robes of bulky cloth, wraps of sheepskin, caps of plain silk, big rough shoes, whether they were going to appear before the duke in audience or standing about in the outer court. To wear coarse clothing is an extremely difficult thing to do, nonetheless they all did it to please Duke Wen. In less than a single generation, the ­people can be transformed because they seek to conform to their superiors. 16.10D

是故約食、焚 (舟GE>身 a、苴服，此天下之至難為也，然 後為而上說之，未踰於世而民可移也。何故也？即求以鄉 其上也。今若夫兼相愛，交相利，此其有利且易為也，不 可勝計也，我以為則無有上說之者而已矣。苟有上說之 者，勸之以賞譽，威之以刑罰，我以為人之於就兼相愛交

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相利也，譬之猶火之就上，水之就下也，不可防止於天 下。

a. Sun Yirang.

This is why, even though restricting one’s diet, consigning one’s body to the flames, and wearing coarse clothing are the most difficult things in the world to do, nonetheless knights did them all because such acts pleased their superiors. In each case, in less than a single generation the people could be transformed. What caused this? They sought to conform to their superiors. Now impartially loving others and reciprocally benefiting others are both incalculably more beneficial and easier to do. I believe that the only reason they are not done is simply that there are no superiors pleased by such practices.21 If there were ­superiors pleased by them, who encouraged the practice of them with rewards and praise, and threatened the reverse with punishments and penalties, then I believe that, in the natural course of things, people would turn to impartially loving others and reciprocally benefiting others as readily as fire naturally rises up and water naturally flows downhill. Nothing in the world could impede or stop them.22 16.11

故兼者聖王之道也，王公大人之所以安也，萬民衣食之 所以足也。故君子莫若審兼而務行之，為人君必惠，為人 臣必忠，為人父必慈，為人子必孝，為人兄必友，為人弟 必悌。故君子 (莫)a 若欲為惠君、忠臣、慈父、孝子、友 兄、悌弟，當若兼之不可不行也。此聖王之道，而萬民之 大利也。

a. Wang Niansun.

Thus an impartial concern for others is the way used by the sagekings to govern, the means by which the kings, dukes, and great men secured safety for themselves, and the myriad people obtained sufficient food and clothing. Accordingly, the superior man had best examine the principle of impartiality and devote himself to putting it into practice. If he does, then as a lord of men he is certain to be generous, as a minister loyal, as a father affectionate, as a son obedient, as an older brother friendly, and as a younger brother respectful. Hence if the superior man desires to be a generous lord, loyal minister, affectionate father, filial son, friendly older brother, or respectful younger brother, he must practice impartiality. It is the way the sage-kings used to govern and of the ­greatest benefit to the myriad people.23

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Condemn Aggression The condemnation of aggressive warfare, along with the doctrine of impartial love with which it is traditionally linked, was one of the foundational concepts of Mohism. Deeply troubled by the wanton waste and cruelty of warfare, the authors of the chapters that make up the “Condemn Aggression” triad use vivid illustrations and passionate arguments to persuade their contemporaries to disavow the violent treatment of others. In the most mature articulation of the doctrine, in chapter 19, the Mohists are, however, willing to accommodate zhu 誅, “punishment,” or campaigns of rectification in which righteous armies chastised criminal regimes for immoral activities. In this regard, chapter 19 harmonizes with the arguments in favor of “righteous warfare” found in books 7 and 8 of The Annals of Lü Buwei and should perhaps be attributed to the same period of time, the second half of the third century. Watanabe Takashi dates the chapter, on other grounds, to this period. He dates chapter 17 to the early fifth century and chapter 18 to the mid to late fourth century.1 Chapter 17, the first version of the doctrine, is textually the most problematic of the three chapters. It is unusually brief, even for an upper chapter, and makes no mention of Mozi. Because of a parallel between the opening passage of 17.1 and a few lines in 28.7A, A. C. Graham proposes that the entire chapter be regarded as an erroneous member of the “Condemn Aggression” triad and its text restored to its proper place at the end of chapter 26—the final chapter of the “Heaven’s Will” triad, the conclusion of which is, in Graham’s opinion, truncated.2 The evidence adduced by Graham is insufficient to support such a radical rearrangement of the chapters of the Mozi and is, moreover, complicated by parallels between passages in 17.1 and 19.1, as well as between passages in 19.2 and 28.6, that indicate that chapter 17, though probably faulty, is best treated in its present setting in “Condemn Aggression.” The primary concern of the author of chapter 17 is the problem of distinguishing between what is yi 義 and what is not, for it is, in his view, the failure to identify “right” actions properly that produces aggressive warfare. The problem is framed as part of the more general epistemological issue of recognizing the differences between things. As in “Impartial Love,” questions involving the nature of knowing and understanding are woven into the fabric of all three “Condemn Aggression” chapters. People fail to distinguish clearly between right and wrong because they are obsessed with profit. As in chapter 14, any action motivated by 1. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 483–87. Watanabe subsequently decided chapter 17 was composed much later, sometime between 400 and 380, and that chapter 19 should be dated to ca. 300. 2. Graham, Divisions in Early Mohism, 3–4.

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profit is anathema to the moral program of the chapter’s author, who argues that there is no qualitative difference between murder and the ­killing that happens in warfare: warfare is murder on a monumental and monstrous scale determined by the number of those killed. But the “gentlemen of the world”—a frequently used label for otherwise unnamed opponents of Mohist doctrines—are accused of recognizing murder as wrong while failing to recognize the immorality of ­killing on the battlefield (17.2A). Moreover, they not only fail to condemn such killing, but praise it in their writings. It is possible that what inspired this essay was a desire to counter the arguments contained in such writings. Chapter 18, three times longer than chapter 17, is constructed of short quotes of Mozi’s teachings interspersed with longer arguments and explanations. It begins with Mozi’s praise for rulers of his day who “genuinely desire” to ensure the appropriate use of “corporal punishments and regulations.” It is an odd comment that is at best only loosely connected to what follows in the chapter. It nonetheless serves as a form of flattery directed at the rulers the Mohists hoped to persuade—and who perhaps constituted their audience—and replies to the famous observation made by Confucius that corporal punishments and regulations are always inferior to kindness and ritual politeness in winning the loyal following of one’s subjects.3 The following paragraphs (18.2, 18.3) use vivid and hyperbolic language that may have been meant to engender revulsion at the scenes of carnage and destruction they describe. Paragraph 18.2 is introduced by a quotation from Mozi that, in line with the epistemological theme apparent throughout the triad, advises that the way to know the future and the hidden is to study closely the past and the visible. This was probably meant to introduce the historical examples provided in 18.4, 18.5, and 18.6.4 Paragraph 18.3 offers a demographic argument, repeated in 19.3, that states sent armies to battle to win more territory, thus wasting what they already lacked—an adequate population—to gain land, something they already possessed in surfeit. (This argument appears again in 50.1 as part of Mozi’s attempt to persuade the state of Chu not to attack Song.) In paragraphs 18.4 and 18.5 the chapter’s author constructs an argument between Mozi and an apologist for aggressive warfare. It is no doubt meant to flesh out chapter 17’s attack on the gentlemen of the world who praise warfare. Chapter 18’s quoting of the opinions of the apologists was probably inspired as well by Mozi’s allusion in chapter 17 to “documents” written by those who praise accounts of warfare. Similar confrontations between Mozi and the opponents of doctrines discussed in other triads are featured in chapters 16, 25, 31, 35, and 36. They may have been crafted to provide edifying entertainment for 3. See Lunyu 2.3. 4.  Wu Yujiang, Mozi jiaozhu, 202 n. 3, thus moves the Mozi quotation to the end of 18.4.

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the audience, like the court debate on military matters recorded in the Xunzi, or perhaps they were intended to give disciples and other followers model arguments to draw on in replying to challenges and criticisms they would face in promoting the Mohist cause. The argument in chapter 18 considers whether in particular historical cases warfare accomplished the goals of the combatants. For Mozi, the demise of the earl of Zhi is an object lesson for anyone considering aggressive warfare. Chapter 19 begins with a lecture by Mozi, which he introduces by citing the traditional wisdom that for something to be praiseworthy it must benefit Heaven, the spirits, and mankind, a formulation seen as well in chapters 8, 25, and 26. Mozi then proceeds to give voice to descriptions that, similar to those found in chapter 18, are probably designed, through their graphic depictions of the horrors of war, to repulse the audience (19.2). An audience would have found especially appalling the dramatic account of the destruction of the ancestral temple and the slaughter of the beasts that had been reared to serve as ritual offerings for the dead. Mozi follows this in 19.3 with a condemnation of the states of Qi, Jin, Chu, and Yue for their insatiable appetite for more territory. His long speech is interrupted by three challenges (at 19.4A, 19.5, and 19.6)— posed by “lords fond of aggression and invasions who beautify their doctrines in order to refute our Master Mozi”—that signal us that the chapter as a whole was composed by a follower. In responding to his challengers (19.4A), Mozi is made to engage in a semantic analysis of the distinction between the terms for “attack” and “chastisement” that is clearly related to the discussion in 16.1 of the difference between “impartiality” and “partiality.” The reference to “examining categories” and “understanding reasoning” is similarly related to 16.1B’s epistemological terminology. Of the remaining passages in chapter 19, the most noteworthy is the 19.6 mantra chanted by a ruler who, rather than building an arsenal and devoting himself to military swagger, has learned the lesson that it pays to stoop in order to conquer. Passage 19.7’s concluding quote from Mozi flatters rulers in the same terms employed in 18.1 and suggests that, like chapter 18, the present chapter was composed for the ears of a courtly audience.

非攻上第十七 Chapter 17: Condemn Aggression (Upper) 17.1 今有一人，入人園圃，竊其桃李，眾聞則非之，上為政者

得則罰之。此何也？以虧人自利也。至攘人犬豕雞豚者， 其不義又甚入人園圃竊桃李。是何故也？以虧人愈多。

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[苟虧人愈多]a，其不仁茲甚，罪益厚。至入人欄廄，取人 馬牛者，其不 (仁)b 義又甚攘人犬豕雞豚。此何故也？以 其虧人愈多。苟虧人愈多，其不仁茲甚，罪益厚。至殺 不辜人也，扡其衣裘，取戈劍者，其不義又甚入人欄廄取 人馬牛。此何故也？以其虧人愈多。苟虧人愈多，其不仁 茲甚矣，罪益厚。當此，天下之君子皆知而非之，謂之不 義。今至大為 [不義]c 攻國，則弗知非，從而譽之，謂之 義。此可謂知義與不義之別乎？

a. JR; parallelism. c. Bi Yuan.

b. Sun Yirang.

Suppose there were a man who entered another man’s orchard and stole some fruit. Everyone who heard about it would condemn him. If those in charge of the government should get hold of him, they would punish him. Why is this? Because he damages others to benefit himself. When it is a matter of a thief taking chickens, dogs, and pigs, the impropriety is much greater than entering an orchard to steal fruit. Why is this? Because the loss to others is greater. If the loss to others is greater, then the lack of humane feelings for others is greater and the crime is more serious. When it is a matter of breaking into another man’s barn and taking his horses and cows, the impropriety is greater still than stealing chickens, dogs, and pigs. Why is this? Because the loss to others is greater still. If the loss to others is greater, then the lack of humane feelings for others is greater and the crime is more serious. When it is a matter of murdering an innocent man, stripping him of his clothing, and taking his spear and sword, the impropriety is far greater than breaking into a barn and taking horses and cows. Why is this? Because the loss to the other man is greater. And, when the loss is this great, the lack of humane feelings that it shows is far more profound and the crime much more serious. Now the superior men of the world all realize this and condemn such actions, calling them “improper.” Yet in contrast, when it comes to the even greater impropriety of aggression against a state, they not only do not understand that they should condemn it, but go on to praise it, calling it “proper.” Can they be said to understand the distinction between proper and improper actions? 17.2A

殺一人謂之不義，必有一死罪矣，若以此說往，殺十人 十重不義，必有十死罪矣；殺百人百重不義，必有百死罪

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矣。當此，天下之君子皆知而非之，謂之不義。今至大為 不義攻國，則弗知非，從而譽之，謂之義，情不知其不義 也，故書其言以遺後世。若知其不義也，夫奚說書其不義 以遺後世哉？ If a person kills one man, it is called improper and he is certain to be punished by death. Extending this line of argument, if he kills ten men, it should be ten times as improper and he should certainly be punished by ten death penalties. If he kills a hundred men, it should be one hundred times as improper and he should certainly be punished by one hundred death penalties. Now the superior men of the world all realize this and condemn such actions, calling them improper. Yet in contrast, when it comes to the even greater impropriety of aggression against a state, they not only do not understand that they should condemn it, but go on to praise it, calling it proper. This means that in fact they do not grasp the impropriety of attacking another state. Thus they write documents that glorify aggressive war that they hand down to later generations. If they understood the impropriety of attacking another state, how do we explain the fact that they write documents glorifying it that they hand down to later generations? 17.2B

今有人於此，少見黑曰黑，多見黑曰白，則 [必]a 以此人 [為 ]a 不知白黑之辯矣；少嘗苦曰苦，多嘗苦曰甘，則必 以此人為不知甘苦之辯矣。今小為非，則知而非之。大為 非攻國，則不知非，從而譽之，謂之義。此可謂知義與不 義之辯乎？是以知天下之君子也，辯義與不義之亂也。

a. Sun Yirang.

Now suppose there were a man who, having seen something slightly black, called it black, but on seeing something very black, called it white. We would certainly conclude that this man did not know the difference between black and white. Suppose, having tasted something a little bitter, he called it bitter, but upon tasting something very bitter, he called it sweet. We would certainly conclude that he did not know the difference between bitter and sweet. Now when it is a minor wrong that is done, men know to condemn it. But when it is a great wrong like aggression against another state, they do not know to condemn it, but go on to praise it, calling it proper. Can this be called knowing the difference

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between the proper and the improper? This is how we know that the superior men of the world are confused when it comes to the difference between the proper and the improper.

非攻中第十八 Chapter 18: Condemn Aggression (Middle) (古GE>今 a 者王公大人，為政於國家者，情 欲 [毀]b 譽之審，賞罰之當，刑政之不過失。」

18.1 子墨子言曰： 「

a. Wang Niansun.

b. Wang Niansun.

The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “In governing their homelands, the rulers of today genuinely desire to discern what is worthy of blame and praise so that they might apply rewards and punishments appropriately and not commit errors in the use of corporal punishments and restrictions.”1 18.2

是故子墨子曰：「古者有語：『謀而不得，則以往知來，以 見知隱』。謀若此，可得而知矣。」今師徒唯毋興起，冬 行恐寒，夏行恐暑，此不可以冬夏為者也。春則廢民耕稼 樹藝，秋則廢民穫斂。今唯毋廢一時，則百姓飢寒凍餒而 死者，不可勝數。今嘗計軍 (上GE>出 a，竹箭羽旄幄幕， 甲盾撥劫，往而靡幣腑冷 不 反者，不可勝數。又與 [其]b 矛 戟戈劔乘車，其 (列住GE>往則 c 碎折靡幣而不反者，不可 勝數。與其牛馬肥而往，瘠而反，往死亡而不反者，不可 勝數。與其涂道之脩遠，糧食輟絕而不繼，百姓死者，不 可勝數也。與其居處之不安，食 (飯GE> 飲 d 之不時，飢飽 之不節，百姓之道疾病而死者，不可勝數。喪師多不可 勝數，喪師盡不可勝計，則是鬼神之喪其主后，亦不可勝 數。

a. Sun Yirang. c. Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang. d. Wang Niansun.

This is why our Master Mozi said: “The ancients had a saying: ‘When you cannot determine what the outcome will be, use the past to know

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the future and use what is visible to know what is concealed.’2 If you contemplate matters this way, then the outcome can be known.”3 Suppose an army is being raised to engage in war. In winter it will probably be too cold to start the campaign and in summer probably too hot to start the campaign. This is why you cannot engage in war in either summer or winter. In spring warfare will interfere with the people’s plowing and sowing, and in autumn with their reaping and harvesting. If the people are forced to delay their work for a single season, the number of common people who starve or freeze to death will be beyond counting. Now, when the army sets out on the planned campaign, the number of arrows, banners, tents, armor, shields, and swords that they take with them and that will wear out and rot and never be brought back will also be beyond counting. In addition, the number of spears, lances, halberds, swords, and war chariots that will be broken and ruined and never be brought back will also be beyond counting. The number of cows and horses that are fat when the army sets out and come back emaciated, or die and never come back, will also be beyond counting. The number of the common people conscripted into the army who die because the road is so long and food supplies are cut off will also be beyond counting. The number of those who, because of constant exposure to discomfort, irregular diet, extremes of overeating and starvation, die of illness on the road will also be beyond counting. The number of casualties will be so large as to be beyond counting, or the army will be entirely wiped out and hence the loss incalculable. Thus ghosts and spirits will be bereft of descendants to make them offerings, and these too will be beyond counting. 18.3

國家發政，奪民之用，廢民之利，若此甚眾，然而何為為 之？曰：「我貪伐勝之名，及得之利，故為之。」子墨子 言曰：「計其所自勝，無所可用也。計其所得，反不如所 喪者之多。」今攻三里之城，七里之郭，攻此不用銳，且 無殺而徒得此然也。殺人多必數於萬，寡必數於千，然後 三里之城、七里之郭，且可得也。今萬乘之國，虛數於 千，不勝而入，廣衍數於萬，不勝而辟。然則土地者，所 有餘也，(王 GE>士 a 民者，所不足也。今盡 (王 GE>士 a 民 之死，嚴下上之患，以爭虛 (城GE>衍 b，則是棄所不足， 而重所有餘也。為政若此，非國之務者也。

a. Wang Niansun.

b. Wang Huanbiao

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There are numerous instances in which countries issue decrees by which they appropriate people’s resources and deprive them of benefits.4 But why do they do this? Some rulers say: “I do it because I crave the reputation of a conqueror and the benefits that result from conquest.” The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “If we reckon the value of the victory he wins for himself, there is nothing in it that can be regarded as useful. If we calculate the value of what he gained from the conquest, it far from equals the magnitude of loss that was sustained in securing it.”5 Now in attacking a city with an inner wall of three li and an outer wall of seven li, would it be possible not to use sharp weapons and hence to kill no one during the attack, but simply to take possession of it?6 No it would not. The number of men who will die in such an attack will certainly be numbered as high as in the tens of thousands and at the very least in the thousands, and only after these losses can one take a city with an inner wall of three li and an outer wall of seven li. Now a country of ten thousand war chariots has under its control: Small towns numbering in the thousands, So many that it cannot administer them all, As well as broad flat lands numbering in the tens of thousands, So many that it cannot develop them all.7 Thus land is what such states have in surfeit, but soldiers and people they have in insufficiency. Now to cause the death of many soldiers and people and place superiors and inferiors in extreme distress in order to capture more small towns and flatlands is to throw away what one has in insufficiency in order to increase what one already has in surfeit. To govern like this is not to be concerned with the interests of the state. 18.4

飾攻戰者言曰：「南則荊、吳之王，北則齊、晉之君，始 封於天下之時，其土地之方，未至有數百里也；人徒之 眾，未至有數十萬人也。以攻戰之故，土地之博至有數千 里也；人徒之眾至有數百萬人。故當攻戰而不可 (為GE> 非 a 也。」子墨子言曰：「雖四五國則得利焉，猶謂之非行 道也。譬若醫之藥人之有病者然。今有醫於此，和合其祝 藥之于天下之有病者而藥之，萬人食此，若醫四五人得利 焉，猶謂之非行藥也。故孝子不以食其親，忠臣不以食其 君。古者封國於天下，尚者以耳之所聞，近者以目之所 見，以攻戰亡者，不可勝數。」何以知其然也？東方自莒

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之國者，其為國甚小，閒於大國之閒，不敬事於大，大國 亦弗之從而愛利。是以東者越人夾削其壤地，西者齊人兼 而有之。計莒之所以亡於齊越之間者，以是攻戰也。雖南 者陳、蔡，其所以亡於吳、越之閒者，亦以攻戰。雖北者 且 (不一GE>以不 b 著何，其所以亡於燕、代、胡、貊之閒 者，亦以攻戰也。是故子墨子言曰： 「 (古GE>今 c 者王公大 人，情欲得而惡失，欲安而惡危，故當攻戰而不可不非。」

a. Sun Yirang. c. Wang Niansun.

b. Sun Yirang.

An apologist for aggression and warfare argued: “In the south there are the lords of Chu and Wu, and in the north the lords of Qi and Jin.8 When their forefathers were first enfeoffed, their territory did not exceed a few hundred li and the population was not more than a few hundred thousand people. By the process of aggression and warfare, their original lands have been expanded until they now extend for several thousand li and their populations now number in the millions. Thus it would be wrong to condemn aggression and warfare.” Our Master Mozi argued in response: “Merely because four or five states have derived some benefit from aggression, does not mean we should call it the right path to follow. It is, to use an analogy, like a physician who gives drugs to the ill. Now suppose a physician prepared the same medicine and uttered the same incantation to treat every sick person in the world. Ten thousand men may take the medicine, and out of that number perhaps four or five will actually benefit from its effect, but would we call it the right medicine for everyone to take? Thus a filial son would not feed it to his parents, and a loyal minister would not give it to his lord. Since antiquity, when the states of the world were first delineated, everyone has heard about those in earlier periods who engaged in aggression and warfare and perished, and we have all seen this happen more recently with our own eyes. Their number is incalculable.”9 How do we know that this is so? In the east there was once the state of Ju that was very small and located between much larger states.10 It did not strictly serve the large states, nor did it obey their wishes, so they benefited and helped it but sparingly. On account of this, from the east Yue sent soldiers to take parts of its territory, and from the west soldiers of Qi took all that remained. If we reckon what caused Ju to ­perish between Qi and Yue, we find that it was aggression and warfare. So too

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it was with Chen and Cai in the south, which were destroyed by the aggression and warfare of Wu and Yue.11 In the north the states of Ju and Buzhuhe, which lay between Yan and Dai, and the Hu and Mo tribes, also perished through their aggression and warfare.12 For this reason, our Master Mozi said, “If the kings, dukes, and great men of today truly desire success and hate failure, desire security and hate danger, they must condemn aggression and warfare.”13 18.5A

飾攻戰者之言曰：「彼不能收用彼眾，是故亡。我能收用 我眾，以此攻戰於天下，誰敢不賓服哉？」子墨子言曰： 「子雖能收用子之眾，子豈若古者吳闔閭哉？」古者吳闔 閭教 [士]a 七年，奉甲執兵，奔三百里而舍焉，次注林， 出於冥隘之徑，戰於柏舉，中楚國而朝宋與及魯。至夫差 之身，北而攻齊，舍於汶上，戰於艾陵，大敗齊人而葆 之大山；東而攻越，濟三江五湖，而葆之會稽。九夷之國 莫不賓服。於是退不能賞孤，施舍群萌，自恃其力，伐其 功，譽其智，怠於教，遂築姑蘇之臺，七年不成。及若 此，則吳有離罷之心。越王句踐視吳上下不相得，收其眾 以復其讎，入北郭，徙大 (內GE> 舟 b，圍王宮，而吳國以 亡。

a. Yu Yue.

b. Wang Niansun.

An apologist for aggression and warfare argued: “These states perished because their rulers were incapable of assembling and exploiting their masses. If I am able to assemble and exploit my masses and use them to wage war throughout the world, who would dare to refuse to submit to me?” Our Master Mozi argued in response: “You may be able to assemble and exploit your masses, but would you venture to think yourself the equal of the ancient ruler of Wu, King Helü?”14 Helü drilled his soldiers for seven years. They marched, wearing armor and with weapons in hand, three hundred li a day without stopping to rest. Having camped at Zhulin, they then marched out through the defile of Ming and did battle with Chu at Boju.15 Trapping Chu, King Helü summoned the states of Song and Lu to pay homage. During the reign of King Fuchai, Wu attacked Qi in the north: camping its army along the Wen River, it did battle with the Qi army at Ailing, disastrously defeated them, forcing Qi to retreat into a small encampment at Mount Tai.16 In the east

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Wu attacked Yue: crossing the three rivers and the five lakes,17 Wu forced Yue to retreat into a small encampment at Kuaiji.18 None of the states of the nine Yi failed to submit.19 But because of all this aggression, when he withdrew, he was unable to recompense those orphaned by his warfare or to distribute rewards to his subjects. He attributed his success solely to his own strength, gloried in his accomplishments, praised his wisdom, and neglected to train his troops, but instead proceeded with the construction of the Tower of Gusu, which after seven years was still incomplete.20 The situation became so extreme that the people of Wu were severely disaffected from their ruler. King Goujian of Yue, seeing that in Wu ruler and subjects were no longer unified, gathered his masses to avenge himself on his enemy. Entering the northern suburbs of the capital, his army set adrift the royal barge, surrounded the royal palace, and destroyed the state of Wu. 18.5B

昔者晉有六將軍，而智伯莫為強焉。計其土地之博，人徒 之眾，欲以抗諸侯，以為英名。攻戰之速，故差論其爪 牙之士，皆 a 列其舟車之眾，以攻中行氏而有之。以其謀 為既已足矣，又攻茲范氏而大敗之，并三家以為一家， 而不止，又圍趙襄子於晉陽。及若此，則韓、魏亦相從 而謀曰：「古者有語，『脣亡則齒寒。』趙氏朝亡，我夕 從之，趙氏夕亡，我朝從之。詩曰『魚水不務，陸將何及 乎！』」是以三主之君，一心戮力辟門除道，奉甲興士， 韓、魏自外，趙氏自內，擊智伯大敗之。 a. 比 Wang Niansun.

In the past, Jin had the six generals who commanded its six armies, of whom the earl of Zhi was the most powerful.21 Reckoning the breadth of his land and the size of its population, he planned a confrontation with the lords of the various states so that he might thereby acquire a reputation for heroism. Believing that in battle it is the speed with which one attacks that matters, he chose his fiercest “fang-and-claw” warriors, arranged his battleship and war-chariot forces, and attacked the Zhonghang family, taking possession of all that was theirs. Satisfied that his schemes would be fully realized, he proceeded next to attack the Fan family and utterly destroyed them.22 He had already combined the property of three families into one, but he would not stop. He proceeded to lay siege to Viscount Xiang of Zhao in Jinyang. The situation became so extreme that the Han and Wei families began to plot together, saying:

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“There is the old saying that goes, ‘When the lips are gone, the teeth will be cold.’23 If the Zhao family perishes in the morning we will follow that evening; if the Zhao family perishes in the evening we will follow the next morning. An ode says: ‘The fish did not move quickly enough in water, will it get there in time on dry land?’”24 Thus, the lords of the three lineages worked with one mind and combined their strength: they threw open their gates, cleared the roads that connected their lands, put on their armor, and mobilized their troops. With Han and Wei attacking from without and the Zhao family from within, they struck the earl of Zhi and utterly defeated him.25 18.6

是故子墨子言曰：「古者有語曰：『君子不鏡於水而鏡於 人。』鏡於水，見面之容，鏡於人，則知吉與凶。今以攻 戰為利，則蓋嘗鑒之於智伯之事乎？此其為不吉而凶，既 可得而知矣。」 This is why the teachings of our Master Mozi say: “In antiquity there was a proverb that said: ‘The superior man does not use water as a mirror but uses instead other people as a mirror.’26 If water is your mirror, you can see the features of your face. But if other men are your mirror, then you will know whether your fortune will be good or bad. Now, why don’t those who consider aggression and warfare beneficial examine them against the deeds of the earl of Zhi?27 Were they to do this, they would know that aggression brings not good fortune but catastrophe.”

非攻下第十九 Chapter 19: Condemn Aggression (Lower) 19.1A

子墨子言曰：「今天下之所譽善者，其說將何哉？為其上 中天之利，而中中鬼之利，而下中人之利，故譽之與？意 亡非為其上中天之利，而中中鬼之利，而下中人之利， 故譽之與？雖使下愚之人，必曰：『將為其上中天之利， 而中中鬼之利，而下中人之利，故譽之』。今天下之所 同義者，聖王之法也。今天下之諸侯將猶多皆 (免)a 攻伐 并兼，則是有譽義之名，而不察其實也。此譬猶盲者之與 人，同命白黑之名，而不能分其物也，則豈謂有別哉？」

a. Yu Yue.

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “How should we explain what the world today praises as good? Is the reason for praising something that it benefits Heaven above, the spirits in the middle realm, and mankind on earth below? Or is it because it fails to benefit Heaven above, the spirits in the middle, and mankind below? However stupid the person may be, he is certain to say, ‘Of course we praise something because it benefits Heaven above, the spirits in the middle, and humans below.’ Today what everyone in the world agrees is morally right is the model provided by the sage-kings. Now, however, it appears that the majority of lords of the various states devote their energies to attacking and invading other states in order to annex their territories. This is to praise what is right in name but not to investigate its reality. It is, to use an analogy, like a blind man who calls things black and white just as everyone else but is unable to tell objects apart. Can this be said to involve real discrimination?”1 19.1B

是故古之知者之為天下度也，必順慮其義，而後為之。行 是以動，則不疑速通，成得其所欲，而順天鬼百姓之利， 則知者之道也。是故古之仁人有天下者，必 (反GE>交 a 大 國之說，一天下之和，總四海之內，焉率天下之百姓，以 農臣事上帝山川鬼神。利人多，功故又大，是以天賞之， 鬼富之，人譽之，使貴為天子，富有天下，名參乎天地， 至今不廢。此則知者之道也，先王之所以有天下者也。

a. Sun Yirang.

This is why the wise men of antiquity, in planning for the welfare of the world, implemented their plans only after having made certain that they were consistent with what is morally right. Because the wise men acted on the basis of what is right, they moved quickly, free of any doubt, and realized whatever they desired. At the same time they were able to conform to what benefited Heaven, the spirits, and the common people. This is the way followed by the wise men. Similarly, when the humane men of antiquity possessed the world, they were certain to advocate good relations between large and small states,2 unify the world into a harmonious whole, bring together all within the four seas, lead the common people of the world, and exert themselves to serve as subjects the Supreme Sovereign, the sacred mountains and rivers, and the spirits and ghosts. Their benefits to mankind were many, and their accomplishments were accordingly great. This was why Heaven

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rewarded them, the spirits enriched them, and the people praised them. They were honored with the rank of Son of Heaven, enriched with the wealth of the whole world, and their names formed a triad with Heaven and earth, enduring even to the present day. Such is the way followed by the wise men and the reason the founding kings were able to keep possession of the world. 19.2

今王公大人、天下之諸侯則不然，將必皆差論其爪牙之 士，皆 a 列其舟車之卒伍，於此為堅甲利兵，以往攻伐無 罪之國。入其國家邊境，芟刈其禾稼，斬其樹木，墮其 城郭，以湮其溝池，攘殺其牲牷，燔 (潰GE>燎 b 其祖廟， 勁殺其萬民，覆其老弱，遷其重器，卒進而 (柱GE>極 c 乎 鬬，曰：「死命為上，多殺次之，身傷者為下，又況失列 北橈乎哉，罪死無赦」，以譂 d 其眾。夫無兼國覆軍，賊 虐萬民，以亂聖人之緒，意將以為利天乎？夫取天之人， 以攻天之邑，此刺殺天民，剝振 e 神之位，傾覆社稷，攘 殺其犧牲，則此上不中天之利矣。意將以為利鬼乎？夫殺 [天]f 之人，滅鬼神之主，廢滅先王，賊虐萬民，百姓離 散，則此中不中鬼之利矣。意將以為利人乎？夫殺之人， 為利人也博 g 矣。又計其費此，為 (周GE>害 h 生之本，竭 天下百姓之財用，不可勝數也，則此下不中人之利矣。 a. 比 Wang Niansun. c. Dai Wang. e. 挀 Wang Niansun. g. 薄 Yu Yue.

b. Wang Yinzhi. d. 憚 Bi Yuan. f. Dai Wang. h. Wang Niansun.

Today, kings, dukes, great men, and the lords of the various states of the world do not act like this. Rather they choose their fiercest fang-andclaw warriors, arrange their battleship and war-chariot divisions, prepare strong armor and sharp weapons, all in order to attack and punish some innocent state. As soon as they enter the borders of the state, they cut its grain and fell its trees, destroy the inner and outer walls of its cities to fill in the moats and ponds, seize and slaughter the livestock and animals reserved for sacrifice, and set ablaze its ancestral temples, butcher its myriad peoples, exterminate its old and weak, and carry off its state treasures.3 As their troops press forward and repeatedly confront the enemy, they shout at them: “He who dies in the line of duty is the finest soldier; he who kills many of the enemy is next; he who is wounded is only third

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

in rank. How much worse are those who break ranks or flee from the battle—they will be condemned to death with no hope of amnesty!” Thus they terrify their soldiers into annexing states, exterminating armies, slaughtering people, and hence ruining the legacy of the sages. Is it possible they believe that doing so will be beneficial to Heaven? To use Heaven’s people to attack Heaven’s cities is to slay the subjects of Heaven, dispossess the spirits of their ancestors, overturn their altars of soil and grain, and slaughter the sacrificial animals. Such actions do not benefit Heaven above. Or is it that they believe that doing so will be beneficial to the ghosts? To kill Heaven’s people is to annihilate the hosts who make offerings to the spirits and ghosts, put an end to the lineages of the founding kings, slaughter the population, and force the common people to scatter. Such actions do not benefit ghosts in the middle realm. Or is it that they believe that doing so will benefit mankind? Killing people to benefit mankind is too measly a benefit. Moreover, when we reckon the expense of warfare, we find that it harms the fundamental things needed to sustain life and depletes the resources needed by the common people to a degree that is incalculable. Such actions do not benefit mankind on earth below. 19.3

今夫師者之相為不利者也，曰：將不勇，士不分 a，兵不 利，教不習，師不眾，率不 (利)b 和，威不圉，(害GE>圍 c 之不久，爭之不疾，孫 d 之不強。植心不堅，與國諸侯 疑，與國諸侯疑，則敵生慮，而意羸矣。偏具此物，而致 從事焉，則是國家失率 e，而百姓易務也。今不嘗觀其說 好攻伐之國？若使中興師，君子 [數百]f，庶人也，必且 數千，徒倍十萬，然後足以師而動矣。久者數歲，速者數 月，是上不暇聽治，士不暇治其官府，農夫不暇稼穡，婦 人不暇紡績織紝，則是國家失率 e，而百姓易務也。然而 又與其車馬之罷弊也，幔幕帷蓋，三軍之用，甲兵之備， 五分而得其一，則猶為 (序疏GE>厚餘 g 矣。然而又與其散 亡道路，道路遼遠，糧食下繼傺 h，食飲 (之GE>不 i 時，廁 j 役以此飢寒凍餒疾病，而轉死溝壑中者，不可勝計也。 此其為不利於人也，天下之害厚矣。而王公大人，樂而行 之。則此樂賊滅天下之萬民也，豈不悖哉！今天下好戰之 國，齊、晉、楚、越，若使此四國者得意於天下，此皆十 倍其國之眾，而未能食其地也。是人不足而地有餘也。今

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又以爭地之故，而反相賊也，然則是虧不足，而重有餘 也。 a. 忿 Bi Yuan. b. Yu Yue. c. Sun Yirang. d. 係 Sun Yirang. e. “Old edition” reading cited by Wu Yujiang and Wang Huanbiao. f. Sun Yirang. g. Sun Yirang. h. 際 Yu Yue. i. Wang Huanbiao. j. 廝 Wang Niansun.

Nowadays, detrimental to armies are: cowardly generals, lazy soldiers, dull weapons, training that is not rigorous, an army that is not large enough, leaders that are not in accord, might that does not repel enemies, sieges that are not sustained, battles that are not quickly won, fetters that are not strong, and determination that is not firm, leading the feudal lords allied with them to have misgivings. If their allied lords have misgivings, all will start to regard each other with antagonism and the strength of their common resolve will be sapped. If in spite of these detrimental things a state nevertheless proceeds to attack, the state will lose its moral models and the common people will be forced to abandon their occupations. Now, let us take a look at those states that take delight in aggression and attack. If one of them raises an army for a midsize campaign, it must assemble several hundred elite officers, several thousand ordinary officers, and more than a hundred thousand foot soldiers before the army can set out. A long-term campaign can take several years; shorter ones require not less than several months. Thus superiors have no time to conduct affairs of state, officers no time to manage their bureaus, farmers no time to sow or reap, and women no time to spin or weave. This is why the state loses its moral models and the common people are forced to abandon their occupations. Beyond this, the horses will be worn out and the chariots damaged, whereas if even one-fifth of the tents and hangings, the equipment of the three armies, and armor and weapons survive the campaign, it will be looked upon as a generous surplus.4 Beyond this, the number of those lost along the way, of those whose diets are irregular because the road is so long and food supplies are cut off, and of servants who, because of such conditions, freeze or starve to death or die of illness, their corpses rolling into the ditches, will be beyond calculation.5 Surely such actions are of no benefit to the people and inflict substantial harm on the world! Yet the kings, dukes, and great men take pleasure in

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

doing them. This is to take pleasure in slaughtering the myriad people of the world. How perverse! Today, the states that are fondest of warfare are Qi, Jin, Chu, and Yue. If these four states could realize their ambitions in the world, they would expand the populations of their states tenfold and would still not require all their lands to feed them. This is to have too little population and an excess of territory. Now to engage in further conflict over territory and kill each other’s populations is to destroy what they have too little of for the sake of increasing what they already possess in excess. 19.4A

今遝夫好攻伐之君，又飾其說以非子墨子曰：「 [子]a 以攻 伐之為不義，非利物與？昔者禹征有苗，湯伐桀，武王伐 紂，此皆立為聖王，是何故也？」子墨子曰：「子未察吾 言之類，未明其故者也。彼非所謂攻，[所]b 謂誅也。」 昔者三苗大亂，天命殛之，日妖宵出，雨血三朝，龍生於 廟，犬哭乎巿，夏冰，地坼及泉，五穀變化，民乃大振。 高陽乃命 [禹於 ]c 玄宮，禹親把天之瑞令，以征有苗，(四 GE>雷 d 電 (誘袛GE>誖振 e，有神人面鳥身，(若瑾GE>奉 珪 f 以侍，搤矢有苗之 (祥GE>將 g，苗師大亂，後乃遂幾。 禹既已克有三苗，焉磨 h 為山川，別物上下，(卿GE>鄉 i 制 (大GE>四 i 極，而神民不違，天下乃靜。則此禹之所以征 有苗也。 a. Bi Yuan. b. Sun Yirang. c. Wang Niansun. d. Sun Yirang. e. Sun Yirang, who further proposes that the two graphs be understood as 勃震. f. Sun Yirang. g. Sun Yirang. h. 磿 Wang Niansun, who further proposes that the graph is a variant of 歷. i. Sun Yirang.

Now those lords who are fond of aggression and invasions, moreover, beautify their doctrines in order to refute our Master Mozi, saying:6 “You claim that aggressive warfare is wrong, but can you deny that it is a beneficial thing? In the past, Yu led a campaign of rectification against the ruler of the Miao, Tang attacked Jie, and King Wu attacked Zhou, and all of them were thus established as sage-kings. Why is this?” Our Master Mozi said: “You have failed to examine closely the category of warfare I am talking about, and so you have not understood my

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reasoning. The examples you refer to are not what we call ‘aggression,’ but rather what we call ‘punishment.’” In the past, the three Miao created great disorder. Heaven mandated that they be destroyed. The sun unaccountably came out at night, it rained blood for three days, dragons appeared in the ancestral temple, dogs howled in the marketplace, ice formed in summer, the earth split open and a spring gushed forth, the five grains ripened in the wrong season, and the people shook in utter terror. Gaoyang then issued the mandate to Yu in the Dark Palace.7 Yu personally grasped in his hand the jade scepter symbolizing Heaven’s order, which he would wield in the campaign of rectification against the Miao. With thunder claps and bolts of lightning that made all tremble, there appeared a spirit with the face of a man and the body of a bird. Holding a beautiful gem symbolizing virtue, the spirit stood in attendance at Yu’s side.9 Yu forced the submission of the Miao general,10 the Miao army was thrown into utter chaos, and from that moment their power waned. After Yu had conquered the three Miao, he marked off the mountains and streams, distinguished things that pertained to the high from those that belong to the low, and regulated the states of the four bournes. The spirits and the common people did not transgress against each other and the world thereafter became tranquil. Such was the way in which Yu carried out his campaign to rectify the Miao.8 19.4B

遝至乎夏王桀，天有 a 命，日月不時，寒暑雜至，五穀 焦死，鬼呼 [於 ]b 國，鸖鳴十夕餘。天乃命湯於鑣宮： 「用受夏之大命，夏德大亂，予既卒其命於天矣，往而誅 之，必使汝堪之。」湯焉敢奉率其眾，是以鄉有夏之境， 帝乃使 (陰 GE>降 c 暴毀有夏之城。少少有神來告曰：「夏 德大亂，往攻之，予必使汝大堪之。予既受命於天，天命 融隆 d 火于夏之城閒西北之隅。」湯奉桀眾以克有 [夏]e， 屬諸侯於薄，薦章天命，通于四方，而天下諸侯莫敢不賓 服。則此湯之所以誅桀也。 a. 酷 Sun Yirang. c. Sun Yirang. e. Su Shixue.

b. Wang Niansun. d. 降 Wang Niansun.

When we come to the case of the Xia king, Jie, Heaven sent down its severest warning: the sun and moon did not appear at the proper time, cold and heat arrived in a confused order, the five grains were scorched

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and died, ghosts howled throughout the capital city, and cranes shrieked for more than ten nights. Heaven thereupon bestowed the mandate on Tang in Biao Palace, saying: “Receive the great mandate that belonged to the Xia. Because the virtue of the Xia is now in great disorder, I have terminated the mandate Xia had from Heaven. Go forth and punish it, for I have made your triumph over it a certainty.” Only then did Tang dare to lead his army across the borders into Xia lands. The Supreme Sovereign then ordered that divine disasters descend upon and destroy the cities of the Xia. A short time later there was a spirit who announced to Tang: “Because the virtue of Xia is now in great disorder, go and attack it, for I have made certain that you will have a great triumph over it. I have already received the order from Heaven. Heaven has commanded that Zhurong, the god of fire, descend and set the northwest corner of the capital of Xia ablaze.”11 Leading an army of soldiers that had turned against Jie, Tang then conquered the Xia. He assembled the lords of the various states at Bo and made clear to them the command of Heaven, sending word of it to the four quarters of the world, and none of the lords of the various states of the world dared not submit to him.12 Such was the way in which Tang punished Jie. 19.4C

遝至乎商王紂，天不 (序 GE>享 a 其德，祀用失時，兼夜中 十日雨土于薄，九鼎遷止，婦妖宵出，有鬼宵吟，有女為 男，天雨肉，棘生乎國道，王兄 b 自縱也。赤鳥銜珪，降 周之岐社，曰：「天命周文王伐殷有國。」泰顛來賓，河 出綠圖，地出乘黃。武王踐功，夢見三神曰：「予既沈漬 殷紂于酒德矣，往攻之，予必使汝大堪之。」武王乃攻狂 夫，反商之周，天賜武王黃鳥之旗。王既已克殷，成帝之 來 c，分主諸神，祀紂先王，通 (維GE>于 d 四夷，而天下莫 不賓，焉襲湯之緒，此即武王之所以誅紂也。若以此三聖 王者觀之，則非所謂攻也，所謂誅也。」 a. Yu Yue. c. 賚 Bi Yuan.

b. 況 Wang Niansun. d. Sun Yirang.

When we come to the case of the Shang king Zhou, Heaven no longer savored his virtue. Because he failed to perform the rites of sacrifice in their proper seasons, for ten consecutive nights it rained earth at Bo,13 the Nine Cauldrons moved from their resting place, female demons came out at night, there were ghosts moaning in the dark, a woman was transformed into a man, flesh rained down from the skies,

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and brambles suddenly sprouted on the main highways of the state, yet the king became ever more dissolute. A vermilion bird alighted on the altar of Zhou at Mount Qi, holding in its beak a jade tablet that said: “Heaven commands that King Wen chastise Yin and possess its state.” Taidian came to offer homage,14 the Yellow River gave forth its chart, and the earth produced the magical beast chenghuang.15 When King Wu ascended the throne,16 in a dream he saw three spirits, who said: “We have already caused Zhou of Yin to be overwhelmed by the power of liquor. Go forth and attack him; we guarantee a great triumph for you.” King Wu thereupon went and attacked the madman Zhou, overthrowing the Shang and founding the Zhou. Heaven bestowed on King Wu the yellow bird pennant. After he had conquered Yin and he had received the gift from the Supreme Sovereign, King Wu apportioned among the lords of the various states the duty to host sacrifices to the various spirits and to make offerings to the Shang kings who had preceded Zhou,17 he informed the peoples of the four quarters of his rule and no one in the world failed to submit to him, and thus he continued the work of Tang. Such was the way in which King Wu punished Zhou. If we examine how these three sage-kings conducted warfare, we should not call what they did “aggression,” but rather call it “punishment.” 19.5 則夫好攻伐之君，又飾其說以非子墨子曰： 「子以攻伐為

不義，非利物與？昔者楚熊麗，始 (討GE>封 a 此睢山之 閒，越王繄虧，出自有遽，始邦於越，唐叔與呂尚邦齊 晉。此皆地方數百里，今以并國之故，四分天下而有之。 是故何也？」子墨子曰：「子未察吾言之類，未明其故者 也。古者天子之始封諸侯也，萬有餘，今以并國之故，萬 國有餘皆滅，而四國獨立。此譬猶醫之藥萬有餘人，而四 人愈也，則不可謂良醫矣。」

a. Bi Yuan.

Still those lords who are fond of aggression and invasions beautify their doctrines in order to refute our Master Mozi by saying further: “You claim that aggressive warfare is wrong, but can you deny that it is a beneficial thing? In antiquity, Xiong Li, the founder of the state of Chu,18 was first enfeoffed in the area of Mount Sui.19 Yikui, the king of Yue, came from the area of Ju and first established the state in the area of

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Yue.20 Tangshu and Lü Shang were the first rulers or Jin and Qi respectively. Each of these states originally covered an area of several hundred li, but now as a consequence of their annexation of other states, they have divided the world into four parts, which they possess. What is the cause of this?” Our Master Mozi said: “You have failed to examine closely the category of warfare I am talking about, and so you have not understood my reasoning. In antiquity when the Son of Heaven first enfeoffed the lords of the various states, there were more than ten thousand. Now, as a consequence of annexations, more than ten thousand states have been destroyed leaving only four that remain independent. It is, to use an analogy, like a physician who gives the same medicine to more than ten thousand patients, but only four of them are cured. Such a man could not be called a good physician.” 19.6

則夫好攻伐之君又飾其說曰：「我非以金玉、子女、壤地 為不足也，我欲以義名立於天下，以德求諸侯也。」子墨 子曰：「今若有能以義名立於天下，以德求諸侯者，天下 之服可立而待也。夫天下處攻伐久矣，譬若 (傅 GE>僮 a 子 之為馬然。」今若有能信效 b 先利天下諸侯者，大國之不 義也，則同憂之；大國之攻小國也，則同救之；小國城郭 之不全也，必使修之；布粟 (之GE>乏 c 絕，則委之； 幣帛 不足，則共之。以此效大國，則小國之君說。人勞我逸， 則我甲兵強。寬以惠，緩易急，民必移。易攻伐以治我 國，攻 d 必倍。量我師舉之費，以爭諸侯之斃，則必可得 而 (序GE>厚 e 利焉。督以正，義其名，必務寬吾眾，信吾 師，以此 (授GE>援 f 諸侯之師，則天下無敵矣，其為 [利 天]g 下，不可勝數也。此天下之利，而王公大人不知而 用，則此可謂不知利天下之巨務矣。

a. Sun Yirang. c. Wang Niansun. e. Wang Niansun. g. Su Shixue.

b. 交 Sun Yirang. d. 功 Sun Yirang. f. Sun Yirang.

Yet these lords who delight in aggression and invasions attempt once more to beautify their doctrines, saying: “I am not in want of gold and jade, young men and women, or rich farmland. I desire to ­establish

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throughout the world a reputation for righteousness and to use my moral authority to seek the allegiance of the lords of the various states.” Our Master Mozi said: “Now if someone were able to establish a reputation for righteousness throughout the world and could use his moral authority to seek the allegiance of the lords of the various states, the homage of the world could in an instant be established. For a long time now, the world has lived with aggression and invasions, and it is as weary from it as a little boy who has spent a whole day playing horse.” Now if there were a ruler capable of being trustworthy in his dealings with others and of giving first priority to benefiting the world and the other lords of the various states, then he would feel concern along with others when a powerful country behaved immorally; he would come to the rescue of a small state that suffered aggression at the hands of a large state; he would order the repair of the inner and outer walls of small states when they had fallen into ruin; when a small state’s supplies of cloth and grain were exhausted, such a ruler would supply them from his public stores; or when supplies of money and silk were insufficient, would contribute them. If he confronted the large states in this way, the lords of the small states would be delighted. [Such a ruler would repeat to himself ]: “If other men toil while I am at ease, then my military might becomes even stronger. If I am generous as well as kind, replacing desperation with calm, people are certain to be attracted to me. If I apply the resources wasted on aggression against others to governing well my own state, my achievements are certain to double. If I calculate well the costs of sending an army against lords of the various states already on the verge of collapse, this in itself would reap rich benefits. If I lead with correct principles and make a reputation by doing what is right, as well as always strive to treat my subjects with leniency and to keep my word to my army, and if I employ these policies to aid the armies of the lords of the various states, in the whole world I shall have no enemies.” Enacting these policies would be of incalculable benefit to the whole world. The fact that the kings, dukes, and great men do not understand how to employ them means that it can be said of them that they do not understand the most important tasks in benefiting the world. 19.7 是故子墨子曰： 「今且天下之王公大人士君子，中情將欲

求興天下之利，除天下之害，當若繁為攻伐，此實天下之 巨害也。今欲為仁義，求為上士，尚欲中聖王之道，下欲

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

中國家百姓之利，故當若非攻之為說，而將不可不察者此 也。」 This is why our Master Mozi said: “The kings, dukes, great men, and the ruling elite truly desire to promote what benefits the world and to eliminate what harms it, but if they frequently engage in aggressive warfare, they are in fact producing the greatest harm to the world. Now if one were to desire to act humanely and properly, to seek to be a superior gentleman whose actions accord above with the way of government employed by the sage-kings and below with what benefits the country and the common people, then my argument condemning aggressive warfare is precisely what he cannot fail to investigate.”

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Moderate Consumption The Mohist doctrine that called on the elite members of early Chinese society to be frugal in their consumption of resources is traditionally linked to the related doctrine condemning lavish burials. Only chapters 20 and 21 of “Moderate Consumption” survive, and, of these, only chapter 21—presumably the later of the two—explicitly includes burials in its sumptuary rules. Chapter 20, with its concluding quotation from Master Mo and preceding commentary, has a classical format that mirrors chapter 14. Its mention of profiting others in 20.1 suggests, at least according to Watanabe Takashi, that it is not as early in date as the upper chapter of “Impartial Love” and probably dates to the first half of the fourth century.1 Chapter 21 is atypically brief for a middle chapter, and it is generally agreed among scholars that it is now missing parts of its original conclusion. Its claim that the territory of the legendary Yao extended in the south to Jiaozhi, an old name for what is now the northern part of Vietnam, parallels a similar account in book 22 of The Annals of Lü Buwei. This suggests, if the passage in the Mozi is not an interpolation, that chapter 21 dates roughly to the middle of the third century. Chapter 20, reduced to its essentials, appears less concerned with frugality per se than with the steps that states must take in order to increase their populations. Worries in the Mozi over inadequate numbers of people—especially in larger states, such as Qi, Jin, Chu, and Yue—are also seen in 18.3 and 19.3. Mengzi 1A.3 similarly registers anxiety over a population shortage in Qi and its neighbors. Among the techniques promoted in 20.2 for increasing population are not attacking neighbors, caring for the people, and ensuring that they marry while young enough to produce plenty of children. Otherwise, in a series of rather simple descriptions, the chapter teaches that the sage-kings made things that would serve the basic need for clothing, shelter, defense, and transportation that involved no waste, thus warning contemporaneous rulers to curb their consumption of goods and resources. Such accounts suggest that the author of the chapter was genuinely worried over such shortages. This is surprising in light of what must have been shrinking demand. At one point in his refutation of Mohist economics, Xunzi argues that Mozi’s claim that the world suffered from an inadequate supply of goods was not worthy of public concern since it was due to “Mozi’s exaggerated calculations.”2 It is also worth noting that while The Annals of Lü Buwei echoes the call for restraint in consumption and the avoid1. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 508; Watanabe later determined that chapter 20 should be dated to sometime around 325.. 2.  Xunzi, 10 “Fuguo 富國,” 6.208 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 2:127).

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ance of extravagance, the justification given for these measures is not a shortage of goods, but the dangers that excess poses to health.3 Finally, 20.3 includes the depredation and death brought about by aggressive warfare among the causes of population shortage—and repeats passages appearing in 18.2 and 19.3— thereby hinting at a close conceptual connection between this chapter and the discourse condemning aggression. Chapter 21 appears at first glance to be in its entirety an uninterrupted lecture by Mozi. But because the chapter also concludes by quoting Mozi (21.6), Wang Huanbiao is doubtless correct in regarding only the first paragraph, 21.1, as quotation of Mozi and the remainder as commentary.4 Unlike chapter 20, this chapter demonstrates no concern for inadequate population or interest in encouraging married couples to produce children. The great bulk of the chapter, from 21.2 to 21.6, consists of quotations and explanations of “laws” promulgated by the sage-kings to curb wastefulness. As a textual device, such quotation and commentary recall the treatment of regulations in chapter 8 and proclamations in chapter 11. It is worth noting that the reference to how earlier rulers became “universal kings over the empire and established leadership over the lords of the various states,” with which chapter 21 opens, is identical to passages in chapters 9 and 35 and may suggest that like them, the present chapter is intended for rulers who are ambitious to bring about imperial unification.

節用上第二十 Chapter 20: Moderate Consumption (Upper) 20.1

聖人為政一國，一國可倍也；大之為政天下，天下可倍也。 其倍之非外取地也，因其國家，去其無用之費，足以倍之。 聖王為政，其發令興事，使民用財也，無不加用而為者， 是故用財不費，民德不勞，其興利多矣。其為衣裘何？以 為冬以圉寒，夏以圉暑。凡為衣裳之道，冬加溫，夏加凊 者 (芊 䱉 GE>則止 a，不加者去之。其為宮室何？以為冬以 圉風寒，夏以圉暑雨，有盜賊加固者 (芊 䱉 GE>則止 a，不 加者去之。其為甲盾五兵何？以為以圉寇亂盜賊，若有寇 亂盜賊，有甲盾五兵者勝，無者不勝。是故聖人作為甲盾 五兵。凡為甲盾五兵加輕以利，堅而難折者 (芊 䱉 GE>則

3.  LSCQ, “Zhongji 重己,” 1.34 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 69). 4.  Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi, 170.

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止 a，不加者去之。其為舟車何？以為車以行陵陸，舟以 行川谷，以通四方之利。凡為舟車之道，加輕以利者(芊 䱉 GE>則止 a，不加者去之。凡其為此物也，無不加用而為 者，是故用財不費，民德不勞，其興利多矣。

a. Hong Yixuan.

When a sage rules a single state, the resources of the state are doubled; when he governs the world, the resources of the world are doubled. This doubling does not occur because he has taken external territories. Relying on what his country possesses and eliminating its useless expenditures are sufficient to double the available resources. When a sageking governs, in issuing edicts to begin enterprises or in permitting his subjects to expend wealth, he does not do anything that will not in some way produce useful results. This is why resources are not wasted, the people’s energy is not taxed, and yet the benefits produced are many. Why did the sages make clothing? Because clothing keeps out the cold of winter and the heat of summer. In general, the rule for making clothing is that in winter it should add warmth and in summer coolness, and do nothing more. Anything that goes beyond this should be eliminated. Why did the sages build palaces and houses? Because houses keep out wind and cold in winter and heat and rain in summer, as well as provide security against robbers, but they should do nothing more. Anything that goes beyond this should be eliminated. Why did the sages make armor, shields, and the five classes of weapons? These things protect one against criminals and thieves. When there are criminals and thieves, if people have armor, shields, and the five classes of weapons, they can overcome them, but not if they lack them. This is the reason the sages invented armor, shields, and the five classes of weapons. In general, the rule for making armor, shields, and the five classes of weapons is to combine lightness with sharpness and hardness with resistance to breakage, but nothing more. Anything that goes beyond this should be eliminated. Why did the sages make boats and carts? Carts are made to move about on dry land and boats to travel on water so that one can conveniently reach remote places in the four quarters. In general, the rule for making boats and carts is to combine lightness and convenience, and to do nothing more. Anything that goes beyond this should be eliminated. As a rule, in making these various articles, the sages did not create anything that was not of practical use. This is why no resources were wasted,

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the people’s energies were not taxed, and yet the benefits produced were many.1 20.2

有去大人之好聚珠玉、鳥獸、犬馬，以益衣裳、宮室、甲 盾、五兵、舟車之數於數倍乎！若則不難。故孰為難倍？ 唯人為難倍。然人有可倍也。昔者聖王為法曰：「丈夫年 二十，毋敢不處家。女子年十五，毋敢不事人。」此聖王 之法也。聖王即沒，于民次 a 也，其欲蚤處家者，有所二 十年處家；其欲晚處家者，有所四十年處家。以其蚤與其 晚相踐，後聖王之法十年。若純三年而字，子生可以二三 (年 GE>人 b 矣。此不惟使民蚤處家，而可以倍與？且不然 已。 a. 恣 Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang.

If one could eliminate the pearls and jades, birds and beasts, and dogs and horses that the kings, dukes, and great men so passionately collect, in order to increase the amount of armor and shields, the five classes of weapons, and boats and carts, the number of them could be doubled without difficulty. What resource, then, is it that is difficult to double? The number of people is difficult to double. Yet it is possible to double the population. In the past the sage-kings made a law that said: “No man of twenty shall dare to remain unmarried. No woman of fifteen shall dare not to serve a man.”2 Such was the law of the sage-kings. Now that the sage-kings are no more, people do as they please: those who desire to marry young do so at the age of twenty; those who desire to marry late do so at the age of forty. The average age of those who marry is thus ten years later than what the law of the sages prescribed. If we assume that couples produce one child every three years, two and three would have been born during that ten-year period. But without causing people to marry early, is it possible to double the population? No, it is absolutely not possible to do so. 20.3

今天下為政者，其所以寡人之道多，其使民勞，其籍歛 厚，民財不足，凍餓死者不可勝數也。且大人惟毋興師以 攻伐鄰國，久者終年，速者數月，男女久不相見，此所以 寡人之道也。與居處不安，飲食不時，作疾病死者，有與 (侵就援橐 GE>侵掠俘虜 a，攻城野戰死者，不可勝數。此 不 (令GE>今 b 為政者，所以寡人之道數術而起與？聖人為

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政特無此。 (不 GE>夫 c 聖人為政，其所以眾人之道亦數術 而起與？故子墨子曰：「去無用之費，聖王之道，天下之 大利也。」

a. Wang Huanbiao. c. Wang Huanbiao.

b. Sun Yirang.

Today, the ways used by those who rule the world to reduce their populations are too many. They overwork the people and exact heavy taxes from them, so the people have inadequate resources, and those who die of cold and hunger is beyond calculation. Further, great men do not hesitate to raise armies in order to attack neighboring states, keeping the army mobilized for periods as long as an entire year and not less than several months, during which time husbands and wives do not see each other. This is the reason the population diminishes. In addition, those who die from unstable living conditions, irregular diet, and disease and illness, as well as those who die on raids or expeditions for plunder, as prisoners and captives, in attacks on city walls or battles in the fields, are all beyond calculation. Is this not because those who govern now are developing new methods and techniques for diminishing the population? When the sages governed, was not their making the population increase due to the methods and techniques they adopted? Therefore our Master Mozi said: “To eliminate expenditure that produces nothing of practical use is the way employed by the sages to govern and is of the greatest benefit to the world.”

節用中第二十一 Chapter 21: Moderate Consumption (Middle) 21.1 子墨子言曰： 「古者明王聖人，所以王天下，正諸侯者，

彼其愛民謹忠，利民謹厚。忠信相連，又示之以利，是以 終身不饜，歿世而不卷 a。古者明王聖人，其所以王天下 正諸侯者，此也。」 a. 倦 Su Shixue.

The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “The reason the enlightened kings and the sages of antiquity became universal kings over the empire and established leadership over the lords of the various states is that

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they loved the people with all their hearts and richly benefited them. Because their devotion to the people and their trustworthiness were closely linked, and furthermore because they showed the people the benefits, the people never became weary of them and to the end of their days were never tired out. The reason the enlightened kings and sages of antiquity became universal kings over the empire and established their leadership over the lords of the various states is simply this.”1 21.2

是故古者聖王，制為 (節GE> 器 a 用之法曰：「凡天下群百 工，輪車、鞼 b 匏 c、陶、冶、梓匠，使各從事其所能。」 曰：「凡足以奉給民用，則止。」諸加費不加于民利者， 聖王弗為。 a. Wang Huanbiao. c. 鞄 Wang Niansun.

b. 韗 Wang Niansun.

This is why the ancient sage-kings promulgated laws concerning the making of tools and utensils that said: “As a general principle, let the hundred artisans of the world—wheelwrights, tanners, potters, smiths, and woodcarvers—each do that in which he specializes.” 2 They also said: “As a general principle, you should make what proves useful to the needs of the people and then do nothing further.” Anything that added to the expense of making objects but did not increase their benefit to the people, the sage-kings would not do. 21.3

古者聖王制為飲食之法曰：「足以充虛繼氣，強股肱，耳 目聰明，則止。不極五味之調，芬香之和，不致遠國珍怪 異物。」何以知其然？古者堯治天下，南撫交阯，北降幽 都，東西至日所出入，莫不賓服。逮至其厚愛，黍稷不 二，羹胾不重，飯於土塯，啜於土形，斗以酌。俛仰周旋 威儀之禮，聖王弗為。 The ancient sage-kings promulgated laws concerning the consumption of food and drink that said: “Let what is consumed be no more than sufficient to fill the emptiness, extend vital energies, strengthen the limbs, make hearing keen and sight acute. Do not make a special effort to harmonize the five tastes or make the fragrances complementary. Do not send to distant countries for rare and exotic delicacies and unusual things.” How do we know that this is so? In antiquity when Yao governed the world, in the south he subdued Jiaozhi3 and in the north ­subjugated

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Youdu.4 East to west, from where the sun rises to where it sets, there were none who failed to offer tribute and submission. Yet when it came to what he enjoyed the most, he ate only one kind of cereal, not two; and he ate either meat or soup, never both. He ate his meals from an earthen pot, drank from an earthen pitcher, and took wine from a ladle. As for the rituals that now accompany a formal meal—guest and host lowering and raising their heads as they come forward or withdraw and turning from left to right to acknowledge those at their sides—the sageking never did these.5 21.4A

古者聖王制為衣服之法曰：「冬服紺緅之衣，輕且暖，夏 服絺綌之衣，輕且凊，則止。」諸加費不加於民利者，聖 王弗為。 The ancient sage-kings promulgated laws regulating clothing and dress that said: “Let dress in winter be made of blue or gray cloth that is light as well as warm, and in summer be made of fine or coarse linen cloth that is light and cool, then stop.” Anything that added to the expense but did not provide increased benefit to the people the sagekings would not do.

21.4B

古者聖人為猛禽狡獸，暴人害民，於是教民以兵行 (日 GE>曰 a 帶劍為刺則入，擊則斷，旁擊而不折，此劍之利 也。甲為衣則輕且利，動則 (兵GE> 弁 b且從，此甲之利 也。車為服重致遠，乘之則安，引之則利，安以不傷人， 利以速至，此車之利也。古者聖王為大川廣谷之不可濟， 於是 (利GE>制 c 為舟楫，足以將之則止。雖上者三公諸侯 至，舟楫不易，津人不飾，此舟之利也。

a. Sun Yirang. c. Wang Niansun.

b. Sun Yirang.

Because birds of prey and wily beasts tyrannized men and harmed the people, the sages of antiquity instructed the people on the use of weapons, saying: Carry a sword that penetrates when you stab with it, severs cleanly when you strike with it, but does not break in two when you strike something with its flat side. Such are the beneficial qualities of swords. Armor should be made so that when worn, it is light and convenient, and when you move, it is comfortable and moves with the body. Such are the beneficial qualities of armor. A cart should be made to carry

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

weight and travel great distances, to be safe to ride in, and convenient to pull. It should be safe to ride in so that passengers will not be injured, and convenient to pull so that it can move quickly. Such are the beneficial qualities of carts. Because great streams and broad valleys could not be traversed, the ancient sage-kings ordered that boats and oars be made that were sufficient to cross rivers and valleys but did no more than that. Even when senior officials like the Three Elders or the lords of the various states arrived, there was no need to substitute other boats and oars, nor did the ferrymen hang special decorations for the occasion. Such are the beneficial qualities of boats.6 21.5 古者聖王制為節葬之法曰： 「衣三領，足以朽肉，棺三

寸，足以朽骸，堀穴深不通於泉，(流GE>氣 a 不發洩則 止。」死者既葬，生者毋久喪用哀。

a. Wang Huanbiao.

The ancient sage-kings promulgated laws moderating the expense of burials that said: “Let the shroud be three wrappings of cloth, which is sufficient to hold together the rotting flesh; the coffin be three inches thick, which is sufficient to hold the rotting bones; the excavation for the burial pit not reach down to the water but be deep enough to keep the foul ethers from escaping. Do nothing further.” After the dead had been buried, their survivors did not wear mourning clothes for long periods, nor did they grieve.7 21.6

古者人之始生，未有宮室之時，因陵丘堀穴而處焉。聖王 慮之，以為堀穴曰：「冬可以辟風寒，逮夏，下潤溼，上 熏烝，恐傷民之氣，于是作為宮室而利。」然則為宮室之 法將柰何哉？子墨子言曰：「其旁可以圉風寒，上可以圉 雪霜雨露，其中蠲潔，可以祭祀，宮牆足以為男女之別則 止，諸加費不加民利者，聖王弗為。」 In antiquity, when mankind was first born, before there were palaces or houses, people who lived near hills excavated caves in which they dwelled. The sage-kings pondered this situation and concluded: “Although excavated caves protect against wind and cold in winter, when summer comes they will be either damp if low-lying or steaming hot if high. We fear that the ethers will be injurious to the people and will therefore build houses that will be useful to the people.”8 That

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being so, what was the law governing the construction of houses? The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “The walls should be able to keep out wind and cold, and the roof protect against snow, frost, rain, and dew. The inside should be clean enough to allow sacrifices and offerings to be made. Interior walls should be adequate to keep men and women separated. Do nothing more than this. The sage-kings would not do anything that increased expenditures but added nothing of benefit for the people.”

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Moderate Burials The doctrine of moderate burials, an essential element in the larger Mohist program of restraint in expenditure, is arguably one of the more controversial proposals put forth by the school. It was conventional in the society of the time to treat dead parents with the same care and respect as when they were alive. But in the name of preserving resources, the Mohist doctrine involves comparatively callous treatment of dead parents that would seem to run counter, not only to such conventional attitudes, but also to Mohist principles of obedience toward parents as articulated, for example, in the doctrine of exalting conformity. The doctrine of moderate burials might be justified in the light of the arguments in favor of impartial love that similarly called for eliminating special treatment for one’s parents. But perhaps the most convincing explanation is that the Mohists did not regard living parents and dead parents as the same. Even if one owed parents an extra measure of love when they were alive, that ceased when they died. This at least is the impression one has from a fragmentary passage preserved in one of the logic chapters of the text: “The law of the sage is: When parents die, forget them. Do this to benefit the world.”1 The radical nature of the proposal is also reflected in the composition of chapter 25, the sole surviving member of the “Moderate Burials” triad. A distinguishing feature of the chapter is the complete absence of any reference to canonical texts. If the chapter is genuinely the lower version of the triad as its title indicates, this is unusual, since lower chapters in other triads typically refer to the Book of Songs or the Book of Documents. Perhaps it is because the doctrine of moderate burials was indeed unprecedented that the chapter’s author could find no earlier textual support for his arguments. Because of structural features it shares with other chapters believed to be of a relatively late date, chapter 25 is commonly thought to have been composed late in the third century. Watanabe Takashi finds the chapter’s philosophical content consistent with that date.2 The Annals of Lü Buwei includes two chapters that date to roughly the same time that also argue against lavish burials. They base their concerns, however, not on the economic hardship caused by the practice, but the disturbance to the dead brought about by grave robbers intent on unearthing the treasures that descendants bury in tombs. Lü Buwei’s treatises can be regarded as an attempt to encourage frugality and at the same time maintain a measure of concern for the dead that is absent in the Mohist doctrine. At the very least, their inclusion 1.  Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 11.370.

2. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 508.

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in Lü Buwei’s Annals shows that the Mohist doctrine was gaining traction outside the narrow confines of the Mohist school.3 That arguments against lavish burials were becoming more widespread in the third century is shown by a document unearthed at the Qin site of Fangmatan in Gansu.4 It tells the story of a murderer who committed suicide but was restored to life by the bureaucracy of the underworld. After he eventually regained use of his limbs and sense organs, he was sought out for advice on what the dead desire. Among his replies are two that make it evident that the dead would prefer more austerity in burials. Chapter 25 makes clear throughout that its arguments are meant to address not only lavish burials but also the excessive practice of mourning dead parents into the third year, or for twenty-five months following their death. The way in which the chapter criticizes both practices echoes other Mohist doctrines. Passage 25.1 observes (in language also found in the doctrine of elevating the worthy) that it is the concern of the humane man to enrich, bring stability to, and increase the size of his family and his state. Passages 25.4, 25.5, 25.6, and 25.11B elaborate on the ways in which lavish burials and lengthy mourning contradict this concern. Similarly, the failure to adopt the frugal burial practices of the sages is traced in 25.3 to a disagreement over what constitutes right practice. This account of how multiple standards result in social discord is reminiscent of arguments found in the doctrine of exalting conformity. Passage 25.7 even attempts to blame elaborate burials for failing to stop aggressive war, but the argument is, to say the least, farfetched. An equally odd argument is the 25.8 contention that because elaborate funerals interfere with the worship of God on high and other spiritual agencies, they should not be blamed for sending down disasters as punishment for the neglect shown them by worshippers. By far the most interesting part of the chapter is its account of the burial practices of other cultures, which are held up as exemplars because of their extreme indifference and cruelty to the corpses of the deceased (25.12A). These illustrations are meant to demonstrate that lavish burials, examples of which are given in 25.11A, are equally extreme in their indulgence of the dead. The proper model lies in the middle, in the moderate practices of the sage-kings (25.10). At 25.9 the text summarizes the principles of moderate burials in what it calls “the law of the sage-kings.” At the chapter’s conclusion these same principles are labeled “the law of Master Mozi.” Mozi is thus portrayed as the true heir of the sage-kings.

3.  Riegel, “Do Not Serve the Dead,” provides a further comparison of these texts but fails to take into account the contemporaneity of the Mozi chapter and Lü’s treatises. 4.  Harper, “Resurrection,” 14–16.

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節葬下第二十五 Chapter 25: Moderate Burials (Lower) 25.1 子墨子言曰： 「仁者之為天下度也，辟 a 之無以異乎孝子之

為親度也。」今孝子之為親度也，將柰何哉？曰：親貧則 從事乎富之，人民寡則從事乎眾之，眾亂則從事乎治之。 當其於此也，亦有力不足，財不贍，智不智，然後己矣。 無敢舍餘力，隱謀遺利，而不為親為之者矣。若三務者， 孝子之為親度也，既若此矣。 a. 譬 Bi Yuan.

The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “The humane man’s efforts on behalf of the world are, to use an analogy, no different from an obedient son’s efforts on behalf of his parents.”1 Now, what does an obedient son do for his parents? Namely, when parents are poor, he works to enrich them; when family members are few, he works to increase their number; and when his family is in disarray, he works to put its affairs in order. In trying to accomplish all these things, he quits only when his strength proves to be inadequate, his resources insufficient, and his understanding too limited. Yet so long as he still has strength left, plans still untried, or prospects for benefit still unrealized, he dare not cease to act on behalf of his parents. These three tasks are what an obedient son strives to accomplish on behalf of his parents. This is true for all obedient sons. 25.2

雖仁者之為天下度，亦猶此也 。曰：天下貧則從事乎富 之，人民寡則從事乎眾之，眾而亂則從事乎治之。當其於 此，亦有力不足，財不贍、智不智，然後已矣。無敢舍餘 力，隱謀遺利，而不為天下為之者矣。若三務者，此仁者 之為天下度也，既若此矣。 Although the humane man makes his efforts on behalf of the whole world, they are nevertheless the same. Namely, since the world is poor, he works to enrich it. The population is small, so he works to increase it. The people are in disarray, so he works to put them in order. In trying to accomplish all these things, the humane man quits only when his strength proves to be inadequate, his resources insufficient, and his understanding too limited. Yet so long as he still has strength left, plans still untried, or prospects for benefit still unrealized, he dare not cease to

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act on behalf of the world. These three tasks are what the humane man strives to accomplish for the world. This is true for all humane men. 25.3

今逮至昔者。三代聖王既沒，天下失義。後世之君子，或 以厚葬久喪以為仁也，義也，孝子之事也；或以厚葬久喪 以為非仁義，非孝子之事也。曰二子者，言則相非，行即 相反，皆曰：「吾上袓述堯舜禹湯文武之道者也。」而言 即相非，行即相反，於此乎後世之君子，皆疑惑乎二子者 言也。若苟疑惑乎之二子者言，然則姑嘗傳而為政乎國家 萬民而觀之。計厚葬久喪，奚當此三利者？我意若使法其 言，用其謀，厚葬久喪實可以富貧眾寡，定危治亂乎，此 仁也，義也，孝子之事也，為人謀者不可不勸也。仁者將 [求]a 興之天下，(誰賈GE>設置 b 而使民譽之，終勿廢也。 意亦使法其言，用其謀，厚葬久喪實不可以富貧眾寡，定 危 (理TA>治 c 亂乎，此非仁非義，非孝子之事也，為人謀 者不可不沮也。仁者將求除之天下，相廢而使人非之，終 身勿為 [也]d。

a. Yu Yue. c. Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang. d. Yu Yue.

Now, as for the present, the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties have all perished, and the world has lost the moral standards they established. Of the superior men of later generations, one considered that elaborate funerals and long periods of mourning were the humane and proper thing and the duty of an obedient son. Another considered that elaborate funerals and long periods of mourning were not humane and proper and were not the duty of an obedient son.2 We say: “The doctrines of these two masters were mutually contradictory, and their actions diametrically opposed. Yet each of them said, ‘I am following the Way of Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu.’” But as their doctrines were in fact mutually contradictory and their actions diametrically opposed, all the superior men of later generations were doubtful about which of the two to follow. As there was doubt about the doctrines of these two masters, let us examine them from the perspective of what their effects might have been were these doctrines transmitted and applied to governing a country and its myriad people. If we reckon the effects of elaborate funerals and long periods of mourning, do we find that they ­contribute

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to the three benefits mentioned above—enriching, increasing, and ordering the people? If we adopt this doctrine as a model and implement this policy, and as a consequence find that elaborate burials and long periods of mourning in fact enrich the poor, make many the few, make secure those in danger, and bring order where there was disorder, they would then be humane and proper as well as the duty of an obedient son. Those who make plans for others could not but recommend elaborate burials and long periods of mourning. The humane man would seek to promote them in the world, would establish them as practice worthy of the people’s praise, and would never abolish them. If, however, we adopt this doctrine as a model and implement this policy, and as a consequence find that elaborate burials and long periods of mourning do not in fact make it possible to enrich the poor, make many the few, make secure those in danger, and bring order where there was disorder, we would know that they are not humane and proper, nor are they the duty of an obedient son. Those who make plans for others could not but oppose them. The humane man would seek to eradicate them from the world, would cast them down as deserving of people’s condemnation, and would never put them into practice. 25.4A

(且GE>是 a 故興天下之利，除天下之害，令國家百姓之不 治也，自古及今，未 (嘗之GE>之嘗 b 有也。何以知其然 也？今天下之士君子，將猶多皆疑惑厚葬久喪之為中是非 利害也。故子墨子言曰：「然則姑嘗稽之，今雖毋法執厚 葬久喪者言，以為事乎國家。」此存乎王公大人有喪者， 曰棺槨必重，葬埋必厚，衣衾必多，文繡必繁，丘隴必 巨； 存乎匹夫賤人死者，殆竭家室；[存]c 乎諸侯死者， 虛 (車GE>庫 d 府，然後金玉珠璣比乎身，綸組節約，車馬 藏乎壙，又必多為屋幕，鼎鼓几梴壺濫，戈劍羽旄齒革， 寢而埋之，滿意。 (若送從GE>送死若徙 e。曰天子殺殉， 眾者數百，寡者數十。將軍大夫殺殉，眾者數十，寡者數 人。

a. Wang Niansun. c. Bi Yuan. e. Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang. d. Yu Yue.

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For this reason, from antiquity until the present, there has never been an instance wherein promoting what is beneficial in the world and eliminating what is harmful brought disorder to a country and its common people. How do we know that this is so? Today the ruling elite of the world are for the most part still doubtful about whether the doctrine of elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning is really right or wrong, beneficial or harmful. Thus the teachings of our Master Mozi say: “Since there is doubt about them, investigate what happens when one heeds the teachings of those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning and implements them in society.” As it pertains to the mourning rites for kings, dukes, and great men, this doctrine specifies that the family must provide multiple inner and outer coffins, abundant burial goods, numerous grave clothes and shrouds, elaborate decorations on the coffins, and a grand burial mound. As it pertains to the death of a commoner, it specifies that the family must completely exhaust their wealth. As it pertains to the death of the lord of a state, it specifies that the treasury should be emptied in order to provide the gold, jade, and pearls that cover the corpse, the silk cords that bind the body, and the chariots and teams of horses that are interred in the grave. In addition, there must be numerous draperies, as well as numerous food vessels, benches, and wine coolers, plus halberds, swords, feathered pennons, banners, and articles of ivory and hide, all of which are put to sleep and buried.3 Only then can their hearts feel satisfied and at ease, for sending off the dead will be like sending off someone on a journey.4 This doctrine holds that those who accompany the Son of Heaven in death number from several tens to several hundred.5 In the case of generals and grand officers, the number ranges from several to several tens.6 25.4B

處喪之法將柰何哉？曰哭泣不秩，聲 (翁GE>嗌 a，縗絰， 垂涕，處倚廬，寢苫枕凷，又相率強不食而為飢，薄衣而 為寒，使面目陷陬，顏色黧黑，耳目不聰明，手足不勁 強，不可用也。又曰上士之操喪也，必扶而能起，杖而能 行，以此共三年。若法若言，行若道，使王公大人行此， 則必不能蚤朝，[使士大夫行此，則必不能治]b 五官六府， 辟草木，實倉廩。使農夫行此。則必不能蚤出夜入，耕稼 樹藝。使百工行此，則必不能修舟車為器皿矣。使婦人行 此，則必不能夙興夜寐，紡績織紝。細計厚葬，為多埋賦

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207

之財者也。計久喪，為久禁從事者也。財以成者，(扶GE> 挾 c 而埋之；後得生者，而久禁之，以此求富，此譬猶禁 耕而求穫也，富之說無可得焉。

a. Hong Yixuan. c. Wang Niansun.

b. Sun Yirang.

What are the rules to be observed by the mourner? The doctrine says: “The mourner should cry erratically and when he speaks, should sound as if he were choking; he should wear as mourning vestments a hempen breast cover, as well as hempen bands tied about his head and waist, and tears should cover his face; he should live in a mourning hut and sleep on a straw mat with a clod of earth for a pillow.” In addition, a mourner should force himself not to eat so he will feel hunger, he should wear thin clothing so he suffers from the cold, and he should cause his face to look thin and drawn, his eyes to look sunken, and his complexion to darken and become black. His ears should become so hard of hearing, his eyes so dull, his hands and feet so lacking strength and vigor, that they become unresponsive. The doctrine also says: “Senior officials in the exercise of mourning rites should be unable to rise without assistance or walk without a cane.” And all of this is to last into the third year. If one were to adopt this teaching as a model and put into practice this way of doing things, it would mean that kings, dukes, and great men would be unable to go to court early to attend to the state’s business. The gentlemen and grand officers would be unable to manage the five ministries and six bureaus, develop agriculture and the forests, or fill the granaries.7 Farmers would be unable to spend the whole day, from dawn until dark, plowing their fields and planting their crops. The hundred artisans would be unable to repair boats and carts or make vessels and utensils. Women would be unable to spend the whole day, from dawn until dark, spinning thread, weaving fabric, and making clothes. Our detailed account of elaborate burials shows that they involve burying a large amount of a family’s accumulated wealth.8 Our detailed account of lengthy periods of mourning shows that they involve long times when people are forbidden to do their work. The wealth people already have in their possession is bundled up and put into the ground. Their means of making their future livings are prohibited for long periods of time. If we use this method to seek wealth, it would be, to use an analogy, like seeking to obtain a harvest by forbidding planting. Such a policy for creating wealth could never succeed.

Mozi

208 25.5

是故求以富家而既已不可矣。欲以眾人民，意者可邪？其 說又不可矣。今唯無以厚葬久喪者為政，君死，喪之三 年；父母死，喪之三年；妻與後子死者，(五GE>又 a 皆喪 之三年；然後伯父叔父兄弟孽子其 b；族 [戚]c 人五月；姑 姊甥舅皆有 (月數GE>數月 d，則毀瘠必有制矣。使面目陷 陬，顏色黧黑，耳目不聰明，手足不勁強，不可用也。又 曰上士操喪也，必扶而能起，杖而能行，以此共三年。若 法若言，行若道，苟其飢約，又若此矣。是故百姓冬不仞 e 寒，夏不仞 e 暑，作疾病死者，不可勝計也。此其為敗男 女之交多矣。以此求眾，譬猶使人負 f 劍，而求其壽也。 眾之說無可得焉。 a. Tao Hongqing. c. Wang Niansun. e. 忍 Sun Yirang.

b. 期 Bi Yuan. d. Bi Yuan. f. 伏 Sun Yirang.

Since it is impossible for elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning to enrich people, would they be of any use in accomplishing the goal of increasing the population? No, once again, this doctrine would fail. Now suppose a person who advocated the policy of elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning were in charge of governing a state. When the lord died, he would have to mourn him into the third year. He would have to mourn the death of a parent into the third year. He would also have to mourn the deaths of his wife or eldest son into the third year. Beyond these he would be required to mourn one full year for paternal uncles, brothers, and younger sons, five months for other near relatives, and several months each for aunts, sisters, and cousins on the maternal side. Moreover, there are rules that require that during the mourning period he should ruin the health of his body: he must cause his face to become thin and drawn, his eyes to sink, and his complexion to darken and become black; his ears must become so hard of hearing, his eyes so dull, and his hands and feet so lacking strength and vigor that they are unresponsive. Further, the doctrine says: “Senior officials should so rigorously observe mourning that they cannot rise except with assistance and cannot walk unless supported by a cane.” And all of this is to last into the third year. If one were to adopt this teaching as a model and put into practice this way of doing things, and all were to obey these dictates, it would mean that the common people would be able to withstand neither the

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

209

cold in winter nor the heat in summer. The number who became ill from the ordeal and died would be beyond counting and calculation. Moreover, practicing this doctrine would frequently disrupt the sexual intercourse of men and women. To seek to increase the population in this fashion would be, to use an analogy, like a man seeking to prolong his life by falling on his sword. It would never succeed as a policy for increasing the population. 25.6

是故求以眾人民，而既以不可矣。欲以治刑政，意者可 乎？其說又不可矣。今唯無以厚葬久喪者為政，國家必 貧，人民必寡，刑政必亂。若法若言，行若道，使為上者 行此，則不能聽治；使為下者行此，則不能從事。上不聽 治，刑政必亂；下不從事，衣食之財必不足。若苟不足， 為人弟者，求其兄而不得不弟弟必將怨其兄矣；為人子 者，求其親而不得，不孝子必是怨其親矣；為人臣者，求 之君而不得，不忠臣必且亂其上矣。是以僻淫邪行之民， 出則無衣也，入則無食也。內 (續GE>積 a (奚吾GE>牴牾 b， 並為淫暴，而不可勝禁也。是故盜賊眾而治者寡。夫眾盜 賊而寡治者，以此求治，譬猶使人三瞏而毋負己也。治之 說無可得焉。

a. Yu Yue.

b. Wang Huanbiao.

Since it is impossible for elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning to increase the population, would they be of any use in accomplishing the goal of having the administration of its penal laws and regulations well managed? No, once again, this doctrine would fail. Now suppose a person who advocated the policy of elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning were in charge of governing a state. His country would certainly become impoverished, its population would shrink, and the administration of penal laws and regulations would be mismanaged. If one were to adopt this teaching as a model and put into practice this way of doing things, and all superiors were required to heed these dictates, they would be unable to conduct the affairs of government. If subordinates were required to heed these dictates, they would be unable to carry out their duties. When the ruler does not pay attention to the affairs of state, the administration of penal laws and regulations is certain to be mismanaged. When subordinates do not carry

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out their duties, there are certain to be insufficient supplies of food and clothing. If there is not enough food or clothing, then when a younger brother seeks them from his older brother, he will not receive them. Not receiving them, he will no longer feel proper filial affection but rather will certainly nurse a grudge against his older brother. When a son seeks them from his parents, he will not receive them. Not receiving them, he will no longer have filial feelings for his parents and will moreover certainly bear resentment against his parents. When a minister seeks them from his lord, he will not receive them. Not receiving them, he will become disloyal and moreover will create disorder for his ruler. Thus people inclined to perverse and evil conduct will have nothing to wear when they go out and nothing to eat when they return home. Feeling deeply offended and upset, they will join together to do lewd and violent things that cannot be stopped. This is why robbers and bandit gangs increase exponentially and the number of law-abiding persons decreases dramatically. When one seeks order by a policy that increases the number of robbers and thieves and decreases the number of law-abiding people, it is, to use an analogy, like ordering a man to spin around repeatedly in front of you but not to turn his back on you. It would never succeed as a policy for producing order. 25.7

是故求以治刑政，而既已不可矣。欲以禁止大國之攻小國 也，意者可邪？其說又不可矣。是故昔者聖王既沒，天下 失義，諸侯力征。南有楚、越之王，而北有齊、晉之君， 此皆砥礪其卒伍，以攻伐并兼為政於天下。是故凡大國之 所以不攻小國者，積委多，上下調和，是故大國不耆攻 之，無積委，城郭不修，上下不調和，是故大國耆攻之。 今唯無以厚葬久喪者為政，國家必貧，人民必寡，刑政必 亂。若苟貧，是無以為積委也；若苟寡，是 [脩]a 城郭溝 渠者寡也；若苟亂，是出戰不克，入守不固。

a. Wang Niansun.

Since it is impossible for elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning to bring about an ordered society governed by penal laws and regulations, would they be of any use in accomplishing the goal of forbidding the aggression of large states against small states? No, once again, this doctrine would fail. This is why, in the past, after the ancient

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

sage-kings had perished and the world had lost their moral standards, the lords of the various states depended on force of arms. In the south there are the kings of Chu and Yue and in the north the lords of Qi and Jin, all of whom drill their soldiers in units of five and use them to attack and annex their neighbors in order to eventually rule the world. Thus the only reason that in general keeps large states from attacking them is that small states have accumulated adequate supplies of provisions, have kept their inner and outer walls in good repair, and ruler and subjects are in complete harmony. In these circumstances large states will not attempt to attack them. But if provisions are not adequate, inner and outer walls are not kept repaired, and ruler and subjects are not harmonious, large states will try to attack them. Now if someone who advocated elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning were in charge, his country would become impoverished, its population would shrink, and the administration of penal laws and regulations would be mismanaged. When a state becomes impoverished, it cannot accumulate even small stores of provisions. When its population is diminished, there are too few men to keep the inner and outer walls and the moats in repair. When the government is in disarray, the state cannot achieve victory in war or stoutly defend itself against attack. 25.8

此求禁止大國之攻小國也，而既已不可矣。欲以干上帝鬼 神之褔，意者可邪？其說又不可矣。今唯無以厚葬久喪者 為政，國家必貧，人民必寡，刑政必亂。若苟貧，是粢盛 酒醴不淨潔也；若苟寡，是事上帝鬼神者寡也；若苟亂， 是祭祀不時度也。今又禁止事上帝鬼神。為政若此，上帝 鬼神，(始得GE>殆將 a 從上撫之曰：「我有是人也，與無 是人也，孰愈？」曰：「我有是人也，與無是人也，無擇 也。」則惟上帝鬼神降之罪厲之禍罰而棄之，則豈不亦乃 其所哉！

a. Cao Yaoxiang, Wang Kaiyun.

Since it is impossible for one who adopts the policy of elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning to hope to prevent the aggression of large states against small states, would the policy be of any use in seeking the blessings of the Supreme Sovereign and the ghosts and spirits? No, once again, this policy would fail. Now, if someone who

211

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advocates elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning were in charge, his country would become impoverished, its population would shrink, and the administration of penal laws and regulations would be mismanaged. When a state becomes impoverished, its offerings of clean wine and rice and millet cake will not be of the required purity. When its population is diminished, there are too few men to serve the Supreme Sovereign, the ghosts, and spirits. When the government is in disarray, offerings and sacrifices are not conducted according to the seasonal prescriptions. Now to govern in a way that results in preventing the worship of the Supreme Sovereign, the ghosts, and spirits will no doubt cause the Supreme Sovereign, the ghosts, and the spirits to look down from above and execrate them, saying: “Would we be better off having such men worship us or in not having such men?” And they will answer: “It makes no difference whether we have such men or do not have them.” And even if the Supreme Sovereign, the ghosts, and spirits were therefore to send down calamities to punish them and were to abandon them, how could we say that they did not deserve it? 25.9

故古聖王制為葬埋之法，曰：「 [桐]a 棺三寸，足以朽體； 衣衾三領，足以覆惡。以及其葬也，下毋及泉，上毋通 臭，壟若參耕之畝，則止矣。」死則既以葬矣，生者必無 久哭，而疾而從事，人為其所能，以交相利也。此聖王之 法也。

a. Bi Yuan.

Thus, the sage-kings of antiquity promulgated laws governing burials that stated: “Inner and outer coffins of three inches are sufficient to hold the decaying body. A shroud of three pieces of cloth is adequate to conceal the hideousness of the corpse. When the coffin is interred, you should not dig so deep that you strike water, nor make it so shallow that the smells of decay escape. The mound should have a width of three plow furrows.9 Do nothing more than this.”10 When the funeral of the dead person is over, the living should not engage in prolonged grieving, but should quickly return to their normal duties, each person doing what he can for the mutual benefit of others. Such was the law of the ancient sage-kings. 25.10

今執厚葬久喪者之言曰：「厚葬久喪雖使不可以富貧眾 寡，定危治亂，然此聖王之道也。」子墨子曰：「不然。

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213

昔者堯北教乎八狄，道死，葬蛩山之陰，衣衾三領，榖 木之棺，葛以緘之，既 a 而後哭，滿埳無封。已葬，而 牛馬乘之。舜西教乎七戎，道死，葬南己之市，衣衾三 領，榖木之棺，葛以緘之，已葬，而市人乘之。禹東教乎 九夷，道死，葬會稽之山。衣衾三領，桐棺三寸，葛以 緘之。絞之不合，通之不埳，(土GE>掘 b 地之深，下毋及 泉，上毋通臭。既葬，收餘壤其上，壟若參耕之畝，則止 矣。若以此若三聖王者觀之，則厚葬久喪果非聖王之道。 故三王者，皆貴為天子，富有天下，豈憂財用之不足哉？ 以為如此葬埋之法 [也]c。」 a. 窆 Bi Yuan. c. Bi Yuan, Wang Niansun.

b. Wang Niansun.

Now those who uphold the doctrine of elaborate funerals and long periods of mourning say: “Even though elaborate funerals and long periods of mourning cannot enrich the poor, make many the few, make secure those in danger, and bring order where there was disorder, they are, nonetheless, the Way of the sage-kings.” Our Master Mozi said: “That is untrue. In the past, when Yao went north to instruct the eight Di,11 he died en route and was buried on the north slope of Mount Qiong.12 His body was wrapped in a shroud of three pieces of cloth. His coffin was made of wood from the loathsome paper mulberry and tied shut with kudzu vines.13 Only after the coffin had been interred was there any wailing. The burial pit was filled in, but no mound was constructed. When the funeral was over, oxen and horses walked across the ground as before.14 “When Shun went west to teach the seven Rong,15 he died en route and was buried in the marketplace of Nanji.16 His corpse was wrapped in a shroud of three pieces of cloth. His coffin was made of wood from the loathsome paper mulberry and tied shut with kudzu vines. After the funeral, the people walked across the marketplace as before.17 “When Yu went east to teach the nine Yi,18 he died en route and was buried at Mount Kuaiji. His corpse was wrapped in a shroud of three pieces of cloth. His paulownia wood coffin was only three inches thick and was bound with kudzu vines, though not so tight as to seal it completely, and no entrance ramp was made to carry the coffin into the pit. The pit itself was neither so deep as to disturb the underground springs, nor so shallow as to permit foul odors to escape. When the funeral was

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over, the excess earth was piled on top of the burial to make a mound three plow furrows across. Nothing further was done. “If we examine the burial practices of these three sage-kings, it is obvious that the practice of elaborate funerals and prolonged mourning is not the way of the sage-kings. It is the case that these three kings were all honored with the position of Son of Heaven and had the riches of the whole world. Why would they have worried that their resources were insufficient and for that reason promulgated laws governing burial?” 25.11A

今王公大人之為葬埋，則異於此。必大棺中棺，革闠三 (操GE>累 a，璧玉即具，戈劍鼎鼓壺濫，文繡素練，大鞅 萬領，輿馬女樂皆具，曰必捶 𡌘 b (差通GE>羡道 c，壟雖 d (凡GE>況 e 山陵。此為輟民之事，靡民之財，不可勝計 也，其為毋用若此矣。

a. Wang Huanbiao. c. Sun Yirang. e. Wu Yuxiang.

b. 涂 Bi Yuan. d. 堆 JR.

Today the burials of kings, dukes, and great men are very different from this. They are certain to have a large outer coffin with smaller coffins nested inside, bound repeatedly with decorated leather bands after they have been filled with jade disks and other fine jades. There are halberds, swords, tripods, grain vessels, vases, mirrors, as well as elaborate embroideries and plain silks. Finally, as many as ten thousand large harnesses, carriages, and horses, as well as female musicians, are buried in the tomb.19 The earth is tamped down hard and polished to a sheen to make the entrance path to the tomb. The mound itself is as high and large as a mountain. Preparing all these things interferes with the normal duties of the people and wastes the resources of the people to an incalculable degree. Such is the uselessness of extravagant burials. 25.11B

是故子墨子曰：「鄉者，吾本言曰，意亦使法其言，用其 謀，計厚葬久喪，請可以富貧眾寡，定危治亂乎，則仁 也，義也，孝子之事也，為人謀者，不可不勸也；意亦 使法其言，用其謀，若人厚葬久喪，實不可以富貧眾寡， 定危治亂乎，則非仁也，非義也，非孝子之事也，為人謀 者，不可不沮也。是故求以富國家，甚得貧焉；欲以眾 人民，甚得寡焉；欲以治刑政，甚得亂焉；求以禁止大國

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

之攻小國也，而既已不可矣；欲以干上帝鬼神之福，又得 禍焉。上稽之堯舜禹湯文武之道而政逆之，下稽之桀紂幽 厲之事，猶合節也。若以此觀，則厚葬久喪其非聖王之道 也。」 This is why our Master Mozi said: “Above, I originally stated:20 If we adopt this doctrine as a model and implement this policy, and we reckon that as a consequence elaborate burials and long periods of mourning in fact enrich the poor, make many the few, make secure those in danger, and bring order where there was disorder, they would then be humane and proper as well as the duty of an obedient son. Those who make plans for others could not but recommend these practices. But if, however, we adopt this doctrine as a model and implement this policy, then should elaborate funerals and long periods of mourning not in fact enrich the poor, make many the few, make secure those in danger, and bring order where there was disorder, we would know that they are not humane and proper, nor the duty of an obedient son. Those who make plans for ­others could not but put a stop to such practices. “This is why those who seek to enrich their countries by adopting such burial practices end up making them even poorer; those who want to increase the population in fact make it shrink even further; those who want to have an ordered society governed by penal laws and regulations in fact create even greater chaos; those who seek to prevent large states committing aggression against small states will find it impossible once they have adopted such policies; and those who seek blessings from the Supreme Sovereign, the ghosts, and spirits, will instead get misfortune. If we examine the Way of Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, and kings Wen and Wu, we find it to be absolutely contrary to the doctrine of elaborate funerals and long periods of mourning. If we examine the practices of Jie, Zhou, and kings You and Li, we find that they correspond precisely to this doctrine. From this we can see that elaborate burials and long periods of mourning are contrary to the Way of the sage-kings.” 25.12A

今執厚葬久喪者言曰：「厚葬久喪果非聖王之道，夫胡說 中國之君子，為而不已，操而不擇哉？」子墨子曰：「此 所謂便其習而義其俗者也。昔者越之東有輆沭之國者，其 長子生，則解而食之，謂之『宜弟』；其大父死，負其大 母而棄之，曰『鬼妻不可與居處』。此上以為政，下以為 俗，為而不已，操而不擇，則此豈實仁義之道哉？此所謂

215

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便其習而義其俗者也。楚之南有炎 a 人國者，其親戚死， 朽其肉而棄之，然後埋其骨，乃成為孝子。秦之西有儀渠 之國者，其親戚死，聚柴薪而焚之，燻上，謂之登遐 b， 然後成為孝子。此上以為政，下以為俗，為而不已，操而 不擇，則此豈實仁義之道哉？此所謂便其習而義其俗者 也。若以此若三國者觀之，則亦猶薄矣。若以中國之君子 觀之，則亦猶厚矣 。如彼則大厚，如此則大薄，然則葬埋 之有節矣。」 a. 啖 Sun Yirang.

b. 霞 Sun Yirang.

Now those who uphold the doctrine of elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning say: “If elaborate funerals and lengthy periods of mourning are in truth not the Way of the sage-kings, why then do the superior men of the Central States practice them rather than give them up and hold on to them rather than abandon them?” Our Master Mozi replied: “That is because they find their own habits to be convenient and their own customs to be right. In the past, to the east, beyond Yue, there was the country of Shaishu.21 When the first son of a family was born, they would cut him up and eat him, calling this practice ‘making his younger brothers secure.’ 22 When their paternal grandfather died, they put their paternal grandmother on their backs and carried her away, saying, ‘It is improper to live in the same house with the wife of a ghost.’ Rulers made these practices into rules, and subjects regarded them as established custom. They performed them rather than give them up and held on to them rather than abandon them. But was this actually to practice the Way of humaneness and righteousness? Rather, this was to find one’s own habits convenient and to regard one’s own customs as right. “In the far south, beyond Chu, was the Country of the Cannibals. When their parents died, they scraped the rotting flesh from their bones and threw it away. Only then would they bury the bones, believing that they had fulfilled their duty as obedient sons. In the far west, beyond Qin, was the country of the Yiqu. When their parents died, they collected brushwood and burned the bodies, letting the smoke rise up.23 They referred to this as ‘ascending to the rosy clouds.’ Only then did they consider that they had fulfilled their duty as obedient sons. Rulers made these practices into rules, and subjects regarded them as established custom. They practiced them rather than give them up and

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

held on to them rather than abandon them. But was this actually to practice the Way of humaneness and righteousness? Rather, this was to find one’s own habits convenient and regard one’s own customs as right. “If we examine the examples of these three countries, we consider their treatment of parents entirely too frugal. But if we examine that of the gentlemen of the Central States, we find that it is entirely too extravagant. Between the two extremes of being too extravagant and too frugal, there should be moderation in funerals and burials.” 25.12B

故衣食者，人之生利也，然且猶尚有節；葬埋者，人之死 利也，夫何獨無節於此乎！子墨子制為葬埋之法曰：「棺 三寸，足以朽骨；衣三領，足以朽肉；掘地之深，下無菹 漏，氣無發洩於上，壟足以 (期GE>示 a 其所，則止矣。哭 往哭來，反從事乎衣食之財，佴乎祭祀，以致孝於親。」 故曰子墨子之法，不失死生之利者，此也。

a. Liu Shipei.

Food and clothing are of benefit to people when they are alive and yet people still use them with moderation. Funerals and burials are of benefit to people when they are dead, but why is it that they show no moderation at all in this case? Our Master Mozi promulgated laws concerning funerals and burials that said: “A coffin three inches thick is sufficient to bury rotting bones. Three lengths of cloth for the shroud are sufficient to cover the rotting flesh. You should dig the grave deep enough to keep the gases of decay from reaching the surface but not so deep that you reach water. You should raise the mound high enough to mark the place. Then do nothing more. You should wail going and ­coming from the burial, but when you return home, resume your duties of making clothing and food that you can use at sacrifices and offerings in order to express your filial obligations to your parents.” Therefore we say: The reason that the laws of our Master Mozi do not fail to benefit either the living or the dead is that they call for moderation.24 25.13

故子墨子言曰：「今天下之士君子，中請將欲為仁義，求 為上士，上欲中聖王之道，下欲中國家百姓之利，故當若 節喪之為政，而不可不察此者也。」

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Thus the teaching of our Master Mozi says: “If the ruling elite of the world today sincerely desire to practice humaneness and righteousness and to become superior gentlemen, if they desire to follow precisely the Way of the sage-kings and to do exactly what will benefit their country and the common people, then they must investigate our argument that moderation in mourning rites should become government policy.”

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Heaven’s Will The purpose of the doctrine of Heaven’s will seems to have been to provide a divine imprimatur for other Mohist doctrines, in particular those advocating impartial love, condemning aggression, and exalting the worthy, the three doctrines alluded to and quoted in the “Heaven’s Will” triad of chapters. In a sense, the chapters of this triad can be read as a summa of these other doctrines. Chapters 26, 27, and 28 claim that it is tianzhi 天志, “Heaven’s will,” or tianyi 天意, “Heaven’s intent” (the more common phrase in the three chapters), that rulers practice impartial love, condemn aggression, and elevate the worthy. Though in later usage the phrase tianyi can suggest something like “fate” or “destiny,” the three chapters are not about Heaven’s providential role, but rather lay out Heaven’s moral blueprint for how rulers, and indeed all of mankind, should behave, and warn them that they ignore Heaven’s intentions at their peril. It is likely that economic considerations originally motivated Mozi and his followers to propose the doctrines of impartial love, condemning aggression, and elevating the worthy. Divisions between families and communities impede large-scale access to and accumulation of resources and wealth. Breaking down those divisions creates the possibility of larger organizations, the breadth and scale of which could overcome limitations in access to resources and other means of producing wealth. Aggressive warfare devastates the workforce and depletes the wealth that states might manage to accumulate. By ensuring that performance is the essential measurement for being permitted a place in the governing apparatus of the state, exalting the worthy is a means of creating the professional and loyal network necessary for the stable and predictable management of a state’s resources. That these economic considerations indeed lie behind the three doctrines is suggested by the observation made several times in the text of the Mozi that what rulers desire are wealth, population, and stability. Recognition that a doctrine could help secure these economic goals might not have been sufficient to get rulers to adopt it. Claiming that a doctrine represented the will of Heaven, however, and that Heaven judged rulers by whether they heeded it might have been just what the philosopher needed. Heaven’s cosmic imprimatur meant that these doctrines were not only moral principles, but absolutely true moral principles. If this account of the development of Mohist ideology is correct, it suggests that the discourse on Heaven’s will—or at least the three chapters in the Mozi that most fully represent it—is perhaps a slightly later development in Mohist ideology than the three earlier doctrines that the chapter is meant to summarize

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and sanction. An examination of the vocabulary used in the upper, and presumably earliest, chapter of the triad indicates that it is later in date than chapter 16, the lower and youngest chapter of “Impartial Love”; chapter 19, the lower and youngest chapter of “Condemn Aggression”; and chapter 11, the upper and oldest chapter of “Exalt Conformity.” A comparison of the composition and contents of the chapters of the triad suggests that 26, the upper chapter, was compiled first, followed by the lower and middle chapters, 28 and 27. This is the order in which they are discussed in the following. Chapter 26 is composed around quotations from Mozi’s teachings that are incorporated into the responses to questions posed throughout the chapter. The opening quotation (26.1) records Mozi’s more general complaint about the failure of those in power to grasp the difference between insignificant and important matters, an observation made to introduce the argument that although steps are taken to caution people against committing offenses against a family head or ruler of a state, nothing is done to warn people against committing the far more serious crime of offending Heaven. This in turn leads to the claim, in 26.2, that Heaven desires what is right and hates what is not right, an opposition borrowed from chapter 17 that inspires similar binary formulations in the subsequent paragraphs of the present chapter. In its allusion (at 26.3) to the doctrine of exalting conformity, the chapter defines what is right as superiors governing subordinates but subordinates never governing superiors. The 26.4 quotation from the doctrine of impartial love—specifically of the terminological distinctions drawn in chapter 16—claims that what Heaven desires is “impartiality” and not “partiality.” In 26.4 and 26.5 we learn that rulers who imitate Heaven’s impartiality benefit Heaven, the ghosts and spirits, and other people, while those who spurn Heaven’s will benefit none of these. And in the 26.6 reference to the doctrine of condemning aggression, we learn that “those who obey Heaven’s intentions engage in righteous chastisement, while those who oppose Heaven’s intentions engage in forceful attack.” This last opposition is striking, because it means that the author of chapter 26 accepted the idea, already expressed in chapter 19, that campaigns of rectification in which righteous armies chastised criminal regimes are tolerated within the doctrine condemning aggression. Paragraph 26.3 indicates that Heaven is shorthand for God on high, the ghosts, and the spirits. God on high is the Supreme Sovereign, who uses the ghosts and spirits as spies, to learn what people are doing, and as agents of reward or punishment, doling out one or the other according to the celestial god’s approval or disapproval of what he learns. Seen in this light, Heaven is the divine counterpart to the earthly hierarchies described in the doctrine of exalt-

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ing conformity. Moreover, 26.4 offers as proof of Heaven’s divine wisdom its rewarding of the “good first kings,” Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu, and punishment of the “bad last kings,” Jie, Zhou, You, and Li (these claims are repeated in 27.8 and 28.4). In his “Tianlun 天論,” or “Discourse on Heaven,” Xunzi characterizes Heaven as impartial, but this impartiality prevents it from responding to either the goodness of a Yu or the evil of a Jie. According to Xunzi, Heaven causes neither good fortune nor calamities.1 John Knoblock has observed that Mozi’s doctrine is a “philosophic presentation” of the popular religious view of Heaven as the highest entity, which wrathfully punishes with disease and famine those who dare to rebel against its intentions. He notes that “Xunzi despised this view of the world.”2 As we will see in our discussion of Mozi’s arguments condemning fate, some of the youngest chapters in the text appear to have come slightly closer to Xunzi’s conception of Heaven and to have distanced themselves from the idea of a Heaven that both rewards and punishes as seen in the “Heaven’s Will” triad. Chapter 26 of the Mozi concludes with the truly remarkable claim by the master that he possesses the will of Heaven, which he wields like a divine yardstick—he compares it to a carpenter’s square and compass—to take the measure of the rightness of the doctrines found in the documents circulated by his opponents. Barely hidden is the threat that those he finds unrighteous will surely suffer divine punishment. As noted in the introduction to chapter 4, an expanded version of the contents of 26.7 can be found in paragraphs 4.1, 4.2, and 4.3. Chapter 28 is largely a repetition of the substance of chapter 26 with additions and changes. What distinguishes it from the earlier chapter are lengthy quotations, in 28.6, 28.7A, and 28.7B, from the “Condemning Aggression” triad. If not for these additions, the two chapters would be approximately the same length. The other departures from chapter 26, found primarily in a few words or sentences, produce nuances in the chapter 28 passages not discernible in their chapter 26 counterparts. For example, chapter 28 contrasts rulers of the present age with those of the past to highlight the decadence of the present, a point overlooked in chapter 26. Paragraph 26.4 names Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu as sage-kings rewarded by Heaven, but 28.4 adds Yao and Shun to the list, in keeping with a tiny cluster of other Mozi chapters—a presumably important addition for those who would claim even greater historical depth for Mohist practices. Paragraph 26.5 states that Heaven’s possession of all mankind is demonstrated by Heaven’s acceptance of offerings from everyone. When this passage is repeated in 28.3, the text contrasts Heaven with the kings of Chu and 1.  Xunzi 11.362 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:14–15). 2. Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:6.

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Yue, who, as powerful as they may be, are able to receive offerings only from the ­populations of their respective states—an observation seemingly intended to cut the rulers down to size. In its description of the righteous hierarchy approved by Heaven, chapter 26 includes the title “general,” but chapter 28 omits it, perhaps because its military associations contradicted the antiaggression stance otherwise favored in the chapter.3 Finally, in its concluding paragraph (28.8), chapter 28 says that Mozi possesses the will of Heaven, as chapter 26 claims, and that he makes it his fa yi 法義, or “standard.” This addition seems to suggest that, at least within some quarters of the Mohist school, the will of Heaven had been effectively codified. The same paragraph also observes that Mozi was not alone in holding fast to this standard and quotes a poem from the Book of Songs to prove that King Wen of the Zhou was an earlier exemplar. Chapter 26 makes no use of canonical sources, and the singling out of King Wen for praise in this fashion is unusual in the Mozi, occurring in only one other place, in 16.6, a passage in the lower chapter of the “Impartial Love” triad. Chapter 27 is a reworking of the contents of chapters 26 and 28, without the borrowings from “Condemn Aggression,” but with the apparent purpose of bringing added coherence and scope to the other chapters’ argumentation. It accomplishes this by expanding on and explaining some of the more elliptical expressions found in the earlier chapters. Paragraphs 27.2 and 27.8B also include references to canonical sources beyond the single reference to the Book of Songs that it shares with chapter 28. The chapter characterizes these canonical texts as having been “recorded on bamboo and silk, engraved in metal and stone, and inscribed on bowls and basins,” a formulaic description that also occurs in 10.4, 16.6, 36.4, and 37.3. Paragraphs 27.5 and 27.6 are unique to this chapter. The first is noteworthy for a usage of the phrase buren 不仁 that in this context does not mean simply “inhumane,” but refers to the wicked failure of subordinates to repay the solicitude of their superiors. The point is that when it comes to repaying Heaven, all are guilty of failure, even though Heaven’s concern extends to the most minute thing, “the tip of an autumn hair”—an unusual expression that occurs only once in the Mozi and in Zhuangzi’s “Qiwulun 齊物論” (1B.79). The following paragraph, 27.6, incorporates a series of loosely rhymed expressions, which because they celebrate Heaven’s bountifulness, may have originally been part of a prayer of thanksgiving, of the sort that the chapter complains is not being offered to Heaven in the decadent latter day, during which the chapter was composed. 3.  For other, similar examples, see Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 500–501.

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天志上第二十六 Chapter 26: Heaven’s Will (Upper) 26.1

子墨子言曰：「今天下之士君子，知小而不知大。」何以 知之？以其處家者知之。若處家得罪於家長，猶有鄰家 所避逃之。然且親戚兄弟所知識，共相儆戒，皆曰：「不 可不戒矣！不可不慎矣！惡有處家而得罪於家長，而可 為也！」非獨處家者為然，雖處國亦然。處國得罪於國 君，猶有鄰國所避逃之，然且親戚兄弟所知識，共相儆戒 皆曰：「不可不戒矣！不可不慎矣！誰亦有處國得罪於國 君，而可為也！」此有所避逃之者也，相儆戒猶若此其 厚，況無所避逃之者，相儆戒豈不愈厚，然後可哉？且語 (言)a 有之曰：「焉而晏日焉而得罪，將惡避逃之？」曰：無 所避逃之。夫天不可為林谷幽門 b 無人，明必見之。然而天 下之士君子之於天也，忽然不知以相儆戒，此我所以知天 下士君子知小而不知大也。

a. Yu Yue.

b. 閒 Sun Yirang.

The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “The ruling elite of the world today understand minor matters but are oblivious to major ones.”1 How do we know that this is true? We know this by observing how they conduct themselves at home. If a member of a family commits an offense against the head of the family, he can always hide in a neighbor’s house. In such circumstances, his parents, brothers, and acquaintances will all admonish him, saying: “You must be prudent! You must be obedient! How can you possibly be part of this family and offend its head?” This is true not only of those who live in the family, but also of those who live in the state. If a person living in a state commits an offense against its lord, he can always hide in a neighboring state. In such circumstances, his parents, brothers, and acquaintances will all admonish him, saying: “You must be prudent! You must be obedient! How can you possibly reside in this state and offend its lord?” If a person is admonished this strongly when he can hide, shouldn’t he be admonished even more strongly when he has no place to hide? Further, there is a saying that goes: “When he commits a crime in broad daylight, where will he hide?” The answer is that there is no place for him to hide. For when it comes to Heaven, it matters not if he hides

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in forests, valleys, and in dark and remote places where no people live; Heaven’s clear vision is certain to see him. Nevertheless, the ruling elite are oblivious to the need to warn each other about not offending Heaven. This is how we know that the ruling elite understand minor matters but are oblivious to major ones. 26.2

然則天亦何欲何惡？天欲義而惡不義。然則率天下之百姓 以從事於義，則我乃為天之所欲也。我為天之所欲，天亦 為我所欲。然則我何欲何惡？我欲福祿而惡禍祟。若我不 為天之所欲，而為天之所不欲，然則我率天下之百姓， 以從事於禍祟中也。然則何以知天之欲義而惡不義？曰： 天下有義則生，無義則死；有義則富，無義則貧；有義 則治，無義則亂。然則天欲其生而惡其死，欲其富而惡其 貧，欲其治而惡其亂，此我所以知天欲義而惡不義也。 That being so, what does Heaven desire and what does it hate? Heaven desires that people do what is right and hates it when they do what is not right. Thus, if I lead the common people of the world to carry out their moral duties, I am doing what Heaven desires. If I do what Heaven desires, Heaven will also do what I desire. That being so, what do I desire and hate? I desire good fortune and prosperity and hate misfortune and the calamities caused by evil spirits. If I do not do what Heaven desires and do instead what Heaven does not desire, then I will be leading the common people of the world to do things that will enmesh them in misfortune and the calamities caused by evil spirits. That being so, how do I know that Heaven desires that people do what is right and hates it when they do what is not right? The answer is that those in the world who do what is right survive, while those who do what is wrong perish; those who do what is right prosper, and those who do what is wrong are impoverished; those who do what is right lead ordered lives, and those who do what is wrong lead chaotic lives. Since Heaven desires life and hates death, desires prosperity and hates poverty, desires order and hates disorder, I know that Heaven desires that people do what is right and hates it if they do what is not right.

26.3

曰且夫義者政也，無從下之政上，必從上之政下。是故 庶人竭力從事，未得次 a 己而為政，有士政之；士竭力從 事，未得次 a 己而為政，有將軍大夫政之；將軍大夫竭力 從事，未得次 a 己而為政，有三公諸侯政之；三公諸侯竭

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力聽治，未得次 a 己而為政，有天子政之；天子未得次 a 己 而為政，有天政之。天子為政於三公、諸侯、 [將軍、大 夫]b 、士、庶人，天下之士君子固明知 [之]c，天之為政於 天子，天下百姓未得之明知也。故昔三代聖王禹湯文武， 欲以天之為政於天子，明說天下之百姓，故莫不犓牛羊， 豢犬彘，潔為粢盛酒醴，以祭祀上帝鬼神，而求祈福於 天。我未嘗聞天 (下)d 之所求祈福於天子者也，我所以知 天之為政於天子者也。 a. 恣 Bi Yuan. c. Sun Yirang.

b. Wu Rulun. d. Gu Yanwu, Dai Wang.

Further, righteousness is the standard of what is correct. It is never the case that subordinates correct their superiors; it must be that superiors correct their subordinates. This is the reason that the common people should devote their energies to doing their jobs but should never decide for themselves what is right; there are the gentlemen to provide them with the standard of what is correct. Gentlemen should devote their energies to doing their jobs but should never decide for themselves what is right; there are generals and grand officers to provide them with the standard of what is correct.2 Generals and grand officers should devote their energies to doing their jobs and should never decide for themselves what is right; there are the Three Elders and lords of the various states to provide them with the standard of what is correct. The Three Elders and lords of the various states should devote their energies to doing their jobs and should never decide for themselves what is right; there is the Son of Heaven to provide them with the standard of what is correct. The Son of Heaven should devote all his energy to doing his job and should never decide for himself what is right; there is Heaven to provide him with the standard of what is correct. The ruling elite of the world certainly understand with perfect clarity that the Son of Heaven corrects the Three Elders, the lords of the various states, generals, grand officers, gentlemen, and the common people. Heaven provides the Son of Heaven with the standard of what is correct, but the common people of the world have never understood this clearly. Therefore Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu, the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties, desirous of clearly explaining to the common people that Heaven decides what is right for the Son of Heaven, all without exception raised cows, sheep, dogs, and pigs, prepared clean wine and rice and

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millet cakes, and made offerings to the Supreme Sovereign, ghosts, and spirits in order to seek good fortune from Heaven. I have never heard of Heaven seeking good fortune from the Son of Heaven. This is how I know that it is Heaven that corrects the Son of Heaven. 26.4

故天子者，天下之窮貴也，天下之窮富也，故於 a 富且貴 者，當天意而不可不順，順天意者，兼相愛，交相利，必 得賞。反天意者，別相惡，交相賊，必得罰。然則是誰順 天意而得賞者？誰反天意而得罰者？子墨子言曰：「昔三 代聖王禹湯文武，此順天意而得賞 [者]b 也。昔三代之暴 王桀紂幽厲，此反天意而得罰者也。」然則禹湯文武其得 賞何以也？子墨子言曰：「其事上尊天，中事鬼神，下愛 人，故天意曰：『此之我所愛，兼而愛之；我所利，兼而 利之。愛人者此為博焉，利人者此為厚焉。』故使貴為天 子，富有天下，業萬世子孫，傳稱其善，方施天下，至今 稱之，謂之聖王。」然則桀紂幽厲 (得其GE>其得 c 罰何以 也？子墨子言曰：「其事上詬天，中詬鬼，下賊人，故天 意曰：『此之我所愛，別而惡之，我所利，交而賊之。惡 人者此為之博也，( 賤GE>賊 d 人者此為之厚也。』故使不 得終其壽，不歿其世，至今毀之，謂之暴王。」 a. 欲 Wang Huanbiao. c. Sun Yirang.

b. Bi Yuan. d. Sun Yirang.

The Son of Heaven is the most eminent and wealthiest person in the world. Thus those who desire to hold on to their wealth and eminence could not but obey Heaven’s intentions. Those who obey Heaven’s intentions by impartially loving others and reciprocally benefiting others are certain to be rewarded. Those who oppose Heaven’s intentions by selfishly hating others and reciprocally preying upon others are certain to be punished. That being the case, who by obeying the intentions of Heaven received rewards, and who by opposing them received punishment? The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “Formerly, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu, the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties, were obedient to the intentions of Heaven and were rewarded. In the past, Jie, Zhou, You, and Li, the tyrannical kings of the Three Dynasties, opposed the intentions of Heaven, and were punished.” If that is true, why were Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu rewarded? The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “What they did was to honor Heaven

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above, serve the ghosts and spirits in the middle, and love others below. Thus Heaven proclaimed its assessment: ‘Those whom I love, they love as their own; those whom I benefit, they benefit as their own. Their love of others knows no bounds, and they shall provide others with the most generous benefits.’ Thus Heaven caused them to be honored as Sons of Heaven and enriched them with the possession of the whole world, extended their posterity to a myriad of generations of sons and grandsons, acclaimed their goodness, and made it known in every quarter of the world. Even to the present time people praise them, calling them the sage-kings.” If that is true, why were Jie, Zhou, You, and Li punished? The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “What they did was to curse Heaven, vilify the ghosts and spirits, and prey upon others. Thus Heaven proclaimed its assessment: ‘Those whom I love, they treat with prejudice and hate; those whom I benefit, they prey upon indiscriminately. Their hatred of others knows no bounds and they do the greatest harm to others.’ Thus Heaven caused their lives to be ended before their time and their line to perish with themselves. Even to the present time people revile them, calling them the tyrants.”3 26.5

然則何以知天之愛天下之百姓？以其兼而明之。何以知其 兼而明之？以其兼而有之。何以知其兼而有之？以其兼而 食焉。何以知其兼而食焉？[曰]a：四海之內，[天有邑人]b， 粒食之民，莫不犓牛羊，豢犬彘，潔為粢盛酒醴，以祭祀 於上帝鬼神，(天有邑人)b 何用弗愛也？且吾言殺一不辜者 必有一不祥。殺不辜者誰也？則人也。予之不祥者誰也？ 則天也。若以天為不愛天下之百姓，則何故以人與人相 殺，而天予之不祥？此我所以知天之愛天下之百姓也。

a. Wang Huanbiao; text variant.

b. JR; cf. 4.3.

If that is true, how do we know that Heaven loves the common people of the world? Because it understands them all equally. How do we know that it understands them all equally? Because it possesses them all equally. How do we know that it possesses them equally? Because it accepts sacrifices from them equally. How do we know that it accepts sacrifices from them equally? We say that because within the four seas, Heaven possesses walled towns and people,4 and of those who eat cereals, all without exception raise oxen, sheep, dogs, and pigs and prepare clean wine and rice and millet cakes in order to make offerings to the

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Supreme Sovereign, ghosts, and spirits. Why would Heaven not love them all? Moreover, our doctrine states: “Anyone who kills one innocent person is certain to suffer one misfortune.”5 Who is it that kills innocent people? It is other men. Who is it that sends down misfortune? It is Heaven. If we thought that Heaven did not love the common people of the world, how else would we explain why Heaven brings misfortune to those who cause men to kill each other? This is how I know that Heaven loves the common people of the world.6 26.6

順天意者，義政也。反天意者，力政也。然義政將柰何 哉？子墨子言曰：「處大國不攻小國，處大家不篡小家， 強者不劫弱，貴者不傲賤，多詐者不欺愚。此必上利於 天，中利於鬼，下利於人，三利無所不利，故舉天下美名 加之，謂之聖王。力政者則與此異，言非此，行反此，猶 (倖GE>偝 a 馳也。處大國攻小國，處大家篡小家，強者劫 弱，貴者傲賤，多詐欺愚。此上不利於天，中不利於鬼， 下不利於人。三不利無所利，故舉天下惡名加之，謂之暴 王。」

a. Wang Huanbiao.

Those who obey the intentions of Heaven engage in righteous chastisement; those who oppose the intentions of Heaven engage in forceful attack. How does one go about righteous chastisement? The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “When those who occupy large states do not commit aggression against small states; when those who dwell in large families do not bully small families; when the strong do not oppress the weak, the noble do not treat the humble with contempt, and swindlers do not cheat the stupid—this certainly benefits Heaven, the ghosts, and men. When these three are benefited, then all are benefited. Thus the finest names in the world are bestowed on such a person, and he is called a sage-king. The case is entirely different for those who engage in forceful attack. His words are the opposite of these and his actions are the reverse of these, as though he were running in the opposite direction. When those who occupy large states commit aggression against small states; when those who live in large families bully small families; when the strong oppress the weak, the noble treat the humble with contempt, and swindlers cheat the stupid—this certainly does not benefit Heaven, the ghosts, and men. When these three are not benefited, then no one

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benefits. Thus the most revolting names in the world are bestowed on such a person, and he is called a tyrant.”7 26.7

子墨子言曰：「我有天志，譬若輪人之有規，匠人之有 矩。」輪匠執其規矩，以度天下之方圜，曰：「中者是 也，不中者非也。」今天下之士君子之書，不可勝載，言 語不可盡計，上說諸侯，下說列士，其於仁義則大相遠 也。何以知之？曰我得天下之明法以度之。 The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “My possessing the will of Heaven is, to use an analogy, like a wheelwright owning a compass or a carpenter, his square.” The wheelwright and carpenter wield their compass and square in order to measure how round or square the things of the world are, saying, “What exactly coincides with this tool is right, and what does not is wrong.” Now the documents of the scholars and gentlemen of the world today are so numerous that they cannot be listed, and their doctrines and sayings are too numerous to be examined in full. They offer persuasions to the lords of the various states above and to the distinguished gentlemen below. Yet their conceptions of what constitute humaneness and propriety are far from the truth. How do I know this? I say because I possess the clearest standard in the world by which I measure them.8

天志中第二十七 Chapter 27: Heaven’s Will (Middle) 27.1 子墨子言曰： 「今天下之君子之欲為仁義者，

則不可不察 義之所從出。」既曰不可以不察義之所 (欲GE>從 a 出， 然則義何從出？子墨子曰：「義不從愚且賤者出，必自貴 且知者出。」何以知義之不從愚且賤者出，而必自貴且 知者出也？曰：「義者，善政也。」何以知義之為善政 也？曰：「天下有義則治，無義則亂，是以知義之為善政 也。」夫愚且賤者，不得為政乎貴且知者，[貴且知者]b 然 後得為政乎愚且賤者，此吾所以知義之不從愚且賤者出， 而必自貴且知者出也。然則孰為貴？孰為知？曰：「天為 貴，天為知而已矣。」然則義果自天出矣。

a. Wang Huanbiao.

b. Bi Yuan.

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The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “Now if the gentlemen of the world desire to practice humaneness and righteousness, they cannot fail to investigate the origins of righteousness.” Having said that they must investigate the origins of righteousness, what are its origins? Our Master Mozi said: “Righteousness does not originate with the stupid or lowly; rather, it must arise from the eminent and wise.” How do we know that it does not originate with the stupid and humble but must arise from the eminent and wise? “Righteousness is good governance.”1 How do we know that righteousness is good governance? “When the world possesses righteousness there is order, and when it lacks righteousness there is chaos. From this we know that righteousness is good governance.” The stupid and lowly cannot govern the noble and wise. Only the noble and wise can govern the stupid and lowly. This is how we know that righteousness does not originate with the stupid and lowly but must certainly derive from the noble and wise. That being so, who is noble and who is wise? “Heaven is the noblest and the wisest.” That being so, righteousness must, in fact, originate with Heaven. 27.2 今天下之人曰： 「當若天子之貴諸侯，諸侯之貴大夫，傐 a

明知之。然吾未知天之貴且知於天子也。」子墨子曰： 「吾所以知天之貴且知於天子者有矣。曰：天子為善，天 能賞之；天子為暴，天能罰之；天子有疾病禍祟，必齋戒 沐浴，潔為酒醴粢盛，以祭祀天鬼，則天能除去之，然 吾未知天之祈福於天子也。此吾所以知天之貴且知於天子 者，不止此而已矣；又以先王之書，馴天明不解 b 之道也 知之。曰：『明哲維天，臨君下土。』則此語天之貴且知 於天子。」不知亦有貴知夫 c 天者乎？曰：天為貴，天為 知而已矣。然則義果自天出矣。 a. 碻 Bi Yuan. c. Bi Yuan notes TV 于.

b. 懈 Wang Huanbiao.

Today the people of the world say: “It is obvious to me that the Son of Heaven is nobler than the lords of the various states, and that the lords of the various states are nobler than grand officers. What I did not know is that Heaven is nobler as well as wiser than the Son of Heaven.” Our Master Mozi says: “I know that Heaven is nobler as well as wiser than the Son of Heaven from the following: ‘When the Son of Heaven does something good, Heaven can reward him; when the Son of Heaven does something violent, Heaven can punish him.’ When the Son of

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Heaven suffers illness and disease, misfortune or calamity brought by an evil spirit, he must fast, purify himself, and prepare clean wine and rice and millet cakes in order to make sacrifices and offerings to Heaven and the ghosts. When he does this, Heaven is able to cure his sickness and take away his misfortunes. That being true, I have never known of Heaven praying for blessings from the Son of Heaven. This is how I know that Heaven is both nobler and wiser than the Son of Heaven. But it does not stop merely with this insight. I also know this from the documents of the founding kings, where we have the guidance of Explaining Heaven’s Brilliance and Vigor.2 It says: Brilliant and wise is Heaven, Looking down upon the lord on earth below. This describes Heaven as both nobler and wiser than the Son of Heaven.” Is there anything wiser and nobler than Heaven about which nothing is known? “Heaven is the noblest and Heaven is the wisest, and that is all there is to it.” That being so, righteousness must, in fact, originate with Heaven. 27.3 是故子墨子曰： 「今天下之君子，中實將欲遵道利民，本

察仁義之本，天之意不可不慎也。」既以天之意 (以)a 為 不可不慎已，然則天之 [意]b 將何欲何憎？子墨子曰： 「天之意不欲大國之攻小國也，大家之亂小家也，強之 [劫弱，眾之]c 暴寡，詐之謀愚，貴之傲賤，此天之所不欲 也，不止此而已。欲人之有力相 (營GE>勞 d，有道相教， 有財相分也。又欲上之強聽治也，下之強從事也。」上強 聽治，則國家治矣，下強從事則財用足矣。若國家治財用 足，則內有以潔為酒醴粢盛，以祭祀天鬼；外有以為環 璧珠玉，以聘撓四鄰。諸侯之冤 e 不興矣，邊境兵甲不作 矣。內有以食飢息勞，持養其萬民，則君臣上下惠忠，父 子弟兄慈孝。故唯毋明乎順天之意，奉而光 f 施之天下， 則刑政治，萬民和，國家富，財用足，百姓皆得煖衣飽 食，便寧無憂。是故子墨子曰：「今天下之君子，中實將 欲遵道利民，本察仁義之本，天之意不可不慎也！」 a. Wang Huanbiao. c. Tao Hongqing. e. 怨 Sun Yirang.

b. Bi Yuan. d. Jiang Lihong. f. 廣 Sun Yirang.

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This is the reason our Master Mozi says: “If today the superior men of the world in fact desire to follow the Way, benefit the people, and investigate to their roots the origins of humaneness and righteousness, they must obey the will of Heaven.” If the will of Heaven is something that must be obeyed, what does Heaven desire and what does it despise? Our Master Mozi says: “It is the will of Heaven not to desire that great states commit aggression against small states, that large families bring disorder to small families, that the powerful oppress the weak, that the many tyrannize the few, that swindlers cheat the stupid, and that the noble treat the humble with contempt. Such things are what Heaven does not desire. But it does not stop merely with this. Heaven desires that men who have strength should labor for others, that those who possess the Way should instruct others, and that those who have wealth should share it with others.3 In addition, Heaven desires that superiors diligently hear the affairs of government and that subordinates conscientiously do their jobs.” If superiors diligently hear the affairs of government, then the country will be well ordered. If subordinates conscientiously do their jobs, resources will be sufficient.4 When the country is well ordered and resources are sufficient, the ruler has the pure wine and rice and millet cakes he needs to make sacrifices and offerings to Heaven and the ghosts; and he also has the rings, jade discs, pearls, and jades to give as diplomatic gifts to his neighbors in the four directions. The lords of the various states will not rise in anger against him, nor will there be armed clashes along his borders. The ruler can thus devote his attention to feeding the hungry, giving rest to the weary, and protecting and nurturing his myriad subjects, and, as a result, lord and superiors are generous, and ministers and subordinates are loyal, fathers and elder brothers are affectionate, and sons and younger brothers filial. Therefore, if one clearly understands that one should obey the will of Heaven, esteem it, and and put it into effect throughout the world, then punishments and regulations will be administered well, the myriad peoples will be harmonious, the nation wealthy, and resources adequate. All the common people will have warm clothing and plenty to eat, live in comfort and peace, and be carefree. This is why our Master Mozi says: “If today the gentlemen of the world in fact desire to follow the Way, benefit the people, and investigate to their roots the origins of humaneness and righteousness, then they must obey the will of Heaven.”

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27.4 且夫天子之有天下也，辟 a 之無以異乎國君諸侯之有四境

之內也。今國君諸侯之有四境之內也，夫豈欲其 (臣國 GE>國臣 b 萬民之相為不利哉？今若處大國則攻小國，處 大家則亂小家，欲以此求賞譽，終不可得，誅罰必至矣。 夫天之有天下也，將無已異此。今若處大國則攻小國，處 大都則伐小都，欲以此求福祿於天，福祿終不得，而禍祟 必至矣。然有所不為天之所欲，而為天之所不欲，則夫天 亦且不為人之所欲，而為人之所不欲矣。人之所不欲者何 也？曰：病疾禍祟也。若己不為天之所欲，而為天之所不 欲，是率天下之萬民以從事乎禍祟之中也。故古者聖王明 知天鬼之所福，而辟天鬼之所憎，以求興天下之利，而除 天下之害。是以天之為寒熱也節，四時 [也]c 調，陰陽雨 露也時，五穀孰，六畜遂，疾菑戾疫凶饑則不至。是故子 墨子曰：「今天下之君子，中實將欲遵道利民，本察仁義 之本，天意不可不慎也！」 a. 譬 Bi Yuan. c. Wang Huanbiao.

b. Yu Yue.

The Son of Heaven’s possession of the world is no different from the ruler or the lord of a state possessing all within his four borders. How could the ruler or lord of a state desire that, within his own state, his ministers and myriad peoples do things to harm each other? If those who dwell in large states attack smaller states, or those who dwell in large hereditary houses disrupt smaller houses, wishing thereby to seek reward and praise from the Son of Heaven, they will not during their entire lifetimes get what they seek but are certain to be executed or punished instead. Heaven’s possession of the world is no different from this. If large states attack smaller states, if large families attack smaller families, wishing thereby to seek good fortune and prosperity from Heaven, not only will they not get good fortune and prosperity for as long as they live, but they will be certain to suffer misfortune and calamities brought by evil spirits instead. Thus it is that when people fail to do what Heaven desires but instead do what Heaven does not desire, then Heaven will likewise fail to do what people desire but will do what they do not desire. What is it that men do not desire? That they suffer from illness and disease, misfortune and calamities brought by evil spirits. Thus if I myself fail to do what Heaven desires but rather do what Heaven does not desire, then I will be

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leading the common people of the world to do things that will enmesh them in misfortune and the calamities caused by evil spirits. Thus, the sage-kings of antiquity made themselves certain of what Heaven and the ghosts would bless and avoided doing what they would despise in order to promote what is beneficial to the world and to dispel what is harmful to the world. Thus, Heaven brought heat and cold in proper measure, made the four seasons succeed each other in a harmonious cycle, caused the forces of yin and yang as well as the rain and dew to be timely, the five grains to ripen, and the six animals to mature, so that awful disasters, cruel plagues, and catastrophic famines would not occur. This is why our Master Mozi says: “If today the superior men of the world in fact desire to follow the Way, benefit the people, and investigate to their roots the origins of humaneness and righteousness, then they must obey the will of Heaven.” 27.5 且夫天下蓋有不仁不祥者，曰： 當若子之不事父，弟之不

事兄，臣之不事君也。故天下之君子，與謂之不祥者。今 夫天兼天下而愛之，撽遂萬物以利之，若豪之末，[莫]a 非 天之所為也，而民得而利之，則可謂 (否GE>厚 b 矣。然獨 無報夫天，而不知其為不仁不祥也。此吾所謂君子明細而 不明大也。

a. Su Shixue.

b. Wang Huanbiao.

Further, there are in the world examples of those who, because of their wickedness to others,5 have become ill-fated: if a son does not serve his father, a younger brother his elder brother, or a minister his lord, then all the superior men of the world will as one say they are doomed. Now Heaven loves everyone in the world equally and nurtures the myriad things so that they will benefit the common people. We call Heaven’s love of the people bounteous because there is nothing, down to the finest tip of an autumn hair, that is not Heaven’s work from which people can derive benefit. Though this is true, not a single person repays Heaven, and moreover no one knows that behaving in this wicked way means that they are doomed. This is why we say that superior men worry over matters of slight significance but are oblivious to matters of great importance.6 )a 磨 b 為日月星 辰，以昭道之；制為四時春秋冬夏，以紀綱之；雷降雪霜 雨露，以長遂五穀麻絲，使民得而財利之；列為山川谿

27.6 且吾所以知天之愛民之厚者有矣，曰： (以

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谷，播賦百事，以臨司民之善否；為王公侯伯，使之賞賢 而罰暴； (賊GE>賦 c 金木鳥獸，從事乎五穀麻絲，以為民 衣食之財。自古及今，未嘗不有此也。今有人於此，驩若 愛其子，竭力單務以利之，其子長，而無報 (子求GE>乎 d 父，故天下之君子與謂之不仁不祥。今夫天兼天下而愛 之，撽遂萬物以利之，若豪之末，[無]e 非天之所為 [也]f， 而民得而利之，則可謂 ( 否GE>厚 g 矣。然獨無報夫天，而 不知其為不仁不祥也。此吾所謂君子明細而不明大也。

a. Wang Huanbiao. c. Sun Yirang. e. Sun Yirang. g. Su Shixue.

b. 磿 Wang Niansun. d. Su Shixue. f. Bi Yuan.

Moreover, I know that Heaven’s love of the people is bounteous from the following: It divided the functions of the sun, moon, stars, and constellations to give people light and guidance. It regulated the succession of the four seasons, spring and autumn, winter and summer to provide the people an orderly framework. Thundering, it sent down snow, frost, rain, and dew to nurture the five grains, as well as hemp and silk, so that people could obtain the goods that benefit them. It laid out the mountain and streams, ravines and valley rivulets, and established the hundred officers of government to survey who among the people was good and who was not. It established kings, dukes, marquises, and earls and had them reward the worthy and punish the violent. It had these rulers exact levies of metal, wood, birds, and beasts and to devote themselves to the cultivation of the five grains, hemp, and silk, so that the people would have food to eat and clothing to wear. From antiquity to the present time, this has always been the case. Suppose there is a man who delights in and loves his son and who devotes all his energy working single-mindedly to benefit him. If, when the son grows up, he does nothing to repay his father, then the superior men of the world will agree in calling him wicked and ­unfortunate. Now Heaven loves everyone in the world equally and nurtures the myriad things so

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that they will benefit the common people. We call Heaven’s love of the people bounteous because there is nothing, down to the finest tip of an autumn hair, that is not Heaven’s work from which people can derive benefit. Though this is true, not a single person repays Heaven, and moreover no one knows that behaving in this wicked way means that they are doomed. This is why we say that superior men worry over matters of slight significance but are oblivious to matters of great importance. 27.7 且吾所以知天愛民之厚者，不止此而足矣。曰：殺不辜

者，天予不祥。 [殺]a 不辜者誰也？曰：人也。予之不祥 者誰也？曰：天也。若天不愛民之厚，夫胡說人殺不辜， 而天予之不祥哉？此吾之所以知天之愛民之厚也。

a. Sun Yirang.

My reasons for knowing that Heaven’s love of the people is boun­ teous do not stop with the foregoing. Beyond these, I also know it from the following: “If someone kills an innocent person, Heaven will send down misfortune upon him.” Who is it that kills the innocent person? We may reply: A man. Who is it that sends down misfortune upon him? We may reply: Heaven. If Heaven’s love of the people were not boun­ teous, how else could we explain why it to sends down misfortune upon men who kill innocent people? This is how I know that Heaven’s love of the people is bounteous. 27.8A

且吾所以知天之愛民之厚者，不止此而已矣。曰: 愛人利 人，順天之意，得天之賞者有之；憎人賊人，反天之意， 得天之罰者亦有矣。夫愛人利人，順天之意，得天之賞者 誰也？曰若昔三代聖王，堯舜禹湯文武者是也。堯舜禹湯 文武焉所從事？曰：從事兼，不從事別。兼者，處大國 不攻小國，處大家不亂小家，強不劫弱，眾不暴寡，詐不 謀愚，貴不傲賤。觀其事，上利乎天，中利乎鬼，下利 乎人，三利無所不利，是謂天德。聚斂天下之美名而加之 焉。曰：此仁也，義也，愛人利人，順天之意，得天之賞 者也。不止此而已，書於竹帛，鏤之金石，琢之槃盂， 傳遺後世子孫。曰將何以為？將以識夫愛人利人，順天 之意，得天之賞者也。《皇矣》道之曰：「帝謂文王，予 懷明德，不大聲以色，不長夏以革，不識不知，順帝之 則。」帝善其順法則也，故舉殷以賞之，使貴為天子，富

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有天下，名譽至今不息。故夫愛人利人，順天之意，得天 之賞者，既可得 (留而已GE>而知也 a。

a. Wang Niansun.

My reasons for knowing that Heaven’s love of the people is bounteous do not stop with the foregoing. Beyond these, I also know it from the following: “There are individuals who, loving others and benefiting ­others, have obeyed the intentions of Heaven and have received the reward of Heaven; and there are individuals who, despising others and preying upon others, have opposed the intentions of Heaven, and received the punishment of Heaven.” Who are the individuals who, loving others and benefiting others, have obeyed the will of Heaven and have received the reward of Heaven? “The sage-kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity: Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu.” What did these sages do? “They devoted their energies to impartiality and not to partiality.” Because of their impartiality, those who occupied large states did not attack smaller states, those who dwelled in large hereditary houses did not disrupt small houses, the strong did not oppress the weak, the many did not tyrannize the few, swindlers did not cheat the stupid, and the noble did not treat the humble with contempt. If we examine what they did, we see that they benefited Heaven, the ghosts, and people. By benefiting these three, there was nothing that did not benefit. The people said that theirs was the virtue of Heaven, and the people collected the finest appellations and applied these to the sage-kings, saying, “They are humane, they are righteous, and by loving others and benefiting others, they obey the intentions of Heaven and receive the reward of Heaven.” But it does not end with this. The people wrote documents about them, which they recorded on bamboo and silk, engraved in metal and stone, and inscribed on bowls and basins that have been transmitted to later generations. You may ask, “Why did they do this?” In order to let it be known that those who, by loving others and benefiting others, obey the will of Heaven will receive the reward of Heaven. The “Huangyi” tells of how The Supreme Sovereign said to King Wen, I cherish your luminous virtue, You do not shout or show anger on your face, You do not exploit your leadership of the Xia states to enforce change. You recognize nothing and know nothing, Except to obey the precepts of the Supreme Sovereign.7

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The Supreme Sovereign approved of the way King Wen obeyed the model and precepts and therefore presented him with the Yin realms as his reward, honored him with the position of Son of Heaven, enriched him with the possession of the world, so that praise of his name has never ceased even to the present. Thus it has long been known that those who, by loving others and benefiting others, obey the intentions of Heaven receive the reward of Heaven. 27.8B

夫憎人賊人，反天之意，得天之罰者誰也？曰若昔者三代 暴王桀紂幽厲者是也。桀紂幽厲焉所從事？曰從事別，不 從事兼。別者，處大國則攻小國，處大家則亂小家，強劫 弱，眾暴寡，詐謀愚，貴傲賤。觀其事，上不利乎天，中 不利乎鬼，下不利乎人，三不利無所利，是謂天賊。聚 斂天下之醜名而加之焉。曰此非仁也，非義也。憎人賊 人，反天之意，得天之罰者也。不止此而已，又書其事於 竹帛，鏤之金石，琢之槃盂，傳遺後世子孫。曰：將何以 為？將以識夫憎人賊人，反天之意，得天之罰者也。《大 誓》之道之曰：『紂越厥夷 (居GE>虐 a，不肎事上帝，棄厥 先神祇不祀，乃曰：吾有命，無廖 b (GE>其 c 務 (天下)d。 天亦縱棄紂而不葆。』察天 [所]e 以縱棄紂而不葆者，反 天之意也。故夫憎人賊人，反天之意，得天之罰者，既可 得而知也。

a. Wang Huanbiao. c. Bi Yuan. e. Wu Rulun.

b. 僇 Sun Xingyan. d. Bi Yuan.

Who were those who, by despising others and preying upon others, opposed the intentions of Heaven and received the punishment of Heaven? “The tyrannical kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity: Jie, Zhou, You, and Li.” What did these tyrants do? What they did was to devote themselves to partiality and not to impartiality. Because of their partiality, large states attacked small states, large hereditary houses disrupted small houses, the strong oppressed the weak, the many tyrannized the few, swindlers cheated the stupid, and the noble treated the humble with contempt. If we examine what they did, we see that they did not benefit Heaven, the ghosts, and the people on earth below. By failing to benefit these three, there was nothing that did benefit. The people called them “Heaven’s plague” and collected the worst appellations and applied

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them to these tyrants, saying: “They are wicked and immoral, and by hating others and preying upon others, they oppose the will of Heaven and will receive the punishment of Heaven.” But it does not end with this. They wrote documents describing their evil deeds, which they recorded on bamboo and silk, engraved in metal and stone, and inscribed on bowls and basins that have been transmitted to later generations. You may ask, “Why did they do this?” In order to let it be known that those who, by hating others and preying upon others, oppose the intentions of Heaven receive Heaven’s punishment for doing so. The “Great Oath” says: “Zhou kills cruelly and refuses to serve the Supreme Sovereign. He neglects the spirits of his ancestors and fails to sacrifice to the earth spirits. He goes further, insisting, ‘I possess the mandate!’ and does not devote his strength to the tasks of the ancestors and spirits. Heaven then abandoned Zhou and would no longer protect him.”8 When we examine this text we see that the reason Heaven abandoned Zhou and would not protect him was because he opposed Heaven’s will. Thus it has long been known that those who, by despising others and preying upon others, oppose the will of Heaven receive the punishment of Heaven. 27.9 是故子墨子之有天之 a，辟 b (人GE>之 c 無以異乎輪人之有

規，匠人之有矩也。今夫輪人操其規，將以量度天下之 圜與不圜也，曰：中吾規者謂之圜，不中吾規者謂之不 圜。是以圜與不圜，皆可得而知也。此其故何？則圜法明 也。匠人亦操其矩，將以量度天下之方與不方也，曰： 中吾矩者謂之方，不中吾矩者謂之不方。是以方與不方， 皆可得而知之。此其故何？則方法明也。故子墨子之有天 之 a (意)d 也，上將以度天下之王公大人為刑政也，下將以 量天下之萬民為文學出言談也。觀其行，順天之意，謂之 善 (意)e 行，反天之意，謂之不善 (意)e 行；觀其言談，順 天之意，謂之善言談，反天之意，謂之不善言談；觀其刑 政，順天之意，謂之善刑政，反天之意，謂之不善刑政。 故置此以為法，立此以為儀，將以量度天下之王公大人卿 大夫之仁與不仁，譬之猶分黑白也。是故子墨子曰：「今 天下之王公大人士君子，中實將欲遵道利民，本察仁義之 本，天之意不可不順也。順天之意者，義之法也。」 a. 志 Bi Yuan. c. Sun Yirang. e. Wang Niansun.

b. 譬 JR. d. Sun Yirang.

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This is why our Master Mozi’s possessing Heaven’s will was, to use an analogy, no different from the wheelwright possessing his compass or the carpenter his square. Now the wheelwright wields his compass to determine which things in the world are round and which are not. He explains, “What coincides perfectly with my compass may be called round, and what does not may not be called round.” On account of this, he knows in every case whether something is round or not. Why is this so? Because his standard for roundness is clear and unequivocal. Likewise, the carpenter wields his square to determine which things in the world are square and which are not. He explains, “What coincides perfectly with my square may be called square, and what does not may not be called square.” On account of this, he knows in every case whether something is square or not. Why is this so? Because his standard for squareness is clear and unequivocal. Thus our Master Mozi wields Heaven’s will, first, to take the measure of the punishments and regulations of the kings, dukes, and great men of the world and, second, to assess the writings and words of the myriad people of the world. He observes their actions, and if they are in accord with the intentions of Heaven, he calls them good, and if they are contrary to the intentions of Heaven, he calls them not good. He examines their words, and if they are in accord with the intentions of Heaven, he calls them good words, and if they are contrary to the intentions of Heaven, he calls them words that are not good. He examines their punishments and regulations, and if they are in accord with the intentions of Heaven, he calls them good punishments and regulations, and if they are contrary to the intentions of Heaven, he calls them punishments and regulations that are not good. Thus he establishes the intentions of Heaven as his standard and erects it as his gnomon and thus uses it to determine whether the world’s kings, dukes, great men, ministers, and grand officers are humane or not humane. He does this, to use an analogy, just as one distinguishes black from white. This is why our Master Mozi says: “If the kings, dukes, great men, and nobles in office in the world today in fact desire to follow the Way, benefit the people, and investigate to their roots the origins of humaneness and righteousness, then they must obey the intentions of Heaven. Obedience to the wishes of Heaven is the standard of righteousness.”

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天志下第二十八 Chapter 28: Heaven’s Will (Lower) 28.1

子墨子言曰：「天下之所以亂者，其說將何哉？則是天下 士君子，皆明於小而不明於大。」何以知其明於小不明於 大也？以其不明於天之意也。何以知其不明於天之意也？ 以處人之家者知之。今人處若家得罪，將猶有異家所，以 避逃之者，然且父以戒子，兄以戒弟，曰：「戒之慎之， 處人之家，不戒不慎之，而有處人之國者乎？」今人處 若國得罪，將猶有異國所，以避逃之者矣，然且父以戒 子，兄以戒弟，曰：「戒之慎之，處人之國者不可不戒慎 也！」今人皆處天下而事天，得罪於天，將無所以避逃之 者矣。然而莫知以相 (極GE>儆 a 戒也，吾以此知大物則不 知者也。

a. Wang Yinzhi.

The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “What explanation can be given for why the whole world is in chaos? It is precisely that the ruling elite of the world worry over things that do not matter but are oblivious to things that do.” How do we know that they understand minor matters but not major ones? Because they are oblivious to the intentions of Heaven. How do we know that they are oblivious to the intentions of Heaven? We know this by observing how they conduct themselves at home. If a member of a certain family commits an offense, he can still hide in a different house. Under such circumstances, fathers will warn sons, and older brothers will warn younger brothers, saying: “Be prudent! Be obedient! If you are not prudent and obedient, how can you remain a resident of this state?”1 If a person living in a certain state commits an offense, he can still hide in a different state. Under such circumstances, fathers will warn sons, and older brothers will warn younger brothers, saying: “Be prudent! Be odedient! A resident of this state must be prudent and must be obedient.” Now everyone lives beneath Heaven and serves Heaven. But if one commits an offense against Heaven, there is no place to hide. Yet no one understands the need to alert others. This is how we know that they are completely oblivious to important matters. 28.2

是故子墨子言曰：「戒之慎之，必為天之所欲，而去天之 所惡。」曰天之所欲者何也？所惡者何也？天欲義而惡

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其不義者也。何以知其然也？曰義者正也。何以知義之 為正也？天下有義則治，無義則亂，我以此知義之為正 也。然而正者，無自下正上者，必自上正下。是故庶人不 得次 a 己而為正，有士正之；士不得次 a 己而為正，有大夫 正之；大夫不得次 a 己而為正，有諸侯正之；諸侯不得次 a 己而為正，有三公正之；三公不得次 a 己而為正，有天子 正之；天子不得次 a 己而為政，有天正之。今天下之士君 子，皆明於天子之正天下也，而不明於天之正天子也。是 故古者聖人，明以此說人曰：「天子有善，天能賞之；天 子有過，天能罰之。」天子賞罰不當，聽獄不中，天下疾 病禍 (福GE>祟 b，霜露不時，天子必且犓豢其牛羊犬彘， 絜為粢盛酒醴，以禱祠祈福於天，我未嘗聞天之禱 [祠]c 祈福於天子也，吾以此知天之 (重且貴GE>貴且知 d 於天子 也。是故義者不自愚且賤者出，必自貴且知者出。曰誰為 知？天為知。然則義果自天出也。 a. 恣 Bi Yuan. c. Bi Yuan.

b. Wang Niansun. d. Sun Yirang.

This is why the teachings of our Master Mozi say: “Be prudent! Be obedient! Be certain to do what Heaven desires and to eliminate what Heaven hates.”2 We may ask: What does Heaven desire? What does Heaven hate? Heaven desires righteousness and hates the unrighteous. How do we know this is so? We may say: Righteousness is the standard for correcting others. How do we know that righteousness is the standard for correcting others? When the world possesses righteousness, it is well ordered, and when it lacks righteousness, descends into chaos. From this we know that righteousness is the standard for correcting others. That being so, correcting others never involves subordinates correcting superiors, but of necessity involves superiors who correct subordinates. This is the reason that the common people should not get to determine what is right on their own; there are the gentlemen in government to decide for them. The gentlemen do not get to determine what is right on their own; there are grand officers to decide for them. Grand officers do not get to determine what is right on their own; there are the lords of the various states to decide for them. The lords of the various states do not get to determine what is right on their own; there are the Three Elders to decide for them; the Three Elders do not get to decide what is right on their own; there is the Son of Heaven to decide for them. The

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Son of Heaven does not get to determine what is right on his own; there is Heaven to decide for him. Today the scholars and gentlemen of the world all understand that the Son of Heaven corrects the world, but they are ignorant of the fact that Heaven corrects the Son of Heaven. This is why the ancient sages clearly explained this principle to ­others, saying: “When the Son of Heaven does good things, Heaven is able to reward him; when he commits a transgression, Heaven is able to punish him.” When the rewards and punishments of the Son of Heaven are not proper or when his hearing of lawsuits is not according to law, the world is visited with sickness and disease, misfortune and the calamitous influences of evil spirits, and unseasonable frost and dews. The Son of Heaven must raise cows, sheep, dogs, and pigs, and prepare clean wine and rice and millet cakes, in order to make offerings prayerfully and thus seek the blessings of Heaven. I have never heard of Heaven prayerfully making offerings to seek blessings from the Son of Heaven. This is how I know that Heaven is nobler and wiser than the Son of Heaven. This is why righteousness does not originate with the stupid and humble, but must come from the noble and wise. One may ask, “Who is the wisest?” Heaven is wisest. That being so, righteousness ultimately comes from Heaven. 28.3

今天下之士君子之欲為義者，則不可不順天之意矣。曰： 順天之意何若？曰：兼愛天下之人。何以知兼愛天下之人 也？以兼而食之也。何以知其兼而食之也？自古及今無有 遠 (靈GE>虚 a 孤夷之國，皆犓豢其牛羊犬彘，絜為粢盛酒 醴，以敬祭祀上帝山川鬼神，以此知兼而食之也。苟兼而 食焉，必兼而愛之。譬之若楚、越之君，今是楚王食於楚 之四境之內，故愛楚之人；越王食於越，故愛越之人。今 天兼天下而食焉，我以此知其兼愛天下之人也。

a. Sun Yirang.

Now if the ruling elite of the world desires to do what is right, they must obey the will of Heaven. We may ask: What must we do to obey the will of Heaven? We may reply: Love impartially all the people of the world. How do we know that “loving impartially all the people of the world” is what Heaven wants? Heaven accepts offerings of food from everyone impartially. How do we know that this is true? From antiquity to the present day, every country, including that of the remote and isolated Yi people, has raised cows, sheep, dogs, and pigs, and have prepared clean wine and rice and millet cakes, in order to make reverent

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offerings to the Supreme Sovereign, the mountains and streams, and the ghosts and ­spirits. From this we know that Heaven accepts food offerings from everyone impartially. If Heaven accepts food offerings from everyone impartially, it must love all the people impartially. Consider as an analogy the case of the lords of Chu and Yue. The king of Chu accepts offerings from everyone within the four borders of Chu; therefore he favors the people of Chu. The king of Yue accepts offerings from everyone in Yue; therefore he favors the people of Yue. Now Heaven accepts offerings from everyone in the world impartially; we know by this that Heaven favors all the people of the world impartially. 28.4

且天之愛百姓也，不盡 (物GE>此 a 而止矣。今天下之國， 粒食之民，殺一不辜者，必有一不祥。曰誰殺不辜？曰人 也。孰予之不 (辜GE>祥 b？曰天也。若天之中實不愛此民 也，何故而人有殺不辜，而天予之不祥哉？且天之愛百姓 厚矣，天之愛百姓 (別GE>徧 c 矣，既可得而知也。何以知 天之愛百姓也？吾以賢者之必賞善罰暴也。何以知賢者之 必賞善罰暴也？吾以昔者三代之聖王知之。 故 昔也三代之 聖王堯舜禹湯文武之兼愛 (之)d 天下也，從而利之，移其 百姓之意焉，率以敬上帝山川鬼神，天以為從其所愛而愛 之，從其所利而利之，於是加其賞焉，使之處上位，立為 天子 ( 以法也)e。名之曰「聖人」。以此知其賞善之證。 是故昔也三代之暴王桀紂幽厲之兼惡天下也，從而賊之， 移其百姓之意焉，率以詬侮上帝山川鬼神，天 以 為不從其 所愛而惡之，不從其所利而賊之，於是加其罰焉，使之父 子離散，國家滅亡，抎失社稷，憂以及其身。是以天下之 庶民屬而毀之，業萬世子孫繼嗣，毀之 (賁GE>者 f 不 (之)f 廢也，名之曰「失王」。以此知其罰暴之證。今天下之士 君子，欲為義者，則不可不順天之意矣。

a. Wang Niansun. b. Wang Niansun. c. Wang Yinzhi. d. Sun Yirang. e. It appears that several phrases have dropped from the text, of which this is an unintelligible fragmentary remain; see additional notes. f. Wang Niansun.

Moreover, it is not only this that shows that Heaven loves the common people. In the countries of the world whose people eat grain, if someone kills an innocent person, he is bound to suffer an equal calam-

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ity. We may ask: Who killed the innocent person? We may reply: A man. Who is it that sends down the calamity? We may reply: Heaven. If Heaven in fact did not love people equally, why is it that when a man kills an innocent person, Heaven sends down calamity upon him? Further, it is well-known that Heaven’s love of the common people is bounteous and that Heaven’s love of the common people is comprehensive. How do we know that Heaven loves the common people? We know this because the worthy are certain to reward good and punish violence. How do we know that the worthy are certain to reward good and punish violence?3 We know it by examining what the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties of the past did. Thus, these sage-kings—Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu—loved all the people of the world equally, did what would benefit them, and changed for the better the aspirations of the common people under their rule by leading them to pay proper reverence to the Supreme Sovereign, the mountains and streams, and the ghosts and spirits. Heaven considered that they were following Heaven’s example in loving all the people and following Heaven’s example in benefiting all the people. Thereupon Heaven bestowed its rewards on them. It caused them to occupy the supreme position, being established as Sons of Heaven. . . .4 The people named them the “sage-kings.” From this we know that Heaven rewards the good. There is also the case of the tyrannical kings of the Three Dynasties— Jie, Zhou, You, and Li—who hated all the people of the world equally and did what would harm them, changing for the worse the aspirations of the common people by leading them to curse the Supreme Sovereign, the mountains and streams, and the ghosts and spirits. Heaven determined that they were not adopting Heaven’s love of the people but hating them instead, and that they were not adopting Heaven’s benefiting the people but were harming them instead. Thereupon Heaven bestowed its punishment upon them, letting fathers and sons become alienated and separated, letting their countries be destroyed and perish from the face of the earth, letting the sacrifices at the altars of soil and grain be neglected and cease, and letting the grief reach even their own persons. On account of this, the common people of the world vilified them, and their vilification has continued without end through the generations. They called them the “lost kings.”5 From this we know that Heaven punishes the violent. Today if the ruling elite of the world desires to do what is right, then they must obey the intentions of Heaven.

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28.5

曰順天之意者，兼也；反天之意者，別也。兼之為道也，義 正；別之為道也，力正。曰：義正者何若？曰：大不攻小 也，強不侮弱也，眾不賊寡也，詐不欺愚也，貴不傲賤也， 富不驕貧也，壯不奪老也。是以天下之庶國，莫以水火毒藥 兵刃以相害也。若事上利天，中利鬼，下利人，三利而無 所不利，是謂天德。故凡從事此者，聖知也，仁義也，忠惠 也，慈孝也，是故聚斂天下之善名而加之。是其故何也？則 順天之意也。曰：力正者何若？曰：大則攻小也，強則侮弱 也，眾則賊寡也，詐則欺愚也，貴則傲賤也，富則驕貧也， 壯則奪老也。是以天下之庶國，方以水火毒藥兵刃以相賊害 也。若事上不利天，中不利鬼，下不利人，三不利而無所 利，是謂 (之GE>天 a 賊。故凡從事此者，寇亂也，盜賊也， 不仁不義，不忠不惠，不慈不孝，是故聚斂天下之惡名而 加之。是其故何也？則反天之意也。

a. Yu Yue; parallelism.

We say that those who obey the intentions of Heaven are impartial and that those who oppose the intentions of Heaven are partial. Those who make being impartial their way of acting correct others with the standard of what is right; those who make being partial their way of acting correct others by force. We may ask: What is it like when one engages in righteous chastisement? The answer is: The great do not commit aggression against the lesser, the strong do not oppress the weak, the many do not prey upon the few, swindlers do not cheat the stupid, the noble do not treat the humble with contempt, the rich do not scorn the poor, and the young do not rob the old. On account of this, none of the states of the world will attempt to prey upon and harm other states with water, fire, poisons, or weapons. When this situation prevails, they benefit Heaven, the ghosts, and people. By benefiting these three, there is nothing that does not benefit. We call such a situation “Heavenly virtue.” Thus, all who devote themselves to righteous chastisement are sagely and wise people, they are humane and moral, loyal and generous, and they are affectionate and filial. We collect all the finest appellations and apply them to these people. What is the cause of this? They obey the will of Heaven. We may ask: What is it like when one engages in forceful attack? The answer is: The great commit aggression against the lesser, the strong oppress the weak, the many prey upon the few, swindlers cheat the stupid, the noble treat the humble with contempt, the rich scorn the poor, and the

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young rob the old. On account of this, all the states of the world prey upon and harm the other states with water, fire, poisons, or weapons. When this situation prevails, it does not benefit Heaven, the ghosts, or people. By failing to benefit these three, they benefit nothing. We call this situation “Heaven’s plague.” Thus, all who devote themselves to correcting others by force are people given to thievery and anarchy, they are inhumane and immoral, disloyal and ungenerous, and are not affectionate and filial. This is the reason we collect the worst appellations and apply them to these people. What is the cause of this? They oppose the intentions of Heaven. 28.6

故子墨子置立天之 a，以為儀法，若輪人之有規，匠人之 有矩也。今輪人以規，匠人以矩，以此知方圜之別矣。是 故子墨子置立天之 a，以為儀法。吾以此知天下之士君子 之去義遠也。何以知天下之士君子之去義遠也？今 (知)b 氏 c 大國之君寬 d (者)e 然 f 曰：「吾處大國而不攻小國，吾何 以為大哉！」是以差論蚤 g 牙之士，比列其舟車之卒，以 攻罰 h 無罪之國，入其 (溝GE>邊 i 境，刈其禾稼，斬其樹 木，殘其城郭，以 (御GE>抑 j 其溝池，焚燒其祖廟，攘殺 其犧牷。民之格者，則 (拔GE>殺 k 之；不格者，則係 (操 GE>纍 l 而歸，丈夫以為僕圉胥靡，婦人以為舂酋。則夫 好攻伐之君，不知此為不仁義，以告四鄰諸侯曰：「吾攻 國覆軍，殺將若干人矣。」其鄰國之君亦不知此為不仁義 也，有具其皮幣，發其 綛 m 處，使人饗 n 賀焉。則夫好攻 伐之君，有重不知此為不仁不義也，有書之竹帛，藏之府 庫。為人後子者，必且欲順其先君之行，曰：「何不當發 吾府庫，視吾先君之法 (美GE>儀 o。」必不曰文、武之為 正者若此矣，曰吾攻國覆軍，殺將若干人矣。則夫好攻伐 之君，不知此為不仁不義也，其鄰國之君不知此為不仁不 義也，是以攻伐世世而不已者，此吾所謂大物則不知也。 a. 志 Bi Yuan. b. Sun Yirang. c. 是 Sun Yirang. d. 囂 Sun Yirang. e. Sun Yirang. f. Wang Huanbiao emends the preceding ten graphs thus: 今之為大國之君者寬然. g. 爪 Sun Yirang. h. 伐 Sun Yirang. i. Wang Niansun. j. Wang Yinzhi. k. Sun Yirang. l. Wang Yinzhi. m. 總 Sun Yirang. n. 享 Sun Yirang. o. Wang Niansun.

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Thus our Master Mozi established the will of Heaven as his gnomon and standard in the same way the wheelwright uses the compass and the carpenter, the square. Now a wheelwright uses his compass and a carpenter his square to know the difference between the square and the round. This is why our Master Mozi established the will of Heaven as his gnomon and standard. By this we know that the ruling elite of the world are far distant from what is right. How do we know that they are far distant from what is right? These lords of large states today noisily proclaim, “If we who occupy large states do not attack small states, how will we ever become larger?” Using such justification, they choose their fiercest “fang-and-claw” warriors and arrange in close formation their battleship and war-chariot forces in order to invade and attack some blameless state. As soon as they enter the borders of the state, they begin cutting the grain, felling the trees, and razing the inner and outer walls of cities to fill in the moats and ponds. They set the ancestral temples on fire to destroy them and seize and slaughter livestock and the animals selected for sacrifices.6 Anyone who resists among the general population is killed. Those who do not resist are brought back bound in chains and ropes. The men are made drivers and grooms and treated like criminals. The women are made servants who pound grain or pour wine. A lord who is fond of aggression and attacks not only does not understand that these acts are wicked and unrighteous, he also announces them to the lords of the various states who neighbor him: “I invaded a country, overthrew its army, and killed its generals as though they were shield carriers.” The lords of the neighboring states not only do not understand that such actions are wicked and unrighteous, they hurriedly assemble furs and silk that envoys present as congratulatory gifts. A lord who is fond of aggression and attacks gives further evidence that he does not understand that these acts are wicked and unrighteous, for he records his aggression in documents of bamboo and silk and stores them in the archives.7 His successor is certain to desire to follow obediently the example of his deceased predecessor, saying: “Why not open up the archives? Let me look at the example set for me by my predecessor.” And what is written in the archives will certainly not say, “The standard of correctness that Kings Wen and Wu followed was just like this.” It will say, “I invaded a country, overthrew its army, and killed its generals as though they were shield carriers.” A lord who is fond of aggression and attacks does not understand that such acts are wicked and unrighteous. The lords of neighboring states do not understand that

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they are wicked and unrighteous. This is why there has been aggression and invasions generation after generation without end. This is what we referred to when we said that they are oblivious to important matters. 28.7A

所謂小物則知之者何若？今有人於此，入人之場園，取人 之桃李瓜薑者，上得且罰之，眾聞則非之，是何也？曰： 不與其勞，獲其實，已 a 非其有所取之故，而況有踰於人 之牆垣，(抯)b 格人之子女者乎？與角人之府庫，竊人之 金玉 (蚤絫GE>布帛 c 者乎？與踰人之欄牢，竊人之牛馬者 乎！而況有殺一不辜人乎？今王公大人之為政也，自殺一 不辜人者；踰人之牆垣，(抯)b 格人之子女者；與角人之府 庫，竊人之金玉 (蚤絫GE>布帛 c 者；與踰人之欄牢，竊人 之牛馬者；與入人之場園，竊人之桃李瓜薑者，今王公大 人之加罰此也，雖古之堯舜禹湯文武之為政，亦無以異此 矣。 a. 以 Sun Yirang. c. Wang Yinzhi.

b. Sun Yirang.

What does it mean to say that they are only troubled over minor matters? Suppose there were a man who entered another person’s garden and took his peaches, plums, melons, and ginger. His superior would definitely punish him, and everyone who heard the story would condemn him. Why is that? We say that it is because he took the fruit without sharing in the labor and appropriated for himself what was not his to take. How much more is this true of a man who jumps over another man’s fence and seizes his children! Or who bores through the walls of his storehouses and steals his gold, jades, and precious silks! Or who jumps over the stockyard pens and steals his cows and horses! Or— much worse than any of these—who kills an innocent man! Now kings, dukes, and great men in the exercise of government punish those who kill innocent people, seize another man’s children, bore into his storehouses and steal his gold, jades, and silks, or jump over his pens and steal his cows and horses, or enter his garden and take his peaches, plums, melons, and ginger. They apply the same punishments today that they did in antiquity when Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu governed.8 28.7B

今天下之諸侯，將猶皆侵凌攻伐兼并，此為殺一不辜人 者，數千萬矣；此為踰人之牆垣，格人之子女者，與角人

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府庫，竊人金玉 (蚤絫GE>布帛 a 者，數千萬矣；踰人之欄 牢，竊人之牛馬者，與入人之場園，竊人之桃李瓜薑者， 數千萬矣，而自曰義也。故子墨子言曰：「是蕡 b 我 c 者， 則豈有以異是蕡黑白甘苦之辯者哉！」今有人於此，少而 示之黑謂之黑，多示之黑謂白，必曰吾目亂，不知黑白之 別。今有人於此，(能少GE>少而 d 嘗之甘謂甘，多嘗 [之 甘]e 謂苦，必曰吾口亂，不知其甘苦之味。今王公大人之 政也，或殺人其國家，禁之 (此蚤越GE>以斧鉞 f，有能多 殺其鄰國之人，因以為 (文GE>大 g 義，此豈有異蕡白黑、 甘苦之別者哉？ a. Wang Yinzhi. c. 義 Gu Guangqi. e. Wang Yinzhi. g. Wang Niansun.

b. 棼 Bi Yuan. d. Bi Yuan. f. Wang Huanbiao.

But when the lords of the various states of today all encroach upon each other’s borders, attack and invade each other, and annex each other’s lands, this is a million times worse than killing a single innocent person, or jumping over his wall and seizing children, boring through storehouses and stealing gold, jade, and silks, or jumping in pens and stealing cows and horses, or entering gardens and taking peaches, plums, melons, and ginger. Yet they all describe themselves as “righteous.” Therefore the teaching of our Master Mozi says: “This obscures what righteousness is. How is this different from obscuring the difference between black and white or the difference between sweet and bitter?” Suppose there were a man who, when you show him something slightly black, calls it black, but when you show up something very black, calls it white. He would certainly have to explain, “My vision is confused, so I cannot distinguish black from white.”9 Or suppose there were a man who, when you give him a taste of something slightly sweet, says it is sweet, but when you give him a taste of something very sweet, says that it is bitter. He would certainly have to explain, “My taste buds are messed up, and so I cannot distinguish sweet flavors from bitter. Now the kings, dukes, and great men in their exercise of government forbid, with battle-axes and halberds, anyone from killing a person within their state. But they call those in neighboring states capable of killing many people very righteous. How is this different from obscuring the difference between black and white or the difference between sweet and bitter?

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故子墨子置天之 a，以為儀法。非獨子墨子以天之 b (志)c 為法也，於先王之書大夏之道之然：「帝謂文王，予懷明 德，毋大聲以色，毋長夏以革，不識不知，順帝之則。」 此 (誥GE>語 d 文王之以天志為法也，而順帝之則也。且今 天下之士君子，中實將欲為仁義，求為上士，上欲中聖王 之道，下欲中國家百姓之利者，當天之 b (志)c， 而不可不察 也。天之 b (志)c 者，義之經也。 a. 志 Bi Yuan. c. Wang Niansun.

b. 志 Wang Niansun. d. Bi Yuan.

Thus our Master Mozi established the will of Heaven as his guide and standard. It was not merely our Master Mozi who took the will of Heaven as his standard. It is also to be found in the documents of the founding kings, for one of the “Greater Xia Odes” tells of how The Supreme Sovereign said to King Wen, I cherish your luminous virtue, You do not shout or show anger on your face, You do not exploit your leadership of the Xia states to enforce change. You recognize nothing and know nothing, Except to obey the precepts of the Supreme Sovereign.10 These lines describe how King Wen took the will of Heaven as his standard and was obedient to the precepts of the Supreme Sovereign. If the ruling elite of today’s world in fact desire to act humanely and righteously, truly seek to become superior gentlemen, and want to follow exactly the Way of the sage-kings and to do exactly what will benefit the state and the common people, they cannot but investigate the will of Heaven. Heaven’s will is the warp in the fabric of righteousness.11

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Explaining Ghosts The Mohist doctrine holding that ghosts exist is inseparable from the discourse on the will of Heaven, since ghosts—defined in chapter 31 as the spirits of Heaven, the ghosts and spirits of the mountains and rivers, and the shades of the deceased (31.14)—serve as the agents of God on high, keeping under surveillance all under Heaven and delivering rewards or punishments as the deity wishes. Belief in ghosts and spirits was a common feature of early society and religion and has remained so throughout Chinese history. Indeed the tales of spirit visitations collected in chapter 31 can be regarded as precursors to the long-lived genre of the ghost story anthology, which includes works from the Soushenji 搜神記 attributed to Gan Bao 干寶 (fl. 317–322 c.e.) to the later and far better-known collections of Pu Songling 蒲松齡 (1640–1715) and Yuan Mei 袁枚 (1716–1798). Today there are Internet sites in China that lovers of the tales access daily using their mobile phones. Those who denied the existence of ghosts were also active. Close to the top of this list are, in chapter 31, the antagonists of Mozi who traveled under a banner that read “There are no ghosts” and challenged the Mohists to prove their existence. Who these people were is not directly stated. But it would probably not be far wrong to conclude that they were the followers of Ru school teachings who were often targeted by Mozi and his disciples. It is true that although Confucius “did not speak of oddities of nature, coercion, absurdities, and spirits,” it cannot be assumed that he did not believe in the existence of ghosts; however, 31.12 identifies these antagonists as followers of “the Way of the superior man”—surely a reference to Confucius’s adherents.1 Among the most prominent early deniers of the existence of ghosts is Wang Chong, who devoted four chapters of his Lunheng to criticizing popular views on death, ghosts, and supernatural beings. In the first three of these he argues that death is a terminus that no part of life transcends or survives. When people claim to see ghosts or demons, he explains, they are dreaming, or their faculties have been impaired by illness or the onset of their own imminent deaths. But in his fourth essay on the subject, “Dinggui 訂鬼,” or “Defining the Demonic,” Wang allows that in some instances those who see apparitions when ill are in fact seeing something real: not ghosts of the dead, but animal-like creatures, infants who never grew to maturity, foreigners, and other oddities of nature.2 1. See Lunyu 7.21; see also Li Ling, Sang jia gou, 153, for a concise discussion of the Analects passage. 2.  Lunheng 22.934–40.

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Chapter 31 attempts both to argue that good government depends on recognizing that ghosts reward the worthy and punish the violent and to refute those who would deny that ghosts exist. “Explaining ghosts” thus means explaining why one should believe that they exist. The title of the chapter apparently derives from its conclusion: “Now if the kings, dukes, great men, scholars, and ruling elite of the world in fact desire to promote what benefits the whole world and eliminate what harms it, they ought to honor and explain to everyone the principle that ghosts and spirits exist, for it is the Way of the sage-kings.” This passage may also account for the chapter’s alternative title, “You gui 右鬼,” “Honor Ghosts,” given in the “Fanlun 氾論” chapter of the Huainanzi.3 However, 31.12 takes the same ming 明 of the title to refer to the sharp vision ghosts exercise in their role as spies for Heaven. A textual fragment newly unearthed and now in the collection of the Shanghai Museum—a fragment that appears to be a syncretic reading of the Mohist doctrine on ghosts—understands ming in the related sense of clear understanding or awareness, that is, as a reference to ghosts possessing intelligence.4 Perhaps then the title should be understood as “All-Seeing Ghosts” or “Intelligent Ghosts” (Ian Johnston, in his translation of the Mozi, opts for “Percipient Ghosts”). Because the chapter is partly concerned with refuting the views of opponents, its authors not only argue in favor of the doctrine that ghosts exist, but also worry about what kind of argumentation is the most effective in making their case (31.3). The chapter offers three reasons that one should accept the doctrine: the testimony of people who saw or heard ghosts firsthand (31.3, 31.4A–E); the accounts in historical records compiled by the sage-kings (31.5– 10); and the consequences of making offerings to ghosts (31.14). (In this regard, chapter 31 comes close to the “Condemn Fatalism” triad, which provides three tests for the acceptability of a doctrine.) The last reason offered is problematic and fascinating. It is problematic because it concerns, not the consequences of accepting the doctrine, but making offerings to ghosts whether they exist or not. It is fascinating because, in effect, the text concedes the possibility that ghosts may not exist. It argues that if they exist, then making offerings to them is tantamount to feeding one’s parents; if they do not, the offering will nevertheless provide an opportunity to bring relatives together for harmonious socializing. This is inconsistent with the hard line taken against opponents in the chapter’s preceding paragraphs; it is also an oddly positive treatment of ritual for the Mozi and suggests a somewhat later, syncretic approach otherwise in evidence in chapters 1 through 7. Nonetheless, the chapter twice condemns a desire to zili 3. See Huainanzi 13.436. 4.  See appendix B for a translation and discussion of this fragment.

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自利, “benefit oneself,” as the reason people treat others poorly (31.1, 31.11). As Watanabe Takashi points out, a negative representation of the concept of benefit is more typical of early Mohist thought.5 Thus the chapter is probably best regarded as an eclectic collection of passages relating to a consideration of the existence of ghosts that might have derived from a variety of sources, including the two supposedly missing chapters of the triad.

明鬼下第三十一 Chapter 31: Explaining Ghosts (Lower)1 31.1 子墨子言曰： 「逮至昔三代聖王既沒，天下失義，諸侯力正，

是以存夫為人君臣上下者之不惠忠也，父子弟兄之不慈孝弟 長貞良也，正長之不強於聽治，賤人之不強於從事也，民之 為淫暴寇亂盜賊，以兵刃毒藥水火，(退GE>迓 a 無罪人乎道 路 (率GE>術 a 徑，奪人車馬衣裘以自利者。並作由此始， 是以天下亂。此其故何以然也？則皆以疑惑鬼神之有與無 之別，不明乎鬼神之能賞賢而罰暴也。今若使天下之人， 偕 b (若)b 信鬼神之能賞賢而罰暴也，則夫天下豈亂哉！」

a. Sun Yirang.

b. 皆 Wang Niansun.

The teachings of our Master Mozi say: “Now that the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties of the past are gone and the world has abandoned righteousness, the lords of the various states use force to govern.2 On account of this, lords and superiors are not generous, and their subjects and subordinates are disloyal to them; fathers are not affectionate, sons are not obedient, younger brothers are not deferential, older brothers are not protective, and none of them is virtuous or good. Officials do not devote their energies to their governmental tasks, and menials do not exert themselves in doing their jobs. The people are given to lewdness and violence, banditry and disorder, and thievery and predation, using weapons, poisons, fire, and water to detain innocent travelers on the highways and bypaths and rob them of their carts and horses, coats and furs for their own benefit. All of these, occurring at the same time, originate from the lords of the various states using force to govern. Because of this the world has descended into anarchy. What is the cause of this state of affairs? Everyone is uncertain about whether ghosts and spirits exist 5. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 511–12.

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or not, and they do not understand that ghosts and spirits have the ability to reward the worthy and punish the violent. Now if everyone were to believe in the ability of ghosts and spirits to reward the worthy and punish the violent, would there be any anarchy in the world?” 31.2 今執無鬼者曰： 「鬼神者，固無有。」旦暮以為教誨乎天

下，疑天下之眾，使天下之眾皆疑惑乎鬼神有無之別，是 以天下亂。是故子墨子曰：「今天下之王公大人士君子， 實將欲求興天下之利，除天下之害，故當鬼神之有與無之 別，以為將不可以不明察此者也。」 Now those who advocate that ghosts do not exist say: “Ghosts and spirits most certainly do not exist.” Morning and evening they preach this doctrine to the world, sowing doubts among the masses and causing everyone to be uncertain about whether ghosts and spirits exist or not. The result has been to throw the world into disorder. This is why our Master Mozi said: “Now if the kings, dukes, great men, and the ruling elite of the world in fact desire to promote what benefits the world and to eliminate what is harmful to it, then I think that they must clearly investigate the question of whether ghosts and spirits exist or not.” 31.3 既以鬼神有無之別，以為不可不察已，然則吾為明察此，

其說將柰何而可？子墨子曰：「是與 a 天下之所以察知有與 無之道者，必以眾之耳目之實知有與亡為儀者也，請惑 b 聞之見之，則必以為有，莫聞莫見，則必以為無。若是， 何不嘗入一鄉一里而問之，自古以及今，生民以來者，亦 有嘗見鬼神之物，聞鬼神之聲，則鬼神何謂無乎？若莫聞 莫見，則鬼神可謂有乎？」 a. 舉 Zhang Chunyi.

b. 情或 Sun Yirang.

If it is given that the question of whether ghosts and spirits exist or not is one that must be investigated, then when I want to investigate this matter clearly, what kind of argument is admissible? Our Master Mozi said: “The method used by the whole world to determine whether something exists or not is to rely upon what the great mass of people knows from the evidence of their own ears and eyes and to use this as a standard for determining whether something exists or not. If someone has genuinely heard something with his own ears and seen something with his own eyes, then it must exist. But if no one has either heard or

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seen it, then it must not exist. If this is the case, why not try going into villages and districts and asking? If from antiquity to the present, from the birth of humankind to the present day, people have seen evidence of ghosts and spirits and heard their voices, how could we say that ghosts and ­spirits do not exist? But if no one has ever seen or heard them, how could we say that ghosts and spirits exist? ” 31.4A

今執無鬼者言曰：「夫天下之為聞見鬼神之物者，不可勝 計也，亦孰為聞見鬼神有無之物哉？」子墨子言曰：「若 以眾之所同見，與眾之所同聞，則若昔者杜伯是也。」周 宣王殺其臣杜伯而不辜。杜伯曰：「吾君殺我而不辜，若 以死者為無知則止矣；若死而有知，不出三年，必使吾君 知之！」其三年，周宣王合諸侯而田於圃，田車數百乘， 車數百乘，從數千，人滿野。日中，杜伯乘白馬素車，朱 衣冠，執朱弓，挾朱矢，追周宣王，射之車上，中心折 脊，殪車中，伏弢而死。當是之時，周人從者莫不見，遠 者莫不聞，著在周之《春秋》。 為 君者以教其臣，為父者 以䜘其子，曰：「戒之！慎之！凡殺不辜者，其得不祥， 鬼神之誅，若此之憯遫 a 也！」以若書之說觀之，則鬼神 之有，豈可疑哉？ a. 簪速 Sun Yirang.

Now those who maintain [the concept] that ghosts do not exist ask:3 “If the number of people who have seen and heard evidence of ghosts and spirits is beyond counting, what specific person has seen and heard evidence that pertains to whether ghosts and spirits exist or not?” The teaching of our Master Mozi says: “If you want an example of what a crowd of people have seen and heard together, then we can take the ancient case of the earl of Du.”4 King Xuan of the Zhou dynasty put to death his minister the earl of Du, who was innocent of any crime. The earl of Du said: “My lord, you are going to execute me even though I am innocent. If the dead have no consciousness, then the matter ends there. But if the dead do have consciousness, then before three years have passed, I will certainly make my lord know it!” Three years later, King Xuan assembled the lords of the various states and went for a hunt at Pu. The party consisted of several hundred chariots and several thousand attendants who completely filled the field. Precisely at noon, the earl of Du appeared, riding in a plain

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chariot with a white horse, wearing a vermilion robe and hat, and holding a vermilion bow and vermilion arrows. He pursued King Xuan and shot him in his chariot. The arrow pierced his heart and broke his spine. The king fell down in his chariot, slumped over his quiver, and died.5 None of the Zhou people who were there failed to witness this event. Even in the most distant regions everyone heard about it, and a record was made of it in the Spring and Autumn Annals of Zhou. Lords used it to instruct their ministers, and fathers to warn their sons, saying: “Be prudent! Be obedient! Anyone who kills an innocent person will suffer misfortune and be punished by ghosts and spirits just as swiftly as happened in this case!”6 If we examine the account given in this book, how can we have any doubts that ghosts and spirits do exist? 31.4B

非惟若書之說為然也，昔者 (鄭GE>秦 a 穆公，當晝日中處 乎廟，有神入門而左，[人面]b 鳥身，素服三 (絕GE>毳 c， 面狀正方。(鄭GE>秦 a 穆公見之，乃恐懼犇，神曰：「無 懼！帝享女明德，使予錫女壽十年有九，使若國家蕃昌， 子孫茂，毋失 (鄭GE>秦 a。」(鄭GE>秦 a 穆公再拜稽首曰： 「敢問神名？」曰：「予為句芒。」若以 (鄭GE>秦 a 穆公之 所身見為儀，則鬼神之有，豈可疑哉？

a. Sun Yirang. c. Wang Huanbiao.

b. Dai Wang, Bi Yuan.

It is not merely the account in the preceding document that proves the existence of ghosts and spirits. In the past, Duke Mu of Qin was in his ancestral temple at dawn, when a spirit entered the gate and alighted on his left. It had the body of a bird and the face of a man, wore a plain white robe with three layers of down feathers, and had a grave and somber expression on its face. When Duke Mu saw it, he quaked with fear and started to flee. The spirit said: “Fear not! The Supreme Sovereign savors your bright virtue and has sent me down to bestow on you an additional nineteen years of life, to make your country flourish, and to cause your descendants to thrive and never lose Qin.” Duke Mu, bowing twice and knocking his head against the ground, said, “May I be so bold as to ask the spirit’s name?” “I am Goumang,” the spirit replied.7 If we take what Duke Mu of Qin personally witnessed as our standard, how can we doubt that ghosts and spirits exist?

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31.4C

非惟若書之說為然也，昔者，燕簡公殺其臣莊子儀而不 辜，莊子儀曰：「吾君 (王)a 殺我而不辜，死人毋知亦已， 死人有知，不出三年，必使吾君知之。」期年，燕將馳 祖，燕之有祖，當齊之 [有]b 社 (稷)c，宋之有桑林，楚之 有雲夢也，此男女之所屬而觀也。日中，燕簡公方將馳於 祖塗，莊子儀荷朱杖而擊之，殪之車上。當是時，燕人從 者莫不見，遠者莫不聞，著在燕之《春秋》。諸侯傳而語 之曰：「凡殺不辜者，其得不祥，鬼神之誅，若此其憯遫 d 也！」以若書之說觀之，則鬼神之有，豈可疑哉？

a. Sun Yirang. c. Wu Yujiang.

b. Sun Yirang. d. 簪速 Sun Yirang

It is not merely the account in the preceding document that proves the existence of ghosts and spirits. In the past Duke Jian of Yan killed Zhuang Ziyi, who was innocent of any crime. Zhuang Ziyi said: “My lord is going to execute me though I am innocent of any crime. If the dead lack consciousness, that will end the matter. But if the dead have consciousness, then before three years are over, I am certain to make my lord know it!” A full year later the duke of Yan was about to set off for Zu Marsh, which was a place, like the Earth Altar in Qi, the Mulberry Grove in Song, and the Cloudy Dream Marsh in Chu, where men and women gather to perform the guan ritual. At noon, as Duke Jian of Yan was galloping along the road to Zu, Zhuang Ziyi appeared holding a vermilion staff and struck the duke, who fell down in his chariot.8 None of the Yan people in attendance failed to witness the event as it happened. Even in the most distant regions everyone heard about it, and a record was made of it in the Spring and Autumn Annals of Yan. The lords of the various states handed down the story, saying: “Anyone who kills an innocent person will suffer misfortune and be punished by ghosts and spirits just as swiftly as happened in this case!” If we examine the account given in this book, how can we have any doubts that ghosts and spirits do exist? 31.4D

非惟若書之說為然也，昔者，宋文君鮑之時，有臣曰 (GE>祏 a 觀辜，固嘗從事於厲，祩 b 子杖揖 c 出與言曰： 「觀辜是何珪璧之不滿度量？酒醴粢盛之不淨潔也？犧牲 之不全肥？春秋冬夏『選』失時？豈女 d 為之與？意鮑為

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之與？」觀辜曰：「鮑幼弱在荷繈之中，鮑何與識焉？官 臣觀辜特為之。」祩 b 子舉揖 c 而槀 e 之，殪之壇上。當是 時，宋人從者莫不見，遠者莫不聞，著在宋之《春秋》。 諸侯傳而語之曰：「諸不敬慎祭祀者，鬼神之誅，至若此 其憯遫 f 也！」以若書之說觀之，鬼神之有，豈可疑哉？ a. Yin Tongyang. c. 楫 Su Shixue. e. 敲 Sun Yirang.

b. 祝 Bi Yuan. d. 汝 f. 簪速 Sun Yirang

It is not merely the account in the preceding document that proves the existence of ghosts and spirits. In the past, during the time of Bao, Lord Wen of Song, there was a minister named Guangu the Priest. Once, when he was performing a ceremony in the ancestral temple, there appeared a shaman carrying a club. The shaman said, “Guangu, why are the sacramental jade discs and circlets not of full standard measure? Why are the offerings of wine and rice and millet cakes not of the proper purity? Why are the animals selected for sacrifices not of a uniform color and fattened? Why are offerings for the spring and autumn, summer and winter sacrifices not done in the proper season? Is this your doing? Or is Bao responsible for this?” “Bao,” replied Guangu, “is still a baby carried on one’s back in a cloth baby sling. How could he know anything about these matters? I, minister Guangu, alone am responsible for everything that has been done.” The shaman raised his club and struck Guangu on the head, and he slumped over the altar dead.9 None of the Song people in attendance failed to witness the event as it happened. Even in the most distant regions everyone heard about it, and a record was made of it in the Spring and Autumn Annals of Song. The lords of the various states handed down the story, saying: “Anyone who fails to conduct the sacrifices and offerings to the ghosts and spirits with proper reverence and care will be punished by them just as swiftly as happened in this case!” If we examine the account given in this book, how can we have any doubts that ghosts and spirits do exist? 31.4E

非惟若書之說為然也。昔者，齊莊君之臣 ， 有所謂王里 國、中里徼者，此二子者，訟三年而獄不斷。齊君由 a 謙 殺之恐不辜；猶 a 謙釋之，恐失有罪。乃使之人共一羊， 盟齊之神社，二子許諾。於是泏洫 b， 𢵣 c 羊而 (漉GE>灑 d 其血，讀王里國之辭既已終矣，讀中里徼之辭未半也，

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羊起而觸之，折其腳，祧神之 e 而槀之，殪之盟所。當是 時，齊人從者莫不見，遠者莫不聞，著在齊之《春秋》。 諸侯傳而語之曰：「 (請品GE>諸盟 f (先GE>矢 g 不以其請 h 者，鬼神之誅，至若此其憯遫 i 也。」以若書之說觀之， 鬼神之有，豈可疑哉？是故子墨子言曰：「雖有深谿博 林，幽澗 j 毋人之所，施行不可以不 (董GE>謹 k，見有鬼神 視之。」 a. 欲 Wang Niansun. b. 歃血 Sun Yirang. c. 𠜲 Wang Yinzhi. d. Bi Yuan. e. Bi Yuan notes that there is a lacuna in the text here. f. Wang Yinzhi. g. Sun Yirang. h. 情 Bi Yuan. i. 簪速 Sun Yirang. j. 閒 Wang Niansun. k. Yu Yue, Su Shixue.

It is not merely the account in the preceding document that proves the existence of ghosts and spirits. In the past, Lord Zhuang of Qi had two ministers, Royal Magistrate Guo and Middle Magistrate Jiao, who were engaged in a lawsuit for three years in which no judgment had been decided. The lord of Qi wanted to execute both of them but was afraid that he would execute an innocent man. He wanted to set them both free but also feared that he might set free the guilty party. So he ordered that the two men jointly bring a lamb to swear an oath at Qi’s altar of the soil. The two men agreed. They thereupon performed the ritual of smearing their mouths with blood: the throat of the lamb was slit, and its blood was poured. Royal Magistrate Guo read his statement through to the end, and nothing happened. Middle Magistrate Jiao had not read half his statement, when the lamb rose up, butted him, and broke his leg . . .10 and he fell over dead on the altar.11 None of the Qi people in attendance failed to witness the event as it happened. Even in the most distant regions everyone heard about it, and a record was made of it in the Spring and Autumn Annals of Qi. The lords of the various states handed down the story, saying: “Anyone who swears to an oath without perfect sincerity will be punished by ghosts and spirits just as swiftly as happened in this case!” If we examine the account given in the preceding documents, how can we have any doubts that ghosts and spirits do exist? This is the precise reason the teachings of our Master Mozi say: “Even in the deepest valleys or broadest expanses of forest, in dark and distant places where

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

no one lives, it is impermissible to display any lack of proper caution, for even there ghosts and spirits will see you.” 31.5 今執無鬼者曰： 「夫眾人耳目之請 a，豈足以斷疑哉？柰何

其欲為高君子於天下，而有復信眾之耳目之請 a 哉？」子墨 子曰：「若以眾之耳目之請 a，以為不足信也，不以斷疑， 不識若昔者三代聖王堯舜禹湯文武者，足以為法乎？」 故於此乎，自中人以上皆曰：若昔者三代聖王，足以為 法矣！若苟昔者三代聖王足以為法，然則姑嘗上觀聖王之 事。昔者，武王之攻殷誅紂也，使諸侯分其祭曰：「使親 者受內祀，疏者受外祀。」故武王必以鬼神為有，是故攻 殷伐紂，使諸侯分其祭。若鬼神無有，則武王何祭分哉？ a. 情 Bi Yuan.

Now those who maintain that ghosts do not exist say: “How can the evidence of the ears and eyes of a crowd of people be satisfactory grounds for resolving doubts? Can anyone who desires to be a lofty superior man in the world really trust the evidence of the ears and eyes of the crowd?” Our Master Mozi said: “If the evidence of the eyes and ears of a crowd is insufficiently trustworthy to be used to resolve doubts, then I do not know whether the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity—Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu—are a satisfactory standard.” But surely everyone who is above the middle rank of people will say, “Of course the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties are a satisfactory standard!” If the sage-kings of antiquity are a satisfactory standard, then we should review the deeds of these sage-kings. Anciently, when King Wu attacked Yin and punished Zhou, he ordered that the sacrifices be apportioned to the lords of the various states, saying: “Those who are closely related to the throne may partake of the sacrifices within the ancestral temple. Those who are more distantly related may participate in sacrifices conducted outside.”12 Thus King Wu certainly believed that ghosts and spirits existed, since after his attack on Yin and overthrow of Zhou he ordered that the sacrifices be apportioned among the lords of the various states in this way. If ghosts and spirits did not exist, why would King Wu have apportioned the sacrifices to them?

31.6

非惟武王之事為然也，故聖王其賞也必於祖，其僇也必於 社。賞於祖者何也？告分之均也；僇於社者何也？告聽之

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中也。非惟若書之說為然也，且惟昔者虞夏、商、周三代 之聖王，其始建國營都日，必擇國之正壇，置以為宗廟； 必擇木之脩茂者，立以為菆 a (位GE>社 b；必擇國之父兄慈 孝貞良者，以為祝宗；必擇六畜之勝腯肥倅 c 毛，以為犧 牲；珪璧琮璜，稱財為度；必擇五穀之芳黃，以為酒醴粢 盛，故酒醴粢盛，與歲上下也。故古聖王治天下也，故必 先鬼神而後人者此也。故曰官府選効 d， 必先祭器祭服，畢 藏於府，祝宗有司，畢立於朝，犧牲不與昔聚群。故古者 聖王之為政若此。 a. 叢 Wang Niansun. c. 粹 Bi Yuan.

b. Wang Niansun. d. 僎效 Sun Yirang.

It is not only the actions of King Wu that are like this, for the ancient sage-kings bestowed rewards in the ancestral temple and meted out punishments at the altar of the soil. Why did they bestow rewards in the ancestral temple? In order to announce to the spirits that the rewards were fairly apportioned. Why did they mete out punishments at the altar of the soil? To announce to the spirits that the judgments were just. It is not only the explanation recorded in this document that is like this.13 Other examples are to be found in the actions of the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity on the days when they first established their states and founded their capitals. They were certain to select a site for the main altar of the state and construct their ancestral temple there.14 They were certain to choose a place where the trees were especially fine and flourishing and in this luxuriant grove set up their altar of the soil. They were certain to choose fathers and elder sons who were known for their affectionate and filial conduct, and for being upright and virtuous, to act as the invocators and elders of the temple. They were certain to select from the six animals those that were plumpest and of uniform color to be used as sacrificial animals; to choose jade discs and circlets, insignia of rank, and pendants of the proper quality and size; and to select from the five grains those that were most fragrant and deep gold in color to make wine and millet and rice cakes for sacrifice, the quality varying with the year.15 Thus when the ancient sage-kings ruled the world, they absolutely placed ghosts and spirits first and humans second, as shown by these deeds.16 Thus it was said that the first things that the bureaus and treasuries of their governments did was to collect sufficient vessels, implements, and clothing for use in sacrifice to fill the

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storage areas in the treasuries; to make certain that the full complement of officials, invocators, and elders for the temples had been appointed to the court; and to ensure that the animals to be used in sacrifice had been kept separate from the herds of common animals. Such was the way the ancient sage-kings conducted their governments. [有]a，其務鬼神厚矣。又恐後世子孫 不能知也，故書之竹帛，傳遺後世子孫，(咸GE> 或 b 恐其 腐蠹絕滅，後世子孫不得而記，故琢之盤盂，鏤之金石， 以重之；有恐後世子孫不能敬 (莙GE>若 c 以取羊 d。故先王 之書，聖人 [ 之言]e，一尺之帛，一篇之書，語數鬼神之有 也，重有重之。此其故何？則聖王務之。今執無鬼者曰： 「鬼神者，固無有。」則此反聖王之務。反聖王之務，則 非所以為君子之道也！

31.7 古者聖王必以鬼神為



a. Wang Niansun. c. Bi Yuan. e. Wang Niansun.

b. Wang Yinzhi. d. 祥 Bi Yuan.

The ancient sage-kings certainly believed that ghosts and spirits exist; this is why they treated them so generously. But they also feared that in later generations their descendants would be unable to know what they had done. Thus they had documents written on bamboo and silk that were to be handed down to their posterity. Some fearing that these documents might rot and decay, become lost, or be destroyed, and their descendants would have no way of remembering what had been written on them, had records inscribed on bowls and basins and engraved on metal and stone, as a way of duplicating the documents. Having taken all these steps, they were still fearful lest their descendants prove incapable of showing strict, reverent care in regard to the spirits and therefore not receive their blessings. Thus in the books of the founding kings and the words of the sages, we find in a single scroll of silk or in a single b­ undle of bamboo strips frequent references to the existence of ghosts and ­spirits, repeated over and over again. What is the reason for this? The sage-kings were especially concerned about ghosts and spirits. Now those who maintain that ghosts do not exist say: “Ghosts and spirits most certainly do not exist.” But this goes against the concerns of the sage-kings. To go against the concerns of the sage-kings is to go against what they themselves took to be the Way of the superior man!

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31.8 今執無鬼者之言曰： 「先王之書，( 慎GE>惟 a 無一尺之帛，

一篇之書，語數鬼神之有，重有重之，亦何書之有哉？」 子墨子曰：「周書《大雅》有之。」《大雅》曰：「文王在 上，於昭于天，周雖舊邦，其命維新。有周不顯，帝命不 時。文王陟降，在帝左右。穆穆文王，令問不已。」若鬼 神無有，則文王既死，彼豈能在帝之左右哉？此吾所以知 周書之鬼也。

a. Wang Huanbiao.

Now those who maintain that ghosts do not exist say: “Which books are these books of the founding kings in which we find in a single scroll of silk or bundle of bamboo numerous references to the existence of ghosts and spirits repeated over and over again?” Our Master Mozi said: “Among the Zhou books, the ‘Greater Ya Odes’ contain such references. One of the ‘Greater Ya Odes’ says: King Wen is on high, Shining brightly in the sky. Zhou, though an ancient land, Has newly received the mandate. If the rulers of Zhou were not illustrious, Would not the Supreme Sovereign’s mandate be untimely? King Wen ascends and descends, He is on the left and right of the Supreme Sovereign. Majestic! Majestic is King Wen, His good name shall never cease.”17 If ghosts and spirits did not exist, how would it be possible for King Wen, who was already dead, to be on the left and right of the Supreme Sovereign? From this I know that the documents of Zhou recognized the existence of ghosts. 31.9 且周書獨鬼，而商書不鬼，則未足以為法也。然則姑嘗上

觀乎商書，曰：「嗚呼！古者有夏，方未有禍之時，百獸 貞 a 蟲，允及飛鳥，莫不比方。矧隹人面，胡敢異心？山 川鬼神，亦莫敢不寧。若能共允，隹天下之合，下土之 葆。」察山川鬼神之所以莫敢不寧者，以佐謀禹也。此吾 所以知商書之鬼也。 a. 征 Sun Yirang.

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Moreover, if only the Zhou documents referred to ghosts, and there were none in the Shang documents, then such sources would not be a sufficient standard. But if we examine the Shang documents, we find this statement: “Ah! Anciently, in the time before the rulers of Xia were visited with calamity, none of the hundred kinds of animals, the multitude of crawling things, and even the flying birds failed to be docile. How much more was this true of those with human faces! How would they dare be disloyal? So too the ghosts and spirits of the mountains and streams: none dared fail to be tranquil. In this way the Xia rulers were able to act with respect and sincerity, to bring harmony to the whole world and protection to the land below.”18 If we investigate why the ghosts and spirits of the mountains and streams dared not be untranquil, we find that they assisted and advised Yu. From this I know that the Shang documents recognized the existence of ghosts. 31.10

且商書獨鬼，而夏書不鬼，則未足以為法也。然則姑嘗上觀 乎夏書禹誓曰：「大戰于甘，王乃命左右六人，下聽誓于中 軍，曰：『有扈氏威侮五行，怠棄三正，天用剿絕其命。』 有曰：『日中，今予與有扈氏爭一日之命。且爾卿大夫庶 人，予非爾田野葆 a (士GE>玉 b 之欲也，予共行天之罰也。 左不共 c 于左，右不共 c 于右，若不共命，御非爾馬之政， 若不共命。』」是以賞于祖而僇于社。賞于祖者何也？言分 命之均也。僇于社者何也？言聽獄之 (事GE>衷 d 也。故古 聖王必以鬼神為賞賢而罰暴，是故賞必於祖而僇必於社。 此吾所以知夏書之鬼也。故尚者夏書，其次商周之書，語 數鬼神之有也，重有重之，此其故何也？則聖王務之。以 若書之說觀之，則鬼神之有，豈可疑哉？於古曰：「吉日 丁卯，(周GE>用 e 代 (祝GE>祀 e 社方，歲於 (社者GE>祖若 e 考，以延年壽。若無鬼神，彼豈有所延年壽哉！」 a. 寶 Yu Yue. c. 攻 Sun Yirang. e. Sun Yirang.

b. Yu Yue. d. Sun Yirang.

Moreover, if only the Shang documents referred to ghosts, and there were none in the Xia documents, these sources would not be a sufficient guide. But if we examine that more ancient Xia document, the “Oath of Yu,” we find this statement:

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266

When the great battle at Gan was about to begin, the king ordered the six hereditary officers who assisted him to descend from their platform into the midst of the army to listen to his oath. The king said: “The ruler of the Hu treats with contempt the five moral principles and thoughtlessly abandons the three norms. Heaven consequently has cut off his allotted span of life.” He also said: “It is now noon. Today I will fight to the death with the ruler of Hu. Oh! You ministers, grand officers, and commoners, it is not that I desire your fields and treasured jades; rather, I am respectfully carrying out the punishment of Heaven. If the army of the left does not perform its duties on the left, and that of the right on the right, they will not have respectfully followed their orders. If the charioteers do not correctly manage their horses, they too will not have respectfully followed their orders.”19 Thereupon, rewards were bestowed at the ancestral temple and punishment meted out at the altar of the soil. Why were rewards bestowed at the ancestral temple? To report to the ancestors that allocation was equal to the duties performed. Why were punishments meted out at the altar of the soil? To report to the spirits that the judgments were just. Thus the ancient sage-kings certainly thought that ghosts and spirits rewarded the worthy and punished the violent, and this is why rewards were always bestowed in the ancestral temple and punishments meted out at the altar of soil. From this I know that the Xia documents recognized the existence of ghosts. Thus first in the documents of Xia, then in those of Shang and Zhou, we find numerous references to the existence of ghosts and spirits, repeated over and over again. Why is this? The sage-kings were especially concerned about the ghosts and spirits. Based on what these documents say, how can there be any doubt about whether the ghosts and spirits exist? In ancient times it was said that people chose the auspicious ding and mao days to make offerings to the altar of soil and the spirits of the four quarters, and at the end of the year they made collective offerings to the patriarch and ancestors, in order to prolong the years of their lives. If there were no ghosts and spirits, how could there be any prolongation of one’s years of life?20 31.11

是故子墨子曰：「嘗若鬼神之能賞賢如罰暴也，蓋本施之 國家，施之萬民，實所以治國家利萬民之道也。」 (若以

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267

為不然)a 是以吏治官府之不絜廉，男女之為無別者，鬼神 見之；民之為淫暴寇亂盜賊，以兵刃毒藥水火，(退GE>迓 60 無罪人乎道路，奪人車馬衣裘以自利者，有鬼神見之。是 以吏治官府，不敢不絜廉，見善不敢不賞，見暴不敢不 罪。民之為淫暴寇亂盜賊，以兵刃毒藥水火，退無罪人乎 道路，奪車馬衣裘以自利者，由此止。 (是以莫放幽閒， 擬乎鬼神之明顯，明有一人畏上誅罰。)b 是以天下治。

a. Wang Niansun.

b. Dai Wang.

This is why our Master Mozi says: “If the fact that ghosts and spirits are capable of rewarding the worthy and punishing the violent is made known to the country and to its myriad people, it can become the way by which to bring order to the country and benefit to its myriad people.” Then when the officers in charge of government storehouses are dishonest, and when men and women engage in illicit relations, the ghosts and spirits will see it. When people’s behavior is lewd and violent, when they engage in brigandage, robbery, and predation, when they use weapons, knives, poisons, water, and fire to assault innocent people traveling on the roads, steal their carts, horses, clothes, and furs for their own benefit, the ghosts and spirits will see it. Thus the officers in charge of the government warehouses will not dare be dishonest and will not dare fail to reward the good and punish the violent. And because the ghosts and spirits will see them, the people will stop being lewd and violent, will not engage in brigandage, robbery, and predation, using weapons, knives, poisons, water, and fire to assault innocent people traveling on the roads, to steal their carts, horses, clothes, and furs for their own benefit. And for that reason the world will be well ordered. 31.12

故鬼神之明，不可為幽閒廣澤山林深谷，鬼神之明必知 之。鬼神之罰，不可為富貴眾強，勇力強武，堅甲利兵， 鬼神之罰必勝之。若以為不然，昔者夏王桀，貴為天子， 富有天下，上詬天侮鬼，下殃 (傲GE>殺 a 天下之萬民，祥 b 上帝伐，(元GE>抗 c (山GE>上 d 帝行。故於此乎，天乃使 湯至明罰焉。湯以車九兩，鳥陳鴈行，湯乘大贊，犯遂下 [之]e，眾 (人GE>入 f 之 (蟜LC>郊 f 遂，王 (乎GE>手 g 禽推哆 大戲。故昔夏王桀，貴為天子，富有天下，有勇力之人推 哆大戲，生列 h 兕虎，指畫殺人，人民之眾兆億，侯盈厥

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澤陵，然不能以此圉鬼神之誅。此吾所謂鬼神之罰，不可 為富貴眾強、勇力強武、堅甲利兵者，此也。

a. Wang Niansun. c. Wang Huanbiao. e. Wang Huanbiao g. Bi Yuan.

b. 戕 Wang Huanbiao. d. Sun Yirang. f. Sun Yirang. h. 裂 Sun Yirang.

Because of the sharp vision of ghosts and spirits, it is impossible to hide in dark and distant places, broad marshes, mountain forests, or deep valleys. Wherever you are, the sharp vision of ghosts and spirits is certain to observe you. The punishments of ghosts and spirits cannot be resisted by eminence, strength of numbers, bravery, might, strong armor, or sharp weapons, for the punishment of ghosts and spirits is certain to triumph over all these. If one thinks that this is not true, consider the case of the Xia king Jie, who in ancient times was eminent as Son of Heaven and wealthy with possession of the whole world. Above he cursed Heaven and treated ghosts with contempt; below he slaughtered the myriad people of the world. He destroyed the Supreme Sovereign’s accomplishments and resisted the road that the Supreme Sovereign had indicated. Because of these things, Heaven thereupon ordered Tang to punish him. Tang, with but nine war chariots,21 did the “bird stretch” and the “wild goose march,”22 advanced from Dazan, and made his attack against the city of Sui and defeated it. The troops of Xia entered the suburban altar area of Sui, where Tang personally took Tuichi Daxi captive.23 In ancient times, Jie, the king of Xia, was eminent as Son of Heaven and wealthy with possession of the whole world. He had a man of great daring and strength, Tuichi Daxi, who could tear apart a live rhinoceros or tiger and who could kill a man with the flick of a finger.24 Jie’s subjects numbered in the millions, and they filled his whole realm, from the lowlying marshes to the high hills. Despite all this, it was impossible for him to ward off the execution of the ghosts and spirits. This is an example of what I said: The punishments of ghosts and spirits cannot be resisted by eminence, strength of numbers, bravery, might, strong armor, or sharp weapons, for the punishment of ghosts and spirits is certain to triumph over all these. 31.13

且不惟此為然。昔者殷王紂，貴為天子，富有天下，上 詬天侮鬼，下殃 (傲GE>殺 a 天下之萬民，播棄黎老，賊誅 孩子，(楚毒GE>焚炙 b 無罪，刳剔孕婦，庶舊鰥寡，號咷

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無告也。故於此乎，天乃使武王至明罰焉。武王以擇車百 兩，虎賁之卒四百人，先庶國節窺戎，與殷人戰乎牧之 野，王 (乎GE>手 c 費中、惡來，眾畔 (百GE>皆 d 走。武王 逐奔入宮，萬年梓株，折紂而繫之赤環 e，載之白旗，以 為天下諸侯僇。故昔者殷王紂，貴為天子，富有天下， 有勇力之人費中、惡來、崇侯虎指寡 f 殺人，人民之眾兆 億，侯盈厥澤陵，然不能以此圉鬼神之誅。此吾所謂鬼神 之罰，不可為富貴眾強、勇力強武、堅甲利兵者，此也。 且《禽艾》之道之曰：「得璣 g 無小，滅宗無大。」則此言 鬼神之所賞，無小必賞之；鬼神之所罰，無大必罰之。 a. Wang Niansun. b. Wang Niansun. c. Bi Yuan. d. Wang Yinzhi. e. 缳 JR; cf. Xunzi 18.3. f. 畫 Bi Yuan. g. 德幾 Su Shixue.

Further, it is not just this example that proves that what I said is true. In antiquity, the Yin king Zhou was eminent as Son of Heaven and wealthy with possession of the whole world. Above he cursed Heaven and treated ghosts with contempt; below he slaughtered the myriad people of the world. He scorned old people, preyed upon and mutilated little children, roasted innocent men alive, slit open the wombs of pregnant women. Ordinary people and old ministers, widowers and orphans, all cried out in agony, but there was no one who would argue their case.25 Because of all these things, Heaven therewith ordered King Wu to punish him. King Wu selected one hundred chariots and four hundred fierce tiger braves. At the head of the assembled treaty states, he observed the enemy forces. He engaged the Yin army in battle on the field of Mu. There King Wu captured alive Fei Zhong and Wu Lai with his own hands, after which the troops deserted and fled. King Wu rushed after them, entered the palace, and with a branch from a ten-thousand-year-old catalpa tree,26 he divided Zhou into pieces, suspending his head in a vermilion noose and holding aloft the rest with a white pennon. Thus did King Wu carry out the punishment of Zhou for the world and the lords of the various states.27 Thus in ancient times, Zhou, the king of Yin, was eminent as Son of Heaven and wealthy with possession of the whole world. He had men

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of great daring and strength, Fei Zhong, Wu Lai, and Marquis Hu of Chong, who could kill a man with the flick of a finger. King Zhou’s subjects numbered in the millions, and they filled his whole realm, from the low-lying marshes to the high hills. Despite all this, it was impossible for him to ward off the execution of the ghosts and spirits. This is an example of what I said: The punishments of ghosts and spirits cannot be resisted by eminence, strength of numbers, bravery, might, strong armor, or sharp weapons, for the punishment of ghosts and spirits is certain to triumph over all these. Finally, the Book of Qin Ai has a passage that reads: “Be kind to the slightest being, no matter how small he may be; destroy a lineage, no matter how great it may be.”28 This says that when ghosts and spirits bestow rewards, there is no one so small and unimportant that he is not rewarded, and when they mete out punishments, there is no one so great that he will not be punished. 31.14

今執無鬼者曰：「意不忠 a 親之利，而害為孝子乎？」子墨 子曰：「古 (之)b 今之為鬼，非他也，有天鬼，亦有山水鬼 神者，亦有人死而為鬼者。」今有子先其父死，弟先其兄 死者矣，意雖使然，然而天下之陳物曰：「先生者先死。」 若是，則先死者非父則母，非兄而姒也。今絜為酒醴粢 盛，以敬慎祭祀，若使鬼神請有，是得其父母姒兄而飲食 之也，豈非厚利哉？若使鬼神請亡，是乃費其所為酒醴粢 盛之財耳。(自GE>且 c 夫費之，非特 d 注之汙壑而棄之也， 內者宗族，外者鄉里，皆得如具飲食之。雖使鬼神請亡， 此猶可以合驩聚眾，取親於鄉里。今執無鬼者言曰：「鬼 神者固請無有，是以不共其酒醴粢盛犧牲之財。吾非乃 今愛其酒醴粢盛犧牲之財乎。其所得者，(臣GE>且 e 將何 哉。」此上逆聖王之書，內逆民人孝子之行，而為上士於 天下，此非所以為上士之道也。是故子墨子曰：「今吾為 祭祀也，非直注之汙壑而棄之也，上以交鬼之福，下以合 驩聚眾，取親乎鄉里。若神有，則是得吾父母弟兄而食之 也。則此豈非天下利事也哉！」 a. 中 Su Shixue. c. Sun Yirang. e. Wang Huanbiao.

b. Sun Yirang. d. 直 Bi Yuan, Yu Yue.

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Now those who maintain that ghosts do not exist say: “Belief in the existence of ghosts not only fails to benefit parents, it actually does harm to their obedient children, does it not?”29 Our Master Mozi said: “Ghosts of antiquity or the present are none other than the spirits of Heaven, the ghosts and spirits of the mountains and rivers, and the ghosts of people who have died.” Now there are instances of sons predeceasing their parents and of younger brothers, their elder brothers. Despite the fact that this sometimes happens, the natural order of things in the world is: the first to be born are the first to die. This being the case, if the first to die is not your father, it will be your mother; if not your elder brother, it will be your elder sister. Now when we prepare purified wine and rice and millet cakes and offer them in sacrifices with reverence and care, if ghosts and spirits really exist, this is the same as giving food and drink to our fathers, mothers, elder brothers, and elder sisters. Is this not a rich benefit? But if ghosts and spirits do not in fact exist, then would we have wasted materials making purified wine and rice and millet cakes? Though we do use up resources making them, it is not as though we had just poured the wine down the drain or thrown away the rice and millet cakes. Within the family, descendants of the common ancestors, and from outside the family, members of the village and district, can all gather to eat and drink them. So even if ghosts and spirits do not in fact exist, people would still be able to enjoy being with the assembled family and develop closer ties with the people of the village and district. Now those who advocate that ghosts do not exist say: “It is patently obvious that ghosts and spirits do not exist. This is why we do not contribute goods like purified wine, rice and millet cakes, or animals for sacrifice. It is not a matter of our begrudging the expense of such things, but that we do not see what is accomplished by using them.” This contradicts the records of the sage-kings and violates the actions proper to the people and to obedient sons. Though such people desire to be eminent gentlemen in the world, this is not the way to become one. This is why our Master Mozi said: “Now when I perform sacrifices and make offerings, it is not as though I merely pour out the wine and throw away the millet. Above I secure the blessings of the ghosts and below assemble the whole family on an enjoyable occasion and cultivate closer relations with people of the village and district. If spirits exist, then I am able to provide food to my parents and brothers. How could these not be things that benefit the whole world?”

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是故子墨子曰：「今天下之王公大人士君子，中實將欲求 興天下之利，除天下之害，當若鬼神之有也，將不可不尊 明也，聖王之道也。」 This is the reason our Master Mozi said: “Now if the kings, dukes, great men, and the noble elite of the world in fact seek to promote what benefits the whole world and eliminate what harms it, they cannot but honor and explain to others the fact that ghosts and spirits exist, for this is the Way of the sage-kings.”

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Condemn Music The Chinese words for “music” and “pleasure” are closely related. They are written with the same character, and their pronunciations in the Old Chinese of Mozi’s day were similar. The Mohists do not deny this relationship; that is, they do not deny that music is pleasurable. Their position is that music and other forms of pleasure require heavy exactions of labor and resources while providing no material benefit for the people. Thus the Mohist rejection of the musical performances that were characteristic of court life in the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods is connected to the doctrines advocating frugality in expenditures and mortuary practices, and, like those, argues that resources should be used only for the material benefit of the great mass of the population. The doctrine certainly engendered a strong reaction. Xunzi devotes most of his “Discourse on Music” to refuting the Mohist arguments against music. Contrary to Mozi, Xunzi says that music benefits people by contributing to their moral cultivation, inspiring in them feelings of well-being, and providing in performance positive examples of social uniformity and harmony. He concludes that Mozi’s opposition to music is intolerable since he fails to comprehend these contributions to an orderly society. Turning Mozi’s own language and analogies against him, Xunzi declares: “It is precisely in their ritual and music that the Way of the Ancient Kings has its highest expression. Yet Mozi condemns it. Thus, I say that Mozi’s understanding of the Way is like that of a blind man trying to distinguish white from black, or of a deaf man bass and treble notes, or like someone who tries to reach Chu [in the south] by traveling to the north.”1 The author of the Zhuangzi chapter “In the World”—an important account of the three branches of the Mohist school—found the doctrine excessive: “I would not fault the Way of Master Mo. And yet if you sang he condemned singing, if you cried he condemned crying, and if you made music he condemned music. What sort was he after all?”2 Chapter 32, though identified in its title as the upper chapter of the triad, is perhaps mislabeled, since many items in its vocabulary, as well as its citations of canonical sources, are not typical of other upper chapters. Mozi is quoted, but the quotations are few in number and individually not extensive in length. Otherwise, the chapter consists of far more extensive elaborations by an anonymous author who refers to “Master Mozi’s condemnation of music” (32.2A) in a way that reveals that the chapter is indeed to be understood as an explanation 1.  Xunzi, 20 “Yuelun 樂論,” 14.459 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:82). 2.  Zhuangzi, “Tianxia 天下,” 10B.1075 (Graham, Chuang-tzu, 276).

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of Mozi’s teachings. The author must have been a figure whose opinions mattered in their own right, since he represents them, not as those of undifferentiated members of the Mohist school, but as his own, referring to himself by the personal pronoun wo 我 (at 32.2A). The author was, moreover, well acquainted with the language and formulaic expressions common to other core chapters. For example, his tortured complaint at 32.4 that music does nothing to stop the strong from bullying the weak borrows from the condemnation of various forms of coercion that appears in the “Impartial Love” triad (15.2 and 16.1A) and elsewhere. His reference in 32.6B to Duke Kang of Qi, who reigned from 403 to 379, as someone in the past means that, unless there is some error in the duke’s name, the text cannot be traced to the earliest periods of Mohism. The point of chapter 32 is to delineate the wastefulness involved in musical performance. The author of the chapter goes so far as to argue that making musical instruments is a waste of resources because, unlike boats and carts, they are of no practical use (32.2B), and that training musicians to play the instruments is wrong because it takes men and women away from the fundamental task of working in the fields to produce food or weaving fabrics for clothing (32.5). Moreover, since music cannot be enjoyed by a ruler in solitude, the need to provide him with company at a performance further deprives the state of necessary hours of productive labor (32.6A). Finally, it is observed that the musicians do not make their own clothes but rely on the labor of others (32.6B). The remarks seem petty, but they suggest that the author believed it necessary to the argument he was making—contra critics like Xunzi and the author of the Zhuangzi chapter—to point out the enormous expense involved in producing entertainment. He regarded as particularly excessive the preparations required for a performance of the Wan dance (32.6B). A noteworthy digression in the chapter is the author’s observation that, unlike animals, people cannot rely on what Heaven provides them in order to survive (32.7). Ordinary people must manufacture what they need to feed and clothe themselves, while those in positions of authority must manage the government’s and the state’s resources to maintain stability and prosperity. The implicit message that Heaven does not supply these things can be read as a significant departure from the assumption in “Heaven’s Will” that a cognizant and concerned deity provides them as payment for moral behavior.

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非樂上第三十二 Chapter 32: Condemn Music (Upper) 32.1

子墨子言曰：「仁之事者，必務求興天下之利，除天下之 害，將以為法乎天下。利人乎，即為；不利人乎，即止。」 且夫仁者之為天下度也，非為其目之所美，耳之所樂，口 之所甘，身體之所安，以此虧奪民衣食之財，仁者弗為 也。 Our Master Mozi said: “It is the job of the humane person to work to promote what is beneficial to the world and to eliminate what is harmful. He makes this the standard for others in the world: what benefits people, you should do; but what does not benefit them, you should refrain from doing.”1 When such a humane person makes plans for the sake of the world, it is not to provide beauty for people’s eyes to see, pleasures for their ears to hear, sweetness for their mouths to taste, or a place they will find comfortable to dwell in. If providing these would diminish or deprive the people of the materials required for their clothing and food, the humane person will not do it.

32.2A

是故子墨子之所以非樂者，非以大鍾、鳴鼓、琴瑟、竽笙 之聲，以為不樂也；非以刻鏤華文章之色，以為不美也； 非以犓豢煎炙之味，以為不甘也；非以高臺厚榭邃野 a 之 居，以為不安也。雖身知其安也，口知其甘也，目知其美 也，耳知其樂也，然上考之不中聖王之事，下度之不中萬 民之利，是故子墨子曰：「為樂非也。」 a. 宇 Wang Yinzhi.

Thus the reason our Master Mozi condemns the making of music is not that the sounds of the large bells, the singing drums, the lutes and zithers, and the pipes and mouth organs are not pleasurable; it is not that the colors of incised and carved patterns and designs are not beautiful; it is not that the taste of the fried and broiled meat of pastured and grain-fed animals is not sweet; and it is not that dwelling in lofty towers, broad pavilions, and secluded halls is uncomfortable. The body can attest to their comfort, the mouth to their sweetness, the eye to their beauty, and the ear to their being pleasurable. Yet if we examine making music, we discover that that it does not match what the sage-kings

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did; and if we take its measure, we find that it is not commensurate with what benefits the myriad people. This is why our Master Mozi said: “Making music is wrong!” 32.2B

今王公大人，雖 a 無造為樂器，以為事乎國家，非直掊潦 水折壤坦而為之也，將必厚措 b 斂乎萬民，以為大鍾、鳴 鼓、琴瑟、竽笙之聲。古者聖王亦嘗厚措 b 斂乎萬民，以 為舟車，既以 c 成矣，曰：「吾將惡許 d 用之？」曰：「舟用 之水，車用之陸，君子息其足焉，小人休其肩背焉。」故 萬民出財齎而予之，不敢以為慼恨者，何也？以其反中民 之利也。然則樂器反中民之利亦若此，即我弗敢非也。然 則當用樂器譬之若聖王之為舟車也，即我弗敢非也。 a. 唯 Wang Niansun. c. 已 Wang Niansun.

b. 籍 Wang Niansun. d. 所 Wang Yinzhi.

The kings, dukes, and great men of today consider the manufacture of musical instruments to be a state duty, but making them is not as simple as collecting rainwater or digging up a little dirt. Inevitably they must lay heavy exactions on their myriad subjects in order to produce the sounds from large bells, singing drums, lutes and zithers, pipes and mouth organs. In antiquity a sage-king also had to lay heavy exactions on his myriad subjects in order to make boats and carts. After they were completed, when asked, “What can we use them for?” the sage-king replied, “Boats are used on water and carts on dry land, so that superior men can rest their feet and ordinary men can relieve their shoulders and backs from burdens.” His myriad people brought out their goods and gave them to the king to pay the costs of producing the boats and carts and did not presume to resent it or grumble about it. Why? Because the boats and carts would in return benefit the people. Thus, if musical instruments would return a benefit to the people the way boats and carts do, I would of course not dare to oppose them. This being the case, if the use of musical instruments were comparable, say, to the way that the sage-king used boats and carts, then I would not presume to condemn them. 32.3

民有三患：飢者不得食，寒者不得衣，勞者不得息，三 者民之巨患也。然即當為之撞巨鍾、擊鳴鼓、彈琴瑟、吹

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竽笙而揚干戚，民衣食之財將安可得乎？即我以為未必然 也。 The people are troubled about three things: that the hungry get no food, the cold get no clothing, and the weary get no rest. These three things are the great problems the people worry about. Given this, were we to deal with them by striking great bells, beating the singing drums, strumming the lutes and zithers, blowing the pipes and mouth organs, and brandishing shields and axes, how could we obtain any resource that would provide clothing and food for the people? I think that this certainly would not be the case. 32.4

意 a 舍此。今有大國即攻小國，有大家即伐小家，強劫弱， 眾暴寡，詐欺愚，貴傲賤，寇亂盜賊並興，不可禁止也。 然即當為之撞巨鍾、擊鳴鼓、彈琴瑟、吹竽笙而揚干戚， 天下之亂也，將安可得而治與？即我 [以為]b 未必然也。 是故子墨子曰：「姑嘗厚措 c 斂乎萬民，以為大鍾、鳴鼓、 琴瑟、竽笙之聲，以求興天下之利，除天下之害而無補 也。」是故子墨子曰：「為樂非也。」 a. 抑 Yu Yue. c. 籍 Wang Niansun.

b. Yu Yue.

Let us put this matter aside for the present. Today, there are large states that attack small states, and there are great hereditary houses that assault lesser ones, as well as the strong plundering the weak, the many tyrannizing the few, swindlers cheating the stupid, the noble treating the humble with disdain, and the widespread appearance of bandits and robbers—none of this can be stopped. Given this, were we to deal with them by striking great bells, beating the singing drums, strumming the lutes and zithers, blowing the pipes and mouth organs, and brandishing shields and axes, how could we obtain anything that would produce good order? I think that this certainly would not be the case. This is why our Master Mozi said: “Were one to lay heavy exactions on the myriad peoples in order to produce sounds from large bells, singing drums, lutes and zithers, pipes and mouth organs, thereby seeking to promote what is beneficial to the world and eliminate what is harmful, nothing good would come of it.” Thus our Master Mozi said: “Making music is wrong!”2

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32.5

今王公大人，唯毋處高臺厚榭之上而視之，鍾猶是延鼎 也，弗撞擊將何樂得焉哉？其說將必撞擊之，惟勿撞擊， 將必不使老與遲者，老與遲者耳目不聰明，股肱不畢強， 聲不和調，(明GE>音 a 不轉 (朴GE>抃 a。將必使當年，因 其耳目之聰明，股肱之畢強，聲之和調，(眉GE>音 a 之轉 (朴GE>抃 a。使丈夫為之，廢丈夫耕稼樹藝之時，使婦人 為之，廢婦人紡績織紝之事。今王公大人唯毋為樂，虧奪 民衣食之財，以拊樂如此多也。是故子墨子曰：「為樂非 也！」

a. Yu Yue.

When the kings, dukes, and great men of today, seated in their lofty pavilions and broad halls, gaze down upon their bells, they appear to be cauldrons hanging upside down. If the bells are not struck with mallets, what enjoyment can be got from them? This means that they must have the bells struck. And of course they will not employ the very old or the very young to strike them, for the ears and eyes of the very old and the very young are not acute and keen enough, and their limbs are not sufficiently strong and supple. The sounds they would make would not be harmonious, and the tones they would produce would not be on the beat. So they must employ people in the prime of life whose ears and eyes are acute and keen and whose limbs are strong and supple. The sounds they produce are harmonious and the tones are on the beat. If they employ mature men to do this, they waste time they should use for plowing and planting, and if they use women, the women have to neglect their weaving and spinning. Now since the kings, dukes, and great men of today will not but make music, they frequently diminish or deprive the people of the materials required for their clothing and food in order to play music. This is why our Master Mozi said: “Making music is wrong!”3 32.6A

今大鍾、鳴鼓、琴瑟、竽笙之聲既已具矣，大人鏽 a 然 奏而獨聽之，將何樂得焉哉？其說將必與賤人 (不)b 與君 子。與君子聽之，廢君子聽治；與賤人聽之，廢賤人之從 事。今王公大人惟毋為樂，虧奪民之衣食之財，以拊樂如 此多也。是故子墨子曰：「為樂非也。」 a. 肅 Yu Xingwu.

b. Wang Niansun.

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Now suppose the orchestra of great bells, singing drums, lutes and zithers, pipes and mouth organs is all in place. If the great man sits in solemn silence, listening to the performance all alone, what enjoyment will he derive from it? This means that he must keep company with either a commoner or with a superior man. If he listens with a superior man, the superior man is wasting time he could have spent hearing governmental affairs; if he listens with a common person, he interferes with the commoner’s doing his job. Now since the kings, dukes, and great men of today will not but make music, in this fashion they frequently diminish or deprive their people of the wealth required for their clothing and food in order to play music. This is why our Master Mozi said: “Making music is wrong!” 32.6B

昔者齊康公興樂萬，萬人不可衣短 a 褐，不可食穅糟，曰 食飲不美，面目顏色不足視也；衣服不美，身體從容 (醜 羸)b，不足觀也。是以食必粱肉，衣必文繡，此掌 c 不從 事乎衣食之財，而掌 c [衣]d 食乎人者也。是故子墨子曰： 「今王公大人惟毋為樂，虧奪民衣食之財，以拊樂如此多 也。」是故子墨子曰：「為樂非也。」 a. 裋 Sun Yirang. b. Wang Niansun, corroborated by quotations in Tang encyclopedias. c. 常 Bi Yuan. d. Wang Huanbiao.

In the past, Duke Kang of Qi commanded a performance of the Wan dance.4 The dancers of the Wan dance could not wear garments of coarse cloth or eat husks and bran. They explained that if they ate or drank anything that was not fine, their faces, eyes, and complexions would not be fit to look at, and that if they wore clothes that were not beautiful, the movements of their bodies would not be worth watching. Therefore the dancers ate only millet and meat and wore only patterned and embroidered fabrics. Thus they did not produce food or clothing, but had to depend on the labor of others. This is why our Master Mozi said: “Now since the kings, dukes, and great men of today will not but make music, they frequently diminish or deprive their subjects of the materials required for their clothing and food in order to play music.” This is why our Master Mozi said: “Making music is wrong!”5 32.7

今人固與禽獸麋鹿、蜚鳥、貞 a 蟲異者也，今之禽獸麋 鹿、蜚鳥、貞 a 蟲，因其羽毛以為衣裘，因其蹄蚤 b 以為 絝

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屨，因其水草以為飲食。故唯 c 使雄不耕稼樹藝，雌亦不 紡績織紝，衣食之財固已具矣。今人與此異者也，賴其力 者生，不賴其力者不生。君子不強聽治，即刑政亂；賤人 不強從事，即財用不足。今天下之士君子，以吾言不然， 然即姑嘗數天下分事，而觀樂之害。王公大人蚤朝晏退， 聽獄治政，此其分事也；士君子竭股肱之力，亶 d 其思慮 之智，內治官府，外收斂關市、山林、澤梁之利，以實 倉廩府庫，此其分事也；農夫蚤出暮入，耕稼樹藝，多聚 叔 e 粟，此其分事也；婦人夙興夜寐，紡績織紝，多治麻 絲葛緒 f 綑布縿，此其分事也。今惟毋在乎王公大人說樂 而聽之，即必不能蚤朝晏退，聽獄治政，是故國家亂而社 稷危矣。今惟毋在乎士君子說樂而聽之，即必不能竭股肱 之力，亶 d 其思慮之智，內治官府，外收斂關市、山林、 澤梁之利，以實倉廩府庫，是故倉廩府庫不實。今惟毋在 乎農夫說樂而聽之，即必不能蚤出暮入，耕稼樹藝，多聚 叔 e 粟，是故叔 e 粟不足。今惟毋在乎婦人說樂而聽之，即 (不必GE>必不 f 能夙興夜寐，紡績織紝，多治麻絲葛緒 g 綑 布縿，是故布縿不興。曰：孰為 [而廢]h 大人之聽治而廢 國家之從事？曰：樂也。是故子墨子曰：「為樂非也。」 a. 征 Sun Yirang. c. 雖 Sun Yirang. e. 菽 Wang Huanbiao. g. 紵 Bi Yuan.

b. 爪 Bi Yuan. d. 殫 Sun Yirang. f. Sun Yirang. h. Yu Yue.

Now man is assuredly different from the beasts, deer, flying birds, and swarming insects. In regard to these animals and insects, their feathers and fur are their robes and cloaks, their hooves and claws are their sandals and shoes, and water and grass are their food and drink. Accordingly, although the males do not sow or plant, nor the females spin and weave, they surely have plenty of food and clothing. Now man is assuredly different from them. Those who rely on their own labors survive; those who do not rely on their own labors cannot survive. If superior men do not devote all their strength to hearing the affairs of government, it will fall into chaos; if common men do not devote all their strength to doing their jobs, there will be inadequate resources to meet their needs. If the noble elite of the world think that my words are not so, then let us try enumerating the tasks allotted to the various people of the world and observe how music damages them. Kings, dukes, and great

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men arrive at court early and leave late, hear lawsuits, and manage the government—these are the tasks assigned to them. The noble elite drain the strength of their limbs and exhaust their mental powers, within the court, by managing the bureaus and treasuries and, outside the court, by collecting taxes at borders and markets and by gathering beneficial products from the forested hills and the low-lying wetlands, all of which fill the granaries and state treasuries—these are the tasks assigned to them. Farmers leave home at daybreak and return at nightfall, sowing and planting, and gathering the large crop of vegetables and grain—these are the tasks assigned to them. Women must rise early and go to bed late, spinning and weaving, producing large quantities of hemp, silk, and other fibers, and preparing cloth—these are the tasks assigned to them. Now since kings, dukes, and great men will not but take pleasure in music and spend their time listening to it, they certainly will be unable to arrive at court early and leave late, hear lawsuits, and manage the government—and this is why nations fall into anarchy and their altars of soil and grain are imperiled. Since the noble elite will not but take pleasure in music and spend their time listening to it, they certainly will be unable to expend the strength of their limbs and exhaust their mental powers, within the court, by managing the bureaus and treasuries and, outside the court, by collecting taxes at borders and markets and by gathering beneficial products from the forested hills and the low-lying wetlands, all of which should fill the granaries and state treasuries —and this is why the granaries and treasuries are not full. Since farmers will not but take pleasure in music and spend their time listening to it, they certainly will be unable to leave home at daybreak and return at nightfall, sowing and planting, and gathering the large crop of vegetables and grain—and this is why there are inadequate supplies of vegetables and grains. Since women will not but take pleasure in music and spend their time listening to it, they certainly will be unable to rise early and go to bed late, spinning and weaving, producing large quantities of hemp, silk, and other fibers, and preparing cloth—and this is why cloth and fibers are not abundant. If one were to ask what it is that has caused great men to waste the time they could have spent hearing governmental affairs and what has interfered with the commoner’s doing his job, we would answer: Music! This is why our Master Mozi said: “Making music is wrong!”6 32.8

何以知其然也？曰先王之書，《湯之官刑》有之，曰：「其 恒舞于宮，是謂巫風。其刑君子出絲二衛 a，小人否 b，似 c

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二伯 d。」《黃徑》乃言曰：「嗚乎！[萬]e 舞佯佯，(黃GE> 其 f 言孔章，上帝弗常 g，九有以亡，上帝不順，降之百， 其家必壞喪。」察九有之所以亡者，徒從飾樂也。於《武 觀》曰：「啟乃淫溢康樂，野于飲食，將將 (銘GE>鍠鍠 h (莧GE>筦 h 磬以 (力GE>方 h，湛濁于酒，渝食于野，萬舞 翼翼，章聞于 (大GE>天 i，天用弗式。」故上者天鬼弗 (戒 GE>式 j，下者萬民弗利。 a. 緯 Bi Yuan. c. 以 Wang Huanbiao. e. Wang Jingxi. g. 尚 (in the sense of 右) Wang Yinzhi. i. Hui Dong.

b. 倍 Sun Yirang. d. 帛 Wang Huanbiao. f. Sun Yirang. h. Sun Yirang. j. Sun Yirang.

How do we know that this is so? We say that it says so in one of the documents of the founding kings. “The Official Punishments of Tang” says: “Constant dancing in the home—this is called the custom of shamans! For doing it, the superior man pays a fine of two silk cords; for the little people, double that and add two rolls of cloth.”7 In the Huangjing there is the statement: Ah! Those who dance the Wan dance are a huge crowd, and the tones are pure and clear. But the Supreme Sovereign will not help him, so the nine lands are lost. The Supreme Sovereign opposes him and sends down a hundred demonesses. His whole house is certain to be ruined and lost.8 If we investigate into how the nine lands were lost, we find that the people idly spent time arranging elaborate musical performances. In the Wuguan it says: Qi then Indulges in ease and pleasure, eating and drinking to savage excess. Tinkling, tinkling, jangling, jangling, woodwinds and chimestones match. He is besotted with wine, wantonly eating to savage excess. Splendid and grand the Wan dance, its commotion is heard by Heaven, But Heaven would not use this as its model.9

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Thus in the realm above, Heaven and the ghosts would not make it their model, and here below the myriad people would not benefit from it. 32.9

是故子墨子曰：「今天下士君子，請將欲求興天下之利， 除天下之害，當 (在GE>若 a 樂之為物，將不可不禁而止 也。」

a. Wang Huanbiao.

This is why our Master Mozi said: “Now if the noble elite of the world genuinely desired to promote what is beneficial to the world and eliminate what is harmful to it, they could not but prohibit and thus put a stop to such things as making music.”

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Condemn Fatalism The Mohist doctrine critical of fatalism was meant to oppose the view that ming 命—“fate” or “destiny”—predetermines what happens in the course of one’s life. Although the doctrine may have been initially formulated to address how fate was misused by the ruling elite to excuse their excesses and shift blame for their failures away from themselves, it is evident that the Mohists came to regard fatalism as a belief that poisoned the thinking of all layers of society, from those in power to their lowliest subjects, by discouraging them from seeing the value of hard work and of paying proper respect to Heaven. It was commonly thought that one’s ming was fixed at one’s conception or birth by Heaven and that included in its scope were the length of one’s life, whether one would be prosperous or not, and the success or failure of one’s endeavors.1 In the case of the ruling elite, ming was equated to Heaven’s “mandate,” that is, it was believed that their rule had been sanctioned by Heaven. The Mohist condemnation of this belief was no doubt seen as radical, but they emphasized that it did not contradict their doctrine of Heaven’s will; indeed, the Mohists viewed that doctrine as part of their reason for rejecting destiny. The Mohists claim, in 35.6B, that those who justify or excuse unacceptable behavior by referring to Heaven’s mandate offend Heaven’s sense of what is righteous and will be punished for it. In the Mohist view, the founders of ruling houses have been rewarded by Heaven for their righteousness, but those who follow them must earn Heaven’s approval; they do not automatically inherit it. For the Mohists, the last rulers of the Xia and Shang—the reprehensible Jie and Zhou—are to be faulted not only for failing to govern properly, but also for hiding their incompetence behind the claim that it was their destiny to rule as they did. The Mohists leveled this same criticism against rulers of their own time. The “Condemn Fatalism” triad seems to signal, however, a subtle yet significant shift in the Mohist attitude toward Heaven. In earlier chapters—for example, in “Exalt Conformity” and “Heaven’s Will”—Heaven is portrayed as closely concerned with and connected to human activities. By the third century b.c.e., and perhaps somewhat earlier, there appeared in philosophical discourse a distinction between “that which Heaven does” and “that which man does,” drawing attention to the disjuncture between Heaven and people. As Benjamin Schwartz has noted, the distinction is prominent in the Zhuangzi—he identifies it as Daoist, although this is not critical—as well as in Xunzi’s “Discussion of Heaven,” where, Schwartz points out, Xunzi posits a bifurcation between 1.  Perkins, “Moist Criticism,” 421–25, provides additional background on the concept of fate in early China.

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what Heaven does and people do, such that “the shaping of the human order is entirely a human enterprise.”2 We can take as an example of this Xunzi’s characterization of the relation of order and chaos to Heaven: “The revolutions of the sun and moon and the stars and celestial points that mark off the divisions of time by which the calendar is calculated were the same in the time of Yu as in the time of Jie. Since Yu achieved order and Jie brought chaos, order and chaos are not due to Heaven.”3 Significantly, the Xunzi passage has an echo in “Condemn Fatalism.” In 35.3, we are told that order and chaos were brought about respectively by the virtuous first kings and wicked last kings of the Xia and Shang and had nothing to do with fate or with Heaven’s interventions in the workings of human government. This claim is repeated in 36.2b and 37.2a.4 This similarity between the Mozi and the Xunzi does not mean that the Mohists fully embraced the distinction between “that which Heaven does” and “that which man does.” But it does suggest that the distinction had achieved sufficient currency in philosophical discourse that the Mohists felt compelled to emphasize the need for human initiative in counteracting such social ills as poverty and disorder, even while leaving undisturbed the idea of the Heavenly blueprint that must be studied closely and adopted wholly. The Mohists name as their opponents in this argument “the advocates of ‘Fate Exists.’” Who exactly were they? In Analects 12.5, Confucius’s disciple Zixia quotes a saying that he probably learned from Confucius: “Life and death are determined by fate; wealth and nobility rest with Heaven.”5 Mencius proclaims: “Nothing happens that is not due to fate” (Mengzi 7A.2). Moreover, in the “Master Gongmeng” chapter of the Mozi, Mozi berates a representative of the Ru school, claiming that the Ru “also say that there is a preordained fate that decrees how poor or rich one may be and whether one lives to a ripe old age or dies prematurely in youth, whether there is order or chaos, security or danger, and that this decree can neither be increased nor decreased” (48.10C). In Mozi 39.2, “Condemn the Ru,” a teaching attributed to the Ru argues, “Old age or premature death, poverty or wealth, safety or danger, order or chaos are all assuredly decreed by Heaven, and there is no way to diminish or increase them.” Xunzi, however, comes close to Mohist doctrine when he declares that the baseborn can make themselves noble, the stupid wise, and the poor rich by dint of study; and in language similar to that found in Mozi 36.5, Xunzi observes 2.  See Schwartz, World of Thought, 308–9. 3.  Xunzi, 17 “Tianlun” 天論, 11.370 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:17). 4.  Perkins, “Moist Criticism,” 423, contrasts these passages with a Guodian manuscript that argues that failure and success are dependent, not on human efforts, but on being active at the right time; see the additional notes for further discussion. 5.  See Li Ling, Sang jia gou, 225, for the association of this saying and others in the passage with Confucius.

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that the sage-kings of the past created their own noble reputations.6 Xunzi aside, the other passages cited previously might lead one to conclude that members of the Ru school were the Mohists’ main targets in their campaign against fatalism. However, in 35.6C we are told that if they adopt the doctrines of the advocates of Fate Exists, then “superiors will not hear the affairs of state, nor will subordinates carry out their duties.” This outcome, Watanabe Takashi suggests, echoes the teachings on wuwei 無為, “nonaction,” expounded in such early Daoist philosophical sources as the Zhuangzi and Laozi. If the 35.6C quotation can be read as encouraging something akin to nonaction then, Watanabe concludes, the Mohists’ targets should perhaps be identified with the followers of early Daoist philosophy.7 In the view of many, the most noteworthy feature of “Condemn Fatalism” is the occurrence in all three chapters of passages defining the “three gnomons” or “three standards” by which the validity of doctrines is determined.8 In Chapter 35 the three are given as (1) whether a doctrine accords with the deeds of the ancient sage-kings; (2) whether what a doctrine advocates can be attested by the senses; and (3) whether the adoption of a doctrine has produced positive, or beneficial, outcomes. The uncompromising pragmatism and radical materialism of the Mohists come across quite clearly in these standards and in the arguments demonstrating that the doctrine Fate Exists falls well short of the mark and hence is not fit for adoption. There are some differences among the three chapters in how the standards are defined and explained. These are on the whole, however, minor discrepancies; more noteworthy is the fact that the chapters are uniformly in agreement on the need to provide criteria by which to judge the validity of an argument. Finally, it should be noted that the three “Condemn Fatalism” chapters are unusual in terms of certain formal features that typically characterize the triad chapters of the Mozi. Chapter 35 is atypically long in comparison to 36 and 37, when compared with the relative length of upper chapters in other triads. Unlike the middle and lower chapters in other triads, chapters 36 and 37 do not add a significant amount of new textual material and argumentation to what is found in chapter 35. And whereas the teachings of Mozi are quoted seven times in chapter 35, they are quoted only once in chapter 36, and three times in chapter 37.9 Chapter 35 opens by quoting a passage that introduces chapter 8 of the triad 6. Cf. Xunzi, “Ruxiao” 儒效, 4.135–38 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 2:73–74). 7. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 491. 8.  Loy, “Justification and Debate,” discusses what he calls the “Three Tests of Doctrine.” 9. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 491 and 667, assigns all three chapters of the triad to the late period of Mohist thought. The slight differences between the three chapters account in part for why Watanabe thinks that, unlike any of the other triads, the chapters of “Condemn Fatalism” all appeared at the same time rather than at different times.

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“Exalting the Worthy”: rulers desire wealth, a large population, and good governmental order but obtain the opposite of these. The reason for this provided in 35.1 is that rulers are influenced by those who teach that destiny determines everything. The author of the chapter observes that given the outcomes their influence produces, those who promote belief in fate are “inhumane.” Mozi is quoted in 35.2 as stating that the best way to expose the fallaciousness of the doctrine of destiny is to “test whether it has a proper basis, a proper origin, and can be put to proper use.” These three tests are explained as, respectively, examining the deeds of the ancient sage-kings; examining what the common people of the world have actually seen and heard; and having issued the doctrine in question as a restriction or regulation, observing whether that benefits the country, the Hundred Clans, and the people. In 35.3 the chapter proceeds to apply the first test on the doctrine that fate exists; 35.4B, 35.5, 35.6A, and 35.6C can be read as an application of the third test. The second test, applying what people have seen or heard, is not mentioned again in the chapter. We have instead, in 35.4A and 35.6B, the introduction of a test not mentioned previously in chapter 35: whether a doctrine is attested in ancient documents. This, however, is given as the second of the three standards in chapter 36—in place of the evidence of the senses—though the chapter nevertheless supplies the application of the test of what the people have seen or heard, which is missing in chapter 35. In other words, chapter 35 applies the second test of chapter 36, and the latter applies the second test of the former. Because there appears to be “dislocation” in the contents of the two chapters, A. C. Graham proposes a rearrangement that involves moving 36.2A from its present location in chapter 36, to a place immediately following 35.3 in chapter 35, and making other exchanges that are too complicated to summarize briefly.10 The seemingly out-of-place paragraph, 35.4A, names three categories of ancient documents—statutes, penal laws, and oaths—and asks rhetorically whether they contain any reference at all to the doctrine of the fatalists, which is summarized in the text by two rhymed couplets. The answer is “no”; hence the doctrine fails one of the validity tests. Paragraph 35.4B recounts stories of how their practice of impartial love earned Heaven’s approval for Tang and King Wen, founders of the Shang and Zhou royal lineages. Observing that fatalists recognize no connection between reward and punishment, and good and bad behavior, 35.5 argues that their doctrines, if unchallenged, will render pointless and powerless the means by which people are encouraged to be worthy, and thus give rise to discord in families and dishonesty in government offices. In two consecutive passages the chapter points out the contradictions between fatalism 10. Graham, Divisions in Early Mohism, 12–14.

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and two of the bedrock doctrines of Mohism. Passage 35.6A chastises the poor “of previous generations” for thinking that fate, rather than laziness and shortsightedness, were responsible for their poverty. And in the same breath it reviles earlier kings for failing to recognize that their incompetence, rather than destiny, brought their states to ruin. Chapter 36 begins with a discussion of the three standards by which the validity of doctrines should be tested. All three appear in chapter 35, with one difference: “the will of Heaven and the ghosts” is added to “the deeds of the sage-kings” to constitute the first standard. Passage 36.2A applies the test of what people have seen or heard, but as noted earlier, this discussion seems out of place and would fit better in chapter 35. Passage 36.2B, like its parallel in 35.3, points out that, Tang and King Wen, through their personal intervention, created order out of the chaos they inherited from Jie and Zhou. A unique paragraph in the triad, 36.2 recounts a dialogic engagement between the Mohists and the fatalists. At one point in the exchange, the fatalists politely refer to their Mohist adversary as xiansheng 先生, or “Master,” suggesting that it is Mozi who is confronting the fatalists. (Mozi is also referred to as xiansheng in chapters 47, 48, and 49.) The balance of chapter 36 closely parallels the contents of chapter 35. Chapter 37 offers only slight variations on what is seen in the other two chapters of the triad. Passage 37.3 adds a quote from a canonical source not found in chapters 35 and 36 and emends the versions of the Taishi quotation in 35 and 36, apparently in order to iron out difficult wording in the latter. The passages quoted in 37.3 are introduced by an especially concise description of the origins and genealogy of the doctrine of fatalism: “tyrants invented it, and the indigent transmitted it.” Passage 37.4A is introduced by what Arthur Waley would characterize as an “unusually spritely” quotation from Mozi, in which he points out that “the gentlemen of the world” offer their scholarly opinions, “not so they can give their tongues a workout and hone their lips,” but because they genuinely desire to bring about improvements in governance. (The passage is also one of the very rare instances in which Mozi has something favorable to say about those in a position to influence the rulers of his day.) The chapter concludes, in 37.4B, with a demand that “those who uphold the way of humaneness and righteousness”—probably a reference to members of the Ru school—study carefully and then condemn the doctrine of fatalism.

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非命上第三十五 Chapter 35: Condemn Fatalism (Upper) (古GE>今 a 者王公大人，為政國家者，皆 欲國家之富，人民之眾，刑政之治。然而不得富而得貧， 不得眾而得寡，不得治而得亂，則是本失其所欲，得其 所惡，是故何也？」子墨子言曰：「執有命者以襍於民閒 者眾。執有命者之言曰：『命富則富，命貧則貧，命眾則 眾，命寡則寡，命治則治，命亂則亂，命壽則壽，命夭則 夭，命 b 雖強勁何益哉？』(以上GE>上以 c 說王公大人， 下以駔 d 百姓之從事。故執有命者不仁。故當執有命者之 言，不可不明辨。」

35.1 子墨子言曰： 「



a. JR; cf. 8.1. b. Wang Niansun: a lacuna of uncertain length follows. c. Zhang Chunyi. d. 阻 Bi Yuan.

Our Master Mozi taught us: “The kings, dukes, and great men of today, in governing their countries, all desire to make their countries wealthy, their populations numerous, and their punishments and regulations effective in bringing about good order. Nonetheless, what they obtain is not wealth but poverty, not a large population but a meager one, and not order but chaos. Why do they fail utterly to get what they desire and instead obtain what they hate?”1 Our Master Mozi taught us: “The advocates of Fate Exists who dwell among the people have become a huge crowd. The advocates of Fate Exists teach: ‘If fate decrees wealth, there will be wealth; if it decrees poverty, there will be poverty. If it decrees a numerous population, it will be numerous; if it decrees a meager one, it will be meager. If it decrees order, there will be order; if it decrees chaos, there will be chaos. If it decrees long life, there will be long life; if it decrees an early death, there will be an early death. If it decrees. . . . Though you try to resist it with all your strength, what good will that do?’ Above they persuade kings, dukes, and great men, and below they interfere with the common people of the world doing their jobs. Thus the advocates of Fate Exists are inhumane. Therefore we must examine closely and analyze the doctrines of the advocates of Fate Exists.”

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35.2

然則明辨此之說將柰何哉？子墨子言曰：「必立儀，言而 毋儀，譬猶運鈞之上而立朝夕者也，是非利害之辨，不可 得而明知也。」故言必有三表。何謂三表？子墨子言曰： 「有本之者，有原之者，有用之者。」於何本之？上本之 於古者聖王之事。於何原之？下原察百姓耳目之實。於何 用之？廢GV>發 a 以為刑政，觀其中國家百姓人民之利。 此所謂言有三表也。

a. Wang Niansun

This being the case, how do we go about examining closely and analyzing their arguments? Our Master Mozi taught us: “First it is necessary to erect a gnomon.2 Examining a doctrine without reference to a gnomon is, to use an analogy, like trying to establish the direction of the rising sun and setting sun on a revolving potter’s wheel:3 it is impossible to recognize the difference between right and wrong, or benefit and harm.” Thus, there are the “three gnomons” of a doctrine. What are the three gnomons? Our Master Mozi taught us: “Test whether it has a proper basis, a proper origin, and can be put to proper use.” How does one test whether it has a proper basis? By examining the deeds of the ancient sage-kings. How does one test whether it has a proper origin? By examining what the common people of the world have actually seen and heard. How does one test whether it can be put to proper use? By issuing it as a restriction or regulation and observing whether that benefits the country, the Hundred Clans, and the people. These are what we mean by the three gnomons of a doctrine. 35.3

然而今天下之士君子，或以命為有。蓋嘗尚觀於聖王之 事，古者桀之所亂，湯受而治之；紂之所亂，武王受而治 之。此世未易民未渝，在於桀紂，則天下亂；在於湯武， 則天下治，豈可謂有命哉！ Thus since some of the noble elite of the world today hold that fate exists, let us, then, hold up the doctrine and observe it in relation to the deeds of the sage-kings. Anciently, what Jie had reduced to chaos Tang inherited and put in good order, and what Zhou had reduced to chaos King Wu inherited and put in good order. This took place within the same world and with the same people. Yet under Jie and Zhou, the

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world was in chaos, and under Tang and Wu, it was well ordered. How could one say this was due to fate?4 35.4A

然而今天下之士君子，或以命為有。蓋嘗尚觀於先王之 書。先王之書所以出國家，布施百姓者，憲也。先王之 憲，亦嘗有曰「福不可請，而禍不可諱，敬無益，暴無 傷」者乎？所以聽獄制罪者，刑也。先王之刑亦嘗有曰 「福不可請，禍不可諱，敬無益，暴無傷」者乎？所以 整設師旅，進退師徒者，誓也。先王之誓亦嘗有曰：「福 不可請，禍不可諱，敬無益，暴無傷」者乎？是故子墨子 言曰：「吾當 a 未鹽 b 數天下之良書，不可盡計數，大方論 數，而 (五GE>三 c 者是也。今雖毋求執有命者之言，(不必 GE>必不 d 得，不亦可錯乎？」 a. 尚 Sun Yirang. c. Bi Yuan.

b. 鑑 JR. d. Tao Hongqing.

Despite this, today some of the noble elite of the world believe that fate exists. Let us, then, hold up the doctrine and observe it in relation to the documents of the founding kings. Among the documents of the founding kings are the “statutes” that were issued in the country and promulgated among the people. Among the statutes of the founding kings was there one that said, “Good fortune cannot be sought, nor misfortune avoided; respect does no good, nor blasphemy harm”?5 Among these same documents are the “penal laws” used to hear suits and determine punishments. Among the penal laws of the founding kings was there one that said, “Good fortune cannot be sought, nor misfortune avoided; respect does no good, nor blasphemy harm”? Among these same documents are the “oaths” used to assemble and organize the brigades and armies and to lead the soldiers in their advances and retreats. Among the oaths of the former kings was there ever one that said, “Good fortune cannot be sought, nor misfortune avoided; respect does no good, nor blasphemy harm”? For this reason, our Master Mozi taught: “I have not yet brought to your attention all the excellent kinds of documents there are in the world, for they are so numerous as to be beyond calculation. If I base my discussion on a general comparison of their contents, then these three are sufficiently representative. And if we do invariably fail to find in them the doctrine of the advocates of Fate Exists, should we not cast it aside?”

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35.4B

今用執有命者之言，是覆天下之義，覆天下之義者，是 立命者也，百姓之誶也。說百姓之誶者，是滅天下之人 a 也。然則所為欲義 在 上者，何也？曰：「義人在上，天下必 治，上帝山川鬼神，必有幹主，萬民被其大利。」何以知 之？子墨子曰：「古者湯封於亳，絕長繼短，方地百里，與 其百姓兼相愛，交相利，移則分。率其百姓，以上尊天事 鬼，是以天鬼富之，諸侯與之，百姓親之，賢士歸之，未 歿其世，而王天下，政諸侯。昔者文王封於岐周，絕長繼 短，方地百里，與其百姓兼相愛、交相利，[移]b 則 [分]b。 是以近者安其政，遠者歸其德。聞文王者，皆起而趨之。 罷不肖股肱不利者，處而願之曰：『柰何乎使文王之地及 我，(吾)c 則吾 (利)c 豈不亦猶文王之民也哉？』是以天鬼 富之，諸侯與之，百姓親之，賢士歸之，未歿其世，而王 天下，政諸侯。鄉者言曰：義人在上，天下必治，上帝山 川鬼神，必有幹主，萬民被其大利。吾用此知之。」 a. 仁 Yin Tongyang. c. Yu Yue.

b. Yu Yue.

Now to employ the doctrine of the advocates of Fate Exists would be to overthrow the righteous in the world. He who overthrows the righteous and thus establishes fate is cursed by the Hundred Clans. He who takes pleasure in the curse of the Hundred Clans is the destroyer of humaneness in the world. That being the case, why does one desire to have the righteous on top? “When righteous men occupy positions of authority, the world is certain to be orderly; the Supreme Sovereign, the spirits of mountains and streams, and ghosts and spirits to have worshipers to host their sacrifices; and the myriads of people to be benefited greatly.” How do we know this happens? Our Master Mozi taught us: “In antiquity, Tang was enfeoffed with Bo, a territory that was, allowing for the irregularities of its borders, a hundred li square in size. But along with the Hundred Clans under his rule, he practiced ‘unselfish love for others and reciprocal benefiting of others,’ and shared any surplus with them. He led his people in venerating Heaven and serving the ghosts above. On account of this, Heaven and the ghosts enriched him, the lords of the various states became his allies, the people felt close to him, and worthy scholars were attracted to his cause. Before his death he became universal king over the whole world and leader of the lords of the various states.

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“In the past, King Wen was enfeoffed with Zhou at Mount Qi, which, allowing for the irregularities in its borders, was a territory of a hundred li square. But along with the Hundred Clans under his rule, he practiced ‘unselfish love for others and reciprocal benefiting of others,’ and shared any surplus with them. On account of this those nearby found security in his government, and those far away were attracted by his virtue. Everyone who heard about King Wen rose up and hastened to him. The infirm and disabled, as well as those who had lost use of their arms and legs, though they remained at home, longed for him, saying: ‘If we found a way to make King Wen’s territory include us, would we not be just like King Wen’s subjects?’ On account of this, Heaven and the ghosts enriched him, the lords of the various states became his allies, the people felt close to him, and worthy scholars were attracted to his cause. Before his death he became universal king over the whole world and leader of the lords of the various states. Previously we stated: ‘When righteous men occupy positions of authority, the world is certain to be orderly; the Supreme Sovereign, the spirits of mountains and streams, and ghosts and spirits to have worshippers to host their sacrifices; and the myriads of people to be benefited greatly.’ This is how we know this statement is true.” 35.5

是故古之聖王發憲出令，設以為賞罰以勸賢 [沮暴 ]a，是 以入則孝慈於親戚，出則弟長於鄉里，坐處有度，出入有 節，男女有辨。是故使治官府，則不盜竊，守城則不崩 b 叛。君有難則死，出亡則送。此上之所賞，而百姓之所 譽也。執有命者之言曰：「上之所賞，命固且賞，非賢故 賞也。上之所罰，命固且罰，不暴故罰也。」是故入則不 慈孝於親戚，出則不弟長於鄉里，坐處不度，出入無節， 男女無辨。是故治官府則盜竊，守城則崩 b 叛，君有難則 不死，出亡則不送。此上之所罰，百姓之所非毀也。執有 命者言曰：「上之所罰，命固且罰，不暴故罰也。上之所 賞，命固且賞，非賢故賞也。」以此為君則不義，為臣則 不忠，為父則不慈，為子則不孝，為兄則不 (良GE>長 c， 為 弟則不弟。而強執此者，此特凶言之所自生，而暴人之道 也。

a. Wang Niansun. c. Sun Yirang.

b. 倍 Sun Yirang.

294

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This is why the sage-kings of antiquity published statutes and issued edicts providing for rewards and punishments to encourage the worthy and inhibit the violent. On account of this, people were affectionate and filial at home and properly respectful, when they were away from home, of the elders of their village and district: Their periods of repose and activity were measured, their comings and goings were in keeping with decorum, men and women maintained proper separation. This is why if they were placed in charge of a government office or storehouse, they did not steal state property, and if charged with safeguarding the city walls, they did not rebel and join the enemy.6 If their lord encountered difficulties, they were prepared to die in his cause, and if he were forced into exile, they would accompany him. Conduct such as this should be what superiors reward and what the Hundred Clans praise. The advocates of Fate Exists teach: “Those whom superiors reward are fated to be rewarded; it is not a matter of rewarding them because they are worthy. Those whom superiors punish are fated to be punished; it is not a matter of punishing them because they are violent.” It is for this reason that people are not affectionate and filial toward their parents when at home and do not show proper respect, when away from home, toward the elders of their village and district: “Their periods of activity and repose are not measured, their comings and goings not in keeping with decorum, men and women do not maintain proper separation.” This is why if they are placed in charge of a government office or storehouse, they will steal state property, and if charged with safeguarding the city walls, will rebel and join the enemy. If their lord encounters difficulties, they will not die for him, and if he is forced into exile, they will not accompany him. Conduct such as this is what superiors should punish and the Hundred Clans vilify. The advocates of Fate Exists teach: “Those whom superiors punish are fated to be punished; it is not a matter of punishing them because they are violent. Those whom superiors reward are fated to be rewarded; it is not a matter of rewarding them because they are worthy.” If we follow this theory, lords will not be righteous, ministers not loyal, fathers not affectionate, sons not filial, older brothers not protective, and younger brothers not respectful.7 Those who vigorously advocate this doctrine are the source of unpropitious teachings, for it is the way of violent men.

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

35.6A

295

然則何以知命之為暴人之道？昔上世之窮民，貪於飲食， 惰於從事，是以衣食之財不足，而飢寒凍餒之憂至，不知 曰「我罷不肖，從事不疾」，必曰「我命固且貧。」昔 上世暴王不忍其耳目之淫，心 (涂GE>志 a 之辟，不順其親 戚，遂以亡失國家，傾覆社稷，不知曰「我罷不肖，為政 不善」，必曰「吾命固失之。」

a. Wang Yinzhi.

But how do we know that fatalism is the way of violent men? Because the desperately poor people of previous generations were greedy about food and drink but lazy about doing their work, they did not have enough resources to clothe and feed themselves and so were plagued by hunger, cold, freezing, and starvation. They did know enough to say: “We have been incompetent and have failed to be industrious.” Rather they invariably said: “Our fate decrees that we be poor.” The tyrannical kings in previous generations did not restrain the lewd excesses of their ears and eyes or the wicked schemes of their minds. They did not obey their parents and proceeded to destroy their countries and overturn their altars of soil and grain. They did not know enough to say: “I have been incompetent and have not governed well.” Rather they certainly said: “Our fate decrees that we fail.” 35.6B

於《仲虺之告》曰：「我聞于夏人，矯天命布命于下，帝 (伐 GE>式 a 之惡，龔 b 喪厥師。」此言湯之所以非桀之執 有命也。於《太誓》曰：「紂夷 (處GE>虐 c，不肎事上帝鬼 神，(禍 GE>棄 d 厥先神禔 e 不祀，乃曰：『吾民有命。』無 廖 (排漏GE>其務 f， 天亦縱棄之而弗葆。」此言武王所以非 紂 [之]g 執有命也。 a. Bi Yuan. c. Wang Huanbiao. e. 祇 Sun Yirang. g. Bi Yuan.

b. 用 Sun Xingyan. d. Sun Yirang. f. Sun Yirang.

The “Announcement of Zhong Hui” says: “I was taught that that man of Xia, pretending that his actions were fated by Heaven, issued orders to his people. Heaven was angered by his wickedness and consequently destroyed his army.”8 This means that what Tang condemned was Jie’s advocating Fate Exists.

296

Mozi

The “Great Oath” says: “Zhou killed cruelly. He was unwilling to serve the Supreme Sovereign, ghosts, and spirits, cast aside the spirits of his predecessors, and would not make offerings to the spirits of the earth. Rather he said: ‘My people have their fate!’ Because he would not devote his strength to the tasks of the ancestors and spirits, Heaven abandoned Zhou and would no longer protect him.”9 This means that what King Wu rejected was Zhou’s advocating Fate Exists. 35.6C

今用執有命者之言，則上不聽治，下不從事。上不聽治， 則刑政亂；下不從事，則財用不足，上無以供粢盛酒醴， 祭祀上帝鬼神，下無以降綏天下賢可之士，外無以應待諸 侯之賓客，內無以食飢衣寒，將養老弱。故命上不利於 天，中不利於鬼，下不利於人，而強執此者，此特凶言之 所自生，而暴人之道也。 Now if we were to apply the doctrine of the advocates of Fate Exists, then superiors would not hear the affairs of state, and subordinates would not carry out their duties. If superiors do not hear affairs of state, then penal laws and regulations are thrown into chaos. If subordinates did not carry out their responsibilities, then resources and materials would be inadequate. Above there would be no way to supply the purified wine and rice and millet cakes for sacrificial offerings to the Supreme Sovereign, the ghosts, and spirits. Below there would be no way to provide security for the worthy and able scholars of the world. In relations with those from without, there would be no way to welcome and entertain guests and envoys from the other lords of the various states. Within there would no way to feed the hungry, clothe the cold, or care for the old and weak. Thus the doctrine of fate does not benefit Heaven, the spirits, or humans. Those who vigorously advocate this doctrine are quite simply the source of unpropitious teachings, for it is the way of violent men.

35.7

是故子墨子言曰：「今天下之士君子，忠實欲天下之富而 惡其貧，欲天下之治而惡其亂，執有命者之言，不可不 非，此天下之大害也。」 This is why our Master Mozi taught us: “If the noble elite of the world today genuinely desire to enrich the world and detest its poverty, if they desire to bring it to order and detest its chaos, they must condemn the doctrine of the advocates of Fate Exists! For it causes the greatest harm to the world.”

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非命中第三十六 Chapter 36: Condemn Fatalism (Middle) 36.1 子墨子言曰： 「凡出言談，由文學之為道也，則不可而不

先立義 a 法。若言而無義 a，譬猶立朝夕於員鈞之上也，則 雖有巧工，必不能得正焉。然今天下之情偽，未可得而識 也。」故使言有三法。三法者何也？有本之者，有原之 者，有用之者。於其本之也，考之天鬼之志，聖王之事； 於其原之也，徵以先王之書；用之柰何，發而為刑 [政]b。 此言之三法也。 a. 儀 Bi Yuan

b. Bi Yuan.

Our Master Mozi taught us: “All those who set forth doctrines and discourses and who make literary composition and scholarship their way of life must first establish gnomons and standards. Examining a doctrine without having a gnomon is, to use an analogy, like trying to establish the direction of the rising sun and setting sun on a revolving potter’s wheel: certainly even the cleverest artisan would be unable to recognize them correctly. Given this, the truth or falsity of myriad things in the world today could never be recognized.” Thus we cause doctrines to meet the three standards. What are the three standards? Testing whether the doctrine has a proper basis, a proper origin, and can be put to proper use. In regard to testing whether it has a proper basis, examine it against the will of Heaven and the ghosts and against the deeds of the sage-kings. In regard to testing whether it has a proper origin, confirm it against the documents of the founding kings. In regard to testing the effects of using it, issue it as a penal law or regulation. These are the three standards that a doctrine should meet. 36.2A

今天下之士君子，[ 或以命為有 ]a，或以命為亡。我所以 知命之有與亡者，以眾人耳目之情，知有與亡。有聞之， 有見之，謂之有；莫之聞，莫之見，謂之亡。然胡不嘗考 之百姓之情？自古以及今，生民以來者，亦嘗 [ 有]b 見命 之物，聞命之聲者乎？則未嘗有也。若以百姓為愚不肖， 耳目之情不足因而為法，然則胡不嘗考之諸侯之傳言流語

Mozi

298

乎？自古以及今，生民以來者，亦嘗有聞命之聲，見命之 體者乎？則未嘗有也。

a. Lu Wenchao.

b. Sun Yirang.

Now some of the noble elite of the world believe that fate exists and others believe that it does not. The way I know whether fate exists or not is to use the factual evidence of the eyes and ears of the mass of people. If some have heard it and seen it, we say it exists. If no one has heard or seen it, then we say it does not exist. That being the case, should we not examine what the common people know from their own senses to be the truth to see whether, from antiquity until the present day, from the birth of humankind until now, there has ever been anyone who has seen such a thing as fate or heard the sound of fate? No, there has never been any such person. If the mass of people are considered too stupid and unworthy and what they know through their eyes and ears to be true too inadequate to be relied upon as a standard, then should we not examine the transmitted teachings and inherited sayings of the lords of the various states to see whether, from antiquity until the present day, from the birth of humankind until now, there has ever been anyone who has heard the voice of fate or seen the body of fate? No, there has never been any such person. 36.2B

然胡不嘗考之聖王之事？古之聖王，舉孝子而勸之事親， 尊賢良而勸之為善，發憲布令以教誨，明賞罰以勸沮。 若此，則亂者可使治，而危者可使安矣。若以為不然，昔 者，桀之所亂，湯治之；紂之所亂，武王治之。此世不渝 而民不改，上變政而民易教，其在湯武則治，其在桀紂則 亂，[則]a 安危治亂，在上之發政也，(則)a 豈可謂有命哉！ 夫曰有命云者亦不然矣。

a. Sun Yirang; Changduan jing 長短經 quotation.

That being so, why not examine the deeds of the sage-kings? The ancient sage-kings commended obedient sons and encouraged them to serve their parents. They honored the worthy and virtuous and encouraged them to do good. They published statutes and issued decrees in order to teach and admonish the people. They ordered that violence be punished and good rewarded in order to exhort the good and inhibit the violent. It is in this way that anarchy can be replaced by good order and danger converted into security. If anyone thinks this is not so, then

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consider that in the past what Jie had reduced to chaos Tang put in good order, and what Zhou had reduced to chaos King Wu put in good order. Within the same world, with the same people, superiors transformed the government and the people were altered by their teaching. Under Tang and Wu there was order, but under Jie and Zhou there was anarchy. Hence, security and danger, order and chaos, depend on the orders issued by superiors. How could one ascribe this to the doctrine that fate exists? There are those who say fate exists, but it is not so. 36.3

今夫有命者言曰：「我非作之後世也，自昔三代有若言以 傳流矣。今 (故GE>胡 a 先生對之？ 」 曰：「夫有命者，不志 昔也三代之聖善人與？意亡昔三代之暴不肖人也？ 」何 以 知之？初之列士桀 b 大夫，慎言知行，此上有以規諫其君 長，下有以教順其百姓。故上得其君長之賞，下得其百姓 之譽。列士桀 b 大夫聲聞不廢，流傳至今，而天下皆曰其 力也，必不能曰我見命焉。

a. Sun Yirang.

b. 傑 Sun Yirang.

The advocates of Fate Exists say: “Our view did not just arise in recent times. This doctrine dates back to the ancient period of the Three Dynasties from which time it has been handed down and transmitted. Why do you, Master, oppose it?” We reply: “The advocates of Fate Exists fail to note whether the doctrine originated with the sagely and good men of the ancient period of the Three Dynasties. Perhaps it came from the violent and unworthy men of that period?” How do we know that this is the case? Originally distinguished officers and prominent grand officers spoke prudently and acted wisely. Above they used the standard of the compass to counsel their rulers, and below they used teaching to gain the obedience of the common people. Therefore they obtained rewards from their rulers above and the praise of the common people below. The fame and reputations of these distinguished officers and grand officers have never been forgotten and have been handed down until the present time, so that the entire world says of them: “This is the result of their efforts!” The world certainly cannot say: “We have seen the workings of fate in this.”1 36.4A

是故昔者三代之暴王，不繆其耳目之淫，不慎其心志之 辟 a，外之敺騁、田獵、畢弋，內沈於酒樂，而不顧其國

Mozi

300

家百姓之政。繁為無用，暴逆百姓，使下不親其上，是故 國為虛厲，身在刑僇之中，不肎曰： 「我罷不肖，我為刑 政不善。 」 必曰：「我命故且亡。」雖昔也三代之窮民， 亦由此也。內之不能善事其親戚，外 [ 之]b 不能善事其君 長，惡恭儉而好簡易，貪飲食而惰從事，衣食之財不足， 使身至有饑寒凍餒之憂。必不能曰： 「我罷不肖，我從事 不疾。」必曰：「我命固且窮。」雖昔也三代之偽民，亦 猶此也。繁飾有命，以教眾愚樸 (人)c 久矣。 a. 僻 Bi Yuan. c. Wang Niansun.

b. Sun Yirang.

The tyrannical kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity did not constrain the lewd excesses of their ears and eyes and paid no heed to the wicked schemes of their minds. When they went outside, it was to race, hunt, trap, and shoot. When at home in the palace, they steeped themselves in the pleasures of wine and music. They gave no regard to governing the country and the common people. They engaged in all manner of useless activity and were cruel and perverse in dealing with the common people, thus causing subordinates not to feel any kinship with their superiors. This is why their states became empty and devoid of future generations, and they themselves suffered execution. They were unwilling to admit, “I have been incompetent and bad in the administration of penal laws and regulations.” Rather they were certain to claim, “Fate has surely decreed my demise.” The people of the ancient period of the Three Dynasties who were desperately poor were just the same. Within their homes they were incapable of serving their parents well, and outside they were incapable of serving their rulers. They hated being respectful and frugal but enjoyed license and ease. They were greedy about food and drink but lazy about doing their work. On account of this attitude, they did not have enough resources to clothe and feed themselves, and so were plagued by hunger, cold, freezing, and starvation. They certainly were incapable of admitting, “We have been incompetent and have failed to be industrious in our jobs.” Rather they certainly claimed. “Our fate surely decreed that we be impoverished.” The duplicitous people of the ancient period of the Three Dynasties were just the same as these. They created all manner of fancy argument to support the claim that fate exists, and for a long time indeed they have taught this to the stupid and simple crowd.

Group 2. The Ten Doctrines

36.4B

301

聖王之患此也，故書之竹帛，琢之金石，於先王之書《 仲虺之告》曰：「我聞有夏，人矯天命，布命于下，帝式 是惡，用 (闕GE>喪厥 a 師。」此語夏王桀之執有命也，湯 與仲虺 (共)b 非之。先王之書《太誓》之言然曰： 「紂夷 (之居GE>虐 c，而不肎事上帝，棄闕 d (其)e 先神 [祇]e 而不 祀也。曰：『我民有命。』毋僇其務。天 (不)f 亦棄縱而不 葆。」此言紂之執有命也，武王以《太誓》非之。有於 《三代 (不GE>百 g 國》有之曰：「女毋崇天之有命也。」 (命)f 《三 [ 代]f (不GE>百 f 國》亦言命之無也。於召公之 [非]h 執令於然 (且GE>曰 i：「敬哉！無天命，惟予二人，而 無造言，不自 (降天GE>天降 j， (之哉GE>自我 j 得之。」在 於商、夏之詩書曰：「命者，暴王作之。」

a. Bi Yuan. c. Wang Huanbiao. e. Sun Yirang. g. Sun Yirang. i. Bi Yuan.

b. JR; parallelism. d. 厥 Sun Yirang. f. Wang Huanbiao. h. Sun Yirang. j. Sun Yirang.

Troubled by this, the sage-kings made documents that they had written on bamboo and silk and engraved in metal and stone. One of the documents of the founding kings, the “Announcement of Zhong Hui,” says: “I was taught that that man of Xia, pretending to be following Heaven’s mandate, issued orders to his people. Heaven despised this and consequently destroyed his army.”2 This says that the Xia king Jie advocated Fate Exists and that Tang used the “Zhong Hui” to condemn him for it. One of the documents of the founding kings, the “Great Oath,” says: “Zhou killed cruelly. He was unwilling to serve the Supreme Ancestor, ghosts, and spirits, cast aside the spirits of his predecessors, and would not make offerings to the spirits of the earth. Rather he said: ‘My people have their fate!’ Because he would not devote his strength to the tasks of the ancestors and spirits, Heaven abandoned Zhou and would no longer protect him.”3 This says that Zhou advocated Fate Exists and that King Wu used the “Great Oath” to condemn him for it. Further, in the “Hundred States of the Three Dynasties,” it is said: “You should not promote the idea that Heaven has its mandate.”4 Thus the “Hundred States of the Three Dynasties” also says that fate does not exist. When the Duke of Shao rejected relying upon the mandate, he said, “Let us take strict, reverent care! There is no mandate decreed by

Mozi

302

Heaven. Are the two of us not capable of enjoining each other against it? Good fortune is not sent down from Heaven. It is we who obtain it.”5 In the books and poetry of the Shang and Xia dynasties, it says: “Fatalism is the creation of the tyrannical kings.” 36.4C

且今天下之士君子，將欲辯是非利害之故，當 (天GE>夫 a 有命者，不可不疾非也。執有命者，此天下之厚害也，是 故子墨子非 [之]b 也。

a. Bi Yuan.

b. Sun Yirang.

Finally, if the noble elite of the world today desire to distinguish clearly the causes of right and wrong and of benefit and harm, the advocates of Fate Exists must be strongly condemned. Advocates of the doctrine of Fate Exists do the world the greatest harm. That is why our Master Mozi condemned them.

非命下第三十七 Chapter 37: Condemn Fatalism (Lower) (必GE>不 a 可而不先立儀而 言。若不先立儀而言，譬之猶運鈞之上而立朝夕焉也。我 以為雖有朝夕之辯，必將終未可得而從定也。是故言有三 法。」何謂三法？曰：「有 (考GE>本 b 之者，有原之者，有 用之者。」惡乎(考GE>本 b 之？考先聖大王之事。惡乎原 之？察眾之耳目之請 c。惡乎用之？發而為政乎國 (察GE> 家 d 萬民而觀之。此謂三法也。

37.1 子墨子言曰： 「凡出言談，則

a. Yu Yue. c. 情 Sun Yirang.

b. JR. d. Wu Yujiang.

Our Master Mozi taught us: “All those who set forth doctrines and discourses must first establish a gnomon before offering a doctrine. To offer a doctrine without first establishing a gnomon is, to use an analogy, like trying to establish the direction of sunrise and sunset on a revolving potter’s wheel: although one could distinguish one direction from the other one, it is impossible to define them precisely. This is why there are three standards that doctrines should meet.” What are the three standards? We say they are: Test whether it has a proper basis, a proper origin, and can be put to proper use. In what should it be properly based?

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Examine the deeds of the early sages and great kings. What should be its proper origin? Scrutinize what the ears and eyes of the crowd take to be the truth. Where should it be properly put into use? Issue it as a regulation in the country and among the myriad peoples and observe how it functions. These we call the three standards. 37.2A

故昔者三代聖王禹湯文武方為政乎天下之時，曰：「必務 舉孝子而勸之事親，尊賢良之人而教之為善。」是故出政 施教，賞善罰暴。且以為若此，則天下之亂也，將屬可得 而治也，社稷之危也，將屬可得而定也。若以為不然，昔 桀之所亂，湯治之；紂之所亂，武王治之。當此之時， 世不渝而民不易，上變政而民改俗。存乎桀紂而天下亂， 存乎湯武而天下治。天下之治也，湯武之力也；天下之亂 也，桀紂之罪也。若以此觀之，夫安危治亂存乎上之為政 也，則夫豈可謂有命哉！ Thus in the past, when the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties—Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu—had just begun to govern the world, they said: “We must devote ourselves to commending obedient sons and thus encouraging them to serve their parents; and to honoring worthy and virtuous men and thus lead them to do good deeds.” As a consequence they issued government regulations, educated the people, and rewarded the good and punished the violent. We may conclude that it is in this way that the anarchy of the world can be replaced by good order, and the danger that threatens the altars of soil and grain be transformed into safety. If anyone thinks otherwise, then consider that in the past what Jie had reduced to chaos Tang put in good order, and that what Zhou had reduced to chaos King Wu put in good order. At this time, within the same world and with the same people, superiors transformed the government and the people altered their customs. Under Jie and Zhou there was anarchy throughout the world, but under Tang and Wu there was order. That the world was orderly was the result the efforts of Tang and Wu; that it was in chaos was due to the crimes of Jie and Zhou. From these facts it can be seen that the presence of security or danger, order or chaos, is dependent on how the superior governs. How could anyone ascribe this to the doctrine Fate Exists?

37.2B

故昔者禹湯文武方為政乎天下之時，曰「必使飢者得食， 寒者得衣，勞者得息，亂者得治。」遂得光譽令問 a 於

Mozi

304

天下。夫豈可以為 [ 其]b 命哉？故以為其力也！今賢良之 人，尊賢而好功道術，故上得其王公大人之賞，下得其 萬民之譽。 (遂得光譽令問於天下)c 亦豈以為其命哉？(又 GE>故 d 以為 [其]e 力也！ a. 聞 Sun Yirang. c. Wu Yujiang; dittography. e. Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang. d. Wang Huanbiao.

Thus in the past, when Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu had just begun to govern the world, they said: “We must cause the hungry to get food, the cold to get clothing, the weary to get rest, and chaos to be replaced by good order.” As a consequence they won honors and fine reputations throughout the world. How could this be considered merely their fate? Surely it was the result of their efforts! Today worthy and virtuous people, by honoring the worthy and delighting in the arts of good government, are rewarded by kings, dukes, and great men above and praised by the myriads of people below. How could this be considered merely their fate? Surely it is the result of their efforts! 37.2C

然今夫有命者，不識昔也三代之聖善人與，意亡昔三代之 暴不肖人與？若以說觀之，則必非昔三代聖善人也，必暴 不肖人也。然今以命為有者，昔三代暴王桀紂幽厲，貴 為天子，富有天下，於此乎不而 a 矯其耳目之欲，而從其 心意之辟，外之敺騁、田獵、畢弋，內湛於酒樂，而不 顧其國家百姓之政，繁為無用，暴逆百姓，遂失其宗廟。 其言不曰：「吾罷不肖，吾聽治不強」，必曰：「吾命固將 失之。」雖昔也三代罷不肖之民，亦猶此也。不能善事親 戚君長，甚惡恭儉而好簡易，貪飲食而惰從事，衣食之財 不足，是以身有陷乎飢寒凍餒之憂。其言不曰：「吾罷不 肖，吾從事不強」，(又GE>必 b 曰：「吾命固將窮。」 昔 三 代偽民亦猶此也。 a. 能 Bi Yuan.

b. Sun Yirang.

And yet do the advocates of Fate Exists know whether their doctrine came from the sagely and good men of the ancient period of the Three Dynasties or from the violent and unworthy men of that period? From what their doctrine says we know that it certainly did not come from the sagely and good men of the ancient period of the Three Dynasties, but must have come from the violent and unworthy men.

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305

That being the case, those who now believe that fate exists are the equivalents of the tyrannical kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity— Jie, Zhou, You, and Li. They were honored as Sons of Heaven and possessed the wealth of the whole world. Yet with all this they were unable to control the desires of their ears and eyes and indulged the wicked schemes of their minds. When they went outside, it was to race, hunt, trap, and shoot. When at home in the palace, they steeped themselves in the pleasures of wine and music. They gave no regard to governing the country and the common people. They engaged in all manner of useless activity and were cruel and perverse in dealing with the common people, and in consequence lost their ancestral temples. They certainly did not admit, “I have been negligent and did not devote my energies to listening to affairs of government.” Rather they were certain to claim, “Fate surely decreed that I lose them.” The people of the ancient period of the Three Dynasties who were negligent were just the same. They were incapable of serving their parents or rulers. They hated being respectful and frugal but enjoyed license and ease. They were greedy about food and drink and yet lazy in doing their jobs. On account of this, they did not have enough resources to clothe and feed themselves, so they were plagued by hunger, cold, freezing, and starvation. They certainly did not admit, “We have been negligent and did not devote our energies to doing our jobs.” Rather they were certain to claim, “Fate surely decreed that we be impoverished.” The duplicitous people of the ancient period of the Three Dynasties were just the same as these. 37.3 昔者暴王作之，窮人術 a 之，此皆疑眾遲樸，先聖王之患

之也，固在前矣。是以書之竹帛，鏤之金石，琢之盤盂， 傳遺後世子孫。曰何書焉存？《禹之總德》有之曰：「允不 著，惟天民不而葆，既防凶心，天加之咎。不慎厥德，天命 焉葆？」《仲虺之告》曰：「我聞有夏，人矯天命，[布命]b 于下，帝式是增 c，用爽 d 厥師。」彼用無為有，故謂矯， 若有而謂有，夫豈為矯哉！昔者，桀執有命而行，湯為 《仲虺之告》以非之。《太誓》之言也，於 (去GE>太子 e 發曰：「惡乎君子！天有顯德，其行甚章。為鑑不遠，在 彼殷王。謂人有命，謂敬不可行，謂祭無益，謂暴無傷。 上帝不常 f，九有以亡，上帝不順，祝降其喪。惟我有 周，受之大 (帝GE>商 g。」昔紂執有命而行，武王為《太

Mozi

306

誓》，(去GE>太子 e 發以非之。曰：子胡不尚考之乎商周 虞夏之記，從十簡之篇以尚 h，皆無之，將何若者也？ a. 述 Bi Yuan. c. 憎 Bi Yuan. e. Sun Xingyan. g. Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang. d. 喪 Sun Yirang. f. 尚 Sun Yirang. h. 上 Su Shixue.

Formerly, tyrants invented it and the indigent transmitted it. Then these all deluded the crowd and toyed with the simple.1 The sage-kings were troubled by this from early on. For this reason they had documents written on bamboo and silk, engraved in metal and stone, and incised on basins and bowls, so that they might be handed down to their descendants. Some ask: What documents preserve their views? In the “Collected Power of Yu” there is a passage that says: “If you do not make evident your trustworthiness, even Heaven’s people will not be protected. If you indulge your malevolent desires, Heaven will curse you with misfortune. If you are not mindful of your virtue, how can a fate decreed by Heaven protect you?”2 The “Announcement of Zhong Hui” says: “I was taught that that man of Xia, pretending to be following a fate decreed by Heaven, issued orders to his people. Heaven despised this and consequently destroyed his army.”3 Jie, by declaring what did not exist to exist, was accordingly said to be “pretending.” If he had declared that what did exist existed, how could he be said to be “pretending”? In the past, when Jie advocated the doctrine that fate exists and acted accordingly, Tang caused the “Announcement of Zhong Hui” to be made in order to condemn him. In the verses of the “Great Oath,” Crown Prince Fa says: Take heed, you superior men! Heaven possesses a clearly manifested virtue, and its actions are evident. The mirror that reveals this is not far distant. It is with that Yin king. He claims that people have a fate; he claims one need not be reverent, That sacrifices do no good, and blasphemy no harm. The Supreme Sovereign does not help him, and thus the nine ­possessions are lost. The Supreme Sovereign opposes him and thus cuts him off and dooms him. We, the Zhou, have been given Great Shang.4

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307

In the past when Zhou (the last ruler of the Shang) advocated the doctrine that fate exists and acted accordingly, King Wu made the “Great Oath,” and as Crown Prince Fa, he used it to condemn him. Thus we ask: Why do you fail to examine your doctrine against the records of the Shang, Zhou, and Yu-Xia dynasties? All of the bamboo documents that consist of more than ten strips say that fate does not exist. How is one to account for this? 37.4A

是故子墨子曰：「今天下之君子之為文學出言談也，非將 勤勞其 (惟GE>喉 a 舌，而利其脣呡 b 也，中實將欲 [為]c 其 國家邑里萬民刑政者也。」今也王公大人之所以蚤朝晏 退，聽獄治政，終朝均分，而不敢怠倦者何也？曰：彼以 為強必治，不強必亂；強必寧，不強必危，故不敢怠倦。 今也卿大夫之所以竭股肱之力，殫其思慮之知，內治官 府，外斂關市、山林、澤梁之利，以實官府，而不敢怠倦 者，何也？曰：彼以為強必貴，不強必賤；強必榮，不強 必辱，故不敢怠倦。今也農夫之所以蚤出暮入，強乎耕稼 樹藝，多聚叔 d 粟，而不敢怠倦者，何也？曰：彼以為強 必富，不強必貧；強必飽，不強必飢，故不敢怠倦。今也 婦人之所以夙興夜寐，強乎紡績織紝，多治麻 𦀠 e 葛緒 f， 捆布縿，而不敢怠倦者，何也？曰：彼以為強必富，不強 必貧，強必煖，不強必寒，故不敢怠倦。今雖毋在乎王 公大人 (蕢GE>藉 g 若信有命而致行之，則必怠乎聽獄治政 矣，卿大夫必怠乎治官府矣，農夫必怠乎耕稼樹藝矣，婦 人必怠乎紡績織紝矣。王公大人怠乎聽獄治政，卿大夫怠 乎治官府，則我以為天下必亂矣。農夫怠乎耕稼樹藝，婦 人怠乎紡織績紝，則我以為天下衣食之財將必不足矣。若 以為政乎天下，上以事天鬼，天鬼不使；下以持養百姓， 百姓不利，必離散不可得用也。是以入守則不固，出誅則 不勝，故雖昔者三代暴王桀紂幽厲之所以 (共GE>失 h 抎其 國家，傾覆其社稷者，此也。 a. Wang Niansun. c. Sun Yirang, Wang Huanbiao. e. 絲 Wang Niansun. g. Yu Yue.

b. 吻 Bi Yuan. d. 菽 Wang Huanbiao. f. 紵 Bi Yuan. h. Wang Niansun.

308

Mozi

This is why our Master Mozi said: “Today the superior men of the world create literary compositions and scholarly studies and set forth doctrines and discourses, not so they can give their tongues a workout and hone their lips, but because they genuinely desire to administer well the penal laws and regulations for the myriad peoples of their countries and local districts.” Now why do kings, dukes, and great men go to court early and return home late, listening to lawsuits and administering the government, day after day always the same, never daring to be indolent or remiss? “Because they know that working hard is certain to produce order and that not working hard produces certain chaos; working hard produces certain tranquility and not working hard results in certain danger. This is why they dare not be indolent or remiss.” Today why do ministers and grand officers drain the strength of their limbs and exhaust their mental powers, within the court, by managing the bureaus and treasuries and, outside the court, by collecting taxes at borders and markets and by gathering beneficial products from the forested hills and the low-lying wetlands in order to fill the treasury, never daring to be indolent or remiss? “Because they know that working hard is certain to make them eminent and not working hard is certain to make them base; working hard certainly will bring them honor and not working hard, certain disgrace. This is why they dare not be indolent or remiss.” Today why do farmers set out at daybreak and return at dusk, devoting all their strength to plowing, sowing, and planting trees, in order to gather large quantities of vegetables and grain, never daring to be indolent or remiss? “Because they know that working hard produces certain wealth and not working hard, certain poverty; working hard, certain plenty and not working hard, certain hunger. This is why they dare not be indolent or remiss.” Today why do women rise at dawn and retire late at night, devoting all their time to weaving and spinning in order to produce large quantities of linen, silk, and other fabrics, and preparing cloth, never daring to be indolent or remiss? “Because they know that working hard produces certain wealth and not working hard produces certain poverty; working hard produces certain warmth and not working hard produces certain cold. That is why they dare not be indolent or remiss.” If now kings, dukes, and great men were to believe that fate exists and were to behave accordingly, then certainly they would be indolent and remiss in listening to lawsuits and administering the government; ministers and grand officers, in managing offices and treasuries; farmers in plowing, sowing, and planting trees; and women in weaving and spin-

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ning.5 If kings, dukes, and great men are lax about listening to lawsuits and administering the government, and ministers and grand officers in managing offices and treasuries, then we believe that it is certain that the world will fall into anarchy. If farmers are lax about plowing, sowing, and planting trees, and women about weaving and spinning, then we believe that it is certain that the world will have inadequate supplies of food and clothing. If they were to use the doctrine of fate to govern the world, then when they worship Heaven and the ghosts, Heaven and the ghosts will not be convinced of their piety, and when they nurture the common people, the common people will derive no benefit from this and will be certain to become disaffected and to scatter, so they can no longer be employed. On account of this, the defenses of the state will not be secure, and attacks against others will not end in victory. This is why the tyrannical kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity—Jie, Zhou, You, and Li—lost and destroyed their countries and overturned their altars of soil and grain. 37.4B

是故子墨子言曰：「今天下之士君子，中實將欲求興天下 之利，除天下之害，當 (若GE>夫 a 有命者之言，不可不強 非也。」曰：命者，暴王所作，窮人所術，非仁者之言 也。今之為仁義者，將不可不察而強非者，此也。

a. JR.

This is why our Master Mozi taught us: “Now if the noble elite of the world today in fact desire to promote what benefits the world and to eliminate what harms it, they must strongly condemn the doctrine of those who claim that fate exists.” This is to say that fatalism, having been “invented by tyrants and transmitted by the indigent,” is not a doctrine held by the humane.6 It is for this reason that those who uphold the way of humaneness and righteousness must study this doctrine carefully and strongly condemn it.

Group Four

Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

Condemn the Ru The Mohists, from the inception of their school, were critical of the philosophy of the Ru, the term they used for Confucius and his followers. By the mid Warring States period, roughly between 350 to 270, the Ru and the Mo were the leading schools of thought and philosophical adversaries. Ru criticism of the Mohists is typified by Mengzi, who dismisses Mohist doctrines—especially Impartial Love and Moderate Burials—as bizarre and inhuman.1 Xunzi follows suit. He refers to Mozi’s emphasis on personal effort as “the way of a menial laborer.”2 Commenting on Mozi’s condemnation of musical performance, Xunzi says: “One would have expected that Mozi, who condemns music, would have met with some kind of punishment. But all the enlightened kings had already died, and there was no one to put things aright. Stupid fools study him and thereby endanger their own existence.”3 Certain of the triad chapters—for example, chapters 25 and 32—seem intent on matching the vitriol of the Ru. Among the “Mohist Analects,” however, chapter 46, “Gengzhu,” contains a measured response to the sulphuric attacks of Mencius and Xunzi. There we see Mozi, over the course of several conversations with Master Wuma, defending his core doctrines against criticism coolly and without resorting to ad hominem attack. The tone is quite different, however, in chapter 48, “Master Gong­ meng,” where the antagonism between Mozi and various Ru adversaries, including Gongmeng, is palpable. This antagonism and criticism of the Confucian way of life are the main features of chapter 39. This is one of many reasons why, in terms of its form and content, the chapter should be grouped with “Master Gongmeng” and other chapters of the Mohist Analects rather than with the triad chapters with which it shares very little of significance. Chapter 39, supposedly the surviving member of a pair of chapters written to 1.  Mengzi 3A.5 and 3B.9. 2.  Xunzi, “Wangba 王霸,” 7.243 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 2:158). 3.  Xunzi, “Yuelun 樂論,” 14.463 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:84).

Mozi

312

refute Confucian thought, is distinctive for the way in which it subjects a broad array of Confucian opinions to ridicule and satire. It was likely written later than chapters 25, 32, and 48, since it appears to borrow from their contents. To the vocabulary of derision found in those chapters, chapter 39 contributes “sham” (39.1A), “fraudulent” (39.10), and other such terms not applied to Confucians elsewhere in the text. Among the Ru doctrines and practices the first part of the chapter derides are graded love, whereby one favors near relatives over distant ones, long periods of mourning, formal language and dress, fatalism, borrowing from the past but never inventing anything new, and showing mercy to one’s bitter enemies. Yet the caricature of the Ru fabricated by the author of the chapter is in some ways no harsher than Xunzi’s scorn for those he terms “the vulgar Ru” because of their inappropriate attire, imprecise learning, and penchant for cheating the uninformed with claims that they have inherited the wisdom of the sagekings. Xunzi concludes that such Ru are as bad as the Mo.4 The second half of the chapter is, however, another matter. Markedly different from what precedes them in the chapter and indeed from any other criticism of Ru doctrine found in the Mozi, the passages from 39.6B to the end contain a personal attack that is probably unparalleled in the early literature in its slander of Confucius. With none of the irony or humor of the famous parodies of Confucius found in the Zhuangzi, chapter 39 accuses Confucius of masterminding an insurrection in the state of Qi (39.8); of disloyally aiding a villainous nobleman escape capture by the Lu duke Confucius is supposed to serve (39.9); and of having knowingly received stolen goods when in exile from his native Lu and wandering the states of Chen and Cai (39.10). Nowhere in the chapter is Mozi mentioned, nor are any of his teachings quoted directly. Bi Yuan notes that Mozi was not the author of the chapter and that it would be wrong to fault him for its contents.5 Watanabe Takashi agrees with Bi that the authors were probably members of a lesser, derivative branch of the Mohist school.6

非儒下第三十九 Chapter 39: Condemn the Ru (Lower) 39.1A

儒者曰：「親親有術 a，尊賢有等。」言親疏尊卑之異也。 其《禮》曰：「喪父母三年，妻後子三年，伯父叔父弟兄 庶子其 b，戚族人五月。」若以親疏為歲月之數，則親者 4.  Xunzi, “Ruxiao 儒效,” 4.149 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 2:79). 5.  Cited by Sun Yirang in Mozi xiangu, 260. 6. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 543.

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

多而疏者少矣，是妻、後子與父同也。若以尊卑為歲月 數，則是尊其妻子與父母同，而 (親GE>視 c 伯父宗兄而 d 卑子也，逆孰大焉。其親死，列尸弗斂。登屋窺井，挑鼠 穴，探滌器，而求其人矣。以為實在則贛愚甚矣。如其亡 也必求焉，偽亦大矣！ a. 殺 Wang Yinzhi. c. Wang Niansun.

b. 期 Bi Yuan. d. 如 Wang Niansun.

The Ru says: “There are differences of degree in loving relatives and different levels in respecting the worthy.”1 This means that there are differences between near and distant relatives and between the venerable and the lowly. His canonical book, the Rituals, says: “The wearing of mourning garments for father and mother should last into the third year; for wife or eldest son, into the third year; for paternal uncles, elder and younger brothers, and younger sons, a full year; and for near relatives, five months.”2 Now if we equate the degree of kinship to the number of months or years one is supposed to wear mourning garments, then the mourning period for close relatives should be long, while that for distant relatives should be short. Thus (according to the Ru) a wife and eldest son are the same as a father. If we equate the degree of venerableness to the number of months or years one is supposed to wear mourning garments, then the Ru is venerating his wife and son the same as he does his father, and regarding his uncles and older brothers as equal to his youngest child. Could anyone be more perverse than he is? “When one’s parent dies, arrange the corpse but do not put it in a coffin. Climb on to the roof, look down the well, reach into rat holes, and search in the washing basins in order to seek out the dead parent.”3 If he thinks the dead parent is really in such places, then he is an idiot. If he knows the dead parent is gone but still insists on searching in those places, then is anyone a bigger sham than he is?

39.1B

取妻，身迎，(祗GE>袨 a 端為僕，秉轡授綏，如仰嚴親。昏 禮威儀，如承祭祀。顛覆上下，悖逆父母，下則妻子，妻 子上侵事親， 若此可謂孝乎？儒者 [曰]b：「(迎妻)c 妻之 奉祭祀，子將守宗廟，故重之。」應之曰：「此誣言也， 其宗兄守其先宗廟數十年，死喪之其 d，兄弟之妻奉其先 之祭祀，弗 (散GE>服 e，則喪妻子三年，必非以守 [宗廟]f

313

Mozi

314

奉祭祀也。夫憂妻子以大負絫，有曰：『所以重親也』， 為欲厚所至私，輕所至重，豈非大姦也哉！」

a. Wang Niansun. c. Wang Huanbiao. e. Lu Wenchao.

b. Bi Yuan. d. 期 Bi Yuan. f. Sun Yirang.

“When taking a wife, go in person to escort her to his house. Dress in the black gown of a carriage driver, hold the reins, and give the bride the cord with which to mount the carriage, showing respect to her equal to that given to a revered parent. The marriage rites are conducted with the same solemn dignity of demeanor and bearing as when performing a sacrifice to their ancestors.”4 Turning upside down the proper relationship between high and low, showing disrespect for parents, parents brought down to the level of wife and son, wife and son allowed to encroach upon the high position of father and mother—can conducting oneself in this way be termed “obedience to parents?” The Ru says: “A wife will carry on sacrifices to the ancestors after the death of her husband. A son will ultimately be respon­sible for maintaining the ancestral temple. This is the reason wives and sons are so highly regarded.”5 We respond to him: “This is nonsense! Uncles and brothers maintain the sacrifices at the temple to their ancestors for decades, yet they are mourned for only a year. The wives of brothers also aid in carrying on sacrifices to the ancestors, yet they are not mourned at all. So then, mourning into the third year for wives and sons must not depend on their being responsible for maintaining the ancestral temple and carrying on the sacrifices and offerings. Having already made the error of giving too much importance to wives and sons, he then goes on to excuse this by saying, ‘I do it to show respect for my parents.’ But he is really acting out of the desire to treat generously the people he personally favors, while slighting the people whose relationship to him is the most important. Is his conduct not the height of treachery?” 39.2

有強執有命以說議曰：「壽夭貧富，安危治亂，固有天 命，不可損益。窮達賞罰 ，幸否有極，人之知力，不能為 焉。」群吏信之，則怠於分職；庶人信之，則怠於從事。 吏不治則亂，農事緩則貧，貧且亂，[倍]a 政之本，而儒者 以為道教，是賊天下之人者也。

a. Sun Yirang.

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

The Ru also firmly advocates the doctrine that fate exists and justifies it by arguing that “old age or premature death, poverty or wealth, safety or danger, order or chaos are all assuredly decreed by Heaven, and there is no way to diminish or increase them.6 Failure to get office or success in office, rewards or punishments, good fortune or bad all have a fixed limit, and one’s knowledge and strength can do nothing to alter them.” If all the officials of government believed this, then they would be remiss in performing the duties assigned to their particular office. If ordinary men believed it, then they would be lax in doing their jobs. If officials fail to govern properly, there will be disorder. If agriculture is neglected, poverty will result. Poverty as well as chaos result from turning one’s back on the foundations of the govern­ment. Yet the Ru accepts such ideas as being the true teachings, and, by doing so, he is advocating what destroys the world’s people! 39.3

且夫繁飾禮樂以淫人，久喪偽哀以謾親，立命緩貧而高 浩居，倍本棄事而安怠傲，貪於飲食，惰於作務，陷於 飢寒，危於凍餒，無以違之。是若 (人氣GE>乞人 a，鼸鼠 藏，而羝羊視賁 b 彘起。君子笑之，怒曰：「散人！焉知良 儒。」 (夫夏乞麥禾GE>春乞麥，夏乞禾 c，五穀既收，大 喪是隨，子姓皆從，得厭飲食，畢治數喪，足以至矣。因 人之家 (翠以為GE>以為翠 d，恃人之野以為尊 ， 富人有喪， 乃大說，喜曰：「此衣食之端也。」

a. Sun Yirang. c. Sun Yirang, Wang Huanbiao.

b. 豶 Bi Yuan. d. Sun Yirang.

Moreover, the Ru concocts elaborate and lavish ritual and ­musical performances to delude other men. He observes lengthy periods of mourning and feigns grief in order to deceive relatives. He establishes the doctrine of destiny, thinks nothing of a life of poverty, and conducts himself in a haughty and arrogant fashion. He turns his back on the fundamentals of government, abandons official duties, and finds contentment in a life of idleness and arrogance. Coveting good drink and food but too lazy to work to get them, he courts death from freezing and starvation but is unable to avoid it. He acts like a beggar hankering after a warm meal or like a field mouse storing away food, and upon seeing food he likes, he is fixated like a ram or leaps up like a wild boar. When superior men ridicule him, he becomes angry, saying: “How could fools like you understand a virtuous Ru?”

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In spring and summer he begs for wheat and millet. After the five grains have been gathered in the fall, he searches out large households holding funerals to offer his services, taking his whole family along so they can all get their fill of food and drink. He need only be in charge of several funerals and he has enough for his requirements. He relies on other men’s households to fatten himself and on other men’s fields for the liquor he drinks.7 If a rich man has a death in the family, he is overjoyed, exclaiming in delight: “This is my ticket for food and clothes!” 39.4

儒者曰：「君子必 (服古言GE>古言古服 a 然後仁。」 應之曰：「所謂古之言服者，皆嘗新矣。而古人言之，服 之，則非君子也。然則必服非君子之服，言非君子之言， 而後仁乎？」又曰：「君子循而不作。」應之曰：「古者羿 作弓，杼作甲，奚仲作車，巧垂作舟，然則今之鮑函車匠 皆君子也，而羿、杼、奚仲、巧垂皆小人邪？且其所循人 必或作之，然則其所循皆小人道也？」

a. Wang Niansun.

The Ru says: “A superior man must speak the language of the ancients and wear ancient dress before he can be considered humane.”8 We respond to him: “What you call ancient language and dress were all once new. Thus the ancients who spoke this language and dressed in these clothes were not superior men. If that is so, then are you saying that one must wear what are not a superior man’s clothes and intone what are not a superior man’s words before he can be considered humane?” The Ru also says: “A superior man should follow old ways and not invent new things.”9 We respond to him: “In antiquity, Yi invented the bow, Zhu invented armor, Xizhong invented vehicles, and Artisan Chui invented boats. Given this, then are the tanners, armorers, cartwrights, and carpenters of today all superior men, but Yi, Zhu, Xizhong, and Chui all petty men? Moreover, everything that the superior man is to follow must have been created by someone. Given this, were all the ways the superior man is to follow first trod by the petty man?” 39.5 又曰： 「君子勝不逐奔，揜函弗射，施則助之胥車 a。」應

之曰：「若皆仁人也，則無說而相與。仁人以其取舍是非 之理相告，無故從有故也，弗知從有知也，無辭必服，見

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

善必遷，何故相 [與]b？若兩暴交爭，其勝者欲不逐奔，掩 函弗射，施則助之胥車，雖盡能，猶且不得為君子也。意 暴殘之國也。聖 [人]c 將為世除害，興師誅罰，勝將因用 儒術令士卒曰：『毋逐奔，掩函弗射，施則助之胥車。』 暴亂之人也得活，天下害不除，是為群殘父母而深 (賤 GE>賊 d 世也，不義莫大焉！」

a. Sun Yirang notes that this six-word phrase is defective. b. Wang Niansun. c. Sun Yirang. d. Dai Wang.

The Ru also says: “When the superior man is victorious in battle, he does not pursue the fleeing enemy. After he has removed the enemy’s armor, he does not shoot them. When the enemy departs, he helps them pull their heavy chariots.”10 We respond to him: “If both combatants were humane, then they would have no reason to fight one another. A humane man will inform his opponent of the principles that guide his selecting or rejecting things and considering a course of action to be right or wrong. If one side has no guiding principles, he will comply with the side that does, and if one side is ignorant, he will comply with the side that is wise. If one side has no argument, he is certain to defer to the side that does. If one side perceives good, he is certain to be moved by it. Why would such men have any reason to fight? But if both parties in the struggle are vicious, even were one of them capable of being ‘a victor who desires not to pursue the fleeing enemy, not to shoot those whose armor he has forcibly removed, and to help the departing army pull their heavy chariots,’ still he will not have attained the ideal of the superior man. Or perhaps there is a vicious and murderous state, and a sage, wishing to rid the world of harm, raised an army to punish it. If having secured a victory, the sage were to rely on Ru doctrines, he would order his officers and troops: ‘Do not pursue the fleeing enemy, do not shoot at those whose armor we have forcibly removed, and help the departing army pull its chariots.’ The men who oppressed others and created chaos would escape with their lives, and the harm they inflicted on the world would not be eradicated. This is tantamount to joining with the enemy masses to inflict harm on one’s own parents and to prey upon one’s own generation. No unrighteous act could be greater than this!”

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Mozi

又曰：「君子若鍾，擊之則鳴，弗擊不鳴。」應之曰：「夫 仁人事上竭忠，事親 (得GE>竭 a 孝，務善則美，有過則 諫，此為人臣之道也。今擊之則鳴，弗擊不鳴，[曲直周 旋]b，隱知豫力，恬漠待問而後對，雖有君親之大利，弗 問不言。若將有大寇亂，盜賊將作，若機辟將發也，他人 不知，己獨知之，雖其君親皆在，不問不言。是夫大亂之 賊也！以是為人臣不忠，為 [人]c 子不孝，事兄不弟，交 遇人不貞良。夫執後不言，之朝，(物GE>忽 d 見利 (使GE> 便 e 己，雖 f 恐後言。君若言而未有利焉，則高拱下視，會 g 噎為深，曰：『唯其未之學也。』用誰 h 急，遺行遠矣。」 a. Wang Huanbiao. c. Wang Huanbiao. e. Su Shixue. g. 噲 Bi Yuan.

b. Wang Huanbiao; shifted from 39.6B. d. Wang Huanbiao. f. 唯 Su Shixue h. 雖 Sun Yirang.

The Ru also says: “The superior man is like a bell. If he is struck, he will sound; if not struck, he will not sound.”11 We respond to him: “The humane man serves his superiors with absolute loyalty and serves his parents with utter obedience. When they do good he offers his praise, and when they err he remonstrates with them. This is the way a man should serve others. Now, ‘If he is struck, he will sound; if not struck, he will not sound’ means that he contends with things by being both indirect and direct; he conceals his knowledge and spares his efforts, waiting in dumb and indifferent silence until his ruler asks him a question before offering any answer. Though it would be of great benefit to his lord or parents, unless he is asked, he will not answer. Though a major invasion or great anarchy was imminent, though robbers and bandits were about to break in, though a conspiratorial trap was about to be sprung, though no one besides him knew these things, and even though he was in the presence of his lord or parents, unless he was asked, he would not say anything. This is criminal betrayal that produces the worst kind of disorder. As a subject, such a man is disloyal and as a son, disobedient. He is disrespectful in serving his elder ­brothers and is not upright or virtuous in his encounters with others. This sort of man holds himself back, offering his opinions last. When he goes to court, should he happen to see something of benefit that will profit him, his only fear is that others will speak up before he does. But if the ruler should say something that offers him no benefit, then folding his hands

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

high on his breast in formal salute, gazing down, and speaking with a choked voice as though deep in thought, he says: ‘I have never studied this matter.’12 Even when his ruler needs him in an emergency, he flees to a distant place.”13 39.6B

夫一道術學業仁義者，皆大以治人，小以任官，遠施周 偏，近以脩身，不義不處，非理不行，務興天下之利 (曲 直周旋)a (利)b 則止。此君子之道也。以所聞孔 (某TA>丘 c 之行，則本與此相反謬也。

a. Wang Huanbiao; shift to 39.6A. b. JR. c. Wu Yujiang, here and in all instances of this particular emendation following.

Now, one’s methods, learning, and morality are all used for the major concern of governing others and the lesser concern of filling an office, for the far-reaching concern of reaching out in all directions, and the nearby concern of cultivating the self. Dwell not in an unrighteous place; enact not what is contrary to principle. You should only devote yourself to promoting what benefits the world.14 These constitute the Way of the superior man. But from what we have learned of the actions of Kong Qiu, they were fundamentally opposite to this.15 39.7

齊景公問晏子曰：「孔子為人何如？」晏子不對，公又復 問，不對。景公曰：「以孔 (某TA>丘語寡人者眾矣，俱以 賢人也。今寡人問之，而子不對，何也？」晏子對曰： 「嬰不肖，不足以知賢人。雖然，嬰聞所謂賢人者，入人 之國，必務合其君臣之親，而弭其上下之怨。孔 (某TA> 丘之荊，知白公之謀，而奉之以石乞，君身幾滅，而白公 僇。嬰聞賢人得上不虛，得下不危，言聽於君必利人，教 行 [於]a 下必 (於GE>利 a 上，是以言明而易知也，行明而易 從也。行義可明乎民，謀慮可通乎君臣。今孔 (某TA>丘 深慮 (同GE>周 b 謀以奉賊，勞思盡知以行邪，勸下亂上， 教臣殺君，非賢人之行也；入人之國，而與人之賊，非義 之類也；知人不忠，趣之為亂，非仁 (義之GE>之類 c 也。 逃人而後謀，避人而後言，行義不可明於民，謀慮不可 通於君臣，嬰不知孔 (某TA>丘之有異於白公也，是以不

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對。」景公曰：「嗚乎！貺寡人者眾矣，非夫子，則吾終 身不知孔 (某TA>丘之與白公同也。」

a. Yu Yue. c. Wang Jingxi; parallelism.

b. Yu Yue.

Duke Jing of Qi questioned Master Yan: “What kind of man is Master Kong?” Master Yan did not answer. Duke Jing asked Master Yan a second time, but again he did not reply. Duke Jing then said: “Those who have discussed Kong Qiu with this Unworthy One are a multitude and all of them consider him to be a worthy man. Now when this Unworthy One asks you, you do not reply. Why is this?” Master Yan answered: “Unworthy as I am, I am incapable of recognizing a worthy man. Nonetheless, I have heard of the worthy that, when entering another country, they are certain to devote their energies to joining its lord and his ministers in harmonious relations and to dispelling such old resentments as exist between its lord and his ministers. But when Kong Qiu went to the state of Jing, though he learned of the plot of the duke of Bai, he furthered the scheme by recommending that the duke use Shi Qi. As a result, the ruler almost lost his life and the duke of Bai was executed. “I have heard that when a worthy man obtains the ear of his superior he does not waste it, and when he obtains the hearts of his subordinates he does not pose any danger. If his counsel is heeded by his lord, it is certain to benefit the people, and when his teachings are practiced by his subordinates, they are certain to benefit his superior. On account of this, his counsels being clear are easy to understand, and his conduct being plain is easy to follow. The righteousness of his conduct can en­lighten the people; the thoughtfulness of his plans brings understanding to the ruler and his ministers. What your servant has heard of the conduct of Kong Qiu is diametrically opposed to this. Now Kong Qiu thinks deeply to develop far-reaching plans in the service of a traitor. He toils away in scheming and exhausts his knowledge to carry out wicked schemes. To encourage subordinates to revolt against their superiors and to teach ministers to kill the lords is not the conduct of a worthy man. To enter another country and ally yourself with traitors is not conduct belonging to the category of righteousness. To know that men are disloyal and yet to urge them on to revolution is not conduct belonging to the category of humane­ness. To develop plans only after having hidden oneself and to offer counsel only after having fled—this is an example neither of conduct the righteousness of which can be used to enlighten

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

the people, nor of plans the thoughtfulness of which can be used to bring under­stand­ing to lords and ministers. I do not see how Kong Qiu is in any way different from the duke of Bai. This is why I did not respond to your question.” Duke Jing said: “Alas! A multitude of men gave this Unworthy One advice. But were it not for you, master, to the end of my days, I would never have realized that Kong Qiu was just like the duke of Bai.”16 39.8

孔 (某TA>丘之齊見景公，景公說，欲封之以尼谿，以告 晏子。晏子曰：「不可夫儒浩居 a 而自順者也，不可以教 下；好樂而淫人，不可使親治；立命而怠事，不可使守 職；宗 b 喪循 c 哀，不可使慈民；機服勉容，不可使導眾。 孔 (某TA>丘盛容脩飾以蠱世，弦歌鼓舞以聚徒，繁登降 之禮以示儀，務趨翔之節以觀眾，博學不可使議世，勞思 不可以補民，絫壽不能盡其學，當年不能行其禮，積財 不能贍其樂，繁飾邪術以營世君，盛為聲樂以淫遇 d 民， 其道不可以 (期GE>示 e 世，其學不可以導眾。今君封之， 以利齊俗，非所以導國先眾。」公曰：「善！」於是厚其 禮，留其封，敬見而不問其道。孔 (某TA>丘乃恚，怒於 景公與晏子，乃樹鴟夷子皮 於 田常之門，告南郭惠子以所 欲為，歸於魯。有頃，(閒GE>聞 f 齊將伐魯，告子貢曰： 「賜乎！舉大事於今之時矣！」乃遣子貢之齊，因南郭惠 子以見田常，勸之伐吳；以教高、國、鮑、晏，使毋得害 田常之亂；勸越伐吳。三年之內，齊、吳破國之難，伏尸 以 (言GE>億 g 術 h 數。孔 (某TA>丘之誅也。 a. 傲倨 Yu Xingwu. c. 遂 Wang Niansun. e. Yu Yue. g. Sun Yirang.

b. 崇 Sun Yirang. d. 愚 Sun Yirang. f. Su Shixue. h. 率 Su Shixue.

When Kong Qiu entered Qi, he had an audience with Duke Jing, who was pleased and wanted to enfeoff him with Niqi.17 When he informed Master Yan of his intention, Master Yan said: “That should not be done. These Ru live in an extravagant style and are self-righteous, so they cannot be allowed to set an example for their inferiors. As they are fond of musical performances and engage in lewd conduct with others, it is impossible to give them any personal role in the government. As they preach the doctrine of fatalism and neglect their work, it

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is i­ mpossible to entrust them with office. As they increase the requirements for a proper burial and prolong the period of mourning, they cannot be charged with caring for the people. As they wear extremely high hats and affect a forced expression of humility, they cannot be made leaders of the people. “Kong Qiu assumes a splendid ritual demeanor and cul­tivates elaborate adornment in dress in order to charm the world. He sings to the accompaniment of stringed instruments and dances to the beat of a drum in order to attract followers. He performs the rites of ascending and descending the hall in an extremely elaborate fashion in order show that he possesses refined manners. He devotedly observes the regulations of when one should rush about quickly and when one should pace in a slow and deliberate fashion in order to attract the attention of the multitude. The learning of the Ru, though broad, cannot be employed to deliberate on the needs of the age, and their thinking, though labored, cannot be used to aid the people. Successive lifetimes would prove inadequate to master their learning; in the prime of life one would be incapable of carrying out their rituals; and with all one’s accumulated resources it would be impossible to cover the expenses of their musical performances. Kong Qiu disguises his perverse methods in order to delude the lords of our age. He creates lavish musical performances in order to debauch stupid people. His way cannot serve as a model for our age, and his learning cannot be used to guide the masses. Now your lordship proposes to enfeoff him in order to benefit the customs of Qi. This is not the proper way to guide the country and lead the masses.”18 The duke admitted that this was well argued. Afterwards he treated Kong Qiu with great courtesy but withheld the fief and, when he gave him audience, treated him with great respect but did not ask him about the Way of the Ru. He was angered by this treatment. Resentful of Duke Jing and Master Yan, he thereupon planted Chiyi Zipi among the followers of Tian Chang, told Master Hui of Nanguo what he wanted done, and returned to Lu. Shortly thereafter, hearing that Qi was planning an attack on Lu, he informed Zigong: “Zi, now is the time to begin the great undertaking!” He then sent Zigong to Qi, where through the introduction of Master Hui of Nanguo, he had an interview with Tian Chang, whom he urged to attack Wu instead of Lu. He in­structed the Gao, Guo, Bao, and Yan families not to thwart the planned insurrec­tion of Tian Chang. Then he urged Yue to attack Wu. For three years, both Qi and Wu were in danger of being destroyed, and the innumerable

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

numbers of corpses of the dead were piled up. All of these were the fault of Kong Qiu.19 (某TA>丘為魯司寇，舍公家而奉季孫。季孫相魯君而 走，季孫與邑人爭門關，決 a 植。

39.9 孔

a. Sun Yirang.

When Kong Qiu was director of crime in Lu, he abandoned the ducal house and supported the cause of Jisun. When the head of the Jisun was prime minister to the lord of Lu, he fled his post. When he was struggling with the men of the city to get out the gate, Kong Qiu lifted the gate bar to help him escape.20 39.10

孔 (某TA>丘窮於蔡陳之閒，藜羹不糂，十日，子路 (為)a 享 b 豚，孔 (某TA>丘不問肉之所由來而食；(號GE>褫 c 人 衣以酤酒，孔 (某TA>丘不問酒之所由來而飲。哀公迎孔 子，席不端弗坐，割不正弗食，子路進，請曰：「何其與 陳、蔡反也？」孔 (某TA>丘曰：「來！吾語女，曩與女為 苟生，今與女為苟義。」夫飢約則不辭妄取以活身，贏飽 則偽行以自飾，汙邪詐偽，孰大於此！

a. Wang Niansun. c. Bi Yuan.

b. 烹 Bi Yuan.

When Kong Qiu was reduced to dire straits between Cai and Chen, he lived on a diet of soup made from greens without any rice in it. After ten days of this, Zilu boiled a piglet for him, which he ate without asking where it came from. Zilu also robbed someone of his robe and exchanged it for some wine, which Confucius drank without asking where it had come from. But when Duke Ai of Lu received him, Confucius would not sit down on a mat that was not straight, nor eat meat that was not cut properly.21 Zilu went to him to inquire: “Why do you behave contrary to the way you did when we were between Chen and Cai?” Kong Qiu replied: “Come here and I will tell you. Then we were doing whatever it took to stay alive. Now we are doing whatever it takes to be righteous.” Thus when he was starving, he would not refuse to grab anything that would keep him alive, but when he was satiated, then he behaved hypocritically in order to appear refined. Nothing could be more vile and fraudulent than this!22

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39.11A

孔 (某TA>丘與其門弟子閒坐，曰：「夫舜見瞽叟，(孰GE> 蹴 a 然。此時天下圾乎！周公旦 (非其GE>其非 b 人 c 也邪？ 何為舍亓 d 家室而託寓也？」 a. Sun Yirang. c. 仁 Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang. d. 其 Sun Yirang.

Once while Kong Qiu was sitting at leisure with his disciples, he said: “When Shun saw Gusou, he felt uneasy.23 At that time the world was in danger. How can Dan, duke of Zhou, be regarded as humane? He aban­ doned his familial home and went off to live alone.”24 39.11B

孔 (某TA>丘所行，心術所至也。其徒屬弟子皆效孔 (某 TA>丘。子 (貢GE>羔 a 、季路輔孔悝亂乎衛，陽貨亂乎 (齊 GE>魯 b，佛肸以中牟叛，漆雕刑殘，[暴]c 莫大焉。夫為 弟子後生其師，必脩其言，法其行。力不足，知弗及而後 已。今孔 (某TA>丘之行如此，儒士則可以疑矣。

a. Wang Huanbiao. c. Wu Yujiang.

b. Bi Yuan; Sun Yirang.

The conduct of Kong Qiu was the result of the workings of his mind. His followers and disciples all imitated Kong Qiu’s example. Zigao and Jilu aided Kong Kui in raising a revolt in Wei.25 Yang Huo revolted in Lu.26 Bi Xi used Zhongmou to become independent.27 There is no greater violence than the punishments and mutilations carried out by Qidiao.28 Disciples and students, following their teacher, are certain to practice what he advocated and to imitate his conduct, stopping only when their strength gives out and their wisdom proves inadequate. If Kong Qiu behaved like this, we may wonder about all the other Ru scholars.

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

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Master Gengzhu “Master Gengzhu” and the three chapters that follow it involve conversations between Mozi and either his disciples or the followers of other philosophical persuasions. In all four chapters there are textual borrowings from the triad chapters, suggesting that whoever compiled these chapters was familiar with the contents of the latter. Yet the conversational structure of the four chapters— reminiscent in some respects to the Analects of Confucius—and the absence of disputations addressed to a broad audience, as well as references to canonical literature, distinguish them from the triad chapters. It should be understood that the arguments attributed to Mozi in these chapters are of questionable historicity: in them he takes positions that developed only later in the intellectual history of the Mohist school and addresses issues that were not major philosophical concerns in his own lifetime. Thus references to what Mozi says in chapters 46 through 49 should be understood as references to what these chapters claim he said. Chapter 46 is dominated by two themes: the pragmatic concern over producing good outcomes and the various issues surrounding “doing the right thing.” With respect to the former, the chapter explores a number of questions: Who is capable of producing good results (46.1)? Who can predict them (46.2)? Is it better to work in secret or in public to produce a good outcome (46.6)? The chapter moreover advises that a combined effort in which each plays his part is necessary (46.3); that words are useless unless implemented (46.11); that outcomes, on occasion, cannot be predicted (46.5); and that aggression is selfdefeating (46.10). In making this last point, an analogy that compares aggressive states to boys playing horse is borrowed from chapter 19 of the “Condemn Aggression” triad. A more obvious theme of the chapter has to do with weiyi 為義, “do the right thing,” a cliché or slogan that seems to refer to the overall philosophical and social missions of Mozi and his followers. In 46.3, Mozi says that there are many different jobs—from engaging in arguments and explaining documents to performing physical labor—that contribute to these missions. Paragraph 46.6 teaches that doing the right thing means persisting even when one gains no benefit for one’s efforts. And in 46.12, Mozi assures a follower that in the name of “doing the right thing,” it is reasonable to leave an official position when one’s advice is not heeded. Several other passages in the chapter are related to the theme of “righteous” practices and, together with Mozi’s teachings on weiyi, they suggest that chapter 46 is related to chapter 47, “­Esteeming

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­ ighteousness.” Paragraph 46.8B advises that righteous governance is more R valuable than famous treasures in enriching the state, multiplying the population, and ensuring that regulations are enforced and the society kept secure. Passage 46.13 is a complaint that the junzi, “superior men”—the label assigned throughout the Mozi both to those in official positions and to followers of the Ru—are offended by being wrongly identified as wealthy but do not mind being mistaken for righteous members of society. This is, comparatively speaking, a mild criticism of the Ru, as is Mozi’s faulting of Confucius—referred to by his more familiar sobriquet, Zhongni—for not answering a poorly put question properly (46.9). Two other personalities appear prominently in the chapter. The first is Mozi’s disciple Master Gengzhu. The fact that the opening paragraph portrays him in conversation with Mozi and that the text twice portrays him in flattering terms (46.1, 46.5) suggests that chapter 46 was compiled by Gengzhu’s followers, of whom nothing is known. Five exchanges (46.2, 46.4, 46.6, 46.8A, and 46.17) involve Mozi and a Master Wuma. Because Master Wuma is clearly antagonistic—he calls Mozi “crazy” in 46.6—he has been identified as a Ru by Su Shixue and others. Wang Bi says he is probably a younger brother or descendant of Confucius’s disciple Wuma Qi 巫馬期. In two of his exchanges with Mozi (46.2, 46.8A), Master Wuma appears to be challenging two of the Mohist tests of a doctrine’s validity, as set forth in the “Reject Fate” triad: the approbation of the ghosts and spirits, and the deeds of the ancient kings. His rejection of the latter as “parched bones” and “decaying wood” is far more reminiscent of Legalists like Hanfei than it is of the Ru. The other three passages in which Master Wuma appears represent him as an extreme egoist more in the mold of Yang Zhu than of a Ru philosopher. In 46.4, he declares that unlike Mozi, he does not “love the entire world”; in 46.6 he asks Mozi what benefit he has gained from “doing what is right”; and in 46.17, he proclaims, most tellingly, that he loves himself more than anyone else in the world: “I would murder you for my own sake,” he tells Mozi, “but I would not permit you to murder me for your sake.” Master Wuma was certainly a misanthrope, but it is questionable whether he was a Confucian.

耕柱第四十六 Chapter 46: Master Gengzhu 46.1

子墨子怒耕柱子，耕柱子曰：「我毋俞於人乎？」子墨子 曰：「我將上大行，駕驥與羊，子將誰敺？」耕柱子曰：

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「將敺驥也。」子墨子曰：「何故敺驥也？」耕柱子曰： 「驥足以責。」子墨子曰：「我亦以子為足以責。」 Once when our Master Mozi was angry with Master Gengzhu, Master Gengzhu said: “Have I really not surpassed the others?” Our Master Mozi replied: “Were I planning to ascend the Taihang Mountains, and I could use a team of thoroughbred horses or a team of sheep to pull my chariot, which would you want to urge on?” Master Gengzhu replied: “I would want to urge on the team of thoroughbred horses.” Our Master Mozi continued: “Why the thoroughbred horses?” Master Gengzhu replied: “The thoroughbred horses are equal to the demands of the trip.” Our Master Mozi concluded: “I also consider you to be ‘equal to the demands of the trip.’”1 46.2

巫馬子謂子墨子曰：「鬼神孰與聖人明智？」子墨子曰： 「鬼神之明智於聖人，猶聰耳明目之與聾瞽也。昔者夏 后 (開TA> 啟 a 使蜚廉折金於山川，而陶鑄之於昆吾；是 使翁難 (雉)b 乙卜於 (白GE>百 b 若之龜，曰：『鼎成 (三GE> 四 c 足而方，不炊而自烹，不舉而自臧，不遷而自行，以 祭於昆吾之虛，上鄉』！乙又言兆之由 d 曰：『饗矣！逢逢 白雲，一南一北，(一西一東GE>一東一西 e，九鼎既成， 遷於三國。』夏后氏失之，殷人受之；殷人失之，周人受 之。夏后、殷、周之相受也，數百歲矣。使聖人聚其良臣 與其桀相而謀，豈能智數百歲之後哉！而鬼神智之。是故 曰，鬼神之明智於聖人也，猶聰耳明目之與聾瞽也。」

a. Su Shixue; Han dynasty taboo avoidance. b. Wang Huanbiao. c. Wang Niansun. d. 繇 Sun Yirang. e. Bi Yuan; rhyme.

Master Wuma questioned our Master Mozi, saying: “Which are wiser, ghosts and spirits or the sages?”2 Our Master Mozi responded: “Ghosts and spirits are wiser than the sages, just as sharp eyes and keen ears surpass the deaf and the blind. In ancient times, Qi of the Xiahou clan sent Feilian3 to excavate the deposits of metal ores in the mountains and rivers and to cast bronze vessels at Kunwu.4 He then ordered Old Man Nanyi to make a divination on an extremely efficacious tortoise shell.5 The charge said: ‘Cauldrons have been cast. They are square with four legs. No need to light a fire, for they cook the food themselves; no need to put anything in them, for they

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are always full; no need to move them, for they walk themselves. We use them in our sacrifices at the ruins of Kunwu. May those above enjoy the offerings!’6 Nanyi then interpreted the cracks formed when the tortoise shell was heated: ‘They enjoyed the offerings! In great profusion are the white clouds: now they move to the south, now to the north, now to the east, now to the west. The Nine Cauldrons now completed will be handed down to the three states.’7 When the Xiahou clan lost them, the men of Yin received them. When the men of Yin lost them, the men of Zhou received them. The transfer of the cauldrons from Xiahou to Yin to Zhou took several hundred years. Even were a sage to assemble his good ministers together with his heroic assistants to counsel him, how would he be able to foresee what would happen several hundred years later? But the ghosts and spirits did foresee it. This is why I say that ghosts and spirits are wiser than sages, just as sharp eyes and keen ears surpass the deaf and the blind.” 46.3

治徒娛、縣子碩問於子墨子曰：「為義孰為大務？」子墨 子曰：「譬若築牆然，能築者築，能實壤者實壤，能欣 a 者 欣 a，然後牆成也。為義猶是也。能談辯者談辯，能說書 者說書，能從事者從事，然後義事成也。」 a. 睎 Wang Yinzhi.

Zhitu Yu and Xian Zishi questioned our Master Mozi, saying: “In ‘doing what is right,’ which job is the most important?”8 Our Master Mozi said: “It is, to use an analogy, like building a wall. Those who can ram earth, ram earth. Those who can fill in earth at the base of the wall, fill in earth. Those who can inspect the job from a distance, inspect the job. For it is only in this way that a wall can be completed.9 ‘Doing what is right’ is like this. Those who are able to discuss discriminations, discuss discriminations. Those who are able to explain documents, explain documents. Those who are able to do physical labor, do physical labor. For only then will the tasks of the righteous be completed successfully.” 46.4

巫馬子謂子墨子曰：「子兼愛天下，未云利也；我不愛天 下，未云賊也。功皆未至，子何獨自是而非我哉？」子墨 子曰：「今有燎者於此，一人奉水將灌之，一人摻火將益 之，功皆未至，子何貴於二人？」巫馬子曰：「我是彼奉 水者之意，而非夫摻火者之意。」子墨子曰：「吾亦是吾 意，而非子之意也。」

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Master Wuma spoke to our Master Mozi, saying: “You love the whole world impartially, but it has not yet produced any benefit. I do not love the whole world, but it has not done any harm. Since neither of us has accomplished anything, why then do you consider yourself right and condemn me as wrong?” Our Master Mozi responded: “Suppose there were a fire here. One man is holding up a bucket of water to extinguish it, and another is grasping firewood to add to the flames. Though neither has as yet accomplished anything, which of the two would you esteem?” Master Wuma replied, “I would consider correct the intention of the one who held the water and would condemn the intention of the one who grasped the firewood.” Mozi concluded: “I likewise consider my intention to be correct and condemn yours.” 46.5

子墨子游荊耕柱子於楚，二三子過之，食之三升，客之不 厚。二三子復於子墨子曰：「耕柱子處楚無益矣。二三子過 之，食之三升，客之不厚。」子墨子曰：「未可智也。」 毋幾何而遺十金於子墨子，曰：「後生不敢死，有十金於 此，願夫子之用也。」子墨子曰：「果未可智也。」 Our Master Mozi had recommended Master Gengzhu for office in Jing. When several of his other disciples went to visit Gengzhu, they were given only three small measures of grain, and their treatment as guests was not generous. The disciples reported this to our Master Mozi, saying: “Master Gengzhu’s residing in Jing is without profitable result. When we visited him, we were given only three measures of grain to eat and were not treated generously as guests.” Mozi said: “We are not able yet to know this.” Shortly after this, Gengzhu sent Mozi ten measures of money, saying: “This late-born person who would not presume to die sends herewith ten measures of money, which he hopes that the Master will be able to use.” Our Master Mozi said: “Indeed, we were not then able to know the final outcome.”10

46.6

巫馬子謂子墨子曰：「子之為義也，人不見而 (耶GE>服 a， 鬼而不見而富 b，而子為之，有狂疾！」子墨子曰： 「今使 子有二臣於此，其一人者見子從事，不見子則不從事；其 一人者見子亦從事，不見子亦從事，子誰貴於此二人？」 巫馬子曰：「我貴其見我亦從事，不見我亦從事者。」子 墨子曰：「然則，是子亦貴有狂疾也。」

a. Wang Yinzhi.

b. 褔 Wang Yinzhi.

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Master Wuma spoke to our Master Mozi, saying: “For all your efforts on behalf of ‘doing what is right,’ you do not see other men serving you, you do not see the spirits blessing you. Yet you persist in doing it. You must be crazy!” Mozi replied: “Suppose you had two servants. One of them worked when he saw you around but did not work when he did not see you around. The other worked whether he saw you around or not. Which of these two men would you esteem?” Master Wuma replied, “I would value the servant who worked whether he saw me or not.” Our Master Mozi concluded: “If that is the case, then you also value someone who is crazy.” 46.7

子夏子徒問於子墨子曰：「君子有鬬乎？」子墨子曰：「君 子無鬬。」子夏之徒曰：「狗豨猶有鬬，惡有士而無鬬 矣？」子墨子曰：「傷矣哉！言則稱於湯文，行則譬於狗 豨，傷矣哉！」 A disciple of Zixia questioned our Master Mozi, saying: “Do superior men fight?”11 Our Master Mozi replied: “No superior man fights.” The disciple of Zixia said: “If even dogs and pigs fight, how is it that no member of the elite does?” Our Master Mozi rejoined: “How lamentable! In your speech you cite the sage-kings Tang and Wen but in your actions you regard dogs and pigs as fit analogies. How lamentable, indeed!”

46.8A

巫馬子謂子墨子曰：「舍今之人而譽先王，是譽槁骨也。 譬若匠人然，智槁木也，而不智生木。」子墨子曰：「天 下之所以生者，以先王之道教也。今譽先王，是譽天下之 所以生也。可譽而不譽，非仁也。」 Master Wuma spoke to our Master Mozi, saying: “To cast aside the men of one’s own generation in order to praise the founding kings is to praise parched bones. It is, to use an analogy, like the carpenter who is acquainted only with decaying wood and is ignorant of living trees.” Our Master Mozi replied: “What enables the world to go on existing are the moral lessons of the founding kings. Now to praise the founding kings is to praise what enables the world to continue to exist. Not to praise what should be praised is inhumane.”

46.8B

子墨子曰：「和氏之璧，隋侯之珠，三棘六異，此諸侯之

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

所謂良寶也。可以富國家，眾人民，治刑政，安社稷乎？ 曰不可。所謂貴良寶者，為其可以利也。而和氏之璧、隋 侯之珠、三棘六異不可以利人，是非天下之良寶也。今用 義為政於國家，[國家必富]a，人民必眾，刑政必治，社稷 必安。所為貴良寶者，可以利民也，而義可以利人，故 曰，義天下之良寶也。」

a. Wang Huanbiao; parallelism.

Our Master Mozi said: “The jade disc of the He family,12 the pearl of the marquis of Sui,13 the cauldron with three hollow legs and six winged flanges14—these are objects that the lords of the various states called ‘excellent treasures.’15 But can they be used to enrich the nation, multiply the population, enforce punishments and regulations, or secure the altars of soil and grain? I say that they cannot. What we should value as an excellent treasure is what can be used to produce benefit. But the jade disc of the He family, the pearl of the marquis of Sui, and the vessels with three hollow legs and six winged flanges, which cannot produce any benefit for men, are not the most excellent treasures of the world. Now if one uses righteousness to govern the state, it is certain that the state will become wealthy, the population will multiply, penal law and regulations will be properly enforced, and the altars of soil and grain will be secure. What we should value as an excellent treasure is something that can be used to benefit the people. So as righteousness can be used to benefit others, therefore I say, ‘Righteousness is the most excellent treasure in the world.’” 46.9

葉公子高問政於仲尼曰：「善為政者若之何？」仲尼對 曰：「善為政者，遠者近之，而舊者新之。」子墨子聞之 曰：「葉公子高未得其問也，仲尼亦未得其所以對也。葉 公子高豈不知善為政者之遠者近也 ， 而舊者新是哉？問所 以為之若之何也。不以人之所不智告人，以所智告之，故 葉公子高未得其問也，仲尼亦未得其所以對也。」 Prince Gao, the duke of She, questioned Zhongni about government: “What is a good governor like?” Zhongni replied: “A good governor will bring near to him those who live afar and will treat old acquaintances as well as he does new ones.”16 Our Master Mozi, hearing this story, observed: “The duke of She did not put the question rightly, nor did Zhongni answer the question

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rightly. Surely the duke of She was not ignorant of the fact that a good governor will bring the distant near and will treat old friends as well as he does new ones! What he meant to ask was, how does one accomplish this? The answer did not tell him what he did not know, but only what he already knew. Thus the duke of She did not put the question rightly, and Zhongni did not answer the question rightly.”17 46.10

　　子墨子謂魯陽文君曰：「大國之攻小國，譬猶童子之 為馬也。童子之為馬，足用而勞。今大國之攻小國也，攻 者農夫不得耕，婦人不得織，以守為事；攻人者，亦農夫 不得耕，婦人不得織，以攻為事。故大國之攻小國也，譬 猶童子之為馬也。」 Our Master Mozi addressed Lord Wen of Luyang, saying:18 “The great states that attack the small states are, to use an analogy, like young boys playing horse.19 But when boys play horse, all they do is tire out their own feet. When large states attack small states, the farmers in the attacked state cannot complete the cultivation of their fields and the women cannot finish their weaving, for their duty is to go to the defense of their state. Nor can the farmers in the attacking state complete the cultivation of their fields or the women their weaving, for their duty is to be part of the attacking force. For this reason, great states that attack small states are, to use an analogy, like young boys playing horse.”

46.11

子墨子曰：「言足以復 a 行者，常 b 之；不足以舉行者，勿 常 b。不足以舉行而常 b 之，是蕩囗也。」 a. 履 JR.

b. 尚 Wang Huanbiao.

Our Master Mozi said: “Esteem doctrines that can be put into practice; do not esteem what cannot be put into practice. To esteem what cannot be put into practice is merely to flap one’s lips in idle chatter.”20 46.12

子墨子使管黔滶 a 游高石子於衛，衛君致祿甚厚，設之於 卿。高石子三朝必盡言，而言無行者。去而之齊，見子 墨子曰：「衛君以夫子之故，致祿甚厚，設我於卿。石三 朝必盡言，而言無行，是以去之也。衛君無乃以石為狂 乎？」子墨子曰：「去之苟道，受狂何傷！古者周公旦非 關叔，辭三公東處於商蓋，人皆謂之狂。後世稱其德，揚 其名，至今不息。且翟聞之為義非避毀就譽，去之苟道，

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受狂何傷！」高石子曰：「石去之，焉敢不道也。昔者夫 子有言曰：『天下無道，仁士不處厚焉。』今衛君無道， 而貪其祿爵，則是我為苟陷 b 人 (長GE>食 c 也。」子墨子 說，而召子禽子曰：「姑聽此乎！夫倍義而鄉祿者，我常 聞之矣。倍祿而鄉義者，於高石子焉見之也。」 a. 敖 Sun Yirang. c. Sun Yirang.

b. 啗 Sun Yirang.

Our Master Mozi permitted Guan Qian’ao to recommend Master Gaoshi for office in Wei.21 The lord of Wei presented him with an emolument that was very generous and appointed him to ministerial rank. Three times Master Gaoshi went to court, where he exhausted his energies recommending doctrines, but when the doctrines were not put into practice, he left Wei and went to Qi, where he saw Mozi, saying: “On the basis of your recommendation, the lord of Wei presented me with a generous emolument and made me a minister. In three appearances at court, I exhausted my energies in presenting our doctrines, but when they were not put into practice, I left. The lord of Wei will doubtless think me to be demented!” Mozi replied: “As long as you left because of the Way, what harm is there in being labeled demented? In antiquity, Dan, the duke of Zhou, opposed Guanshu,22 resigned his position as one of the Three Elders, went eastward to live at Shangyan, and men all called him demented because of it.23 But later ages have extolled his virtue and praised his name for this, and even to the present day have not stopped doing so. Moreover, I, Di, have heard that ‘doing what is right’ does not mean avoiding slander and seeking praise. If you left because of the Way, what harm is there in being labeled demented?” Master Gaoshi said: “How would I dare leave Wei if doing so were not in accordance with the Way? Formerly, Master, you said: ‘When the world lacks the Way, the humane man will not occupy a position with a lavish salary.’ Now the lord of Wei does not observe the Way. But if I coveted the salary and rank he offered, then I would be no more than a parasite eating up the provisions of others.” Mozi was pleased with his response and summoned our Master Qinzi, saying:24 “You must listen to this! Turning one’s back on righteousness for the sake of a salary—I always hear of such cases. But ­turning one’s back on a salary for the sake of righteousness, this I have seen in the case of Master Gaoshi.”

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46.13

子墨子曰：「世俗之君子，貧而謂之富，則怒，無義而謂 之有義，則喜。豈不悖哉！」 Our Master Mozi said: “If the superior men of our vulgar age are called rich when they are in fact poor, they become angry; but when they lack moral principles and it is said that they have them, then they are pleased. Is that not perverse indeed!”

46.14

公孟子曰：「先人有則三而已矣。」子墨子曰：「孰先人而 曰有則三而已矣？子未智人之先有。」 Master Gongmeng said: “Of the people of earlier times, there were only the three—the Xia, the Shang, and the Zhou.” Our Master Mozi said: “Who says of the people of earlier times that there were only the Xia, Shang, and Zhou? You still do not know that there were people even earlier than they.”25

46.15

後生有反子墨子而反者，[曰]a：「我豈有罪哉？吾反後」。 子墨子曰：「是猶三軍北，失後之人求賞也。」

a. Sun Yirang.

Some of the “late-born” deserted our Master Mozi but then returned, saying: “Why are we to be blamed? We deserted late.” Our Master Mozi said: “The situation is like that of the three armies in retreat, with those who are the last to leave asking for rewards.”26 46.16

公孟子曰：「君子不作，術 a 而已。」子墨子曰：「不然， 人之 (其GE>甚 b 不君子者，古之善者不 (誅GE>述 c，今也 善者不作。其次不君子者，古之善者不遂，己有善則作 之，欲善之自己出也。今 (誅GE>述 c 而不作，是無所異於 不好遂而作者矣。吾以為古之善者則 (誅GE>述 c 之，今之 善者則作之，欲善之益多也。」 a. 述 Bi Yuan. c. Bi Yuan.

b. Su Shixue.

Master Gongmeng said: “The superior man does not invent new things; he only follows old ways and does nothing more.”27 Our Master Mozi objected: “That is not so. Those who are most lacking the qualities of the superior man do not follow the ways of those who were good in antiquity, and they are unwilling to invent good things for the present.

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Those in the next degree of being unlike the superior man do not follow the ways of those who were good in antiquity, but they will invent good things—but only so that their own abilities will be known. Now you advocate that one should follow old ways but not invent new things. In fact you are no different from those who are not fond of following old ways but do invent new things. It seems to me that the good things of antiquity should be adopted and that good things should be invented in the present, which is merely to desire that good things increase that much more.” 46.17

巫馬子謂子墨子曰：「我與子異，我不能兼愛。我愛鄒人 於越人，愛魯人於鄒人，愛我鄉人於魯人，愛我家人於鄉 人，愛我親於我家人，愛我身於吾親，以為近我也。擊我 則疾，擊彼則不疾於我，我何故疾者之不拂，而不疾者之 拂？故 (有)a 我有殺彼以我，無殺我以 (利GE>彼 b。」子墨 子曰：「子之義將匿邪，意將以告人乎？」巫馬子曰：「我 何故匿我義？吾將以告人。」子墨子曰：「然則，一人說 子，一人欲殺子以利己；十人說子，十人欲殺子以利己； 天下說子，天下欲殺子以利己。一人不說子，一人欲殺 子，以子為施不祥言者也；十人不說子，十人欲殺子，以 子為施不祥言者也；天下不說子，天下欲殺子，以子為施 不祥言者也。說子亦欲殺子，不說子亦欲殺子，是所謂經 者口也，殺常之身者也。」子墨子曰：「子之言惡利也？ 若無所利而 (不)c 言，是蕩口也。」

a. Yu Yue. b. JR. c. Wang Huanbiao; Sun Yirang emends to 必.

Master Wuma said to our Master Mozi: “You and I differ. I am unable to love impartially. I love the men of Zou more than those of Yue, the men of Lu more than those of Zou, the men of my native village more than those of Lu, my own family more than the men of my village, my parents more than the rest of my family, and my own self more than my parents. This is because of their nearness to me. If you beat me, I feel pain. If I beat you, I feel no pain. Why would I fail to prevent what causes me pain but prevent what does not cause me any pain? For this reason I would murder you for my own sake, but I would not permit you to murder me for your sake.”

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Our Master Mozi asked: “This principle of yours, sir, do you plan to keep it secret or will you inform others of it?” Master Wuma said: “Why should I keep my principle secret? I would be willing to inform others of it.” Our Master Mozi said: “If that is the case, then if one person is pleased with you, there will be one person who is willing to kill you in order to benefit himself. If ten men are pleased with you, then there will be ten who are willing to kill you in order to benefit themselves. If the whole world is pleased with you, then the whole world will be willing to kill you for its benefit. But if there is one man who is not pleased by you, then there will be one man who is willing to kill you on account of your spreading an inauspicious doctrine. If ten men are displeased, then there are ten willing to kill you for it. If the whole world is displeased, then everyone is willing to kill you for it. If those who are pleased with you wish to kill you and those who are displeased with you also wish to kill you, then this is a case of what is called ‘being murdered by your own words.’”28 Our Master Mozi said: “Where is the benefit to be found in a doctrine like yours? If there is no benefit and yet you insist on talking about it, you are merely flapping your lips in idle chatter.”29 46.18

子墨子謂魯陽文君曰：「今有一人於此，羊牛犓㹖，(維 GE>饔 a 人但割而和之，食之不可勝食也。見人之作餅，則 還然竊之，曰：『舍余食。』不知 (日月GE>明 b 安不足乎， 其有竊疾乎？」魯陽文君曰：「有竊疾也。」子墨子曰： 「楚四竟之田，曠蕪而不可勝辟，(𧦝 靈GE>澤虞 c 數千， 不可勝 [度]d，見宋、鄭之閒邑，則還然竊之，此與彼異 乎？」魯陽文君曰：「是猶彼也，實有竊疾也。」

a. Bi Yuan. b. JR. c. Wang Huanbiao. Sun Yirang emends to 呼虛, “open wasteland.” d. Wang Huanbiao.

Our Master Mozi said to Lord Wen of Luyang: “Consider the case of a man who has such an abundance of sheep and oxen, grass- and grain-fed animals, that when his cook slaughters them, cuts them up, and combines them harmoniously to prepare his dishes, he cannot consume all the food. But when he sees someone else making pancakes, he astonishingly steals them, saying, ‘These can supplement what I have to eat.’ Does he not know that no matter how much he eats, it will not be enough; or is he suffering from kleptomania?” Lord Wen of Luyang replied: “He is suffering from kleptomania.”

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Our Master Mozi continued: “The four quarters of Chu are a wasteland of neglected fields so overgrown with weeds that they cannot be opened up for development, with marshes and forests numbering several thousands, the extent of which cannot be estimated. Yet when Chu sees the empty towns of Song and Zheng, it turns about and steals them. What is the difference between Chu’s behavior and that of the kleptomaniac?” Lord Wen of Luyang replied: “The one is like the other. In truth Chu too must be suffering from kleptomania.”30 46.19

子墨子曰：「季孫紹與孟伯常治魯國之政，不能相信，而 祝於樷社，曰：『苟使我和。』是猶弇其目，而祝於樷社 (也GE>曰 a，『苟使我皆視』。豈不繆哉！」

a. Yu Yue.

Our Master Mozi said: “When Jisun Shao and Mengbo Chang31 controlled the government of the state of Lu, they were incapable of trusting each other, and so they performed a sacrifice at the altar in the sacred grove, praying: ‘We hope you will permit us to be harmonious with each other.’ This is the same as if they had closed their eyes and then performed a sacrifice at the altar in the sacred grove and prayed, ‘We hope you will permit us to see each other.’ Is this not utter nonsense!” 46.20

子墨子謂駱滑氂曰：「吾聞子好勇。」駱滑氂曰：「然，我 聞其鄉有勇士焉，吾必從而殺之。」子墨子曰：「天下莫 不欲 (與GE>興 a 其所好，(度GE>廢 b 其所惡。今子聞其鄉 有勇士焉，必從而殺之，是非好勇也，是惡勇也。」

a. Wang Yinzhi.

b. Wang Yinzhi

Our Master Mozi said to Luo Guli:32 “I have heard that you admire bravery.” Luo Guli replied: “That is so. When I hear that a village district has a brave man in it, I am sure to go there to kill him.” Mozi rejoined: “Everyone in the world wants to make flourish what he admires and to destroy what he hates. Now when you hear that a village has a brave man, you are sure to go there to kill him. This is not admiration of bravery but hatred of it.”

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Valuing Righteousness Chapter 47 is, as its title suggests, largely about the meaning and practice of “righteousness.” To “value” righteousness is to regard it as the most precious of human possessions. In The Annals of Lü Buwei, the chapter titled “Guisheng 貴 生,” or “Valuing Life,” cautions against endangering one’s body in the pursuit of material things or throwing away one’s life to gain an empire.1 In 47.1, Mozi—or, rather, the anonymous author of the chapter—repeats these same warnings but contends that as valuable as one’s body and life are, righteousness is even more precious, because without hesitation people will kill each other fighting over a doctrine. (The chapter is by no means dismissing the value of life: in 47.9A Mozi laments the fact that the “gentlemen of our age” do not value their bodies as much as a merchant values money.) It is tempting to regard the opening of chapter 47 as a reply to “Valuing Life.” At the very least the two should be read against each other. The phrase weiyi 為義, important in chapter 46, appears three times in chapter 47, at 47.2A, 47.6, and 47.13. In the last of these, Mozi distinguishes between righteousness as a spontaneous impulse, such as helping someone in need of assistance, and his own rule-bound conception that doing the right thing consists of “upholding the way of the founding kings.” In other words, righteousness is found not in the heart, but in the teachings and doctrines inherited from the past. This formulation is related to Mencius’s claim that Gaozi 告子—perhaps the follower of Mozi mentioned at 48.17–19—believed that ethical values like righteousness derive from doctrines.2 Mozi’s reference in 47.13 to the “Way of the founding kings” is part of a leitmotif on the nature of yan 言, or “doctrines,” that runs through several paragraphs. As already mentioned, 47.1 contains the observation that people are willing to die for the sake of a doctrine. Paragraph 47.2B records Mozi’s defense of his doctrines as analogous to effective medicines or nourishing offerings to the ghosts and spirits in spite of a would-be patron’s questioning their value as “the work of a man of base origins.” In 47.3 Mozi exhorts his followers to enact any doctrine that will benefit Heaven, the spirits, or the common people. The formula of benefiting these three appears with some frequency in the triad chapters. Paragraph 47.4 repeats the lesson seen in chapter 46, that only doctrines that can be implemented are valuable. Perhaps the most philosophically interesting observation on doctrine in the 1.  LSCQ, “Guisheng 貴生,” 2.74–83 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 80–83). 2. See Mengzi 2A.2. Nivison, “Philosophical Voluntarism,” analyzes this Mengzi passage in detail.

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chapter occurs in 47.5. There Mozi counsels that if a doctrine is to serve as effective instruction, it must be the product of a mind that is free of the “six partialities”: pleasure and anger, joy and sorrow, love and hate. These emotions becloud thought and impair one’s ability to articulate sound doctrine and act effectively; they must therefore be replaced by “humaneness and righteousness.” This particular notion of removing what beclouds judgment and filling the vacuum with morality has no close parallel elsewhere in the Mozi, but it is at least nominally connected to Xunzi’s concept of jiebi 解蔽, or “dispelling blindness,” as well as to two treatises in The Annals of Lü Buwei: “Quyou 去宥,” “Getting Rid of Partiality,” and “Quyou 去尤,” “Getting Rid of Bias.” For Xunzi, understanding is blinded when we mistake one aspect of the truth for the whole truth.3 He scoffed, however, at the notion of getting rid of emotions. The first of the two treatises in Lü’s Annals does not define what exactly it means by “bias,” but the second says that it “is grounded in what men enjoy and hate.” It thus names two of the six emotions mentioned in 47.5 as partialities that must be removed.4 An even closer parallel to 47.5 is a passage in the Guanzi, “Neiye 內業”: It is ever so that the mind’s gestalt Is naturally full and naturally replete, Naturally born and naturally perfected. Should its function be impaired, It is certain to be due to sorrow and happiness, joy and anger, desire and profit seeking, If we can rid ourselves of sorrow and happiness, joy and anger, Desire and profit seeking, The mind will revert to its flawless state.5 The authorship of “Neiye” is uncertain, though scholars have associated both it and the Annals treatises with Song Xing 宋銒 (360–290), a master of the Jixia 稷下 Academy in the state of Qi, who shared some doctrines in common with Mozi.6 There is general agreement that the “Neiye” dates to the fourth century b.c.e.; it is possible that the author of 47.5 was influenced by it or a similar text that counseled ridding oneself of emotions.7 In 47.15 is found possibly the most famous of Mozi’s characterizations of his own doctrines: “Those who reject my doctrines and adopt other ideas are ­simply discarding the harvest and collecting a few grains. Those who use their own 3. Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:88–93, provides a fuller discussion of the issue. 4.  Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 286. 5.  Guanzi, “Neiye 內業,” 49.776 (Rickett, Guanzi, 40). 6. Graham, Disputers of the Tao, 95–96. 7. Roth, Original Tao, 23–30.

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doctrines to condemn my doctrines are simply throwing eggs against a stone. If one were to use up all the eggs in the world, this stone would remain as it was, indestructible!” A third theme, interwoven with those of righteousness and doctrine, is that of the itinerant Mozi. In 47.2A he travels from Lu to Qi; in 47.2B he goes south to Chu; 47.10B again has him going south, this time to take up employment in the small state of Wei; and in 47.14B he goes north to Qi. (The tale of Mozi’s journey to Wei and the two passages that follow might have originally formed part of a cycle of stories about Mozi and Wei.) The point of all these journeys is summed up in 47.14A: if merchants are willing to travel to distribute their goods even in the face of danger, then scholars who face no obstacles to their travels should not be content to sit at home “discussing righteousness” but should travel the four quarters spreading the word. In 47.14B, when a rizhe 日者, or “hemerologist,” warns him that it would be inauspicious for him, because of his “black” skin, to travel to the northern realms associated with that color, Mozi rejects such advice as “useless.” He will not permit soothsayers and other purveyors of fatalism to stand in the way of fulfilling his mission.

貴義第四十七 Chapter 47: Valuing Righteousness 47.1 子墨子曰： 「萬事莫貴於義。」今謂人曰： 「予子冠履，而

斷子之手足，子為之乎？」必不為，何 (故)a？則冠履不 若手足之貴也。又曰：「予子天下而殺子之身，子為之 乎？」必不為，何故？則天下不若身之貴也。爭一言以相 殺，是貴義於其身也。故曰：「萬事莫貴於義也。」

a. Wang Niansun.

Our Master Mozi said: “Of the myriad things, nothing is more valuable than righteousness.”1 Now suppose that we propose to someone: “We will present you with a ceremonial cap and shoes provided that you let us cut off your hands and feet. Would you agree to this?” It is certain that he would not. Why not? Because ceremonial caps and shoes are not as valuable as one’s hands and feet. Again, suppose that we propose: “We will present you with the whole world provided that you let us kill you. Would you agree to this?” It is certain that he would not do so. Why not? Because

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

the whole world is not as valuable as one’s own body.2 Yet people will kill each other fighting over a single principle, which shows that they value righteousness even more than their own bodies.3 Therefore our Master Mozi said: “Of the myriad things nothing is more valuable than righteousness.” 47.2A

子墨子自魯即齊，過故人，謂子墨子曰：「今天下莫為 義，子獨自苦而為義，子不若已。」子墨子曰：「今有人 於此，有子十人，一人耕而九人處，則耕者不可以不益急 矣。何 (故)a？則食者眾，而耕者寡也。今天下莫為義，則 子如勸我者也，何故止我？」

a. Wang Niansun

When our Master Mozi was traveling from Lu to Qi, he passed by an old friend, who told our Master Mozi: “Nowadays no one in the world does what is right. Only you inflict bitter toils on yourself to do what is right. It would be best for you to stop doing this.” Our Master Mozi said: “Suppose there were a man who had ten sons, of whom one farmed while the other nine stayed at home. If this were the case, then the one who did the farming must have been even more anxious. Why is this? Because those he must feed are many, and he alone is doing the farming. Now if no one in the world does the right thing, then you should encourage me. Why are you trying to stop me?” 47.2B

子墨子南游於楚，(見楚)a 獻 [書]a 惠王，(獻)a 惠王以老 辭，使穆賀見子墨子。子墨子說穆賀，穆賀大說，謂子 墨子曰：「子之言則成善矣！而君王，天下之大王也，毋 乃曰『賤人之所為』，而不用乎？」子墨子曰：「唯其可 行。譬若藥然，[一]b 草之本，天子食之以順其疾，豈曰 『一草之本』而不食哉？今農夫入其稅於大人，大人為酒 醴粢盛以祭上帝鬼神，豈曰『賤人之所為』而不享哉？ 故雖賤人也，上比之農，下比之藥，曾不若一草之本乎？ 且主君亦嘗聞湯之說乎？昔者，湯將往見伊尹，令彭氏之 子御。彭氏之子半道而問曰：『君將何之？』湯曰：『將往 見伊尹。』彭氏之子曰：『伊尹，天下之賤人也。若君欲 見之，亦令召問焉，彼受賜矣。』湯曰：『非女所知也。 今有藥 [於]c 此，食之則耳加聰，目加明，則吾必說而強

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食之。今夫伊尹之於我國也，譬之良醫善藥也。而子不欲 我見伊尹，是子不欲吾善也。』因下彭氏之子，不使御。 (彼苟然然後可也 )c」

a. Sun Yirang. b. Su Shixue. c. Sun Yirang. Wang Huanbiao moves this fragment to paragraph 47.14b, which he believes is the second part of this paragraph.

Our Master Mozi went south to Chu, where he presented a letter to King Hui.4 The king declined to see him, pleading the infirmity of old age,5 and arranged for Mu He to receive our Master Mozi.6 Our Master Mozi offered a persuasion to Mu He, who was greatly pleased with it, telling him: “The doctrines you advocate are truly very good. But as my lord the king is one of the great kings of the world, might he not say of them that they are ‘the work of a man of base origins’ and therefore not use them?” Our Master Mozi said: “All that is needed is that he put my doctrines into practice. It is, to use an analogy, like a medicinal herb. Although it is but the root of a plant, if even the Son of Heaven eats it, the medicinal herb will cure his sickness. Would he say of it that it is ‘the root of a plant’ and therefore not eat it? Now farmers pay their grain taxes to the grand officers who use them to prepare wine and cakes that they offer to the Supreme Sovereign and to the ghosts and the spirits. Would they say of these offerings that they are ‘the products of base men’ and therefore not savor them? Thus, though mine are the doctrines of a humble man, if you compare them with farm produce or with medicine, how could they not be considered the equal of the root of a plant? “Moreover, has not your lord ruler heard the story about Tang? Once when Tang was going to see Yi Yin, he ordered a man named Peng to drive his chariot. When he had gone about half the way, he asked: ‘Where is my lord going?’ Tang said: ‘I am going to see Yi Yin.’ The man named Peng said: ‘Yi Yin is but a humble man of the world. If you want to see him, you need only issue the order that he come to you to answer questions. He would already regard that as a gift that you had bestowed on him.’ Tang said: ‘This is not something you can understand. Suppose there were a medicine that, when eaten, would sharpen the keenness of the ear and the sharpness of the eye. I would certainly be pleased to get some and take it. Now Yi Yin is like a good physician and an effective medicine for my country, but you do not want me to see him. This is like

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not wishing me to be well.’ In consequence of this, he dismissed the man named Peng and would not allow him to drive any more.”7 47.3

子墨子曰：「凡言凡動，利於天鬼百姓者為之；凡言凡 動，害於天鬼百姓者舍之；凡言凡動，合於三代聖王堯舜 禹湯文武者為之；凡言凡動，合於三代暴王桀紂幽厲者舍 之。」 Our Master Mozi said: “Carry out any doctrine or any action that benefits Heaven, the spirits, or the common people. Abandon any doctrine or any action that harms Heaven, the spirits or the common people. Carry out any doctrine or any action that is consistent with the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties—Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu. Abandon any doctrine and any action that is consistent with the oppressive kings of the Three Dynasties—Jie, Zhou, You, and Li.

47.4

子墨子曰：「言足以遷行者，常 a 之；不足以遷行者，勿 常 a。不足以遷行而常 a 之，是蕩口也。 a. 尚 Wang Huanbiao.

Our Master Mozi said: “Esteem doctrines that can be put into practice; do not esteem what cannot be put into practice. To esteem what cannot be put into practice is merely to flap one’s lips in idle chatter.”8 47.5 子墨子曰： 「必去六辟。嘿 a 則思，言則誨，動則事，使

三者代御，必為聖人。必去喜，去怒，去樂，去悲，去 愛，[去惡]b 而用仁義。手足口鼻耳 [目]c，從事於義，必 為聖人。」 a. 默 Bi Yuan. c. Sun Yirang.

b. Yu Yue.

Our Master Mozi said: “Be sure to remove the six partialities. Then when silent, your reflections will be clear; when you advocate doctrine, you will instruct others; when you act, you will fulfill your duties—if one employs these three, substituting one for the other in succession, one is certain to become a sage. “Remove pleasure and anger, joy and sorrow, love and hate—and employ humanity and righteousness in their stead.9 When one’s hands and feet, mouth and nose, ears and eyes are devoted entirely to righteousness, one is certain to become a sage.”10

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47.6

子墨子謂二三子曰：「為義而不能，必無排其道。譬若匠 人之斲而不能，無排其繩。」 Our Master Mozi said to a few of his disciples: “Though a person should prove incapable of ‘doing the right thing,’ he must not blame the principles that guide him, just as the carpenter, when he cannot saw the lumber straight, does not blame the marking line.”

47.7 子墨子曰： 「世之君子，使之為一犬一彘之宰，不能則辭

之；使為一國之相，不能而為之。豈不悖哉！」 Our Master Mozi said: “Were the superior men of our age employed to butcher a single dog or pig, they would refuse the job because they could not do it; if they are employed as prime minister of a single country, they still take the job in spite of being incapable of doing it. Is that not perverse indeed?” 47.8

子墨子曰：「今瞽曰：『 (鉅GE>皚 a 者白也，黔者黑也。』 雖明目者無以易之。兼白黑，使瞽取焉，不能知也。故我 曰瞽不知白黑者，非以其名也，以其取也。今天下之君子 之名仁也，雖禹湯無以易之。兼仁與不仁，而使天下之君 子取焉，不能知也。故我曰天下之君子不知仁者，非以其 名也，亦以其取也。」

a. Yu Yue.

Our Master Mozi said: “Suppose a blindman were to say, ‘Pure white frost is white, and jet black hair is black.’ Even someone with perfect vision would not want to emend that statement. But were one to put a black object and a white object side by side and require that a blind man select which one was white and which one black, he would be unable to recognize them. Hence the reason I say that the blind do not know black from white lies, not in their use of the words ‘black’ and ‘white,’ but in their inability to make the right choice. Now the way the superior men of the world use the word ‘humane’ would require no emendation even by a Yu or Tang. But were one to put humane and inhumane actions side by side and require that the superior men of the world select which one was humane and which one inhumane, they would fail to recognize them. Hence the reason I say that the superior men of the world do not know what is humane and what is not lies, not in their use of the words ‘humane’ and ‘inhumane,’ but in their inability to make the right choice.”

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47.9A

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子墨子曰：「今士之用身，不若商人之用一布之慎也。商 人用一布 (布GE>市 a，不敢 (繼)b 苟而讐 c 焉，必擇良者。 今士之用身則不然，意之所欲則為之，厚者入刑罰，薄者 被毀醜，則士之用身不若商人之用一布之慎也。」 a. Sun Yirang. b. JR; Wang Huanbiao GE 輕; Sun Yirang 繼苟GE 謑詬. c. 售 Bi Yuan.

Our Master Mozi said: “The gentlemen of our age handle their own persons with less care than a merchant does in spending a length of silk currency. When a merchant spends a length of silk currency to buy something, he does not dare to purchase wantonly just anything he sees but is certain to select the best. But the scholars of our age are not like this. Whatever they happen to think they might want, they act to get. If their crimes are serious, they suffer corporal punishment and penal sanctions; if their crimes are slight, they are visited with slander and condemnation. So then the gentlemen of our age handle their own persons with less care than a merchant does in spending a length of silk currency.” 47.9B

子墨子曰：「世之君子欲其義之成，而助之修其身則慍， 是猶欲其牆之成，而人助之築則慍也，豈不悖哉！」 Our Master Mozi said: “The superior men of our age want to perfect their practice of righteousness, yet if we endeavor to help them in their ‘self-cultivation,’ they become indignant. This is like wanting to complete a wall yet becoming indignant if others offer assistance in building it.11 Is this not perverse indeed?”

47.10A

子墨子曰：「古之聖王，欲傳其道於後世，是故書之竹帛， 鏤之金石，傳遺後世子孫，欲後世子孫法之也。今聞先王 之遺而不為，是廢先王之傳也。」 Our Master Mozi said: “The sage-kings of antiquity wanted to transmit their Way to later ages. This is why they recorded it on bamboo and silk and engraved it on metal and stone, transmitting and bequeathing it to their posterity in later ages so that they could imitate its model.12 But when the people of today hear the lessons handed down by the founding kings, they do not act in accord with them. This is to cast aside what has been transmitted from the founding kings.”

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47.10B

子墨子南遊使衛，關中載書甚多，弦唐子見而怪之，曰： 「吾夫子教公尚過曰：『揣曲直而已。』今夫子載書甚 多，何有也？」子墨子曰：「昔者周公旦朝讀書百篇，夕 見漆 a 十士。故周公旦佐相天子，其脩至於 [此]b。今翟上 無君上之事，下無耕農之難，吾安敢廢此？翟聞之：『同 歸之物，信有誤者。』然而民聽不鈞，是以書多也。今若 過之心者，數逆於精微，同歸之物，既已知其要矣，是以 不教以書也。而子何怪焉？」 a. 七 Bi Yuan.

b. Tao Hongqing.

When our Master Mozi traveled south to work in Wei, the drawers of his wagon were filled with numerous books. Master Xiantang, who saw the books, found the sight strange and said:13 “My Master taught Gongshang Guo to ‘reckon what is crooked and what straight and do no more.’14 Now my Master carries numerous books with him. Why do you have them?” Our Master Mozi said: “In the past, Dan, the duke of Zhou, read books each morning totaling a hundred volumes and each evening saw seventy scholars. Thus, in assisting the Son of Heaven as prime minister, Duke Dan of Zhou cultivated himself to this extraordinary degree. Now I, Di, have neither lord to serve nor farm to tend. How should I presume to neglect my books? I, Di, have heard that ‘as one assigns divergent things to their proper category, there are bound to be errors.’15 Thus people cannot all have learned the same things, which is why the books that record their learning are so numerous. But a mind such as Guo’s perceives the subtle essence in the pattern of things and comprehends on its own what is important in assigning divergent things to their proper category. This is why I did not need books in teaching him. And so what do you find strange in this?” 47.11

子墨子謂公良桓子曰：「衛，小國也，處於齊、晉之閒， 猶貧家之處於富家之閒也。貧家而學富家之衣食多用，則 速亡必矣。今簡子之家，飾車數百乘，馬食菽粟者數百 匹，婦人衣文繡者數百人，吾取飾車、食馬之費，與繡衣 之財以畜士，必千人有餘。若有患難，則使 [數]a 百人處 於前，數百 [人處]b 於後，與婦人數百人處前後，孰安？ 吾以為不若畜士之安也。」

a. Wang Niansun.

b. Wang Niansun.

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Our Master Mozi said to Gongliang Huanzi:16 “Wei is a small state situated between Qi and Jin. It is like a poor family living the midst of rich neighbors. To be a poor family and yet try to imitate the extravagant consumption of clothing and food of a rich family is to assure a premature doom. Now if one looks in your house, one finds decorated vehicles numbering in the hundreds, horses fed on beans and grain numbering in the hundreds, wives clad in decorated and embroidered fabrics numbering in the hundreds. If I were to take the resources expended for decorating the vehicles and feeding the horses, as well as the wealth spent on embroidering the clothing, I could without doubt maintain an army of more than a thousand men. If there should be a calamity or difficulty, then would one be more secure with several hundred of them stationed at the front and several hundred more stationed at the rear, or with several hundred wives occupying the front and rear? I should think that it would be safest to maintain an army of soldiers.” 47.12

子墨子仕人於衛，所仕者至而反。子墨子曰：「何故反？」 對曰：「與我言而不當。曰『待女以千盆。』授我五百 盆，故去之也。」子墨子曰：「授子過千盆，則子去之 乎？」對曰：「不去。」子墨子曰：「然則，非為其不審 也，為其寡也。」 Our Master Mozi introduced a man to office in Wei.17 He went there and then returned again. Our Master Mozi asked: “Why have you returned?” He replied: “What the ruler of Wei told me was not reliable. He said, ‘I will give you a salary of a thousand measures of grain,’ but he gave me only five hundred. This is why I left.” Our Master Mozi said: “If he had given you more than a thousand measures, would you then have left?” He replied that he would not. Our Master Mozi said: “So the reason you left was not his unreliability but rather his miserliness.”

47.13

子墨子曰：「世俗之君子，視義士不若負粟者。今有人於 此，負粟息於路側，欲起而不能，君子見之，無長少貴 賤，必起之。何故也？曰義也。今為義之君子，奉承先王 之道以語之，縱不說而行，又從而非毀之。則是世俗之君 子之視義士也，不若視負粟者也。」 Our Master Mozi said: “The superior men of our vulgar age have less regard for righteous gentlemen than they have for men who carry grain on their backs. Suppose there were a grain carrier resting on the side of

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the road who wanted to get up but found it impossible to stand. A superior man seeing that, without regard for whether the man was young or old, noble or base, would be certain to help him get up. Why would he do this? Because it is the right thing to do. But as for these superior men of today who ‘do the right thing,’ if you castigate them by upholding the way of the founding kings, they are not only displeased with the prospect of carrying it out, but also will criticize and ridicule you. Thus I say that the superior men of our vulgar age have less regard for righteous gentlemen than they have for men who carry grain on their backs.” 47.14A

子墨子曰：「商人之四方，市賈(信GE>倍 a 徙 b，雖有關梁 之難，盜賊之危，必為之。今士坐而言義，無關梁之難， 盜賊之危，此為 (信GE>倍 a 徙 b，不可勝計，然而不為。則 士之計利不若商人之察也。」

a. Bi Yuan.

b. 蓰 Sun Yirang

Our Master Mozi said: “Merchants travel to the four quarters of the world, multiplying their profits many fold by buying and selling. Even though they encounter difficulties at the passes and bridges and dangers from robbers and bandits, these will certainly not stop them from doing their business. Gentlemen of the present time sit around discussing righteousness. They encounter no difficulties at the passes and bridges and face no danger from robbers and bandits. Even though they can multiply their profits by an inestimable amount, they are unwilling to do it. So in calculating gain, gentlemen are not as shrewd as merchants.” 47.14B

子墨子北之齊，遇日者。日者曰：「帝以今日殺黑龍於北 方，而先生之色黑，不可以北。」子墨子不聽，遂北，至 淄水，不遂而反焉。日者曰：「我謂先生不可以北。」子 墨子曰：「南之人不得北，北之人不得南，其色有黑者有 白者，何故皆不遂也？且帝以甲乙殺青龍於東方，以丙丁 殺赤龍於南方，以庚辛殺白龍於西方，以壬癸殺黑龍於北 方，若用子之言，則是禁天下之行者也。是圍心而虛天下 也，子之言不可用也。」 When our Master Mozi was going north toward Qi, he met a hemerologist who told him:18 “The Sovereign will today slay the Black Dragon in the northern region. Your complexion, honorable sir, is black so you cannot go north.”19 Our Master Mozi would not heed his advice and

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proceeded northward until he reached the Zi River.20 He could go no farther and turned back. The hemerologist said: “I told the honorable sir that he could not go northward.” Our Master Mozi said: “Why is it that people to the south of the Zi River cannot go north and people to the north of it cannot go south, whether their complexion is black or white? Moreover, on jia and yi days the Sovereign slays the Green Dragon in the eastern region, on bing and ding days he kills the Vermilion Dragon in the southern region, on geng and xin days he kills the White Dragon in the western region, and on ren and gui days he kills the Black Dragon in the northern region.21 Were one to adopt your advice, travel anywhere in the world would be prohibited. This would curb every plan and empty the world of any trace of humanity. Your advice cannot be adopted for use.” 47.15

子墨子曰：「吾言足用矣，舍言革思者，是猶舍穫而攗粟 也。以其言非吾言者，是猶以卵投石也，盡天下之卵，其 石猶是也，不可毀也。」 Our Master Mozi said: “My doctrines are all that one needs to use! Those who reject my doctrines and adopt other ideas are simply discarding the harvest and collecting a few grains. Those who use their own doctrines to condemn my doctrines are simply throwing eggs against a stone. If one were to use up all the eggs in the world, this stone would remain as it was, indestructible!”

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Master Gongmeng Chapter 48 consists of dialogues between Mozi and a variety of figures. In the first half of the chapter Mozi’s interlocutors are three representatives of the Ru, Master Gongmeng, Master Cheng, and an anonymous scholar; in the second half, they are his own followers, Master Gao, Die Bi, small groups of disciples, and other anonymous figures who “call at his gate,” wishing to study with him. The antagonistic confrontation between Mozi and Master Gongmeng—probably a follower of the Confucian disciple Zengzi 曾子—opens with the right way to offer advice and the proper forms of comportment and dress. Gongmeng’s implicit message is that Mozi talks too much and should speak only when spoken to (48.1A); should practice some modesty and make himself less available to patrons (48.1B); and should adopt the dress of a gentleman (48.2 and 48.3). Mozi rejects the advice and, in regard to the last bit, provides some interesting observations on the exotic appearance of the rulers of the states of Chu and Yue. He then proceeds, in 48.4, to ridicule the criteria by which Gongmeng has determined that had he lived in the age of the sage-kings, Confucius would have been crowned Son of Heaven. In the balance of their exchanges Mozi and Gongmeng give voice to the respective Mo and Ru positions on fate, ghosts, and long periods of mourning. In a brief exchange with an anonymous Ru (48.10B), Mozi criticizes the impracticality of musical performance, a theme explored at length in chapter 32. Where Master Gongmeng is represented as challenging Mozi’s comportment and appearance, Master Cheng is shown to be an aggressive critic of Mozi’s argumentation. In 48.10C, unable to respond effectively to Master Cheng’s claim that he has been “excessive” in reviling the Ru, Mozi argues that in conversation one need not mount a formal argument but only be “clever and quick.” That is obviously the tactic he uses in 48.11C, when Master Cheng catches Mozi out for citing Confucius as an authority when otherwise he condemns the Ru. The remaining conversations in chapter 48 illustrate how Mozi interacted with students and disciples and thus reveal glimpses of his approach to education and mentoring. That Mozi, along with Confucius, had a reputation as a fine teacher is confirmed by chapters devoted to this subject in The Annals of Lü Buwei. “On the Proper Kind of Dyeing”—parallel in part to chapter 3 in the Mozi—provides a brief account of the followers of Confucius and Mozi and concludes with the observation that “the heirs of the learning of Confucius and Mozi who have attained eminence and glory in the eyes of the world are multitudinous.”1 “On Honoring Teachers” praises Confucius and Mozi for 1.  LSCQ, “Dangran 當染,” 2.96 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 90).

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transforming “the sort who should be punished or die in disgrace” into “the most famous gentlemen and the most eminent men in the world.”2 The first three passages that have to do with Mozi and students, 48.12 through 48.14, are all introduced the same way: “There was a traveler who came to the gate of our Master Mozi . . . ,” a similarity that suggests that they were meant to be read as a set. In 48.12 Mozi promises a career to someone he finds talented if the man will agree to a course of study. When, after a year, the man asks Mozi to keep his promise, he replies that he cannot do so. Mozi explains that he had made the offer because it was his duty to get the man to “do the right thing”— to improve himself and thus be spared the ridicule of others. In 48.13 Mozi exhorts another promising student to study because it is “right” to do so. The man has doubts, coming from an uneducated family. Mozi encourages him nonetheless, revealing that, like Confucius, he was happy to take students no matter their family background. A third anonymous caller at Mozi’s gate challenges the Mohist doctrine that ghosts and spirits exist by sensibly inquiring why, if ghosts possess conscious awareness, they do not reward him for his efforts (48.14): “Is it possible that there is something wrong with your teachings?” he asks. The skepticism this man expresses is closely paralleled by a recently excavated manuscript dating to ca. 300 that questions whether ghosts have awareness, since they do not always reward the good and punish the evil.3 That text provides its author an opportunity to step away from the Mohist position by claiming that on some occasions ghosts are aware, and on other occasions they are not. But this is not the case with 48.14, where Mozi bluntly counters that the fault is not with the ghosts but with his questioner’s own failings, thus making clear the importance of self-examination in any course of education and improvement. Further skepticism about the intelligence of ghosts and spirits is voiced by Die Bi in 48.15. A disciple who appears here and nowhere else in the transmitted literature, Die Bi wonders why the spirits have caused Mozi, a sage, to be ill: “Could it possibly be that your doctrine is in some way flawed?” Die Bi asks him. Mozi ignores the question and rejects the idea that ghosts have mistakenly caused his illness. “There are numerous ways,” he says, “in which a man acquires an illness,” thus instructing Die Bi that he should consider the multiple causes for any outcome. When a few of his students announce that they intend both to study and practice archery, Mozi insists that they concentrate on their studies (48.16). 2.  LSCQ, “Zunshi 尊師,” 4.205 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 123). 3.  See appendix B.

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In 48.17, a group of disciples report to Mozi that Gaozi has been criticizing him for preaching good doctrines but doing wicked things and so should be cast out. Mozi points out that at least Gaozi finds his doctrines worthy. This passage, meant to illustrate Mozi’s thick skin, is the first of three that recount Mozi’s relationship to the disciple who is likely to have been the Gaozi, that is, Mencius’s opponent in the famous debate on human nature, recorded in the opening passages of book 6 of the Mengzi. But Mozi’s tolerance of Gaozi goes only so far. When a group of disciples praise Gaozi’s practice of humaneness in 48.18, Mozi sniffs, “It won’t last.” Finally, in 48.19, in direct conversation with Gaozi, Mozi roughly dismisses the latter’s claims that he would be capable of accomplishing great things in an official position: “If you cannot govern your own person, how can you put the state in good order and preside over its government?” The three passages, 48.16–18, share the same opening—“Two or three of his students reported to our Master Mozi”—thus mirroring 48.12–14, and suggesting that they should also be read as a set. However, the last two of these are juxtaposed with 48.19, to trace the trajectory of Gaozi’s divorcement from Mozi: he is critical of the master, but Mozi is forgiving; Gaozi has gained a reputation for humaneness, but Mozi questions it. Finally, Mozi bluntly dismisses Gaozi as unable to put into practice what he has learned.

公孟第四十八 Chapter 48: Master Gongmeng 48.1A

　　公孟子謂子墨子曰：「君子共己以待，問焉則言，不 問焉則止。譬若鍾然，扣則鳴，不扣則不鳴。」子墨子 曰：「是言有三物焉，子乃今知其一 (身GE>耳 a 也，又未知 其所謂也。若大人行淫暴於國家，進而諫，則謂之不遜， 因左右而獻諫，則謂之言議。此君子之所疑惑也。若大人 為政，將因於國家之難，譬若機之將發也然，君子之必以 諫，然而大人之利，若此者，雖不扣必鳴者也。若大人舉 不義之異行，雖得大巧之經，可行於軍旅之事。欲攻伐無 罪之國，有之也。君得之，則必用之矣。以廣辟土地，著 稅偽 b 材，出必見辱，所攻者不利，而攻者亦不利，是兩 不利也。若此者，雖不扣必鳴者也。且子曰：『君子共己 待，問焉則言，不問焉則止，譬若鍾然，扣則鳴，不扣則

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不鳴。』今未有扣，子而言，是子之謂不扣而鳴邪？是子 之所謂非君子邪？」

a. Wang Yinzhi.

b. 䞈 Bi Yuan.

Master Gongmeng said to our Master Mozi:1 “The superior man should wait with his hands folded in formal salute against his breast. If he is asked about something, then he will speak. If he is not questioned about something, then he will stop. He is, to use an analogy, like a bell: it will ring when struck but does not ring when it is not struck.”2 Our Master Mozi said: “This analogy relates to three sets of circumstances. Since you know only one of them, you do not yet fully comprehend its true significance.3 “If the great man acts with wanton violence against his country,4 and if when you come forward to remonstrate, he calls you insubordinate, or when you rely on one of his close advisers to offer a remonstrance, he says that you are purposefully overcritical, these are grounds for the superior man to hesitate and have misgivings.5 “When the great man controls the government, if his country is facing an imminent problem and he feels a sense of urgency that is, to use an analogy, like the tension of a crossbow mechanism about to release an arrow, these are circumstances in which the superior man is certain to remonstrate, for doing so is of benefit to the great man. One who acts like this is ‘one that must ring although not struck.’ “If the great man initiates an odd campaign that is wrong, has obtained somewhere a classic source for great stratagems that he is capable of executing with his army,6 and is preparing to attack a blameless country in order to occupy it—for having got the classic he is bound to want to use it to broaden his territory, collect taxes from it, and thus gather up more wealth—he is certain to be humiliated: neither the invader nor the country invaded will benefit, but hence both are harmed. In such circumstances (when the gentleman remonstrates), he is ‘one that must ring although not struck.’ “Moreover, you said, ‘The superior man should wait with his hands folded in formal salute against his breast. If he is asked about something, then he will speak. If he is not questioned about something, then he will stop. He is, to use an analogy, like a bell: it will ring when struck but does not ring when it is not struck.’ But now no one ‘struck’ you, yet you speak. Is this what you call ‘not being struck, yet ringing’? Is this what you call acting counter to the manner of a superior man?”7

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48.1B

公孟子謂子墨子曰：「實為善人，孰不知？譬若良 (玉GE> 巫 a，處而不出有餘糈。譬若美女，處而不出，人爭求 之。行而自衒，人莫之取也。今子徧從人而說之，何其 勞也？」子墨子曰：「今夫世亂，求美女者眾，美女雖不 出，人多求之；今求善者寡，不強說人，人莫之知也。且 有二生，於此善筮。一行為人筮者，一處而不出者。行為 人筮者與處而不出者，其糈孰多？」公孟子曰：「行為人 筮者其糈多。」子墨子曰：「仁義鈞。行說人者，其功善 亦多，何故不行說人也！」

a. Sun Yirang.

Master Gongmeng said to our Master Mozi: “If one is truly a good man, who would fail to recognize him? He is, to use an analogy, like an excellent shaman who stays at home and does not go out yet has more polished grain than he can eat. Or, to use another analogy, he is like a beautiful maiden who stays at home and does not go out yet has men contending to make love to her. Yet if she should make a display of herself, no one would want to marry her. Now you, master, travel everywhere trying to persuade others. Why do you expend all this effort?”8 Our Master Mozi said: “In the confusion of the present age, those who seek beautiful women are a multitude, so though beautiful women do not go out, men often seek them out. Now those who seek goodness are few in number, so if I do not make a determined effort at persuasion, others will not know to be good.9 Moreover, consider the case of two men who are adept at divination. One travels about divining for others, while the other stays at home and does not go out. Which of them will have more polished grain?” Master Gongmeng replied: “The one who travels about divining for others will have more.” Our Master Mozi said: “If two men are equally humane and righteous, the one who travels about persuading others to be humane and righteous will accumulate more merit and good acts than the one who stays at home. Why not go about persuading others?” 48.2

公孟子戴章甫，搢忽，儒服，而以見子墨子曰：「君子服 然後行乎？其行然後服乎？」子墨子曰：「行不在服。」 公孟子曰：「何以知其然也？」子墨子曰：「昔者，齊桓公 高冠博帶，金劍木盾，以治其國，其國治。昔者，晉文公 大布之衣，牂羊之裘，韋以帶劍，以治其國，其國治。昔

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者，楚莊王鮮冠組纓，綘 a 衣博袍，以治其國，其國治。 昔者越王句踐剪髮文身，以治其國，其國治。此四者，其 服不同，其行猶一也。翟以是知行之不在服也。」公孟子 曰：「善！吾聞之曰：『宿善者不祥。』請舍忽，易章甫， 復見夫子可乎？」子墨子曰：「請因以相見也。若必將舍 忽、易章甫，而後相見，然則行果在服也。」 a. 縫 Wang Yinzhi.

Master Gongmeng, wearing the emblematic cap, a wooden writing tablet tucked in his sash, and dressed in the robes of the Ru came to see our Master Mozi, saying:8 “Does the superior man act as such only after he is dressed in a superior man’s attire, or does he dress in a superior man’s attire only after he acts as a superior man acts?” Our Master Mozi said: “What one does does not at all depend on one’s attire.” Gongmeng said: “How do you know that is so?” Mozi replied: “In the past, Duke Huan of Qi, wearing a high cap and a wide girdle and carrying a gold sword and wooden shield, governed his state and it became well ordered. Duke Wen of Jin, wearing garments of coarse cloth and a sheepskin cloak with his sword in a leather belt, governed his state and it became well ordered. King Zhuang of Chu, wearing a gaily colored crown adorned with silk bands and ribbons and an oversized robe and broad gown, governed his state and it became well ordered.9 King Goujian of Yue, his hair cut short and his body tattooed, governed his state and it became well ordered. These four lords wore attire that was dissimilar, yet the conduct of their affairs was as one. By this I know that what one does does not depend on one’s attire.” Gongmeng said: “What you say is good. I have heard that ‘to understand something is good, but not to practice it is inauspicious.’ I ask permission to see you again, Master, after putting aside my wooden writing tablet and changing from my emblematic cap. Would that be acceptable?” Mozi said: “Please just see me now about the purpose of your visit. Were it necessary for you to see me again only after putting aside your tablet and changing from your emblematic cap, then what one does would depend on one’s attire.” 48.3

公孟子曰：「君子必古言服，然後仁。」子墨子曰：「昔 者，商王紂，卿士費仲，為天下之暴人，箕子、微子為天

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下之聖人，此同言而或仁 [或]a 不仁也。周公旦為天下之 聖人，關叔為天下之暴人，此同服或仁或不仁。然則不在 古服與古言矣。且子法周而未法夏也，子之古非古也。」

a. Wang Huanbiao.

Master Gongmeng said: “A superior man must speak the language of the ancients and wear ancient dress before he can be considered humane.”10 Our Master Mozi said: “Formerly, in the time of King Zhou of the Shang dynasty, his minister Fei Zhong was the cruelest man in the world,11 whereas the viscounts of Ji and Wei were the sages of the world.12 All of them used the same speech, but one of them was ­inhumane while the other two were humane. Dan, the duke of Zhou, was the sage of the world, whereas Guanshu was the cruelest man of the world.13 Both used the same dress, but one was humane while the other was inhumane. This being the case, then humanity does not depend on adopting ancient dress or on using ancient speech. Besides, you adopt the model of Zhou dynasty usages and not that of the Xia dynasty. What you regard as ancient is not truly ancient.” 48.4

公孟子謂子墨子曰：「昔者聖王之列也，上聖立為天子， 其次立為卿、大夫，今孔子博於詩、書，察於禮樂，詳於 萬物，若使孔子當聖王，則豈不以孔子為天子哉？」子墨 子曰：「夫知者，必尊天事鬼，愛人節用，合焉為知矣。 今子曰：『孔子博於詩書，察於禮樂，詳於萬物』，而曰 可以為天子，是數人之齒，而以為富。」 Master Gongmeng said to our Master Mozi: “In the past, when the sage-kings distinguished men by rank, the most sagely of men was made Son of Heaven, and the next most sagely were made ministers and grand officers. Now Master Kong was broadly learned in the Odes and Docu­ ments, was discerningly analytical in ritual and music, and had a detailed knowledge of the myriad things. If Master Kong had lived in the age of the sage-kings, would they not have made him the Son of Heaven?” Our Master Mozi said: “The truly wise revere Heaven, serve the spirits, love others, and are moderate in expenditures. Only one whose actions accord with all these can be regarded as truly wise. Now you have said that ‘Master Kong was broadly learned in the Odes and Docu­ ments, was discerningly analytical in ritual and music, and had a detailed knowledge of the myriad things,’ and you contend that he should have

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been made Son of Heaven. This is a case of ‘considering another wealthy because one has counted the notches on his tally.’”14 48.5

公孟子曰：「貧富壽夭，齰然在天，不可損益。」又曰： 「君子必學。」子墨子曰：「教人學而執有命，是猶命人 葆而去亓冠也。」 Master Gongmeng said: “Poverty and wealth, old age and premature death are all assuredly determined by Heaven, so they can be neither augmented nor diminished.”15 He also said: “The superior man must learn.” Our Master Mozi said: “To teach men that they should learn and at the same time to hold that there is destiny is like ordering a man to cover his head and then walking off with his hat.”

48.6

公孟子謂子墨子曰：「有義不義，無祥不祥。」子墨子 曰：「古聖王皆以鬼神為神明，而 a 為禍福，執有祥不祥， 是以政治而國安也。自桀紂以下，皆以鬼神為不神明，不 能為禍福，執無祥不祥，是以政亂而國危也。故先王之 書，(子亦GE>亓子 b 有之曰：『亓傲也，出於子，不祥。』 此言為不善之有罰，為善之有賞。」 a. 能 Bi Yuan.

b. Dai Wang; 亓SF箕.

Master Gongmeng spoke to our Master Mozi, saying: “There is only right and wrong; there is no such thing as behavior that is auspicious or inauspicious.”16 Master Mozi said: “The ancient sage-kings all regarded the ghosts and spirits as divinely intelligent beings able to cause calamity or bring blessings. They maintained that there were such things as auspicious and inauspicious behavior and for this reason were able to administer their states so as to produce order and to make their countries secure. But from the time of Jie and Zhou onward, all have regarded the ghosts and spirits as neither divinely intelligent nor able to cause calamity and bring blessings. They held that there was no such thing as auspicious and inauspicious behavior, and for this reason the way they administered their states produced chaos and endangered their countries. Hence in the ‘Viscount of Ji,’ a document of the founding kings, it says: ‘When such arrogance comes forth from you, it is inauspicious.’17 This means that those who do bad are punished, and those who do good rewarded.”

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358

48.7

子墨子謂公孟子曰：「喪禮，君與父母、妻、後子死，三 年喪服，伯父、叔父、兄弟期，族人五月，姑、姊、舅、 甥皆有數月之喪。或以不喪之閒，誦詩三百，弦詩三百， 歌詩三百，舞詩三百。若用子之言，則君子何日以聽治？ 庶人何日以從事？」公孟子曰：「國亂則治之，國治則為 禮樂。國 (治GE>貧 a 則從事，國富則為禮樂。」子墨子 曰：「國之治，[治之故治也]b。治之廢，則國之治亦廢。 國之富也，從事，故富也。從事廢，則國之富亦廢。故 雖治國，勸之無饜，然後可也。今子曰：『國治，則為禮 樂，亂則治之』，是譬猶噎而穿井也，死而求醫也。古者 三代暴王桀紂幽厲，薾為聲樂，不顧其民，是以身為刑 僇，國為戾虛者，皆從此道也。」

a. Wang Niansun.

b. Lu Wenchao.

Our Master Mozi said to Master Gongmeng: “According to the mourning rites, one wears mourning garments into the third year for one’s lord as well as for one’s parents, wife, and eldest son. For one’s elder and younger uncles and for one’s elder and younger brothers, one wears mourning garments for a full year. For others who belong to the same branch of the clan, one observes five months’ mourning. For aunts, sisters, maternal uncles, and nephews on one’s sister’s side, one observes mourning of several months.18 Some employ the periods when they are not in mourning to recite the three hundred Odes, accompanied by stringed instruments as well as by singing and dancing.19 Were one to follow what you advocate, then when would the superior man have time to hear the affairs of government, and when would the masses have time to do their work?”20 Gongmeng replied: “If a state is in anarchy, then it should be put in order. Once it is in good order, then one should perform the rites and music. If a state is impoverished, then one should do one’s work. Once it is wealthy, then one should perform the rites and music.” Our Master Mozi countered: “The good order of a state results from its having been put in good order. If one stops doing it, then the good order of the state is also cast aside. The wealth of a country results from doing one’s work. If one ceases to do it, then the country’s wealth is also thrown away. For this reason, the only permissible way to keep a country well ordered is to work at it without ceasing. Now you contend that once a country is well ordered, one should perform the rites and music,

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and that when there is anarchy, the state should be governed. You might as well propose digging a well when someone is choking to death or calling a physician after he is dead. In antiquity the cruelly oppressive kings of the Three Dynasties—Jie, Zhou, You, and Li—revelled in making music and paid no regard to their subjects. For that reason they were subjected to the death penalty and brought ruination and despoliation to their countries. All of this was from following the way you advocate.” 48.8

公孟子曰：「無鬼神。」又曰：「君子必學祭 (祀GE>禮 a。」 子墨子曰：「執無鬼而學祭禮，是猶無客而學客禮也，是 猶無魚而為魚罟也。」

a. Bi Yuan.

Master Gongmeng contended that “ghosts and spirits do not exist” and also that “the superior man must study the sacrificial rites.”21 Our Master Mozi commented: “To advocate that “ghosts do not exist” and yet study the sacrificial rites is like saying that guests do not exist and yet studying the ritual for receiving guests or saying that fish do not exist yet making fishnets.”

48.9

公孟子謂子墨子曰：「子以三年之喪為非，子之三日之喪 亦非也。」子墨子曰：「子以三年之喪非三日之喪，是猶 倮謂撅者不恭也。」 Master Gongmeng said to our Master Mozi: “You consider the practice of mourning into the third year to be wrong. Your doctrine of mourning for three days is also wrong.”22 Our Master Mozi replied: “Your advocating mourning into the third year while condemning mourning for three days is like the case of a naked person condemning as indecent someone who has merely lifted her skirt and exposed her calf.”

48.10A

公孟子謂子墨子曰：「知有賢於人，則可謂知乎？」子墨 子曰：「愚之知有以賢於人，而愚豈可謂知矣哉？」公孟 子曰：「三年之喪，學吾 [子]a 之慕父母。」子墨子曰：「夫 嬰兒子之知，獨慕父母而已。父母不可得也，然號而不 止，此亓故何也？即愚之至也。然則儒者之知，豈有以賢 於嬰兒子哉？」

a. Yu Yue.

Mozi

360

Master Gongmeng asked our Master Mozi: “If the knowledge that one possesses is better than that had by others, can one be called wise?” Our Master Mozi replied: “A fool may know something better than some other person, but would you say that the fool should be called wise?” Master Gongmeng said, “Mourning into the third year is in imitation of the affection that children show their parents.” Our Master Mozi replied: “The awareness of a baby is such that it only wants its parents. Thus when it cannot have its parents, it keeps on crying. This suggests an extreme degree of stupidity. That being the case, as for the intelligence of the Ru, how can it be said to be any better than that of the baby?” 48.10B

子墨子 (曰)a 問於儒者 [曰]a：「何故為樂？」曰：「樂以 為樂也。」子墨子曰：「子未我應也。今我問曰：『何故 為室？』曰：『冬避寒焉，夏避暑焉，室以為男女之別 也。』則子告我為室之故矣。今我問曰：『何故為樂？』 曰：『樂以為樂也。』是猶曰『何故為室』？曰『室以為 室也』。」

a. Su Shixue.

Our Master Mozi asked a Ru, “Why do you perform music?” He replied, “Music is performed to produce pleasure.”23 Our Master Mozi countered: “You have not answered my question. If I were to ask why you built houses, and you answered, ‘To avoid the cold of winter and the heat of summer and to keep men separate from women,’ then you would have told me the reason for building houses. But when I asked you why you make music, you said, ‘To produce pleasure.’ You might as well say in reply to the question about houses, that the reason we build houses is to build houses.”24 48.10C

子墨子謂程子曰：「儒之道足以喪天下者，四政焉。儒以 天為不明，以鬼為不神，天鬼不說，此足以喪天下。又 厚葬久喪，重為棺椁，多為衣衾，送死若徙，三年哭泣， 扶後起，杖後行，耳無聞，目無見，此足以喪天下。又弦 歌鼓舞，習為聲樂，此足以喪天下。又以命為有，貧富 壽夭，治亂安危有極矣，不可損益也，為上者行之，必不 聽治矣；為下者行之，必不從事矣，此足以喪天下。」程 子曰：「甚矣！先生之毀儒也。」子墨子曰：「儒固無此若 四政者，而我言之，則是毀也。今儒固有此四政者，而我

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言之，則非毀也，告聞也。」程子無辭而出。子墨子曰： 「迷之！」反，(後GE> 復 a 坐，進復曰：「鄉者先生之言有 可 (聞GE> 間 b 者焉，若先生之言，則是不譽禹，不毀桀紂 也。」子墨子曰：「不然，夫應孰辭，[不]c 稱議而為之， 敏也。厚攻則厚吾，薄攻則薄吾。應孰辭而稱議，是猶荷 轅而擊蛾也。」

a. Wang Niansun. c. Sun Yirang.

b. Bi Yuan.

Our Master Mozi said to Master Cheng:25 “In the Way of the Ru there are four regulations sufficient to bring the world to ruin: “The Ru hold that Heaven is not intelligent and that ghosts have no spiritual efficacy. Heaven and the ghosts are displeased by this. This alone is enough to bring the world to ruin.26 “They further advocate extravagant burials with long periods of mourning, multiple layers of inner and outer coffins with many wrappings of cloth in the shroud, funeral processions that look like a housemoving, and mourning and wailing into the third year with such intensity that the mourners cannot stand without support or walk without a cane, their ears can no longer hear and their eyes no longer see. This alone is enough to bring the world to ruin.27 “They further advocate accompanying songs with stringed instruments, dancing to the beat of the drum, and making it a habit to listen to music. This alone is sufficient to bring the world to ruin.28 “They also say that there is a preordained fate that decrees how poor or rich one may be, and whether one lives to a ripe old age or dies prematurely in youth, whether there is order or chaos, security or danger, and that this decree can be neither increased nor decreased. If superiors were to act in accord with this belief, they would certainly not attend to government, and their inferiors would certainly not carry out their duties. This alone is sufficient to bring the world to ruin.”29 Master Cheng replied: “How utterly extreme you are, sir, in your reviling the Ru.” Our Master Mozi said: “If the Ru in truth did not hold doctrines such as these, and if I said that they did, then I would indeed be reviling them. But in truth the Ru do advocate these four doctrines just as I have said, so this is not reviling, but simply reporting to you what I have heard.” Master Cheng left without offering any reply. Our Master Mozi said: “You are confused and in a muddle about it!” Master Cheng turned around, resumed his seat, and offered his reply,

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saying: “What you, sir, just said contains an error. For if, as you say, you are not reviling the Ru, then it would mean that you are not praising Yu and not reviling Jie and Zhou.” Our Master Mozi replied: “That is not so. In responding to a claim made in ordinary conversation, there is no need to resort to formal argument. One need only be clever and quick.30 ‘When the attack is heavy, use a heavy shield; when it is light, use a light shield.’ Were one to reply to a comment made in ordinary speech with a formal argument, it would be like ramming a moth with a wagon shaft.” 48.11

子墨子與程子辯，稱於孔子。程子曰：「非儒，何故稱於 孔子也？」子墨子曰：「是亦當而不可易者也。今鳥聞熱 旱之憂則高，魚聞熱旱之憂則下，當此雖禹湯為之謀，必 不能易矣。鳥魚可謂愚矣，禹湯猶云因焉。今翟曾無稱於 孔子乎？」 In an argument with Master Cheng, our Master Mozi cited Master Kong as his authority. Master Cheng said: “You condemn the Ru. Why then do you cite Master Kong as your authority?” Our Master Mozi replied: “In this instance his statement fits the facts and cannot be improved upon. Now when birds sense the danger of heat or drought, they fly high, and when fish sense the same danger, they swim deep. This fits the situation, and even the planning of a Yu or Tang would certainly be unable to improve upon it. Birds and fish can be termed ‘stupid,’ yet Yu and Tang would in some circumstances accord with what they do. Now, then, should I, Di, not cite Master Kong as an authority?”

48.12

有游於子墨子之門者，身體強良，思慮徇通，欲使隨而 學。子墨子曰：「姑學乎，吾將仕子。」勸於善言而學。 其 a 年，而責仕於子墨子。子墨子曰：「不仕子，子亦聞夫 魯語乎？魯有昆弟五人者，亓父死，亓長子嗜酒而不葬， 亓四弟曰：『子與我葬，當為子沽酒。』勸於善言而葬。 已葬，而責酒於其四弟。四弟曰：『吾末予子酒矣，子葬 子父，我葬吾父，豈獨吾父哉？子不葬，則人將笑子，故 勸子葬也。』今子為義，我亦為義，豈獨我義也哉？子不 學，則人將笑子，故勸子於學。」 a. 期 Bi Yuan.

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There was a traveler who came to the gate of our Master Mozi. Seeing that the man’s body was strong and well built and that his mind was quick and clever, our Master Mozi wanted to have him as a student: “If you study with me for a short time, I will recommend you for office.” Encouraged by these fine words, the man pursued his studies. After one full year, he sought from our Master Mozi the official position he had been promised. Our Master Mozi said: “I cannot recommend you for office. Have you heard this story about the people of Lu? “In Lu there were five brothers whose father had died. The eldest son, who was given to drink, would not conduct the funeral, so his four brothers said: ‘You conduct the funeral, and we will buy you wine.’ Encouraged by these fine words, he completed the burial ceremony, but when he sought the wine from his four brothers, they said: ‘We will not provide you with any wine. You have buried your father and we, ours. Was he only our father? If you had not buried him, then people would have ridiculed you. That is why we urged you to bury him.’ “Now you have been doing the right thing, and I have also been doing the right thing. Was it my duty alone? If you were unwilling to study, then others would have ridiculed you. That is why I exhorted you to learn.” 48.13

有游於子墨子之門者，子墨子曰：「盍學乎？」對曰：「吾 族人無學者。」子墨子曰：「不然，夫好美者，豈曰吾族 人莫之好，故不好哉？夫欲富貴者，豈曰我族人莫之欲， 故不欲哉？好美、欲富貴者，不視人猶強為之。夫義，天 下之大器也，何以視人必強為之？」 There was a traveler who came to the gate of our Master Mozi. Our Master Mozi said to him: “Why not study?” The man replied that he came from a family in which no one was learned. Our Master Mozi said: “Do not talk that way. Does anyone who loves beauty say, ‘No one in my family loves beauty, so I will not love beauty’? Does one who desires wealth and honor say, ‘No one in my family desires wealth and honor, so I will not desire them’? Those who love beauty or desire wealth and honor do not care what others do but exert themselves to attain their goals. Now as righteousness is the most treasured vessel in the world, why should you care what others do? You must rather exert all your strength to work for it.”

Mozi

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48.14

有游於子墨子之門者，謂子墨子曰： 「先生以鬼神為明 知，能為禍 (人哉)a 福？為善者富之，為暴者禍之。今吾 事先生久矣，而福不至，意者先生之言有不善乎？鬼神不 明乎？我何故不得福也？」子墨子曰：「雖子不得福，吾 言何遽不善？而鬼神何遽不明？子亦聞乎匿 (徒之刑GE>刑 徒 b 之有刑乎？」對曰：「未之得聞也。」子墨子曰：「今 有人於此，什子，子能什譽之，而一自譽乎？」對曰： 「不能。」「有人於此，百子，子能終身譽亓善，而子無 一乎？」對曰：「不能。」子墨子曰： 「匿一人者猶有罪， 今子所匿者若此亓多，將有厚罪者也，何福之求？」

a. Wang Niansun.

b. Sun Yirang.

There was a traveler who came to the gate of our Master Mozi. He said to our Master Mozi: “You, sir, consider that ghosts are perceptive and wise beings that are able to bring about calamity or good fortune, and that they enrich the good and bring misfortune upon the oppressive. I have served you for a long time now, yet good fortune has not been visited upon me. Is it possible that there is something wrong with your teachings? Or is it that ghosts and spirits are not percipient? Why else have I not received any good fortune?” Our Master Mozi replied: “Even though you have not received any good fortune, how could you possibly conclude that my teachings are flawed, or that ghosts and spirits are not percipient? Have you ever heard that those who hide criminals are also guilty of a crime?” He replied: “I have never heard that.” Our Master Mozi said: “Suppose there was a man ten times more virtuous than you, could you praise him ten times without once praising yourself ?” He allowed that he could not. Our Master Mozi continued: “Suppose he was a hundred times more virtuous, could you praise him your whole life long without once praising yourself ?” He allowed that he could not. Our Master Mozi concluded: “If someone hides a single man, he is guilty of a crime. You must have hidden many individuals, so you are very guilty.31 How could you expect any good fortune?” 48.15

子墨子有疾，跌鼻進而問曰：「先生以鬼神為明，能為禍 福，為善者賞之，為不善者罰之。今先生聖人也，何故有 疾？意者先生之言有不善乎？鬼神不明知乎？」子墨子 曰：「雖使我有病，何遽不明？人之所得於病者多方，有

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得之寒暑，有得之勞苦，百門而閉一門焉，則盜何遽無從 入？」 Our Master Mozi had an illness. Die Bi came forward and said:32 “You, sir, consider that ghosts and spirits are perceptive and able to cause fortune or misfortune: they reward those who are good and punish those who are not. Now as you are a sage, why have you become ill? Could it possibly be that your doctrine is in some way flawed, or that the ghosts and spirits are not percipient and wise?” Our Master Mozi replied: “Even though I am sick, why should you conclude that they are not percipient? There are numerous ways in which a man acquires an illness. Some are acquired as a result of heat, others of cold, still others of fatigue and exhaustion. If there are a hundred gates and only one of them has been closed, then why should robbers not find a way to enter?” 48.16

二三子有復於子墨子學 [且]a 射者，子墨子曰：「不可，夫 知者必量亓力所能至而從事焉，國士戰且扶人，猶不可及 也。今子非國士也，豈能成學又成射哉？」

a. Wang Huanbiao.

Two or three of his students announced to our Master Mozi that they would both study and practice archery. Our Master Mozi said: “That is not possible. The wise man is sure to assess how much exertion he is capable of and do his work in accordance with this assessment. The knight of the state could not succeed in doing battle and at the same time helping out others. Even were a knight of the state called upon to engage the enemy in battle and save the wounded, he would not be able to do both. You are not knights of the state, so how can you both perfect your studies and at the same time become accomplished in archery?” 48.17

二三子復於子墨子曰：「告子曰：『[墨子]a 言義而行甚惡。』 請棄之。」子墨子曰：「不可，稱我言以毀我行，愈於 亡。有人於此，翟甚不仁，尊天、事鬼、愛人，甚不仁， 猶愈於亡也。今告子言談甚辯，言仁義而 (不)b (吾)c 毀 c，告子毀，猶愈亡也。」

a. Sun Yirang. c. Wang Huanbiao.

b. Sun Yirang.

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Two or three of his students reported to our Master Mozi: “Master Gao said, ‘Master Mo’s doctrines are righteous but his conduct is extremely wicked.’ We request permission to cast him out.”33 Mozi replied: “I cannot permit that. To blame my conduct while praising what I preach is better than nothing. Suppose there were someone who was extremely unkind to me, Di, but he honored Heaven, served the ghosts, and loved others. Though he was extremely unkind, still it is better than nothing. Now Master Gao’s doctrines and discussions are extremely logical, he advocates humanity and morality, and at the same time reviles me. Master Gao’s reviling me is also better than nothing.”34 48.18

二三子復於子墨子曰：「告子勝為仁。」子墨子曰：「未 必然也！告子為仁，譬猶跂以為長，隱 a 以為廣，不可久 也。」 a. 偃 Bi Yuan.

Two or three of his students reported to our Master Mozi: “Master Gao is superior in practicing humaneness.”35 Mozi said: “I am not yet certain that this is so. The way Master Gao practices humaneness is, to use an analogy, like a man who stands on his tiptoes in order to appear tall or lies on his back to appear broad. He cannot stay that way very long.” 48.19

告子謂子墨子曰：「我治國為政。」子墨子曰：「政者，口 言之，身必行之。今子口言之，而身不行，是子之身亂 也。子不能治子之身，惡能治國政？子姑亡，子之身亂之 矣！」 Master Gao said to our Master Mozi: “I will put the state in good order and preside over its administration.”36 Our Master Mozi replied: “Those who govern ‘must personally carry out what they say.’ You are unable personally to carry out what you say. This is because you are such a mess. If you cannot govern your own person, how can you put the state in good order and preside over its government? You had best forego this. Otherwise you will personally make a mess of it.”37

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

367

The Lord of Lu Asks a Question Chapter 49 opens with a series of audiences Mozi had with the Lord of Lu and Lord Wen of Luyang. The latter was the holder of a fief within the great state of Chu and lived during the middle period of the fifth century. The Lord of Lu and the other rulers mentioned in the chapter cannot be dated or precisely identified. Such vagueness only serves to confirm the doubtful historicity of Mozi’s interactions with them. Mozi’s exchanges with the Lord of Lu are, moreover, miscellaneously juxtaposed with those involving Lord Wen of Lu­yang. The fact that the name of the state of Lu and the first syllable of “Lu­yang” are written with the same Chinese character seems to have led an early editor to confuse them or mistakenly regard them as related. The other figures with whom Mozi converses in chapter 49 are ordinary, unnamed natives of Lu, disciples that he sends abroad for employment, and in the last three passages in the chapter, Master Gongshu, the artisan whose name is taken for the title of chapter 50. Mozi’s interviews with the Lord of Lu and Lord Wen of Luyang, as well as his conversations with Master Gongshu, all relate to his opposition to aggressive war. Other passages in the chapter in which Mozi speaks of “righteousness” or “doing the right thing” are also connected to the Mohist opposition to aggression. Together with chapter 50, in which Mozi succeeds in convincing the state of Chu not to attack Song, these passages were probably placed where they are by an early editor who intended them to serve as anecdotal introductions to the Mozi chapters on military defense that immediately follow in the text. Mozi, in his initial interview with the Lord of Lu (49.1), learns from him that Qi is planning an attack. Mozi tells the lord that he should prepare for the attack by implementing the usual arsenal of Mohist devices, but he also advises him that he should treat the rulers of neighboring states with ritual propriety in order to rescue his state from Qi’s aggression, an odd bit of advice since li 禮 is not at all an important Mohist concept, occurring only twice in the entire body of core chapters. In this unique occurrence in the text, ritual assumes a central importance reminiscent of its use in Ru sources. Mozi travels to Qi and attempts unsuccessfully to dissuade its general Xiang Ziniu and an unnamed king of the state from making the attack (49.2A, 49.2B). Though his mission fails, Mozi is grandiosely represented as a statesman of great stature, serving as a diplomatic go-between and as the protector of Lu. Perhaps this portrayal of Mozi was intended by its authors to challenge the image of Confucius as the great diplomat and defender of Lu’s interests.

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In an audience that stretches over four paragraphs in the text (49.3 through 49.6), Mozi attempts to convince Lord Wen of Luyang not to attack Chu’s much smaller neighbor Zheng. Lord Wen claims that he is simply responding to Heaven’s mandate that he punish the people of Zheng for having killed their “fathers”—read “rulers”—over the course of three generations. Mozi rejects the argument, saying that Zheng has already been punished enough, and offers other arguments against aggression laced with analogies earlier deployed in chapter 17 of the “Condemn Aggression” triad, as well as a farfetched comparison, in 49.6, between cannibalism and aggressive warfare. In Mozi’s 49.7A and 49.7B interviews with Lord Wen and his 49.7C conversation with the Lord of Lu, the subject changes to employing or appointing only the worthy. Following a strange passage (49.8A) in which a grieving father “perversely” complains to Mozi because his son died in battle upon completing his studies with him, Mozi visits a hermit from Lu, who upon seeing the philosopher, declares: “Righteousness, righteousness, that’s all I hear. What use is there in talking about it?” This prompts Mozi to talk endlessly about what it means to “do the right thing,” justifying words because they permit a single speaker to do more good for more people than a single farmer, weaver, or soldier. The theme of spreading the word about righteousness is also a prominent feature of the stories in chapter 47 (especially 47.14A) of the itinerant Mozi. The two passages that follow, 49.9 and 49.10, continue the theme of going abroad to teach Mohist doctrine. The first seems intended to make the point that the rulers of distant and exotic realms like Yue might welcome a guest from the Central States generously, but there is no reason to assume they will be any more receptive to Mozi’s doctrines than those at home. There is a close parallel in The Annals of Lü Buwei chapter “A Lofty Sense of Honor.” In 49.10, Mozi responds to the question of what policies he would recommend upon entering a state by listing, presumably in someone’s version of their order of importance, the ten doctrines that form the basis of the core chapters. The two paragraphs together serve to stress the importance of the doctrines that constitute the heart of Mozi’s philosophy. Paragraph 49.11 cautions a disciple that the point of working hard is, not to provide food for the ghosts and spirits, but to share one’s bounty with the people. In this passage, perhaps more clearly and eloquently than elsewhere in the text, we find expressed the generous, compassionate, and selfless behavior that the Mohists expected from those who were successful in their careers. Continuing along the same lines, 49.12 warns that one makes offerings to the spirits because it is right, not because one expects something in return. Both passages

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can be read as footnotes to other passages in the Mozi that stress the importance of benefiting Heaven, the ghosts, and mankind. In the next two passages Mozi responds to questions posed by disciples that require him to comment on one’s ability to predict the future and what constitutes humaneness (49.13 and 49.14). He then complains, in 49.15, that a disciple he had sent to Qi to serve Xiang Ziniu had thrice joined in the campaigns of aggression against Lu and thus allowed his concern for salary to overcome his sense of righteousness. The Master Gongshu passages that conclude the chapter pit Mozi’s doctrine of righteousness against the war machines and other devices crafted by the artisan. In 49.18 Master Gongshu is made to profess his conversion to “doing the right thing.” Mozi replies with great hyperbole that goes well beyond the earlier portrayal of him as diplomat and protector of Lu: “If you strive to do the right thing, I, Di, will give you the whole world.”

魯問第四十九 Chapter 49: The Lord of Lu Asks a Question 49.1 魯君謂子墨子曰： 「吾恐齊之攻我也，可救乎？」子墨子

曰：「可。昔者，三代之聖王禹湯文武，百里之諸侯也， 說忠行義，取天下。三代之暴王桀紂幽厲，讎 (怨GE>忠 a 行暴，失天下。吾願主君，之上者尊天事鬼，下者愛利 百姓，厚為皮幣，卑辭令，亟徧禮四鄰諸侯，敺國而以事 齊，患可救也，非此，顧 b 無可為者。」

a. Yu Yue.

b. 固 Wang Niansun.

The Lord of Lu addressed our Master Mozi, saying:1 “I am apprehensive that Qi is going to attack us.2 Can we be saved?” Our Master Mozi said: “You can. In the past, each of the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties—Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu—was a lord with a state of but a hundred li of land, but by delighting in their loyal subjects and practicing righteousness, they captured the whole world. The cruelly oppressive kings of the three dynasties—Jie, Zhou, You, and Li—by regarding their loyal subjects as enemies and governing cruelly, lost the world. I hope that my lord ruler would honor Heaven and serve the ghosts above and below love the common people and plan for their benefit, be lavish in preparing furs and silk currency,3 behave humbly

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in offering polite refusals and issuing edicts, urgently begin treating all the neighboring lords of the various states with the full provisions of ritual, and exhort your whole country to work at preparing for a defense against Qi. Having done this, then you can be rescued from the threat. If this is not done, then there is assuredly no other way you can be rescued.” 49.2A

齊將伐魯，子墨子謂項子牛曰：「伐魯，齊之大過也。昔者， 吳王東伐越，棲諸會稽，西伐楚，葆昭王於隨。北伐齊， 取國子以歸於吳。諸侯報其讐，百姓苦其勞，而弗為用， 是以國為虛戾，身為刑戮也。昔者，智伯伐范氏與中行 氏，兼三晉之地，諸侯報其仇，百姓苦其勞，而弗為用， 是以國為虛戾，身為刑戮 (用是)a 也。故大國之攻小國 也，是交相賊也，過必反於國。」

a. Wang Niansun.

When Qi was planning to invade Lu, our Master Mozi said to Xiang Ziniu:4 “It would be a great error for Qi to invade Lu. In the past, King Fuchai of Wu went east to invade Yue and drove its ruler King Goujian to take refuge at Mount Kuaiji.5 He went west to invade Chu and forced its King Zhao to hide at Sui.6 He went north to invade Qi, seized the viscount of Guo, and brought him back to Wu in triumph.7 The lords of the various states returned his hostility in kind. The common people complained bitterly of the toils he inflicted and would no longer be used. Because he employed such policies, his state became a desolated wasteland, and he himself suffered execution.8 Formerly, the earl of Zhi attacked the Fan and Zhonghang families and combined the lands of the three Jin.9 The lords of the various states repaid his hostility in kind. The common people complained bitterly of the toils he inflicted and would no longer be used. Because he employed such policies, his state became a desolated wasteland, and he himself suffered execution. Thus when a large state attacks a small one, there is injury to both parties, and their errors are certain to come back to haunt them.”10 49.2B

子墨子見齊大王曰：「今有刀於此，試之人頭，倅然斷 之，可謂利乎？」大王曰：「利。」子墨子曰：「多試之 人頭，倅然斷之，可謂利乎？」大王曰：「利。」子墨子 曰：「刀則利矣，孰將受其不祥？」大王曰：「刀受其利，

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試者受其不祥。」子墨子曰：「并國覆軍，賊 𢽅 a 百姓，孰 將受其不祥？」大王俯仰而思之曰： 「我受其不祥。」 a. 殺 Bi Yuan.

When our Master Mozi had an audience with the grand king of Qi, he said:11 “Suppose you had a sword that could swiftly sever a man’s head—would you call it sharp?” The grand king said, “It is sharp.” Our Master Mozi then said: “If it swiftly severed several men’s heads, would you call it sharp?” The grand king said, “It is sharp.” Our Master Mozi continued: “It is the sword that is sharp, but what suffers the inauspicious results of its sharpness?” The grand king replied, “He who wields the sword benefits from its sharpness, but those on whom it is used suffer the inauspicious results of its sharpness.” Our Master Mozi concluded: “Annexing a state, destroying an army, preying on and murdering its common people—who is going to receive the inauspicious result of these actions?” The grand king looked up and down while pondering the matter and then said: “I will receive the inauspicious result of my actions.” 49.3

魯陽文君將攻鄭，子墨子聞而止之，謂 [魯]a 陽文君曰：「今 使魯 [陽]9 四境之內，大都攻其小都，大家伐其小家，殺 其人民，取其牛馬狗豕布帛米粟貨財，則何若？」魯陽文 君曰：「魯 [陽]a 四境之內，皆寡人之臣也。今大都攻其小 都，大家伐其小家，奪之貨財，則寡人必將厚罰之。」子 墨子曰：「夫天之兼有天下也，亦猶君之有四境之內也。 今舉兵將以攻鄭，天誅亓不至乎？」魯陽文君曰：「先生 何止我攻鄭也？我攻鄭，順於天之志。鄭人三世殺其父， 天加誅焉，使三年不全。我將助天誅也。」子墨子曰： 「鄭人三世殺其父而天加誅焉，使三年不全。天誅足矣， 今又舉兵將以攻鄭，曰『吾攻鄭也，順於天之志』。譬有 人於此，其子強梁不材，故其父笞之，其鄰家之父舉木而 擊之，曰『吾擊之也，順於其父之志』，則豈不悖哉？」

a. Bi Yuan.

Lord Wen of Luyang intended to attack Zheng. When our Master Mozi heard about it, he tried to stop him, telling Lord Wen of Lu­yang: “Now suppose that within the four borders of Luyang, the great ­cities attacked the small cities, and the great families invaded the small f­ amilies,

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killing their people, taking off their oxen, horses, dogs, and pigs, their cloth and silks, their rice and grain, and their various goods and valuables, what would you do?” Lord Wen of Luyang said: “Everyone within the four borders of Lu­yang is this Unworthy One’s subject. Were the large cities to attack small ones, or were the great families to invade the households of the small ones, stealing their valuables, then this Unworthy One would be certain to punish them severely.” Our Master Mozi replied: “Heaven possesses everything within the whole world just as your lordship possesses everything within the four borders of the state. Now you raise an army with the intention of attacking Zheng. Will not Heaven punish you for doing so?” Lord Wen of Luyang responded: “Why should you, sir, prevent me from attacking Zheng? I am attacking Zheng in obedience to the will of Heaven, for the people of Zheng have for three generations killed their ‘father.’12 Heaven has bestowed its own punishment on Zheng by causing their crops not to ripen for three consecutive years.13 I am merely assisting Heaven in its punishment.” Our Master Mozi rejoined: “The people of Zheng have for three generations murdered their ‘father.’ Heaven has bestowed punishment on them by causing their crops not to ripen for three years. Heaven’s punishment is sufficient. Now beyond this, you raise an army with the intention of attacking Zheng, explaining that ‘my attack on Zheng is in accordance with the will of Heaven.’ Consider the analogy of a man whose son is exceptionally strong but untalented. So his father whips him, and then a neighbor picks up a club and whacks the boy with it, explaining, ‘I whacked him in obedience to his father’s will.’ Would this not be perverse indeed!” 49.4

子墨子謂魯陽文君曰：「攻其鄰國，殺其民人，取其牛馬、 粟米、貨財，則書之於竹帛，鏤之於金石，以為銘於鍾 鼎，傳遺後世子孫曰：『莫若我多。』今賤人也，亦攻其 鄰家，殺其人民，取其狗豕食粮衣裘，亦書之竹帛，以為 銘於席豆，以遺後世子孫曰：『莫若我多。』亓可乎？」 魯陽文君曰：「然吾以子之言觀之，則天下之所謂可者， 未必然也。」 Our Master Mozi addressed Lord Wen of Luyang, saying: “If he attacks his neighboring states, kills their people, and seizes their oxen

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and horses, rice and grain, and goods and valuables, then a lord will record it on bamboo and silk, engrave it on metal and stone, and make inscriptions on bells and cauldrons to be handed down through his sons and grandsons to later posterity, saying: ‘None won more war booty than I.’ Now suppose a scoundrel also attacked his neighbors, killed the people, and seized their dogs and pigs and their food stores and clothing, and that he also recorded his deed on bamboo and silk, and made inscriptions on small tables and ritual vessels to be handed down to his posterity, saying, ‘None took more than I did.’ How could that be right?” Lord Wen of Luyang replied: “So indeed. If I consider the matter from the standpoint of what you advocate, then what the world says is acceptable, is not necessarily so.” 49.5

子墨子為 a 魯陽文君曰：「世俗之君子，皆知小物而不知大 物。今有人於此，竊一犬一彘則謂之不仁，竊一國一都則 以為義。譬猶小視白謂之白，大視白則謂之黑。是故世俗 之君子，知小物而不知大物者，此若言之謂也。」 a. 謂 Bi Yuan.

Our Master Mozi addressed Lord Wen of Luyang, saying: “All the superior men of our vulgar age know only minor matters but are oblivious to important things.14 Consider, for instance, that if a man should steal one dog or one pig, then they would say that he is inhumane, but if he steals a state or a city, then they consider that he has behaved righteously.15 That is, to use an analogy, to catch a glimpse of something slightly white and call it white, but to look at something very white and call it black.16 This is why I say that ‘all the superior men of our vulgar age know only minor matters but are oblivious to important things.’”17 49.6

魯陽文君語子墨子曰：「楚之南有啖人之國者橋，其國之 長子生，則鮮而食之，謂之宜弟。美，則以遺其君，君喜 則賞其父。豈不惡俗哉？」子墨子曰：「雖中國之俗，亦 猶是也。殺其父而賞其子，何以異食其子而賞其父者哉？ 苟不用仁義，何以非夷人食其子也？」 Lord Wen of Luyang told our Master Mozi: “To the south of Chu is Qiao, the country of cannibals. In that land when the first son is born, they eat him fresh, calling this practice ‘making his younger brothers

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secure.’18 If his flesh is especially fine, then they will present it to their lord. If the lord delights in the taste of it, then he will reward the father. Is this not indeed a truly wicked custom?”19 Mozi replied: “The customs of the Central States are the same as this. When they kill the father, they reward the son. How is that different from eating the son and rewarding the father? If we do not observe the precepts of humanity and righteousness, how can we condemn these barbarian peoples for eating their sons?”20 49.7A

魯君之嬖人死，魯 (君GE>人 a 為之誄，魯 (人GE>君 a 因說 而用之。子墨子聞之曰：「誄者，道死人之志也，今因說 而用之，是猶以來 b 首從服也。」

a. Su Shixue.

b. 貍 Sun Yirang.

Upon the death of a favorite concubine of the Lord of Lu, someone in Lu wrote a eulogy for her that so pleased the Lord of Lu, he employed him. When our Master Mozi heard about it, he said: “The purpose of a eulogy is to praise in writing the character of a dead person. But to employ someone because you are pleased by their flattery is like using the head of a raccoon dog to make others submit to your will.”21 49.7B

魯陽文君謂子墨子曰：「有語我以忠臣者，令之俯則俯， 令之仰則仰，處則靜，呼則應，可謂忠臣乎？」子墨子 曰：「令之俯則俯，令之仰則仰，是似景也。處則靜，呼 則應，是似響也。君將何得於景與響哉？若以翟之所謂忠 臣者，上有過則微之以諫，己有善，則訪之上，而無敢 以告。外匡其邪，而入其善，尚同而無下比，是以美善在 上，而怨讐在下，安樂在上，而憂慼在臣。此翟之所謂忠 臣者也。」 Lord Wen of Luyang said to our Master Mozi: “Someone has told me what kind of man should be considered a loyal minister. If you order him to lower his head, then he lowers his head. If ordered to raise his head, then he raises it. He remains in his place silent and still, but when he is called on, he responds. Can he indeed properly be called a loyal minister?” Mozi replied: “If he bends when you say ‘bend’ and straightens when you say “straighten,” then he is like a shadow. If he remains in his place silent and still, responding only when he is called on, he is like an echo.

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What can Your Lordship get from a shadow or an echo? The kind of man I, Di, would call a loyal minister is one who, when his lord is at fault, will remonstrate with him at just the right moment and, when he himself has good advice to offer, lays plans with his superior without presuming to inform outsiders of it. He will correct his ruler’s errors and keep him to the proper path. He will maintain conformity with his superiors and not form cliques with his inferiors. For this reason, he will give credit for all that is good to his superiors, while he takes the wrathful and hateful blame for what is bad from his inferiors; and he will provide security, while reserving for himself the toilsome and worrisome tasks that are handed over to him by his inferiors. This is what I, Di, call a loyal minister.” 49.7C

魯君謂子墨子曰：「我有二子，一人者好學，一人者好分 人財，孰以為太子而可？」子墨子曰：「未可知也，或所 為賞與 a 為是也。魡者之恭，非為魚賜也；餌鼠以蟲，非 愛之也。吾願主君之合其志功而觀焉。」 a. 譽 Sun Yirang.

The Lord of Lu said to our Master Mozi: “I have two sons, one who is fond of study, another who takes delight in giving his wealth to others. Which of them should I designate as the crown prince?” Mozi replied: “It cannot be known from just this. It may be that they act so for the sake of the reward and praise they expect from doing so. The arched posture of the fisherman appears reverent, but it is not due to his offering thanks to the fish. Using worms to entice rats is not from a love for rats. I hope that my lord ruler will examine his sons in terms of the correspondence between their ambitions and their accomplishments.”22 49.8A

魯人有因子墨子而學其子者，其子戰而死，其父讓子墨 子。子墨子曰：「子欲學子之子，今學成矣，戰而死，而 子慍，而猶欲糶糴，讐 a 則慍也。豈不費 b 哉？」 a. 售 Wang Niansun.

b. 悖 Wang Niansun.

There was a man of Lu who relied on our Master Mozi to educate his son. His son died fighting in a battle, and the father criticized our Master Mozi for this. Our Master Mozi responded: “You wanted me to teach your son. When his studies were complete, he went to battle and died. Your being angry about this is like someone who wants to deal

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in grain and then gets angry when he has sold it all. Is this not indeed perverse?” 49.8B

魯之南鄙人，有吳慮者，冬陶夏耕，自比於舜。子墨子 聞而見之。吳慮謂子墨子「義耳義耳，焉用言之哉？」 子墨子曰：「子之所謂義者，亦有力以勞人，有財以分人 乎？」吳慮曰：「有。」子墨子曰：「翟嘗計之矣。翟慮耕 而食天下之人矣，盛，然後當一農之耕，分諸天下，不能 人得一升粟。籍而以為得一升粟，其不能飽天下之飢者， 既可睹矣。翟慮織而衣天下之人矣，盛，然後當一婦人之 織，分諸天下，不能人得尺布。籍而以為得尺布，其不 能煖天下之寒者，既可睹矣。翟慮被堅執銳救諸侯之患， 盛，然後當一夫之戰，一夫之戰其不御三軍，既可睹矣。 翟以為不若誦先王之道，而求其說，通聖人之言，而察其 辭，上說王公大人，次匹夫徒步之士。王公大人用吾言， 國必治；匹夫徒步之士用吾言，行必脩。故翟以為雖不耕 而食飢，不織而衣寒，功賢於耕而食之、織而衣之者也。 故翟以為雖不耕織乎，而功賢於耕織也。」吳慮謂子墨子 曰：「義耳義耳，焉用言之哉？」子墨子曰：「籍設而天下 不知耕，教人耕，與不教人耕而獨耕者，其功孰多？」吳 慮曰：「教人耕者其功多。」子墨子曰：「籍設而攻不義之 國，鼓而使眾進戰，與不鼓而使眾進戰，而獨進戰者，其 功孰多？」吳慮曰：「鼓而進眾者其功多。」子墨子曰： 「天下匹夫徒步之士，少知義而教天下以義者，功亦多， 何故弗言也？若得鼓而進於義，則吾義豈不益進哉？」 In the southern part of Lu there was a rustic named Wu Lu who made pottery in winter, plowed in summer, and compared himself with Shun. Hearing of the man, our Master Mozi went to meet him. Wu Lu said to our Master Mozi: “Righteousness, righteousness, that’s all I hear. What use is there in talking about it?” Our Master Mozi asked: “Does what you call ‘doing the right thing’ include helping others when one has more than enough strength and sharing with others when one has more than enough goods?” Wu Lu replied, “Yes, it does.” Our Master Mozi continued: “I, Di, have done the math on this. If I considered becoming a farmer in order to feed the people of the world, even in the best of circumstances, I would produce

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only the crop of a single farmer, which, were it shared with all the people of the world, could not provide enough for anyone to get even a small measure of grain. It is evident then that even if everyone received one measure of grain, the hungry of the world would not be able to fill their bellies. If I considered becoming a weaver in order to clothe the people of the world, even in the best of circumstances, I would produce only the cloth of a single weaver, which, were it shared with all the people of the world, could not provide enough for anyone to get even a foot of cloth. It is evident that even if everyone received one foot of cloth, the ill-clothed of the world would be unable to keep warm. If I considered putting on armor and carrying a weapon in order to come to the rescue of lords of the various states in distress, it is evident that even in the best of circumstances, I would be only one soldier in the battle, and that one soldier cannot hold out against the three armies. I concluded that none of these possibilities was equal in value to reciting the Way of the founding kings in order to seek out their explanations, and to understanding the doctrines of the sages in order to discern their reasons, and to use these first to persuade kings, dukes, and great men, and, next after them, commoners and the ordinary people on the street. When kings, dukes, and great men use my doctrines, their states are certain to become orderly. When commoners and the ordinary people on the street employ my doctrines, their conduct is certain to become cultivated. Accordingly I concluded that even though I do not plow to feed the hungry nor weave to clothe the cold, my contribution is worth more than plowing to feed and weaving to clothe others. Thus I believe that though I do not plow or weave, what I accomplish is of greater merit that plowing and weaving.” Wu Lu said to our Master Mozi: “Righteousness, righteousness, that’s all I hear. What use is there in talking about it?” Our Master Mozi replied: “Suppose that the world did not know how to plow, and that there was one man who taught others how to plow and another who did not teach others to plow, but merely plowed himself. Which one of them would have accomplished more?” Wu Lu said: “The man who taught others to plow would have accomplished more.” Our Master Mozi continued: “Suppose that in an attack on an unrighteous country one man beat the drum to cause the multitude to advance into the battle and that another did not beat the drum to cause the multitude to advance in battle but advanced into battle alone. Which would have accomplished more?” Wu Lu said: “The man who

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beat the drum for the multitude to advance would have accomplished more.” Our Master Mozi concluded: “As commoners and ordinary people on the streets have but a slight acquaintance with righteousness, to teach the world about righteousness is also to accomplish more. How could one not speak about it? If I were ‘sounding the drum’ to cause them to advance in the direction of righteousness, then how could my own righteousness not advance even further in the process?”23 49.9

子墨子游公尚過於越。公尚過說越王，越王大說，謂公 尚過曰：「先生苟能使子墨子於越而教寡人，請裂故吳之 地，方五百里，以封子墨子。」公尚過許諾。遂為公尚 過束車五十乘，以迎子墨子於魯，曰：「吾以夫子之道說 越王，越王大說，謂過曰，苟能使子墨子至於越，而教寡 人，請裂故吳之地，方五百里，以封子。」子墨子謂公尚 過曰：「子觀越王之志何若？意越王將聽吾言，用我道， 則翟將往，量腹而食，度身而衣，自比於群臣，奚能以封 為哉？抑越不聽吾言，不用吾道，而吾往焉，則是我以義 糶也。鈞之糶，亦於中國耳，何必於越哉？」 Our Master Mozi sent Gongshang Guo to travel to Yue. Gongshang Guo persuaded the king of Yue, who, being greatly pleased, said to him:24 “If you, sir, should prove capable of inducing our Master Mozi to come to Yue and teach this Unworthy One, he would beg to separate off five hundred square li of the old territory of Wu as a fief for him.” Gongshang Guo agreed to do so and was in consequence provided with fifty horse-drawn chariots to fetch our Master Mozi from Lu. Gongshang Guo told him: “I used the Way of my master in a persuasion for the king of Yue, and the king, being greatly pleased, said to me: ‘If you should be capable of causing your Master Mozi to come to Yue and teach this Unworthy One, he would beg to separate off five hundred square li of the old territory of Wu as a fief ’ for you, master.” Our Master Mozi replied to Gongshang Guo, saying: “On the basis of your personal observations, what are the ambitions of the king of Yue? If the king of Yue intends to heed my advice and employ my Way, then I am willing to come for enough food to fill my stomach and clothing to cover my body, just as all the other ministers. What need have I of a fief ? But if the Yue king will not heed my words nor use my Way, then were I to come there nonetheless, I would be treating my moral principles as

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so much grain to sell. If I want to sell my principles like so much grain, I can do that right here in the Central States. So why would I need to go to Yue?”25 49.10

子墨子游，魏越曰：「既得見四方之君子，則將先語？」 子墨子曰：「凡入國，必擇務而從事焉。國家昏亂，則語 之尚賢、尚同；國家貧，則語之節用、節葬；國家憙 a 音 湛湎，則語之非樂、非命；國家淫僻無禮，則語之尊天、 事鬼；國家務奪侵凌，即語之兼愛、非攻，故曰擇務而從 事焉。」 a. 喜 JR.

When our Master Mozi was planning to travel abroad, Wei Yue inquired of him:26 “When you have obtained audience with the superior men of the four quarters, what will you discuss first?” Master Mozi replied: “Whenever you enter a country, you must select what most needs attention and devote your efforts to that. If the country is in confusion and chaos threatens, then expound the principles of Exalt the Worthy and Exalt Conformity. If it is impoverished, then expound the principles of Moderate Expenditures and Moderate Burials. If the nation is infatuated with music and besotted with wine, then expound the principles of Condemn Music and Condemn Fatalism. If the nation is wanton, perverse, and lacking in ritual principles, then expound the principles of Honor Heaven and Serve the Ghosts.27 If the nation cheats, plunders, extorts, and terrorizes others, then expound the principles of Impartial Love and Condemn Aggression. This is why I said to select what most needs attention and devote your efforts to that.” 49.11

子墨子出曹公子 (而)a 於宋三年而反，睹子墨子曰：「始吾 游於子之門，短褐之衣，藜藿之羹，朝得之則夕弗得，[弗 得]b 祭祀鬼神。今而以夫子之教，家厚於始也。有家厚， 謹祭祀鬼神。然而人徒多死，六畜不蕃，身湛於病，吾未 知夫子之道之可用也。」子墨子曰： 「不然！夫鬼神之所 欲於人者多，欲人之處高爵祿則以讓賢也，多財則以分貧 也。夫鬼神豈唯擢 (季GE>黍 c 拑肺之為欲哉？今子處高爵 祿而不以讓賢，一不祥也；多財而不以分貧，二不祥也。 今子事鬼神唯祭而已矣，而曰：『病何自至哉？』是猶百

Mozi

380

門而閉一門焉，曰『盜何從入？』若是而求福於有 (怪GE> 靈 d 之鬼 [神]e，豈可哉？」

a. Wang Niansun. c. Wang Yinzhi. e. Sun Yirang.

b. Sun Yirang. d. JR.

Our Master Mozi sent Cao Gongzi28 out to the state of Song. When three years had passed, he returned and saw Master Mozi, saying: “When I first came to my master’s gate, I had to wear a short jacket, eat broth made from vegetables, and then only once a day in the morning, and so there was nothing to offer to the ghosts and spirits. Now because of my master’s teachings, my family has grown more prosperous than they were at first. There are enough resources in the family for us to be fastidious in our offerings to the ghosts and spirits. Nonetheless, despite all this, several members of my family have died, the six domestic animals do not breed, and my own health has declined. I wonder whether your Way is of any use.” Our Master Mozi replied: “You must not say such things! What the spirits and ghosts desire from men is frequently this: When a man occupies an exalted position with a high emolument, they desire that he should be willing to yield it to those more worthy; when he has numerous resources, he should divide them among the poor. “How should ghosts and spirits merely desire to snatch up millet and pull out the lungs of the sacrificial offerings given them? Now when you occupied an exalted position with a high emolument, you did not yield it to those more worthy than yourself. This is one instance of not acting auspiciously. When you had numerous resources, you did not divide them among the poor. This is a second instance of not acting auspiciously. Now in your service of the ghosts and spirits you do no more than merely offer sacrifice, yet you say: ‘Why have all these ills been visited upon me?’ This is like having a hundred doors, closing only one of them, and then saying: ‘Where do all the robbers get in?’29 How could it be permissible for you to seek blessings from the numinous ghosts and spirits in this fashion?”30 49.12

魯祝以一豚祭，而求百福於鬼神。子墨子聞之曰：「是不 可，今施人薄而望人厚，則人唯恐其有賜於己也。今以一 豚祭，而求百福於鬼神，[鬼神]a 唯恐其以牛羊祀也。古者

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聖王事鬼神，祭而已矣。今以豚祭而求百福，則其富不如 其貧也。」

a. Sun Yirang.

The master of sacrifices in Lu offered in sacrifice one suckling pig and asked for a hundred blessings from the ghosts and spirits in return. When our Master Mozi heard of it, he said: “This is not permissible. Now if you present others with modest presents but expect generous presents in return, then they will come to fear your giving presents to them. Now if you offer one pig and seek therefrom a hundred blessings from the ghosts and spirits, this can only make the ghosts and spirits fear the prospect of the sacrifice of an ox or sheep. In antiquity when the sage-kings worshiped the ghosts and spirits, they performed the sacrifice but expected nothing. Now if you present a pig to seek a hundred blessings, you would be better off poor than rich.” 49.13

彭輕生子曰：「往者可知，來者不可知。」子墨子曰：「籍 設而親在百里之外，則遇難焉，期以一日也，及之則生， 不及則死。今有固車良馬於此，又有奴馬四隅之輪於此， 使子擇焉，子將何乘？」對曰：「乘良馬固車，可以速 至。」子墨子曰：「焉在 [不]a (矣GE>知 a 來！」

a. Lu Wenchao, Su Shixue.

Master Peng Qingsheng said: “What has occurred can be known; what is to come cannot be known.”31 Our Master Mozi commented: “Let us suppose that your parents were a hundred li away, that they had encountered some difficulty there, and that there was the interval of a single day in which if you reached them, they would live, and if you could not reach them, they would die. Now suppose that here was a sturdy wagon with a good horse and that there was a weak horse and a wagon with square wheels. If the choice between them was left to you, in which vehicle would you choose to ride?” He replied: “I would choose to ride in the sturdy wagon with the good horse, since using them I could get there quickly.” Our Master Mozi concluded: “How can you say that the future cannot be predicted?” 49.14

孟山譽王子閭曰：「昔白公之禍，執王子閭斧鉞鉤要，直兵 當心，謂之曰：『為王則生，不為王則死。』王子閭曰：『何 其侮我也！殺我親而喜我以楚國，我得天下而不義，不為

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也，又況於楚國乎？』遂而不為。王子閭豈不仁哉？」子 墨子曰：「難則難矣，然而未仁也。若以王為無道，則何 故不受而治也？若以白公為不義，何故不受王，誅白公然 而反王？故曰難則難矣，然而未仁也。」 Meng Shan praised Prince Lü, saying:32 “In the past, during the misfortunes associated with the duke of Bai, he took Prince Lü captive, hooked a battle-ax to the prince’s waist, and aimed a sword straight at his heart, saying: ‘If you become king, then you will live; if not, then you will die.’ Prince Lü replied: ‘How you insult me! You, who killed my brothers, now try to tempt me with the state of Chu. Though I obtain the whole world by being unrighteous, I would not do so, so how much less would I do that for the country of Chu!’ In consequence he did not become king. Was not Prince Lü indeed humane!”33 Our Master Mozi said: “’As for being difficult to do, it was indeed difficult, nonetheless he was not humane.’ If he thought that the king acted without the Way, then why did he not accept the offer and establish order? If he thought that the duke of Bai acted without moral principles, then why did he not accept the kingship, as king execute the duke of Bai, and then restore the true king? Thus I said, ‘As for being difficult to do, it was indeed difficult, nonetheless he was not humane.’” 49.15

子墨子使勝綽事項子牛。項子牛三侵魯地，而勝綽三從。 子墨子聞之，使高孫子請而退之曰： 「我使綽也，將以濟 驕而正嬖也。今綽也祿厚而譎夫子，夫子三侵魯，而綽 三從，是鼓鞭於馬靳也。翟聞之：『言義而弗行，是犯明 也。』綽非弗之知也，祿勝義也。」 Our Master Mozi sent Sheng Chuo to serve under Xiang Ziniu.34 Xiang Ziniu thrice made raids into the territory of Lu, and each time Sheng Chuo accompanied him.35 When our Master Mozi heard of it, he sent Master Gaosun to request that Xiang Ziniu dismiss him, saying:36 “I sent Chuo to temper arrogance and correct perversity. Now because of his generous emolument, Chuo panders to his master. Three times his master has made raids into Lu, and thrice Chuo has followed him. This is like inciting a horse to go forward by whipping him on the breast. I, Di, have learned that ‘to advocate righteousness but be unwilling to put it into practice is to commit an offense knowingly.’ It is not that Chuo is oblivious to this, but that his salary has trumped his sense of what is right.”37

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

49.16

昔者楚人與越人舟戰於江，楚人順流而進，迎流而退，見 利而進，見不利則其退難。越人迎流而進，順流而退，見 利而進，見不利則其退速，越人因此若埶，亟敗楚人。公 輸子自魯南游楚，焉始為舟戰之器，作為鉤 (強GE>鑲 a 之 備，退者鉤之，進者 (強GE>鑲 a 之，量其鉤 (強GE>鑲 a 之 長，而制為之兵，楚之兵節，越之兵不節，楚人因此若 埶，亟敗越人。公輸子善其巧，以語子墨子曰：「我舟戰 有鉤 (強GE>鑲 a，不知子之義亦有鉤 (強GE>鑲 a 乎？」子 墨子曰：「我義之鉤 (強GE>鑲 a，賢於子舟戰之鉤 (強GE> 鑲 a。我鉤 (強GE>鑲 a，我鉤之以愛，(揣GE> 攘 b 之以恭。 弗鉤以愛，則不親；弗 (揣GE> 攘 b以恭，則速狎；狎而不 親則速離。故交相愛，交相恭，猶若相利也。今子鉤而止 人，人亦鉤而止子，子 (強GE>鑲 a 而距人，人亦 (強GE> 鑲 a 而距子，交相鉤，交相 (強GE>鑲 a，猶若相害也。故我 義之鉤 (強GE>鑲 a，賢子舟戰之鉤 (強GE>鑲 a。」

a. Wang Huanbiao. b. JR; both 鑲 and 攘 were probably originally written 襄; Sun Yirang would emend to 拒; Wu Yujiang would emend to 強.

In the past when the troops of Chu engaged those of Yue in naval battles on the Yangzi River, the Chu troops followed the current in their advance but went against the current when they retreated. When they perceived advantage, they advanced. When they perceived themselves at a disadvantage, their retreat was difficult. The people of Yue had to go against the current whey they advanced but followed the current when they retreated. When they perceived advantage, they advanced. When they perceived themselves at a disadvantage, their retreat was swift. As a consequence of these circumstances, the troops of Yue inflicted numerous defeats on the troops of Chu. Master Gongshu38 traveled south from Lu to Chu. There he started to make implements for naval warfare and invented the arrest-and-repel devices.39 When the enemy was retreating, this device hooked them and arrested their movement; when the enemy advanced, it repelled them and kept them at a distance. Master Gongshu measured the length of the arrest-and-repel device and used this as a standard for making weapons. The weapons used by Chu were thus adapted to this standard, and those of the Yue forces were not.40 As a consequence of this new circumstance, the Chu forces frequently defeated the troops of Yue. Master Gongshu,

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who was proud of his ingenuity, accordingly informed our Master Mozi, saying: “In doing naval battle I have the arrest-and-repel device. I wonder whether in teaching your righteous doctrines, you, sir, also have an arrestand-repel device?” Master Mozi replied: “The arrest-and-repel device I use in teaching my righteous doctrines is worthier than the one you, sir, use in doing naval battle. With my arrest-and-repel device, I use love to hook them, and I use respectfulness to keep them from getting too close. If one does not hook them by using love, then they will feel no kinship; if one does not keep them from getting too close by using respectfulness, then they quickly become contemptuous. Where there is both a lack of kinship and contemptuousness, there is alienation. Interactions governed by mutual love and mutual respect are mutually beneficial. Now with your arresting device you can stop others from retreating, but they can also use it to stop you; with your resisting device you can keep others at a distance, but they can also keep you at a distance. Interractions governed by mutual arresting and mutual resisting are of mutual harm. This is why the arrest-and-repel device I use in teaching my righteous doctrines is worthier than the one you, sir, use in fighting your naval battles.” 49.17

公輸子削竹木以為䧿，成而飛之，三日不下，公輸子自以 為至巧。子墨子謂公輸子曰：「子之為鵲也，不如翟 a 之為 車轄。須臾 (劉GE>斲 b 三寸之木，而任五十石之重。故所 為功，利於人謂之巧，不利於人謂之拙。」

a. Wang Huanbiao, restoring reading in “old editions.” b. Wang Niansun.

Master Gongshu carved a magpie out of bamboo and wood. When he had finished he made it fly, and it stayed aloft three days without ever descending. Master Gongshu considered himself a supremely skillful artisan. Our Master Mozi told Master Gongshu: “Your making a magpie does not require as much skill as when I, Di, make the linchpin of a chariot.41 In a few minutes I can cut a three-inch piece of wood that will sustain a weight of fifty stones.42 Thus in considering craftsmanship, what is beneficial to others is called ‘skillful,’ while what is not beneficial to others is called ‘clumsy.’”43

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

49.18

公輸子謂子墨子曰：「吾未得見之時，我欲得宋，自我得 見之後，予我宋而不義，我不為。」子墨子曰：「翟之未 得見之時也，子欲得宋，自翟得見子之後，予子宋而不 義，子弗為，是我予子宋也。子務為義，翟又將予子天 下。」 Master Gongshu told our Master Mozi: “Before I met you, I wanted to take the state of Song. But since meeting you, even if I were offered Song, I would not take it if that involved doing the wrong thing.” Our Master Mozi commented: “If before you had met me, you wanted to take the state of Song, and after having met me, you would not take Song even if offered it, were that to involve doing the wrong thing, then I have in effect presented you with Song. If you strive to do the right thing, I, Di, will give you the whole world.”

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386

Master Gongshu Chapter 50 consists of the single story of Gongshu Ban’s making ladders to aid Chu’s attack on Song, thus prompting Mozi to go to Chu to offer a persuasion and to demonstrate that he could successfully defend any city Chu might choose to attack using Gongshu’s war machines. Master Gongshu’s dates are unclear; we do not know the date of the events described in chapter 50, nor the identity of the Chu king with whom Mozi is said to have had an audience. Most early sources say that Gongshu’s given name is Ban 般; the Mozi writes Pan 盤. Although the story is related to the Gongshu anecdotes in chapter 49, the present chapter is markedly different in content and structure from the previous chapter and the other three chapters of the “Mohist Analects.” The story told in chapter 50 has close parallels in The Annals of Lü Buwei, the Zhanguoce, and the Huainanzi. The version found in the treatise “Loving One’s Own Kind” in Lü Buwei’s Annals is clearly the closest in form and content to the Mozi version, though the two versions exhibit some significant differences. Chapter 50 is more detailed than “Loving One’s Own Kind,” and where the former has details not found in the latter, they generally concern points of Mohist philosophy. For example, when Mozi argues, in 50.1, that the state of Jing (i.e., Chu) will further reduce its already insufficient population by engaging in warfare whose purpose is to increase its already overabundant territory, he uses the formulaic language of the middle chapter of the “Condemn Aggression” triad. When in replying to a question posed by Mozi, the king of Chu uses the term “kleptomania” to describe stealing something of lesser value than what one already possesses, he echoes the metaphorical language employed to describe aggressors in chapters 14 and 28. In addition to these “Mohist” elements not found in the story as told in Lü’s Annals, it is also noteworthy that the latter has no parallel to the 50.3 account of the mock battle in which “Gongshu Pan nine times set up siege machinery to attack the city wall, and Mozi nine times repulsed him,” as well as Mozi’s claim that “my disciple Qin Guli and three hundred men armed with my own implements for defending the perimeter are stationed atop the walls of Song ready for the bandits from Chu.” Watanabe Takashi explains this disparity as an example of the Annals version’s editing out the more Mohist characteristics of the story in order to make it more compatible with the syncretic contents of Lü’s work.1 If Watanabe is correct in this, it suggests that chapter 50 dates to sometime in the third century but can be no later than the date of the composition of the tale that appears in The Annals of Lü Buwei. 1. Watanabe, Kodai Chūgoku, 541.

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387

公輸第五十 Chapter 50: Master Gongshu 50.1

公輸盤為楚造雲梯之械，成，將以攻宋。子墨子聞之，起 於齊 a，行十日十夜而至於郢，見公輸盤。公輸盤曰：「夫子 何命焉為？」子墨子曰：「北方有侮臣，願藉子殺之。」 公輸盤不說。子墨子曰：「請獻十金。」公輸盤曰：「吾義 固不殺人。」子墨子起，再拜曰：「請說之。吾從北方， 聞子為梯，將以攻宋。宋何罪之有？荊國有餘於地，而 不足於民，殺所不足，而爭所有餘，不可謂智。宋無罪而 攻之，不可謂仁。知而不爭，不可謂忠。爭而不得，不可 謂強。義不殺少而殺眾，不可謂知類。」公輸盤服。子墨 子曰：「然，(乎GE>胡 b 不已乎？」公輪盤曰：「不可。吾 既已言之王矣。」子墨子曰：「胡不見我於王？」公輸盤 曰：「諾」。 a. LSCQ 21/5 reads 自魯往 “left from Lu,” which reading Bi Yuan and others prefer. b. Sun Yirang.

Gongshu Pan invented the cloud-scaling ladders for the state of Chu.1 When they were finished, he was going to use them for an attack on the state of Song.2 When our Master Mozi heard of it, he set out from Qi, traveling ten days and ten nights in order to reach the Chu capital Ying to see Gongshu Pan. Gongshu Pan said: “What instructions does my Master have for me?” Our Master Mozi said: “Someone in the north has humiliated your subject, so he wishes your help in killing him.” Gongshu Pan was displeased. Our Master Mozi continued: “I beg to offer you ten measures of money to do it.” Gongshu Pan said: “My moral principles do not permit killing another.” Our Master Mozi rose up, bowed repeatedly, and said: “Allow me to offer an explanation. When I was in the north, I heard that you had made ladders that you intend to use to attack the state of Song. But of what is Song guilty? The state of Jing has an excess of territory and insufficient population.3 To destroy what it has in insufficiency in order to struggle for what it has in excess cannot be called wise.4 To attack Song, which is blameless, cannot be called humane. To know clearly that Song is blameless yet not to fight with your king about this cannot be called

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loyal. To fight with the king but not win cannot be called strength. If you hold to a moral principle that forbids killing a few men but permits killing a multitude, you cannot be called one who understands the differences in the categories of things.” Gongshu Pan acknowledged the force of his argument. Our Master Mozi continued: “If that is so, then why do you not stop it?” Gongshu Pan replied: “It cannot be done. I have already spoken with the king about the matter.” Our Master Mozi pressed: “Why then not present me to the king?” Gongshu Pan consented to this. 50.2

子墨子見王，曰：「今有人於此，舍其文軒，鄰有敝轝， 而欲竊之；舍其錦繡，鄰有短褐，而欲竊之；舍其粱肉， 鄰有穅糟，而欲竊之。此為何若人？」王曰：「必為竊疾 矣。」子墨子曰：「荊之地，方五千里，宋之地，方五百 里，此猶文軒之與敝轝也；荊有雲夢，犀兕麋鹿滿之，江 漢之魚黿鼉為天下富，宋所為無雉兔狐貍者也，此猶粱肉 之與穅糟也；荊有長松、文梓、楩枏、豫章，宋無長木， 此猶錦繡之與短褐也。臣以三事之攻宋也，為與此同類， 臣見大王之必傷義而不得。」王曰： 「善哉！雖然，公輸 盤為我為雲梯，必取宋。」 Our Master Mozi had an audience with the king, saying: “Now suppose there is a man who casts aside his painted and gilded carriage5 but wants to steal his neighbor’s worn-out sedan chair, or discards his brocaded and embroidered silk coat but wants to steal his neighbor’s short haircloth jacket, or throws away his own meat and millet but wants to steal his neighbor’s chaff and dregs. What kind of man would this be?” The king said: “He must be suffering from kleptomania.” Mozi continued: “The territory of Jing is five thousand li square, while the territory of Song is five hundred li square. This is like regarding a decorated carriage as equal to a worn-out sedan chair. Jing possesses the lands of Yunmeng where there are rhinoceros and deer in abundance. The fish, turtles, and crocodiles of the Yangzi and Han Rivers are the richest in the world. Song is said not to have even pheasants, hares, and foxes. This is like regarding meat and millet as equal to chaff and dregs. Jing has tall pines, beautifully grained catalpas, l­ aurel cedars, and camphor trees.6 The state of Song has no tall trees at all. This is like regarding fine embroidered and brocaded coats as equal to

Group 4. Condemn the Ru and the “Mohist Analects”

389

short haircloth jackets. Your servant has compared these three examples to attacking the state of Song to show your majesty that an attack on Song belongs to the same category. Your servant believes that you, Great King, are certain to do injury to moral precepts and yet obtain nothing by it.”7 The king replied: “Well argued indeed! But be that as it may, Gongshu Pan has made me the cloud-scaling ladders, so I am sure to take Song.” 50.3

於是見公輸盤，子墨子解帶為城，以牒為械，公輸盤九 設攻城之機變，子墨子九距之，公輸盤之攻械盡，子墨 子之守圉有餘。公輸盤詘，而曰：「吾知所以距子矣，吾 不言。」子墨子亦曰：「吾知子之所以距我，吾不言。」 楚王問其故，子墨子曰：「公輸子之意，不過欲殺臣。殺 臣，宋莫能守，可攻也。然臣之弟子禽滑釐等三百人， 已持臣守圉之器，在宋城上而待楚寇矣。雖殺臣，不能絕 也。」楚王曰：「善哉！吾請無攻宋矣。」 Our Master Mozi thereupon went to see Gongshu Pan. He took off his belt and laid it out as a city’s wall and used small slips of wood to make weapons. Gongshu Pan nine times set up siege machinery to attack the city wall and Mozi nine times repulsed him. When Gongshu Pan had exhausted his attack machines, Mozi’s defense of the perimeter still had other devices in reserve. Gongshu Pan was embarrassed by this and said: “I know what could be used to overcome your resistance, but I will not mention it.” Our Master Mozi also said: “I know what you could use to overcome my resistance, but I will not mention it.” The king of Chu asked what the reason was for their silence. Master Mozi replied: “Gongshu’s idea was nothing more than wishing to kill me, for if I were dead, then Song would have no one who could defend it, so it would be attacked. But the case is that my disciple Qin Guli8 and three hundred men armed with my own implements for defending the perimeter are stationed atop the walls of Song ready for the bandits from Chu. Even if you were to kill me, you would be unable to destroy Song’s defense.” The king of Chu said: “Well argued indeed! I really will not attack Song.”9

390

50.4

Mozi

子墨子歸，過宋，天雨，庇其閭中，守閭者不內也。故 曰：「治於神者，眾人不知其功，爭於明者，眾人知之。」 On his way home, our Master Mozi passed through Song. As it was raining, he sought shelter in a village gateway, but the officer guarding the gateway would not allow him entry. Thus it is said: “The masses do not recognize the accomplishments of one who puts things in order by spiritual means; they recognize only those who contend for things in the bright light of day.”10

Appendix A

A. C. Graham’s Division of the “Core Chapters” Angus Graham, in his Divisions in Early Mohism Reflected in the Core Chapters of Mo-tzu, proposes dividing twenty of the surviving twenty-three triad chapters of the Mozi into three groups. He bases his divisions largely on his analysis of differences in lexicon and the use of grammatical particles. Graham calls the groups the Y, H, and J series. He identifies their authorship in correspondence to the three branches of early Mohism mentioned in the Zhuangzi and Hanfeizi, and he describes their intended audiences: the Y series represents the teachings of a northern sect directed at “fellow thinkers” who oppose Mohist doctrines; the H series represents a northern sect whose teachings are directed at “princes and men of state”; the J series is associated with “Mohists of the South” and addresses southern rulers and thinkers. Having distinguished these three groups, Graham describes their philosophical differences. He characterizes chapters in the Y series as the most radical expressions of Mohist doctrine, those in the H series as somewhat more accommodating of political realities, and those of the J series as compromises determined by expediency. While the H and J series chapters rely on the authority of antiquity, the Y series chapters do not regard political problems as unchanging; they accordingly recommend the solutions of the sage-kings, not because they are ancient, but because they are wise. When Graham’s arguments are examined closely, it is evident that the divisions he draws are not as clear-cut and consistent as he claims. Especially problematic is his decision to separate chapters 14, 17, and 20 from the other core chapters and thus exclude them from consideration. And there are numerous examples of individual chapters that do not display the characteristics of the series to which Graham assigns them. Nevertheless, readers may find it helpful to consult Graham’s scheme in sorting out the textual and philosophical complexities of the triad chapters. Because the original monograph is not widely accessible, the series divisions are reproduced here.

Mozi

392

Table 4: A. C. Graham’s Series Divisions   Y Series

  H Series

  J Series

  8 Exalt the Worthy (Upper)

  9 Exalt the Worthy (Middle)

10 Exalt the Worthy (Lower)

11 Exalt Conformity (Upper)

12 Exalt Conformity (Middle)

13 Exalt Conformity (Lower)

15 Impartial Love (Middle)

16 Impartial Love (Lower)

18 Condemn Aggression (Middle)

19 Condemn Aggression (Lower)

21 Moderate Consumption (Middle) X

22 X 25 Moderate Burials (Lower)

X

26 Heaven’s Will (Upper) [and 17 Condemn Aggression (Upper)]* X

27 Heaven’s Will (Middle)

28 Heaven’s Will (Lower)

31 Explaining Ghosts (Lower)

X

X

32 Condemn Music (Upper)

X

35 Condemn Fatalism (Upper)

37 Condemn Fatalism (Lower)

36 Condemn Fatalism (Middle)

*Missing chapters are indicated by an X, with the exception of chapter 22, which, though missing, Graham was certain would have belonged to his H series. Graham does not include chapter 17, “Condemn Aggression (Upper),” in his analysis because he considers it the misplaced conclusion to chapter 26. He also excludes chapter 14, “Impartial Love (Upper),” and chapter 20, “Moderate Consumption (Upper),” which he dismisses as digests.

Appendix B

An Excavated Mohist Fragment in the Shanghai Museum

In 1994, with the help of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, the Shanghai Museum bought on the Hong Kong antique market over twelve hundred bamboo strips that had in all likelihood been unearthed from a late Warring States tomb in the vicinity of Jingzhou 景州, in Hubei Province—the same area of the Guodian 郭店 site that has yielded a large number of bamboo strips identified with the ancient state of Chu. The Shanghai Museum strips have also been identified with ancient Chu and have been published in Shanghai bowu­ guan cang Zhanguo Chu zhushu 上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書, edited by Ma Chengyuan 馬承源. Volume 5 contains photographs of five bamboo strips of a fragmentary manuscript whose contents bear a resemblance to the Mohist doctrine concerning ghosts and spirits. Volume editors have assigned it the title “Guishen zhi ming 鬼神之明.” The transcription and accompanying notes are the work of Cao Jinyan 曹錦炎, who has published a separate study of the fragment, “Shanghai bowuguan cang Chu zhushu Mozi yiwen 上海博物館藏楚 竹書《墨子》佚文” in the journal Wenwu 文物 in 2006. (Perkins, “Moist Criticism,” 431, also discusses the fragment.) Because of damage to the strips, an indeterminate amount of the first part of the text is missing; what survives appears reasonably complete. The following is Cao’s transcribed and edited version of the fragment (with minor changes in transcription by the present author marked with an asterisk) and a translation into English. 今夫鬼神有所明有所不明，則以其賞善罰暴也。昔者堯 舜禹湯，仁義聖智，天下灋之。此以貴為天子，富有天 下，長年有譽*，後世遂之。則鬼神之賞，此明矣。及 桀紂*幽厲，焚聖人，殺訐者，賊百姓，亂邦家。此以 桀 折 於 鬲 山 ， 而 紂 *首 於 岐 社 ， 身 不 沒 為 天 下 笑 。 則 鬼 [神 之 罰 ， 此 明 ]矣 。 及 伍 子 胥 者 ， 天 下 之 聖 人 也 ，

Mozi

394

鴟夷而死。榮夷公者，天下之亂人也，長年而沒。汝 以 此 詰 之 ， 則 善 者 或 不 賞 ， 而 暴 [者 或 不 罰 ]。 故 吾 因 嘉鬼神不明，則必有故。其力能至焉而弗爲乎吾弗知 也。意其力固*不能至焉乎吾或弗知也。此兩者歧，吾 故[曰鬼神有]所明，有所不明。此之謂乎 Now as for the statement “Ghosts and spirits observe some things clearly, and others they do not”—this is based on their rewarding the good and punishing the violent. In the past, Yao, Shun, Yu, and Tang were humane, righteous, sagely, and wise, and the world took them as models. Because of this, they were “ennobled as the Sons of Heaven and enriched so that they possessed the world,” enjoyed fine reputations during their long lives, and later generations succeeded them. It is clear that these were the rewards bestowed by the ghosts and spirits. As for Jie, Zhou, You, and Li, they burned sages, murdered those who opposed them, slaughtered the common people, and brought ruin to their states and noble families. Because of this, Jie was broken in two at Mount Li, and Zhou’s head was suspended at the altar of Qi. They did not live full lifespans and were ridiculed by the world. It is clear that these were the punishments brought about by the ghosts and spirits. As for Wu Zixu, he was one of the most sagely men in the world, yet he was stuffed into a sack and died. Duke Yi of Rong was one of the most disruptive men in the world, yet he died after enjoying a long life. If you inquire into the matter on this basis, then we see that some who are good are not rewarded, and some who are violent are not punished. Do I then because of this commend the view that ghosts and spirits did not observe things clearly? There must be a reason. Were their powers able to reach them [Wu Zixu and Duke Yi of Rong] although they did not act? I do not know. Or were their powers inherently unable to reach them? I do not know. These two alternatives are what I meant when I said, “Ghosts and spirits observe some things clearly, and others they do not.” There are similarities between this fragment and the text of the Mozi. Most obvious are parallels with passages in chapter 31 of the “Explaining Ghosts” triad that are concerned with the “sharp vision of the ghosts and spirits” (鬼 神之明), that is, with their perceptiveness and the rewards and punishments they deliver on the basis of what they perceive (e.g., 31.12). There are as well some close similarities in the formulaic language of the Mozi and the Shanghai Museum manuscript. Both list the virtuous founders of ruling houses (Yao,

Appendix B

395

Shun, Yu, and Tang) and the villainous “last rulers” ( Jie, Zhou, You, and Li) who brought their lineages to an end. The latter list occurs in the Mozi at 9.4, 10.7, 25.11, 27.4, 27.8, 28.4, 37.2, 37.4, 47.3, and 48.7; the former, at 8.7, 9.2, 10.1, 10.4, 25.3, 25.11, 27.8, 28.2, 31.5, and 47.3 (in all except 9.4, the names of the two founding kings of the Zhou, Wen and Wu, are also included, for a total of six virtuous rulers). Another point of similarity is the formulaic phrase “they were ennobled as the Sons of Heaven and enriched so that they possessed the world” (貴為天子 富有天下). This occurs in the Mozi at 5.4, 19.2, 25.10, 26.4, 27.8, 31.12 (twice), 31.13 (twice), and 37.2. In over half these occurrences, nobility and wealth are described, not as rewards from ghosts and spirits, but as that which the evil rulers once possessed and then lost. It should also be noted that the phrase occurs twice in Zhuangzi, in 29, “Dao Zhi 盜跖,” at 9B.1003 and 9B.1009. The occurrence of the personal pronouns wu 吾, “I,” and ru 汝, “you,” in the fragment suggest that it is part of a dialogue. The identities of the speakers and the initial statements that prompted the unnamed speaker’s reply were presumably present in the missing section that would have opened the manuscript. In the Mozi there are two dialogues between Mozi and a disciple that involve the perceptiveness of the ghosts and spirits: 48.14 and 48.15. In the former, an unnamed disciple questions whether they are perceptive since they have failed to reward him for his efforts. Mozi replies that the questioner should examine his own worthiness rather than question the capabilities of the spirits. In 48.15, a disciple named Die Bi questions their perceptiveness since Mozi is sick and the virtuous should not be punished. Mozi replies that there are many causes of illness besides the ghosts and spirits. The reply given by the speaker in the fragment differs from both responses, in that it concedes the possibility that the behavior of Wu Zixu and Duke Yi of Rong might have escaped the scrutiny of the ghosts—a concession completely at odds with the characterization of the ghosts and spirits as all-knowing and all-seeing in chapter 31 and elsewhere in the Mozi. Nevertheless, given other parallels in content and language with the Mozi, it is possible that the Shanghai Museum manuscript is, like 48.14 and 48.15, the record of a conversation between Mozi and a follower, and that the unidentified speaker is Mozi. The inclusion of the manuscript in a cache of bamboo strips from a tomb in the area of Chu is not surprising, in light of the frequent references in the Mozi and other early sources to the activities of Mohists in Chu. This does not necessarily mean, however, that we should identify the manuscript as a previously lost fragment of the text of the Mozi, as Cao proposes. Although it might be the sort of textual material that Liu Xiang would have included in the book that is ancestral to the received Mozi, there is no evidence that he did so.

Appendix C

Master Yi versus Master Meng*

Some of Mozi’s second- and third-generation followers were as active as he and his first-generation disciples apparently had been in attempting to spread the word of his teachings and convince opponents of their rightness and efficacy. An example is Yi Zhi 夷之, who sometime toward the end of the fourth century b.c.e. sought an audience with the probably more senior and better established Mengzi. Mengzi politely but firmly turned Yi Zhi away initially, but Yi Zhi persisted and, after much self-righteous harrumphing by Mengzi about his duty to set Yi Zhi straight, an argument took place on another day through an intermediary, Xu Bi 徐辟. That argument constitutes Mengzi 3A5, a passage that thus sheds light on how Mohist doctrine—during what Watanabe has identified as the middle period in the development of pre-Qin Mohist thought—was perceived and responded to by its Ru adversaries.1 Mengzi begins by aggressively accusing Yi Zhi of having provided his parents with a lavish burial, thus treating them in a fashion that Yi Zhi should demean, since Mohists emphasize frugal burials. Mengzi is of course being ironic.2 But at the heart of his criticism is not the petty accusation that Yi Zhi has provided his parents with a lavish burial contrary to Mohist practices on moderation but the serious charge that he has treated his parents with favoritism and partiality contrary to the Mohist practices of altruism and treating others impartially. Thus whereas Mohist teachings on the need for frugality in burials had obviously registered with Mengzi, his main philosophical target in 3A5, as elsewhere in the Mengzi where he addresses Mohist thought, is the doctrine of jian’ai, “impartial love.”3 *  Riegel no longer stands by the analysis of Mengzi 3A5 in appendix C but recommends that those interested in that passage refer to his article “A Root Split in Two: Mengzi 3A5 Reconsidered,” Asia Major, 3rd ser., 28.1 (2015): 37–59. 1.  Mengzi zhushu, 5B.101–2. 2.  Robins, “The Moists,” 395, appears to have missed the ironic nature of Mengzi’s comment and argues that Mengzi is literally accusing Yi Zhi of being unfilial to his parents. 3. See Mengzi 3B9 and 7A26; cf. also the Introduction herein 29.

Appendix C

397

Yi Zhi replies, via Xu Bi, that, “According to the Way of the Ru, ‘the men of antiquity [treated others] as though they were protecting a newborn child.’4 What this means is that they loved others without gradation but extended it to them starting from their own parents.” In responding to Mengzi’s accusation that he has acted contrary to the Mohist practice of treating others impartially by favoring his own parents, Yi Zhi makes two points: first, he says that the old Ru teaching about how rulers in antiquity protected all their people as they would a child shows that maxims the Ru esteem advocate the impartial love of others; second, Yi Zhi claims that the familial connections one has with one’s own parents are the shi 始, “starting point,” for the ungraded love of others, hence his providing them with a lavish burial. When Xu Bi communicates this response to Mengzi, he replies with regard to Yi Zhi’s first point that the old Ru teaching has nothing to do with the Mohist conception of impartial love of others: “Does Master Yi truly regard someone’s affection for his nephew as equal to his affection for a neighbor’s newborn child? He is selecting a case like the following: a newborn child, crawling about, is on the verge of falling into a well; this is not due to any fault of the child.” Mengzi’s argument is that the concern one shows to an unrelated child is not a reflection of a more generalized impartial affection for others but rather is a natural reaction to the special and extraordinary circumstances in which one witnesses a living being that innocently and unknowingly is in imminent danger of losing its life. Mengzi uses the same example of a child about to fall into a well, at Mengzi 2A6, as an illustration of his claim that all people possess a heart that commiserates with others and cannot bear to witness their suffering.5 In Mengzi 1A7, he uses as another illustration the case of King Xuan of Qi 齊宣王 who freed an ox bound for sacrificial slaughter because he could not stand to see its fearful shivering “like an innocent man being led off to execution.”6 These are extraordinary circumstances when our concern for others does not depend on their relationship to us; indeed, it may extend even to animals. Mengzi points out that our humane impulses naturally behave this way—irrespective of public approbation or any other consideration—when we are confronted by the suffering of the completely innocent. In 2A6 Mengzi labels these impulses ren zhi duan 仁之端, “the first shoots of humaneness,” and in 1A7 he characterizes their manifestations as ren shu 仁術, “the workings of humaneness.” But, as Mengzi makes clear in his rhetorical question, that does not mean, under the normal 4.  Yi Zhi is quoting from an old Zhou document that may or may not have been transmitted in its entirety in the Book of Documents. The passage is now found in Shangshu zhushu, “Kang gao 康誥,” 14.202. 5.  Mengzi zhushu, 3B.65–66. 6.  Mengzi zhushu, 1B.21–22.

Mozi

398

c­ ircumstances in which we express concern and affection, that we do not naturally favor those, like our nephew, over those who are not related to us. Mengzi’s reply to Yi Zhi’s second point is inspired by the Mohist claim that his ungraded concern for others has as its “starting point” his own parents. Mengzi argues that in identifying his parents as a “starting point,” Yi Zhi is creating a second ben 本, “root,” or “foundation,” for moral acts in addition to the “one root” that Heaven has supplied to all living things. Drawing another example from the burial provided to parents, Mengzi illustrates what he means by the “one root” bestowed by Heaven: We may suppose that, in the earliest generations, there were those who did not bury their parents. When their parents died they lifted their corpses and consigned them to an open ditch. Passing by on another day, when foxes and raccoon dogs were eating the corpses and flies and gnats sucking on them, their brows perspired and they averted their eyes. They were not perspiring because of what others might think. It was because what was in their innermost hearts was conveyed by their countenance and eyes. And, we may suppose, they returned home for baskets and shovels with which to cover them. If covering them was genuinely right, when filial children and humane people now cover the bodies of their parents, they must also possess the Way. The “one root” that Heaven grants to people, according to Mengzi, is a heart that when confronted by the sight of the abuse suffered by the corpses of one’s own parents is shamed into covering them from view.7 Here the promptings are not those of commiseration and concern of the sort that occurs when one sees an innocent child about to fall into a well or an unknowing animal led off to slaughter—that is, the feelings related to humaneness—but rather those of xiu wu 羞惡, “shame and disgust” that are, according to Mengzi 2A6, the yi zhi duan 義之端, “the first shoots of propriety.” But no matter the particular promptings, it is the heart that is for Mengzi the single foundation for our moral acts. Yi Zhi, however, has a second “root” that informs his treatment of others: his parents.8 How exactly this foundation influences the Mohists’ treatment of 7.  Nivison, “Two Roots or One?,” 134, comes to this same conclusion and is followed by Shun, Mencius and Early Chinese Thought, 134. 8.  Nivison, “Two Roots or One?,” 134, identifies Yi Zhi’s second “root” as philosophical doctrine (yan 言), but he has overlooked the significance of Yi Zhi’s use of the synonymous shi, “starting point,” the term that prompted Mengzi’s use of ben, “root,” and his desire to distinguish between Heaven’s “root” and the one that Yi Zhi has created. Shun, Mencius and Early Chinese Thought, 127–35, largely agrees with Nivison’s argumentation but does not identify Yi Zhi’s second “root” except to say, on p. 134, that it is “a conception of the proper way of life” that is something other than, and independent of, the emotional resources of the heart.

Appendix C

399

others is not, of course, elaborated upon in the text of the Mengzi. The text’s earliest commentator, Zhao Qi 趙岐 (d. 201), explains that Yi Zhi’s second “root” consists of “以他人之親與己親等” (putting the parents of ­others on the same level as his own parents).9 Zhao seems to be suggesting that Yi Zhi’s method was to use one’s experience in one’s family—for example, the respect and filial care that one shows to parents—as a basis for how to treat o­ thers who, like one’s parents, are older than oneself, extending to them, because of their analogous status, the forms of respect and filial care. Yi Zhi’s moral network, radiating out from his own family and including the parents of others he has encountered, is held together by his recognition of a similarity of status between his own parents and the parents of others. It is a mental construct fashioned from a calculus that assumes that the treatment given to elders in one’s own family could and should, for the sake of the larger community, be used to embrace the elders in the families of others. Absent from Yi Zhi’s calculations, however, is the heart that lies at the center of Mengzi’s ethics: the heart whose natural promptings are what caused people originally to bury the dead and continue to provide the moral justification for how the humane and filial treat their parents after they have died; promptings that, whether he acknowledges them or not, ultimately lie behind the favoritism he showed his parents when he gave them a lavish burial. When Xu Bi delivers Mengzi’s criticisms to Yi Zhi, pointing out to him that he has replaced the “root” created by Heaven with another of his own making, the Mohist “looked at a loss for a moment and then said, ‘I have received instruction.’” Readers of the Mengzi interpret this to mean that Mengzi had convinced Yi Zhi to abandon his Mohist ways. It is possible to read the passage as one in which Mengzi’s only success was in defining with great clarity the enormous differences that separated the roots of Mohist ethics from his own.

9.  Mengzi zhushu, 5B.102.

Additional Notes

Chapter 1 1. According to Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 1, the order of quotations from the

Mozi in the Yilin 意林 of Ma Zong 馬總 (d. 823) confirms that “Qinshi” appeared as the first chapter in the editions of the Mozi circulating in Tang and pre-Tang times. We can, in fact, trace the evidence for the position of the chapter back to the late fifth and early sixth centuries, since we know, from its two Tang dynasty prefaces, that the Yilin was a Tang abridgment of the Zichao 子抄 compiled by Yu Zhongrong 庾仲容 (476–549).

1.1 2. Shi, translated here and occasionally elsewhere in the text as “gentlemen,”

has in fact a broad range of meanings that, though related, cannot be captured adequately by a single English word. In the present context, as well as in 8.6 and 8.7, it refers to those who are capable, similar to (and in the Mozi sometimes linked with) the xian 賢—individuals deemed “worthy” because of their capability and steadfastness. Elsewhere shi refers to those expected to study and cultivate learning; see, for example, 5.2B. Whether known for their learning or specialized skills, the “gentlemen” were most likely drawn from the lower ranks of the aristocracy; that is, they were born into the social strata above the common people but beneath the families that possessed the hereditary right to rule and hold office. This sense of shi is illustrated in 26.3. But this same passage and another at 8.6 demonstrate that shi referred, not only to the social status of the gentlemen, but also to their relative positions in government as the officials most directly responsible for governing the common people. See also Bodde, “The State and Empire of Ch’in,” 28: “Most of the upstarts probably came from that lower fringe of the aristocracy known as gentlemen (shi)—men of good birth but without titles of nobility, who served as warriors, officials, and supervisors in the state governments and noble households, or who lived on the land which in some cases they may even have cultivated themselves.” As Bodde notes, warriors, soldiers, or “knights” were also referred

402

Mozi

to as shi. This use of the term—perhaps earlier than its other meanings—is seen at 18.5A and 18.5B. 1.2 3. Duke Wen of Jin (r. 636–628), Duke Huan of Qi (r. 685–643), and King

Goujian of Yue (r. 491–465) were three of the five famous lords protector (wu bo 五伯 or wu ba 五霸). In the present text they are grouped together as examples of individuals who overcame great adversity to rise to the highest positions of power in their respective states. All five are named in 3.2C, four of the five are mentioned together in 48.2, and three of the five are referred to in 16.10. Otherwise they are not mentioned individually or as part of a group anywhere else in the Mozi. We should perhaps see chapters 1, 3, and 48 as bearing some relation to one another and as dating roughly to the same period. King Fuchai of Wu (r. 495–473) was responsible for the great defeat of Yue, but later, having listened to slander, he sought peace with King Goujian, which led to his country’s destruction and his own suicide. 4. The formula (太上 . . . 其次) by which this sentence expresses a hierarchy of preferences is found nowhere else in the Mozi, but it is typical of the language of The Annals of Lü Buwei. See LSCQ 3.159, 7.401, 13.705, 14.817, 16.1003, 19.1270, and 25.1636. 1.3 5. The preceding two sentences are similar to 49.7B, where Mozi defines a loyal

minister as one who, “when his lord is at fault, will remonstrate with him at just the right moment and, when he himself has good advice to offer, lays plans with his superior without presuming to inform outsiders of it.” 6. The “Daxue 大學” (10.12) has a similar saying that it attributes to a “document of Chu”: “The kingdom of Chu does not consider such things treasures; rather, only good men does it consider treasures” (楚書曰楚國無以為寶 惟善以為寶). See Liji 60.987. 1.4 7. The preceding two phrases have a close parallel at Zhuangzi, “Shanmu 山木,”

7A.680.

8. Tortoise shells were used in divination; snakes were ritually exposed to the sun

when rain was sought. Huainanzi, “Qisu 齊俗,” 11.349 (Major, Huainanzi, 401), observes that a particular type of black snake was more effective than oxen of a single color in sacrifices to break spring droughts. Chunqiu fanlu, 74

Additional Notes

403

“Qiuyu 求雨,” 16.399, describes how rain was summoned by a shamaness. See also Schafer, “Ritual Exposure.” 9. Bigan was an uncle, or perhaps older brother, of the Shang king Zhou, who had Bigan’s heart cut out for criticizing him. 10. It is said that Meng Ben possessed such strength and audacity that he pulled the horns from the head of an ox. Since he was a contemporary of King Wu of Qin 秦武王 (r. 310–307), whom he outlived—and thus lived well after Mozi—this reference to his death must have been added no earlier than the third century. 11. Xishi was a famous beauty given by King Goujian of Yue to King Fuchai of Wu, who could not resist her charms. The dissipation for which she was responsible ultimately resulted in Fuchai’s demise. 12. Wu Qi was a great general of Wei and Chu. Forced to leave Wei, he went to Chu, where King Dao 楚悼王 (r. 401–381) entrusted him with a major reform of the government. When the king died, Wu Qi was cruelly executed by envious rivals. Because it is doubtful that Mozi lived long enough to witness Wu Qi’s execution, Sun Yirang suggests that the phrase describing it was added by Mozi’s disciples. 13. This saying is similar to phrases found at Laozi 30.122 and 55.226 as well as at LSCQ, “Bozhi 博志,” 24.1618 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 617). 1.5 14. That is, the sage regards no one as too lowly to be treated with propriety;

adopting the interpretation of Cao Yaoxiang, as cited by Wang Huanbiao.

15. The text of this paragraph has close parallels at Laozi 66.266 and Zhuangzi, 25

“Zeyang 則陽,” 8B.909 (Graham, Chuang Tzu, 151). 16. The yi was an ancient measure of silver equivalent to twenty to twenty-four ounces. The white fur of the fox comes from under its legs and was prized for its lightness and warmth. 17. The Chinese text as it stands does not make good sense. Several emendations have been proposed. This translation adopts the proposals of Wang Huanbiao. 18. The reference to “the Way of an altruistic king” is related to the 16.5 description of the words and conduct of an “impartial lord.” 19. The preceding couplet is identified in 16.9 as part of an “ode of Zhou.” A similar couplet is found in the Book of Songs, in the poem “Dadong 大東” (Mao 203); see Maoshi zhengyi 13A.437.

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Chapter 2 1. The phrase xiushen, “cultivate the self,” occurs at 39.6B, in what appears to

be a quotation from Ru teachings on “the Way of the superior man.” The 47.9B occurrence of a similar phrase, xiu qi shen 修其身, also appears to be a ­purposeful borrowing from the vocabulary of the detested “superior men of our age.”

2.1 2. Teachings that closely parallel this paragraph are found in Shuoyuan, “Jianben

建本,” 3.1a, and Kongzi jiayu, “Liuben 六本,” 4.35, where they are attributed to Kongzi. 3. The preceding two sentences have a close parallel at Da Dai liji, “Zengzi jibing 曾子疾病,” 5.61.

Chapter 3 1. During the textual transmission of the Mozi, chapter 3 suffered considerable

damage. This was partly caused by faulty comparisons between its contents and the version of the chapter found in the LSCQ. As a result, the two versions share many textual problems. The damage suffered by the chapter occurs in the introductory and concluding sentences to each paragraph. These introductions have been emended to correspond more appropriately with the content of the paragraph that follows. The form of the introductory sentences is “It is not only to X that this applies, for Y as well can be influenced by ‘dyes.’” The emendations involve substituting for X the appropriate preceding reference and for Y, the topic discussed in the paragraph to follow. The form of the concluding sentence is “Whenever men are held up for their X, the example of these [number of ] Y is certain to be cited.” Such emendations to the text are indicated by when the material has been moved from elsewhere in the text and by brackets [ ] for reconstructed passages with any part unreconstructable indicated by ellipsis points [. . .]. Material omitted from the text is indicated by (. . .). Throughout the additional notes to this Mozi chapter, I refer to the LSCQ parallels by citing only the paragraph numbers in the Knoblock and Riegel translation. Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi, 15, recognizes that the Mozi and LSCQ versions of the chapter share similar textual problems, but he asserts that the chapter was borrowed into the LSCQ from the Mozi. He assumes, without further reflection, that the chapter was part of a book Mozi that predates the

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LSCQ, and he pays slight attention to the anachronisms that make his argument implausible. That Mozi is said to have tan, “sighed,” when uttering the teaching that opens the chapter exposes an ambiguity. Was he marveling at the dyeing process or lamenting it? This chapter and the LSCQ take it to be the former. But there is a well-attested tradition, recorded in Huainanzi, “Shuolin 說林,” 17.583 (Major, Huainanzi, 708), that says: “When Mozi saw undyed silk he sobbed because it could become black or yellow.” The same passage says that Yangzi, with whom Mozi is contrasted in the Mengzi, “cried when he came to a crossroads because one could go either north or south.” LSCQ, “Yi si 疑 似,” 22.1497 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 573), says that “Mozi cried when he came upon a split in the road [for one could go either north or south].” It appears that both are worried about the consequences of making a mistaken decision that cannot be subsequently corrected. 3.1 2. According to He Xiu’s commentary to the Gongyang zhuan, Yin 11, 3.42, zi

子, “our master,” added before the family name marks the individual as one’s teacher. Those whose names are not preceeded by zi were the teachers of others. The interpretation is confirmed by the Zhang commentary to Liezi, “Tianrui 天瑞,” 1.1, where Liezi is referred to as zi Liezi, “our Master Lie.”

3.2A 3. Xuyou and Boyang were ancient worthies to whom Yao offered the empire;

each refused it. 4. Gaoyao was Yu’s minister of justice and would have been his chosen successor, but Gaoyao predeceased Yu. His name also occurs later, in 9.7E. Bo Yi assisted Yu in taming the waters of the deluge. His name is also mentioned in 8.6. 5. Yi Yin was Tang’s chief minister. He is also referred to as Yi Zhi 伊摯. He is mentioned later, in 9.6 and 10.3. Zhong Hui was another of Tang’s ministers. 6. The “Grand Duke” is Grand Duke Lü Wang 太公呂望, an important general who assisted King Wen and played a significant role in the conquest. 3.2B 7. Ganxin was one of Jie’s evil ministers. Tuichi was also one of Jie’s evil min-

isters. He was also known for his extraordinary physical strength. The second graph of this form of his name is written 侈 in other ancient sources. He is also called Tuichi Daxi 推哆大戲 in the Mozi. The same figure is called Tuiyi Daxi 推移大犧 at LSCQ 8/3.2, and he is probably the same as

406

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Qizhong the Rong 岐踵戎, who is said at LSCQ 2/4.2B to have been an evil influence on Jie. 8. The marquis of Chong was one of Zhou’s villainous subjects. His given name is said to have been Hu 虎, “Tiger,” which suggests he possessed great physical strength. Wu Lai was one of Zhou’s villainous ministers; he too was famous for his physical strength. 9. By neither form of the name—Li gong Zhangfu 厲公長父 as in the Mozi or Guo gong Zhangfu 虢公長父 as in the LSCQ—is this individual easily identified. The Zhushu jinian mentions Guo gong Zhangfu as having commanded an unsuccessful expedition against the Huai Yi in the third year of King Li. See Guben zhushu jinian jizheng, 251. However, the passage is likely a spurious borrowing into the text from Hou Hanshu, “Dong Yi liezhuan 東夷列傳,” 85.2808. He is perhaps to be identified with the Guo gong Zhangfu 郭公長 父 mentioned in Xunzi, 25 “Chengxiang 成相,” 18.579 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:184) as having “caused difficulties” that “forced King Li of the Zhou to flee to Zhi,” but nothing further is known of these “difficulties.” 10. Nothing further is known of Yi, the duke of Fu. The parallel text at LSCQ 2/4.2B reads “Duke Gu of Guo” (虢公鼓), who is identified by Sun Yirang and Chen Qiyou as Guo Shifu 虢石父, a figure mentioned at Guoyu, “Zhengyu 鄭語,” 16.518. 11. Nothing further is known of a figure by this name. The parallel passage in LSCQ 2/4.2B gives the name as “Dun, the duke of Zhai” (祭公敦). Zhai was a state within the royal domain of Zhou that was used to enfeoff the younger son of the Duke of Zhou after Duke Wen became hereditary minister in Zhou. This duke of Zhai would presumably have been an ancestor of Earl Lai of Zhai (祭伯來), mentioned in Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Yin 1.6, 2.33 and 2.40. 3.2C 12. Guan Zhong was the famous minister to Duke Huan of Qi. He is credited

with reforming his state and making the duke one of the five lords protector of the realm. He is usually cited as a good influence on Duke Huan and is sometimes referred to by the honorific Zhongfu 仲父. Bao Shu, also known as Bao Shuya 鮑叔牙, was the Qi nobleman who recommended to Duke Huan that Guan Zhong be appointed prime minister of Qi. 13. Uncle Fan is Zifan, Prince Fan, an uncle of Chong’er 重耳, Duke Wen of Jin. His name is also written 咎犯. Gao Yan is Guo Yan 郭偃, the Jin nobleman called Diviner Yan 卜偃 in the Zuozhuan and Guoyu. 14. Sunshu Ao was a devoted chief minister to King Zhuang. His tireless efforts on behalf of Chu are referred to in LSCQ 2/3.4 He is also identified with Wei

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Ailie 蒍艾獵 and Wei Ao 蒍敖. See Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Xuan 11.1, 22.383, and 12.2, 23.390. The magistrate of Shen is mentioned several times in the LSCQ, but a different form of his given name is used at each occurrence. He is presumed to be a contemporary of Sunshu Ao and a grand officer who served in the court of King Zhuang. 15. Wu Yun was the famous Chu nobleman also known as Wu Zixu 伍子胥. After his father was killed by King Ping of Chu 楚平王, he fled to Wu, where he helped King Helü attack Chu. When King Helü would not heed his advice to attack Yue, Wu Zixu committed suicide. His story was extremely popular and influential in antiquity. The LSCQ refers to him in a dozen different passages. He is not mentioned again in the Mozi. Nothing further is known of Wen Yi, called Wen Zhi Yi 文之義 in the parallel LSCQ 2/4. 16. Fan Li was the Yue nobleman who helped King Goujian destroy the state of Wu. 17. A Yue nobleman also called Wen Ziqin 文子禽. 3.2D 18. Fan Jiyi, also known as Viscount Zhao of Fan (范照子), was the scion of a

Jin noble family who was active during the early fifth century. The state of Jin was at this time under the authority of the “six families”: the Zhao 趙, Wei 魏, Han 韓, Fan 范, and two branches of the Xun 荀 family, the Zhonghang 中行 and the Zhi 智. In 497 a civil war broke out with the Zhao, Wei, Han, and Zhi families on one side and the Zhonghang and Fan families, supported by the marquis of Qi and the Zhou king, on the other; Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ding 13.2, 56.981–82. The first stage of the civil war ended in 490, with the destruction of the Fan and Zhonghang clans. 19. Wang Xing served in the household of the Fan clan of Jin. In parallel text at LSCQ 2/4.2D his name is given as Wang Sheng 王生. Zhang Liushuo also served in the Fan household. Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ai 5.1, 57.1000, suggests that though he and Wang Xing were enemies, they were both loyal ministers to the Fan clan. 20. Zhonghang Yin was also known as Viscount Wen of Xun 荀文子. The Zhonghang family took its name from the military post “commander of the central army” (zhonghang), held by its founder. 21. Jiqin, or Huang Jiqin 黃籍秦, was a household minister of the Zhonghang family of Jin. He was sent on a mission to royal Zhou in 503 (Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ding 7.6, 55.962) and in 497 was marshal of the First Army while it laid siege to Handan (Ding 13.2, 56.981). Gao Qiang was also steward to the Zhonghang family.

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Mozi

22. Wangsun Luo and Grand Steward Pi (or Bo Pi 伯嚭) were important figures

at the court of King Fuchai of Wu. Bo Pi was descended from a ministerial family in the state of Jin, which was forced to flee first to Chu and then to Wu. In an important turn of events, Bo Pi convinced Fuchai to turn his attention to Qi rather than Yue. Disregarding the advice of Wu Zixu, Fuchai heeded Bo Pi; this eventually led to the destruction of Wu by Yue. 23. When the first phase of the civil war in Jin ended in 490, the heads of the Zhao and Zhi families were roughly equal in power, but when Zhao Yang 趙鞅, Viscount Jian 簡子, died, Earl Yao, also known as Viscount Xiang 襄子, became the most powerful figure in Jin. He tried to unify the whole of Jin under his authority by expelling the reigning marquis and replacing him with an infant under his sole control. He then pressed the other families to hand over their share of the Zhonghang and Fan properties, which had been divided in 458. Only the Zhao family refused. Assisted by the Han and Wei families, Earl Yao laid siege to the Zhao stronghold at Handan. When a quick victory could not be had, the Han and Wei united with the Zhao in opposition to Earl Yao. In 453 he was assassinated, his family annihilated, and his territories were divided among the Zhao, Wei, and Han. Subsequently all pretense that the Jin state still existed was dropped. The Zhou king recognized the three families as independent lords in 424. 24. Zhi Guo is also known as Earl Guo of Zhi. He served in the household of Earl Yao of Zhi. Zhang Wu also served in the household of Earl Yao of Zhi. 25. Zhongshan Shang was the ruler of the state of Zhongshan. Perhaps, as Sun Yirang argues, he should be identified as Duke Huan 桓公 of Zhongshan. Zhongshan was first conquered by the state of Wei in 408 and became the appanage of the heir apparent of Wei. In 296 it was conquered by the state of Zhao and incorporated into Zhao’s territory. 26. Nothing further is known about either Wei Yi or Yan Zhang. 27. Tang Yang was the chief minister of Song under King Kang. Tian Buli was an official in Song during the time of King Kang. LSCQ 2/4 gives his name as Tian Buyin 田不禋. Since King Kang of Song died in 286, the mention of his name in the chapter is frequently held up as proof of its late date and the impossiblity of Mozi’s having authored it. 3.2E 28. Versions of the passage in quotation marks are found in Xunzi, 11 “Wangba

王霸,” 7.255 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 2:166) and 12 “Jundao 君道,” 8.264 (Knoblock 2:176), as well as in LSCQ, “Shijie 士節,” 12.623 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 261) and Hanfeizi, “Nan 難,” 15.829–30.

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3.3 29. Duangan Mu was a student of the Confucian disciple Zixia 子夏 and the

teacher of Marquis Wen of Wei. 30. A Mohist paragon, Fuyue was a minister under Wuding 武丁 of the Shang. (On the historicity of Fuyue, see Li Yanong, Shilun ji, 491–92.) He is also mentioned later, in 9.6 and 10.3. He is not mentioned in the LSCQ version of this chapter, though he is referred to elsewhere in that work. 31. Prince Xi is identified as Prince Shen of Chu 楚公子申 by Sun Yirang, and with the grand officer Douxuan Shen 斗宣申 by Su Shixue. He is not mentioned in the LSCQ. 32. Yi Ya, also called Di Ya 狄牙, was chief cook to Duke Huan of Qi; Shudao, or Shudiao 豎貂, was the duke’s chief eunuch. Both became influential after Guan Zhong died. After the duke’s death, they pretended he was still alive, leaving his body unburied for several months, until the decaying flesh could no longer be kept secret. Yi Ya is not mentioned in the LSCQ version of this chapter, but his evil deeds are recounted elsewhere in that work. 33. The line does not occur in any of the songs of the extant Book of Songs. 34. The parallel at LSCQ 2/4 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 90) has an altogether different ending:

It is not only the state that is subject to influences, [for scholars as well are subject to influences.] Confucius studied under Lao Dan, Meng Sukui, and Jingshu. Duke Hui of Lu sent Intendant Rang to inquire of the Son of Heaven the proper rites for sacrifices at the suburban altar and in the ancestral temple. King Huan sent Shi Que away and Duke Hui detained him so that his posterity lived in Lu and Mozi studied under them. These two scholars did not hold an exalted position by which they could bring eminence to others nor did they have a generous stipend which they could use to benefit others. Yet whenever men are held up for their preeminence and glory, the example of these two scholars is certain to be cited. Though both died long ago, their followers are still growing in number and their disciples have flourish so abundantly that they fill the whole world. Kings, dukes and great men follow their teachings and make them illustrious. They send their beloved sons and younger brothers to become students. There has been no time when their doctrines were not transmitted. Zigong, Zixia, and Zengzi studied under Confucius. Tian Zifang studied under Zigong, Duangan Mu under Zixia; and Wu Qi under Zengzi. Qin Guli studied under Mozi; Xu Fan under Qin Guli, and Tian Xi under Xu Fan. The heirs of the learning of Confucius and Mozi

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who have attained eminence and glory in the eyes of the world number into a multitude. The number is so great as to be uncountable, for everything which influenced them attained the proper standard.

Chapter 4 4.1 1. The Zhouli lists the five implements; see “Kaogongji 考工記,” s.v. yuren 輿

人, 39.25a.

4.3 2. This sentence is based on a similar one in 26.5. A failure to recognize the con-

nection between the two passages perhaps accounts for the common misreading of the text to mean that “Heaven feeds all impartially.” In any case, the subsequent passage makes clear that people, as the possessions of Heaven, are scrupulous in preparing food offerings to give to Heaven. 3. The concluding paragraph of 3.3 is based on 27.7. 4.4 4. This paragraph is partly a paraphrase and partly a reworking of 26.4. Liji,

“Biaoji,” 54.15b–17a elaborates on the opening line. Three different passages in the “Biaoji” are relevant: 1. “It was the Way of the Xia to honor fate. They served ghosts and revered spirits, thus keeping them at a distance.” 2. “The men of Yin honored the spirits and directed the people to serve them.” 3. “The men of Zhou . . . served the ghosts and revered the spirits, thus keeping them at a distance.” There is insufficient evidence to determine whether the Liji passage is derived from 4.4 or 26.4.

Chapter 5 5.2A 1. The five grains were rice, hemp, setaria millet, panicled millet, and beans. 2. The five tastes in food are sweet, salty, sour, hot, and bitter. “Five tastes” is

indicative of the elaborate dishes that characterized the sumptuous repasts of princes.

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3. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan, Xiang 24, 16.158, commenting on the Chunqiu nota-

tion “There was a great famine,” says: “When the five grains do not ripen, it constitutes a great famine. When one does not ripen, it is called a ‘deficiency’; when two do not ripen, it is called a ‘famine’; when three do not ripen, it is called ‘starvation’; when four do not ripen, it is called ‘a state of emptiness’ [following Fan Ning 范甯]; and when all five do not ripen, it is called ‘great encroachment.’”

5.2B 4. Sun Yirang identifies the five kinds of sacrificial meat as mutton, pork, meats

minced into precise shapes, fish, and salted meats. Each kind of meat was probably presented in a separate ding vessel, with three vessels not used during periods of famine. According to the Mao commentary to the opening couplet of song 23 of the Book of Songs (Maoshi zhengyi 1E.65), an offering of deer meat wrapped in floss grass represented a reduction in the usual offerings to the ancestors that was made necessary by a great famine. 5. The text refers simply to xuan 縣, “suspended,” instruments because stone chimes and bronze bells were suspended from wooden racks. Liji, “Quli 曲 禮,” 4.124, advises that grand officers do not “without cause” do away with playing chimes and bells and that gentlemen similarly do not eliminate the playing of lutes and zithers. It is possible that in the present context the playing of music is meant to refer more generally to pleasurable activities. 6. Such young scholars were instead expected to work in the fields. 7. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan, Xiang 24, 16.159, gives a similar list of ritual measures: “The ritual practices for the ‘great encroachment’ are: the lord in the preparation of his food does not combine all the tastes; towers and archery halls are not plastered, and the targets are removed; paths within the courtyard are not cleared; the hundred officials announce but do not institute regulations; and prayers are offered to the ghosts and spirits, but not sacrifices. These are the ritual measures for the ‘Great Encroachment.’” 5.3 8. The analogy of a child falling into a well was evidently popular in early Chi-

nese philosophical discourse. A more famous version of it is found at Mengzi 2A.6. 9. The quoted passages do not occur in any of the canonical texts. Mention of how long the flood and drought lasted during the reigns of Yu and Tang does occur, however, in a number of Warring States and Han dynasty sources.

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412 5.4

10. Because of textual corruption, the meaning of the reference to Prince Qingji



is unclear. Qingji was the son—or, by some accounts, the younger brother— of King Liao of Wu 吳王僚, who was famous for his bravery, according to Wuyue chunqiu (“Helü neizhuan 闔閭內傳 ,” 4.58): “So firm and strong is his body, his match is not to be found in a crowd of ten thousand opponents. So fleet of foot is he that, when chasing beasts, he can catch a flying bird in his hand.” LSCQ 8/3.1 implies that the prince was famous for his bravery but notes that even he required a sharp sword. When the future King Helü of Wu made clear his intention to replace King Liao on the throne, Qingji fled to Wei. According to Lüshi chunqiu 11/3.2, a Wu courtier named Yao Li 要離, anxious to demonstrate his fierce loyalty to the new king of Wu, volunteered to go on a suicide mission to assassinate Qingji. Failing to kill the prince, he committed suicide in front of the king upon returning to Wu. In the version of the story preserved in Wuyue chunqiu (“Helü neizhuan,” 4.55–60), Yao Li succeeds in killing the prince, who, about to die, instructs his followers to let the assassin go. Yao Li returns to Wu and, as in the LSCQ, commits suicide before the king. Zhang Chunyi suggests that the allusion to Qingji is a gloss that has erroneously entered into the text of the Mozi. Wang Huanbiao suggests that the text should be emended by adding the name “Yao Li” after the verb qu 去, but he offers no support for such an emendation. 11. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan, Zhuang 28, 6.63, says: “When a state does not have a three-year supply of provisions, it is said that the state does not belong to its ruler.”

Chapter 6 6.1 1. Passage 6.1 has much in common with 21.6 in the middle version of the

“Moderate Consumption” triad, but the former is no mere digest of the latter. Although 6.1 appears to have borrowed material from 21.4C, in the process it effects a subtle but significant change in the language of the material to introduce an idea not found in “Moderate Consumption.” The latter says that the sage-kings, having reflected on the fact that the people lacked proper housing and were suffering as a consequence, said that they would “therefore build houses that would be useful to the people” (于是作為宮室而利). Passage 6.1 says that because the people lacked adequate housing, “therefore a sage-king arose and built houses” (故聖王作, 為 宮室). This notion that

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sage-kings appeared to solve specific contemporaneous problems is otherwise absent from the text of the Mozi. 6.3 2. Grass-fed animals would have included oxen and sheep; grain-fed animals,

dogs and pigs. 3. For another description of the cuisine of the rulers of large states, see Mengzi 7B.34. 6.6 4. It is reasonable to assume that the “five things” are the subjects of the five pre-

ceding paragraphs: (1) houses, (2) clothing, (3) food, (4) boats and carts, and (5) personal households. But the text itself mentions “wind and rain,” which is not one of the preceding topics. Cf. note 5, following. 5. Wang Huanbiao observes that the paragraph ends too abruptly and should have gone on to comment on all the “five things.” He suggests that the next phrase should be reconstructed to comment on “houses” and proposes that the paragraph should end similarly to a passage in 10.6. It is clear from the commentary of Sun Yirang, however, that there is evidence for different reconstructions of the paragraph.

Chapter 7 7.1 1. Cheng Fan is referred to as Master Cheng in the “Gongmeng” chapter, 48.10C.

Sun Yirang says that he was a student of both Ru and Mo thought, but his aggressive questioning of Mozi suggests that he was not his disciple.

7.2 2. According to Yin Tongyang, “Great Water” is a place-name corresponding

to Dajiong 大泂, which he locates in the eastern part of present-day Gong County 巩縣, Henan Province. Another interpretation takes “great water” to be the ocean. 3. The Nine Splendors was music composed by the legendary sage Shun. A textual variant in the Taiping yulan reads xun 循 rather than xiu 修, suggesting that Tang followed the pattern of Shun’s music in composing his own Helping Those in Danger. 4. Zouyu was also the name of a fabulous beast and the title of a poem in the Maoshi zhengyi, “Shaonan feng 召南風,” Mao 25. Other sources provide ­different

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versions of the music purportedly composed by the rulers named in this paragraph. See Zhuangzi, “Tianxia 天下,” 10B.1074 (Graham, Chuang Tzu, 277), and LSCQ, “Guyue 古樂,” 5.285–86 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 149–51). 7.4 5. Commentators agree that the text of Mozi’s reply is damaged as it presently

stands, but there is no agreement on how it might be emended. The solutions offered by Bi Yuan and Wang Huanbiao are not convincing.

Chapter 8 8.1 1. “Great men” is sometimes taken to be men of the highest rank within the state

or those who manifested the greatest virtue, but it is likely that the text is here referring instead to the heads of such great families as the Tian 田 in Qi who had wrested actual power from nominal rulers.

8.4 2. With Wang Huanbiao, I end the quotation of Mozi’s teaching here. What

follows, in 8.5 and 8.6, I then take to be the work of Mozi’s followers. This is capped by 8.7, where the final quotation from Mozi is introduced by the phrase shigu 是故.

8.5 3. Wang Huanbiao would add here a passage of sixty-six characters:

When poor and humble men heard this, they withdrew and counseled together, saying: “Previously on account of our poor and humble state we had nothing on which to rely, but now our superior will promote the moral without regard to poverty or humble status. Given that this is so, we cannot but act in accord with moral principles.” When those sharing distant ties of kinship heard this, they too withdrew and consulted together, saying: “Previously on account of distant kinship we had nothing on which to rely, but now our superior will promote the moral without regard to near or distance kinship. Given that this is so, we cannot but act in accord with moral principles.”

4. “Material things” refers to official position that carries with it an emolument

and the sumptuary privileges of noble rank. “Technical skills” refers to an understanding of how the governmental bureaus are to function. Yin Tong-

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yang suggests that here “technical skills” means “way” or “path,” the reference being “moral conduct.” 8.6 5. Nothing further is known of Fu Swamp. It is also mentioned later, in 10.3. 6. It is uncertain whether Yinfang is the name of a place or of a tribe of people. 7. Bo Yi is mentioned earlier, in 3.2A, as a “good influence” on Yu. 8. Parallels in the passage suggest that Hongyao Taidian refers to a single indi­

vidual. Shangshu, “Junshi 君奭,” 16.247 (Karlgren, Documents, 61), refers, however, to two figures, Hongyao and Taidian. This has led some commentators to interpret the Mozi passage this way and to identify Taidian with Taigong Wang. Sun Yirang rejects this reading of the text. Cf. 19.4C, n. 14. Hongyao Taidian is also mentioned in 10.6, and the name Taidian occurs alone in 19.4C. “Western lands” is a reference to the peoples living in the vicinity of Mount Ji in Shaanxi. 9. Liu Chang equates the phrase shang yi 尚意, “set the mind on lofty ideals,” with the Mengzi 7A.33 phrase shang zhi 尚志. Mencius defines zhi in that context as ren yi 仁義, “humaneness and propriety.” We can probably assume that the “lofty ideals” of the Mozi text refers to similar moral values.

Chapter 9 9.3 1. This passage, repeated at 8.4, is probably an ancient saying adopted by the

Mohist school. 2. The quoted lines are found in Maoshi zhengyi 18B.654, “Sangrou 桑柔,” Mao 257. The Mozi reading of Mao 257 differs slightly from the current Mao text. 9.6 3. The document here referred to as Junian 距年 is called Shunian 豎年 in the

parallel passage at 10.4A. (Passage 12.8A quotes from a text called Xiangnian 相年, but it is unclear whether it was related to the text quoted here.) No text by this title is preserved in the present Shangshu. The “tradition” quoted in this passage is incorporated into the forged Old Script document “Yixun 伊訓,” for which, see Shangshu 8.115 (Legge, The Chinese Classics, 3:196). The same tradition—though it is not identified as such—is also quoted at 10.4. 4. The “foremost sage” referred to in this quotation is usually identified as Yi Yin, whom Tang found working in the kitchens. This passage is now part of the present “Oath of Tang 湯誓” chapter in the Shangshu, but it is found in the

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Mozi

forged Old Script “Tanggao 湯誥,” with some slight variation in language. See Shangshu 8.113 (Legge, The Chinese Classics, 3:187). 5. The location of this mountain is unknown. 6. Nothing further is known about Thunder Swamp. 7. Yi Zhi is another name for Yi Yin, Tang’s chief minister. 8. Xin was an ancient state located in what is now Cao County 曹縣, Shandong Province. 9. For Fuyue, see earlier, 3.3, n. 30. 10. Fuyan was located in what is now Pinglu County 平陸縣, Shanxi Province. 11. For proper names not identified here, consult the notes to the parallel passages in 8.6. 9.7C 12. For the sake of parallelism with its counterpart in 9.7B, the translation of

this sentence adopts the suggestions for textual emendations found in Wang ­Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi, 59 n. 3. Since Wang offers these emendations only as suggestions, I have not adopted them in editing the Chinese text of the sentence.

9.7D

13. According to Shiji, “Xia benji 夏本紀,” 2.49, Gun (i.e., Bogun) was the son

of the sovereign Zhuanxu and the father of Yu, founder of the Xia dynasty. Bogun was ordered by the legendary sovereign Yao to control the floods and, when he failed, was banished to Mount Yu, where he died. There is some controversy over whether Gun was the son of Zhuanxu or should more properly be described as a descendant. 14. Yu, or Mount Yu, is supposed to have been located in what is now Linze County 臨澤縣, Shandong Province.

9.7E 15. Lord Millet, also simply called Millet, is the legendary founder of the Zhou

house and inventor of agriculture. For Gaoyao, see earlier, 3.2A, n. 4. 16. The quote from the “Punishments of Lü” can be found at Shangshu zhushu 19.297 (Karlgren, Documents, 74). The passage is quoted again later, in 10.5. In the Shangshu version, “widowers and widows” make the complaints. The “august sovereign” in the passage refers either to God on high or the legendary sovereign Yao. It is unclear why the quoted passage speaks of Boyi, rather than Gaoyao, as the introduction to it would suggest.

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17. The idea that Heaven “savors” (xiang) the virtue of those who do good is also

found in “Explaining Ghosts”; see later, 31.4B.

18. This passage is not found in any other source. We should probably under-

stand the “Way” to which it refers as “exalting the worthy and employing the capable.”

9.7F 19. The quoted “Hymn of Zhou” is one of the “lost odes” that is not included in

the present Mao school version of the Shijing.

Chapter 10 10.1B 1. Wang Huanbiao finds the wording of this paragraph as it stands suspect and

would emend it by, among other things, shifting the later passage 然昔吾所 以貴堯 . . . 為暴者可而沮也 to this point in the paragraph. Wang’s proposals provide doubtful improvements to the text.

10.2 2. The phrases shi junzi 士君子 and jin tianxia zhi shi junzi 今天下之士君

子 are deprecatory references to the rulers, officials, and other members of the nobility of Mozi’s day who were evidently sympathetic to Ru traditions but were not qualified to be called “worthy.” Throughout the text of the Mozi, the shi junzi are ridiculed for their ignorance and hypocrisy. In the “Exalt the ­Worthy” triad, reference to the shi junzi is found only in chapter 10. The phrase is closely related to tianxia zhi junzi 天下之君子, which refers more narrowly to those who possessed social and political power. For a discussion of the latter, see Robins, “The Moists,” especially 386.

10.3 3. Nothing further is known of the place called Changyang. 4. For proper names not identified here, consult the notes to the parallel passages

in 8.6 and or 9.6.

10.4A 5. The passage quoted from the “Punishments of Lü” can be found at Shangshu

zhushu 19.300 (Karlgren, Documents, 76–77). My rendering of the word ji 及 at the end of the quoted passage as “attain (your goal)” is based on the ­occurrence

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418

of the word in the subsequent Mozi passage, which should be read as a gloss on the quote from the Shangshu. 6. The passage identified here as one of the teachings of this ancient text is quoted in 9.6, with somewhat different wording, as a “tradition.” Cf. 9.6, n. 3. 10.4B 7. Paragraph 10.4B appears to consist of fragments derived from 10.5B passages

that were mistakenly copied here and subsequently corrupted into their present form.

10.5B 8. My rendering of this sentence is based on Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi, 72 n.

4.

10.6 9. For Gaoyao, see earlier, 3.2A, n. 4. All the ministers who served King Wu are

mentioned in Shangshu, “Junshi 君奭,” 16.247 (Karlgren, Documents, 61), where they are said to have served King Wen even before he received the mandate and to have continued their service under King Wu, who advanced them further. San Yisheng is also mentioned at Mengzi 7B38 as having known King Wen. Otherwise nothing further is known of them. Cf. 8.6, n. 8. 10. These two phrases are similar to part of a paean celebrating the accomplishments of Qin Shihuang, carved on a stone tablet that was erected in 221 b.c.e. at Langye 琅耶. See Shiji, “Qin Shihuang benji 秦始皇本紀,” 6.245. Such phrases should be regarded as formulaic rather than as proof of any direct textual connection between the Mozi and the Langye inscription.

Chapter 11

1. The titles of all three chapters of this triad are also written shang tong 上同;

moreover, the two graphs shang 尚 and shang 上 are used interchangeably within the text of the three chapters of the triad. The grammar of some phrases in the three chapters—for example, in 11.2B, “Those who conform with superiors and do not form cliques with subordinates” (上同而不下比者)— makes it clear that shang tong should in some instances be translated as “conformity with superiors” or “upward conformity.” But when shang tong is used alone to refer to the name of the doctrine (for example, in 12.6B and 12.9); or juxtaposed with the grammatically parallel yi yi 一義, “unify standards,” to identify two complementary doctrines (in 13.2A, 13.4, 13.5, 13.6, and else-

Additional Notes

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where in chapter 13); or (no doubt based on these occurrences) as the title of the three chapters—then it should be read “exalt conformity,” a translation that also recognizes the grammatical parallel with the name of the previous triad, “Exalt the Worthy.” 11.1 2. I follow Wu Rulun and Wang Huanbiao in regarding the five characters that



open the chapter, 子墨子言曰, as an addition by a later hand. Thus I do not read the chapter as an extended lecture by Mozi, but rather the work of his followers. This is capped, in 11.4, by a quotation from Mozi introduced by the phrase shigu 是故. Thus chapter 11 can be seen as identical in form and composition to chapter 14. 3. The indented passage repeats, in slightly different language, three sentences from 10.9. Cf. 12.1. 11.2A 4. The text is somewhat ambiguous on the point of how the Son of Heaven

is selected and established. It is possible to understand the language of the three chapters to mean that those who first grasped the causes of chaos made the selection. Mei, Motse, 56, emends the text so that we understand that it is Heaven that makes the selection. He does this, he claims, on the basis of the parallel passage in chapter 13. But that passage can be read as referring to Heaven only if we accept a textual emendation there. See later, 13.2B, n. 1.

11.2B 5. The language of this “proclamation” is found, in a slightly altered form, in a

passage in Hanfeizi, “Nan san 難三,” 16.844. There it is ascribed to an anonymous commentator who, learning of a conversation between Duke Mu of Lu and Kongzi’s grandson Zisi that resulted in the duke’s prizing Zisi’s advice, uses these words in praise of the wisdom of the ruling house of Lu.

11.2C 6. Villages (li 里), in varying accounts, are said to have been made up of twenty-

five, fifty, or a hundred households. A district (xiang 鄉), according to some ancient authorities, contained 12,500 families.

11.4 7. The wuxing 五刑, “five corporal punishments,” are referred to in Shangshu,

“Shundian 舜典.” The Pseudo-Kong commentary at 3.44 identifies them as

Mozi

420

mo 墨, “branding”; yi 劓, “cutting off the nose”; fei 剕, “cutting off the feet”; gong 宮, “castration”; and dapi 大辟, “death.” The term occurs again later, in 12.7.

Chapter 12 12.1 1. The indented passage repeats three sentences from 10.9, in slightly different

language. The order of the sentences differs from the quotation in 11.1.

12.2A 2. “Associates” refers to the highest ministers of the state who stood “to the left

and right” of the ruler, and “generals,” according to Sun Yirang, refers to ministers higher in rank than the grand officers.

12.2B

3. The meaning of the phrase 己有善傍薦之 differs here from its meaning in

chapter 11. There the text refers to an official’s searching out and recommending to his superiors subordinates who do something good. Here the word ji 己, “self,” makes it clear that an officer should inform his superiors of and recommend to them his own good deeds. This meaning of our 12.2B line is confirmed by a closely parallel passage in 49.7, which makes it explicit that keeping superiors informed of one’s own actions is a characteristic of a “loyal subject” and a demonstration of “conformity with superiors.” This way of demonstrating solidarity is also found at Liji, “Jiyi 祭義,” 48.825: “when an officer has a good plan, he recommends it to his feudal lord” (卿大夫有善薦於諸侯). This phrase is part of a longer line, Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648) explains (in his Liji commentary), that refers to subordinates’ not taking credit for their own merits but attributing them to their superiors. Wang Niansun, apparently unaware of the 49.7 passage, argues that 己 is an error for 民, a change that would make the meaning of 12.2B closer to that of 11.2B. 4. Along with Wang Huanbiao and others, I have departed from the paragraph division found in the Sun Yirang edition and make this sentence the conclusion of 12.2B rather than the opening of 12.3. 12.6A 5. The six domestic animals are the horse, ox, sheep, pig, dog, and chicken.

Additional Notes

421

12.7 6. See earlier, 11.4, n. 6. 7. The quote from the “Punishments of Lü” is found at Shangshu 19.296. The

wording of the Mozi and Shangshu texts is different, but the Sun Yirang commentary provides the phonological and graphic justifications for relating them. The present translation is based on that discussion. 8. No chapter in the current Shangshu is titled “Shuling 術令.” Sun Yirang argues that the title should be properly read as “Shuoming 說命.” The quotation appears now at Shangshu, “Da Yu mo 大禹謨,” 4.55. 12.8B 9. “Xiangnian” is not a chapter in the present Shangshu. An altered form of the

passage quoted here was incorporated into a forged chapter of the Shangshu; see Shangshu, “Shuoming 說命,” 10.140. The term “Heavenly equality” is explained in the immediately following passage as the desire of God on high and the ghosts to have everyone enjoy equal wealth and security.

12.8C 10. The text of this sentence seems to have suffered damage; the translation

offered here is thus tentative. The emendations proposed by Dai Wang and Wang Huanbiao are not convincing.

12.9 11. These lines occur in Maoshi zhengyi 19C.735, “Daixian 載見,” Mao 283. 12. Both sets of quoted lines appear in Maoshi zhengyi 9B.319, “Huanghuang zhe

hua 皇皇者華,” Mao 163.

Chapter 13 13.2B 1. The text as it presently stands is somewhat ambiguous in claiming that some

otherwise unidentified individuals “in the world” selected a worthy to be the Son of Heaven. Sun Yirang suggests that 天下 be shortened to 天. We would then understand that it is Heaven that selects a worthy and makes him Son of Heaven. This is an attractive proposal, especially in light of the 12.8A passage, which claims that God on high and the ghosts are responsible for the establishment of states and capitals and the creation of government offices. But the immediate textual basis for Sun’s emendation is slim. The readings of

Mozi

422

the ­parallel passages in chapters 11 and 12 are similarly ambiguous. Moreover, quotes of the passage in Li Shan’s Wenxuan commentary—cited by Bi Yuan— appear to have been edited by Li Shan and, in any case, have no bearing on the issue of whether the text originally read 天下 or 天. 13.2C

2. This sentence is a paraphrase of the 12.8B quote from the Great Harvest.

“Heaven’s bright teaching” should probably be understood as a reference to the “Heavenly equality” mentioned in 12.8B. See earlier, 12.8B, n. 10.

13.8 3. As noted in the preface to the Shangshu, the “Great Oath” was written when

King Wu of Zhou, in the eleventh year of his reign, led his armies against Shang. The Shangshu chapter “Taishi 泰誓” does not contain the passage quoted here, although four words found in the chapter, 厥罪惟鈞, at Shangshu zhushu 11.153, are perhaps related to or derived from it.

13.9 4. Sun Yirang suspects that the phrase 外為之人 is corrupt. Wang Huanbiao

has proposed an emendation, but it is unconvincing and involves introducing extraneous terminology into the text. The present translation is tentative. 5. This sentence occurs previously with almost identical wording. Repeating it here is probably an error in the text.

Chapter 15 15.2 1. With Wang Huanbiao, I regard Mozi’s direct speech as consisting of this s­ ingle

sentence. Sun Yirang’s punctuation has the quote continuing to the end of 15.2. I take the remainder of 15.2 as an elaboration on the quote by one of Mozi’s followers. 2. Although the text reads jiazhu 家主, it is not referring to an ordinary “head of household,” but, as Sun Yirang points out, to a hereditary grand officer and the fief from which he derives his income. In his commentary to Zhouli 17.267 and 2.33, Zheng Sinong 鄭司農 defines zhu as a “hereditary officer” and jia as “the town that provides his salary.”

Additional Notes

423

15.3 3. With Wang Huanbiao, I regard Mozi’s direct speech as consisting of this s­ ingle

sentence. Sun Yirang’s punctuation has the quote continuing to the end of 15.3.

15.4 4. These sentences have a close parallel in Mengzi 4B.28: “He who loves others is

always loved by them; he who respects others is always respected by them” (愛 人者, 人恆愛之, 敬人者, 人恆敬之).

15.6 5. Ancient Yue’s was a seagoing culture; hence its knights would have found it

credible that the state treasures were on some sort of ship or barge. Huang Shaoqi, quoted by Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 97–98, provides some textual evidence for this. When the story is retold in Hanfeizi, “Neichushuo 內儲說” (Upper), 9.521, and LSCQ 19/4.5 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 490), however, it is a palace building, rather than a ship, that was set ablaze. 6. The stories of King Ling and King Goujian are repeated in 16.10B and alluded to in a much abbreviated fashion in Hanfeizi, “Er bing 二柄,” 2.112. In the Mozi the stories are meant to illustrate the point that a ruler is capable of convincing his subordinates to do anything. Hanfei alludes to the stories to warn kings that subordinates will use knowledge of their ruler’s likes and dislikes to disguise their own true natures and motivations. 15.8A 7. Mengzi similarly denies that the analogy of lifting Mount Tai and crossing the

Yellow River is appropriate; see Mengzi 1A.7. With Wang Huanbiao, I end Mozi’s direct speech here. Sun Yirang’s punctuation has the quote continuing to the end of 15.8. 8. West River is an old name for that part of the Yellow River that flows north to form part of the big bend around the Ordos. The location of the river called Yudou is uncertain. Sun Yirang suspects that the graph yu 漁 is an error for wei 渭, and that the river is really the Wei, the famous tributary of the Yellow River that flows from west to east through southern Shaanxi Province. 9. These three rivers were all part of the drainage system of the Hei River 潶水 in the western regions. 10. Nothing further is known of these two rivers. 11. According to Sun Yirang, Houzhidi is an old name for Zhaoyuqi 昭余祁, a marshy area to the east of Taiyuanqi County 太原祁縣 in Shanxi. According

424

Mozi

to Bi Yuan, Huchi, or perhaps “Hu Pool,” should be equated with the Hutuo River 虖沱河, which has its source in Fanzhi County 繁畤縣, Shanxi. 12. A mountain that was leveled in antiquity, in what is now Henan Province. 13. Dragon Gate is the name of a mountain that straddles the border between what is now Hejin County 河津縣, Henan, and Hancheng County 韓城縣, Shaanxi. 14. Yan was located in what is now Liaoning and the northern part of Hebei. Dai was located northeast of Wei County 蔚縣縣, Hebei. 15. The names of northern “barbarian” tribes. 16. According to Sun Yirang, the ancient name of the area around what is now Julu County 巨鹿縣, Hebei. 17. Mengzhu Swamp is the old name of a lake and marsh area located northeast of present-day Shangqiu 商丘, Henan, and northwest of Yucheng 虞城. 18. One of the “nine circuits” into which Yu the Great divided the realm when he brought the floods under control. Ji Circuit refers to the area of the Central Plains and the middle course of the Yellow River. 19. The five lakes refers to Lake Tai 太湖 and the enormous drainage area that surrounds it. The name occurs again later, in 18.5A. 20. Jing-Chu is an alternate name for the state of Chu that includes a reference to Mount Jing, in northwest Hubei where the state was first founded. 21. According to Sun Yirang, the state of Han, properly written 邗 rather than 干, was absorbed by the state of Wu. The name of the state therefore stood, as it does in this context, as an alternate name for the state of Wu. 15.8B 22. Because Heaven was so pleased by King Wen’s compassion, it blessed him and

his people with the prosperity that permitted the success described.

23. In the prayer of thanksgiving that King Wu makes to Mount Tai, he reports

his conquest of the Shang, the “great undertaking.” His reference to himself as “great-grandson” is an act of humility, indicating that he dares to offer prayers only because he is descended from a long line. The various peoples and tribes he names in his prayer are meant to stand for the population of the entire world. A version of the prayer—which is offered, not to Mount Tai alone, but to Heaven, earth, the famous mountains and great rivers—is found in “Wu­cheng” 武成, an Old Script chapter of the Documents; see Shangshu 11.161–63 (Legge, The Chinese Classics, 3:292, 312–13).

Additional Notes

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Chapter 16 16.1A 1. With Wang Huanbiao, I end the quote here. A passage similar to the quoted

material is found in 15.2.

16.2A 2. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation. 3. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation. 16.2B 4. We should interpret Mozi’s statement to mean that the conclusion that impar-

tiality is right and partiality wrong springs from an argument based on his initial teaching, that the humane regard it as their duty to promote benefit and rid the world of harm. Mozi refers to this initial teaching as fang 方, a term for the rectangular pieces of wood on which texts were written as well as the principles, rules, prescriptions, and recipes recorded thereon. For a discussion of the term, see Harper, “The Wu Shih Erh Ping Fang,” 52–56.

16.3 5. Passages that express in similar language the ideal that those with the strength,

resources, and ability should help and teach others are found in 10.5B, 11.1, and 11.2. 6. These same benefits are credited to the reign of King Wen of Zhou in 15.8. 7. This is an expression of frustration rather than a question to be answered. 16.4 8. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation of Mozi’s direct speech. 9. What immediately follows is not a question, but descriptions of two hypo-

thetical cases. The question is asked later, after the repetition of this phrase.

10. These four states are named because they represent the four directions vis-à-

vis the Central States: Ba, far to the west, was a neighbor of Shu in what is now Sichuan; Yue, or Viet, was in the east (though in truth it stretched along China’s coast from the Yangzi Delta to the area south of modern-day Guangdong); Qi was to the north; and Jing, an alternate name for Chu, lay along the mid-course of the Yangzi River, in what are now Hunan and Hubei Provinces. 11. Sun Yirang notes that the text immediately following the words jiashi 家室 is corrupt. The emendations offered by Wang Huanbiao are not convincing. The translation offered here is tentative.

426

Mozi

16.6 12. This same analogy and Mozi’s dismissal of its relevance open 15.8A. As noted

by Sun Yirang, the text that follows names only four sage-kings, so it is possible that the word liu 六 is a textual error. 13. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation of Mozi’s direct speech. The canonical quotes and explanations that follow are presumably the attempt by a follower to provide proof of Mozi’s claims for the authority and antiquity of his teaching. A similarly worded passage about how and where the sage-kings wrote down their teachings is found at 10.4A. 14. The quote from the “Great Oath” repeats verbatim a 15.8B passage that is not identified there as a quote from a canonical source. In any case, the passage has been incorporated into the Old Script chapter “Taishi 泰誓”; see Shangshu 11.157. As noted by Sun Yirang, elsewhere in the Mozi, the “Taishi” is called “Dashi 大誓.” Presumably the latter is the correct title and the present occurrence of the word tai, the result of a later hand attempting to make the text consistent with the Shangshu. 16.7 15. No document titled the “Oath of Yu” is found in the present Shangshu. A pas-

sage similar to the one quoted here is found, however, in the “Counsels of Yu 大禹謨,” at Shangshu 4.57. The interpretation of the line recounting Yu’s calling to arms the “shepherds of the various states” is based on readings of the passage by Hui Dong and Sun Yirang. Note the contrast between the portrayal here of Yu as the conqueror of the troublesome Miao and the representation of him in 15.8A as the queller of floods. 16. This line echoes the sayings of Mozi that open chapters 15 and 16 and thus identifies Yu as an example of a humane ruler by Mozi’s definition. 16.8 17. Guoyu, “Zhouyu 周語,” 1.35, quotes a passage similar to the one quoted here

and attributes it, not to the “Supplication of Tang,” but to the “Oath of Tang” (湯誓). A document by that title is quoted in Mozi at 9.6. The document titled “Oath of Tang” in the present Shangshu does not contain the passage quoted here. According to Sun Yirang, the document from which this passage derived recorded Tang’s prayers for relief from the drought that, according to later sources, lasted for seven years.

Additional Notes

427

16.9 18. The first four lines of this quotation are found in “Hongfan 洪範”; see

Shangshu 12.173. The final four lines have a close parallel in the Book of Songs; see Maoshi zhengyi 13A.437, “Dadong 大東,” Mao 203. Two of the four lines are also quoted earlier, in 1.7. Their appearance here in Mozi suggests that all eight lines were once part of a single poem.

16.10A 19. The first couplet is now found in Maoshi zhengyi 18A.647, “Yi” 抑, Mao 256.

The second has a close parallel in 3C.141, “Mugua” 木瓜, Mao 64.

16.10B 20. Taking chan 顫 as synonymous with dan 殫, “exhausted, depleted.” 16.10D 21. In 15.7, a passage closely parallel to the present one appears as a quote from

Master Mozi.

22. The analogy of water flowing downward also occurs in Mengzi 6A.2. There

Mengzi uses it to illustrate people’s natural inclination to be good, thereby refuting an argument that they are naturally indifferent to good and evil, a claim made by Gaozi, quite possibly one of Mozi’s early followers. See Nivison, “Problems in Mengzi.”

16.11 23. The superior man or junzi, referred to twice within this paragraph is not Con-

fucius’s exemplar of moral accomplishment, but a representative of the powerful elite that held office but was in need, according to Mozi, of instruction in the basic principles of Mohist thought.

Chapter 18 18.1 1. The opening sentence is reminiscent of the quote that opens 8.1 and is repeated

at 10.1.

18.2 2. In other words, one should study closely what has already happened in order

to know how things will develop, and examine things that are plainly evident

428

Mozi

to understand those that are at present still obscure. Lunyu 2.11 mentions the need to rely on what has transpired to know the direction in which things will develop. 3. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation of Mozi’s direct speech. 18.3 4. In this case, the decree issued should be understood as a proclamation of war. 5. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation of Mozi’s direct speech. 6. Three and seven li would appear to be the standard dimensions of the inner

and outer walls of a city. The same figures are given in Mengzi 2B.1. Zhanguoce gives other figures but this is probably due to textual error; see “Qi ce 齊策,” 13.464–65 (Crump, Chan-kuo Ts’e, 212–13). 7. The final words of lines 2 and 4 of this quatrain rhyme. 18.4 8. What is translated as “apologist” is, literally, one who “puts makeup on” or

“adorns” (shi 飾) aggression and warfare to make them more attractive and seductive. With respect to the powerful states identified in this paragraph, Sun Yirang points out that Wu no longer existed in Mozi’s time; he accordingly proposes that 吳 be read 越. The parallel passage in 19.5 gives the four states as Chu, Yue, Jin, and Qi. 9. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation ending Mozi’s direct speech at this point. The punctuated Sun Yirang edition continues the quote to a point near the end of the paragraph, where another quote from Mozi is introduced. 10. The state of Ju belonged to the Ji 己 clan who were descendants of Shaohao 少 皞. King Wu of Zhou first enfeoffed them with the territory of Ju. Eleven generations later Duke Ping 平公 of Ju appears in the Spring and Autumn Annals. From Duke Gong on, the state became progressively weaker and eventually disappears from the historical record. Four generations later, according to the Shiji, in his first year, King Jian of Chu sent troops northward to attack and destroy Ju. But according to the Zhanguoce, both Zhu and Ju were destroyed by Qi, which accords with the Mohist account. 11. Both Chen and Cai were founded at the beginning of the Zhou dynasty. Chu destroyed Chen in 479. Chen was located in present-day eastern Henan and the adjoining part of Anhui. Its capital was Wanqiu 宛丘, located in Huaiyang County 淮陽縣, Henan. Chu destroyed Cai in 447. Cai was located in southeast Henan and adjoining northeast Anhui. Its capital was Shangcai 上 蔡, located in Shangcai County 上蔡縣, Henan.

Additional Notes

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12. Ju was a state, apparently in the north, about which nothing further is known.

Buzhuhe is a little-known state located near what is now the border of Liao­ ning. According to Sun Yirang, it is the same as Butuhe 不屠何. 13. Wang Huanbiao suggests that the quote from Mozi that closes this paragraph is out of place here and should be moved to the end of the chapter. 18.5A 14. Following Wang Huanbiao and ending the quote from Mozi here. What fol-

lows are narratives, presumably added by a follower, that elaborate on King Helü’s military exploits and the military campaigns of his successor, King Fuchai, during whose reign Wu fell to Yue, as well as the turmoil that tore apart the state of Jin—subjects not mentioned by Mozi in his response to the “apologist,” but mentioned in Mozi’s final comment in 18.6. 15. Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ding 4.14, 54.945: “In winter, the eleventh month, the marquis of Cai and the viscount of Wu [i.e., King Helü], engaged the army of Chu at Boju. The Chu forces suffered a stunning defeat . . . and Wu entered the Chu capital Ying.” LSCQ 8/3.7 records that the king selected five hundred exceedingly strong men and three thousand able marchers, whom he made into a forward formation. When he fought Chu, he won five victories in five battles, and subsequently took possession of Ying, its capital.” Ding 4.3, 54.950, further records that (in 506) “they left their boats at a bend of Huai River and advanced from Yuzhang, with Chu lining up along the Han. . . . Chu crossed the Han, drew up his troops, and fought three battles, but could not prevail. In the eleventh month, on gengwu day, the opposing armies drew up Boju. King Helü lead five thousand of his own men, commenced the battle by attacking the soldiers of Zichang 子常, forcing them to flee, throwing the entire army of Chu into utter confusion, which resulted in a total rout of Chu.” 16. Shiji, “Wu Taibo shijia 吳太伯世家,” 31.1471, says that the attack on Qi took place in the seventh year of Fuchai’s reign, 484. Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ai 11.3, 58.1017, records that Wu and Lu invaded Qi and inflicted a great defeat on it. The Qi army was under the command of Guo Shu 國書, who was taken captive (see 49.2A, n. 7). 17. In a speech to King Fuchai of Wu, the Chu nobleman Wu Zixu says that “the three rivers ring the area where Wu meets with Yue” (Guoyu, “Yueyu 越語,” 20.633). Scholars who follow the lead of the Guoyu commentator Wei Zhao 韋昭 identify the three rivers as the Song 松, Qiantang 錢塘, and Puyang 浦陽, commonly thought of as three mouths of the Yangzi River. Another school of interpretation, following the lead of the Erya commentator Guo Pu

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Mozi

郭璞, identifies the three rivers as the Min 岷, Song 松, and Zhe 浙. For the “five lakes,” see 15.8A, n. 18. 18. Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ai 1.2, 57.990, records that (in 490) “King Fuchai of Wu inflicted a disastrous defeat on Yue at Fujiao 夫椒 to avenge the events at Zuili 檇李 and went on to attack the territory of Yue. The king of Yue with five thousand men armed with buff coats and shields retreated to Mount Kuaiji.” 19. The “nine Yi” were nine subgroups of people otherwise simply referred to as the Yi, who were said to dwell in the east: the Quanyi 畎夷, Yuyi 于夷, Fang­yi 方夷, Yellow Yi 黃夷, White Yi 白夷, Vermilion Yi 赤夷, Black Yi 玄夷, Wind Yi 風夷, and Sun Yi 陽夷. 20. Located atop Gusu Hill outside what is now Suzhou, the tower is said to have been so tall that you could see for a distance of three hundred li. It took three years to assemble the materials and a further five years to complete the structure. 18.5B 21. “Six generals” refers not to military men but to the heads of the six great hered-

itary houses of the state of Jin. At the time of the anecdote related in 18.5B, these were Viscount Kang of Han, Viscount Xiang of Zhao, Viscount Huan of Wei, Fan Jishe, and Viscount Wen of Zhonghang, and the earl of Zhi 智伯. Though they are called jiangjun 將軍, they were not generals. According to Sun Yirang it was common in Spring and Autumn and Warring States times to refer to those who held high hereditary ministerial posts as “generals.” 22. Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ding 13, 56.982 (13.2), refers to the exile of the heads of the Zhonghang and Fan families. 23. Zhanguoce 18.590–91 (Crump, Chan-kuo Ts’e, 280), and Huainanzi, “Ren­ jian 人間,” 18.604 (Major, Huainanzi, 732), make the “old saying” part of the argument used by court persuader Zhang Mengtan 張孟談 to get the heads of the Wei and Han families to move against the earl of Zhi. The narratives in Chunqiu Guliang zhuan, Xi 2, 7.71, and Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Xi 5.8, 12.207, also record the saying. 24. The quotation is not found in the present Book of Songs. Wang Niansun notes that the second part of the quotation—“will it get there in time on dry land?”—is not typical of the language of ancient poetry. Perhaps it should, therefore, be interpreted as a comment rather than as a line of verse. 25. The fullest account of the attack of the three Jin families against the earl of Zhi is found at Hanfeizi, “Shiguo 十過,” 3.177–80.

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18.6 26. Another version of the proverb is found at Shangshu, “Jiugao 酒誥,” 14.210:

古人有言曰人無於水監當於民監. The text was borrowed by the compilers of this Old Script chapter. Mozi’s elaboration on the meaning of the proverb was similarly borrowed into the Pseudo-Kong commentary on the chapter. It is on the basis of the division of text and comment in the Shangshu that I punctuate the text of the Mozi as I do, ending the proverb here. 27. Wang Huanbiao argues that Mozi’s final comment should also include a reference to King Fuchai of Wu.

Chapter 19 19.1A 1. Concluding what the chapter represents as Mozi’s words here. It is conven-

tional to read the chapter as if it were a long lecture by Mozi. On the basis of parallel passages and divisions in chapter 18, I attempt throughout chapter 19 to distinguish what we are intended to read as Mozi’s words from the passages that illustrate and elaborate upon these basic teachings.

19.1B 2. The text mentions only large states, but, as Sun Yirang notes, 19.6 stresses the

relations between large and small states. That large states should not attack small states is clearly a major concern of the text.

19.2 3. This vivid description of war preparations, invasion, and pillaging is repeated,

in more or less identical language, in 28.6.

19.3 4. Sun Yirang points out that a similar assessment of the amount of equipment

that survives battle is found at Sunzi, “Zuozhan 作戰,” 2.81. 5. Much of this description appears to be a shortened version of the text found at 18.2. The abbreviation is perhaps the reason the text has suffered considerable textual damage. Readers may wish to consult Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi, 154–55, who attempts to clean up the damage and restore what he takes to be the original text. The present translation is highly tentative.

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Mozi

19.4A 6. These rulers literally “put makeup on” or “adorn” (shi 飾) their doctrines to

make them more attractive and seductive. Cf. 18.4, n. 8. 7. According to Bi Yuan, Gaoyang refers to Shun, who, according to tradition, was a sixth-generation descendant of Gaoyang. Sun Yirang, however, notes that a passage cited in Yiwen leiju 10.184, as well as another found in the New Script Zhushu jinian, show that it was not Shun, but Heaven or God on high, that issued the mandate to Yu. This suggests that the text requires further correction in addition to the emendation proposed by Wang Niansun (n. c). Sun Yirang’s discussion suggests that it read: “In the time of Gaoyang [i.e., Shun], Heaven [or God] gave the command to Yu in the Dark Palace.” 8. Yu’s attack on the three Miao is also mentioned in a speech given by the Jin minister Zhao Meng 趙孟, recorded in Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Zhao 1.2, 41.700. Huainanzi, “Xiuwu 修務,” 19.631 (Major, Huainanzi, 767), preserves another tradition, which claims that Shun attacked the three Miao. 9. Sun Yirang proposes that the spirit be identified as Goumang 句芒, a divinity with a human head and bird’s body, whose appearance before Duke Mu of Qin is recorded in 31.4. Goumang was worshiped as the the god of the east; Sun points out that the jade tablet the spirit carries is that used in offerings to the east mentioned in the Yili (“Qinli 瑾禮,” 27.329) and Zhouli (“Da zong bo 大 宗伯,” 18.281). See Riegel, “Kou-mang.” 10. Rendering the problematic words e shi 搤矢 as “forcing the submission of . . .” The commentators are at a loss to explain them. 19.4B 11. Sun Yirang notes that another name for Zhurong was Huilu 回祿. Thus

Guoyu, “Zhouyu 周語,” 1.30, describes how Huilu appeared on the eve of Xia’s demise and the Guoyu commentator Wei Zhao identifies Huilu there as “the god of fire.” 12. Numerous sources identify Bo as the place where Tang, the founding king of the Shang, made a covenant with the feudal lords. Mengzi uses the graph 亳 to write the name. It was located in what is now Yanshi County 偃師縣, Henan. 19.4C 13. This translation does not take account of the problematic phrase 兼夜中. 14. Taidian appears as Hongyao Taidian in 8.6. Mengzi says that it was Taigong

Wang who came to pay homage to King Wu. Sun Yirang rejects the arguments of those who claim that Taidian and Taigong Wang are one and the same person. Cf. 8.6, n. 8.

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15. Some sources suggest that the chenghuang 乘黃 resembled a fox with horns

sprouting from its back; others describe it as a flying horse ridden by the Yellow Sovereign when he governed the world. 16. A tentative rendering of jian gong 踐功. 17. Sun Yirang points out that 31.5 also refers to King Wu’s instructing the feudal lords to continue offerings to the Shang, presumably because he did not want to provoke the anger of the ghosts of the Shang kings. 19.5 18. Xiong Li is said to have been a contemporary of King Wen of the Zhou, whom

his father served. Shiji, “Chu shijia 楚世家,” 40.1691, dates the founding to Xiong Yi 熊繹, a contemporary of King Cheng and grandson of Xiong Li. 19. Mount Sui is located in Baokang County 保康縣, Hubei Province. 20. As noted by Sun Yirang, Lu Wenchao argues that Yikui is an alternate name for Wuyu 無餘, who is mentioned in Yuejueshu 8.195, 8.196, 8.203, and Wu Yue chunqiu B (下卷), 1.1, as the founding king of Yue. In Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Xi 26.5, 16.265, the viscount of Kui speaks of Xiong Zhi 熊摯 (i.e., Xiong Ju 熊渠) as the founding king, who because he was afflicted with a disease from which the spirits Zhurong and Yu Xiong could not deliver him, had to leave Chu and hide himself in Kui. Thus Sun Yirang would emend 有遽 to read 熊渠 and identify Yikui as a descendant of Xiong Ju. This translation lets the text stand as it is.

Chapter 20 20.1 1. Xunzi’s student Li Si 李斯, in his biography in the Shiji (87.2560), says: “In

general, the ancient sage-kings used moderation in their eating and drinking, put a limit on the number of chariots and utensils, and had regulations determining the sizes of palaces and houses. When they issued orders to initiate an undertaking, they forbade any added expenses that did not increase the benefit to the people.” The 20.1 accounts of why the sages invented houses and vehicles are elaborated on in chapter 6, “Avoiding Excess.”

20.2 2. The “law” about the age at which men and women should marry was in all

likelihood the actual practice within the Mohist school. It is similar to an edict supposedly issued by Duke Huan of Qi, quoted in Hanfeizi, “Waizhushuo 外 儲說,” 14.786 (and repeated in Shuoyuan, “Guide 貴德,” 5.138): “Duke Huan

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of Qi . . . sent down a command to his people: ‘Men shall take wives at twenty, and girls shall get married at fifteen.’” Guoyu, “Yueyu 越語,” 20.635, states, “If a girl does not marry at seventeen, her parents are guilty of a punishable crime; if a man does not marry at twenty, his parents are guilty of a punishable crime.” Sun Yirang speculates, in light of these passages, that perhaps the states of Qi and Yue had adopted the rule of the sage-kings. The royal Zhou government, however, may have sanctioned other practices. According to the dictates of the Zhouli (“Meishi 媒氏,” 14.216), “men should be betrothed at thirty and women at twenty.”

Chapter 21 21.1 1. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation in identifying the length of the

quote from Mozi.

21.2 2. What the “tanners” did was to yun 韗, “stretch skins to make drumheads,” and

otherwise pao 鞄, “work and soften leather.”

21.3 3. Jiaozhi was an ancient state in what is now southern Guangdong and Guangxi

and northern Vietnam. The name survived in later times to refer to parts of Vietnam; the Portuguese pronunciation gave rise to the name “Cochin China.” LSCQ, “Qiuren 求人,” 22.1514 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 579), preserves a more detailed account of the realm that Yu inherited from Yao that also mentions Jiaozhi. 4. Youdu, or Youzhou 幽州, was one of the main regional designations of ancient China. The area to which it referred corresponds roughly to modern Hebei and Liaoning. You has cosmological associations with the “dark and dusky” northern bourne. 5. Following the pattern of other paragraphs, Sun Yirang would add here the nine-character phrase 諸加費不加於民利者 (“Anything that added to the expense but did not increase the benefit to the people . . .”). As for the rites our text claims the sage-king would never perform, Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ding 15.1, 56.985, records an instance when Duke Ding of Lu 魯定公 hosted Duke Yin of Zhu 邾隱公, and both rulers enacted the host and guest rituals named here so poorly that Confucius’s disciple Zigong 子貢, who witnessed the event, predicted they would die soon—and of course they did.

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21.4B 6. The somewhat garbled content and abrupt end suggest that 21.4B has suffered

textual damage.

21.5 7. This paragraph anticipates the contents of chapter 25. Xunzi, “Zhenglun 正

論,” 18.405 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:43, 18.7), says: “A popular argument today claims: ‘In highest antiquity burials were meager with an inner coffin only three inches thick and only three thicknesses of grave cloth covering the corpse. Becauase burials did not impede cultivation of the land, they were not dug up. In the disorderly present, sumptuous burials with ornamented coffins are the cause of graves being violated.” This suggests to Sun Yirang that the mortuary prescriptions advocated in the Mozi were not exclusive to the Mohist school but in more common circulation during Warring States times. For further discussion of some of the historical issues raised by these passages, see Riegel, “Do Not Serve the Dead.”

21.6 8. Dai Wang suspects that there is a lacuna in the text at this point.

Chapter 25 25.1 1. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation identifying the length of the quote

from Mozi.

25.3 2. Under the rule of the sage-kings of the Three Dynasties, as well as that of the

sages Yao and Shun (whose era preceded the Three Dynasties), there was universal agreement on what was right and proper. With their deaths, such agreement disappeared. Two “masters” arose who advocated different doctrines on burial and mourning: one favored elaborate burials and long periods of mourning, and the other the opposite. The text does not identify these masters. It is quite possible that they are Master Kong and Master Mo.

25.4A 3. “Putting to sleep” (qin 寢) all of these objects and then burying them probably

refers to a ritual by which the objects are identified as no longer intended for

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Mozi

the living, but for the dead. Xunzi, “Lilun 禮論,” 19.441 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:67) is perhaps alluding to these practices when Xunzi mentions, for example, that, “the ceremonial offerings include a cap with bands but no strings, earthen water and wine jugs that are empty and never filled . . . reed pipes and organs that are whole but not tuned, and zithers and lutes that are strung but not adjusted.” A somewhat similar ritual, from ancient Southeast Asia, involved smashing bronze drums to “kill” them before placing them in burials. 4. At Mozi 48.10, Mozi claims that it was part of the “Way of the Ru” to “send off the dead as if one were sending someone off on a journey.” Xunzi, “Lilun 禮 論,” 19.441 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:67) says: “The articles of life are taken to the tomb exactly as if one were moving one’s abode.” 5. Sun Yirang would emend the text so that after “Son of Heaven” it would read “and the feudal lords.” 6. Sun Yirang points out that here, as well as in 12.2 and 18.5, the title jiangjun refers not to a military officer, but to the head of a large hereditary house; see 12.2A, n. 2. 25.4B 7. According to Liji, “Quli 曲禮,” 4.81, the five ministries were Directorate of

the Masses (Situ 司徒), Directorate of Horses (Sima 司馬), Directorate of Open Space (Sikong 司空), Directorate of the Knights (Sishi 司士), and Directorate of Criminals (Sikou 司寇). The same source says that the six bureaus were Directorate of Soil (Situ 司土), Directorate of Water (Sishui 司 水), Directorate of Trees (Simu 司木), Directorate of Plants (Sicao 司草), Directorate of Utensils (Siqi 司器), and Directorate of Manufactured Goods (Sihuo 司貨). Sun Yirang considers whether these are the same five ministries and six bureaus that the Mozi is talking about. 8. The verb fu 賦 suggests that this wealth was accumulated possibly by levying tax on family members and dependents or by collecting valuables from them. Archaeologists have found lists of grave objects in Warring States and Han dynasty tombs that identify distant family members and others who contributed goods that were placed in the tomb. 25.9 9. Sun Yirang estimates that three plow furrows measured three feet across. The

text uses agrarian terminology because tombs were built in cultivated fields; hence their size had an impact on the amount of land available for farming. 10. Songshu, “Treatise on Rites,” 15.386–87, quotes a passage from the now lost Shizi 尸子 that traces the origin of these Mohist teachings on frugal buri-

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als back to Yu: “When Yu controlled the floods, he created the ‘Burial Laws,’ which state: ‘Those who die in the hills should be buried in the hills; those who die in the marshes should be buried in the marshes. Vault and tomb should be three inches thick, and mourning should last only three months.’” Sun Yirang wonders whether the Mozi was not in fact preserving a fragment of Xia dynasty law. 25.10 11. Apparently eight subgroups of the peoples otherwise referred to simply as the

Di, the “barbarian” tribe of the north. 12. The description of Yao’s journey and death—as well as those of Shun and Yu in the passages immediately following—is meant to suggest that what made him a sage was his willingness to undertake extreme hazards for the sake of instructing the unenlightened. As for the location of Yao’s burial, LSCQ, “An si 安死,” 10.536 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 232), in its description of Yao’s modest burial, notes that Yao was buried in Gulin 榖林, not on Mount Qiong. This appears to be an error in the present LSCQ text, however, resulting from an early lacuna and subsequent misreading of the description found in the present Mozi: “Yao’s coffin was made from the paper mulberry” (榖 木之棺). This explains why no other early source gives Gulin as Yao’s burial place and why the commentators, troubled by the discrepancy between the Mozi and the LSCQ, have failed to identify it. Mount Qiong is located in present-day Pu­xian 濮縣, in Shandong Province. 13. The timber of the gumu 榖木, “paper mulberry,” is poor in quality. The Mao commentary to the Book of Songs says that it is “a loathsome tree” (e mu 惡木). 14. That is, the land was once again returned to agricultural use. See 25.9, n. 10. 15. Seven subgroups of the peoples otherwise simply referred to as the Rong, who were said to dwell in the west. Other sources give the number of subgroups as five or six. 16. Most ancient sources name Mount Jiuyi 九嶷山 in Hunan as the burial site of Shun. The present Mozi passage, which locates Shun’s burial site at a place called Nanji Market 南己市 that cannot otherwise be identified, represents a separate tradition. As Wang Niansun points out, there is no point in attempting to reconcile the account in the Mozi with that found in other texts. LSCQ, “An si 安死,” 10.536 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 232), evidently following the same tradition represented in the Mozi, gives Ji Market 紀市 as Shun’s burial place. Huainanzi, “Xiuwu 修務,” 19.631 (Major, Huainanzi, 767), preserves another tradition: it has Shun buried at Cangwu 蒼梧 while en route, not to instruct the unenlightened, but to attack the unruly three Miao.

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17. Just as the text characterizes Yao as a protector of agriculture, Shun is made a

patron of merchants. The tradition that Shun’s burial did not interfere with normal market activities is repeated at LSCQ, “An si 安死,” 10.536 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 232), and Huainanzi, “Qisu 齊俗,” 11.356 (Major, Huai­ nanzi, 409). 18. See 18.5A, n. 19. 25.11A 19. Wang Huanbiao proposes emending 大鞅 to 衣衾, “clothing.” There is

archaeological evidence for the burial of female musicians: in 1977, excavation of the 433 b.c.e. burial of the Marquis Yi of Zeng 曾侯乙—the minor ruler of a small state associated with Chu—revealed the immolated remains of female musicians buried with the marquis, along with inscribed bronze bells and other musical instruments. See von Falkenhausen, Suspended Music, 5–12, and Major and So, “Music,” 14 and 17.

25.11B 20. See 25.3. 25.12A 21. Following the pronunciation for 輆 provided by Bi Yuan. Sun Yirang notes

the different orthographies for the place-name in various sources and editions. There is insufficient evidence to determine which one is correct. Moreover, 49.6 claims that it was Qiao 橋, the country of cannibals in the south, and not Shaishu, that had the custom of eating the eldest son. By using examples from countries east of Yue, south of Chu, and west of Qin— “barbarian” realms that are the extreme opposites to the Central States geographically as well as culturally—Mozi is able to portray the practices of the Central States as another extreme and thus to argue for the middle course: moderation. It should be noted that Mozi’s account of the customs of Shaishu is only remotely connected to burial practices that regard consumption of the corpse as a form of burial and treatment of the deceased’s survivors as a reflection of the lavishness with which the dead themselves would be treated. 22. A parallel passage at 49.6 does not say that they jie 解, “cut up,” and devoured their eldest sons, but that they ate them xian 鮮, “fresh.” Sun Yirang finds the 25.12A reading preferable and emends the 49.6 text to make it consistent with that of 25.12A. See 49.6, n. 19. 23. Bi Yuan locates Yiqu in the territory of the Rong, in what is now Gansu and western Shaanxi Provinces. LSCQ 14/4.1 and Xunzi, “Dalue 大略,” 27.618

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(Knoblock, Xunzi, 27.61, 221–22, and 367 n. 84), say that the Di and Qiang peoples feared that after they died their bodies would not be burned. Perhaps, then, Yiqu and its customs should be associated with the Di and Qiang, and not with the Rong. 25.12B 24. Hanfeizi, “Xianxue 顯學,” 19.1085, characterizes Mohist burial practices:

“The burials of the Mohists involve enshrouding the dead in winter clothes in the winter, in summer clothes in the summer, having a paulownia wood coffin no more than three inches thick, and wearing mourning clothes for three months.” Burying the dead in the clothes of the season was meant to save the expense of preparing burial clothes for all four seasons.

Chapter 26 26.1 1. Adopting Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation in identifying the length of the quote

from Mozi.

26.3 2. See 12.2B, n. 3. 26.4 3. Another version of 26.4 is found at 4.4. 26.5 4. The phrase 天有邑人 has been recognized as problematic by Bi Yuan, Wang

Huanbiao, and others. That its terminology is basically sound is attested by the 4.3 parallel, 今天下無大小國皆天之邑也人無幼長貴賤皆天之 臣也, and by a passage in 19.2 that refers to 天之人 and 天之邑. But these parallels also suggest that the present text has suffered damage and that the phrase should be moved, as it has been here. The parallel at 4.3 reads: “Now all the states of the world, whether large or small, are fiefs that belong to Heaven. All the people of the world, young and old, noble and base, are the subjects of Heaven. This is shown by the fact that they all graze oxen and sheep, rear dogs and pigs for slaughter, and prepare sweet wine and fill the offering vessels with liquor in order to serve Heaven with strict, reverent care. Does this not mean that Heaven possesses and receives offerings from them impartially?”

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5. “One misfortune” seems like mild retribution for the killing of an innocent

victim. It is hardly “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.” The 4.3 and 27.7 versions of this line lack the two occurrences of yi 一. We should perhaps regard both yi as excrescent in the present passage. 6. An alternate version of 26.5 is found in 4.3. 26.6 7. The dichotomy between the results achieved from loving and hating others

parallels a similar distinction made in 15.2 and 15.3.

26.7 8. An expanded version of this paragraph can be found at 4.1 through 4.3. Rather

than criticizing the scholars, their books, and persuasions, as 26.7 does, chapter 4 identifies parents, teachers, and rulers as the ones not “measuring up” to the standards of Heaven.

Chapter 27 27.1 1. Yu Yue argues that in all three occurrences in this paragraph, the word shan

善, “good,” is an error for yan 言. With his emendation the sentence would read, “Righteousness means ‘to govern.’” Yu cites the fact that shan does not occur in parallel passages in 26.3 and 28.2. Deleting it would, however, obliterate a feature of chapter 27 that was intended to distinguish it from the other two chapters in the “Heaven’s Will” triad.

27.2 2. There is no document of this title in the received literature. The quote that

follows is reminiscent of the opening lines of Maoshi zhengyi 13A.445, “Xiao­ ming 小明,” Mao 207: “So bright is Heaven above, luminously overseeing the earth below” (明明上天/照臨下土). It is possible that the 君 of the Mozi text is an orthographical error for the 照 of the Shi text. Perhaps the Mozi preserves an alternate title of the Shi song.

27.3 3. Paragraph 10.5B points out that poor rulers who do not promote the worthy

create a situation where the strong will not work for others, those with wealth will not share it with others, and those who possess the Way will keep it to themselves.

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4. Paragraph 25.6 warns that extravagant burials keep rulers from attending to

the affairs of government and their subordinates from doing their jobs, thus further impoverishing the state. The present chapter confirms that such a failing would be contrary to Heaven’s wishes.

27.5 5. Bu ren 不仁 in this paragraph does not mean “inhumane,” but refers to a more

general sort of wickedness on the part of subordinates that involves their failure to fulfill their obligations to their superiors, from brothers and parents to Heaven itself. 6. This same criticism of gentlemen, expressed in slightly different language, is found in the opening paragraph of chapter 26. 27.8A 7. The quoted lines are found in Maoshi zhengyi 16D.573, “Huangyi 皇矣,” Mao

241.

27.8B 8. This quotation has been incorporated into the Old Script “Taishi 泰誓”; see

Shangshu 11.153. The emendations and translation found herein are based largely on the comments of Sun Xingyan and on a second quotation of this same passage at 36.4. Sun Xingyan points out that 31.7 (in the surviving “Ming­g ui” chapter) notes that the sage-kings worked on behalf of the ghosts and spirits. He argues that the “Taishi” quotation should be read as a criticism of Zhou for failing to do so. The quote also appears in 35.6, where Zhou Xin’s claim “I possess the Mandate!” is given as proof that he advocated fatalism, since to possess Heaven’s mandate meant that Heaven had fated one to be sovereign.

Chapter 28 28.1 1. In the 26.1 version of this illustration, the text asks how the criminal could

remain a resident of the household. This is one of a few points where the 26.1 and 28.1 versions differ. Tao Hongqing, followed by Wang Huanbiao, would emend the 28.1 text to make it resemble 26.1 more closely. I choose to let the text remain as it is in the Sun Yirang edition.

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28.2 2. In offering this admonition, Mozi is making up for the failure of the shijunzi

that he complains about in 28.1. For Mozi, complaining about others is never enough. One must offer an alternative, as he says in 16.2.

28.4 3. In the examples that follow, it is Heaven, not “the worthy,” that rewards and

punishes. It is therefore likely that the word 賢 is an error.

4. As indicated in text n. e to 28.4, the paragraph seems to have suffered damage

at this point. Given other parallels with chapter 26, the missing phrases probably resembled the following from 26.4: “Thus Heaven caused them to be honored as Sons of Heaven and enriched them with the possession of the whole world, extended their posterity to a myriad generations of sons and grandsons, acclaimed their goodness, and made it known in every quarter of the world.” Sun Yirang would emend the text by supplying passages derived from chapter 9. 5. According to 27.8B, these rulers were called the “tyrants” by the people. 28.6 6. This description of the war preparations of great states and the damage and

devastation they inflict closely parallels a passage found at 19.2. 7. The text here provides interesting insight into how court annals such as the Spring and Autumn Annals of the state of Lu were composed and preserved.

28.7A 8. A similar illustration opens chapter 17. 28.7B 9. A similar illustration occurs in 17.2B. 28.8 10. The quoted lines are found in Maoshi zhengyi 16D.573, “Huangyi 皇矣,” Mao

241. They also appear in 27.8A, where they are identified as originating, not in the “Greater Xia Odes,” but in “Huangyi.” “Da Xia 大夏” is an alternate, and probably earlier, form of “Da ya 大雅,” the name of one of the four sections into which the Mao school version of the Shijing is divided. A recently excavated text now known as the Kongzi shilun 孔子詩論 includes a section titled “Da Xia.” The manuscript is dated to ca. 300 b.c.e. and is now in the Shanghai Museum. See Ma Chengyuan, Shanghai bowuguan cang Zhan­

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guo Chu zhushu, 139–44. For more on the formal features of the Shijing, see ­Riegel, “Shih ching Poetry.” 11. This means that the will of Heaven determines what is righteous and what is not. Cf. the equation that concludes chapter 27: “Obedience to the wishes of Heaven is the standard of righteousness” (順天之意者義之法也).

Chapter 31 1. Huainanzi, “Fanlun 氾論,” 13.436 (Major, Huainanzi, 501), refers to this



Mohist doctrine as yougui 右鬼, which Gao You defines as “revere the ghosts.” In the bibliographical treatise of the Hanshu, Ban Gu also refers to the doctrine as yougui, apparently following the Huainanzi reading; see Hanshu 30.1738. Ru Shun 如淳, in his commentary to the passage, defines the phrase as “believe in the ghosts and spirits.” For the reasons behind Ian Johnston’s translation of the title as “Percipient Ghosts,” see his Mozi, 278 n. 1.

31.1 2. The “Will of Heaven” triad distinguishes between “righteous governance”



(yizheng 義正) and “governing by force” (lizheng 力正); see 26.6 and 28.5. It is because the world has abandoned the righteous governance of the sage-kings that the feudal lords govern by force. Righteous governance would consist of positive values that, according to the remainder of the present paragraph, are missing from the rule of the feudal lords.

31.4A 3. This chapter frequently refers to “those who advocate that ghosts do not exist”

without identifying them any further. “Master Gongmeng,” 48.8, says that the eponymous representative of Ru teachings advocated just such a doctrine. 4. Following Wang Huanbiao’s punctuation in identifying the extent of the quote from Mozi. The anecdote that illustrates the quote and the argument that follows are the contributions of Mozi’s followers. 5. The text identifies the book from which this story comes as the Chunqiu, or Spring and Autumn Annals, of Zhou. The Zhou Annals are not extant, nor is this story found in any other text that survives from antiquity. Guoyu, “Zhouyu,” 11.30, does include a reference to the earl of Du’s killing the king. But that text does not identify the earl as a ghost, and it locates the killing at the Zhou capital of Hao 鄗. Sun Yirang discusses the controversy over when during King Xuan’s reign (827–782) he had the earl killed. (The New Script version of the Bamboo Annals dates the earl’s execution to the forty-third year

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of the king’s reign.) This story and the later story of Duke Jian of Yan share certain features—for example, both include the words, “My lord, you are going to execute me even though I am innocent. If the dead have no consciousness, then the matter ends there. But if the dead do have consciousness, then before three years have passed I will certainly make my lord know it!” This suggests that they belonged to a series of stories about ghostly revenge. 6. In chapters 26 and 28, in language rather similar to what we find in this passage, we are told that it is Heaven that sends down misfortune on those who kill the innocent. Ghosts and spirits are Heaven’s agents. 31.4B 7. The text names Duke Mu of Zheng as the ruler in this story, but all commenta-

tors agree that it should be the far more famous Duke Mu of Qin (r. 659–621). Goumang was the Supreme Sovereign’s deputy in charge of the eastern quarter and springtime; hence, when he enters the temple he stands to the left, to the east, and he bestows on the duke long life and a flourishing progeny, both associated with spring in early Chinese cosmology. The text claims that this story too derives from a written source, but does not provide the book’s title. Guoyu, “Jinyu 晉語,” 8.295, records a story that closely parallels the form and language of our text, but it describes how Rushou 蓐收, the Supreme Sovereign’s deputy in charge of the western quarter and autumn, announces to an incompetent ruler his demise and the loss of his state. This suggests that the story might have derived from a compilation of stories concerning the spirits of the directions and the seasons. For a closer reading of the language of these tales, see Riegel, “Kou-mang.”

31.4C

8. The text identifies the book from which this story comes as the Chunqiu, or

Spring and Autumn Annals, of the state of Yan. The Yan Annals are not extant, nor is this story found in any other text that survives from antiquity. Duke Jian ruled Yan from 504 to 493. The exact nature of the guan ritual mentioned is uncertain. The fact that it involved numerous female and male participants suggests, however, that it was perhaps a fertility rite.

31.4D 9. The text identifies the book from which this story comes as the Chunqiu, or

Spring and Autumn Annals, of the state of Song. The Song Annals are not extant, nor is this story found in any other text that survives from the pre-Qin period. (A version of the story, based on the Mozi version, is found in Lun­

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heng, “Siyi 祀義,” 25.1051.) Lord Wen of Song reigned from 610 to 589. Sun Yirang would emend the text so that the name Guangu is read Yegu, written 夜姑 or 射姑, a common name in ancient literature. Mei, Motse, 162 n. 1, points out that the shaman who strikes down Guangu is a medium acting out the wishes of the ghosts and spirits. In the next story, ghosts and spirits use the body of a lamb to carry out their punishments. Both stories perhaps derived from a collection of tales about spirits’ inhabiting the bodies of others. 31.4E 10. Bi Yuan notes that the text is damaged at this point. Wang Huanbiao’s emen-

dations are not convincing.

11. The text identifies the book from which this story comes as the Chunqiu, or

Spring and Autumn Annals, of the state of Qi. The Qi Annals are not extant, nor is this story found in any other text that survives from the pre-Qin period. Lord Zhuang of Qi reigned from 553 to 548 b.c.e. The ritual of smearing the mouth with blood was part of swearing an oath: each of the officials would have sworn that his version of the facts was true. We should understand that the ghosts and spirits caused the lamb to kill Middle Magistrate Jiao.

31.5 12. Sun Yirang finds evidence in early ritual texts that suggests that worship within

the ancestral temple was restricted to descendants from a common ancestor, the founder of the state. Feudal lords who were descendants of the Zhou patriarch could participate in sacrifices to him; worship outside the ancestral temple was appropriate for families with different clan names, who could sacrifice to the mountains and streams and other entities.

31.6 13. This suggests that the description of where rewards and punishments took

place is quoted from a document.

14. The capital was supposed to be nine li square. The ancestral temple was to the

left, and the altar of soil and grain to the right; the court was to the front, and the marketplace to the back. LSCQ, “Shenshi 慎勢,” 17.1108 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 428), notes: “The kings of antiquity selected the very center of the world for their capital, in whose center they established their palace, in whose center they further established their temple.” 15. Yi Zhoushu, “Dikuang 糴匡,” 1.1930–31, states: “In years when there is sufficient grain to last the whole year, the sacrifices are generous. In years when there is hunger, what is offered in sacrifice is less generous. And when there

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is widespread starvation, there are prayers without offerings being made, or offerings are made of poor quality goods” (成年穀足, 賓祭以盛, 年饑舉祭 以薄, 大荒有禱無祭, 祭以薄資). 16. This is opposite to what Confucius says in Lunyu 6.22: “Revere the ghosts and spirits but keep them at a distance.” 31.8 17. The text quoted is Maoshi zhengyi 16A.533–34, “Wenwang 文王,” Mao 235. 31.9

18. The Shang document from which the text is quoting does not survive. A ver-

sion of the quote was incorporated into the Old Script text of “Yi xun 伊訓”; see Shangshu zhushu 8.14.

31.10 19. The “Oath of Yu” does not survive. A similarly worded version of the quote was

incorporated into the Old Script text of “Gan shi 甘誓”; see Shangshu zhushu 7.98. The five moral principles are humaneness, righteousness, ritual propriety, wisdom, and trustworthiness. The three norms are the Ways of Heaven, earth, and man. LSCQ, “Zhaolei 召類,” 20.1360 (Knoblock and ­Riegel, Annals, 524), in apparent agreement with the “Oath of Yu,” says that “Yu attacked the ancient states of Cao and Wei, as well as the Qu’ao and the Hu in order to spread his civilizing influence.” But LSCQ 3/3.3 notes that “Boqi, the Xia sovereign, did battle with the Hu at the Gan Marsh but was not victorious.” LSCQ thus gives two different accounts of who initiated the battle against the Hu. (Knoblock and Riegel, 523, mistakenly accept an emendation proposed by Tan Jiefu and Chen Yiqou that inserts Boqi into the narrative and thus obscures this significant difference in the two LSCQ accounts of the battle.) Moreover, LSCQ, “Xianji 先己,” 3.145 (Knoblock and Riegel, 104), mentions the six hereditary officers that appear in the Mozi quote of the “Oath of Yu.” Perhaps even in antiquity there was fundamental confusion over who fought at Gan. Sun Yirang makes the unlikely proposal that two different battles were fought there against the Hu, one led by Boqi and the other by Yu. Sun’s proposal that some have mistaken the “Oath of Gan” for the “Oath of Yu” is, however, possible. Perhaps the title “Oath of Yu” is a textual error here, since Yu is not mentioned in the quote itself or in the comments that follow it. 20. The concluding paragraph of 31.10 seems garbled and somewhat misplaced in the text. It is unclear what source, if any, the text is quoting. Sun Yirang argues that you 丣 days, not mao 卯 days, were regarded by the Zhou as auspicious.

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But this seems a minor point, especially in light of the fact that he emends the text so that it does not read “Zhou.” 31.12 21. Sun Yirang worries that Tang’s chariots were too few and that the text must be

wrong. He notes that LSCQ, “Jianxuan 簡選,” 8.441 (Knoblock and ­Riegel, Annals, 197), records that “Tang of the Yin dynasty had seventy chariots and six thousand knights willing to die for him.” But Mozi is probably making the point that Tang represented Heaven’s will and therefore needed only a few chariots and soldiers. 22. These are probably the names of ancient martial arts exercises that Tang performed as a war dance before his troops descended on the enemy. A chart unearthed in the 1970s at Mawangdui, Hunan, illustrates such exercises and identifies them by name; see Fu Juyou, Mawangdui Hanmu wenwu, 148–50. Sun Yirang suggests “bird stretch” and “wild goose march” are the names of formations in which Tang arrayed his troops. His source for this is Liutao, “Niaoyun zebing 鳥雲澤兵,” 5.185: “In the “birds and clouds” formation, the birds scatter and the clouds gather, and the changes and transformations are inexhaustible.” 23. This account of Tang’s campaign against the Xia is probably borrowed from some unacknowledged canonical source. A similar passage is found in LSCQ, “Jianxuan 簡選,” 8.441 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 197). 24. On Tuichi Daxi, see 3.2B, n. 7. Gao You, in his commentary to this passage, suggests that the name means something like “Able to Shove around a Big Beast.” (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 197, mistakenly divide the name into two, Tuiyi and Daxi; the glossary misidentifies Tuiyi Daxi as two of Jie’s evil ministers.) 31.13 25. This recitation of Zhou’s crimes is probably borrowed from an unacknowl-

edged canonical source. A similar account is found in the Old Script chapter titled “Taishi 泰誓”; see Shangshu zhushu 11.153. 26. There is no generally accepted interpretation of the four words 萬年梓株. This interpretation follows Yin Tongyang and Wang Huanbiao. 27. As with the parallel passage in 31.12, we may assume that this account of King Wu’s campaign is borrowed from an unacknowledged canonical source. Other early versions of the attack can be found at Yi Zhoushu, “Ke Yin 克殷,” 4.2a–3b, and LSCQ, “Jianxuan 簡選,” 8.441 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 197–98). Shaughnessy, “‘New’ Evidence on the Zhou Conquest,” 39, argues

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that the “Ke Yin” is “demonstrably anachronistic to the Shang–early Western Zhou period” and hence not a reliable source for the Zhou conquest of the Shang; see also Huang Peirong, “Zhou shu yanjiu,” 289–97, for examples of anachronisms in the “Ke Yin.” 28. Qin Ai is presumably the title of an early document, but no work by this title survives. LSCQ, “Baogeng 報更,” 15.894 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 352– 53), quotes the first half of the passage quoted here, attributing it simply to a “document” (shu 書). (Knoblock and Riegel, 353, mistranslate the line: “This is what a Document calls ‘virtue that seems to lack any smallness.’” The translation should read: “This is what a Document calls ‘being kind to the slightest being, no matter how small he may be.’”) 31.14 29. Based on Mozi’s response, it would appear that what is being objected to is

the wastefulness of offerings that not only fail to benefit the deceased, but are expensive for their descendants to prepare.

Chapter 32 32.1 1. Adopting the punctuation of Wang Huanbiao identifying the extent of the

quote from Mozi.

32.4 2. In the Sun Yirang edition, this quote introduces 32.5. I follow Wang Huan-

biao’s paragraph division here as well as his punctuation in identifying the extent of the quoted material.

32.5 3. In the Sun Yirang edition, this quote introduces 32.6A. I follow Wang Huan-

biao’s paragraph division here as well as his punctuation in identifying the extent of the quoted material.

32.6B 4. Because Duke Kang (r. 404–379 b.c.e.) was a puppet of the Tian 田 family,

which held real power, and was in no position to support such luxurious display, Sun Yirang wants to emend the text so that the ruler in question is Duke Jing 景公 (r. 547–490). That the text puts puts the event “in the past” suggests it was something that happened well before the time of the author; Sun’s

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emendation would address that problem as well. The Wan is a famous dance in which the performers brandished weapons, waved feathers, and carried musical instruments.It is mentioned in two canonical passages quoted in 32.8. 5. In the Sun Yirang edition, this quote introduces 32.7. I follow Wang Huanbiao’s paragraph division here as well as his punctuation in identifying the extent of the quoted material. 32.7 6. In the Sun Yirang edition, this quote introduces 32.8. I follow Wang Huan-

biao’s paragraph division here as well as his punctuation in identifying the extent of the quoted material.

32.8

7. The quoted passage has been incorporated into the Old Script “Yi xun 伊訓”;

see Shangshu zhushu 8.14. The words wu 舞, “dance,” and wu 巫, “shaman,” are etymologically related, suggesting that there was a close connection between dancing and early shamanic practice. See Shirakawa, Kanji no sekai, 63–73. 8. The document here called Huangjing is otherwise unknown. A few phrases found in the passage quoted here are also quoted in 37.3, where they are said to have come from the “Taishi 泰誓,” or “Grand Oath,” chapter of the Docu­ ments. Perhaps Huangjing was an alternate title for Taishi in antiquity. The quoted passage appears now in the Old Script “Yi xun 伊訓”; see Shangshu zhushu 8.14. It is possible that the editors of the Old Script version did not realize that Mozi was quoting from a different source and for that reason incorporated this quotation and the previous one into the same Shangshu chapter. The opening four-syllable phrase in the quote, as emended by Wang Jingxi, parallels a line in Maoshi zhengyi 21B.778, “Bigong 閟宮,” Mao 300. 9. Hui Dong suggests that these lyrics were once part of a song titled “Wu zi zhi ge 五子之歌” that described the lascivious behavior of the fifth son of Xia Qi. According to Hui, the narrative in which the song was embedded was originally recorded in the now lost Yi Zhoushu chapter titled “Wuguan 武觀.” The text of the lyrics is damaged; the translation is tentative.

Chapter 35 35.1 1. This same quote opens chapter 8. Following Wang Niansun’s commentary to

8.1, I have emended the present text so that it refers to the rulers of today, not

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those of the past. Clearly the rulers contemporary with Mozi, not those who had governed before his time, were his target. 35.2 2. Mozi uses the term yi 儀, “gnomon.” The text that follows the quotation uses

the synonym biao 表 as a gloss on Mozi’s usage. 3. Guanzi, “Qifa 七法,” 6.101, uses this same analogy. 35.3

4. Paragraphs 36.2b and 37.2a elaborate on the point that within the same era

(shi 世), good rulers created order and bad rulers, chaos, and that the two have nothing to do with fate. The wording of this passage is close to Xunzi, 17 “Tianlun 天論,” 11.370 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:17): “Since Yu achieved order and Jie brought chaos, order and chaos are not due to the seasons.” The sequence of the seasons and eras is related to the workings of Heaven; thus both texts are divorcing the creation of order and disorder from Heaven. Perkins, “The Moist Criticism” 423, points out that a manuscript discovered at Guodian 郭店, Hubei, and assigned the title Qiongda yishi 窮達以時 (Success and failure are due to timing), opens with a passage arguing that accomplishments have nothing to do with worthiness, but with the era in which a person lives—an argument opposite to what we find in the present triad. For the text of the manuscript, see Liu Jian, Guodian Chu jian jiaoshi, 168–76. Li Rui, “Guodian Chu jian,” discusses the relationship between the manuscript and transmitted pre-Han and Han literature.

35.4A 5. The text represents this rhymed teaching as the doctrine of the advocates of

fatalism. The concluding couplet is almost identical to a couplet in 37.3, where it is identified as part of the “Great Oath.” In that passage, the Zhou king Wu, when still the heir apparent, Fa 發, criticizes Zhou, the “bad last” ruler of the Shang, as a believer in fatalism.

35.5 6. In 31.11 we are told that the honesty of the keepers of the storehouse results

from the belief that the ghosts and spirits are watching them. 7. In 31.1 we are told that those named here do not act as they should because they do not know that the ghosts and spirits are observing them.

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35.6B 8. The quoted passage is found in “Zhonghui zhi gao 仲虺之誥,” Shangshu

zhushu 8.11. 9. The quoted passage is found in the Old Script version of “Taishi 泰誓”; see Shangshu zhushu 11.153.

Chapter 36 36.3 1. Sun Yirang has pointed out that this sentence is defective as it stands. It is

therefore difficult to render it in a way that makes clear its connection with the text that precedes it.

36.4B 2. For this quotation, see 35.6B, n. 8. 3. For this quotation, see 35.6B, n. 9. 4. The “Hundred States of the Three Dynasties” does not survive, and the quoted

passage is not found in the transmitted canonical literature.

5. Sun Yirang notes that the Duke of Shao’s speech must have originally appeared

in a now-lost Zhou document. When the duke refers to “the two of us” he means himself and the Duke of Zhou. Sun also notes that in the line introducing the duke’s speech, the word ling 令 is synonymous with ming 命, “mandate.”

Chapter 37 37.3 1. We should probably understand that the “duplicitous people” briefly alluded

to at the conclusion of 37.2C are those “deluding the crowd.” This, at least, is how the parallel passage 36.4A reads. 2. No document by this title has survived, nor does the quoted material occur elsewhere in the transmitted canonical literature. 3. For this quotation, see 35.6B, n. 8. 4. The “Great Oath” is also quoted in chapters 35 and 36. Those quotations are more or less identical; the present quotation differs considerably from them. Its most notable feature is that it takes the form of a poem, the meaning of which, Su Shixue observes, is not far different from that of Maoshi zhengyi 18A.641, “Dang 蕩,” Mao 255. The verses that make up the quotation were

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incorporated in a variety of Old Script Shangshu chapters, including “Taishi 泰誓,” “Yixun 伊訓,” and “Xianyou yide 咸有一德.” One couplet—“That sacrifices do no good, and blasphemy no harm”—is quoted with almost identical wording in 35.4A and is represented there as a teaching of the advocates of fatalism. Other verses occur in 32.8, where they appear to have been quoted from a lost document titled Huangjing 黃徑. (These verses are found in the Old Script “Yixun” chapter of the Shangshu; see 32.8, n. 8.) The 32.8 version suggests that the 37.3 text of the hemistich 祝降其喪 is defective and perhaps should be emended to read: “[The Supreme Sovereign] sent down one hundred demonesses, and his whole family was ruined and lost” (降之百, 其 家壞喪). 37.4A 5. The description of the tasks and responsibilities of rulers, officials, farmers,

and women also appears in 32.7. There the worry is that musical performances interfere with them.

37.4B 6. The phrase in quotation marks is a paraphrase of the sentence that opens 37.3.

It is possible that in both places the Mozi is alluding to Lunyu 7.1—“The gentleman follows but does not invent” (君子述而不作)—and is thus equating the Ru with the advocates of fatalism.

Chapter 39 39.1A 1. This Ru teaching has a close parallel in the “Zhongyong 中庸”; see Liji zhushu

52.887. 2. The mourning rules quoted here correspond closely to what we are told in the “Sangfu 喪服” chapter of the Yili; see, e.g., Yili zhushu 29.349. The focus in the present chapter on the length of time people wear mourning clothes is a reflection of the importance the Mohists attached to moderation and restraint in burial and mourning rituals. 3. The search for the deceased describes an effort to locate the soul that has left the body. The ritual known as zhaohun 召魂, “calling back the soul,” symbolized an attempt to restore the dead to life. Some of the practices ascribed to the Ru in the present text are also found in the “Shisang 士喪” chapter of the Yili; see, e.g., Yili zhushu 35.408–9.

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39.1B 4. The marriage customs described are similar to those in “Shihun 士昏”; see Yili

zhushu 4.43 and 5.50. 5. This quote is similar to a statement attributed to Kongzi in “Ai gong wen 哀 公問”; see Liji zhushu 50.849. The passage in the Mozi is quoted as the Ru response to the criticism that in terms of the length of time mourning clothes were worn, wives and sons were memorialized as long as parents. It is not a response to Mohist criticisms of how the Ru say one should greet a new bride. This suggests that the intervening passages relating to the rites of burial and greeting a bride are out of place. 39.2 6. This statement of fatalist doctrine has a close parallel in the teaching quoted in

35.1. Master Gongmeng also quotes a version of it in 48.5.

39.3 7. The liquor is produced from the grains grown in the fields. 39.4 8. In 48.3, this doctrine is presented as one of Master Gongmeng’s assertions.

In Mengzi 6B.2, Cao Jiao asks Mengzi if anyone can become a Yao or Shun. Mengzi replies: “Wear Yao’s clothes, intone Yao’s words, perform Yao’s actions, and you are Yao!” 9. Compare Lunyu 7.1: “The gentleman follows but does not invent” (君子述 而不作). 39.5 10. The opening phrase of the Ru doctrine is found in the Guliangzhuan at Yin

5; see Chunqiu Guliangzhuan 2.22. The doctrine is also generally consistent with Xunzi’s description of the “military regulations of a True King” in Xunzi, “Yibing 議兵,” 15.326 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 2:218): “Those who offer allegiance are not incarcerated, nor are those who offer resistance pardoned, nor are those who flee for their lives made prisoners.” As noted in the text apparatus, the sixword phrase that concludes the Ru teaching has been recognized as defective. The translation given here follows Sun Yirang and is tentative.

39.6A 11. In 48.1, this analogy is presented as part of one of Master Gongmeng’s asser-

tions. It is also similar to the analogy used in a description of how a good

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teacher responds to the inquiries of his students, found in “Xueji 學記,” Liji zhushu 36.655: “He who is good at entertaining questioners is like the toll of a bell: when sturck with a soft blow, it rings softly; when struck with a strong blow, it rings loudly; it waits for just the right blow, then rings with a full and lingering sound” (善待問者如撞鍾, 叩之以小者則小鳴, 叩之以大者 則大鳴, 待其從容然後盡其聲). 12. In Mengzi 1A.7, Duke Xuan of Qi asks Mengzi to talk about the accomplishments of Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin. Not wanting to, Mengzi demurs: “The followers of Confucius never talked about Duke Huan and Duke Wen, so their stories have not been transmitted, and I never learned about them.” 13. The foregoing description of the decorous but uncommunicative and unhelpful Ru is consistent with what Xunzi says of “the lowly Ru who follow Zixia.” See Xunzi 6 “Feishi’erzi 非十二子 ,” 6.109 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 1:229): “Wearing their caps in perfectly correct form, maintaining their expression in perfect equanimity, they sit there all day long as if they are about to gag on a bit, but say nothing—such are the base Ru of the school of Zixia” (正其衣冠, 齊其 顏色, 嗛然而終日不言, 是子夏氏之賤儒也). 39.6B 14. There are problems with the transmitted text of these few lines. Reasonable

emendations have been proposed by Yu Yue, Wu Yujiang, Wang Shumin, and others. My own emendation and translation are tentative. 15. Throughout chapter 39, references to the junzi, or “superior man,” occur in contexts where the Ru position is being quoted. Perhaps we should understand “the Way of the superior man” and the teachings quoted earlier that constitute it as quotations of Ru doctrine. The point of the concluding sentence is that Kong Qiu, or Confucius, preached one thing while doing another. This criticism of Kongzi also serves to introduce the anecdotes about him that follow in the chapter. At this point and in the remainder of the chapter in the Sun Yirang edition, Confucius’s name is written Kong mou 孔某 in order to avoid the taboo of referring to his given name, Qiu 丘. From at least Southern Song times on, it was customary to avoid pronouncing the given name aloud, substituting for it mou, “a certain person.” (This use of mou in avoiding taboos was by no means exclusive to Confucius’s given name.) It also became customary either to draw a small red circle next to or above the character qiu in recognition that it was a taboo graph, or to subtitute the graph mou for the graph qiu. It appears, however, that in the case of the Mozi, the convention of changing the text was not commonly followed before the appearance of Sun Yirang’s

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edition. Thus in his commentary to the present paragraph, Bi Yuan notes that rather than write mou, “old editions” of the text used the taboo character qiu. Therefore, in strict observance of the taboo, Bi Yuan changed all instances of qiu in the chapter to mou, the reading that survives throughout the chapter in Sun Yirang’s edition. For this reason, in his commentary, Wu Yujiang employs what he assumes to be the original reading—qiu. I have followed suit. 39.7 16. Duke Sheng of Bai 白公勝 was the grandson of King Ping of Chu 楚平王

and son of the heir apparent, Jian 建. Between 479 and 478, in revenge for his father’s death, the duke plotted to murder Chu’s prime minister and minister of war, Zixi 子西 and Sima Ziqi 司馬子期. He succeeded in killing the two men; but failing to take control of Chu, he ultimately committed suicide. Shiji, “Kongzi shijia 孔子世家,” 47.1932, notes that King Zhao of Chu welcomed Kongzi there in what would have been 499, but no mention is made of Kongzi’s having visited the state during the reign of King Hui of Chu, against whom Duke Sheng rebelled. LSCQ, “Jingyu 精諭,” 18.1168 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 450), Liezi, “Shuofu 說符,” 8.249–50 (Graham, The Book of Lieh-tzu, 166–67), and Huainanzi, “Daoying 道應,” 12.379–80 (Major, Huainanzi, 440–41), all record an anecdote in which Kongzi has a conversation with the duke of Bai in which the duke apparently wanted to tell Kongzi a “secret”—most likely his plot against Zixi and Sima Ziqi. Aside from the Mozi, no other early text involves Confucius in the plot. Commentators have pointed out obvious anachronisms in the Mozi story. According to tradition, Kongzi died in 479 and so could not have been as deeply involved as the story implies. But Kongzi’s birth and death dates are not firmly fixed. Commentators also point out that Yan Ying died in 500 and Duke Jing of Qi in 490; thus they could not possibly have discussed the duke of Bai’s revolt. Clearly, the Mozi story is intended to tarnish Kongzi’s reputation by portraying him as compromised—a recurrent theme in Mohist criticism of the Ru. While it is possible that the text has been corrupted and that originally the interlocutors were other famous figures whose presence in the text would not be anachronistic, in light of other discrepancies in the anecdotes about Kongzi that conclude chapter 39, it is likely that the editors of these tales were more concerned with reviling Kongzi than with historical accuracy.

39.8 17. Nothing is known about Niqi other than its location in the ancient state of Qi.

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18. Master Yan or Yan Ying (d. 500) was prime minister of Qi under Duke Jing.

The story of his disapproval of Duke Jing’s intention to enfeoff Kongzi also appears in Yanzi chunqiu, “Waipian 外篇,” 8.491–92. 19. The Tian were a powerful ministerial family of Qi that overthrew the ruling house in 481. Chiyi Zipi is the name used by Fan Li 范蠡 after he fled the state of Wu and went to Qi; see Shiji, “Huozhi liezhuan 貨殖列傳,” 129.3257, and herein, 3.2C, n. 16. Hanfeizi, “Shuolin 說林,” 7.426, mentions that Chiyi Zipi served Tian Chang. Nothing further is known of Master Hui of Nanguo. The Gao, Guo, Bao, and Yan  were noble families in Qi. As with the 39.7 story, the account of Kongzi’s role in the Tian insurrection is problematic. No other sources support the story that Kongzi and his followers helped the Tian family. Lunyu 14.22 and the Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ai 14.5, 59.1034, both claim that when Tian Chang assassinated the ruler of Qi, Kongzi personally exhorted Duke Ai of Lu to undertake an expedition to punish him. According to the Shiji passage cited earlier, Chiyi Zipi fled to Qi in 473, six years after the traditional date of Kongzi’s death and seventeen years after the death of Duke Jing of Qi. It would appear that here, as in 39.7, either the text has been corrupted or the editors of these accounts were not as concerned with historical detail as they were with condemning Kongzi and his followers. 39.9 20. Confucius is traditionally thought to have held the office of director of crime

in Lu in the ninth year of the reign of Duke Ding, 501. The Jisun, or Ji, were one of the “three Huan families”—the great ministerial families of Lu. The Ji family had the hereditary right to hold the post of prime minister of Lu. According to accounts in both the Lunyu and the Zuozhuan, they challenged the Lu ducal line during Kongzi’s lifetime. Some accounts claim that Kongzi was loyal to the ruling house. The present text suggests that he was once again supporting an insurrection, even going so far as to help the head of the Jisun family escape, presumably after the insurrection failed. No other source mentions the family head’s having to fight his way out of the capital. But LSCQ, “Shenda 慎大,” 15.845 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 342), says of Confucius that “he was strong enough to lift the bolt on the gate of the capital, but he did not want to become renowned for his strength.” According to Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Xiang 10.2, 31.538, Confucius’s purported father, Shu He of Zou 郰叔紇, singlehandedly raised the portcullis of the city gate of the capital of the small state of Biyang 偪陽 in 563 so that soldiers from Lu who were trapped inside could escape. Sun Yirang notes in his commentary to the Mozi passage that both it and the LSCQ passage have mistakenly attributed

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to Confucius a mythic feat of strength originally associated with Shu He of Zhou, his supposed father. 39.10 21. Lunyu 10.9 and 10.8 respectively mention the need to sit on a straight mat and

eat meat that has been properly cut. 22. Mengzi 6A.10 famously raises the case of a starving beggar who would rather die than accept food offered him in an insulting fashion. This illustrates Mencius’s point that when forced to choose between survival and self-respect (yi 義), an individual will choose the latter because he desires it more. Thus the Mohist accusation that Confucius was neglectful of the need to maintain yi when he was starving seems to suggest that Confucius’s regard for self-respect and personal integrity was not equal even to that of an ordinary beggar. On Confucius’s predicament while in exile between Chen and Cai, see Lunyu 15.2. On Duke Ai’s reception of Kongzi on his return to Lu, cf. Lunyu, 10.8, 12.9. Zilu was one of Kongzi’s most famous disciples. See also Riegel, “Poetry and the Legend of Confucius’s Exile,” for an account of how the sources more sympathetic to Kongzi might have been manufactured. 39.11A 23. The evil father of Shun; see Mengzi 5A.2. 24. Confucius’s comments about Shun, Gusou, and the condition of the world

are taken by the Mozi to be an attack on Shun. Mengzi, who also apparently thought the remarks derogatory, denied they were by Confucius and attributed them to “a rustic from Qi.” See Mengzi 5A.4. Kongzi is also questioning the loyalty of the Duke of Zhou. On the claim that he abandoned his family home, see “Gengzhu,” 46.12, for a more elaborate version of what is recorded in 39.11A. Shaughnessy weaves both this passage and the “Gengzhu” passage into a revisionist account of the Duke of Zhou; see his “Duke of Zhou’s Retirement,” especially 122–23.

39.11B 25. The revolt in Wei is detailed in the Zuozhuan narrative for the years Ai 14 and

15. Zilu died in the revolt, while Zigao survived (Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ai 15.5, 59.1036; Lunyu 11.13). An ancient state dating from the time of the Zhou conquest, Wei was located in modern Henan Province, to the north of the Yellow River. 26. Yang Huo is mentioned in Lunyu 17.1 and is generally identified with Yang Hu, an official in the Jisun house­hold. He was able to seize power in that household

Mozi

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and aspired to seize similar power over the state of Lu, which it con­trolled: in 502 he plotted with several younger members of the three Huan families to assassinate the families’ heads and wrest absolute control for himself; the plot was discovered, however, and he was forced to flee to Qi. For a full version of these events, see Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ding 8.10, 55.965–66, and Ding 9.3, 55.968. 27. Zhongmou was once an appanage of the Fan, one of the six powerful families of Jin, but Viscount Xian of the Zhao clan, another of the six families, conquered it. Lunyu 17.7 notes that Bi Xi summoned Confucius to Zhongmou, and Confucius would have gone, had he not been restrained by Zilu, who pointed out Bi Xi’s treacherous plans. 28. Several members of the Qidiao family were listed among the disciples of Confucius. One, Qidiao Qi, is said to have founded one of the eight schools of Ru philosophy and was concerned with the nature of bravery and daring. See Lunyu 5.6; Hanfeizi, “Xianxue 顯學,” 19.1080. Translation of this line is based on the commentaries of Wu Yujiang and Wang Huanbiao.

Chapter 46 46.1 1. Mozi uses the simile of a difficult journey to commend Gengzhu for his will-

ingness to exert himself sufficiently to see a task through to the end. In Lunyu 6.10, Kongzi also uses the analogy of a journey to complain of Ran Qiu’s unwillingness to make sufficient effort to continue along the course of the Way.

46.2 2. According to Bi Yuan, Master Wuma was a younger brother or descendant of

the Confucian disciple Wuma Qi 巫馬期. Su Shixue identifies him as Wuma Qi. Robins, “The Moists,” 388, finds the idenfication of Master Wuma as a Ru of any stripe “implausible.” 3. A semidivine figure euhemerized as Dalian 大廉, the son of Yu’s minister Bo Yi 伯益, who was enfeoffed at Fei. 4. Kunwu was located in what is now Puyang County 濮陽縣, in southern Henan Province. In LSCQ, “Junshou 君守,” 17.1051 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 413), Kunwu is not a place-name, but the name of the inventor of ceramic vessels. Given the use of ceramic molds in the casting of bronze vessels, there is doubtless a connection between the place and the inventor. 5. Nothing further is known of Old Man Nanyi. This account of oracle-bone divination suggests that the texts used for interpreting the cracks were the same as the yaoci 爻辭, or “line texts,” of the Zhouyi.

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6. According to the Hanshu, “Jiaosi zhi 郊祀志,” 25A.1225, it was Yu, not Qi,

who had the Nine Cauldrons cast: “Yu collected metals from the nine shepherds from which he cast Nine Cauldrons, which were decorated with images from each of the nine circuits. They were all used to cook offerings for the Supreme Sovereign and for the spirits and ghosts. Because of their hollow legs they were called ‘hollow-legged tripods.’ They were employed to give visual form to the three types of virtue and to present offerings of food and drink, which, when accepted, would secure the blessings of Heaven.” Sun Yirang cites a quotation from the Mozi in the Jirui 稽瑞 that reads: “The magical cauldrons are not put over the fire but cook the food of themselves. They are not heated but boil of their own power. Water is not drawn from the well, yet they fill themselves. In them the five flavors are produced.” Sun takes this to be a differently worded version of the present passage. Mozi’s reference to the mythical Nine Cauldrons, the possession of which proves a ruler’s legitimacy, partly parallels mention of them in 19.4C. 7. As the subsequent text makes clear, the three states are the Xia, Shang, and Zhou. The cauldrons were symbolic of the special relationship that existed between the rulers of these states and the spiritual powers. 46.3 8. Sun Yirang proposes that this Xian Zishi is the same as the Xian Zishi 縣子

石 mentioned at LSCQ, “Zunshi 尊師,” 4.205 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 123), where it is also said that he was “a violent man from Qi” who studied with Mozi. It is to be assumed that Zhitu Yu is also one of Mozi’s disciples, but nothing further is known of him. 9. The logician Hui Shi uses a similar analogy at LSCQ, “Buqu 不屈,” 18.1196– 97 (Knoblock and Riegel, 462). In 47.9B, Mozi uses the analogy of building a wall to criticize “the gentlemen of the world” for becoming indignant when they are offered help in their attempts at self-cultivation. 46.5

10. Three measures of grain is obviously a small amount and hence an indication

that his salary was low. When Gengzhu says of himself that he is “late-born” he is expressing his junior status as a disciple or “younger brother” to his “firstborn” master, Mozi. His saying that he “would not presume to die” is similarly an expression of respect used by a child for parents or by a student for a teacher. According to Lunyu 11.21, Confucius’s disciple Yan Hui 顏回 said the same thing to Confucius when the two were reunited after having been separated as a result of dangers confronting Confucius and his followers in Song. LSCQ, “Quanxue 勸學,” 4.196 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 121) quotes the

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Mozi

Lunyu passage about Yan Hui and another passage in which Zengzi’s father comments that his son (otherwise well-known for his filial piety) would not presume to die while he still survived. The LSCQ comments that Yan Hui’s reverence for Confucius equalled Zengzi’s reverence for this father. 46.7 11. Following the brief biographical notice of Mozi at Shiji, “Mengzi Xun Qing

lie­zhuan 孟子荀卿列傳,” 74.2350, the suoyin commentary says that the Mozi refers to a Wenzi 文子 who was one of Zixia’s followers. Sun Yirang suspects that the reference occurred in a Mozi passage now lost. In any case, if this exchange took place, it would suggest, as the suoyin commentary points out, that Mozi flourished in the generation after that of Kongzi’s immediate disciples.

4 6.8B 12. Bian He discovered an uncut jade in the mountains of Chu. He presented it to

the king of Chu, whose jeweller declared it to be an ordinary stone. The king had Bian He’s left foot cut off as a punishment. Bian presented the stone again under the next king, but again it was declared ordinary, and he lost his right foot. He presented the stone a third time in the reign of the subsequent king, who, impressed with his persistence, sent it to craftsmen for polishing, which revealed a fine piece of jade. Hanfeizi, “Heshi 和氏,” 13.238. 13. According to legend, the marquis of the small state of Sui, east of the Han River, cured a wounded snake. In repayment, the serpent presented the marquis with a bright river pearl, which people henceforth referred to as “the pearl of the marquis of Sui.” LSCQ, “Guisheng 貴生,” 2.75 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 82), also refers to the great value of the pearl. 14. “Three hollow legs and six winged flanges” is possibly an alternative way of referring to the Nine Cauldrons. In Shiji, “Chu shijia 楚世家,” 40.77, Duke Wu, an envoy from royal Zhou, makes mention of “the vessels belonging to us that have been transmitted from the Three Dynasties and that have three hollow legs and six winged flanges.” The suoyin commentary identifies these as the Nine Tripods. 15. Quotations from the Mozi in early encyclopedias include a passage now missing from the text that is related to this passage but that may have originally belonged to a different work: “The spirit-fraught jade gui of Zhou that came from earth and rocks, the bright moon of Chu that came from the oyster, the five ivories that came from the swamps of the Han River, the jade bi of the He family that glows in the night like a pearl, and [the vessels] with three hollow legs and six winged flanges—these are the excellent treasures of the feudal lords.” In some versions of the quotation, it is made part of a conversation between the Duke of Zhou and Shentu Di 申徒狄.

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46.9 16. Cf. Lunyu 13.16. The duke of She put down the rebellion of the duke of Bo and

was one of the few statesmen of the day who might pay some heed to Confucius’s teachings. 17. Hanfeizi, “Nan 難” (Three), 18.852, contains an alternate version in which Confucius is asked why he did not respond more forthrightly. “Zigong asked: ‘Each of three dukes asked you, Master, the same question about governing, yet your reply to them was not consistent. Why is that?’” Confucius said: ‘Though She is a small state, it has a large capital and its people have a rebellious mind, thus I said that governing consists in pleasing the near and attracting the distant.’” 46.10 18. Lord Wen of Luyang is Gongsun Kuan 公孫寬, the grandson of King Ping of

Chu 楚平王 (r. 528–516) and son of Sima Ziqi 司馬子期, Chu’s minister of war. He was given Luyang as a fief by King Hui of Chu 楚惠王 (r. 488–432). Luyang is located in Lushan County 魯山縣, Henan Province. In 46.18, Mozi has a conversation with Lord Wen in which he is critical of Chu’s aggression toward its smaller neighbors Zheng and Song. 19. Mozi uses the same analogy in 19.6. There the allusion is brief; here it is more fully developed. 46.11 20. This short passage is repeated with slightly different wording at 47.4. It appears

somewhat out of place in the context of the present chapter.

46.12 21. Sun Yirang says that Guan Qian’ao is one of Mozi’s disciples and should be

identified with the Qian’ao identified as a native of Qi in Liji, “Tangong 檀 弓,” 10.196. 22. Guanshu, also written 管叔, was one of King Wen’s sons and the Duke of Zhou’s younger brother. When King Wu died, King Cheng, his successor, was still young and so the Duke of Zhou acted as regent. Guanshu and others harbored suspicions about the Duke of Zhou’s ambitions and spread rumors about him that the duke refuted. 23. The reference to the Duke of Zhou’s resignation and withdrawal to Shangyan is an elaboration on 39.11A and an allusion to events recorded in Shangshu, “Jinteng 金縢,” 13.188: “After King Wu had died, Guanshu and all his younger brothers spread a rumor through the kingdom, saying: ‘The Duke [of Zhou]

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intends no benefit for our infant prince.’ The Duke of Zhou therewith said to the other two dukes [the Grand Duke and the duke of Shao]: ‘If I do not correct them, I shall have nothing to answer our founding kings.’ The Duke of Zhou dwelt in the east for two years, and then those who had offended against him were apprehended.” Subsequently (Shangshu 13.188–89): “Heaven has set in motion its awe-inspiring majesty in order to make known the virtue of the Duke of Zhou.” For a discussion of these passages, see Shaughnessy, “The Duke of Zhou’s Retirement.” The toponym “Shanggai” in the Mozi is given as Shangyan 商奄, or simply Yan, in other sources. Numerous scholars, including the authoritative Wang Niansun, have argued that the correct reading is Shangyan, but Shaughnessy, 123, offers good evidence that the Mozi text is correct as it stands. 24. Qinzi is the disciple Qin Guli 禽滑釐. Referring to him as “our Master Qinzi” suggests that for the authors of this chapter, Qin Guli’s position was comparable to that of Mozi himself. For Qin Guli, see 3.3, n. 34, and 50.3, n. 9. 46.14 25. Su Shixue notes that this paragraph is defective. The translation is tentative. 46.15 26. For the phrase “late-born,” see 46.5, n. 10. The occasion on which Mozi’s dis-

ciples deserted him is not known, but the reference to those who retreat last asking for rewards is reminiscent of a parable Mengzi tells King Hui of Liang 梁惠王 in Mengzi 1A.3: “With the rolling of the drums, two armies advance on one another. Suddenly the soldiers break ranks, cast off their armor, and run for their lives, dragging their armor and weapons behind them. Now suppose that some of them stop running after one hundred paces, and others stop after fifty paces. Is it right for those who stop after fifty to laugh at those who only stopped after running one hundred paces?” The king replies that it would not be right, because running only fifty paces is still running.

46.16 27. Compare Master Gongmeng’s statement with Lunyu 7.1. A similarly worded

statement is attributed to an anonymous Ru in Mozi 39.4.

46.17 28. The text of this sentence is defective and the translation therefore tentative. 29. It is odd that Mozi’s final comment is presented as a quotation separate from

the rest of what he says previously.

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46.18 30. Later, in 50.2, Mozi has an interview with the king of Chu—perhaps King Hui

惠王 (r. 488–432)—and uses the same argument in an attempt to dissuade the king from attacking the state of Song.

46.19 31. The respective heads of the Jisun and Mengsun families of Lu. 46.20 32. Usually identified as one of Mozi’s disciples.

Chapter 47 47.1 1. The section that follows the opening quotation from Mozi appears to be a

commentary on that quotation; the quotation is then repeated at the end. 2. In The Annals of Lü Buwei, the chapter titled “Guisheng 貴生,” or “Valuing Life,” cautions against endangering one’s body in the pursuit of material things, or throwing away one’s life to gain an empire; 2.74–83 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 80–83). The reference to one’s own body being more valuable than the world perhaps also alludes to the doctrines of Master Huazi 子華 子. The LSCQ chapter “Shenwei 審為,” which quotes Master Huazi, opens with a passage that is similar to Mozi 47.1: “The body is what one does things for; the things of the world are what one uses for that purpose. . . . Now, suppose there were a man who cut off his head to change hats or killed himself to change clothes; the world would surely think him mad. Why? Because a hat decorates the head, and clothes the body. . . . Those of our age who pursue profit resemble this. In the pursuit of profit, they endanger their persons, harm their lives, cut their throats, and chop off their own heads; they, too, do not understand what they do things for”; 21.1453 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 556–57). Mozi 47.1 answers this criticism by saying that it is righteousness, and not profit, that make people willing to sacrifice their lives. 3. In equating “righteousness” (yi) with “principles” (yan), the text is obviously not talking about just any doctrine; it is talking about the Mohist code, and it is instructing Mozi’s followers that his principles are worth dying for, because they are more valuable than life itself. The importance of this paragraph is suggested by its having served as an inspiration for a passage in Huainanzi, according to Sun Yirang: “The world is of great benefit but it is small ­compared to the

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body; the body is weighty but it is light compared to righteousness”; “Taizu 泰 族,” 20.685 (Major, Huainanzi, 824). 47.2B 4. The text of the opening phrases of this anecdote is defective. As it stands it

appears that Mozi went to Chu to have an audience with King Xian-Hui 獻惠 王. But, as Bi Yuan points out, the Shiji does not mention a king by that name in its accounts of the state of Chu. Yiwen leiju 81.1379 quotes these phrases and gives the name simply as King Hui. Bi concludes that this is the proper reading. (Su Shixue proposes that King Hui was also known by an alternative “double” posthumous name, Xian-Hui, but he does not provide support for this.) But the matter is more complicated. Bi Yuan also notes that in his commentary at Wenxuan 30.1411, Li Shan quotes a Mozi passage in which 墨子 獻書惠王 “Mozi presented a document to King Hui.” This suggests that the word shu 書 (“document”) has mistakenly dropped from our text and that the word xian 獻 should be retained, not as part of the king’s name, but as the verb “present, offer up.” Sun Yirang quotes a passage from the Zhugong jiushi 渚宮 舊事 of Yu Zhigu 余知古 (of the Tang dynasty) in which Mozi presents a document to King Hui. Finding the document to be “excellent,” the king sends not only Mu He to pursue Mozi but also Lord Wen of Luyang, who figures in the dialogues in chapter 46. Although Yu Zhigu does not identify this passage as having come from the Mozi, Sun Yirang, p. 403, suspects that it is indeed a lost fragment from chapter 47 and, if that is true, it might have introduced the present passage. While it is equally possible that the Zhugong jiushi story is only indirectly derived from the Mozi, the quotation in the Wenxuan commentary seems to be ample justification for the emendations proposed by Sun Yirang that are adopted in the present translation. 5. King Hui reigned from 488 to 432 b.c.e. Since he pleaded “old age,” it would appear that Mozi’s visit to Chu took place very late in the king’s reign. 6. Nothing further is known of Mu He beyond the obvious surmise that he was a high-placed minister in King Hui’s court. 7. By concluding the story as he does, Mozi suggests that King Hui should dismiss Mu He for saying that the king would not employ Mozi because of his humble origins. The story more generally serves to compare Mu He with the “old friend” of 47.2A, who similarly tried to stop Mozi from trying to get his doctrines put into practice. 47.4 8. This passage is a variant of 46.11.

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47.5 9. This is intended as an elaboration on Mozi’s instruction to eliminate the six

partialities. The text is not advocating that one should eliminate emotions that are natural to all men; it is advocating that one should not allow them to blind one to the true doctrines that embody humanity and righteousness. Cf. what Xunzi advises, in Xunzi 21 “Jiebi 解蔽,” 15.472–75 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:100–101). 10. This sentence is an elaboration on the second part of Mozi’s teaching. It makes explicit the point that if the parts of the body are not given to the six partialities but are devoted instead to righteousness, then one’s silent meditations, doctrines, and actions will not be biased by emotion and will be informed by moral principle. The idea expressed in Mozi’s teaching, that a mind unaffected by emotion will result in clear and moral thinking, may be compared to Xunzi’s description of the “emptiness, unity, and stillness” of the mind; see Xunzi 21 “Jiebi 解蔽,” 15.484 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:104). 47.9B 11. Mozi uses the analogy of building a wall in 46.3, in advising his followers that

all tasks performed to promote righteousness are equally important.

47.10A 12. Other references to how the sage-kings wrote down their principles can be

found at 10.4, 31.7, 36.4, and 37.3.

47.10B 13. Nothing further is known of Master Xiantang. Given the form of address he

uses when talking to Mozi, we can concur with Wang Huanbiao that he is one of Mozi’s disciples. 14. Gongshang Guo appears again in 49.9, where he is sent by Mozi to travel to Yue. That story also appears LSCQ 19/2.3, where Gongshang Guo’s name is written 公上過. He is clearly another of Mozi’s disciples and is identified as such in Gao You’s commentary to the LSCQ passage. “Gongshang” is said to be the family name given grand officers in Wei who are descended from its duke. 15. This translation is influenced by a similar passage that occurs in Zhouyi, “Xici 繫辭,” 8.9b.

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47.11 16. Gongliang Huanzi is mentioned here and nowhere else in the transmitted

literature. There is a Gongliang Ru 公良孺, known as Zizheng 子正, listed among the disciples of Kongzi. He is said to have been a native of Chen, a worthy and brave man who accompanied Kongzi wherever he went with five chariots of his own. When Kongzi was detained in Pu 蒲, Gongliang fought so valiantly that the men of Pu, afraid, allowed Kongzi to leave on the condition that he not go to Wei; see Shiji, “Kongzi shijia 孔子世家,” 47.1923, and “Zhongni dizi liezhuan 仲尼弟子列傳,” 67.2221. This man is probably his descendant. On the basis of the context here, commentators generally identify him as a nobleman and official of Wei.

47.12 17. The text of this sentence is probably defective. Yang Liang, in his commentary

to Xunzi, 10 “Fuguo 富國,” 6.208, quotes the text as: “Our Master Mozi’s disciple was given office in Wei” (子墨子弟子仕於衛). Bi Yuan suggests that this is the correct reading of the text.

47.14B 18. A hemerologist, or rizhe 日者, uses astral and meteorological phenomena

to determine which days are auspicious or inauspicious for particular undertakings. Documents called “day books,” or rishu 日書, which list lucky and unlucky days, among other things, have been excavated from late Warring States and Han dynasty tombs. Shiji 127, “Rizhe liezhuan 日者列傳,” which is devoted to the biographies of famous hemerologists, repeats the story told in 47.14B. See also Harper, “Warring States Natural Philosophy.” 19. The Sovereign is the Supreme Sovereign, the highest god in the ancient pantheon. The hemerologist’s description of Mozi’s complexion as “black” may be a reflection of the ancient view that those with dark skin were of lowly origins. Another possibility is that Mozi’s face had been branded, a punishment that some have argued was inflicted on Mozi and accounts for his name Mo, the “black-branded.” 20. The Zi River, in present Shandong Province, originates north of Laiwu County 萊蕪縣 and flows in a northeasterly direction into the sea. 21. The eight days named by Mozi are the first eight days of the ten-day week. Bi Yuan would add to the text a passage recounting the Supreme Sovereign’s slaying of the Yellow Dragon of the central region on the mou 戊 and ji 已 days.

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Chapter 48 48.1A 1. Scholars usually identify Master Gongmeng with either Gongming Yi 公明

儀, in Mengzi 3A.1 (said by Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 to be a disciple of Zengzi 曾 子), or Gongming Gao 高, in Mengzi 5A.1 (said by Zhao Qi to be a disciple of Zengzi). Shuoyuan, “Xiuwen 修文,” 19.11a, has a Gongmeng Zigao 公孟 子高 who has an interview with the disciple Zengzi. 2. The comparison of the gentleman to a bell also occurs in 39.6A, where it is attributed to an anonymous Ru. It is similar to an analogy that appears in the “Xueji” chapter of the Liji; see 39.6A, n. 11. Master Gongmeng’s description of the gentleman as having “his hands folded across his chest in formal salute” appears in 39.6A as part of the Mohist criticism of the aloofness and unresponsiveness of the Ru. 3. Gongmeng is aware only of the circumstances in which the gentleman remains silent if not struck. He is unaware of the two sets of circumstances, detailed by Mozi later, in which the gentleman must “ring,” whether or not he is “struck.” 4. The “great man” is the de facto ruler of the state. 5. In other words, these are suitable circumstances for the gentleman “not to ring when he is not struck.” 6. Yin Tongyang suggests that the “classic source of great stratagems” was an ancient military text similar to the Liutao 六韜 or the Yangfu 陽符. 7. Su Shixue finds much of the text of 48.1A defective and proposes radical emendations that Sun Yirang finds unjustified. Sun follows Bi Yuan’s collation. Wang Huanbiao argues in favor of Su’s emendations. This translation follows Bi and Sun. 48.2 8. The zhangfu, or “emblematic cap,” was a ceremonial hat emblazoned with

a symbol of the wearer’s office or station. The hu, or “wooden writing tablet,” was carried in the hand when at court in preparation for taking notes on instructions received there. 9. Chen Hanzhang 陳漢章, quoted by Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi, 364 n. 10, would emend xian, “gaily colored,” to jie 解, which he reads as a short form of the character used to write the first syllable of xiezhi 獬豸. According to Hou Hanshu, “Yufu zhi 輿服志,” 30.3667, the xiezhi was a magical sheep with the power to distinguish between right and wrong. The same source notes that the king of Chu once caught one and made it (or its fleece?) into a crown.

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48.3 10. This teaching is attributed to an anonymous Ru in 39.4. In Mengzi 6B.2, Cao

Jiao asks Mengzi if anyone can become a Yao or Shun. Mengzi replies: “Wear Yao’s clothes, intone Yao’s words, perform Yao’s actions, and you are Yao!” Sun Yirang speculates that Mozi has cut Gongmeng off, and that is why he appears only to talk of clothes and words, and not of actions. 11. Fei Zhong is mentioned only once in the extant chapters of the Mozi. He ­figures in an anecdote in Huainanzi, “Daoying 道應,” 12.401 (Major, Huai­ nanzi, 466), where he is represented as cunning and greedy. 12. Famous paragons of virtue whose remonstrances went unheeded by Zhou. They are frequently mentioned in the ancient literature. According to tradition, the viscount of Ji was the uncle and tutor of Zhou; the viscount of Wei was the evil king’s older brother. 13. For Guanshu, see 46.12, n. 22. 48.4 14. Making notches on a wooden tally was an ancient way of recording numbers.

A tally could be used as a contract between debtor and creditor, each of whom held half the tally. The number of notches cut like teeth into the tally’s edges indicated the size of the debt. An anecdote in Liezi, “Shuofu 說符,” 8.271, is relevant to understanding Mozi’s use of the tally as a metaphor: “A man from Song was traveling along the road, when he found half of a notched debt tally of debt that someone had left behind. He returned home and stored it away, and in private counted the number of notches on it, saying, ‘I have only to wait and I shall be rich.’”

48.5 15. A slightly more elaborate statement of fatalist doctrine is attributed to an

anonymous Ru in “Feiru,” 39.2. It also appears in 35.1, where it is attributed to an anonymous advocate of fatalism, and later, in the 48.10C summa of what is wrong with Ru doctrine.

48.6 16. Mozi does not point out in his reply that in 48.2, Master Gongmeng himself

favorably quotes a saying that involves the term “inauspicious.” Poor Gongmeng: the text has him say something, only to have him contradict himself later. 17. The “Viscount of Ji” is the title of one of the lost documents.

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48.7 18. Mozi’s description of funeral rites also occurs in 39.1A, where its source is

identified as the Li, or Rituals, of the Ru canon. Both passages closely resemble what is said in the “Sangfu” chapter of the Yili. 19. This is a traditional description of how the songs were performed. Another version of it is found in the “Great Preface” to the Book of Songs. Mozi is criticizing such performances as excess that interferes with work and responsibilities. 20. This same criticism of long periods of mourning is found in 25.4B. 48.8 21. Throughout chapter 31, “Explaining Ghosts,” there are frequent references to

“those who maintain that ghosts do not exist,” but the advocates of this doctrine are not identified further in that chapter. The present passage suggests that the Ru were the chief adversaries of the idea that spirits and ghosts exist and serve as Heaven’s morality police.

48.9 22. The reference to a mourning period of ‘three days” is probably a mistake for

“three months.” See 25.12B, n. 24.

48.10B 23. Cf. Xunzi, 20 “Yuelun 樂論,” 14.455–59 (Knoblock, Xunzi, 3:80–82). 24. Mozi, in his response to the Ru, is playing on the fact that in early China the

words for “music” and “pleasure” were in effect the same word, since they were pronounced and written the same way.

48.10C 25. Master Cheng is Cheng Fan, who questions Mozi on music in chapter 7. There

as here, his aggressive questioning makes it reasonably clear that he is a representative of the Ru school rather than than one of Mozi’s disciples. 26. Mozi identifies the denial that Heaven has a plan for humankind and that the ghosts are the agents for enacting that plan as principles of the Ru. 27. What Mozi describes here as a Ru “regulation” is a summary of the extravagant burial practices and mourning rites described in detail in 25.4. 28. Mozi explicitly identifies the excessive music making that is condemned in chapter 32 as a Ru practice. The present chapter has already alluded to the Ru penchant for singing and dancing in 48.7, where Mozi complains to Master Gongmeng about mourning rites.

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29. This statement of fatalist doctrine is also found in 35.1, where it is attributed to

an anonymous advocate of fatalism; in 39.2, where it is attributed to an anonymous Ru; and in 48.5, where it is spoken by Master Gongmeng. 30. Mozi is saying that in his response to Gongmeng, he was offering a quick retort, not a formal argument. He contends that his reply, “this is not reviling [the Ru], but simply reporting to you what I have heard,” should not be understood as refusal to praise the sages and revile the villains of history. 48.14 31. Though the text is not explicit (or perhaps because it is defective), Mozi seems

to be claiming that if one hides the virtue of another by praising oneself, then one is as guilty as if he had hidden the crimes of another.

48.15 32. Die Bi is apparently one of Mozi’s disciples. This is the only appearance of his



name in the transmitted literature.

48.17 33. This Master Gao should probably be identified with the Master Gao who

debates human nature in book 6 of the Mengzi and whose teachings on “an unmoved mind” are quoted in book 2 of the same work. Zhao Qi, in his commentary at Mengzi zhushu 11A.192, says that the given name of Master Gao was Buhai 不害 and that he was accomplished in the ways of both the Mo and the Ru. See Nivison, “Philosophical Voluntarism,” 121; see also 48.18, n. 35. 34. Just as Mozi would not mind someone who was rude to him but nevertheless righteous, he can tolerate Master Gao’s affronts because, given his other attributes, they are insufficient reason to cast him out. 48.18 35. According to some commentaries, the word sheng, translated here as “supe-

rior,” is a form of Master Gao’s name—a reading that would render this sentence “Sheng, Master Gao, practices humaneness.” Since Master Gao’s given name was Buhai (see 48.17, n. 33), it has been suggested that Sheng was his cognomen. Chen Lin 陳琳, in his “Letter to Wei Wendi on behalf of Cao Hong” (為曹洪與魏文帝書; Wenxuan 41.1883), writes, “There was Master Sheng, who was possessed of a grand ambition” (有子勝斐然之志). This seems an apt portrayal of Master Gao as he is represented in the three Mozi passages in which he appears. Moreover, in Mengzi 2A.2, Master Meng claims that he is superior to Master Gao in that he is good at nurturing his “flood-like

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energy” (浩然之氣). It is tempting to see Chen’s characterization of Master Gao as an allusion to this. Sun Yirang nevertheless concludes that the evidence is insufficient to determine whether sheng was a form of Gao’s name and thus should be read as such in this context. 48.19 36. Sun Yirang suggests emending the text by adding the word neng 能 so that

Master Gao is claiming, not that he will, but that he could govern the state effectively. 37. Bi Yuan cites another edition with a variant reading of the concluding sentence: “You had best first take precautions against personally making a mess of it” (子姑防子之身亂之矣).

Chapter 49 49.1 1. Bi Yuan would emend the text so that Mozi’s questioner is Lord Wen of Lu­yang,

who appears in 46.10 and 46.18, as well as in 49.3–6. Su Shixue and Yu Yue reject Bi’s emendation, arguing that the lord of Lu and Lord Wen of Luyang are two different figures. Sun Yirang agrees with them and identifies the lord in question as Duke Mu 穆公 of Lu (r. 407–377), but there is no way of absolutely confirming the accuracy of the identification. 2. The attack is possibly the invasion of 386, when Qi devastated the state of Lu. The ruler of Lu was apprehensive because Lu, as a small state, could not depend solely on its own resources to defeat a major power like Qi. There is little evidence that Mozi was still alive in 386. 3. Furs and silk currency were commonly used as gifts in diplomatic relations between states. 49.2A 4. Xiang Ziniu is a Qi general. 5. On King Fuchai’s attack on Yue, see 18.5A, n. 18. 6. Wu’s attack on Chu took place during the reign of King Helü, not King Fuchai.

This event is also described in 18.5A, where it is assigned to the correct reign. See 18.5A, n. 15. 7. On King Fuchai’s attack on Qi, see 18.5A, n. 16. After the Qi general Guo Shu was taken captive, he was executed, and Wu presented his severed head to the state Lu. Duke Ai of Lu ordered his grand historian to return the head to Qi. See Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ai 11.3, 58.1017.

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8. Paragraph 18.5A also describes how King Fuchai, after his conquests, failed to

win the support of his own population.

9. The Zhi, Fan, and Zhonghang families were three of the six families that were

the de facto rulers of the great state of Jin. When the text says that the earl of Zhi “combined the lands of the three Jin,” it means, presumably, that he combined the lands of the Zhi, Fan, and Zhonghang families. “Three Jin” otherwise usually refers to the later division of Jin among the three remaining great families: the Han, the Wei, and the Zhao. Paragraph 18.5B provides more detail on the earl’s attack on the Fan and Zhonghang families, as well as the battles with the Zhao family that finally led to his undoing. See the notes to that passage. 10. Mozi’s examples from more recent history are strikingly inappropriate for the point he is making: the other states that Wu attacked—Chu, Yue, and Qi— were hardly smaller than Wu, and the campaigns of the earl of Zhi were part of the internecine battles among lineages within a single state—they were not instances of a large state’s attacking a smaller one even if the earl combined the property of the Fan and Zhonghang families with that of his own lineage. 49.2B 11. Yu Yue suggests that the “grand king” was Tian He 田和, who was recognized

as grand duke of Qi by King An 安王 of Zhou in 387. His descendant King Wei 威王 took the title of king sometime around 357. Yu Yue notes that, in accordance with traditional practice, he gave his ancestor the title “grand king” in recognition of Tian He’s being the first member of the family to be recognized as the ruler of Qi. It is to be assumed that Mozi’s interview with Tian He would have taken place after the formal recognition in 387 and before the battle of 386, but there is little evidence that Mozi was still alive at this time.

49.3 12. The first “father,” or ruler, murdered by the people of Zheng was Duke Ai (r.

467–455). The second, Duke You, was executed by Viscount Wu of Han in the first year of his reign, 423. The third was You’s successor, Duke Xu (r. 422– 396), who was killed by partisans of Prince Yang, whom the duke had had assassinated. 13. It is unclear whether one year of famine followed each of the three assassinations or there were three years of famine following the last of the three assassintations. If the latter was the case then Lord Wen’s interview with Mozi took place sometime around 394, three years after Duke Xu’s assassination in 396.

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49.5 14. Mozi’s complaint about the superior men of the world echoes complaints

made in 26.1, 27.5, and 28.1. 15. In 17.1, stealing livestock is used as an illustration of a minor wrong (bu yi 不 義). 16. The same analogy appears in 17.2B and 19.1A. 17. Mozi is suggesting that Lord Wen of Luyang has been listening to the wrong advice. 49.6 18. It is unclear to me whether eating the babies xian 鮮, “fresh,” means that they

ate them alive or simply uncooked. Sun Yirang favors the reading found in 25.2A and emends: 鮮GE解. 19. In 25.12A the same custom is attributed to the country of Shaishu, “east, beyond Yue.” The passage does not include offering the finest meat to the ruler of the state. In the account of the peoples of the south and southwest found in Hou Hanshu 86.2834, the custom of eating the flesh of the eldest son and presenting it to the ruler is said to have been practiced anciently in a country to the west of Jiaozhi 交阯 and to have been practiced in Later Han times by a people called the Wuxu 烏滸. Li Xian 李賢 , in his commentary to the Hou Hanshu passage, locates Wuxu south of Guangzhou and north of Jiaozhou. Nothing further is known about Qiao. 20. In 25.12A the custom of devouring the eldest son is included among descriptions of the alleged burial customs of many lands (see 25.12A, n. 21). They are intended to show that the burial rites of the Central States are, like these “exotic” customs, extreme practices that need to be moderated. In 49.6 Mozi makes a similar point, relating it to warfare: is it not as inhumane and unrighteous to reward a son when his father is killed in battle as it is to reward a father on his son’s being eaten? 49.7A 21. Because the ancient pronunciation of the Chinese name of the raccoon dog, li

(狸 or 貍), was regarded as a pun on the words bu lai 不來, “not come,” it was customary to use the head of the animal as an archery target in a magical effort to win the submission of feudal lords who would “not come” to pay obeisance to the king. Mozi’s point is that Lord Wen is mistaking flattery for talent or worthiness and that to employ a flatterer is as useless as practicing magic. Mozi believed that worthiness—for him something quite different from literary talent—was the only grounds for a ruler to offer employment. For more on

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magical archery, see Riegel, “Early Chinese Target Magic.” Sun Yirang reads the sentence slightly differently. While he recognizes the pun on the name for raccoon dog, he claims that the animal is used to pull a cart (his rendering of congfu 從服), which in turn symbolizes employing the incompetent. This interpretation ignores the word shou 首, “head.” 49.7C 22. Mozi uses the metaphors of the fisherman and the rats to suggest that the son

who studies is not necessarily devoted to his studies, while the son who gives away his wealth to others does not necessarily care about them.

49.8B 23. Mozi’s use of the term jin 進, “advance,” echoes the military allusions he makes

earlier; but it also draws on the term’s appearance in the early literature of selfcultivation, where it refers to making incremental advances in one’s moral development.

49.9 24. This king of Yue would be a successor to King Goujian of Yue, who destroyed

Wu. 25. This passage has a parallel at LSCQ, “Gaoyi 高義,” 19.1246 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 480–81): Our Master Mozi sent Gongshang Guo traveling to Yue. There Gong­

shang Guo expounded upon his righteous teachings. The king of Yue was so pleased that he said, “If only your teacher were willing to come to Yue, I would hope to enfeoff him with the former territories of Wu, the banks of the Yin River, and three hundred registered communities.” Gongshang Guo went back to Master Mozi, who asked him, “From your personal observations of the king of Yue, did you find him capable of heeding my advice and employing my way?” “I fear that he will never be capable of it,” replied Gongshang Guo. “It is not only the king of Yue who does not understand my ideas; you, too, do not understand them. If the king of Yue were to heed my advice and employ my way, I would be willing to go to him for clothing enough to cover my body and food enough to fill my stomach and a situation comparable to other guests’, but I would not presume to seek office. If the king of Yue would not heed my advice nor employ my way, even if he were to give me the entire state of Yue, I would have not use for it. If he neither heeded my advice nor employed my way, yet I were

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to accept his state, I would be treating my moral principles as so much grain to sell. If I wanted to treat them just like grain, why do I need to go to Yue? I can do that right here in the Central States.” 49.10 26. Wei Yue was one of Mozi’s disciples. 27. With the exception of these two principles, all the others named here are used

as titles of the triad chapters (rather than “Honor Heaven” and “Serve the Ghosts,” the related triad chapters are titled “Heaven’s Will” and “Explaining Ghosts”). This paragraph confirms that these principles were regarded by the Mohists as linked in pairs. It is also worth noting here that Mozi makes no mention of “Condemn the Ru.”

49.11 28. Cao Gongzi was another of Mozi’s disciples. 29. Mozi uses the same analogy in 48.15. 30. Wang Huanbiao offers another solution to the textual problems presented by

the concluding sentence. He emends the text to read: “How could it be permissible for you seek blessings from the ghosts and spirits in this fashion and then blame them?” (若是而求福於鬼神, 有 怪之, 豈可哉)

49.13 31. Sun Yirang suggests that this individual is one of Mozi’s disciples. 49.14 32. Sun Yirang suspects that Meng Shan is one of Mozi’s disciples. 33. The duke of Bai’s insurrection in Chu during the years 479–478 is mentioned

in 39.7, where it is improbably claimed that Kongzi had a hand in it; see 39.7, n. 16. The duke’s attempt to get Prince Lü 子閭 (the son of King Ping of Chu 楚平王) to accept the throne is mentioned in Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, Ai 16.5, 60.1043: “The lord of Bai wanted to make Prince Lü the new ruler, but Prince Lü refused. The lord of Bai attempted to threaten him with arms, but Prince Lü replied, ‘Descendant of royalty, if you would first bring peace and tran­quility to the state of Chu, put the royal house in order, and then extend your patronage to me, that would accord with my wishes exactly. In that case, how would I venture to object? But if you overturn the royal house in your obses­sion with gain and take no thought for the state of Chu, I can never go along with you, even though I am threatened with death!’ In the end the lord of Bai put Prince Lü to death.”

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49.15 34. Sheng Chuo was one of Mozi’s disciples. For Xiang Ziniu, see 49.2A, n. 4. 35. Sun Yirang speculates that the three raids are possibly those mentioned in

Shiji, “Liuguo nianbiao 六國年表,” 15.707, 15.708, and 15.712: in 411, Qi took a city; in 408, Qi took the city of Cheng 郕; and in 394, Qi took the city of Zui 最. 36. Master Gaosun is another of Mozi’s disciples. 37. It is possible that in earlier editions of the Mozi, the text proper of the “The Lord of Lu Asks a Question” ended here and that the following three paragraphs, 49.16, 49.17, and 49.18—all of which concern Gongshu Ban—were part of the eponymous chapter 50, “Master Gongshu,” which is made up of stories involving him. 49.16 38. Master Gongshu 公輸子, also known as Gongshu Pan 盤, Gongshu Ban 班

(or 般), or Ban of Lu 魯般, lived during the late fifth and early fourth centuries. His skills as an artisan are alluded to in Mengzi 4A.1. (Zhao Qi, in his commentary to this passage, notes that some have said he was a son of Duke Zhao of Lu 魯昭公. See Mengzi zhushu 7A.123. It is more likely that he was from a lineage famous for skilled artisans such as himself.) One of his early inventions is the subject of a story recorded in Liji zhushu, “Tangong 檀弓,” 10.188: “When the mother of Ji Kangzi died, Gongshu Ruo was young. After the dressing of the corpse, Ban asked that he be permitted to lower the coffin into the grave with a mechanical device. They were about to accede to his request, when Gongjian Jia said: ‘That may not be done! . . . Ban, you propose to try out your clever device on another man’s mother. What if it does not succeed? Would you even consider trying it out on your own mother? Would you not be aggrieved? What audacity!’ In the end they did not allow him to carry out his plan.” 39. As indicated in the textual note to the passage, gouqiang 鉤強 should be emended to gourang 鉤鑲, the name of a naval weapon translated here as “arrest-and-repel device.” Wang Huanbiao, Mozi jiaoshi, 399 n. 7, quotes the Shuowen jiezi 說文解字 commentary of Xu Kai 徐鍇 (920–974): “Among ancient weapons there was the gou-and-rang. Its being able to pull the enemy toward one was termed gou and its pushing them away was termed rang.” Needham, Wang, and Lu, Science and Civilisation, 4, 3:681–82, offers a possible explanation of how one device managed both functions: “We believe it was a heavy T-shaped iron piece (like a dagger-axe in shape) fitted at the end of a long spar pivoted in derrick fashion at the base of the mast, and capable of being either dropped heavily on the retreating enemy’s deck to pin it at a

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desired distance, or lowered into position to fend off his closing ship at about the same distance away.” 40. This means that other weapons—such as swords, spears, and crossbows—used by the Chu army were designed to be most effective in the distance between two ships kept apart by the arrest-and-repel device. 49.17 41. As indicated in the textual note, I have followed Wang Huanbiao in restoring

the graph di 翟, Mozi’s personal name. Wang Niansun proposes emending the text to read jiang 匠, “carpenter,” based on a quotation of the Mozi in the Taiping yulan, an emendation adopted in the Sun Yirang edition. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 7 n. 12, comments: “Sun’s emendation . . . has no authority except that it is the reading in the passage as quoted in a 10th century encyclopedia, the editor of which no doubt shared Sun’s implicit assuming that Motzu could not have worked with his own hands.” 42. A “stone” is the equivalent of approximately thirteen pounds; fifty would weigh approximately 650 pounds. 43. Huainanzi, “Qisu 齊俗,” 11.369 (Major, Huainanzi, 421), has a version of this story in which Gongshu and Mozi make a wooden yuan 鳶, “kite,” that flies for three days without alighting. Hanfeizi, “Waichushuo 外 儲 說,” 11.625, has still another version in which it is Mozi who creates a flying bird of wood and who says, in response to a disciple, that the art involved in making it does not equal that of making a chariot linchpin. In this version of the story, the logician Master Hui is given the last word: “Master Mo was extremely artful, but his artfulness was in making linchpins; he was clumsy in making kites.”

Chapter 50 50.1 1. Bi Yuan and Sun Yirang note that according to most ancient sources, his given

name is Ban 般, not Pan 盤.

2. LSCQ, “Shenshi 慎勢,” 17.1110 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 432), says that

King Sheng of Chu 楚聲王 (r. 407–402) laid siege to the state of Song for ten months. Su Shixue identifies this siege with the episodes recorded in chapter 50. But Gongshu probably died before King Sheng came to the throne. Commentaries on the parallel story in Zhanguoce, 32.1147 (Crump, Chan-kuo Ts’e, 562–63), suggest that the Chu king whom Mozi had an audience with might have been King Zhao 昭王 (r. 515–489), but that is impossible since no scholar believes that Mozi was born before 490. For these reasons, Sun Yirang would date the episodes described in chapter 50 to the reign of King Hui 惠

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王 of Chu (r. 488–432). Sun admits that there are no historical records of an attack by Chu on Song during King Hui’s reign. He notes, however, that the Zhugong jiushi 渚宫舊事 , a Tang dynasty source he holds in high esteem, dates Gongshu’s visit to Chu to the reign of King Hui. The Zhugong jiushi is probably too late to be reliable on this issue. Such difficulties in identifying the king suggest that the story is fictional. 3. Jing is an alternate name for Chu; see 15.8A, n. 20. 4. The same argument against aggression appears in 18.3 and 19.3. 50.2 5. The type of carriage that Mozi refers to had railings on both sides decorated

with fish, for grand officers, and with rhinoceros hide, for ministers.

6. The timber of these trees was thought to be extremely fine and was conse-

quently used in making furniture and other valuable objects. 7. In a conversation with Lord Wen of Luyang in 46.18, Mozi uses a similar argument and bluntly equates the behavior of the state of Chu with that of a compulsive thief. 50.3 8. Qin Guli was one of Mozi’s most prominent disciples. Both graphs of his given

name are written in various ways. He is mentioned earlier in the text, in 46.12, where he is called “our Master Qinzi.” He appears in the opening paragraphs of chapters 52 and 53, where his questions prompt what are represented to be long lectures by Mozi on how to prepare the defenses of a city. LSCQ says that he studied with Mozi and that “Xu Fan 許犯 studied under Qin Guli”; see 3.3, n. 34, and 46.12, n. 24. LSCQ, “Zunshi 尊師,” 4.205 (Knoblock and ­Riegel, Annals, 122–23), identifies another of his students as “a famous swindler from the east” called Suolu Can 索盧參. 9. Other versions of the story related in 50.1–3 can be found in LSCQ, “Ailei 愛類,” 21.1462–63 (Knoblock and Riegel, Annals, 560–61), Huainanzi, “Xiuwu 脩務,” 19.636 (Major, Huainanzi, 771–72), and Zhanguoce 32.1146– 49 (Crump, Chan-kuo Ts’e, 562–63). The LSCQ version of “Ailei” is closest in content to that of the Mozi. 50.4 10. Sun Yirang, in his commentary to the present passage, quotes Shizi 尸子,

“Guiyan 貴言,” as preserved in the Qunshu zhiyao: “The sage puts things in order with spiritlike secrecy; the ignorant man contends for things in the bright light of day” (聖人治於神, 愚人爭於明也).

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Index

admonishment in governance, 71, 109–10, 112, 114, 119, 223, 298 aggressive warfare, 82, 142, 169–91 passim, 193, 219 ai, defined and distinguished, 13 n. 57, 139–41 Ai, duke of Lu, 323, 456 n. 19, 457 n. 22, 471 n. 7 Ai, duke of Zheng, 472 n. 12 airen, defined and distinguished, 56, 145 alchemy, 19–21 Analects, 4 n. 15, 37, 39, 47, 79–80, 108–9, 140, 142–43, 285, 325; parallels in Mozi, 458 n. 1, 462 n. 27 analogy, use of in Mozi, 5, 34, 36, 80, 142, 273, 325, 338, 368; examples in Mozi, 76, 83, 85, 90, 103, 123, 146, 153, 157, 161, 162, 163, 177, 181, 189, 203, 207, 209, 210, 229, 240, 244, 290, 297, 302, 328, 330, 332, 342, 353, 354, 366, 372, 373 Annals of Lü Buwei, 14, 38; on Mozi and Mohism, 2, 5, 7, 9, 11, 17, 350, 404 n. 1, 459 n. 8, 478 n. 8; parallels in Mozi, 38, 42, 51, 61, 169, 192, 201–2, 338–39, 350, 368, 386, 402 n. 4, 403 n. 13, 404 n. 1, 406 nn. 10 and 11, 407 nn. 15 and 19, 408 n. 28, 409 nn. 30, 32, and 34; 423 n. 5, 437 n. 16, 438 n. 17, 447 n. 23, 459 n. 9, 463 n. 2, 465 n. 14, 474 n. 25, 478 n. 9 “Announcement of Zhong Hui,” 295, 301, 306 “anti-Confucius,” 23, 25 archery, 28 n. 123, 351, 365, 411 n. 7, 473 n. 21 argumentation, Mohist, 34

arrest-and-repel device, 383–84, 476 n. 39, 477 n. 40 artisans and artisanship, 5–6, 12, 13, 71, 86, 197, 207, 297, 316, 367, 369, 384, 476 n. 38 Bai, duke of. See Sheng, duke of Bai Ban Gu, 15 n. 69, 443 n. 1 Ban of Lu. See Gongshu Bao, Lord Wen of Song, 259, 444 n. 9 Bao Shu, 53, 406 n. 12 benyuan, 144 Bi Xi, 324, 458 n. 27 Bi Yuan, 23, 312 Bian He, 460 n. 12 bie, 8, 32 n. 130, 144–45 Bigan, 44, 403 n. 9 Bo (territory), 187, 292, 432 n. 12 Bo Pi, 54, 408 n. 22 Bo Yi, 52, 86, 405 n. 4, 458 n. 3 Bogun, 97, 416 n. 13 Boju, 178, 429 n. 15 Book of Documents, 201, 421 n. 7 Book of Qin Ai, 270, 448 n. 28 Book of Songs, 111, 201, 222 Boyang, 52, 405 n. 3 Boyi, 98, 416 n. 16 branding, 4, 466 n. 19 buren, 222, 441 n. 5 burial practices, 12, 17–18, 30, 35, 66, 192, 199, 201–18 passim, 313, 322, 361, 363, 396–99, 435 nn. 7 and 3, 436 n. 10, 437 nn. 12 and 16, 438 nn. 17 and 21, 439 n. 24, 441 n. 4, 452 n. 2, 453 n. 5, 469 n. 27,

492 473 n. 20; as expression of humaneness, 396–98; frugal versus elaborate practices, 435 n. 2; grave goods, 435 n. 5, 436 nn. 4 and 8; musical attendants, 438 n. 19 cannibalism, 216, 368, 373–74, 438 nn. 21 and 22, 473 nn. 18, 19, and 20 Cao Gongzi, 380, 475 n. 28 Cao Jiao, 453 n. 8 Cao Jinyan, 393, 395 Changyang, 103, 417 n. 3 Chen Boda, 25 Chen Li, 23 Cheng Fan, 37–38, 75–77, 350, 361–62, 413 n. 1, 469 n. 25 Cheng, king of Zhou, 75, 77 Cheng (Mohist disciple). See Cheng Fan Cheng Yaotian, 23 chenghuang, 188, 433 n. 15 Chiyi Zipi. See Fan Li ci, 142 cliques, 55 109–11, 114, 119, 125, 132, 375, 418 n. 1 cloud-scaling ladders, 387, 389 condemn aggression (doctrine), 27, 28, 29, 169–91 passim, 219, 379 condemn fatalism (doctrine), 27, 284–309 passim, 379 condemn music (doctrine), 27, 273–84 passim conformity,110–11, 139, 375, 418 n. 1, 420 n. 3. See also exalt conformity Confucian thought, 5, 36, 38; influence on Mozi, 41–42, 47; Mohist influences, 17 Confucius, 2, 140, 285, 323, 427 n. 23, 458 n. 27, 461 n. 17; as authority, 362; as insurrectionist, 312, 320–24, 456 nn. 19 and 20, 475 n. 33; as object of Mohist criticism and attack, 18, 21, 24, 40, 312, 319, 323–24, 326, 350, 367, 454 n. 15, 455 n. 16, 457 nn. 22 and 24; as sage, 356; as teacher and student, 4 n. 15, 5, 9, 21, 350–51, 409 n. 34, 459 n. 10; dates, 1, 455 n. 16; descendants, 18; name, 454 n. 15; on corporal punishment, 170; on ghosts, 252, 446 n. 16; on good government, 331; purported attack on Shun,

Index 324, 457 n. 24; Yanzi’s characterization of, 320–22 Confucius, followers of, 1 n. 4, 2, 5, 7 n. 29, 9, 140, 252, 454 n. 12, 458 n. 28, 459 n. 10; criticism of Mohism, 18. See also names of individual followers Da Dai liji, parallels in Mozi, 404 n. 3 Dalian, 458 n. 3 Dan, duke of Zhou, 324, 333, 346, 356 Dao, king of Chu, 403 n. 12 Daoist thought, influence on Mozi, 38, 42, 286 Daozang, 22 de, defined, 79 Dengling, 7–8 Di tribes, 213, 437 n. 11, 438 n. 23 Di Ya. See Yi Ya Die Bi, 350–51, 365, 395, 470 n. 32 Ding, duke of Lu, 434 n. 5 disorder (luan), defined, 146 Distant Years, 95 divination, 327, 354, 402 n. 8, 458 n. 5 Document of Zhou, 66 Dong Zhongshu, 17 Douxuan Shen, 409 n. 31 Dragon Gate, 154, 424 n. 13 dress, as a reflection of ability or character, 355–56 du, defined, 143 Du, earl of, 256, 443 n. 5 Duangan Mu, 51, 55, 409 nn. 29 and 34 Duke of Zhou, 52, 451 n. 5, 457 n. 24, 460 n. 15, 461 nn. 22 and 23 Dun, duke of Zhai, 406 n. 11 “Early Years,” 105 education, 36, 79, 110, 124, 350–51 emolument, 62–64; as a reflection of worthiness, 45, 79–80, 86, 90–92, 94, 380 emotions, elimination of, 39, 339, 343, 465 nn. 9 and 10 exalt conformity (doctrine), 21, 27–28, 30, 108–38 passim, 220–21, 379, 418 n. 1 exalt the worthy (doctrine), 27, 29, 79–107 passim, 379 excess and bad governance, 67–74

Index explaining ghosts (doctrine), 21, 27, 30, 252–72 passim, 469 n. 21 Fa (crown prince), 306–7, 450 n. 5 fa yi, 222 famine, defined, 63 Fan Jiyi, 54, 407 n. 18 Fan Li, 53, 407 n. 16, 322, 456 n. 19 Fangmatan, 202 fatalism, 28 n. 123; advocates of, 286, 312, 321, 340, 450 n. 5, 451 n. 4, 452 n. 6, 468 n. 15, 470 n. 29; and governance, 30, 441 n. 8; defined, 288, 302, 309. See also condemn fatalism fate, 219, 221, 315, 361, 410 n. 4, 450 n. 4. See also condemn fatalism favoritism, 93, 103, 105–6, 111, 125, 396, 399 Fei Zhong, 269–70, 356, 468 n. 11 Feilian, 327, 458 n. 3 fenming, 144 filiality, 18, 28 n. 123, 168, 177, 210, 217, 232, 246–47, 262, 294, 313–14, 398–99. See also obedient son First Emperor, 16, 82, 418 n. 10 five grains, 61, 63, 65, 67, 74, 122, 186, 234, 235, 262, 316, 410 n. 1, 411 n. 3 five implements, 57, 410 n. 1 five tastes, 12, 63, 197, 410 n. 2 food supply, 37, 61, 63, 66, 67, 168, 210, 235, 274–75, 277–79, 295, 300, 305, 309, 412 n. 11 frugality, 28 n. 123, 49, 61, 65, 192, 201, 273, 396; and governance, 67–74 Fu Shan, 23 Fu Swamp, 86, 95, 103, 415 n. 5 Fu Tun, 11–12 Fuchai, king of Wu, 43, 54, 178, 370, 402 n. 3, 403 n. 11, 408 n. 22, 429 nn. 14 and 17, 430 n. 18, 431 n. 27, 471 n. 6, 472 n. 8 Fuyan, 95, 104, 416 n. 10 Fuyue, 55, 95, 104, 409 n. 30 Gan Bao, 252 Ganxin, 53, 405 n. 7 Gao, duke of She, 331–32, 461 n. 16 Gao (Mohist disciple), 338, 350, 352, 366, 470 nn. 33 and 35, 471 n. 36, 427 n. 22

493 Gao Qiang, 54, 407 n. 21 Gao Yan, 53, 406 n. 13 Gaoshi, 333 Gaosun, 382, 476 n. 36 Gaoyang, 186, 432 n. 7 Gaoyao, 52, 98, 107, 405 n. 4, 416 n. 16 Gaozi. See Gao (Mohist disciple) Ge Hong, 18–19, 20 n. 93 Ge Xuan, 19 Gengzhu, 325–40 passim, 459 n. 10 gentlemen (Mohist ideal), 41–44 passim, 57, 64, 76, 80, 83–84, 87, 101, 104, 107, 151–53, 161–62, 167, 207, 217–18, 225, 242–43, 251, 271; defined, 41, 401 n. 2 gentlemen of the world (i.e., opponents of Mohism), 155, 158–61, 166, 170, 229–30, 232, 243, 288, 308, 459 n. 9; defined, 417 n. 2 ghosts and spirits, 21, 26–28, 30, 60, 96–97, 252–72 passim, 327–28, 338; and reward and punishment, 393–95; and sage-kings, 441 n. 8; as Heaven’s agents, 125, 211–12, 215, 220, 226–28, 244–45, 292–93, 296, 301, 380–81, 443 n. 5, 444 n. 6, 445 n. 11; Confucian view, 446 n. 16; existence, 351, 359, 361; influencing conduct, 450 nn. 6 and 7; perceptiveness, 253, 268, 327–28, 357, 364–65, 393–95 Gongliang Huanzi, 347, 466 n. 16 Gongliang Ru, 466 n. 16 Gongmeng, 311, 334, 350–66 passim, 467 nn. 1 and 3, 468 nn. 10 and 16, 469 n. 28, 470 nn. 29 and 30 Gongming Gao, 467 n. 1 Gongming Yi, 467 n. 1 Gongshang Guo, 346, 378, 465 n. 14, 474 n. 25 Gongshu, 6, 367, 369, 383–85, 386–89, 476 nn. 37 and 38 Gongshu Ban. See Gongshu Gongshu Pan. See Gongshu Gongsun Hong, 17 Gongsun Kuan. See Wen, lord of Luyang Goujian, king of Yue, 43, 53, 152, 167, 179, 355, 370, 402 n. 3, 403 n. 11, 407 n. 16, 423 n. 6, 474 n. 24 Goumang, 257, 432 n. 9, 444 n. 7

494 governing by force, 246–47, 443 n. 2 graded love, 312, 313 Graham, A. C., 5, 8, 24, 32–33, 169, 287, 391–92 Grand Duke. See Lü Wang Grand Officer Zhong. See Wen Ziqin Grand Steward Pi. See Bo Pi “Great Harvest,” 124, 422 n. 2 “Great Oath,” 136, 163, 239, 296, 301, 306–7, 422 n. 3, 426 n. 14, 450 n. 5, 451 n. 4 “Greater Xia Odes,” 251, 442 n. 10 “Greater Ya Odes,” 166, 264 Gu, duke of Cai, 53, 406 n. 11 Gu, duke of Guo, 406 n. 10 Guan Qian’ao, 333, 461 n. 21 Guan Zhong, 53, 406 n. 12, 409 n. 32 Guangu, 259, 444 n. 9 Guanshu, 333, 356, 461 nn. 22 and 23 Guanzi, 39, 339, 450 n. 3 “Guishen zhi ming” (fragment), 14 n. 66, 393–95 Gulin, 437 n. 12 Gun. See Bogun Guo, earl of Zhi. See Zhi Guo Guo Moruo, 26 Guo Shifu, 406 n. 10 Guo Shu, 429 n. 16 Guo Yan. See Gao Yan Guodian, 285 n. 4, 393, 450 n. 4 Guoyu, parallels in Mozi, 426 n. 17, 444 n. 7 Gusu, Tower of, 179, 430 n. 20 Han Yu, 21 Hanfeizi, 22–23, 30–31, 38, 51, 67, 391; on Mozi and Mohism, 7–9, 16, 439 n. 24; parallels in Mozi, 408 n. 28, 419 n. 5, 423 nn. 5 and 6, 461 n. 17, 477 n. 43 he, distinguished from tong, 109 Heaven, as standard for good governance, 56–60; actions distinguished, 284–85 Heaven’s mandate, 284, 301, 368, 441 n. 8 Heaven’s will (doctrine), 36, 40, 219–51 passim, 284 Helü, king of Wu, 53, 178, 407 n. 15, 412 n. 10, 429 nn. 14 and 15 hemerologist, 340, 348–49, 466 nn. 18 and 19

Index Hobbes, Thomas, 25, 108 Hongyao Taidian, 86, 107, 415 n. 8, 432 n. 14 Hu, marquis of Chong, 53, 270, 406 n. 8 Hu Shi, 24–25 Hu tribes, 154, 178, 266, 446 n. 19 Huainanzi, on Mozi and Mohism, 2, 9, 12, 253, 404 n. 1, 443 n. 1; parallels in Mozi, 386, 430 n. 23, 432 n. 8, 437 n. 16, 438 n. 17, 463 n. 3, 477 n. 43, 478 n. 9 Huan, duke of Qi, 43, 53, 355, 402 n. 3, 406 n. 12, 409 n. 32, 433 n. 2, 454 n. 12 Huan, duke of Zhongshan, 408 n. 25 Huang Jiqin. See Jiqin Huangjing, 282, 449 n. 8, 451 n. 4 “Huangyi,” 237 Huazi, 463 n. 2 Hui, duke of Lu, 409 n. 34 Hui, king of Chu, 4–5, 342, 455 n. 16, 461 n. 18, 463 n. 30, 464 nn. 5–7, 477–78 n. 2 Hui, king of Liang, 462 n. 26 Hui, king of Qin, 11 Hui of Nanguo, 322, 456 n. 19 Hui Shi, 459 n. 9 Huilu. See Zhurong humane man, 115, 121, 143, 149, 156, 158, 202–5, 317–18, 333 humaneness, 37; and emotions, 339; as practiced by men, 216–18, 229, 230–34 passim, 240, 288, 292, 309, 320, 352, 366, 470 n. 35; defined and identified, 369, 415 n. 9, 446 n. 19; Heaven as a model of, 56; in Mencius, 397–98. See also ren “Hundred States of the Three Dynasties,” 301, 451 n. 4 “Hymn of Zhou,” 82, 99, 417 n. 19 Hymns of Zhou, 128 “Impartial Love” (chapters), 8, 27, 33–35, 139–45 impartial love (doctrine), 8, 27–29, 61, 139–68 passim, 379; and aggressive warfare, 169; and exalting conformity, 112; and Heaven’s will, 219–20; and moderate burials, 201; criticized by Mencius, 311, 396–99; in Confucian teachings, 21; negative influence, 23; origin, 28 n. 23, 29; practiced by sage-kings, 287

Index impartiality, 8, 143–45 impersonation of the dead, 10–11 jade disc of the He family, 331, 460 nn. 12 and 15 Ji River, 153 Ji, viscount of, 356, 468 n. 12 jian. See impartiality Jian, duke of Yan, 258, 443 n. 5, 444 n. 8 jian’ai. See impartial love Jiaozhi, 192, 197, 434 n. 3 Jichi, 7 Jie (last Xia ruler), 44, 53, 66, 77, 288, 290, 299, 303, 306, 362; punished by Heaven, 185–87, 268, 284–85, 295, 301. See also tyrannical kings of antiquity Jilu, 324 Jing, duke of Qi, 109, 320–22, 448 n. 4, 455 n. 16, 456 n. 18 Jingshu, 409 n. 34 Jiqin, 54, 407 n. 21 Jisun family, 323, 456 n. 20, 457 n. 26, 463 n. 31 Jisun Shao, 337, 463 n. 31 Jiuyi, Mount, 437 n. 16 junzi. See superior man juzi, 9 Kang, duke of Qi, 274, 279, 448 n. 4 Kang, king of Song, 51, 54, 408 n. 27 kleptomania, 336–37, 386, 388 Kong congzi, 18, 20 Kong Fu, 18 Kong Kui, 324 Kong Qiu. See Confucius Kong Zisi, 419 n. 5 Kongzi jiayu, parallels in Mozi, 404 n. 2 Kuaiji, Mount, 179, 213, 370, 430 n. 18 Kuhuo, 7 Kunwu, 327–28, 458 n. 4 Lai, earl of Zhai, 406 n. 11 language and lexicon of Mozi, xii, 13, 14 n. 66, 16 n. 76, 23, 33, 42, 67, 81–82, 143–44, 170–71, 220, 273–74, 286, 312, 386, 391, 394–95, 402 n. 4, 404 n. 1, 405 n. 2, 412 n. 1. See also individual terms and phrases

495 Langye, 418 n. 10 Lao Dan, 409 n. 34 Laozi, parallels in Mozi, 403 nn. 13 and 15 law. See Mohist law, penal law, punishment, reward and punishment, sumptuary laws “Law for Building Houses,” 68 “Law for Making Clothes,” 70 Legalism, 16, 38, 326 li (profit), 33, 142 li (propriety), 367 Li, king of Zhou, 53, 92, 215, 406 n. 9. See also tyrannical kings of antiquity Li, Mount, 95, 103, 394, 416 n. 5 Li Si, 16, 433 n. 1 Liang Qichao, 24–25 Liao, king of Wu, 412 n. 10 Liji, parallels in Mozi, 410 n. 4 Ling, king of Chu, 152, 423 n. 6 Ling, king of Jing, 167. See also Ling, king of Chu Liu Xiang, 1 n. 4, 14–17, 21, 28 n. 123, 31, 395 lizheng. See governing by force logic, Mohist, 13, 16 n. 74, 24–26, 108 Lord Millet, 98, 416 n. 15 lords protector, 53, 67, 402 n. 3 Lu, lord of, 367–85 passim Lü, prince of Chu, 382, 475 n. 33 Lü Wang, 52, 405 n. 6, 461 n. 23 Lunheng, 252; parallels in Mozi, 444 n. 9 Lunyu. See Analects Luo Guli, 337, 463 n. 32 Lüshi chunqiu. See Annals of Lü Buwei Man tribes, 155 Mao Zedong, 25 marriage and marriage rites, 12, 67, 192, 195, 314, 433 n. 2, 453 nn. 4 and 5 martial arts, 447 n. 22 materialism, 25–26, 30, 286 Mei, Yi-pao, 25 Mencius, 29, 453 n. 8, 454 n. 12, 457 nn. 22 and 24, 462 n. 26, 468 n. 10, 470 n. 35; as critic of Mohism, 29 n. 126, 396–99; as target of Mohist attack, 311; on fate, 285; on heart as foundation for moral action, 396–99

Index

496 Mencius, on Mozi and Mohism, xiii, 30 n. 127, 112, 139, 338, 352, 396–99, 405 n. 1; parallels in Mozi, 29 n. 126, 141, 192, 397, 411 n. 8, 415 n. 9, 418 n. 9, 423 nn. 4 and 7, 427 n. 22, 428 n. 6, 470 n. 33 Meng Ben, 41, 44, 403 n. 10 Meng Shan, 382, 475 n. 32 Meng Sheng, 11 Meng Sukui, 409 n. 34 Mengbo Chang, 337, 463 n. 31 Mengzhu Swamp, 154, 424 n. 17 “Methods and Ordinances,” 124 Miao people, 98, 123–24, 163, 185, 186, 426 n. 15, 432 n. 8, 437 n. 16 military defense, 6, 26 n. 119, 40, 61–62, 66, 67, 92, 192, 309, 367, 478 n. 8 military technology and devices, 6, 14, 386– 87, 383–84, 389, 476 n. 39, 477 n. 40 Mingjia. See Names, school of mo, meaning of name, 4 Mo tribes, 155, 178 moderate burials (doctrine), 27, 30, 201–18 passim, 311, 379 moderate consumption (doctrine), 27, 30, 37, 192–200 passim Mohism, branches and sects, 7–8, 31–33, 36, 40, 312, 391–92 “Mohist Analects,” 16, 39, 311–89 passim Mohist law, 11–12 Mohist thought, evolution of, 33–34, 38, 40, 219, 284, 325, 396 mourning practices, xi, 30, 47–48, 199, 201–18 passim, 312–15, 322, 350, 358–61, 435 n. 2, 436 n. 10, 439 n. 24, 452 n. 2, 453 n. 5, 469 nn. 22 and 27 mozhe, 4 Mozi, as artisan, 5, 13, 19, 477 nn. 41 and 43; as Daoist immortal, 19–21; as diplomat, 367–69, 370–74, 388–89; as follower of Confucian teachings, 2; as heir to the sage-kings, 202; as immortal, 6; as itinerant philosopher, 340, 341–42, 346, 348–49, 354, 379, 387; as military strategist, 6, 13, 389; as opponent and critic of Confucianism, 2, 21, 23; as teacher, 35, 350–52, 363, 375–76, 378–79, 384; comportment and appearance, 350;

names and alternate names, 1, 4, 466 n. 19; origins, 1–5 Mozi, authors and authorship, xi, 41, 51, 56, 81–82, 110–12, 142–43, 145, 169–70, 192, 201, 220, 253, 274, 287, 312, 325, 338–39, 351, 367, 391, 408 n. 27, 419 n. 2 Mozi, chapters: core chapters, 8, 13, 15–16, 27–28, 30–39, 61, 67, 391–92; jing (canonical) chapters, 8 n. 36, 38; logic (dialectical) chapters, 8 n. 36, 9 n. 40, 13, 15–16, 23–24, 144, 201; lun chapters, 38; military chapters, 16, 22 n. 98; triad chapters, 8 n. 37, 22 n. 98, 30–33, 286, 311, 391–92 Mozi, date of composition, xi, 32, 40, 47, 56, 61, 79, 109, 142, 145, 169, 192, 201, 220, 312, 386, 404 n. 1, 408 n. 27, 448 n. 4, 477 n. 2 Mozi, followers and disciples, xii, 1 n. 1, 2–5, 7–12, 350, 396, 409 n. 34; as private army, 6, 7, 16, 40; “heretical” lineages, 8; organization, 3, 7, 10, 12 Mozi, manuscripts and early editions, 14, 21–22, 31, 38, 351, 393–95 Mozi, organization and textual integrity, 15–16, 31–33, 169, 192–93, 201, 287, 325, 367, 386, 401 n. 1, 404 n. 1, 464 n. 4 Mozi, syncretic elements, 38, 47, 253 Mozi xiangu, 24–25 Mozi xuehui, 26 n. 119 Mozi zhenzhong wuxing ji, 18–20 passim Mu, duke of Lu, 419 n. 5, 471 n. 1 Mu, duke of Qin, 257, 432 n. 9, 444 n. 7 Mu, duke of Zheng, 444 n. 7 Mu He, 342, 464 nn. 4, 6, and 7 music, 66, 273–83 passim, 411 n. 5; Confucian preference for, 315, 321–22, 360–61, 469 n. 28; Mohist opposition to, 30, 36–38, 75–77, 311, 350, 360–61. See also sage-kings of antiquity; tyrannical kings of antiquity musical compositions, 77, 413 nn. 3 and 4 musical instruments, 64, 76, 275–79 passim, 411 n. 5, 438 n. 19 Names, school of, 13 Nangong Kuo, 107

Index Nanji, 213, 437 n. 16 Nanyi, 327–28, 458 n. 5 nepotism, 29, 81–82, 93, 103, 105–6, 111, 125 Nine Cauldrons, 187, 328, 331, 459 nn. 6 and 7, 460 nn. 14 and 15 Niqi, 321, 455 n. 17 “nobles in office,” 81, 102–3, 240 “Oath of Tang,” 95, 426 n. 17 “Oath of Yu,” 265, 446 n. 19 obedient sons, 165, 166, 203–5, 215–16, 271, 298, 303 “Official Punishments of Tang,” 282 pearl of the marquis of Sui, 331, 460 n. 13 penal law, 83, 100, 110, 112, 119, 209–12, 215, 287, 291, 296–97, 300, 308, 331. See also punishment Peng Qingsheng, 381 population, large, 74, 80, 111, 177, 192, 195, 208–9, 219, 287, 326, 331; shrinking, 67, 74, 83, 170, 192–93, 196, 203, 211–12, 215, 386 pragmatism, 25, 286 Pu Songling, 252 punishment, 62, 73, 89, 104–6, 126, 128–29, 132–35, 138, 164, 168, 173, 232, 240, 243, 249, 262, 289, 291, 324; corporal punishment, 4, 97, 110, 116, 123–24, 170, 174, 345, 419 n. 7; divine punishment, 30, 122, 163–64, 202, 226, 237–39, 245, 266, 268, 372, 394, 444 nn. 6 and 9; Mohist definition of, 186, 188; of immoral rulers, 169, 188, 221, 239, 269–70. See also branding, penal law, reward and punishment “Punishments of Lü,” 98, 104, 124 Qi, Mount, 188, 293 Qiang tribes, 438 n. 23 Qidiao, 324, 458 n. 28 Qin. See Qin Guli Qin Guli, 6, 7, 9, 51, 55, 333, 386, 389, 409 n. 34, 462 n. 24, 478 n. 8 Qin Shihuang. See First Emperor Qingji, prince of Wu, 66, 412 n. 10

497 Qinzi. See Qin Guli Qiong, Mount, 213, 437 n. 12 Qizhong the Rong, 405 n. 7 Ran Qiu, 458 n. 1 ren, defined and distinguished, 13 n. 57, 139–41 ren ren. See humane man reward and punishment, as expression of Heaven’s wishes, 30, 221, 226, 245, 252, 270, 394–95, 442 n. 3; in governance, 62, 88–89, 111, 112–38 passim, 144, 168, 174, 243, 262, 266, 287, 294 righteous chastisement, 220, 228, 246 righteous governance, 326, 443 n. 2 righteousness, 338–49 passim, 374, 382; and good governance, 190, 216–18, 225, 250–51, 254, 284, 288, 309, 320, 326, 331; as moral standard, 40, 225, 240, 242–43, 363, 443 n. 11, 446 n. 19, 465 n. 11; defined, 440 n. 1; equated with principle, 333, 367–69, 376–78, 463 nn. 2 and 3; origins, 230–32, 234, 240, 243. See also yi rishu, 466 n. 18 rizhe. See hemerologist Rong tribes, 213, 437 n. 15, 438 n. 23 Ru, 2, 29 n. 126, 79, 311–90 passim; and impartial love, 397; and mourning, 453 n. 5; and music, 360, 469 n. 28; criticized by Mozi and Mohists, 285–86, 312–24 passim, 361–62, 455 n. 16, 467 n. 2; criticized by Xunzi, 312, 454 n. 13; criticism of Mozi and Mohism, 21, 40, 75, 311; doctrines in common with Mohist thought, 38, 47, 142; lineage, 51; meaning of name, 4 n. 15. See also Confucius, followers of Rule of Impartially Loving Others and Reciprocally Benefiting Others, 150 Rushou, 444 n. 7 sage-kings of antiquity, acting to benefit the people, 67, 69, 111, 192, 199–200, 304, 412 n. 1; and music, 75–78, 275; as exemplars, 32, 59–60, 65, 80, 145, 154–55, 163, 181, 202, 204, 211, 218, 234, 237,

498 251, 261, 286–88, 290, 297–98, 343, 369, 391, 394, 443 n. 2; belief in ghosts and spirits, 253, 262–63, 266, 271–72, 357, 441 n. 8; documents, 301, 306, 345, 465 n. 12; laws and regulations, 12, 193, 195, 197–99, 202, 211, 294, 303, 433 n. 1; on burial practices, 212–16, 435 n. 2; on conformity, 110, 127–28, 136–38; on promoting the worthy, 81–107 passim, 137, 356; observance of rites, 122, 225–26, 381; rewarded by Heaven, 89, 96, 221, 226, 245; use of punishment, 116, 119, 123, 186, 188, 249 San Yisheng, 107, 418 n. 9 Schwartz, Benjamin, 108, 284 Scribe Que. See Shi Que self-cultivation, 4 n. 15, 36, 38, 47–50, 345, 404 n. 1, 459 n. 9 self-examination, 47, 79, 351 selflessness, 29, 141, 144, 368 self-love, 29, 139, 141–43 seven worries, 61–66 passim; enumerated, 62 sexual relations, 67, 74, 93–94, 209 Shaishu, 216, 438 n. 21, 473 n. 19 shamans and shamanic practices, 259, 282, 354, 402 n. 8, 444 n. 9, 449 n. 7 shang tong, 110, 418 n. 1 shang yi, 415 n. 9 Shanghai Museum, 14, 253, 393–95, 442 n. 10 Shangyan, 333, 461 n. 23 Shao, duke of, 301, 451 n. 5, 461 n. 23 Shen, magistrate of, 53, 406 n. 14 Shen, prince of Chu, 409 n. 31 Sheng Chuo, 382, 476 n. 34 Sheng, duke of Bai, 320–21, 382, 455 n. 16, 475 n. 33 Sheng, king of Chu, 477 n. 2 Shentu Di, 460 n. 15 Shenxian zhuan, 19 shi. See gentlemen shi junzi. See “nobles in office” Shi Que, 2, 51, 409 n. 34 Shu He of Zou, 456 n. 20 Shudiao, 55, 409 n. 32 Shun, 21, 52, 86, 221, 324, 376, 432 nn.

Index 7 and 8; and exalting the worthy, 95, 103–4, 107; and music, 75, 77, 413 n. 3; criticized by Confucius, 457 n. 24; death and burial, 213, 437 nn. 12 and 16, 438 n. 17. See also sage-kings of antiquity Shuoyuan, parallels in Mozi, 404 n. 2 Sima Ziqi, 455 n. 16, 461 n. 18 “six families,” 407 n. 18, 458 n. 27, 472 n. 9 six partialities. See emotions Song Xing, 339 Soushenji, 252 Spring and Autumn Annals, of Lu, 442 n. 7; of Song, 259, 444 n. 9; of Qi, 260, 445 n. 11; of Yan, 258, 444 n. 8; of Zhou, 257, 443 n. 5 standards, 57, 109–10, 113–35 passim, 139, 202. See also fa yi, three standards Su Shixue, 326 Sui, Mount, 188, 433 n. 19 sumptuary laws, 38, 67, 192, 197–99, 414 n. 4 Sun Yirang, 24–25, 41, 47, 61, 67 Sunshu Ao, 53, 406 n. 14 Suolu Can, 478 n. 8 superior man (Confucian ideal), 47, 108, 252, 261, 316–19, 326, 347–48, 355–59, 454 n. 15; as object of Mohist derision, 37, 41, 404 n. 1 superior man (member of the ruling elite), 41, 43, 47–50, 168, 180, 234–36, 263, 279, 282, 330, 334–35, 344–45, 353, 373, 417 n. 2, 427 n. 23, 473 n. 14; in Mozi, 326 “Supplication of Tang,” 164, 426 n. 17 taboo characters, 22, 454 n. 15 Tai, Mount, 144, 153, 155, 162, 178, 423 n. 7, 424 n. 23 Taidian. See Hongyao Taidian Tang (sage-king), 52, 66, 77, 164, 185, 342, 413 n. 3, 426 n. 17, 447 nn. 21 and 22; and exalting the worthy, 86, 95, 103–4, 107; and mandate of Heaven, 187, 268, 287–88, 290–92, 295, 299, 301, 303, 306. See also sage-kings of antiquity Tang Yang, 54, 408 n. 27

Index Tao Hongjing, 20 ten doctrines of Mohism, 8 n. 36, 27–28, 30–32 three Jin, 370, 430 n. 25, 472 n. 9 three resources of the state, 61, 66 three standards, 286–88, 297, 302–3 Thunder Swamp, 95, 103, 416 n. 6 Tian Buli, 54, 408 n. 27 Tian Buyin. See Tian Buli Tian Chang, 322, 456 n. 19 Tian He, 472 n. 11 Tian Xi, 7, 51, 409 n. 34 Tian Xiang, 11 Tian Zifang, 409 n. 34 tianxia zhi shi. See gentlemen of the world tianyi, 219 tong, defined, 108–9 Tongzhi, 20 Tuichi Daxi, 53, 268, 405 n. 7, 447 n. 24 tyrannical kings of antiquity, 21, 44, 294–95, 300, 302, 305, 343, 394, 395; and burial practices, 215, 221, 226, 238–39, 245; and music, 300, 359; punished by Heaven, 60, 92, 97, 309, 369 ungraded love, 397–98 “Viscount of Ji,” 357, 468 n. 17 Waley, Arthur, 288 Wan dance, 274, 279, 282, 448 n. 4 Wang Bi, 326 Wang Chong, 17, 252 Wang Huanbiao, 144, 193 Wang Niansun, 23 Wang Sheng. See Wang Xing Wang Su, 18 Wang Xing, 54, 407 n. 19 Wang Zhong, 23–24, 42 Wangsun Luo, 54, 408 n. 22 warfare, 82, 130, 135, 142, 169–91 passim, 193, 219, 368, 383, 386, 428 n. 8, 473 n. 20 Watanabe Takashi, 33–35, 40, 56, 109, 112, 142, 169, 192, 201, 254, 286, 312, 386 wealth, accumulation by state, 80, 111, 207,

499 219, 331, 358, 395, 436 n. 8; sharing with others, 105, 232, 375, 380, 440 n. 3, 474 n. 22 Wei Ailie, 406 n. 14 Wei Ao, 406 n. 14 Wei River, 423 n. 8 Wei, viscount of, 356, 468 n. 12 Wei Yi, 54, 408 n. 26 Wei Yue, 379, 475 n. 26 weiwo, 139 weiyi, 325, 338 Wen, duke of Jin, 43, 53, 152, 167, 355, 402 n. 3, 406 n. 13, 454 n. 12 Wen, king of Zhou, 86, 145, 154–55, 163, 188, 222, 237–38, 251, 264, 287–88, 293, 418 n. 9, 424 n. 22, 425 n. 6. See also sage-kings of antiquity Wen, lord of Luyang, 8, 332, 336–37, 367–68, 371–74, 461 n. 18, 464 n. 4, 471 n. 1, 473 n. 17, 478 n. 7 Wen, viscount of Xun. See Zhonghang Yin Wen Yi, 53, 407 n. 15 Wen Zhi Yi. See Wen Yi Wen Ziqin, 53, 407 n. 17 West River, 154, 423 n. 8. See also Yellow River work ethic, Mohist, 3, 368 wu ba (wu bo). See lords protector Wu Hou, 7 Wu, king of Zhou, 52, 66, 107, 185, 422 n. 3, 424 n. 23; and impartial love, 144, 155; and fate, 290, 296, 299, 301, 303, 307, 450 n. 5; and music, 77; and punishment, 188, 269; belief in ghosts and spirits, 261–62, 433 n. 17. See also sage kings of antiquity Wu Lu, 376–77 Wu Qi, 36 n. 140, 41, 44, 403 n. 12, 409 n. 34 Wu Yun, 53, 394, 395, 407 n. 15, 408 n. 22, 429 n. 17 Wu Zixu. See Wu Yun Wuding, 95, 104 Wuguan, 282, 449 n. 9 Wulai, 53, 269–70, 406 n. 8 Wuma (Mohist disciple), 39, 311, 326, 327, 329–30, 458 n. 2

Index

500 Wuma Qi, 326, 458 n. 2 wuwei, 286 Wuyu. See Yikui Xi (prince), 55, 409 n. 31 Xiahou clan, 327–28 xian, defined, 79–80, 401 n. 2 Xian Zishi, 328, 459 n. 8 Xiang, viscount of Zhao. See Yao, earl of Zhi Xiang Ziniu, 367, 369, 370, 382, 471 n. 4 Xiangli Qin, 7 Xiantang, 346, 465 n. 13 xiao, 13 n. 57, 142. See also obedient sons Xin clan, 95, 103, 416 n. 8 Xiong Ju, 433 n. 20 Xiong Li, 188, 433 n. 18 Xiong Zhi. See Xiong Ju Xishi, 44, 403 n. 11 Xu Bi, 396–97, 399 Xu, duke of Zheng, 472 n. 12 Xu Fan, 7, 51, 409 n. 34, 478 n. 8 Xuan, king of Qi, 397 Xuan, king of Zhou, 256–57, 443 n. 5 Xunzi, 286, 312, 339; criticism of Mozi and Mohism, 192, 221, 273–74, 311; on Heaven, 221, 284–85 Xunzi, parallels in Mozi, 30, 51, 285, 339, 408 n. 28, 450 n. 4, 453 n. 10, 454 n. 13, 465 n. 10 Xuyou, 52, 405 n. 3 Yan, 320–22, 456 n. 18 Yan Hui, 459 n. 10 Yan Ying, 109, 320–22, 455 n. 16, 456 n. 18 Yan Zhang, 54, 408 n. 26 Yang Hu. See Yang Huo Yang Huo, 324, 457 n. 26 Yang Qianlang, 21 Yang Wangsun, 17 Yang Zhu, 2 n. 7, 29, 139, 326, 404 n. 1 Yangcheng, lord of, 8, 11 Yangzi River, 3, 45, 154, 162, 383, 388 Yao, earl of Zhi, 54, 171, 179–80, 370, 408 nn. 23 and 24, 430 nn. 21, 23, and 25; 472 nn. 9 and 10 Yao Li, 412 n. 10 Yao (sage-king), 86, 95, 103–4, 221, 416 n.

16, 438 n. 17; and music, 77; and moderate consumption, 197; death and burial, 18, 213, 437 n. 12. See also sage kings of antiquity Yellow River, 3, 45, 95, 103, 153–54, 162, 188, 423 nn. 7 and 8 yi, 80, 140; defined and distinguished, 13 n. 57, 169, 457 n. 22. See also righteousness Yi, duke of Fu, 53, 406 n. 10 Yi, duke of Rong, 394–95 Yi, marquis of Zeng, 438 n. 19 Yi tribes, 3, 154–55, 213, 243, 430 n. 19 Yi Ya, 55, 409 n. 32 yi yi (unify standards), 109–10, 418 n. 1 Yi Yin, 5 n. 16, 52, 86, 95, 103–4, 107, 342, 405 n. 5, 415 n. 4, 416 n. 7 Yi Zhi (chief minister of Tang). See Yi Yin Yi Zhi (Mohist adherent), 396–99 Yikui, 188, 433 n. 20 yin and yang, 38, 67, 73, 234 Yin, duke of Zhu, 434 n. 5 Yinfang, 86, 415 n. 6 Yiqu, 216, 438 n. 23 yizheng. See righteous governance You, duke of Zheng, 472 n. 12 You (last Zhou ruler), 53, 92, 215. See also tyrannical kings of antiquity Youdu, 198, 434 n. 4 Youzhou. See Youdu Yu, Mount, 97, 416 nn. 13 and 14 Yu (region). See Yu, Mount Yu (sage-king), 2–3, 52, 98, 185–86, 265, 285, 415 n. 7, 426 nn. 15 and 16, 432 n. 8, 446 n. 19, 459 n. 6; and impartial love, 144, 154, 163; and exalting the worthy, 86; and mandate of Heaven, 432 n. 7, 450 n. 4; death and burial, 213, 436 n. 10. See also sage kings of antiquity Yu Xiong, 433 n. 20 Yu Yue, 31, 440 n. 1, 454 n. 14, 471 n. 1, 472 n. 11 Yuan Mei, 252 Yudou River, 154, 423 n. 8 Zengzi, 350, 409 n. 34, 467 n. 1 Zhang Liushuo, 54, 407 n. 19 Zhang Wu, 54, 408 n. 24

Index Zhangfu, duke of Guo, 53, 406 n. 9 Zhanguoce, 386, 430 n. 23, 477 n. 2, 478 n. 9 Zhao, king of Chu, 370, 455 n. 16, 477 n. 2 Zhao Qi, 399 Zhao, viscount of Fan. See Fan Jiyi Zhao Yang, Viscount Jian, 408 n. 23 zhaohun, 452 n. 3 Zheng Qiao, 20 Zheng Yin, 19 Zhengao, 20 Zhi, earl of. See Yao, earl of Zhi Zhi Guo, 54, 408 n. 24 Zhitu Yu, 328, 459 n. 8 Zhong Hui, 52, 405 n. 5 Zhonghang Yin, 54, 407 n. 20 Zhongmou, 324, 458 n. 27 Zhongshan Shang, 54, 408 n. 25 Zhou, duke of. See Duke of Zhou Zhou (last Shang ruler), 44, 53, 66, 288, 290, 299, 303, 307, 362, 403 n. 9, 450 n. 5; punished by Heaven, 187–88, 239, 284, 296, 301. See also tyrannical kings of antiquity

501 Zhuang, lord of Qi, 260, 445 n. 11 Zhuang, king of Chu, 53, 355 Zhuang Ziyi, 258 Zhuangzi, on Mozi and Mohism, 3, 7–11, 16, 30, 32, 76, 273–74, 391; on Heaven, 284; on music, 38, 75; parallels in Mozi, 42, 75, 222, 402 n. 7, 403 n. 15 Zhuangzong (Latter Tang emperor), 21 Zhuanxu, 97, 416 n. 13 Zhurong, 187, 432 n. 11, 433 n. 20 Zi River, 349, 466 n. 20 Zichang, 429 n. 15 Zifan (Uncle Fan), 53, 406 n. 13 Zigao, 324, 457 n. 25 Zigong, 322, 409, 434 n. 5, 461 n. 17 Zilu, 323, 457 nn. 22 and 25, 458 n. 27 Zisheng. See Gongliang Ru Zixi, 455 n. 16 Zixia, 4 n. 15, 51, 285, 330, 409 nn. 29 and 34, 454 n. 13, 460 n. 11 Zou Boqi, 23 Zuozhuan, 109

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES The Institute of East Asian Studies was established at the University of ­California, Berkeley, in the fall of 1978 to promote research and teaching on the cultures and societies of China, Japan, and Korea. The institute unites several research centers and programs, including the Center for Buddhist Studies, the Center for C ­ hinese Studies, the Center for Japanese Studies, the Center for Korean Studies, the Group in Asian Studies, the East Asia National Resource Center, and the InterUniversity Program for Chinese Language Studies. Director: Associate Director:

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