Monastic Microtheologies: Religious Expressions and Imagery in the Monastic Letters from Western Thebes 9789042950030, 904295003X

Table of contents :
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FOREWORD
ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER ONE WORDS AND TEXTS
CHAPTER TWO WORDS IN ACTION
CHAPTER THREE GLIMPSES OF AN UNEXPRESSED SYSTEM
CONCLUSIONS
INDICES
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

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MonasTic MicroTheologies PRZEMYSŁAW PIWOWARCZYK

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MonasTic MicroTheologies religious exPressions and iMagery in The MonasTic leTTers froM WesTern Thebes

UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW FACULTY OF LAW AND ADMINISTRATION CHAIR OF ROMAN AND ANTIQUE LAW UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW FACULTY OF ARCHAEOLOGY CHAIR OF EPIGRAPHY AND PAPYROLOGY THE RAPHAEL TAUBENSCHLAG FOUNDATION

The Journal of JurisTic PaPyrology Supplements SERIES EDITORS

TOMASZ DERDA ADAM ŁAJTAR JAKUB URBANIK VOLUME XLII

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religious exPressions and iMagery in The MonasTic leTTers froM WesTern Thebes PRZEMYSŁAW PIWOWARCZYK

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Supplements to The Journal of Juristic Papyrology are jointly published by the Faculty of Law and Administration of the University of Warsaw, the Faculty of Archaeology of the University of Warsaw, and the Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation, Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28, 00-927 Warszawa 64 tel.: (+4822) 55 22 815 and (+4822) 55 20 384 e-mails: [email protected], [email protected] [email protected], [email protected] web-pages: http://www.taubenschlagfoundation.pl https://www.peeters-leuven.be Cover design by Maryna Wiśniewska Scientific editing by Tomasz Derda Map drawn by Jakub Kaniszewski Editing and proofreading by Tomasz Płóciennik Computer design and dtp by Piotr Berezowski The present book was published thanks to a grant from the National Science Centre of the Republic of Poland (grant agreement maestro 2015/18/a/hs3/00485) Cover photo: A leaf from papyrus codex containing the Encomium on St Pesynthius, found in MMA 1152; © Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology An ostracon with psalm verses found in MMA 1152; © Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology Back cover: Aerial view of hermitage MMA 1152; © Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-90-429-5003-0 eISBN 978-90-429-5004-7 D/2022/0602/122 © 2022, Peeters, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage or retrieval devices or systems, without prior written permission from the publisher, except the quotation of brief passages for review purposes.

To Ewa Wipszycka who taught me how to read sources

TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Theoretical perspective: Microtheologies – 3; The Theban region: An overview – 8 (Chronological and territorial framework – 8; The Theban region as a specific monastic microregion – 17; The literary culture of Theban monks – 28; Monastic texts and ideas from the outside – 37); The sources – 41 (Monastic correspondence­ – 41; Upper Egyptian Synaxary – 47; Pesynthius of Coptus’ corpus – 51).

Chapter One

WORDS AND TEXTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 .

Chapter Two

WORDS IN ACTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Prayer – 129; Blessing – 149 (Terminology and general characteristic – 149; The conditional nature of a blessing – 153; Crops and food as blessing – 160; The words as a blessing – 163; Elaborated blessings – 172; Gestures of blessing – 174; Blessings of the holy man – 181; Blessing as a gift – 186); Invocations to God and saints – 201 (The Holy Trinity – 201; Invocation of God – 205; Invocation of Christ – 206; Mary – 210; The Saints – 211); Spiritual direction – 214.

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Chapter Three

GLIMPSES OF AN UNEXPRESSED SYSTEM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Man and world – 217; God – 219; Sin and sinners – 220; Monastic life – 223; Theology petrified in language – 225 (‘I swear by God’ – 225; God’s will and God’s orders – 227; ‘God knows’ – 232; ‘For the sake of the Lord’ and similar expressions – 234). CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 INDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 1. Scriptural index – 241; 2. Index of papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions – 245 (Papyri and ostraca – 245; Inscriptions – 261); 3. Index of literary sources – 262; 4. Index of selected historical and biblical names – 270; 5. Index of modern authors – 272; 6. Index of toponyms – 273. BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277

FOREWORD

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he book is the effect of the project Monks and Monastic Communities in the Eastern Mediterranean (4th–8th c.) funded by the National Science Centre of the Republic of Poland (grant agreement maestro 2015/18/a/hs3/00485) under Ewa Wipszycka-Bravo as the principal investigator. It is divided into four uneven parts. The introduction presents the theoretical framework, socio-geographical context, and the sources used in the research. Three subsequent chapters are focused on particular types of religious expressions and imagery. The first chapter deals with words – the words applied in the addresses and references to the monks and the Bible understood as the word of God. The second chapter examines words put into action to bring an effect. It means prayer, blessing invocation and spiritual direction. The third chapter tries to integrate diverse religious concepts to draw an outline of the religious worldview of Theban monks. Special attention is applied to stock phrases, which are believed to form a core of what I call an unexpressed system. I have had the great honour to co-operate with the other scholars involved in the project. First of all, I am greatly indebted to Ewa Wipszycka, principal investigator of the project. After supervising my doctoral dissertation (together with the late Father Wincenty Myszor), she invited me to work with her and a group of young researchers whom she organized. She was also a meticulous reader of the drafts of this book at its various stages. I am deeply grateful for her critical insights, comments and for giving me access to her library and network of contacts. I would like to thank my colleagues, co-participants in the project, from whom I could always count on help and support: Aleksandra Pawlikowska-Gwiazda, Joanna Wegner, and Marzena Wojtczak. They broadened my

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horizons in the areas of archaeology, economy, and legal history of Roman and Byzantine Egypt. I thank Krystyna Wawrzosek and her collaborators from Euroalphabet.eu for the translation into English and proofreading. I also thank Tomasz Płóciennik and Tomasz Derda whose meticulous work contributed greately to the editorial coherence of the book. All remaining inaccuracies and flaws of any kind burden the author alone. Since the book is not focused on textual and editorial aspects, the original texts are given after modern editions. In the case of Coptic texts, the editions considerably differ in superlineation and word division. It was impossible to exactly reproduce each editorial practice and keep consistency simultaneously, so I decided not to reproduce punctuation (neither ancient nor modern) or diacritical signs (trema is an exception) and tried to make the text uniform, at least in the tables and lists. I used the translations of the ancient sources made by other authors, but I always consulted the original Greek or Coptic text. I often modernize the older translations and change the wording to make it consistent throughout the book. If the translator’s name is not provided, the translation is my own. If the text has no translation into English, this is always the case. Editions of papyri and papyrological instruments, as well as proceedings of papyrological and Coptic congresses are cited according to abbreviations given in Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca, and Tablets except for those not listed there at the moment of finalizing the book, which are referred to by sigla current in the literature (O. Monastery of Cyriacus, O. Gurna Górecki). Ostraca from TT 29 are quoted as O. Frange which is the form predominant in the literature, instead of O. Frangé proposed by the Checklist. The names of people and places are given in modern English form where possible (e.g., John instead of Ioannes). In other cases, they are Latinized (e.g., Barsanuphius instead of Barsanouphios, Coptus instead of Koptos). The form Pesynthius is preferred over Pisentius or Pesynthios. Arabic names follow forms current in the scholarship (with preference to the Coptic Encyclopedia and Trismegistos).

ABBREVIATIONS AP – Apophthegmata patrum BEEC – Brill Encyclopedia of Early Christianity online, D. G. Hunter, P. J. J. van Geest, B. J. Lietaert Peerbolte CE – Coptic Encyclopedia PGL – G. W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon, Oxford 1961 PG – Patrologia Graeca PO – Patrologia orientalis ThWNT – Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament, ed. G. Kittel, vols 1–10, Stuttgart 1966–1979 ThLA – Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae TM –Trismegistos Papyri and ostraca not included in the Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic, and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca, and Tablets [accessed 01.03.2022]: O. Bachit – Koptische Ostraka Online: Koptische nichtliterarische Texte aus dem thebanischen Raum, https://www.koptolys.gwi.uni-muenchen. de/inventar.php O. DAN kopt. – Koptische Ostraka Online: Koptische nichtliterarische Texte aus dem thebanischen Raum, https://www.koptolys.gwi.unimuenchen.de/inventar.php O. Deir el-Gizaz – A. Di Bitonto Kasser, ‘Ostraca greci e copti a Deir el Gizāz’, Aegyptus 70 (1990), pp. 57–72 O. Gurna Górecki – A. Boud’hors, ‘The Coptic ostraca of the Theban hermitage MMA 1151: 1. Letters (O. Gurna Górecki 12–68)’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 47 (2017), pp. 45–100; A. Boud’hors, ‘The Coptic ostraca of the Theban hermitage MMA 1151: 2. Legal and economic documents

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(O. Gurna Górecki 69–96)’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 48 (2018), pp. 53– 102; A. Boud’hors, ‘The Coptic ostraca of the Theban hermitage MMA 1151: 3. Exercises (O. Gurna Górecki 97–161)’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 49 (2019), pp. 41–96 O. Monastery of Cyriacus – A. Hasznos, Coptic Texts form the ‘Monastery of Cyriacus’ (TT 65), vol. 1, Budapest 1913 P. Mon. Theb. Phoib. – E. Garel, Héritage et transmission dans le monachisme égyptien. Les testaments des supérieurs du topos de Saint-Phoibammôn à Thèbes (P. Mon. Phoib. Test.), Cairo 2020

Main monastic sites in Western Thebes (drawn by Jakub Kaniszewski)

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INTRODUCTION THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE: MICROTHEOLOGIES

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n the title of this book microtheologies (in plural) mean particular expressions referring to complex but inarticulate theological systems, i.e., isolated phrases about God and the supernatural realm, used in a frame of larger textual units which are essentially of a non-theological nature. Their microscale primarily signifies locality, understood not only as a limited territory, but also as a specific, more or less tight social group, or even an individual (in this aspect of locality and the limited scale, microtheologies would be analogous to the well-established category of microhistories). Secondly, microscale stands for the fragmentary character of microtheologies – representing only a specific part of the theological system. The category of microtheology is not clearly defined in theoretical literature, but it functions in confessional theology, where it denotes non-systemic, sometimes even individual, ‘theories of God’. Such ‘theories’ are shared, manifested and practiced concepts, symbols, and patterns of behaviour which may be original, borrowed, or inherited. Microtheologies may (but do not have to) be hidden or even completely absent from people’s consciousness, yet they shape individual and social life. This term is most often applied in reference to the concepts of God functioning in local cultures of non-European background.1

1 A. Pietrzak, Modele ewangelizacji kultur i inkulturacji wiary w teologii latynoamerykańskiej [Models of evangelization of the cultures and inculturation of faith in Latin-American theology], Lublin 2013, p. 108; N. Wariboko, ‘West African Pentecostalism: A survey of everyday theology’ [in:] V. Synan et al. (eds), Global Renewal Christianity: Spirit-Empowered Movements, Past, Present, and Future, vol. 3: Africa and Diaspora, Lake Mary 2016, pp. 1–18, esp. pp. 17–18.

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The concept of microtheologies has also a lot in common with ‘everyday theology’ as it concerns specific applications of theological theories in acts of everyday communication. It is also related to the idea of ‘vernacular religion’ by Leonard N. Primiano because of the fact that Primiano does not exclude theological expression of religious specialists.2 The main difference, however, is that microtheologies concern only verbal expressions (in the sources under scrutiny in this book such expressions are preserved only in a textual form) of religious belief, not including behavioural and material dimensions of religiosity. Research on microtheologies leaves aside the act of worship unless it is necessary to understand the context of theological statements. I believe that microtheologies could be successfully applied to research on the religious mentality and its forms of expression in the past, based on documentary papyri. It should be clearly emphasized here that this concept is different from several other similar theoretical approaches. It is not folk religion (partly identical with the lower tier of split-level religion model according to Paul Hiebert),3 and therefore not a belief system specific to a rural population, closely related to the life of small peripheral communities, agricultural and natural cycles. Folk religion is usually positioned in opposition to the elite / official / organized religion. The very concept (precisely the concept and not the word itself) of folk and folk religion has its roots in modernity,4 so just employing it would be an anachronism. In the case of Theban monks, however, we are not dealing with farmers, and although most of them probably came from a rural population and might have even occasionally taken part in field works, their correspondence lacks any indications of a rural type of religion (whatsoever this could mean). L. N. Primiano, ‘Vernacular religion and the search for method in religious folklife’, Western Folklore 54 (1995), pp. 37–56, at pp. 45–46. 3 P. G. Hiebert, ‘The flaw of the excluded middle’, Missiology 10 (1982), pp. 35–47; P. G. Hiebert, R. D. Shaw, & T. Tiénou, Understanding Folk Religion: A Christian Response to Popular Beliefs and Practices, Grand Rapids 1999; see esp. Section One ‘Developing analytical model’. 4 D. Yoder, ‘Toward a definition of folk religion’, Western Folklore 33 (1974), pp. 2–15. The term ‘religiöse Volkskunde’ was coined in 1901. The concept of Volk dates back to Herder and eighteenth-century German romanticism. 2

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Neither should microtheologies be considered to be a popular religion (common religion). This is a category related to the previously mentioned one (these terms are also sometimes used interchangeably), but the popular religion focuses primarily on the opposition between the religion of the masses and the religion of religious specialists.5 By its very nature, the religiosity (and theology) of monks, with members of clergy and bishops amongst them, cannot be considered a manifestation of common religion. Of course, the question arises as to whether we are dealing with the popularization of official religion (religion of the canons of the Church). Given that religious specialists happened to seek contact with the divine not only by intellectual and liturgical means but in a more direct and effective ways considered typical of popular religion (like amulets – the point important for Theban monastics), we should not accept the opposition between official and popular religion as universally valid, yet surely useful for the subject of our study. Finally, microtheologies are not local theologies (contextual theologies, inculturated theologies, ethnotheologies), and thus adaptations of ‘universal’ theology to local contexts. For late antiquity it is obviously an anachronism since the very concept is modern and originated among discussions on Christianity in colonial and postcolonial countries. Granted, we can talk about the characteristics of Alexandrian, Egyptian, or (less legitimately) Coptic theology, but not in the terms of specificity stemming from ethnic conditions. In the correspondence of the Theban monks, microtheologies are included in the statements of a religious specialist in situations where they do not act as theologians. We may believe that some of the Theban monks were competent in theological matters, but we do not have access to any sources that would portray them in that role. Undoubtedly at least some 5 Numerous, even contradictory definitions of popular religion can be found. Their review is provided by Ch. L. Long, ‘Popular religion’, [in:] Encyclopedia of Religion, vol. 11, Farmington Hills 2005, pp. 7324–7333. In the research on Late Antiquity Egypt, the term ‘popular religion’ is used by D. Frankfurter, esp. Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance, Princeton 1998, esp. p. 30. Frankfurter’s ‘popular religion’ is close to what I categorized above as ‘folk religion’ (Frankfurter does not use this term), but with a focus placed on conservatism and the continuation of local religious practices in non-elite communities.

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of the residents of the Topos of Epiphanius were proficient in theology and understood the subtle differences of Christological controversies, but we have no sources that would present them as Miaphysite apologists, authors of theological treatises, or doctrinally committed preachers. We do have at our disposal, in turn, their private correspondence, letters written to them and received by them, and requests for prayers addressed to them therein, invocations to God inserted here and there in their correspondence, biblical quotations, requests for blessing, etc. By examining the monastic correspondence, we are not able to determine the complete system of beliefs, but we can only study communication acts recorded in writing, which are dependent on such a system. This poses an unchallengeable epistemological problem, because the observer (or scholar) ‘can only have access to other people’s experiences and beliefs through objective manifestations’.6 We therefore make the necessary (though perhaps unsatisfactory) assumption that the religious messages conveyed by the Theban monks correspond to their concepts of God and the supernatural. In this work, we also assume that the Theban microtheologies were interrelated and that the scattered testimonies illuminate each other. This is by no means tantamount to saying that we are convinced that every single Theban monk believed and practised his faith in exactly the same way. Yet, we assume that the intense and effective communication between them testifies to the existence of mutually shared religious imagery, and at the same time imparts form to such imagery. In turn, since certain concepts and formulas regularly recur in the monastic epistles, they seem to constitute the common heritage of Theban monasticism. It is important to stress that microtheologies do not constitute a system in themselves. They are inherently fragmented and can be contradictory to each other. They are realized in acts of everyday communication rather than in theological meta-reflection, hence these contradictions and ambiguities are not surprising. We are only able to say to a small extent to what degree they were specific to this region, for we do not have even approximately W. Keane, ‘Religious language’, Annual Review of Anthropology 26 (1997), pp. 47–71, at p. 47.

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as abundant documentation of microtheological expressions from other areas. However, defining the Theban microtheologies will help to identify the microtheological complexes in other regions. We have been guided in our work by several assumptions of a general nature. Firstly, we are convinced that monasteries were first and foremost religious institutions and that it is impossible to understand monastic life without highlighting their primarily religious nature. Of course, monastic spirituality has been the subject of countless studies, but as a rule these have not been based on documentary material. For it so happens that in the case of many monastic sites known to us from excavations we have no literary accounts, or they are highly unsatisfactory. Yet in our case, among the ruins of monasteries, a huge corpus of documents about economic life was uncovered. Ewa Wipszycka, and now, among others, my colleague Joanna Wegner have put in great efforts to reconstruct the economic relations of the Egyptian monasteries. However, no academic paper has been written on the spiritual life of the monks from the Naqlun, Bawit or Saqqara monasteries. Similarly, despite the vast and steadily growing literature on Theban monasteries, studies addressing the religious language and imagery of Theban monks are lacking. As for Western Thebes, however, unlike the abovementioned monasteries, we have enough material to venture upon completing such a study. This work is specifically an attempt to fill this gap. In our study, we often refer to repetitive epistolary phrases containing religious terms and concepts, which, following Malcolm Choat, we can label as ‘formulae of belief ’.7 Here, I would like to pre-empt the objections that formulas of this kind are purely conventional and do not contribute anything to our knowledge of microtheologies. I believe that the opposite is true. Language is a carrier of the concepts of God and the supernatural regardless of the extent to which its users problematize the use of God’s name or a request for a blessing. Some of the issues that the book tackles may be considered implicit theology, but it cannot be reduced to epistolary conventions and pure rhetoric. Even if it is the language users

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who shape the message according to convention, the language they use certainly influences their theological conceptualizations and imagery. THE THEBAN REGION: AN OVERVIEW

Chronological and territorial framework By the Theban area, I understand not only the set of mortuary complexes on the western bank of the Nile opposite to Luxor and Karnak, but also the ‘wider Theban region’ between Deir el-Gizaz (some 30 km upstream along the Nile) and the hermitages up north to Gebel Banhadab (including Bishwāw, Tsenti – Al-Asas), as well as the monasteries in the Mountain of Hermonthis (Phoebammon on the Rock, i.e., Phoebammon ‘in the Rock’, the Monastery of Ezekiel, and other, less well-known monasteries). The monasteries on the eastern bank were also tightly connected with Western Thebes, and there existed a circulation of people and goods between the two sides of the Nile.8 Because of that, I also incorporate the ancient Coptic site Ape (approximately the modern Luxor and Karnak) and its environs in the wider Theban area, despite the virtual lack of information about monastic communities in Eastern Thebes.9 This region has been relatively well researched archaeologically,10 for the area between al-Ballās and Hermonthis (thus reaching slightly further north than our ‘wider

8 L. Aït-Kaci, A. Boud’hors, & Ch. Heurtel, ‘Aller au nord, aller au sud, traverse le fleuve: Circulation et échanges au viii e siècle dans la region thébaine’, [in:] E. Warmenbol & V. Angenot (eds), Thèbes aux 101 portes: Mélanges à la mémoire de Roland Tefnin [= Monumenta Aegyptiaca 12], Turnhout 2010, pp. 1–9. 9 While we know that there were monasteries in Ape (see H. Munier & M. Pillet, ‘Les édifices chrétiens de Karnak’, Revue de l’Égypte ancienne 2 (1929), pp. 58–88, at p.60; J. Jacquet, ‘Karnak in the Christian period’, [in:] CE 5, [1991], pp. 1392–1394), we do not know what their relationship to the monasteries of Western Thebes was. What has been well confirmed, however, is the presence of Theodosian bishops and even the involvement of Bishop Abraham in the territory of the diocese of Ape. 10 Indeed, compared to other areas of Egypt, many sites (especially outside Western Thebes) have never been the subject of systematic archaeological research.

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Theban area’) was surveyed by Ramez Boutros and Christian Décobert.11 The survey in question included archaeological sites and toponomastic data, which allowed the authors to identify over 60 sites with Christian and early Muslim remains. Frederic Krueger refers to that area with reference to hydrogeography as Qena Bend.12 The extent of the ‘Theban neighbourhood’ by Herbert E. Winlock and Walter E. Crum, on the other hand, is much broader, and the term itself was coined from toponyms that appear in the Theban material.13 For geographically extreme locations, however, those mentions are incidental and do not indicate the compactness of the area as is the case with our ‘wider Theban area’. That area seems to be characterized by a particular concentration of monastic establishments, with the centre in Western Thebes. Similarly, the relations between monks within the ‘wider Theban region’ seem to be much more intense than their relations with the neighbouring areas north or south. However, we must be aware that we may be dealing with a source bias, due to the fact of the area having been particularly well researched and to the relative abundance of source material. Letters and documents originating from Western Thebes – and therefore from the geographical centre of the wider Theban area – naturally dealt with local matters, so it is no wonder that they were focused on the immediate surroundings. If we had the letters and documents produced in the monasteries from the neighbourhoods of Coptus or Hermonthis, it might show the intensive exchange of people, goods, and information went beyond the boundaries of the Theban area drawn here, and ran with great intensity between, e.g., Hermonthis and Esna.14 Similarly, if a thorough archaeological survey reached north of al-Ballās and south of Hermonthis, there may well turn R. Boutros & Ch. Décobert, ‘Les installations chrétiennes entre Ballas et Armant: Implantations et survivances’, [in:] N. Bosson (ed.), Études coptes VII: Neuvième journée d’études. Montpellier, 3–4 juin 1999 [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 12], Leuven 2000, pp. 77– 108. 12 O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, p. 15. 13 P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 104: ‘By the Theban neighbourhood, we mean that section of the Nile valley which extends from about Esne above Thebes to Denderah or even Hou below it’. 14 A recently published dossier of the Apa Ezekiel monastery (O. Lips. Copt. II) located in the Mountain of Hermonthis, however, presents a similarly local perspective. 11

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out not to be any clear discontinuity of monastic occupation. However, based on currently available data, it seems legitimate to isolate the Theban area as a distinct monastic microregion. Similar observations on the relative isolation of the area were also made regarding economical networks, so perhaps we are faced with a real historical phenomenon not only a bias founded on the types of evidence in our possession.15 With regard to the chronology of the monastic establishments, we can distinguish three phases in the Theban area – the first from the end of the fourth century to the turn of the sixth and seventh centuries; the second from the turn of the sixth and seventh centuries to c. 640; and the third in the first half of the eighth century, with a long final period extending into the ninth century. In the first phase, towards the end of the fourth century and at the latest at the beginning of the fifth century, the first monasteries were established in the inner desert, in the Mountain of Hermonthis. One of the first (or perhaps the first) was Phoebammon ‘in the Rock’,16 whose oldest layers date back (on the basis of pottery) to the fourth century.17 Shortly afterwards, the Monastery of Ezekiel – which lay nearby, also deep in the desert – was founded. Maybe the unidentified Monastery of Apa Posidonius located in the Mountain of Hermonthis also belonged to this early phase.18 For that period, the primary sources, apart from archaeological 15 Ch. Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean 400–800, Oxford 2005, p. 422. Also the observations by J. Wegner (Monastic Communities in Context: Social and Economic Interrelations of Monastic Institutions and Laymen in Middle Egypt [6th–8th Centuries], PhD thesis, Warsaw, Uniwersytet Warszawski 2017, p. 7, https://depotuw.ceon. pl/handle/item/2077, accessed 20 Feb. 2022) who deals with economic relations in the monasteries of Middle Egypt confirm that the links of the Theban monasteries with the rest of Egypt seem to be much weaker than in case of the monastic centres investigated by her. 16 Also called ‘Phoebammon I’, or ‘the little Phoebammon’ in the scholarly literature. 17 O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, p. 22. The ultimate source for such assessment is Pascal Ballet, a renowned ceramologist who, however, interpret the material from the site only via photographic documentation. Thus, we should have certain reservations about this date. 18 See F. Krueger, ‘The Monastery of Apa Posidonios at Hermonthis and an alleged local cult of “Poseidon” (with notes on “Kothos” and the supposed fish-cult at Latopolis)’, Archiv für Papyrusforschung 67 (2021), pp. 110–137, at pp. 110–124, who presents a tempting argument for the identification of Apa Posidonius with Posidonius the Theban mentioned

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data, are the hagiographic accounts to be found in the Synaxarium.19 For the second half of the sixth century, the documentary dossier of Apa Aaron and Andrew (later to become bishop of Hermonthis) also plays an important role.20 In that first period, there was no presence of monks in Western Thebes that could be attested with certainty, although the Christianization of the villages Jeme and Gurna probably took place at the turn of the fourth and fifth centuries.21 On the basis of archaeological data, however, some scholars speculate that the monastery of Deir el-Rumi (its ancient name remains unknown) was built at the beginning of the fifth century,22 but the few ostraca found almost certainly date back to the very end of the sixth century or the beginning of the seventh century,23 as do others in the area. Pharaonic tombs and rock shelters around Deir el-Rumi were settled by in Palladius’ Historia Lausiaca. Krueger is aware that even if such identification would occur correct, the monastery might be established in memory of Posidonius after his death. 19 Among the monasteries on the Mountain of Hermonthis, only the monastery of Phoebammon ‘in the Rock’ has been examined archaeologically: C. Bachatly, Le Monastère de Phoebammon dans la Thébaïde, vol. 1: L’ archéologie du site, Cairo 1981. 20 F. Krueger, ‘The papyrological rediscovery of the Monastery of Apa Ezekiel and Bishop Andrew of Hermonthis (6th century): Preliminary report on the edition of the Coptic ostraca at the Leipzig University Library’, Journal of Coptic Studies 21 (2019), pp. 73–114, at pp. 79–81. 21 Boutros & Décobert, ‘Les installations’ (cit. n. 11), p. 80; A. Delattre & G. Lecuyot, ‘À qui et à quoi servaient les «ermitages» des vallées sud-ouest de la montagne thébaine’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2016), pp. 709–718, at p. 711. Nevertheless, there are virtually no data to reconstruct the Christianization of the area. 22 G. Lecuyot, ‘Une nécropole de Thèbes-Ouest à l’époque romaine et copte: La Vallée des Reines’, Kyphi 2 (1999), pp. 33–61, at p. 46; M. Demas & N. Agnew (eds), Valley of the Queens Assessment Report, vol. 1: Conservation and Management Planning, Los Angeles 2012, p. 318. The evidence is exclusively archaeological. We have finds of amphorae from the fifth century and several coins from the fourth and fifth centuries. A coin embedded in the threshold of the monastery church dates back to the late fourth century. However, the coins may have been in circulation for a long time and the amphorae are not from the monastery itself. The coins are discussed in the appendix to Lecuyot, ‘Une nécropole’ (cit. supra), pp. 98–99. 23 A. Delattre & G. Lecuyot, ‘Ostraca découverts au Deir er-Roumi au cours de la mission 2007–2008’, [in:] A. Boud’hors & C. Louis (eds), Études coptes XIII: Quinzième journée d’études (Louvain-la-Neuve, 12–14 mai 2011) [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 20], Paris 2015, pp. 107–120, at pp. 113–114.

12

INTRODUCTION

hermits – but we do not know exactly how to date those installations.24 Similarly, we do not know when the monks settled the tombs on the hill of Sheikh Abd el-Gurna. If Ananias, who repeatedly appears in the correspondence with TT 85 and TT 87 as a prominent monastic figure,25 and the bishop of Hermonthis of that name was one and the same person,26 then the presence of monks at Sheikh Abd el-Gurna could be dated as early as the first half of the sixth century.27 The correspondence found in situ, 24 Lecuyot, ‘Une nécropole’ (cit. n. 22), pp. 45–46; G. Lecuyot, ‘Le Deir el-Roumi, le topos chrétien’, Memnonia 27 (2016), pp. 91–97, at p. 96. However, one of the most important installations (a chapel in tomb VdR 40) was certainly not in use before the end of the sixth century – Lecuyot, ‘Une nécropole’ (cit. n. 22), pp. 46–47. Deir el-Rumi might have also overseen the monks living – at least temporarily – in the Valley of the Queens; see Delattre & Lecuyot, ‘À qui et à quoi servaient les «ermitages»’ (cit. n. 21), p. 715. 25 H. Behlmer, ‘Christian use of pharaonic sacred space in Western Thebes: The case of TT 85 and 87’, [in:] P. F. Dorman & B. M. Bryan (eds), Sacred Space and Sacred Function in Ancient Thebes, Chicago 2007, pp. 163–175; M. Müller, ‘Ein koptisches Ostrakon der Universitätssammlung in Bonn’, Chronique d’Égypte 90 (2015), pp. 191–193; H. Salah ed-Din, ‘Three Coptic ostraca from TT 85 in Qurna-Western Thebes’, Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 4 (2016), pp. 173–182; P. Hoogendijk 49 (R. Dekker et al., ‘Seven Coptic ostraca at the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden’, [in:] P. Hoogendijk, pp. 212–224, at pp. 221–223). 26 As proposed by Behlmer, ‘Christian use’ (cit. n. 25), pp. 167–168; such identification is rejected by R. Dekker, Episcopal Networks and Authority in Late Antique Egypt: Bishops of the Theban Region at Work [= Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 264], Leuven 2018, p. 104; Dekker et al., ‘Seven Coptic ostraca’ (cit. n. 25), p. 222; more carefully: Ph. Booth, ‘Towards the Coptic Church: The making of the Severan episcopate’, Millennium 14 (2017), pp. 151–189, at p. 176 n. 35; Krueger, ‘The papyrological rediscovery’ (cit. n. 20), pp. 80–81. Bishop Ananias certainly existed (Moir Bryce diptych gives him as the fourth bishop before Abraham, but we have to remember that there was almost certainly a vacancy in the anti-Chalcedonian see of Hermonthis), but he may have been active as early as 100 years before Abraham. An explanation would therefore be required not only for such early dating of the Theban ostraca (which is not impossible, as Krueger argues), but also for the residence of Bishop Ananias in a small hermitage, which finds no explanation in the light of similar practices at the time of bishops consecrated by Peter IV and Damian. 27 Admittedly, P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 134, and Behlmer, ‘Christian use’ (cit. n. 25), p. 167, date the episcopate of Ananias to the late sixth century; however, Krueger is right in placing him c. 520, see Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon: A prosopography and relative chronology of its connections to the Monastery of Apa Ezekiel within the monastic network of Hermonthis during the 6th century’, Archiv für Papyrusforschung 66 (2020), pp. 150–191, at p. 159, n. 23.

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however, lacks decisive evidence that we are dealing with Bishop Ananias and not with a local charismatic monastic leader who lived in the seventh or eighth century, which I myself am in favour of.28 Individual papyrus or codex finds from the area of Western Thebes date back to the fourth or fifth century, but may have been imported at a later period or incorrectly dated (in the case of document texts based on palaeography).29 The event recorded in the sources, which can be considered the beginning of the second period in the history of Theban monasticism, was the relocation of the Monastery of Phoebammon from inside the Mountain of Hermonthis to the abandoned temple of Hatshepsut – Deir el-Bahari, much closer to the Nile, cultivated land and the village of Jeme. The Monastery of Ezekiel was abandoned only slightly later than the Monastery of Phoebammon ‘on the Rock’. However, the monasteries within the Gebel were certainly still visited by pilgrims and even occasionally inhabited by individual eremites. Even if the monastery was established in an already existing monastic environment, the new centre – created, as it seems, by the order of the patriarch and headed by a bishop-abbot – had to change the previous relations in a decisive way. The monastery of Phoebammon was headed at the time by Abbot and Bishop Abraham. The chronology of the episcopate of Abraham of Hermonthis and the foundation of the Monastery of Phoebammon in Deir el-Bahari has recently been reworked by Renate Dekker, who concluded that the monastery was founded around 595, shortly after Abraham’s ordination as bishop, to enable him to be in closer contact with Behlmer (‘Christian use’ [cit. n. 25], p. 168) points out that the letter O. Lond. Copt. I 64/2 from Bishop Ananias to ‘beloved sons’ shares the hand with the letter TT 85/87, but this evidence is too weak and is not raised by other scholars. Dekker (Episcopal Networks [cit. n. 26], p. 103) suggests that it was sent by another Bishop Ananias (which is possible, but creates a new problem of identification of that bishop). Dekker et al. (‘Seven Coptic ostraca’ [cit. n. 25], p. 222) drew attention to the peculiarity of Coptic orthography, which would make it possible to date Ananias to the eighth century, but also considers this single argument rather weak. 29 P.TT 157–470 found in TT 157 in Dra‘ Abu el-Naga; see T. S. Richter, ‘Neue koptische medizinische Rezepte’, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 141 (2014), pp. 155–195, at pp. 155–164; T. S. Richter, ‘Medical care on the Theban westbank in late Antiquity’, Journal of Coptic Studies 20 (2018), pp. 151–163, at p. 153. 28

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INTRODUCTION

the diocesans.30 Other, more complex factors were certainly at play as well in the relocation of the monastery. The members of the episcopal network created by Damian were highly mobile and it seems that they met frequently and maintained an intense correspondence. In light of this, it was important that they had as direct as possible connection to the land routes and the Nile. Similarly, the diocesan clergy, who had to be in constant contact with the bishop, had much easier access to him at Deir el-Bahari than in the inner desert. By contrast, we have no reason to believe that Abraham’s presence in the Theban necropolis was intended to serve the purpose of building, consolidating, or controlling monastic life in Western Thebes. We know nothing about possible links between the relocation of the monastery of Phoebammon and the development of nearby hermitages. Although it is known that at least some of the hermits participated in liturgical services at St Phoebammon, we do not know whether they lived in the area beforehand or whether they possibly created a network of hermitages after the establishment of the monastery.31 We must also remember that there were other coenobitic centres in the immediate area. The Monastery of Paul (Deir el-Bakhit) was founded almost at the same time, but we know nothing about the circumstances of its establishment.32 It too was surrounded by a network of hermitages, as was Deir el-Rumi mentioned earlier. 30 R. Dekker, ‘Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis: New observations on his historical context, chronology and social networks’, Journal of Coptic Studies 18 (2016), pp. 19–43; two crucial pieces of evidence are O. Crum ad. 59 (= O. Lips. Copt. I 10) and P. KRU 105. On the foundation of the Monastery of Phoebammon in Deir el-Bahari and relations between the two Phoebammon monasteries, see the seminal paper M. Krause, ‘Zwei Phoibammon-Klöster in Theben-West’, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Abteilung Kairo 37 (1981), pp. 261–266. His thesis has been widely accepted by others and undergone only minor refinement. The literature on the subject is given in Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ (cit. n. 27), pp. 151–152, esp. notes 5 and 7. I see no need to repeat it here except for pointing out the synthesis of the material and scholarly discussion by Garel in P. Mon. Phoib. Test., pp. 54–61. 31 There were certainly monks dependent on the Monastery of Phoebammon. Such hermitages are mentioned in the testaments of Victor and Jacob. More importantly, they are not mentioned in the testament of Abraham, see P. Mon. Phoib. Test., pp. 83–84. 32 I. Eichner, ‘Aspekte des Alltagslebens im Pauloskloster (Deir el-Bachît) von Theben-West / Oberägypten anhand archäologischer Belege’, [in:] F. Daim & J. Drauschke

THE THEBAN REGION: AN OVERVIEW

15

The oldest precisely dated event in the Christian Jeme is a solar eclipse recorded on the ostracon SB Kopt. II 1238,33 but some of the documents in Abraham’s dossier probably precede that date. Also from the Topos of Mark, we have Greek documents dated (palaeographically) to the sixth century;34 their presence in the Topos’s archive does not mean, however, that the centre itself dates back deep into the sixth century. That period also included the first documented phase of a monastic settlement on the hill of Sheikh Abd el-Gurna, where we can distinguish several hermitages, probably forming a laura (or lauras), of which the so-called Topos of Epiphanius is the best known. Renate Dekker superimposed the relative chronology of the leader of the Topos of Epiphanius onto the absolute dates known from the documents, thanks to which she was able to distinguish two phases of the settlement of the laura, the first of which began at the turn of the sixth and seventh centuries (Isaac I, ‘the anchorite’) and ended around ad 640. The first half of the sixth century was also the period of the activity of Moses (the anchorite, presbyter, and (eds), Hinter den Mauern und auf dem offenen Land: Leben im Byzantinischen Reich [= Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident 3], Mainz 2016, pp. 159–170, at p. 162; the dating is based on pottery, but note also the earlier samples from the fifth and sixth centuries in unit XXVI of the Monastery, see Th. Beckh, ‘The monastic settlement structures in Dra’ Abu el-Naga North: Preliminary survey results’, [in:] D. Polz et al., ‘Topographical archaeology in Dra’ Abu el‑Naga: Three thousand years of cultural history’, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Abteilung Kairo 68 (2012), pp. 131–134; see also T. Beckh, ‘Monks, magicians, archaeologists: New results on Coptic settlement development in Dra‘ Abu el-Naga North, Western Thebes’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2016), pp. 739–747, at p. 742. These are the earliest samples of pottery in a monastic context in Western Thebes in general. However, it does not settle the question of dating, since the monks might make use of earlier pottery as they do with shards of Pharaonic times – of course, the question is how they get access to the fifth-century-ad African Red Slip Ware attested in one sample at this spot. The recent reassessment of this site and its chronology, see I. Eichner, ‘The archaeological evidence of domestic life in the monasteries of Western Thebes: The example of Deir el-Bakhît’, [in:] O. Delouis & M. Mossakowska-Gaubert (eds), La vie quotidienne des moines en Orient et en Occident (iv e–x e siècle), vol. 2: Questions transversales, Cairo 2019, pp. 25–36. 33 G. Gilmore & J. Ray, ‘A fixed point in Coptic chronology: The solar eclipse of 10 March, 601’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 158 (2006), pp. 190–192. 34 J. Gascou, ‘Documents grecs de Qurnat Mar’y’, Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 99 (1999), pp. 201–215, nos 1–2, 7–8, 11.

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INTRODUCTION

scribe) living in TT 29, and that of Mark the presbyter whose recognizable hand is attested in many letters scattered through Western Thebes. The third period began in the late seventh century. After the Arab conquest, there was a significant hiatus in source material, which lasted until the early eighth century, when a large number of documents appeared again. It is unlikely, however, that monastic life in Western Thebes completely disappeared, although it most likely weakened. In the seventh century, the monastery of Deir el-Rumi was abandoned.35 It is also true that we have no dated documents from that period.36 Certainly, however, at least the Monastery of Paul was active towards the end of the seventh century.37 Although the functioning of the Topos of Epiphanius seems to have died down in the second half of the seventh century, Catherine Thirard has argued that the development of the cult of Epiphanius points to the continuance of the monastery in the second half of that century.38 Her argument does not seem entirely convincing – for that could well have happened shortly after Epiphanius’ death, as he was already considered a saint during his lifetime, already in the first half of the seventh century. The previously mentioned chronology developed by Renate Dekker, based on the network of relationships that the leaders of the topos maintained, is more convincing, and Dekker sees a lack of continuity in her evidence.39 In the first half of the eighth century, monastic life in Western Thebes seemed to have developed dynamically once more. Again, we have documentation originating from the Topos of Epiphanius. The first half of the eighth century was also the time when Frange and his circle of Demas & Agnew, ‘Valley of the Queens’ (cit. n. 22), p. 318. For the Monastery of Paul, see SB III 7240 (ad 697); P. CLT 1 (ad 698); see Gascou, ‘Documents grecs’ (cit. n. 34), p. 203 (no. 3), who palaeographically dates one of the Greek documents of the Topos of Mark to c. the middle or second half of the seventh century. 37 T. Beckh, I. Eichener, & S. Hodak, ‘Briefe aus der koptischen Vergangenheit: Zur Identifikation der Klosteranlage Deir el-Bachît in Theben­West’, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Abteilung Kairo 67 (2011), pp. 15–30, at p. 29. 38 C. Thirard, ‘Le monastère d’Épiphane à Thèbes: Nouvelle interpretation chronologique’, [in:] A. Boud’hors, J. Gascou, & D. Vaillancourt (eds), Études coptes IX: Onzième journée d’études (Strasbourg, 12–14 juin 2003), Paris 2006, pp. 367–374. 39 R. Dekker, ‘A relative chronology of the Topos of Epiphanius: The identification of its leaders’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2016), pp. 755–767. 35

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17

correspondents were active. Around the middle of the eighth century, however, the number of letter sources diminished again, although numerous legal documents come from that period. The Monastery of Phoebammon was abandoned shortly after the last absolute dates known to us from the documents, i.e., after 786.40 Some activity continued on the Ramesseum site, for we have a dated (but unpublished) stele from the late ninth century.41 In the same period, the Monastery of Paul was abandoned.42 The Theban region as a specific monastic microregion On the basis of the material we have, arguments can be formulated for the actual distinctiveness of the Theban Region as a monastic microregion. In the epistolary material, there are pieces witnessing the transregional network involving bishops belonging to Patriarch Damian’s episcopal network,43 but the careers of known local monastic and ecclesiastical authorities were generally framed between Coptus and Hermonthis. W. Godlewski, Le monastère de St Phoibammon [= Deir el-Bahari 5], Warsaw 1986, p. 76. T. G. Wilfong, ‘Western Thebes in the seventh and eighth centuries: A bibliographic survey of Jême and its surroundings’, The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 26 (1989), pp. 89–145, at p. 129. 42 I. Eichner, ‘The monastery complex Deir el-Bakhît (monastery of St Paulos)’, [in:] D. Polz et al. (eds), ‘Topographical archaeology in Dra‘ Abu el‑Naga: Three thousand years of cultural history’, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Abteilung Kairo 68 (2012), pp. 127–131, at p. 129; Eichner, ‘Aspekte’ (cit. n. 32), p. 162; the dating is based on ceramics. 43 O. Crum ad. 59 (= O. Lips. Copt. I), a letter of Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis mentioning the letter of Archbishop Damian; P. Mon. Epiph. 131. Letter from Bishop Constantine (of Siout) concerning the Paschal Letter of Archbishop Damian; P. Pisentius 10 from Bishop Shenoute of Antinou and also mentioning Bishop Constantine (of Siout?) (Dekker, Episcopal Networks [cit. n. 26], pp. 101–102); P. Pisentius 22 mentioning Bishop Horame of Edfu and his activities in Antinou (Dekker, Episcopal Networks [cit. n. 26], pp. 101–103). The interrelationship is also confirmed by the Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 20 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 490 [414], where Pesynthius of Coptus is also mentioned among other bishops. It is clear that the bishops who formed the new structure established by Damian remained in close contact with one another, and also in contact with the vicars of the patriarch – Constantine of Siout and Shenoute of Antinou. For that network, 40 41

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INTRODUCTION

The unity of the entire region is well exemplified by Pesynthius’ career.44 Born in Pshamer and educated in Hermonthis, he entered the laura of Phoebammon (the Phoebammon ‘in the Rock’), and then lived at the Mountain of Jeme and the Mountain of Tsenti, when he was ordained bishop of Coptus. Patape, known only from late encomium preserved in Arabic, was born in Hermonthis, spent his life in the Gebel east of that town, was active between Naqada and Qus, and finally became the bishop of Coptus.45 Frange is another example;46 born in the village Patemout dependent to Ape, maintained some relations with Ape and personal contacts with monks living in the mountains of Tsenti.47 The graffiti found in various places across the Theban region, and identifying their authors by their monastery of origin, also attest to the mobility of the monks in the area in question.48 However, one must be careful in making any decisive statements. For we also have graffiti left in wadis, which indicate the presence of monks from central Egypt.49 Records in the Syriac alphabet also indicate the presence of people arriving from outside Egypt.50 see Ph. Booth, ‘A circle of Egyptian bishops at the end of Roman rule (c. 600): Texts and contexts’, Le Muséon 131 (2018), pp. 21–72. 44 Based on R. Dekker, ‘The Encomium on bishop Pesynthios: an evaluation of the biographical data in the Arabic version’, [in:] M. Ayad (ed.), Studies in Coptic Culture: Transmission and Interaction, Cairo – New York 2016, pp. 77–91, at pp. 83–86. 45 The Life of Patape, ed. Gabra, pp. 120–123. 46 Generally on Frange, see Ch. Heurtel, ‘Le petit monde de Frangé: une micro-société dans la région thébaine au début du 8e siècle’, [in:] A. Delattre & P. Heilporn (eds), Et maintenant ce ne sont plus que des villages: Thèbes et sa région aux époques hellénistique, romaine et byzantine: actes du colloque tenu à Bruxelles les 2 et 3 décembre 2005, Brussels 2008, pp. 163–174; O. Frange, vol. 1, pp. 10–19. 47 O. Frange 15, 19. 48 For example graffito of Daniel from the Monastery of Posidonius in TT 378 (Krueger, ‘The Monastery of Apa Posidonios’ [cit. n. 18], p. 116); O. Mon. Phoib., p. 48, graffito no. 37, new reading Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ (cit. n. 27), p. 175 (a monk from the Monastery of Ezekiel). 49 Delattre & Lecuyot, ‘À qui et à quoi servaient les «ermitages»’ (cit. n. 21), pp. 713–714. 50 P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, pp. 140–142; P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 2, p. 342 (appendix II); E. O’Connell, ‘“They wandered in the deserts and mountains, and caves and holes in the ground”: Non-Chalcedonian bishops “in exile”’, Studies in Late Antiquity 3 (2019), pp. 436–471, at p. 463.

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However, there is no reason to believe that most of the monks came from outside the local population. On the other hand, there is no information in the material available to us about the monks’ regular distant travels (save for a few exceptions that will be presented below). Frequent references to travelling north or south may refer to short distances, even within the very area of Western Thebes.51 Similarly, the term concerning journeys ‘abroad’ (ϩⲓⲡⲓϣⲙⲙⲟ), which appears in the material, does not necessarily mean a journey outside one’s hometown, but (arguably more often) ‘can simply refer to an unfamiliar place, anywhere outside the social unit to which one belongs, either a village, town, or monastery’.52 The toponyms present in the monastic letters are also almost entirely limited to the area between Hermonthis and Coptus.53 Interestingly, the letters also do not specifically indicate the origin of individual monks, which would be a very good way to distinguish between individual monks if there were in fact any newcomers from distant lands or foreigners among them. The place of origin, on the other hand, is indicated as a rule for the witnesses of the documents. Some very interesting results have been achieved in this regard by Richard Burchfield, who has studied the origins of parties and witnesses in Theban documents of monastic and non-monastic provenance in the Islamic period and has concluded ‘that Jeme was a part of a number of networks focused primarily in the Hermonthite and Coptite nomes with a small number of more distant

P. Mon. Epiph. 457, where a distance of approx. 140 meters is involved, see commentary in P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 183. 52 O. Gurna Górecki (12–68), p. 55; cf. A. Boud’hors, ‘Aspects du monachisme égyptien: Les figures comparées de Chénouté et Frangé’, [in:] F. Jullien & M.-J. Pierre (eds), Monachismes d’Orient: Images, échanges, influences: hommage à Antoine Guillaumont [= Bibliothèque de l’École des hautes études. Sciences religieuses 148], Turnhout 2012, pp. 217–225, at pp. 223–224. 53 Which has already been noted in P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 179. The exceptions include P. Mon. Epiph. 473, written by ‘Cyriacus, [the man of] Koeis (Cynopolis)’. Similar ties between the clergy of the dioceses of Hermonthis, Coptus and Qus are demonstrated by a small dossier of Athanasius, a deacon from Tarau (see A. Boud’hors, ‘Athanasios, diacre de Tarau: un nouveau membre du réseau miaphysite autour du monastère d’Épiphane?’, Chronique d’Égypte 92 [2017], pp. 200–208). 51

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INTRODUCTION

ties to important hubs in other networks further up and down the Nile’.54 Undoubtedly, in the first half of the seventh century, mobility must have been greater than that of the eighth century, but this is not reflected in the documents. After the Arab conquest, if only because of the system of permits for journeys introduced by Arab rulers, mobility must have waned.55 At least several criteria for assessing the degree of cohesiveness of Theban monasticism can be identified. There seems to exist a real monolingual community. Coptic was the predominant language of the area. The Syriac texts mentioned are isolated. Importantly, although Greek functioned as the language of the liturgy,56 and to some extent of education and legal acts as well (especially in the first half of the seventh century), among the thousands of ostraca we have very few examples of monastic correspondence conducted in that language.57 R. L. Burchfield, Networks of the Theban Desert: Social, Economic, and Religious Interactions in Late Byzantine and Early Islamic Thebes, PhD thesis, Macquarie University, Sydney 2014, p. 181; for an analysis of monastic documents, see pp. 61–70 with a highly instructive table at the end. Note of a witness from Qus (in the Coptite nome, but on the other side of the Nile) in P. KRU 67. 55 However, it did not cease altogether, after all. P. CLT 3 refers to an expedition to the Fayum, where the monks of the Monastery of Paul intended to sell the ropes they manufactured. On the other hand, the life of Anba Jonas, who lived after the Arab conquest, says that this holy man was also visited at the Mountain of Hermonthis by petitioners from Coptus and Esna; see Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 2 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, p. 520 [486]. 56 Á. T. Mihálykó, ‘The persistence of Greek and the rise of Coptic in the early Christian liturgy in Egypt’, [in:] PapCongr. 28 (2019), pp. 698–905; e.g., P. Berlin inv. 11346, ll. x+27 – a liturgical formula in Greek is quoted in the midst of the Coptic body of the letter (A. Camplani, ‘A pastoral epistle of the seventh century concerning the eucharist (Pap. Berlin P. 11346)’, [in:] V. Lepper [ed.], Forschung in der Papyrussammlung: Eine Festgabe für das Neue Museum, Berlin 2012, pp. 377–386). Another good example is O. Crum ST 16, where the Greek text of acclamation is followed by the translation into Coptic. However, the liturgy in Thebes, probably depending on the church, already took place with the partial use of prayers in Coptic, see Mihálykó, ‘The persistence’ (cit. supra), p. 699. 57 G. Wagner et al., ‘Documents grecs découverts dans la Vallée des Reines’, Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 90 (1990), pp. 365–390, esp. no. 9 (= SB XX 14354). The nature of this text is not entirely clear – it may be an order of payment; SB I 643; texts from the Topos of Mark in Gascou, ‘Documents grecs’ (cit. n. 34). There are also unpublished Greek letters from the Topos of Epiphanius in the University of Columbia collection (TM nos 317011, 317316, 318011, and 320379). To that, we may add O. Crum ad. 6, the exact provenance of which remains unknown (only one and a half line preserved). 54

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It was neither a spoken language since even Bishop Abraham was unfamiliar with it, as his will testifies.58 Texts in Arabic are almost absent.59 What is less clear, is the religious homogeneity of both the population and the monks of the Theban area. Most probably, Western Thebes was a homogeneously Christian area. Muslims, who certainly penetrated the region after their conquest of Egypt in the 640s, acted as far-away or local officials,60 the Jews are not attested to, and barbarians (not necessarily pagans) are mentioned only occasionally. In the papyrological material as well as in the hagiographic texts, there is no mention of any Trinitarian or Christological disputes in the area in question in the seventh and eighth centuries. A papyrus fragment, probably a letter, P. Mon. Epiph. 132, contains a reference to the views of the brothers of Pshoueb (Arabic: Bishwāw) on the Trinity, but the state of preservation of this text61 does not allow us to say anything more. Any other mention of doctrinal disputes is ambiguous at the very least.62 The Monastery of Phoebammon with the abbot-bishop Abraham ordained by the anti-Chalcedonian Patriarch Damian certainly followed strict Miaphysite confession. Surviving liturgical texts and doctrinal inscriptions confirm the Miaphysite character of the monastic community of the P. Mon. Phoib. Test. 1, ll. 13–15. In fact, there are only two texts in Arabic of certain Theban provenance O. Deir el-Bahari 19 (Arabic alphabet) and the document recently edited by B. Liebrenz, ‘Eine frühe arabische Quittung aus Oberägypten’, Archiv für Papyrusforschung 56 (2010), pp. 294–314, and re-edited by N. Vanthieghem ‘Un document arabe de la région thébaine: Réédition de P. Liebrenz Quittung’, Chronique d’Égypte 94 (2019), pp. 206–212. 60 P. CLT 3, see J. Cromwell, Recording Village Life: A Coptic Scribe in Early Islamic Egypt, Ann Arbor 2017, pp. 146–147; J. Cromwell, ‘Western Thebes and the Arab Administration of Pre-Abbasid Egypt’, [in:] L. Berkes (ed.), Christians and Muslims in Early Islamic Egypt [= American Studies in Papyrology 56], Durham, NC 2022, pp. 135–147. 61 Crum provides only the English translation. 62 Crum, P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 152 n. 11, points to the ostracon O. Crum ST 250 as the only letter containing a mention of any doctrinal dispute (l. 12: [---ⲥ]ⲧⲁⲥⲓⲥ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛ̄ⲛ̄ⲟⲣⲑⲟⲇⲟⲝⲟⲥ ⲙⲛ︥ⲛ̄ϩⲉⲣⲉⲧⲓ[---]), but its origin in the area of Thebes does not seem to be confirmed. Pastoral letter P. Berlin inv. 11346, which was bought in Luxor and, according to the editor (Camplani, ‘A pastoral epistle’ [cit. n. 56]), refers to the situation in the Theban area, gives us a glimpse of some, probably very local, misunderstandings of the nature of the Eucharist. 58

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Topos of Epiphanius.63 Numerous other pieces of Miaphysite liturgy come from Western Thebes,64 but when speaking of this area as a whole one must beware of a vicious circle in reasoning, since the very origin of the Theban area is sometimes a criterion to consider liturgical texts to be Miaphysite.65 The possibility of celebrating the liturgy by Chalcedonian Christians is indicated by at least one copy of the Byzantine Trisagion which has been associated with Thebes on palaeographic grounds (P. Unterricht Kopt. 174). However, we are unable to link that liturgy to any Theban church. It is difficult to suppose that even among the rural population of the Theban area there were no supporters of Chalcedon. Even if they did not get involved in theological disputes, the very presence of Chalcedonian bishops and clergy for several decades there must have created ties of a personal nature.66 We also do not know whether Chalcedonian monks resided in the area of Western Thebes, as there is no direct evidence for this. The monastery at Deir el-Rumi was sometimes thought to be a congregation of pro-Chalcedonian monks, but there is no irrefutable proof of it.67 Á. T. Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri: An Introduction [= Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 114], Tübingen 2019, p. 124. 64 Á. T. Mihálykó, ‘P. Mon. Epiph. 607: Great doxology and “Trisagion”’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 194 (2015), pp. 97–100; Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 63), pp. 115–131. 65 Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 63), p. 53 n. 83. 66 P. Berlin inv. 12491 (= M. Krause, Apa Abraham von Hermonthis. Ein oberägyptischer Bischof um 600: Texte und Kommentare, vol. 2, PhD thesis., Berlin, Humboldt-Universität 1956, no. 76). The text discusses an attack on the envoys of Bishop Abraham in Timamen in the diocese of Ape. Krause interprets that dispute in the context of rivalry between supporters of different diocesan affiliations, while Dekker (Episcopal Networks [cit. n. 26], pp. 81, 186–187) sees there rather a rebellion against the attempt to impose supremacy by Severan bishops over the pro-Chalcedonian population. Moreover, in the context of the letter mentioning the bishop responsible for the incident, it seems that a Chalcedonian bishop resided in Ape at the time. Dekker also points at the one next to the other of two churches in Luxor with baptismal fonts, one of them built at the end of the sixth century (Dekker, Episcopal Networks [cit. n. 26], pp. 81–82). 67 Two arguments are usually cited – the Arabic name of the place itself, which means ‘the monastery of the Romans’, i.e., ‘Byzantines’, and the apparent almost complete lack of connections with other monastic centres in the area in the correspondence originating from the monastery. However, the origins of the name are unknown and it seems rather unlikely that it dates back to the seventh century; as for the correspondence, much of it 63

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Network analysis by Dekker has shown instead that although two particularly respected monks, Epiphanius and Cyriacus, lived right next to each other on the hill of Sheikh Abd el-Gurna at the same time, neither maintained mutual contact nor did their networks overlap. Of course, this can be explained by the usual animosities in such situations, or even competition between the holy men, but Dekker speculates that a different Christological option may also have been at play.68 However, this cannot be proven. Notwithstanding the possible presence of Christians as well as proChalcedonian monks from the end of the sixth century onwards, Western Thebes remained the centre of Miaphysite Severan hierarchy, which was linked in personal and organizational terms to the local monasteries. Those bishops included Andrew of Hermonthis, Abraham of Hermonthis, Pesynthius of Coptus, Pisrael of Qus, and others, more elusive for us.69 The anti-Chalcedonian hierarchy, however, did not have a long lineage in the area. After the almost complete extinction of the Miaphysite episcopate since 536, it was only Patriarch Peter IV (575–577) who ordained bishops for the whole of Egypt, while his successor Damian brought the ecclesiastical structure to a flourishing point by spearheading a de facto new church organization.70 However, at least for the first half of the seventh century, the presence of a pro-Chalcedonian hierarchy in the cities remains unpublished and, in any case, it will always be only fragmentary. On this topic, see M. Müller, ‘Andreas, son of Petros, and the Monastery of Dayr al-Rūmī: An usurious monk? or a monastic record vault?’, [in:] S. R. Huebner et al. (eds), Living the End of Antiquity. Individual Histories from Byzantine to Islamic Egypt [= Millennium – Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. 84], Berlin – Boston 2020, pp. 223–235, at p. 228. 68 Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 26), pp. 82–83; cf. the attestations of Cyriacus among the unpublished documents from TT 85 and 87, see Behlmer, ‘Christian use’ (cit. n. 25), p. 165. 69 P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, pp. 151–153; Behlmer, ‘Christian use’ (cit. n. 25); Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 26), pp. 86–103. 70 Booth, ‘Towards the Coptic Church’ (cit. n. 26), pp. 151–189. That structure is sometimes referred to as the Severan church (after Severus of Antioch) or the Theodosian church (after patriarch Theodosius who was exiled in 536 and died in Constantinople in 566). It was one of several rival anti-Chalcedonian parties in Egypt, but the only one having managed to establish an effective episcopal network. Some of those parties also recognized the authority of Severus and Theodosius.

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INTRODUCTION

must be assumed, the members of which enjoyed recognition from the state and certainly from certain groups within the local population.71 Ewa Wipszycka believes that the residence of anti-Chalcedonian bishops in Theban monasteries proves that their nominal capitals nearby – Hermonthis and Coptus – were staffed by the very hierarchs loyal to the Chalcedonian bishops.72 In view of the very weak link between their activities attested in both archives and their nominal episcopal capitals, this seems to be a very plausible interpretation. Undoubtedly, clergy and lay supporters of Chalcedon were also gathered around those bishops. Much more difficult to settle is the issue of the organization of the Theban monks. We do not know whether they were subordinated on equal rights constituting ‘une sorte d’immense laure’73 under the authority of a bishop (who, at least in certain periods, was the abbot of one of the monasteries), or rather the numerous hermitages depended on larger monastic centres such as St Phoebammon or St Paul.74 If we accept Krueger’s hypothesis that the ‘father of all monks of oecumene’ was indeed supposed to be the superior of all anti-Chalcedonian monks,75 then undoubtedly his effective power would have extended to the nearby monasteries in particular. However, we do not know whether – apart from Andrew of Hermonthis – any of the local abbots held that office. It is also rather unlikely that he managed the hermits without any intermediary structures. However, all of the above lacks convincing source attestation. Given the concentration and varied nature of monastic establishments, it seems more likely that the larger coenobitic centres did indeed group hermits around them, but it is doubtful that this happened on exclusive terms. It is very likely that a kind of rivalry and fluid affiliation prevailed there – based rather on attraction to certain monastic authorities than a formal For evidence of the presence of Chalcedonian bishops in Thebaid (understood as Upper Egypt), see Booth, ‘Towards the Coptic church’ (cit. n. 26), p. 160. 72 E. Wipszycka, The Alexandrian Church: People and Institutions [= Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series 25], Warsaw 2015, pp. 141–142; see also Krueger, ‘The papyrological rediscovery’ (cit. n. 20), pp. 99–100. 73 Delattre & Lecuyot, ‘À qui et à quoi servaient les «ermitages»’ (cit. n. 21), p. 712. 74 Lecuyot, ‘Le Deir el-Roumi (cit. n. 24), p. 97. 75 O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, pp. 79–94. 71

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and permanent dependence on a particular coenobium. In the event of the death of a prominent prior, for example, it seems more likely that the hermits turned to another charismatic individual than that they retained their loyalty based solely on institutional continuity. In light of monastic correspondence, it is almost certain that small hermit communities active around charismatic personalities (such as Epiphanius) enjoyed utter organizational autonomy. After all, hardly a tangible influence exerted by certain individuals was something completely different from fixed organizational structures. We can speak here of a community of authority. Even in the absence of any formal dependence, ‘holy men’ enjoyed special recognition from others and were able to effectively influence on them.76 Individuals with such status were few in number, but – as will be shown later in the argument – they certainly included Epiphanius (from the Topos of Epiphanius) and Cyriacus (from TT 65–66). It seems to be no coincidence that they did not live in any of the coenobitic centres. It is almost impossible to reconstruct the extent of the economic community. Certainly, there were economic ties between monks scattered across monastic establishments,77 sometimes even organized on a high level,78 but it is impossible, or even improbable, to prove that there was organized economic management overall monastics in Western Thebes, not to mention the wider Theban area. Certainly, the hermits entered into contracts for simple but necessary services (such as water supply) on their own. At least the Miaphysite monks maintained a liturgical community and could participate in the same liturgical services using the same liturgical spaces. It is clear, however, that the religious topography of Western Thebes was very complex, and liturgical life was highly fragmented. Undoubtedly,

E.g., Frange’s deep admiration for the leaders of the Topos of Epiphanius (P. Mon. Epiph. 247). 77 E.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 351, between Frange and Enoch from the Topos of Epiphanius; links between the Topos of Epiphanius and the Monastery of Phoebammon, see Dekker, ‘A relative chronology’ (cit. n. 39). 78 As in the case of Andrew of Hermonthis who organized deliveries between monasteries in the Mountain of Hermonthis, see Krueger, O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, pp. 116–124. 76

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INTRODUCTION

the monks could have frequent churches in the nearby Jeme,79 where there were at least four (and probably some more).80 For some time, Jeme was in fact separated from the monasteries in its hinterland by a cordon, but at the Mountain of Jeme itself and in its environs there were churches in abundance. There was a church in the Monastery of Phoebammon81 and another one in Deir el-Rumi.82 There was also a chapel arranged in the neighbouring tomb VdR 60.83 A church, until then not yet excavated, was certainly also in Deir el-Bakhit,84 and a cell TT 378 constituting a part of this establishment served at least as an oratory perhaps located in the original cell of the monastery’s founder.85 A church (dedicated to St Isidore) also existed at Deir el-Medina86 and small chapels were to be found in the neighbouring post-pharaonic shrine87 and tomb DeM 1437.88 The Topos of Mark at Qurnet Murra’i was also a church.89 There was a small chapel or Perhaps excluding a certain period after the Arab conquest, when Jeme – it seems – was separated by a cordon from the monasteries in Western Thebes. 80 T. G. Wilfong, Women of Jeme: Lives in a Coptic Town in Late Antique Egypt, Ann Arbor, MI 2002, pp. 12–13. 81 In the testament of Abraham (P. Mon. Phoib. Test. 1, l. 34), reference is made to εὐκτήριον, but this does not mean that there was no separate church in the monastery at that period. For a discussion of this term, see P. Mon. Phoib. Test., pp. 79–80. 82 Demas & Agnew, Valley of the Queens (cit. n. 22), p. 318. 83 Lecuyot, ‘Le Deir el-Roumi’ (cit. n. 24), p. 96. 84 See plan in Müller, ‘Andreas’ (cit. n. 67), p. 226. 85 Description in Beckh, ‘Monks’ (cit. n. 32), pp. 741–743; for identification as an oratory see Krueger, ‘The Monastery of Apa Posidonios’ (cit. n. 18), pp. 113–115. 86 Ch. Heurtel, Les inscriptions coptes et grecques du temple d’Hator à Deir al-Médîna, Cairo 2004, esp. pp. 100–101. 87 B. Bruyère, Rapport sur les Fouilles de Deir el-Medineh (1935–1940) [= Fouilles de l’Institut français du Caire 20], Cairo 1948, pp. 111–112; http://paths.uniroma1.it/atlas/places/286. 88 Bruyère, Rapport (cit. n. 87), pp. 109–110; D. Montserrat & L. Meskell, ‘Mortuary archaeology and religious landscape at Graeco-Roman Deir el-Medina’, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 83 (1997), pp. 179–197, at p. 186; http://paths.uniroma1.it/atlas/places/284. Only PAThs interprets the Coptic reconstruction of the interior as a church. 89 O. Saint-Marc, p. 8; P. Grossmann ‘Neue Beobachtungen in der Kirche von Qurnat Mar’ī in Theben West’, Journal of Coptic Studies 15 (2013), pp. 253–260. The Topos of Mark is quite often referred to as a monastery, but I find the arguments of the editors, A. Boud’hors and Ch. Heurtel, convincing. Only one of the ostraca from that site mentions a monk (Gascou, ‘Documents grecs’ [cit. n. 34], pp. 203–207, no. 3, l. 3), while the vast majority 79

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oratory in the Ramesseum, but it was not a church or a monastic establishment.90 The installation in the Temple of Seti I in Gurna was of a similar nature.91 Deep in the desert, in ouadis, there were oratories that were visited at least temporarily.92 On the hill of Sheikh Abd el-Gurna, a space arranged as a church was discovered in the courtyard of TT 97. According to Peter Grossmann, it served the monks of the Topos of Epiphanius.93 It is very likely that it was also attended by other monks living on the hill, as no other church has been found on the hill so far. Not all the places mentioned above celebrated the Eucharistic liturgy, nor do all the so-called oratories or chapels arranged in the tombs bear traces of altars. Some may have only been places of collective or individual prayer. There is no doubt, however, that the Theban monks did not all pray together. Frange certainly attended synaxes outside the hermitage, far enough away that his visitors could easily find him.94 It is possible that it was the church in the Monastery of Phoebammon. The hermits may also have used churches in larger monasteries, not necessarily those nearest to them. There is a letter that was probably sent by Presbyter Victor from the Monastery of Phoebammon (the hand is that of his scribe David), inviting two hermits living in the hermitage MMA 1152 to come and take part in a vigil: of those items are associated with administrative and economic activities. On the other hand, it is quite possible that some of the ministers in the Topos were monks, who were also buried in a small necropolis next to the church. 90 G. Lecuyot, ‘Le Ramesseum à l’époque copte. À propos des traces chrétiennes au Ramesseum’, [in:] A. Boud’hors (ed.), Études coptes VI: Huitième journée d’études, Colmar 29–31 mai 1997 [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 11], Leuven 2000, pp. 121–134, esp. pp. 128–129. 91 E. O’Connell, ‘Excavating late antique Western Thebes: A history’, [in:] G. Gabra, H. N. Takla (eds), Christianity and Monasticism in Upper Egypt, vol. 2: Nag Hammadi – Esna, Cairo 2010, pp. 253–270, at p. 267. 92 See Delattre & Lecuyot, ‘À qui et à quoi servaient les «ermitages»’ (cit. n. 21), p. 714. 93 P. Grossmann, ‘Shaykh ‘Abd al-Qurnah’, [in:] CE 7 (1991), pp. 2128–2129; Behlmer, ‘Christian use’ (cit. n. 25), p. 164. 94 O. Frange 222, a message left for an expected guest: ‘Pray for me ⳨ I Frange, (I) am writing to my beloved brother Apa Thomas: I have gone to the church for synaxis. Be so kind and wait (lit. sit) and I will be (back) just now; see a similar message P. Louvre E 8203, ed. F. Calament, ‘Note sur un Post-it de la main de Frangé (?). O. Louvre E 8203’, Journal of Coptic Studies 18 (2016), pp. 7–12.

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INTRODUCTION

First of all, we greet your sonship and we greet our beloved father Apa Ezekiel. And (…) the book to us and we will do a night vigil with it. And here is the book [of] Apa Shenoute that we sent you through Bere. And if you want, come to the north and do the night vigil. To my son Djor (…)95

We do not know what determined the choice of a particular church or oratory,96 but it is easy to imagine that it was participation in the Eucharist in a particular monastery church that was the most tangible proof of a hermit’s connection with a particular centre. It is very likely that there was competition between monasteries (and other ecclesiastical centres – for the Topos of Mark was not a monastery, after all). What was also important were the offerings brought by monks. Even if all Theban monks maintained an ecclesiastical community within the Miaphysite church (what is at least doubtful), this does not mean that their religious life was free of the tensions of religious affiliation at the most local level. The literary culture of Theban monks Central to our topic is the question of the existence of a community of theological imagery and expression in the Theban area. The primary medium for this type of content is texts, so it is necessary to briefly present the panorama of religious literature of the area that nourished religious imagination and language.97 However, only the largest communities O. Gurna Górecki 3, ed. and transl. Garel (‘The ostraca of Victor the priest found in the hermitage MMA 1152’, [in:] PapCongr. 27 [2016], pp. 1041–1054, at p. 1049, slightly modified). Another letter by the hand D (David, the scribe of Victor) to the same hermits and certain Jakob, invites: ‘come on Sunday, if God wants’ – O. Gurna Górecki 6, ed. and transl. Garel (‘The ostraca’ [cit. supra], p. 1053). 96 The language of the liturgy does not seem to have been such a factor, although it seems likely that a greater proportion of Greek was preferred in some churches than in others; see Mihálykó, ‘The persistence’ (cit. n. 56), p. 699. Mihálykó points to the church in the Monastery of Phoebammon at the time of Abraham. Interestingly, the Bishop himself did not master Greek. 97 It should be noted that not all monks were literate. Admittedly, in antiquity, literacy and writing were sometimes disconnected, but it should be noted that the leaders of the 95

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could afford to possess texts appropriate for use during each feast or liturgical commemoration. Tito Orlandi believes that in the whole of Egypt this could have only applied to the monasteries of Shenoute and Macarius (in Wadi el-Natrun).98 The Theban monasteries undoubtedly also had libraries, albeit of a smaller size.99 Every church, whether monastic or not, had a small library for the purposes of celebrating the liturgy.100 An extensive book inventory from the Monastery of Apa Elias ‘of the Rock’ has survived,101 but the Monastery of Phoebammon undoubtedly had a library as well.102 The O. DAN kopt. 52+54 probably also refers to a monastic library, Topos of Epiphanius – Jakob and Elias – were not able to subscribe by themselves (P. KRU 75, ll. 139–145). Also one of the witnesses – Moses, a presbyter and oikonomos of the Church of Mother of God – is said to have been unable to write (P. KRU 75, ll. 142–145). The reason for that was not necessarily illiteracy (it could have been infirmity, for example), but the fact that it refers to three people renders that interpretation plausible. They are presented as illiterate by E. O’Connell & G. R. Ruffini, ‘The social networks of late Antique Western Thebes’, [in:] H. F. Teigen & E. H. Seland (eds), Sinews of Empire: Networks in the Roman Near East and Beyond, Oxford 2017, pp. 167–184, at p. 173. The case of an oikonomos who could not write is particularly astonishing. This raises the question of how he was able to administer the assets of the church. He probably employed scribes or used services of subordinate clergy. 98 T. Orlandi, ‘The monasteries of Shenoute and Macarius: A comparison between two libraries’, Adamantius 24 (2018), pp. 58–65, at p. 61. 99 On the lists of books on papyri and ostraca, see H. Maehler, ‘Bücher in den frühen Klöstern Ägypten’, [in:] H. Froschauer & C. Römer (eds), Spätantike Bibliotheken: Leben und Lesen in den frühen Klöstern Ägyptens [= Nilus 14], Vienna 2008, pp. 39–47; however, the most detailed evaluation is by E. Mazy, ‘Livres chrétiens et bibliothèques en Égypte pendant l’Antiquité tardive: le témoignage des papyrus et ostraca documentaires’, Journal of Coptic Studies 21 (2019), pp. 115–162; see also Orlandi, ‘The monasteries’ (cit. n. 98). 100 See Pseudo-Severus of Antioch, In Michaelem, ed. and transl. Budge, pp. 174, 753: ‘And he took with him everything necessary for the equipment of the baptistery and for the service of the altar (…), and the Four Gospels, and the Book of the Acts of the Apostles, and the Apostolic Epistles in short, everything that was necessary for the service of the altar’; for private codex available in the monastic church, see Gelasius 1. 101 O. Ifao inv. 13315 (= SB Kopt. I 12), an ostracon bought in Luxor, see Orlandi, ‘The monasteries’ (cit. n. 98), p. 60, who points to the monastery located in the Akhmenu temple in Karnak as a possible place of origin of that catalogue; on this monastery, see R.-G. Coquin, ‘La christianisation des temples de Karnak’, Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 72 (1972), pp. 169–178. 102 On this library, see A. Boud’hors & E. Garel, ‘Que reste-t-il de la bibliothèque du monastère de Saint-Phoibammon à Deir el-Bahari ?’, [in:] A. Łajtar, A. Obłuski, & I. Zych

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INTRODUCTION

most probably the Monastery of Paul, in the ruins of which it was found. It is very likely that the libraries of coenobia had centralised book collections.103 In the case of hermits, we know perfectly well that codices were produced on-site104 and stored in the hermits’ cells.105 This is confirmed both by manuscripts found in situ and by requests contained in letters. Undoubtedly, books were also brought from outside Thebes or even ordered from other monastic centres, but it is difficult to find direct evidence of that. The Theban monks did of course travel (though probably not very often, see p. 38). They may have returned from such expeditions supplied with books. However, not all desired books were readily available to the monks, as evidenced by requests to borrow books for individual reading or for use during liturgical services.106 (eds), Aegyptus et Nubia Christiana: The Włodzimierz Godlewski Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday, Warsaw 2016, pp. 47–60. The contribution includes editions of small scraps of Biblical papyri, possibly from that library. 103 Which is attested to for the Pachomian monasteries, the White Monastery and the monasteries of Wadi el-Natrun; see Arabic colophon to the Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 8 (a 12th- or 13th-century codex). The colophon confirms that the library centralised the possession of books in the monastery. 104 On book production in Western Thebes, see A. Maravela-Solbakk, ‘Monastic book production in Christian Egypt’, [in:] H. Froschauer & C. Römer (eds), Spätantike Bibliotheken: Leben und Lesen in den frühen Klöstern Ägyptens [= Nilus 14], Vienna 2008, pp. 25–37, at pp. 34–35; A. Boud’hors, ‘Copie et circulation des livres dans la région thebaine (viie– viii e siècles)’, [in:] A. Delattre & P. Heilporn (eds), Et maintenant ce ne sont plus que des villages: Thèbes et sa région aux époques hellénistique, romaine et byzantine: actes du colloque tenu à Bruxelles les 2 et 3 décembre 2005, Brussels 2008, pp. 149–161. 105 A pupil of Elias of Bishwāw, Yusab, found in his cell (and we know that he resided at the Mountain of Jeme) the Book of Isaiah, Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 17 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 480 [404]. From the library of the Topos of Epiphanius come at least two extant codices: O’Connell, ‘Excavating late antique Western Thebes’ (cit. n. 91), p. 258. On books in the cells of hermits, there is a great deal of comparanda in the Palestinian material, see, e.g., AP, Epiphanius 2; Theodore of Pherme 1 and 29; Silvanus 5; Serapion 2; Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon 3, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, pp. 49–50. For Isaiah, the presence of books in the monastic cell is an obvious fact. 106 O. Crum 251 (Jer), O. Frange 73 (Gen), O. Frange 74 (The Law), P. Mon. Epiph. 375 (Life of Hilarion), 376 (Jer; letter by Frange), 378 (Dan, Minor Prophets, ‘Blessing’: this probably refers to books for liturgical use), P. Pisentius 22 (John, Matt, Dan, ‘sticharion’, ‘Panarion’; those books have been referred to as lexis; it is difficult to say why Pesynthius did not have access to them; it has probably been a matter of wanting to inspect those particular

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We possess smaller or larger fragments of books from the area of Thebes, with the vast majority of them being codices written in Coptic. A catalogue of 110 items was compiled by Elizabeth O’Connell.107 However, since O’Connell included finds from some of the sites collectively, we actually have the remains of a larger number of books.108 Marta Addessi covers in her statistics literary texts preserved on ostraca, wood, and loose (non-codex) papyrus fragments giving us 259 manuscripts of Theban provenance in total,109 showing that text-based religious culture also manifested itself in the form of handy media intended for immediate use. For our purpose, however, it is worth looking closer at the content of the Theban books as recorded in the papyrological ostraca (what in Thebes mainly means on ostraca). First, the monastic correspondence from Western Thebes repeatedly mentions the various stages of book production and exchange. In this context, the following is mentioned: Leviticus: O. Mon. Phoib. 7; Numbers: O. Mon. Phoib. 7; Deuteronomy: O. Mon. Phoib. 7; Isaiah: O. Crum ad. 23 (= O. Lips. Copt. I 35);110 Jeremiah: P. Mon. Epiph. 376; Psalter: P. Mon. Epiph. 21, P. Pisentius 76 (on wooden tablets); John: P. Mon. Epiph. 395; Acts: O. Crum ad. 23 (= O. Lips. Copt. I 35); copies rather than not having access to those works at all), P. Pisentius 79 (‘Be so kind regarding a book for us to read it in the Church, since we could not find it’); P. Mon. Epiph. 389 (‘that I may read it on the vigil of the holy Apa Phoebammon’); SB Kopt. IV 1759 (‘Book of Praxis’); on book exchange, see Ch. Kotsifou, ‘Books and book production in the monastic communities of Byzantine Egypt’, [in:] W. E. Klingshirn & L. Safran (eds), The Early Christian Book, Washington, DC 2007, pp. 48–66, at pp. 53–54. 107 E. O’Connell,‘Theban books in context’, Adamantius 2018 (24), pp. 75–105. 108 On the Monastery of Paul: I. Eichner, ‘Bücher und Bucheinbände des Paulosklosters (Deir el-Bachît) in Theben-West / Oberägypten’, [in:] Ch. Gastgeber & F. Daim (eds), Byzantium as Bridge between West and East: Proceedings of the International Conference, Vienna, 3rd–5th May 2012, Vienna 2015, pp. 241–250, at p. 245 (the rests of six codices). 109 M. Addessi, ‘Reconstructing the cultural landscape of Christian Western Thebes: Contextualization of literary texts’, Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 86 (2020), pp. 154–172. 110 The author of the letter might also mean Isaiah of Scetis.

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INTRODUCTION

Epistles of Paul (Apostolos): P. Mon. Epiph. 381; Catholic Epistles (Katholikon): O. Col. inv. 371;111 Shenoute:112 O. Gurna Górecki 3, O. Gurna Górecki 4;113 Athanasius of Alexandria: P. Mon. Epiph. 140 (the name is lost; the book mentioned contained an exegesis of a prophetic book); Commentaries of St John (the Evangelist? John Chrysostom?): O. Frange 768; Evagrius (Ponticus): O. Crum 252; Isaiah of Scetis: O. Crum 250 (?),114 O. Crum ad. 23 (= O. Lips. Copt. 35; the book called ‘my father Isaiah’); Life of Apa Ezekiel: O. South Asasif inv. FN 2012.2798;115 Life of Hilarion (?): P. Mon. Epiph. 375; Paradeisos, i.e., collections of apophthegms: O. Bachit 1080,116 O. Crum 250, O. Crum 252, O. Crum ad. 23 (= O. Lips. Copt. I 35), O. Gurna Górecki 16; Tomarion: O. Frange 768. Apart from the references to books, Christian texts of various kinds have also been found preserved on ostraca in Theban monasteries. Only the texts that have been identified are given below. We also have a large group of Christian prose texts that have not been identified and are usually referred to generally as homiletical pieces or simply Christian literary texts. In the listing below, I do not include the most numerous biblical texts, which I present and discuss elsewhere (pp. 97–117). R. Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca relating to Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis at Columbia University’, Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 57 (2020), pp. 75–115, no. 3. 112 On Shenoute in the Theban Region, see E. Garel, ‘Lire Chénouté dans la région thébaine aux vii e–viii e siécles’, [in:] A. Boud’hors & C. Louis (eds), Études coptes XIV: Seizième journée d’études (Genève, 19–21 juin 2013) [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 21], Paris 2016, pp. 181–190; cf. A. Boud’hors, ‘Reflexions sur l’existence d’une litterature pseudo-chenoutienne en copte’, [in:] F. B. Barone et al. (eds), Philologie, herméneutique et histoire des textes entre Orient et Occident: Mélanges en hommage à Sever J. Voicu, Turnhout 2017, pp. 121–138. 113 O. Gurna Górecki, published in Garel, ‘The ostraca’ (cit. n. 95), pp. 1048–1051. 114 The book called [ⲁⲥ]ⲕⲏⲧⲓⲕⲟⲛ is most probably the Ascetikon by Isaiah. 115 M. Müller, ‘Coptic ostraca in the tombs of the South Asasif necropolis’, [in:] E. Pischikova (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis. New Discoveries and Research 2012–2014, Cairo – New York 2017, pp. 281–312. 116 Eichner, ‘Bücher’ (cit. n. 108), p. 244. 111

THE THEBAN REGION: AN OVERVIEW

33

Table 1. Literary compositions on the Theban ostraca according to finding spots. In the table, lim. stands for ‘limestone ostracon’ while pot. is used for a document on potsherd. Finding spot

Authors and works

Topos of Epiphanius

P. Mon. Epiph. 46, 56, 66: Shenoute, lim., Copt.117 47, 48, 57, 58, 65: Shenoute, pot., Copt. 51: Athanasius of Alexandria, lim., Copt. 52: Basil of Caesarea, lim., Copt. 53, 54: Damian, pot., Copt. 55: Damian, lim., Copt. 59: Severus of Antioch, lim., Copt.118 50: Letter of Jesus to Abgar (fragment), pot., Copt. O. New York, Columbia University inv. 766: Basil of Caesarea, lim., Greek

Monastery of Phoebammon (Deir el-Bahari)

O. Brit. Copt. II 41: Athanasius of Alexandria, Timothy Aelurus, lim., Copt. O. Crum 85: Canons of Ananias, bishop of Hermonthis, lim., Copt.

Topos of Mark

O. Saint-Marc 398: Letter of Jesus to Abgar, pot., Copt.

TT 29

O. Frange 216–217: Shenoute, pot., Copt.

TT 65–66

O. Monastery of Cyriacus 3: Shenoute, pot., Copt.

TT 95

FN919: Life of Pachomius resembling S10, pot. (?), Copt.

TT 99

No. 97.401: Severus of Antioch, lim., Copt.119

S. Emmel, Shenoute’s Literary Corpus, vol. 1 [= Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 599. Subsidia 111], Leuven 2004, pp. 88–89; Shenoutean attribution of P. Mon. Epiph. 46–48 remains tentative. 118 A re-edition extensive commentary: J. Dijkstra & G. Greatrex, ‘Patriarchs and politics in Constantinople in the reign of Anastasius (with a reedition of O. Mon. Epiph. 59)’, Millenium 6 (2009), pp. 223–264. 119 H. Behlmer, ‘Streiflichter auf die christliche Besiedlung Thebens – Koptische ostraka aus dem Grab des Senneferi (TT 99)’, [in:] W. Beltz (ed.), Die koptische Kirche in den ersten drei islamischen Jahrhunderten: Beiträge zum gleichnamigen Leucorea-Kolloquium 2002 dem Gedenken an Hans-Martin Schenke gewidmet [= Hallesche Beiträge zur Orientwissenschaft 36], Haale 2003, pp. 24–25. 117

INTRODUCTION

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Table 1. Literary compositions on the Theban ostraca (cont’d) Finding spot

Authors and works

MMA 1152

O. Gurna Górecki 108: Letter of Jesus to Abgar (fragment), lim., Copt.

Unknown provenance

O. Theb. Ifao 28: the beginning of a historical or dogmatic text, lim., Copt.120 BKU I 180: Shenoute, pot., Copt. O. Crum 13: Shenoute, lim., Copt. O. Lips. Copt. I 2: homily of Theodore (?), pot., Copt.

To the lists above, we may add the texts attested to in the inscriptions in the Topos of Epiphanius: (Athanasius of Alexandria, Cyril of Alexandria, Damian, Severus of Antioch)121 and TT 95 (Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon).122 Readings of texts by ecclesiastical and monastic writers are confirmed in the monastic correspondence from the Theban area even if the title is not given. In one of his letters to Tsie, Frange cites a story that appears to have been taken from the apophthegms, but we are unable to identify its source. At the beginning of my humble letter, I write and inform Tsie, the nun, that there was a monk living in Shiet [i.e., Scetis PP]. The man who served himdelayed one day to come to him. He raised to leave the place, but turned F. Calament, ‘Varia Coptica Thebaica’, Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 104 (2004), pp. 309–102, at pp. 61–62. 121 The set of dogmatic Miaphysite texts painted in the vestibule of the core monastery was a subject of many studies. The edition is included in P. Mon. Epiph. 585, 586, 635, and appendix I (P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, pp. 148–152); for further identification of the texts, see E. Lucchesi, ‘L’ homélie cathédrale CXV de Sévère d’Antioche en copte’, Analecta Bollandiana 124 (2006), p. 14; E. Lucchesi, ‘L’ homélie cathédrale II de Sévère d’Antioche en copte’, Analecta Bollandiana 125 (2007), pp. 7–16; E. Lucchesi, Quatre inscriptions coptes tirées de la Troisième lettre de Cyrille à Nestorius’, Analecta Bollandiana 128 (2010), p. 296; for studies, see esp. L. M. B. MacCoull, ‘Prophethood, texts, and artifacts: The Monastery of Epiphanius’, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 39 (1998), pp. 307–324; J. van der Vliet, ‘The wisdom of the wall: Innovation in monastic epigraphy’, [in:] M. Choat & M. C. Giorda (eds), Writing and Communication in Early Egyptian Monasticism, Leiden – Boston 2017, pp. 151–164, at pp. 157–158. 122 M. Underwood & H. Behlmer, ‘Coptic documents from the tomb of Mery, Theban Tomb No. 95’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2016), pp. 779–793, at p. 782 n. 19. 120

THE THEBAN REGION: AN OVERVIEW

35

inside his cave (and) he prayed (and) God helped him. Now the case is revealed: even if you will not weave me a cloth, I will not be naked.123

As is the case with quoting the Scripture, Frange’s point here is to rhetorically reinforce his insistence, and the quotation can be read as a reproach. Another unidentified quotation is introduced by a phrase so typical of the apophthegms: ‘A certain elder said: “my father with whom I am joined – his whole life is Pascha”’.124 Since the letter lacks salutatory formulas at all, as well as the indication and praise of the addressee, while the quotation is followed by a request for prayer (the boundaries of the quotation were, however, quite arbitrarily set by the editors, while perhaps the following sentences also belong to it), one must see in the quoted words a rather sophisticated praise of the one to whom the letter was addressed. This is the only such instance in Frange’s dossier. Apophthegms were widespread in ancient Christianity as a spiritual reading and source of popular ascetic wisdom.125 In some monastic circles, they were valued higher than the Scripture.126 The quotation from Shenoute used by Frange to serve as an encouragement to fight in the face of unknown difficulties is of a different nature – in this case probably of a religious nature, as indicated by the phrase ‘let us fight with ourselves’. My holy father, Apa Shenoute, he said: ‘woe to those who departed looking after those close to them according to flesh and are not free to (take part) in heavenly dinner which is the Word of God and good virtues which will be found in the time of necessity’. Now, my beloved sister, there is nothing to say. Let us fight with ourselves as we have been instructed. Perhaps, God will have mercy over us. Pray for me wholeheartedly.127 O. Frange 215. Scetis is the setting of many apophthegms. O. Frange 24, ll. 1–7: ⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ϭⲓ ⲟⲩϩⲗ̄ⲗⲟ ϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲧⲁⲓ̈ⲧⲱϭⲉ ϩⲁϩⲧⲏϥ ⲡⲉϥⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣϥ̣̅ ⲟⲩⲡⲁⲥⲭⲁ ⲡⲉ. 125 Gerontius, Vita Melaniae Iunioris 44, ed. Gorce, p. 212, transl. Clark, p. 58; Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 689. 126 L. Perrone, ‘Prayer as a mirror of monastic culture in Byzantine Palestine: The letters of the Hesychast Euthymius to Barsanuphius’, Proche-Orient chrétien 60 (2010), pp. 257–290, at pp. 275–281. 127 O. Frange 216, ll. 4–20. 123

124

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INTRODUCTION

Interestingly, a paraphrase of that fragment from Shenoute – but this time without any indication of its origin – can be found on another ostracon, which was perhaps only a writing exercise (O. Frange 217). Furthermore, in the entire dossier, Frange does not refer to Shenoute anywhere else. One might suspect that the aforementioned quotation was not so much the result of deep reading as it was part of a repertoire of circulating excerpts, or perhaps even completely independent ‘pearls of wisdom’. Such broad and varied attestations of monastic readings should not come as a surprise, since monastic authorities attest and recommend the reading of not only the Holy Scriptures, but also ascetic works within the framework of spiritual lecture.128 Besides literary texts proper, there is a large group of liturgical texts which I will not present in detail here, for they have been listed and studied by Ágnes Mihálykó who gives a list of 16 pieces in Greek from the Topos of Epiphanius (P. Mon. Epiph. 592+49, 593, 595–605, 607–609).129 To that, we may add O. Frange 758, a fragment of a Litany of the Cross.130 Texts identified by the editors as prayers also include DRI 37,131 O. Hamb. Copt. inv. 1,132 and perhaps O. Gurna Górecki 119–122.

Gerontius, Vita Melaniae Iunioris 23, ed. Gorce, p. 174, transl. Clark, p. 45 (‘lecture of the lives of the fathers’); Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon 27, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, p. 225 – Isaiah is aware that his discourses will be read by monastics; John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 179, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 261 – Peter on his deathbed advises his monks reading the rule of Basil named ‘Questions of the brethren’. 129 Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 63), pp. 367–369; P. Mon. Epiph. 592 is a leaflet from a papyrus codex, all the others are on ostraca. Coptic texts put by Crum under a rubric ‘liturgical’ P. Mon. Epiph. 43–49 do not belong to the liturgy but are a credal fragment (43), extra-liturgical prayer compositions (44–48), or excerpts from theological writings (49). 130 A. Delattre & N. Vanthieghem, ‘Trois ostraca coptes de Hambourg’, Journal of Coptic Studies 16 (2014), pp. 103–113, at p. 112. 131 M. Pezin & G. Lecuyot, ‘Documents coptes découverts au Deir er-Roumi, dans la Vallée des Reines et le Ouadi du prince Ahmès’, [in:] CoptCongr. 8 (2007), pp. 759–786, at p. 774. The identification is tentative. 132 Delattre & Vanthieghem, ‘Trois ostraca’ (cit. n. 130), pp. 103–104. It might also be an amulet. 128

THE THEBAN REGION: AN OVERVIEW

37

Monastic texts and ideas from the outside Just as important as the question of the texts attested for Thebes is the identification of absences, especially since the scale of attestation of literary texts makes it possible to formulate an opinion about the popularity of certain traditions and types of literature. In Western Thebes, we can find relatively few Pachomian influences. While it is true that the authority of Pachomius and his immediate successors was widely recognized,133 the influence of the Pachomian texts did not leave any clear traces there. Among the manuscripts of Theban provenance, in book catalogues and in monastic correspondence, traces of Pachomian influence are scarce, after all. The Greek Life of Pachomius mentions the foundation of a monastery near Hermonthis,134 but the Coptic lives of saints do not confirm this. The Synaxary attests that two monks from Pbau – Badasyus and Yusab – settled near Coptus,135 and Elias of Samhud, after staying in Pbau, even settled for two years on the Mountain of Šāmah (‫)جبل شامة‬, i.e., Jeme,136 but the picture of the Pachomian monasteries is rather negative in those texts. It is very likely that it was those early experiences – recounted in hagiography – that determined the detachment from Pachomius’ legacy. Thus, it does not seem possible to O’Connell, ‘They wandered’ (cit. n. 51), pp. 465–467. Vita Pachomii G¹ 134, ed. Halkin, p. 84 (περὶ Ἑρμωνθὶν ἄλλο μοναστήριον), transl. Veilleux 1980, p. 393; also Vita Pachomii G³ 186, ed. Halkin, p. 388 (περὶ Ἑρμουθὶμ ἕτερον μοναστήριον); Paralipomena 21 (ed. Halkin, pp. 147–148, transl. Veilleux 1981, pp. 44–46) mention the visit of monks – Pachomius’ trade agents – to Hermonthis, thus indirectly indicating that there was no monastery in the town at the time. Other references to Hermonthis in the Greek Pachomian tradition, see S. Timm, Das christlich-koptische Ägypten in arabischen Zeit, vol. 1, Wiesbaden 1984, p. 156. Stelae of the nuns of Tabennese (G. Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d’Égypte, Cairo 1907 [= I. Lefebvre], p. 156, no. 800) cited by Timm do not confirm the presence of Pachomian monks, since a town of that name was also in the Theban Region (Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ [cit. n. 27], pp. 185–186; O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, pp. 60–61). 135 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 23 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, pp. 674–675, 677 [640–641, 643]; J. Doresse, ‘Saints coptes de Haute Égypte: Les monastères, de Djêmeh à Benhadab, aux alentours du vie siècle’, Journal asiatique 236 (1948), pp. 247–270, at. p. 256, supposes it was in Gebel Bishwāw, but it could also have been Gebel Banhadab or Al-Asas – the Synaxarion itself does not specify that. 136 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 13 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 440 [364]. 133 134

38

INTRODUCTION

use the Pachomian dossier as a good tool for comparative analysis for the reconstruction of Theban micro-theologies. The situation is quite different with Shenoute, whose texts were read, exchanged, copied, and even quoted in the correspondence of the Theban monks (pp. 32–34),137 so one would expect them to have played a role in shaping the imagination and religious language of the Theban monks. Interestingly, however, no direct examples of such influence have been demonstrated so far. This may be due to the fact that we are clearly having trouble linking the texts mentioned with the codices at our disposal (none of which come from the Theban area). More relevant to our topic than the Pachomian influence is the impact of Egyptian-Palestinian monasticism, as texts produced in that circle are an important point of reference for us. For Egyptian Christians, Palestine remained a close and frequently visited country. Not only was it a place of pilgrimage,138 but we also know of the temporary or permanent presence of Palestinian monks in Egypt,139 and of Egyptian monks in Palestine.140 In the imagination of Egyptian Christians, Palestine remained a treasure trove of ancient, sometimes forgotten Christian traditions.141 Relations with monasteries in the Gaza area were particularly intense.142 By contrast, there is no doubt that the Palestinian monks stayed mainly in the area around Alexandria and at Scetis. Perhaps in Palestine (but more Garel, ‘Lire Chénouté’ (cit. n. 112); the library inventory SB Kopt. I 12, ll. 61–75, contains several books (4 or 6) under the name of Shenoute. 138 Frange mentions an intention to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem – we do not know if it came to fruition: O. Frange 20, cf. O. Frange 51. 139 See AP, Cassian 1; Hermias Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica VI 32 (on Silvanus); John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 104; Severus of Antioch, The Sixth Book of Select Letters, vol. 1, no. 55, transl. Brooks, p. 165 (on anti-Chalcedonian monks banished from Egypt); Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 30–31, 42 (interestingly, it is a travel in a search for work, ἐργόχειρον). 140 Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XXXVI; Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 55. 141 A recently published text from Hamuli (In Gabrielem, ed. Müller & Uljas) contains a narrative attributed to a certain Archelaus of Neapolis (possibly a fictional character), partly set in the monastery of St Romanus in southern Palestine. There Archelaus is said to have read a book containing a revelation about angels given by Jesus to the Apostles. 142 Egyptians by origin were the great fathers from southern Palestine: Isaiah of Scetis, his disciple Peter (Zachariah Rhetor, The Life of Isaiah, transl. Brooks, pp. 3, 7) and Barsanuphius (Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 55); Peter the Iberian and Severus 137

THE THEBAN REGION: AN OVERVIEW

39

likely around Alexandria) translations of Palestinian monastic texts into Coptic were produced, and it was from there that they migrated south. Various collections of the apophthegmata (known as the Paradise of the Fathers)143 and the Asceticon by Isaiah of Scetis were undoubtedly known and read in Western Thebes.144 In Coptic, we have four lives of saints known from Palladius’ Historia Lausiaca, which represent a different redaction of the text (probably closer to the original) than that preserved in Greek. 145 Although no manuscript is known to have been written in Thebes, the traditions contained therein were part of the collections of the type of the Paradise of the Fathers.146 From the anonymous work, the Historia monachorum in Aegypto, which is an account about the travel of several Palestinian monks across the monastic centres of Egypt, only the part dedicated to John of Lycopolis has survived in Coptic – we do not know whether other parts have ever been translated. Again, however, no known manuscript comes from the Theban region.147 We have no Coptic fragments of The Life of Antioch spent a long time in Egypt; visits of Egyptian monks to Palestine are mentioned in, e.g., Zeno 3, PG 65, col. 176C. 143 O. Bachit 1080, O. Crum 246, 250, 252, ad. 23, see Mazy, ‘Livres chrétiens’ (cit. n. 99), pp. 138, 147, 152. No manuscript of the Sayings of the Desert Fathers comes from Thebes. However, the tradition of sayings was certainly alive, as evidenced – in addition to references to the books themselves – by citations (of the otherwise unknown sayings) in Frange’s letters given above (O. Frange 24, 215). Also in the catalogue SB Kopt. I 12, we have the book ‘the Elders of Shiet (ⲛ̄ϩⲗⲗⲟⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ϣⲓⲏⲧ)’, which is best understood to be a collection of the sayings. 144 O. Crum 250 [ⲁⲥ]ⲕⲏⲧⲓⲕⲟⲛ; Mazy, ‘Livres chrétiens’ (cit. n. 99), pp. 137, 147. None of the surviving MSS of this work originated from Western Thebes. 145 The author’s name itself, however, seems to be unknown to the Coptic tradition. 146 De Historia Lausiaca quaenam sit hujus ad monachorum Aegyptiorum historiam scribendam utilitas: adjecta sunt quaedam hujus Historiae Coptica fragmenta inedita, ed. É. Amélineau, Paris 1887; G. Bunge & A. de Vogüé, Quatre eremites égyptiens d’après les fragments coptes de l’Histoire Lausiaque [= Spiritualité orientale 60], Begrolles-en-Mauges 1994. Also on John of Lycopolis, we have a Coptic text parallel to Historia Lausiaca, see Ph. Luisier, ‘Jean de Lycopolis: derniers fragments parisiens réunis par le Père Devos’, [in:] U. Zanetti & E. Lucchesi (eds), Ægyptus Christiana: Mélanges d’hagiographie égyptienne et orientale dédiés à la mémoire du P. Paul Devos, Bollandiste [= Cahiers d’orientalisme 25], Geneva 2004, pp. 175–193, at pp. 189–191. The Coptic Palladiana include, besides the lives, also epistolary preface and prologue of Historia Lausiaca, both close to the Greek version. 147 cc0415 (Vita prior Iohannis de Lycopoli); the PAThs project gives four MSS of this work; see P. Devos, ‘Fragments coptes de l’Historia monachorum (Vie de S. Jean de Lycopolis

40

INTRODUCTION

of Peter the Iberian, but the figure himself was well known and respected in Coptic literature;148 some book under his name (or perhaps his Life itself) is also attested to in the list of books from the Topos of Epiphanius and on an ostracon from Deir el-Bakhit.149 Moreover, the influence of Basil’s ascetic writings, which were recognized in Gaza circles, should be added to that.150 Especially relevant here are the Rules (both Long Rules and Short Rules) attested to in the Coptic translation.151 Apart from the Palestinian texts, for which we have Coptic translations, in this book I will constantly refer to one work that was almost certainly unknown to the Theban monks of Egypt, but which I consider extremely important for understanding a number of ideas present in the Theban monastic letters.152 I refer to the vast correspondence of Barsanuphius and John, two recluses from the Monastery of Seridus near Gaza (founded c. 510, and identified with the site Deir e-Nuseirat).153 The collection comprises 848 letters. The replies of the two elders have survived, as well as the summaries of the letters addressed to them, often quoting directly from the petitioners’ questions. The letters were collected and edited BHO 515)’, Analecta Bollandiana 87 (1969), pp. 417–440; Luisier, ‘Jean de Lycopolis’ (cit. n. 146). Mazy’s catalogue (‘Livres chrétiens’ [cit. n. 99]) does not record that work. 148 See mentions in the Coptic Passio Iacobi Intercisi (Persae) (cc0278; BHO 0396); the Life of Peter the Iberian, τὸ(ν) Βί(ον) τοῦ ἁγί(ου) Πέτρου Ἴ[βηρ(ος), is also found in the list of books of unknown provenance P. Leid. Inst. 13 (7th–8th c.), which testifies to the reception in Egypt of that work, which now is preserved only in Syriac. 149 O. Bachit 1080, P. Mon. Epiph. 554; Mazy, ‘Livres chrétiens’ (cit. n. 99), pp. 138, 147. 150 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 318–319. 151 E. Lucchesi & P. Devos, ‘Un corpus basilien en copte’, Analecta Bollandiana 99 (1981), pp. 75–94; A. Suciu, ‘Coptic vestiges of Basil of Caesarea’s Asceticon Magnum (CPG 2875)’, Vigiliae Christianae 73 (2019), pp. 359–384; see also a fragment of Basil’s homily in Greek: R. Cribiore, ‘A fragment of Basilius of Caesarea’, [in:] PapCongr. 21 (1997), pp. 187–193. 152 On a small scale, the correspondence of Egyptian monks (including the letters from the Topos of Epiphanius) and the letters by Barsanuphius and John have already been brought together in one paper by C. Rapp, ‘“For next to God, you are my salvation”: reflections on the rise of the holy man in late antiquity’, [in:] J. Howard-Johnston & P. A. Hayward (eds), The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Oxford 1999, pp. 63–81. 153 Y. Hirschfeld, ‘The monasteries of Gaza: An archaeological review’, [in:] B. BitonAshkelony & A. Kofsky, Christian Gaza in Late Antiquity, Leiden – Boston 2004, pp. 61– 88, at pp. 76–77.

THE SOURCES

41

soon after the death of the elders, probably at the Monastery of Seridus itself.154 The questions addressed to the elders by their brethren and laity cover a wide variety of spiritual and worldly issues, but there are recurring themes of prayer, blessings, and Scripture reading – issues that recur throughout the Theban letters, but which often lack context. It turns out that by juxtaposing the Theban letters with those of Barsanuphius and John, we can sometimes see a given issue in a broader context. And however, the answers given by the elders applied to particular individuals, they can shed some light on similar practices present in Thebes. Both communities were shaped by similar spiritual readings and operated in a similar monastic context where coenobium and hermitages functioned side by side. THE SOURCES

Monastic correspondence Documentary monastic letters constitute the core source evidence for the research on monastic microtheologies in the Theban area. The vast majority of them survived on pottery shards and limestone flakes (we call both

154 On Barsanuphius and John and their correspondence see: I. Hausherr, Direction spirituelle en Orient autrefois, Rome 1955; L. Perrone, ‘Εἰς τὸν τῆς ἡσυχίας λιμένα: Le lettere a Giovanni di Beersheva nella corrispondenza di Barsanufo e Giovanni di Gaza’, [in:] Mémorial Dom Jean Gribomont [= Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 27], Rome 1988, pp. 463– 486; J. L. Havelone-Harper, Disciples of the Desert: Monks, Laity and Spiritual Authority in Sixth-Century Gaza, Baltimore 2005; B. Bitton-Ashkelony & A. Kofsky, The Monastic School of Gaza [= Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 78], Leiden – Boston 2006, pp 36–42; L. Perrone, ‘Aus Gehorsam zum Vater: Mönche und Laien in den Briefen von Barsanuphius und Johannes von Gaza’, [in:] A. Camplani & G. Filoramo (eds), Foundations of Power and Conflicts of Authority in Late-Antique Monasticism, Leuven 2007, pp. 217–243; G. Filoramo, ‘Mistica e politica: Il caso di Barsanufo di Gaza’, [in:] I. Adinolfi, G. Gaeta, & A. Lavagetto (eds), L’Anti-Babele. Sulla mistica degli antichi e dei moderni, Genoa 2017, pp. 217–229; L. Perrone ‘L’ “oratio continua” in Barsanufio e Giovanni di Gaza’, [in:] M. Caroli, M. Mazzanto, & R. Savigni (eds), Per respirare a due polmoni. Studi in onore di Enrico Morini, Bologna 2019, pp. 155–178. Most of the literature is focused on the spiritual side of the activity of both recluses.

42

INTRODUCTION

media ‘ostraca’). Letters were also written on papyrus, but we have relatively few of them.155 The preserved documents should be counted by the thousand, but we can only provide approximate numbers.156 It is worth bearing in mind that a certain margin of error exists when making such estimates. Although there is a fairly widespread conviction among scholars that the vast majority of ostraca purchased in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries for European collections come from Thebes,157 it is a risky assumption, as some ostraca with similar formal and linguistic features may hail from other locations slightly to the south or north, and their purchase in Luxor only indicates the importance of this place as a centre of the antiquities trade.158 If there exists documentation related to the acquisition of specific pieces, an archival query may be helpful in determining their origin.159 Often, however, relevant records are missing or they do not contain the desired information. In such cases, the Theban provenance may be confirmed through textual analysis – region-specific spelling, idiomatic expressions, and mentions of people or locations known from other sources. On occasions, paleography may also prove helpful, as in the case of Frange or Presbyter Mark. Other ostraca may reveal specific formal

Quite often, however, a conventional apology for not using papyrus was included in a letter written on an ostracon. The dossier of Pesynthius (P. Pisentius) constitutes much of the corpus of papyrus letters from the Theban area. A large number of these also come from the Topos of Epiphanius. At other sites, there are practically no papyrus letters. 156 Trismegistos provides 2400 texts for the search ‘Thebes + 499 to 799 + letter’. The database also records several unpublished texts. 157 P. Bal., p. 17; O. Lips. Copt. I, p. 15. 158 Krueger, ‘The papyrological rediscovery’ (cit. n. 20), pp. 76–77. 159 An example of the benefits of such an inquiry: E. O’Connell, ‘Ostraca from Western Thebes: Provenance and history of the collections at the Metropolitan Museum of Art and at Columbia University’, Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 43 (2006), pp. 113–137; J. Cromwell, ‘The archival history of Coptic documents from Jeme held in the British Library and its impact on their provenance’, [in:] M. Cannata (ed.), Current Research in Egyptology 2006. Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Symposium, University of Oxford, 2006, Oxford 2006, pp. 54–65 (concerning legal documents). 155

THE SOURCES

43

features as well.160 There are also pieces, whose origin simply cannot be determined with certainty. In view of the above, it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine the number of letters of Theban provenance, especially since many of them have yet to be published.161 I have therefore gathered the published letters below and present them by edition, yet special attention ought to be paid to the number of letters that originate from scientific excavations and are included in the publications dedicated to specific sites. The table below contains my own estimates based on the provenance given in particular publications. I also provide Tonio S. Richter’s number which differ in some cases.162 Table 2. Letters in the editions of Theban ostraca Publication

Total number of texts

Letters of Theban provenance

BKU I

192

74 R

BKU II

63

63 R

P. Hermitage Copt.

77

1 (15) R

P. Mon. Epiph.

702 (67 are inscriptions)

416 R

P. Moscow Copt.

103

27 R

O. Ashm. Copt.

22

2 (3) R

O. Bachit + O. DAN kopt.

?

?

Cf. O. Lips. Copt. I 1 (and commentary), which probably originates from the Topos of Epiphanius. 161 As of now, approx. 1,300 texts from the Topos of Epiphanius, roughly the same number from the Monastery of Phoebammon and some 80 from the Monastery of Cyriacus (O’Connell, ‘Ostraca from Western Thebes’ [cit. n. 159], pp. 118, 120, 122–128) have not been published yet. Approximately 300 ostraca found in Deir el-Medina remain unpublished (O’Connell, ‘Excavating late antique Western Thebes’ [cit. n. 91], p. 260). 162 T. S. Richter, ‘Coptic Letters’, Asiatische Studien / Études asiatiques 62 (2008), pp. 759– 760. Richter’s estimates are marked with the letter R and are only given if they differ from ours. Richter generally assumes that most or all of the documentary letters in a given edition are of Theban origin. 160

INTRODUCTION

44

Table 2. Letters in the editions of Theban ostraca (cont’d) Publication

Total number of texts

Letters of Theban provenance

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I

450

96

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II

53

23 (21) R

O. Crum

587

135 (270) R

O. Crum VC

129

80 R

O. Crum ST

450

213 (233) R

O. Deir el-Bahari

19

5

O. Frange

805

741

O. Gurna Górecki

164163

68

O. Monastery of Cyriacus

69

49

O. Mon. Phoib.

125

119 (?)

O. Saint-Marc

440

228

O. Medin. Habu Copt.

400

84 R

O. Theb.

48

16 R

O. Vind. Copt.

473

267 (?)

SB Kopt. I–IV

2163

123

Of course, the figures above refer to all letters. It is not always possible to distinguish monastic letters from amongst them. After all, their very definition of ‘monastic letter’ is difficult to establish. Undoubtedly, letters exchanged between monks should be included in this group. Letters from monks to the bishop, members of the clergy or laity do not raise any serious Here, I include the texts published so far by Garel, ‘The ostraca’ (cit. n. 95); A. Boud’hors, ‘The Coptic ostraca of the Theban hermitage MMA 1152: 1. Letters (O. Gurna Górecki 12–68)’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 47 (2017), pp. 45–100; A. Boud’hors, ‘The Coptic ostraca of the Theban hermitage MMA 1151: 2. Legal and economic documents (O. Gurna Górecki 69–96)’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 48 (2018), pp. 53–102; A. Boud’hors, ‘The Coptic ostraca of the Theban hermitage MMA 1151: 3. Exercises (O. Gurna Górecki 97–161)’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 49 (2019), pp. 41–96.

163

THE SOURCES

45

doubts either. I also consider letters addressed to monks to be monastic, even if the sender was not a monk himself. The inclusion of this last category may be questionable. However, it is this very category that affords us an insight into how monks were perceived in their social environment. Those types of letters express most clearly the features of monastic spirituality that were essential for those who looked at the life of monks from the outside. Of course, such an inclusion also serves a pragmatic purpose. It is not always clear from the contents of the letter whether both parties were monks, and often such identification is impossible due to key lines of the address being badly damaged. A special case involves letters addressed to a bishop who himself came from a monastic environment, or those written by such a bishop. For Western Thebes we have very relevant dossiers of Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis and Bishop Pesynthius of Coptus. As the spirituality and religious views of these bishops were shaped by their monastic life, it seems that we can safely use their correspondence as a supplementary source for the monastic dossier, all the more so considering that we are not so interested in their disciplinary or pastoral activities as we are in their religious language and imagery and how they were articulated. Even in well-preserved letters, identifying monks poses a problem. We may be certain of their identity when their names are accompanied by an unequivocal title, e.g., anachoretes, or a function, e.g., archimandrites. Admittedly, the common title ‘apa’ could be used to describe bishops, but for the most part, such cases are quite easy to resolve based on the context. It is important to remember, however, that in rare cases this title was used for lay people as well.164 Moreover, expressions like ‘your fatherhood’ and the like can apply to both respectable monks as well as ecclesiastical leaders and as such, must be interpreted in context. The term ‘holy fathers’ clearly 164 T. Derda & E. Wipszycka, ‘L’emploi des titres abba, apa et papas dans l’Égypte byzantine’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 24 (1994), pp. 23–56; M. E. Eissa, ‘The use of the title apa for the sender in an opening epistolary formula’, Journal of Coptic Studies 16 (2014), pp. 115–124. About this title in the Theban letters, see S. Turner, Epistolary Formulae in Theban Coptic Documents, PhD thesis, Toronto, University of Toronto 1976, pp. 168–169. I can find no instance of the title ‘apa’ being used in reference to a layperson in the Theban sources.

46

INTRODUCTION

indicates monks, while in the case of the singular ‘holy father’, one must pay close attention to the context. In many cases, we are still left with a great deal of uncertainty, especially when it comes to the status of presbyters who may have also been monks. Apart from the difficulty in establishing monastic identity, which is always emphasized in interpretations of epistolary pieces, another area of concern is our lack of knowledge regarding the situational context familiar to both sides of epistolary exchange. This is due not only to the decontextualization of a single piece of correspondence, but also the fact that not everything was entrusted to the written word. The courier delivering the letter, who was often a trusted person, would supplement necessary comments thereto.165 That is why archives and dossiers containing many interconnected letters that allow us a deeper insight into a given person and their microtheology from a broader perspective are so valuable. For the purposes of our research, the epistolary dossier of Frange, as well as the dossiers of Epiphanius from the Topos of Epiphanius and Cyriacus from TT 65–67 (the so-called Monastery of Cyriacus) are of great worth. The extensive and well-known dossier of the aforementioned Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis is also of great importance, especially as a reference point for microtheologies shared by hermits.166 For Theban practice, see P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 181. Such a situation in Palestine is vividly described by Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Cyriaci 11, ed. Schwartz, p. 229, transl. Price, p. 252: ἐπέδωκα τὴν ἐπιστολήν, εἶπον δὲ αὐτῶι καὶ ἀπὸ στόματος τὰ παρὰ τοῦ θεσπεσίου ἀββᾶ Ἰωάννου τοῦ ἡσυχαστοῦ λεχθέντα, ‘I gave him [i.e., Cyriacus – PP] the letter, adding a verbal message to him from the mouth of the inspired Abba John the solitary’. 166 Having been brought together in particular in Krause, Apa Abraham (cit. n. 66); Dekker (Episcopal Networks [cit. n. 26]) includes 142 documents in Abraham’s dossier, but there are certainly more. Single documents connected with Abraham were found in the Topos of Epiphanius (P. Mon. Epiph. 154, 399), TT 29 (O. Frange 792–794) and Topos of Mark (O. Saint-Marc 439). Several new texts and re-editions can be found in O. Lips. Copt. I (summary at pp. 16–17); Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca’ (cit. n. 111); J. Cromwell, ‘“Forgive me, because I could not find papyrus”: The use and distribution of ostraca in late Antique Western Thebes’, [in:] C. Caputo & J. Lougovaya (eds), Using Ostraca in the Ancient World. New Discoveries and Methodologies, Berlin – Boston 2020, pp. 209–233, at pp. 225–228. In addition, we have a number of identified texts scattered across editions of various museum collections. Trismegistos under Archive of Abraham gives 125 items. It is estimated that the dossier of Abraham may include up to 200 items. 165

THE SOURCES

47

Upper Egyptian Synaxary Documentary texts, by their very nature, are not narrative, and the theological content they contain is sometimes difficult to fit into the context of monastic or, more broadly, Christian life in the Theban area. However, we also have narrative sources that come from the region which, when used with great caution, may complement a source basis of local provenance. Our hagiographical evidence primarily consists of the lives of saints included in the so-called Synaxary, a collection of saints’ commemorational accounts used for liturgical purposes. It exists in two recensions, one of Lower Egypt and the other one, less well-known, and more relevant to us, of Upper Egypt. According to the reconstruction by Jean Doresse, the Upper Egyptian Synaxary was compiled in the thirteenth or fourteenth century in the Monastery of Samuel (Deir el-Gizaz, Deir el-Sanad), located in the Bandahab range in the desert near Naqada, approx. 15 kilometres north as the crow flies from the Theban necropolis. Although the best expert on the Synaxary René-Georges Coquin, does not offer such a precise identification of the place of origin of this collection, he agrees with its local character and general dating. Apart from the material in common with the Synaxary of Lower Egypt, the Upper Egyptian collection contains the lives of local saints that do not appear in the Upper Egyptian recension. The work compiled the lives of saints who, according to the local liturgical calendars, were venerated in the dioceses and monasteries of Upper Egypt (not only in the dioceses of Hermonthis and Coptus, but also Qus and Siout). The original material was based on local traditions, which, back then, were available from monastic libraries in Coptic. The compilation used to cover the whole year, but no complete codex has been published so far.167 On the nature, timing and content of the Synaxary of Upper Egypt, see: Doresse, ‘Saints coptes’ (cit. n. 135); J. Doresse, ‘Deir el Gizāz, ou couvent de Samuel: Un monastère thébain oublié... et même disparu’, Aegyptus 69 (1989), pp. 153–163; R.-G. Coquin, ‘Editions of Synaxary’, [in:] CE 7 (1991), pp. 2172–2173; R.-G. Coquin, ‘Quelle est la date possible de la recension de Basse-Égypte du Synaxaire des coptes’, [in:] J.-M. Rosenstiehl (ed.), Études coptes IV: Quatrième journée d’études, Strasbourg 26–27 mai 1988 [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 8], Leuven – Paris 1995, pp. 74–84; Krueger, O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, pp. 25–26; also very useful is M. Swanson, ‘The Copto-Arabic Synaxarion’, [in:] D. Thomas & A. Mallet (eds),

167

48

INTRODUCTION

In the Patrologia Orientalis edition, René Basset used three manuscripts, including two of the Upper Egyptian Synaxary (Paris BN ar. 4869–4870 – he marked them as B redactions), but published them mixed together, so that his text is in fact a collection that does not appear in any tradition168 and must be used with caution. It is known, however, that there are other manuscripts in Egypt as well. The Luxor manuscript (covering half a year) is especially often cited as it contains the unique lives of saints, although it has never been published in its entirety.169 Of course, when using the traditions contained in the Synaxary, one should be very critical, as at least some of the accounts were created long after their protagonist’s death (usually, we cannot pinpoint a precise date) and contain blatant anachronisms.170 The Upper Egyptian Synaxary features a few monks active in Western Thebes: 1. Elias of Bishwāw (commemorated on Kiyahk 17/ December 13):171 He came from Iskhīm in the diocese of Kos (Arabic Qūs) but settled in the Pharaonic tomb at Gabal Šāmah (Jeme). There are two unpublished Arabic manuscripts recounting his life.172 Maybe the Monastery of Apa Elias ‘on the Rock’ bore his name.173 Christian-Muslim Relations, vol. 5: (1350–1500), Leiden 2013, pp. 92–100 (deals with both the Lower and Upper Egyptian Synaxary). 168 Basset makes a mark in the footnotes if the part is only authenticated in the Upper Egyptian manuscript but does not do so regularly. 169 R.-G. Coquin, ‘Le synaxaire des Coptes. Un nouveau témoin de la recension de Haute Égypte’, Anallecta Bollandiana 96 (1978), pp. 351–365. Only the entries on Bishop Constantine and Pachomian martyr Hamai were published by R.-J. Coquin, ‘Saint Costantin, évêque d’Asyut’, Studia orientalia Christiana collectanea 16 (1981), pp. 151–170 [1–20]; R.-G. Coquin: ‘Apa Hamay, martyr pachomien au ve siècle’, [in:] Hommages à la mémoire de Serge Sauneron, Cairo 1979, pp. 145–163. 170 A perfect example is the entry on Patape, bishop of Coptus, which tells about the life of monks in the mid-third century ad. 171 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 17 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, pp. 475–482 [399–406]; Timm, Das christlich-koptische Ägypten (cit. n. 134), vol. 3, p. 1012; R.-G. Coquin, ‘Elias of Bishwaw, Saint’, [in:] CE 3 (1991), pp. 952–953. 172 Coquin, ‘Elias of Bishwaw’ (cit. n. 171), p. 952. There is also an excerpt from his live preserved on an ostracon P. Mon. Epiph. 78. 173 Doresse, ‘Saints coptes’ (cit. n. 135), p. 258.

THE SOURCES

49

2. Yusab (‫)يوساب‬: There is a brief note on him in the Life of Elias of Bishwāw,174 but he does not have his own entry in the Synaxary, although his death in Hatur 5 is mentioned.175 Born in Coptus, he visited of Elias of Bishwāw, then became a monk in the Mountain of Bandahab (West Bank opposite Coptus)176 where Elias had been visiting him. 3. Elias of Samhud (commemorated Kiyahk 13 / December 9):177 born in the Fayum, then joined Pachomian monastery in Pbow. After some dissension he broke away from the monastery, and moved to the Mountain of Jeme (Šāmah ‫ )شامة‬for two years, then to the Mountain of Banhadab, but eventually he returned to the Mountain of Jeme, as the Synaxary mentions that he died there. The Synaxary gives no chronological framework for his life, but the internal conflict in Pbow might have been connected with policy of Justinian and abolishing the anti-Chalcedonian Abbot Abraham, which caused a dispersion of some monks. If so, Elias would be one of the first known monks in the West Theban region – which corresponds with a lack of information on the monastic establishments that Elias might have joined there. The supplementary material is provided by the lives of the Hermonthite saints, presented and discussed by Jean Doresse.178 The most important here is the life of Bishop Pesynthius of Hermonthis (commemorated on 20 Kiyahk / December 16).179 The description of his activity causes Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 17 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, pp. 479–481 [403–405]. Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 17 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 481 [405]. 176 The place must have been located nearby, as Elias visited him; cf. Timm, Das christlich-koptische Ägypten (cit. n. 134), vol. 3, p. 1028 n. 3. 177 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 13 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, pp. 436–441 [360–365]; Timm, Das christlich-koptische Ägypten (cit. n. 134), vol. 3, p. 1012; R.-G. Coquin, ‘Elias of Samhud’, [in:] CE 3 (1991), p. 953. 178 J. Doresse, ‘Monastères coptes aux environs d’Armant en Thébaide’, Analecta Bollandiana 67 (1949), pp. 327–349. 179 He is an individual different from his contemporary Bishop Pesynthius of Coptus; on Pesynthius of Hermonthis, see Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 20 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, pp. 490–491 [414–415]; another MS hosted in the church in Luxor churches, contains the whole story, Arabic text and paraphrase in P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, pp. 135–136; French translation in Doresse, ‘Monastères coptes’ (cit. n. 178), p. 338; see also ibidem, ‘Monastères 174 175

50

INTRODUCTION

many problems, due to the difficulties posed by chronology reconstructed on the basis of various sources (the possibility of mistaking him with two other bishops of this name known from the Theban area is not without significance). However, we do know that he held office in the first half of the seventh century. According to Gawdat Gabra, he was appointed before the year 631 and held his see at least until Agathon ascended to the patriarchal throne in 665. Moreover, of particular interest are the lives of Anba Jonas (Arab. Yūnā, 7th–8th c.; 2 Tubah / 28 December).180 We also have short mentions of Bishop John of Hermonthis (7 Kiyahk / 3 December),181 and ascetics from the Hermonthis area: Anba Ezekiel (14 Kiyahk / December 10),182 Anba Abthai (25 Kiyahk / 21 December)183 and Daniel and Moses (9 Amshir).184 The Synaxary also mentions the lives of several monks from the area north of Western Thebes, inhabiting Gebel Bishwāw, Al-Asas and Banhadab as far as Dendera. They are of lesser importance to us.185 One of them is Badasyus (‫( )بداسيوس‬commemorated on 23 Tubah / January 18).186 His Life also contains the story of his fellow monk Yusab (‫)يوساب‬. Both of them started their monastic career in Pachomian koinonia but later departed. Ultimately, Badasyus settle in Gebel Bishwāw. coptes’, p. 339; G. Gabra, ‘Pesynthius, Bischof von Hermonthis’, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Abteilung Kairo 40 (1984), pp. 27–29; R.-G. Coquin, ‘Pisentius, Saint’, [in:] CE 6 (1991), p. 1978. 180 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 2 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, pp. 515–525 [481–491], see R.-G. Coquin, ‘Anba Yūnā (Jonas) of Armant’, [in:] CE 7 (1991), pp. 2358–2359. Timm, Das christlichkoptische Ägypten (cit. n. 134), vol. 2, pp. 668–669; Krueger, O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, pp. 23–24. The saint and his father Victor were active in the Islamic period. E. Wipszycka, The Second Gift of The Nile, Monks and Monasteries in Late Antique Egypt [= Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series 33], Warsaw 2018, p. 466, points to the historical value of this hagiography. 181 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 7 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, pp. 394–396 [318–320]. 182 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 14 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, pp. 461–462 [385–386]. He lived at the turn of the fifth century; Timm, Das christlich-koptische Ägypten (cit. n. 134), vol. 2, p. 668; Krueger, O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, pp. 20–22. 183 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 25 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 523 [447]. 184 Unpublished, available only in Ms from Luxor, it is mentioned by R.-G. Coquin, ‘Le synaxaire des Coptes’ (cit. n. 169), p. 361. 185 They were discussed by Doresse, ‘Saints coptes’ (cit. n. 135), pp. 255–267. 186 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 23 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, pp. 666–680 [632–646].

THE SOURCES

51

Apart from the Synaxary, two lives (formally encomia) of bishops from wider Theban area preserved in the Arabic MS housed in the Coptic Museum, Cairo. They concern Bishop Patape of Coptus (active in the early fourth century) and Bishop Pesynthius of Hermonthis active in the late fourth – early fifth century. The encomium on the latter is ascribed to a certain Isaiah of Esna.187 Pesynthius of Coptus’ corpus A particularly valuable set of sources is the dossier of Pesynthius (also spelled Pisentius in the literature), abbot and bishop of Coptus (Qift). We have both documentary and hagiographical evidence about this figure. The dossier consists of documentary letters, an Encomium on Pesynthius and a homily delivered by him. Letters and documents are preserved on papyrus and related to the episcopal activity of the bishop. Not all of them have been published, and Eugène Revillout’s edition of a large part of them in the possession of the Louvre is widely regarded not to meet modern editorial standards.188 The papyrus dossier of Pesynthius contains little theological content, if only compared with the dossier of Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis or Frange. The Encomium on Bishop Pesynthius is a hagiographic work known from several redactions, of which the one closest to the original is the Sahidic G. Gabra, ‘Zu einem arabischen Bericht über Pesyntheus, einem Heiligen aus Hermonthis im 4.–5. Jh.’, Bulletin de la Société d’archéologie copte 25 (1983), pp. 53–60; about him, see also G. Gabra, ‘Pisentius, Saint’, [in:] CE 6 (1991), p. 1978; G. Gabra, ‘Patape (Bidaba), Märtyrer und Bischof von Koptos (c. 244 – c. 312): Ein Vorbericht über sein arabisches Enkomium’, [in:] CoptCongr. 3 (1990), pp. 119–126. 188 On the history and importance of Pisenthius’ papyri, see R. Dekker, ‘Reconstructing and re-editing the archive of Bishop Pesynthios of Koptos/Keft (7th century)’, [in:] M. Horn et al. (eds), Current Research in Egyptology 2010. Proceedings of the Eleventh Annual Symposium Which Took Place at the Leiden University, Netherlands, January 2010, Oxford 2011, pp. 33–41; J. van der Vliet, ‘Pesynthios of Coptos / Qift (c. 568–632) and the rise of the Egyptian Miaphysite church’, Journal of the Canadian Society for Coptic Studies 3 (2012), pp. 27–42. In a file ‘textual analysis’ in a folder ‘dataset 4’ on a disc supplementing her monograph, R. Dekker (Episcopal Networks [cit. n. 26]) gives a list and short description of 99 identified documents certainly or at least probably belonging to Pesynthius’ dossier. 187

52

INTRODUCTION

version represented by two manuscripts;189 of these, the Theban one can be dated to the turn of the eighth century, so about a hundred years after the bishop’s death.190 The text was written for the purpose of worship in Coptus itself. The oldest surviving manuscript ascribes authorship to Bishop Moses of Coptus and John, who is supposed to have been a disciple of Pesynthius himself,191 and who is incidentally mentioned in the actual text. In many places the Encomium presents details of monastic life in the Theban area at the turn of the seventh century. The details we are interested in do not belong to the encomiastic layer of the work, so there is no reason to believe that the author invented them, especially since the text was intended for the purposes of local worship. Since the work was written shortly after Pesynthius’ death, these realities correspond to the period of interest to us here. Important information on the chronology of Pesynthius’ life is also provided by a very late, nineteenth-century Arabic manuscript, perhaps reaching back to another, now lost, Coptic redaction.192 It contains parts of narrative material not preserved in Coptic.193 Less important is the life of the Saint preserved in the Bohairic dialect of Coptic.194 A Discourse on Saint Onnophrius is a homily attributed to Pesynthius in the manuscript tradition. There are no grounds to question his authorship. It was probably delivered during the commemoration of Onnophrius in the presence of laypeople. It consists primarily of various types John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, ed. Budge, pp. 75–127 (text), 257–321 (English translation). The other manuscript found in the Sheikh Abd el-Gurna hermitage remains unpublished. Stemma reconstructed by Dekker, ‘The Encomium on Bishop Pesynthios’ (cit. n. 44), p. 79. 190 R. Dekker, ‘The early Sahidic version of the Encomium on Bishop Pesynthius of Koptos from Shaykh Abd al-Qurna: On the progress of its edition’, Adamantius 24 (2018), pp. 133–142. Dekker works on edition of the manuscript. According to her preliminary remarks, this particular MS contains more material taken from pastoral letters of Pesythius than other witnesses (Dekker, ‘The early Sahidic version’ [cit. supra], p. 138). 191 Dekker, ‘The encomium on Bishop Pesynthios’ (cit. n. 44), p. 78. 192 The Arabic Life of S. Pisentius, fols. 97r–215r, ed. De Lacy O’Leary, PO 22. 193 Dekker, ‘The Encomium on Bishop Pesynthios’ (cit. n. 44). 194 É. Amélineau, ‘Éloge de Pisentios évêque de Keft’, [in:] É. Amélineau, Étude sur le christianisme en Égypte au septième siècle, Paris 1887, pp. 73–163. 189

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of moral exhortations which shed light on the pastoral practice in the Theban area.195 The Letter of Pesynthius, of apocalyptic content, preserved only in Arabic, is the work of an unknown author, probably from the ninth or tenth century and falls beyond the scope of our interest.196 Furthermore, the Arabic manuscript of the Life and Miracles of St Andrew, despite mentioning Pesynthius, is only available as a summary and does not contain information relevant to our topic.197

195 Ed. W. E. Crum, ‘Discours de Pisenthius sur Saint Onnophrius’, Revue de l’Orient chrétien 20 (1916), pp. 38–67; transl. T. Vivian, [in:] Histories of the Monks of Upper Egypt and The Life of Onnophrius by Paphnutius with A Discourse on Saint Onnophrius by Pisentius of Coptos [= Cistercian Studies Series 140], Kalamazoo, MI 2000, pp. 175–188. 196 J. van Lent, ‘The letter of Pseudo-Pisentius’, [in:] D. Thomas & A. Mallett (eds), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 2: 900–1050 [= History of Christian Muslim Relations 14], Leiden – Boston 2012, pp. 266–274; on the context of this text, see J. van Lent, ‘Les apocalypses coptes de l’époque arabe: Quelques reflexions’, [in:] M. Rassart-Debergh (ed.), Études coptes V: Sixième journée d’études (Limoges, 18–20 juin 1993) et Septième journée d’études (Neuchâtel, 18–20 mai 1995) [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 10], Paris – Leuven 1998, pp. 181–195. 197 MS Paris, BN arabe 4882; see summary in A. Di Bitonto Kasser, ‘Deir Samuele: Localizzazione e storia di un monastero della regione tebana’, Aegyptus 69 (1989), pp. 168–169.

CHAPTER ONE

WORDS AND TEXTS DESIGNATIONS FOR MONKS

The holy ones

T

he designation of monks as holy ones, whether individually or as a group (‘holy fathers’, ‘holy sons’,1 ‘all the holy with you’2), is very common and in many cases seems to be purely formal, especially when it appears in the Coptic form ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ (‘holy’) or ⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲡⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ (‘holiness’, usually ‘your holiness’). The direct address by name is often replaced by the phrase ‘holy fatherhood’3 or (rarely) ‘holy brotherhood’ (O. Vind. Copt. 277). Sometimes the holiness is expressed by metonymy of ‘holy hands’ (e.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 279) or ‘holy feet’ (e.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 113). Expansions of the epithet are extremely rare, and I can only indicate ‘holy in every way’.4 In literary texts as well as in letters, the term ‘holy’ refers primarily to biblical saints, deceased (P. Mon. Epiph. 140) and current bishops of Alexandria,5 other bishops,6 and also archimandrites.7 There is also at least one

I found only one case of this phrase referring to monastic companions of main addressee, P. Hoogendijk 49, l. 5 (from Apadios to Apa Ananias, perhaps the 1st half of the 8th c.). 2 O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 35/2, ll. 5–6 (from NN to ‘pious father’, from Thebes): ⲛ̄ⲧ]ⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲧϩⲁϩⲧⲏⲕ [ⲉⲧ]ⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. 3 Cf. also ‘holy fatherly lordship’ in O. Vind. Copt. 287 (= O. Crum ST 310) (from Eusebius to Presyber Apa John). 4 O. Vind. Copt. 277, ll. 2–3: ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲕⲁ[ⲧⲁ ⲥⲙ]ⲟ̣ⲧ ⲛⲓ̈ⲙ. 5 P. Mon. Epiph. 131: ‘our holy lord and father the archbishop’. 6 In the Theban material, see esp. Bishop Pesynthius of Coptus: O. APM inv. 3871, ed. J. van der Vliet, ‘A letter to a bishop, probably Pesynthios of Coptos (died ad 632) (O. APM Inv. 3871)’, [in:] B. J. J. Haring, O. E. Kaper, & R. van Walsem (eds), The Workman’s 1

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documentary text (of non-Theban origin!) in which the term ‘saint’ was used to refer to a lay person, Apa Apollo.8 The use of this epithet in relation to the living has a biblical foundation,9 especially as it is a frequent designation of Christians themselves in Acts and Paul’s Epistles,10 sometimes even in the addresses of letters,11 although never with an indication of a specific recipient. In the Theban letters, calling the addressee (the authors of a letters never apply this term to themselves) ‘holy’ expresses not only subordination, but can also be used when the correspondents share the same status, because in the letter from Bishop Ezekiel to Bishop Pesynthius the latter is referred to as ‘holy brotherhood’.12 Epiphanius was also referred to in a letter by an unknown author as a ‘holy brother’ (P. Mon. Epiph. 447), which also indicates equality of status. In Frange’s dossier, the addressee is seldom referred to as ‘holy’. Frange used this term in his letters to ‘holy’ Apa Isaac and Apa Elias (O. Frange 10–11), to ‘holy fatherhood’, possibly Apa Paul (O. Frange 18), to presbyter David (O. Frange 506), and to Apa John and Apa Henoch (O. Frange 507). As can be seen, Frange himself applied this term sparingly, perhaps more willingly during his youth (two of the above letters are considered by editors to have been written in Frange’s Progress: Studies in the Village of Deir el-Medina and Other Documents from Western Thebes in Honour of Rob Demarée, Leuven 2014, pp. 255–260; O. Crum VC 76; P. Mon. Epiph. 152, 172, 254, 469; Bishop John: P. Mon. Epiph. 133, see R. Dekker, Episcopal Networks and Authority in Late Antique Egypt: Bishops of the Theban Region at Work [= Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 264], Leuven 2018, p. 101; Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis: BKU I 110, P. Mon. Epiph. 268; Bishop Pisrael of Qus: P. Mon. Epiph. 426, see Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. supra), p. 102; unknown bishop: P. Mon. Epiph. 277, P. Hoogendijk 50 (from NN to bishop), note that the word ‘holy’ is a conjecture (although highly probable). 7 P. Mon. Epiph. 133; on his identity, see Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 6), pp. 117–118. 8 P. Cair. Masp. I 67112, l.17: [τῇ σ]ῇ ἁ̣γιο̣σύν[ῃ]. Note that Apollo is also referred to as Apa, although he was definitely not a monk. It is not a letter but a grazing lease. 9 Esp. 1 Peter 1:16 ‘for it is written: “Be holy, because I am holy”’. It is the reference to Leviticus. 10 O. Procksch, ‘ἅγιος’, [in:] ThWNT, vol. 1 (1966), pp. 102–112, at p. 108. 11 Rom 1:7 ‘To all in Rome who are loved by God and called to be his holy people’; cf. 1 Cor 1:2. 12 P. Mon. Epiph. 153. On this letter and the identity of Ezekiel, see Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 6), p. 99.

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early years) than in later life. Frange himself was referred to twice in this way, by the Presbyter David (O. Frange 350) and a certain Teras (O. Medin. Habu Copt. 137). His female correspondent Tsie also indirectly considered Frange as one of the saints in one of her letters.13 We also have several attestations of the use of this term in other letters from the hermitage TT 29, unrelated to Frange.14 Cyriacus from the Monastery of Cyriacus15 and Zacharias (and sometimes his fellow Mark) from Monastery of Paul16 are regularly called saints. In the letters found in Cyriacus’ hermitage, there also appears as a saint Apa Abraham, a monk (ⲙⲟⲛⲟⲭⲟⲥ) (O. Monastery of Cyriacus 5). Abbot Aaron is referred to at least once as ‘your holiness (ⲧⲉⲕⲙⲛⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ)’;17 similarly Apa Ananias from TT 85 and 87,18 and Apa Ezekiel and Djor from MMA 1152.19 In the material from the Topos of Epiphanius, Epiphanius himself and his successors are regularly referred to as saints.20 In the letters from this monastery, however, the term is also referred to a number of other persons, more or less known, such as Hello (P. Mon. Epiph. 114), Presbyter O. Frange 260, ll. 5–6: ϯ̣ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲧ̣ⲛⲡⲱⲧ ⲉⲣⲁⲧⲟ̣ⲩ̣ ⲛⲛⲉⲧⲧⲟⲩⲁⲃ (‘I know that we, we are those who fall under feet of the saints’). 14 O. Frange 632 (from NN to ‘your holy piety’), 646 (from Deacon Isaac to ‘your holy brotherhood’), 653 (from NN to group of addresses, among them probably a certain ‘pious holy brother’), 766 (from ‘humble brothers’ to ‘your revered and holy brotherhood’, perhaps Moses). 15 P. Mon. Epiph. 236, 266, 457, 462; O. Monastery of Cyriacus 12, 14, 15, 29, 30. 16 O. Crum ST 202, 447; O. Vind. Copt. 158–165, 168, 233 (= O. Crum ST 203–209, 212, 342); on this dossier S. Hodak, ‘The ostraca of Deir el-Bachit and the Anatolios-Zacharias archive’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2016), pp. 723–738. 17 O. Crum ST 197 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 5) (from Kolol of Monastery of Apa Elias to Apa Aaron). 18 P. Hoogendijk 49 (from Apadios to Apa Ananias). 19 O. Gurna Górecki 6, ed. E. Garel, ‘The ostraca of Victor the priest found in the hermitage MMA 1152’, [in:] PapCongr. 27 (2016), pp. 1041–1054, at pp. 1052–1053 (from Jakob to Apa Ezekiel and brother Djor). 20 Moses and Epiphanius (P. Mon. Epiph. 208), Epiphanius (P. Mon. Epiph. 106, 111, 131, 142, 162, 163, 164, 198, 200, 206, 360, 415, 432, 437, 442, 447, 465, 483), Epiphanius and Psan (P. Mon. Epiph. 123, 144, 281, 312), Psan (P. Mon. Epiph. 165, 172, 193, 199, 277, 431), Isaac (P. Mon. Epiph. 145, 146, 223, 285, 296), Elias (P. Mon. Epiph. 201), Isaac and Elias (P. Mon. Epiph. 110, 188, 255, 279, 318 [the name of Elias probably lost in a lacune]). 13

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Elias (P. Mon. Epiph. 203, 236, 266), Apa Peter (P. Mon. Epiph. 217), Anchorite Elisaius (P. Mon. Epiph. 253, 486), Apa John (P. Mon. Epiph. 315, 422, 471, 476), Apa Mark the Presbyter (P. Mon. Epiph. 327), Ananias (P. Mon. Epiph. 354). The expression also appears in the letters that do not belong to more extensive dossiers.21 Although the reference to holiness usually occurs along with other religiously oriented appellatives, it is not usually accompanied by any explanation. The letters mention no elements of personal piety that would imply a reputation of holiness. Certain justifications of sorts can only be found in the letter from Eudoxia to Psan: ‘I entreat and beseech you, my holy father, that you would entreat God for me, that He would do His mercy with me and would forgive me my sins’.22 In this letter, holiness is clearly connected with the ability of mediation before God, with the particular efficacy of prayer. The epistolary context of this prayer request, however, is quite typical.23 Perhaps in this letter, it is particularly neatly combined with the address itself. The relationship of holiness with the effectiveness of prayer is emphasized by a fairly frequent reference to ‘your holy prayers’ in other letters as well.24 The term ‘holy’ may have biblical connotations – at least in certain contexts. Apa Isaac in P. Mon. Epiph. 145 is called ‘the holy of God (ⲡⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ)’. It is a phrase appearing in the Psalter where it refers to the O. Crum 317 (from Pesynthius to father Helo); O. Deir el-Bahari 3 (from NN to ‘holy father’); O. Lond. Copt. I 47/5 (from Joseph to ‘holy father’; from Medinet Habu [Jeme]); O. Lond. Copt. I 53/2 (from Moses to ‘my holy father Apa Ananias and Apa Michael’, from Karnak); O. Theb. 28 (from John to Apa Isaac); O. Theb. 35 (from NN to father Pjoujai); O. Vind. Copt. 173 (= O. Crum ST 309) (from Cyrus to Anchorite Apa Joseph); O. Vind. Copt. 183 (= O. Crum ST 374) (from NN and all the poor to father Pesnte); O. Vind. Copt. 189 (= O. Crum ST 305) (from NN to Apa Pesynthius); O. Vind. Copt. 195 (from builder Azarias to Presbyter Moses); O. Vind. Copt. 253 (= O. Crum ST 215) (from NN to Apa Pesynthius); O. Vind. Copt. 258 (= O. Crum ST 300) (from female servant to NN father); O. Vind. Copt. 287 (= O. Crum ST 310) (from Eusebius to Presyber Apa John); O. Vind. Copt. 291 (from NN to Apa Psate); O. Vind. Copt. 295 (from Marko to NN Presbyter); O. Vind. Copt. 395 (from Pekosh to Apa Jacob). 22 P. Mon. Epiph. 199, ll. 5–10: ⲉⲓ̈ⲥⲟⲡⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲓ̈ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉⲓ ⲙⲙⲟⲕ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲃ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲥⲉⲡⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϩⲁⲣⲟⲓ̈ ⲛϥⲣ ⲡⲉϥⲛⲁ ⲛⲙⲙⲁⲓ̈ ⲛϥⲕⲱ ⲛⲁⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ, transl. Crum (modified). 23 Cf., e.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 200, 201. 24 E.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 281 (referring to Psan). 21

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place where God dwells,25 but most importantly Jesus is described as such in Mark 1:24 and Luke 4:34.26 These words are uttered from the mouths of demons, but by that very fact, they reveal the truth about Jesus’ identity. Undoubtedly, in the mouths of the monks, they point at a special emphasis on holiness. The very same Isaac is referred to as the one ‘who bears Christ’. It is highly probable that the simple ‘holy’ also indicated this particular relationship of intimacy with God. The use of the much rarer Greek term ἅγιος seems even more significant than Coptic ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. It regularly denotes the revered saints of the past27 whose prayers would intercede on behalf of the living before God. The use of the word ἅγιος/ϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ in reference to the protagonists of the narrative is very common in ascetic literature and hagiography. The group of such distinguished monks may indeed be quite sizeable. The author of the Historia monachorum uses the term repeatedly – although he does not apply it to all the monks encountered by him – and refers to John of Lycopolis, Theon, Apollo, Amun, Copres and Piammon as saints. It seems that at least some believed that the term ἅγιος conveyed a meaning other than ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. In P. Mon. Epiph. 140 we can read ⲉⲩϫⲱ̣[ⲱⲙⲉ ±9]ϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲉⲛⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲁ̣[ⲡⲁ±5 ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉ]ⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ. The scribe crossed out ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ, apparently realizing that the one who is among the saints (ἐν ἁγίοις) cannot be described in such a way.28 Ps 72:17 (LXX). Luke 4:34: ϯⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ̄ ϫⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲕ̄ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛ̄ⲧⲕ̄ ⲡⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲙ︥ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ (‘I know who are you – the saint of God’), ed. Horner, vol. 2, p. 72. 27 P. Mon. Epiph. 162 (Saint John), 389, 483 (Saint Apa Phoebammon). Note also its appliance to Epiphanius when already deceased in graffiti executed in his former cell by pious visitors: P. Mon. Epiph. 640, 644, 647, 680. It regularly appears in the names of the places of cult e.g.: ‘the Church of Hagios Mary’ (O. Crum 36 = M. Krause, Apa Abraham von Hermonthis. Ein oberägyptischer Bischof um 600: Texte und Kommentare, vol. 2, PhD thesis, Berlin, Humboldt-Universität 1956, no. 1), ‘the Topos of St Apa Victor’ (O. Crum 30 = Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. supra], no. 2), ‘the Topos of St George’ (O. Crum 32 = Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. supra], no. 10), ‘the mountain of the place of my father Izael, the saint’ (O. Frange 213). This Izael is rather not the saint patron of the monastery, but a monk respected by Frange. 28 P. Mon. Epiph. 140, ll. 13–14; Such conjecture for this place is proposed by Crum himself in the commentary to the translation of P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 2, p. 188, transl. Crum: ‘a book [of him that is among the] saints, our holy father, A[pa….. arch]bishop’. 25

26

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This does not mean, however, that the term in the letters never refers to the living.29 The greetings of Frange to Apa Surus in the letter O. Frange 42, in which the latter – though evidently alive – was called ἅγιος, are not exceptional. The same term was used for Apa Paul, who was particularly revered by Frange, probably young at the time (O. Crum 396). In another letter, Frange mentioned Isaac and Elias as if they were saints (ϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ) like Antony and Macarius of Scetis.30 In the Theban material, apart from Frange’s dossier, we have no certain evidence of the use of ἅγιος with reference to the living persons. Yet, we do find the sporadic designation of the addressee as ἁγιώτατος.31 Such an address is attested for Cyriacus, who is also distinguished with specific epithets in other letters, and probably to Epiphanius. Although formally the word is a superlative of ἅγιος, it belongs to the conventional forms of Byzantine epistolography, and its religious character should be approached with caution. Similar phrases are known already from an early Greek request for monastic intercession.32 The fact that ἁγιώτατος rarely appears in the Theban letters and concerns otherwise well-known spiritual authorities, may indicate that it was not considered appropriate to refer to monks in this way only because of their role in monastic structures. The use of this title, restricted to individuals of special religious and no formal status, lets us think of it as more than pure epistolary rhetoric though. The See Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 69. In this letter Abba Euthymius addresses Barsanuphius ἅγιε; Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 361 – John the Prophet refers to Barsanuphius as ‘his [i.e., God’s: PP] saint (ἐν τῷ ἁγίῳ αὐτοῦ)’, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 2.1, p. 384. 30 P. Mon. Epiph. 247, ll. 7–9: ⲛ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛ̄ϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲙⲉ ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲁⲛⲧⲱⲛⲓⲟⲥ etc. Interestingly, Isaac and Elias’ feet were described as ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. 31 O. Vindob. Copt. 412 (from Philotheus to NN holy father); P. Mon. Epiph. 151 (from Strategius, lashane of Ne to Cyriacus; in this case, civil functionary certainly had in mind the rules of Byzantine epistolary code); P. Mon. Epiph. 429 (from NN to NN, perhaps Epiphanius). Till sees an abbreviation of ἁγιότης in ϩⲁⲅⲓⲱⲧ, Crum (P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 192) and H. Förster (Wörterbuch der griechischen Wörter in den koptischen dokumentarischen Texten [= TU 148], Berlin 2002, p. 11) interpret this abbreviation as ἁγιώτατος. 32 P. Lond. VI 1925, ll. 9–10: παρακαλῶ δὲ τὴν ἁγ[ιότητά σου]; P. Heid. inv. G 3850, l. 1: τοῖς εὐλαβεστάτοις καὶ ἁγειωτάτοις μονάζου[σιν], 5th/6th c., provenance unknown, ed. B. Mutschler, ‘Christlicher Brief an Mönche’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 94 (1992), pp. 105–114. 29

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hagiographic texts show that there was a need for gradation in the monastic sanctity.33 Nor is it without significance that the saints of the past were also called ἁγιώτατος.34 More often than ἅγιος and ἁγιώτατος, the phrase ‘your holiness’ appears in the addresses of letters by means of the Greek ἁγιωσύνη. Such use of the term is not rooted in biblical language,35 nor is it applied to specific persons in the patristic literature.36 It is not attested in papyrus letters before the second half of the fifth century.37 However, we have an interesting example from the correspondence of Barsanuphius, which confirms both the use of this title for monks and reluctance to it on the part of Barsanuphius himself.38 The Coptic equivalent of ἁγιωσύνη, i.e. ⲧⲉⲕⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲡⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ is uncommon, although it was also applied, probably to Cyriacus. (O. Monastery of Cyriacus 15). In the letter (most probably fictive) by Macrobius to Moses of Abydus, included in the Life of Macrobius of Tkou we also encounter another hybrid equivalent ‘your holiness (ⲧⲉⲕⲙⲛ̄ⲧϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ)’,39 which remains, however, unattested in the documentary letters from the Theban area. In the Theban correspondence, in most cases, the name associated with ἁγιωσύνη is lost or absent,40 but it was used to refer to Epiphanius at least 33 John Khame described as supremely holy (πανάγιος) and the holiest (ἁγιώτατος), see the Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, pp. 12, 21. In the Life of Aaron (58, ed. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 96–97), Athanasius of Alexandria calls Mark, bishop-to-be, more saint (ϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ) than himself since he was a disciple of the saint (ⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ) man. The word choice seems to have no relevance. 34 P. KRU 107 subscription verso: τοῦ [ἁγ]ιω(τάτου) [ἀ]ββᾶ Φοιβ(άμμωνος). 35 O. Procksch, ‘ἀγιωσύνη’, [in:] ThWNT, vol. 1 (1966), p. 116. 36 PGL, s.v. 37 CPR XXV, p. 62; among the oldest examples is SB IV 7449, a petition addressed to bishop Theodore of Oxyrhynchus (from Aurelia Nonna). 38 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 510, where the sender referred to Barsanuphius precisely as ‘your holiness’ (τὴν ἁγιωσύνην σου) to which Barsanuphius himself reacted with irony, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 2.2, pp. 636, 638. This is not a typical way of addressing both recluses in their correspondence. 39 Life of Macrobius of Tkoou, p. 4, col. 2, ll. 22–23, ed. Ten Hacken, p. 109. 40 O. Lond. Copt. I 54/1 (in this case, ‘holiness’ is refered to plural subject, ‛the fathers’); O. Monastery of Cyriacus 13; O. Ramesseum no. 26, ed. Ch. Heurtel, ‘Les ostraca coptes du Ramesseum (suite I)’, Memnonia 20 (2009), pp. 89–95, at pp. 89–90; P. Mon. Epiph. 113, 121, 134, 140, 416, 435.

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twice (P. Mon. Epiph. 162, 271), once to Presbyter Mark (O. Crum VC 53), once to Elias and Isaac (P. Mon. Epiph. 279), once to Bishop Pesynthius,41 and once to Bishop Abraham42. At this point, other terms semantically related to sainthood may also be considered. The term ὁσιώτατος is quite well attested in the Theban letters.43 It is frequent in Byzantine epistolography and attested in monastic sites outside Thebes.44 This is how Bishop Abraham,45 Bishop Pesynthius,46 and Bishop John47 are referred to. This term was not reserved for bishops, though it was evidently applied to them with special predilection.48 However, a presbyter was also referred to as such in one of the testaments.49 Interestingly, Epiphanius was described in this way once only, although even in this case the identification of the addressee is uncertain.50 The term ‘beatitude’ (μακαριότης), semantically similar to ‘holiness’, is employed in the letters from the Topos of Epiphanius, where in four cases it definitely refers to Bishop Pesynthius.51 In the fifth letter, the

P. Mon. Epiph. 254; cf. O. Vind. Copt. 189 (= O. Crum ST 305) (from NN to Apa Pesynthius) – this Pesynthius, also called ‘your holiness’ (ἁγιωσύνη), has not been identified with the bishop of Coptus. 42 O. Crum 90 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 30). 43 O. NMEC inv. 107 (from Ignatius to NN), ed. M. E. Eissa, ‘A Letter or an exercise (O.NMEC Inv. 107)’, Chronique d’Égypte 89 (2014), pp. 197–201. 44 H. Ziliacus, Untersuchungen zu den abstrakten Anredeformen und Höflichkeitstiteln im Griechischen, Helsinki 1949, p. 73; Förster, Wörterbuch (cit. n. 31), pp. 591–592. 45 O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II 6 (from Jacob to Bishop Abraham). 46 O. Saint-Marc 236; P. Pisentius 7 (from Bishop Pisrael to Bishop Pesynthius); P. Pisentius 15 (from Presbyter Psan, Deacon Phanes and Lashane Pjijoui to Bishop Pesynthius); P. Pisentius 16 (from Hello to Bishop Pesynthius); P. Pisentius 44 (from NN to Bishop Pesynthius); P. Pisentius 52 + O. Crum ST 176 (from Anastasius to Bishop Pesynthius), see Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 6), Dataset 4, Textual Analysis, p. 17. 47 P. Mon. Epiph. 133, l. 6 (from John and Pesynthius to Epiphanius). 48 P. Pisentus 11, l. 14 (from Presbyter and Abbot Cyriacus to Bishop Pesynthius); in this letter ⲛϩⲟⲥⲓⲱⲧⲁⲧⲟⲥ describes bishops in plural. 49 P. Mon. Epiph. 87 (refers to late Presbyter Apa Joseph, the anchorite). 50 P. Mon. Epiph. 428 (from NN to Epiphanius [probably]). 51 P. Mon. Epiph. 254 (from NN to Pesynthius); P. Pisentius 20, 29, 44. 41

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addressee is also presumably Pesynthius.52 Despite the fact the term itself bears a religious meaning, it was most probably used as a honorific title, also applied to bishops in Justinian legislation and synodal acts.53 Interestingly, however, we do not find it in the dossier of Abraham or Andrew of Hermonthis. The adjective ‘the thrice blessed (ⲧⲣⲓⲥⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ)’ also refers to Pesynthius (although we do not know whether it refers to Pesynthius of Coptus or his contemporary bishop of Hermonthis), which in this case, however, indicates that a venerable deceased person is being referred to.54 Prophet In the Theban correspondence only Epiphanius is called a prophet. In Archdeacon Joseph’s letter address to Epiphanius, the latter is identified as ‘My holy lord father, who is God’s temple, Abba Epiphanius, the prophet and anchorite’.55 Joseph clearly considers Epiphanius a spiritual director (see p. 216). He emphasizes that Epiphanius knows the future and that he will subordinate himself to what God shall communicate through him. In this light, the designation of Epiphanius as a prophet is not one of politeness but signifies the recognition of the power specific also to biblical prophets in this particular monk. In another letter, from Pesente and Peter to Epiphanius, they address him ‘For you (pl.) are verily the sons of the prophet’.56 The phrase is a biblical echo,57 but the letter nevertheless P. Mon. Epiph. 461 (from NN to NN). The first letter is addressed to Bishop Pesynthius of Coptus. The addressee of the second one is unknown, but Crum supposes Pesynthius as well. 53 H. Ziliacus, Untersuchungen (cit. n. 44), p. 71. 54 P. Berlin inv. 11346, l. x+3, commentary in A. Camplani, ‘A pastoral epistle of the seventh century concerning the eucharist (Pap. Berlin P. 11346)’, [in:] V. Lepper (ed.), Forschung in der Papyrussammlung: Eine Festgabe für das Neue Museum, Berlin 2012, pp. 377–386, at p. 381; see also Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 6), pp. 97–98. 55 P. Mon. Epiph. 162, ll. 28–29: ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲉⲧⲟ ⲛ̄ⲣ̄ⲡⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲃⲃⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲫⲁⲛⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲁⲛⲁⲭⲱⲣⲓⲧⲏⲥ, transl. Crum. 56 P. Mon. Epiph. 198, ll. 6–7: ⲕⲁⲓ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲛ̄ⲧⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲛⲉ ⲛ̄ϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ϩⲛ︥ ⲟⲩⲙⲉ, transl. Crum. 57 Acts 3:25: ⲛⲧⲱⲧⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲛⲉ ⲛϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲛⲛⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ. 52

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confirms that the opinion of Epiphanius as a prophet was not just Joseph’s individual belief. Bishop Pesynthius was also called a prophet (along with a number of other terms) by his encomiast.58 However, this term does not appear in his papyrus dossier. In Coptic hagiography calling a monastic hero a prophet constitutes almost a topos. This is how Matthew the Poor,59 Longinus of Enaton,60 John Khame,61 or Moses of Abydus62 were addressed. Daniel of Scetis was described by an encomiast as ‘the second prophet of his generation’.63 This term is rarely clarified, but sometimes it directly indicates the gift of foreknowledge, as in the Life of Macrobius of Tkou in which Moses of Abydus utters a prophecy (ⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲓⲁ) about the future of Macrobius.64 It is worth noting that such appellations are not present in the oldest traditions of cenobitic monasteries. Pachomius is credited with the gift of prophecy only in the later generations.65 So is Shenoute – although regularly called a prophet in his Life and compared to one there,66 he never John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, f. 78a, ed. Budge, pp. 122 (text): ⲟⲩⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲛⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲛ̄ⲥⲁⲙⲟⲩⲏⲗ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲛⲉⲧⲙⲛ︥ⲛ̄ⲥⲱϥ, 318 (transl.): ‘A prophet like unto the prophets, even like unto Samuel, and those who came after him’. 59 Life of Matthew the Poor, ed. Amélineau, p. 708: ⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲛⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲙⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ϩⲛ ⲧⲉⲛⲅⲉⲛⲉⲁ ⲛⲑⲉ ⲙⲡⲉⲛⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲩⲁⲃ ⲁⲡⲁ ϣⲉⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ, ‘He became a prophet in our generation like our holy father Apa Shenoute’ (own translation). 60 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 91, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr, pp. 136 (text), 137 (transl.). 61 Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 35. 62 Life of Moses of Abydus, ed. and transl. Moussa, pp. 19 (text), 45 (transl.). 63 Coptic Life of Daniel, transl. Vivian & Mikhail, p. 118. The text does not specify who was the first prophet. 64 Life of Macrobius of Tkoou, ed. Ten Hacken, pp. 108 (text), 110 (transl.). 65 Coptic Palladiana, Macarius of Alexandria 7, transl. Vivian, p. 145; the prophetic stylization of Pachomius is clear already in his lives and the works of Horsiese, see Ph. Rousseau, ‘The successors of Pachomius and the Nag Hammadi codices: exegetical themes and literary structures’, [in:] D. W. Johnson, J. Timbie, & J. E. Goehring (eds), The World of Early Egyptian Christianity: Language, Literature, and Social Context: Essays in Honor of David W. Johnson, Washington, DC 2007, pp. 140–157, at pp. 153–154; Ph. Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority, and the Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian, 2nd ed., Notre Dame, IN 2010, p. 23. However, in the Lives he is explicitly distinguished form the prophets, see Vita Pachomii G1 98: ‘He was not one of the prophets or the patriarchs of the apostles, but he is their true child’, transl. Veilleux, p. 365. 66 Life of Shenoute 1, 20, 22, 53, for prophetic comparisons, see, e.g., Life of Shenoute 2, ed. Leipoldt, p. 8, transl. Bell, p. 42: ‘his admirable virtues and the great and incredible signs, 58

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calls himself as such. At the same time, he certainly stylizes himself as a prophet in the preserved writings composed by him.67 Obviously, this topos did not originate from Coptic literature. It has its origins in the earliest texts referring to Egyptian monasticism. The author of the Historia monachorum says that he saw ‘new prophets’ who achieved divine power through their way of life.68 They performed healings, signs, and miracles like the ancient holy prophets and apostles did.69 John of Lycopolis had the gift of prophecy, which was manifested in his ability to foretell political events, and knew hidden things.70 He was also called a prophet,71 as was Theon, who performed many miracles,72 or Apollo, who made signs and healings, directly referred to as ‘a new prophet’.73 In the scene of the encounter with Satan, the latter compares Apollo directly to Elias.74 just like those of the holy prophets and the apostles’. For the post mortem prophetic status of Shenoute, see also P. Paramone 14, ll. 6–7: ἐκ τοῦ στιχαρίου τοῦ προφήτο̣υ̣ Σινουθίου (ed. A. Jördens, ‘Reliquien des Schenute in Frauenkonvent’, [in:] P. Paramone, pp. 142–156). 67 On the nature of Shenoute’s prophecy, see R. Krawiec, Shenoute and the Women of the White Monastery: Egyptian Monasticism in Late Antiquity, Oxford 2002, pp. 55–56; D. Brakke, ‘Shenoute, Weber, and the monastic prophet: Ancient and modern articulations of ascetic authority’, [in:] A. Camplani & G. Filoramo (eds), Foundations of Power and Conflicts of Authority in Late-Antique Monasticism: Proceedings of the International Seminar Turin, December 2–4, 2004, Leuven 2007, pp. 47–74; on Shenoute’s prophetic self-creation, see P. C. Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, Cambridge 2017, p. 273; C. T. Schroeder, Children and Family in Late Antique Egyptian Monasticism, Cambridge 2021, p. 180. 68 Historia monachorum in Aegypto, prol. 5, ed. Festugière, p. 7: νέους τινὰς ἄλλους προφήτας, κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν ἔνθεον αὐτῶν καὶ θαυμαστὴν καὶ ἐνάρετον ἔχοντας ἐνέργειαν θεοειδῆ, ‘(I saw) new prophets who have attained a Godlike state of fulfilment by their inspired and wonderful and virtuous way of life’, transl. Russell, p. 49. 69 Historia monachorum in Aegypto, prol. 9. 70 Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 1–2, 11. 71 Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 6; John distanced himself from prophethood, see Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 8: ‘Am I a prophet, or do I stand in the ranks of the just? I am a sinful man and of like passions with you’, transl. Russell, p. 53. 72 Historia monachorum in Aegypto VI 1. 73 Historia monachorum in Aegypto VIII 8; cf. also Historia monachorum in Aegypto VIII 37. 74 Historia monachorum in Aegypto VIII 46. Here, we have a typological juxtaposition with the miracle of feeding the multitude, 3 Kgs 17:14.

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In the apophthegms, however, the title of the prophet rarely appears. Once one of the women visiting Arsenius describes him as a prophet.75 In other sayings, the term also refers to Epiphanius of Salamis (referred to as bishop of Cyprus, so after his early monastic career in Egypt).76 Of particular importance, however, is the saying, preserved only in Coptic, which refers to certain Abraham ‘prophet of a region’ (ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ),77 i.e., local prophet. Here we are dealing not with a direct comparison with the biblical prophets, but with tailoring Abraham’s power, and probably reputation, to the local scale. It seems highly likely that Epiphanius too could have been such a ‘prophet of a region’ in the Western Thebes. It is not unique Egyptian custom to describe anchorites as prophets. There are also numerous examples from fifth and sixth century Palestine. Cyril of Scythopolis, who in general does not use this term in his lives of saints, nevertheless mentions an otherwise unknown monk Olympius, who had a prophetic gift.78 John Rufus uses the word ‘prophet’ to describe Hilarion,79 hermit Zeno who performed miracles and had the gift of ‘foreknowledge’ and was a contemporary of the Peter the Iberian (d. 451),80 and his own contemporary Isaiah of Scetis, ‘who was called a second Isaiah by everyone because he had the grace and the wisdom and the power of that great prophet’.81 John writes elsewhere that Peter the Iberian himself was worshiped as a prophet by all, equally supporters and opponents of Chalcedon.82 The opinion that Isaiah and Peter were prophets was so common that, in John’s opinion, the emperor himself sought their AP, Arsenius 28, PG 65: 96: προφήτην ἦλθον ἰδεῖν. AP, Collectio systematica XV 111 (= AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 155, p. 34). Prophet Epiphanius is presented in this apophthegm as the final appeal instance after the patriarchs of Alexandria, Jerusalem, Antioch, and Rome. 77 AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 247, p. 55; transl. Vivian, p. 122, no. C9. 78 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Abramii 8, preserved only in Arabic. 79 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 137, transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 201. 80 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 68 and 75, transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, pp. 98–99, 106–107; on Zeno, see B. Bitton-Ashkelony & A. Kofsky, The Monastic School of Gaza [= Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 78], Leiden – Boston 2006, pp. 18–20. 81 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 138, transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 201; see also John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 167, transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 243 82 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 183, transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 267. 75 76

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blessing.83 The status of a prophet could be directly related to the knowledge of hidden things and the future. A certain recluse from Scetis, living on Mount Pigash nearby Madeba, was called a prophet because he knew the names and status of the guests visiting him, and predicted future events.84 Barsanuphius (of Egyptian descent) and John, both referred to as prophets, owed this title not so much to knowing the future as to the gift of discernment and knowledge of the hidden things.85 Christ-bearer All those baptised were potential Christ’s bearers,86 but in Christian literature the term christophoroi was attributed mostly to the apostles.87 It is no coincidence that Cyril of Scythopolis describes the monks of the anchoretic community centred around Sabas as inspired by God and Christ-bearing (πάντων θεοπνεύστων, πάντων Χριστοφόρων),88 and then compares them to the apostles and angels. In the Theban monastic correspondence the term ‘the one who bears Christ’, ‘Christ-bearer’ is almost idiomatic. Usually, it is appended with ‘in truth’, and in only one case, O. Frange 373, ‘in truth and justice’. P. Mon. Epiph. 144 has an addition ‘in every deed’ (or ‘every thing’). Variations within the phrase are rare. O. Frange 38 has ‘who bears the Word of God’, O. Frange 40 and 357 ‘who bears the Word’, O. Frange 323 ‘who bears the Lord Jesus Christ’. The list below includes the individuals to whom this epithet is applied in the monastic Theban letters.

John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 140, transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 205. John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 118, transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 175. 85 On the nature of the prophetic gift of Barsanuphius, see Bitton-Ashkelony & Kofsky, The Monastic School (cit. n. 80), p. 94. 86 PGL, p. 1533, s.v. 1, with reference to Ignatius of Antioch, Ad Ephesios IX 2. 87 PGL, p. 1533, s.v, 2; see, e.g., ‘Monastery of the holy Christ-bearing Apostles’ in Aphrodito, cf. A. Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints en Égypte des Byzantins aux Abbassides. L’ apport des inscriptions et des papyrus grecs et coptes, Paris 2001, pp. 68–69. 88 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae 16, ed. Schwartz, p. 100, transl. Price, pp. 108–109. 83

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Table 3. The term ‘Christ-bearer’ in Theban monastic letters From

To

Designation

NN

Bishop Abraham

[ⲉⲧ]ⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲭ︤ⲣ̅ⲥ︥ ϩ[ⲛⲟⲩⲙⲉ]?

NN

Bishop Abraham

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲭ︤ⲥ︥ ϩ̅ⲛ̅ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

O. Crum 50

John, from the ‘Topos of Apa [- - -]90

Bishop Abraham

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩ[ⲛ]ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

O. Crum 286

‘humble servant’

Bishop Pesynthius

ⲉⲧⲫⲱⲣⲉ [---]

O. Crum ST 174

Stephen

Bishop Pesynthius

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤ⲣ̅ⲥ︥ ϩⲛⲟⲩⲙⲉⲉ

O. Crum ST 321

humble David

Apa Ananias and ‘my brother’ Pisrael91

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲭ︤ⲣ̅ⲥ︥ ϩⲛⲟⲩⲙⲉ

O. Crum ST 373 = O. Vind. Copt. 177

NN

‘My father’ Paham

ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ [ⲉⲧ]ⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ [ⲙⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅?]

O. Crum VC 4392

Samuel

Bishop John

ⲉⲧⲫⲱⲣⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲭⲥ ϩ[ⲛ]ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

O. Frange 10

Frange

Apa Isaac and Apa Elias

ⲛ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅

O. Frange 38

Frange

Presbyters Hiob and Paul

ⲙ̄ⲙⲉⲣⲁⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲫⲱⲣⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲗⲟⲅⲟⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲉ ⲙⲁⲁϥ

O. Frange 40

Frange

Presbyter Apa David

ⲉⲧⲫⲱⲣⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

O. Frange 323

Frange

‘My lady and mother Tsie’

ⲉⲧⲫⲱⲣⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ︤ⲥ̅︥ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅

O. Frange 357

Susanne

Frange and Moses

ⲉⲧⲫⲱⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡ[ⲉ]ⲭ︤ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙ̣ⲉ̣

O. Frange 373

Frange

None, epistolary exercise

ⲉⲧⲫⲟ[ⲣⲉⲓ] ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤ⲥ̅︥︤ ϩⲛⲟⲩⲙⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲱⲥⲩⲛⲛⲏ

O. Frange 392

Frange

None, epistolary exercise

ⲉⲧ[ⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙⲡ]ⲉⲭ︤ⲥ̅︤ ϩ̅ⲛ̅ⲟⲩ[ⲙ]ⲉ

BKU I 110 O. Col. inv. 192

89

Edition: J. Cromwell, ‘“Forgive me, because I could not find papyrus”: The use and distribution of ostraca in late Antique Western Thebes’, [in:] C. Caputo & J. Lougovaya (eds), Using Ostraca in the Ancient World. New Discoveries and Methodologies, Berlin – Boston 2020, pp. 209–233, at pp. 225–227. 90 The identity of this monastery or church remains unknown since the end of the letters is lost. 91 H. Behlmer, ‘Christian use of pharaonic sacred space in Western Thebes: the case of TT 85 and 87’, [in:] P. F. Dorman & B. M. Bryan (eds), Sacred Space and Sacred Function in Ancient Thebes, Chicago 2007, pp. 163–175, at p. 167. 92 Theban provenance uncertain. 89

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Table 3. The term ‘Christ-bearer’ in Theban monastic letters (cont’d) From

To

Designation

O. Frange 635

NN

‘your holiness’, ‘your fatherhood’

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

O. Frange 640

humble John

‘holy fathers’

[ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ] ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭⲥ ϩⲛ̄ⲟⲩ[ⲙⲉ]

O. Frange 792

Mark, ‘humble son’

Bishop Abraham

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

O. Gurna Górecki 1194 Frange

Apa Joseph

ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲫⲱⲣⲉⲓ

O. Gurna Górecki 22

Anchorite, name unknown

NN

[ⲉ]ⲧ̣ⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̄ⲥ̄︥

Ostracon 85/100, Behlmer, ‘Christian use’ (cit. n. 91), p. 165

Ananias and Pisrael

NN

No Coptic text

P. Mon. Epiph. 123

humble Peter

Apa Epiphanius and Apa Psan

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲩ[ⲙ]ⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 133

John and Pesynthius

Apa Epiphanius, the anchorite

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 137

‘servants’, perhaps two women [He]tose and Tsibella

Apa (name lost), perhaps an anchorite

No Coptic text

P. Mon. Epiph. 142

Nonnus, possibly a notarios?

Epiphanius, the anchorite ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩ̅ⲛ̅ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 144

Menas, ‘his servant’

Abba Epiphanius

[ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣ]ⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩ̣ⲛϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲓⲙ

P. Mon. Epiph. 145

humble David

Apa Isaac

ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲫⲱⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭⲣⲥ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 163

Shenoute, lashane of Jeme

Apa Epiphanius (the list of honorific appelations elaborated in an unparalleled way)

ⲧⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤ⲥ̅ ϩ̅︤ⲛ̅ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

93

He is not a well-known Presbyter Mark. Editio princeps: I. Antoniak, ‘New ostraca from Thebes’, [in:] G. Gabra & N. T. Takla (eds), Christianity and Monasticism in Upper Egypt, vol. 2: Nag Hammadi – Esna, Cairo – New York 2010, pp. 1–6; cf. a reedition: A. Boud’hors, ‘Pièces supplémentaires du dossier de Frangé’, Journal of Coptic Studies 13 (2011), pp. 99–112, at pp. 109–110. 93

94

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Table 3. The term ‘Christ-bearer’ in Theban monastic letters (cont’d) From

To

Designation

P. Mon. Epiph. 180

NN

‘fatherhood’

ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲧⲫⲱⲣⲓ̈ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤̅ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 187

NN

NN

No Coptic text

P. Mon. Epiph. 193

Christodorus

Apa Psan, the anchorite

No Coptic text

P. Mon. Epiph. 203

Jonah

Apa Elias, the presbyter

ⲡⲣ̣ⲉ̣ϥ̣ⲫⲱⲣⲉⲓ̣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩ̅ⲛ̅ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 261

Joseph, the humble sinner

Apa Isaac and Apa Elias

ⲛ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤̅ⲥ︥

P. Mon. Epiph. 306

Presbyter David

Apa Isaac

ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ̈ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤̅ⲣ̅ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 315

humble Peter

Apa John

ⲉⲧⲫoⲣⲓ̅ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤̅ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 329

NN (maybe Mena)

Epiphanius and others

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡ[ⲉⲭ︤̅ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲩⲙⲉ]

P. Mon. Epiph. 389

NN

NN anchorite

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ [ⲙ̄ⲡⲉ]ⲭ︤̅ⲥ︥

P. Mon. Epiph. 428

NN

perhaps Epiphanius

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ̈ ⲙ̄]ⲡⲉⲭ︤̅ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ︥ⲟ[ⲩⲙⲉ]

P. Mon. Epiph. 457

‘your sons’ Papnoute and Epiphanius

Cyriacus

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤̅ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲩⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 463

Joseph

Apa Epiphanius

ⲡⲁ[ⲓ ⲉⲧ]ⲫ[ⲟ]ⲣ̣ⲉ̣ ⲙⲡ[ⲉ]ⲭ︤ⲥ︥ ϩⲛ[ⲟⲩⲙⲉ]

P. Mon. Epiph. 473

Cyriacus, the man of Koeis

Apa Epiphanius, the anchorite

[---] ϩⲛⲟⲩⲙⲉ

P. Mon. Epiph. 474

NN

Epiphanius

ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ̈ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ︤̅ⲥ︥

P. Mon. Epiph. 516

NN

[Apa] Pesynthius

No Coptic text

P. Pisentius 3

‘his servants’

Pesynthius

ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲭⲥ︥ ϩⲛⲟⲩⲙⲉ

Boud’hors believes that ‘the title “who bears the Christ” is usual for ascetes of high rank’.95 In fact, it appears in this function as early as the fourth century.96 Obviously, in the Coptic material it is not limited to Thebes A. Boud’hors, ‘The Coptic ostraca of the Theban hermitage MMA 1151: 1. Letters (O. Gurna Górecki 12–68)’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 47 (2017), pp. 45–100, at p. 68. 96 P. Lond. VI 1926 (perhaps from Herakleopolites; Valeria to Apa Paphnutius): χρηστοφόρῳ. 95

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only.97 One should note the peculiar use of this title in O. Crum VC 82, which is a document in an epistolary form of unknown provenance and is addressed to ‘holy lordship who bears Christ in truth’, also called ‘fatherhood’ which all suggests a bishop. The addressee is, however, Apa Arbaam (Abraham?), the headman (ⲁⲡⲏ) of an unknown village.98 If Crum’s reading is correct, it must be assumed here that he was a senior clergyman who was a magistrate rather than a lay headman being defined as a Christbearer. We can therefore assume, with slight hesitation, that this title was reserved to prominent members of clergy and monastics – in the case of the latter it seems that they did not have to be ordained. The letters do not contain any coherent theological concept that could fill this epithet with deeper meaning. However, we have certain clues. Epiphanius, often referred to as ‘Christ-bearer’, is once referred to as ‘the ultimately glorious one because of all Christ’s virtues’.99 A Christ-bearer is therefore someone who faithfully follows the model of Christ’s life. Another letter mentions humility as the essential virtue of Christ to be followed: ‘If our Lord and the Lord of every one humbled himself for us, us men, because of our salvation, it is advisable for us, us men, to follow the pattern of humility in which our Lord became for us’.100 In neither of these two letters does the virtue seem to be related to monastic or ecclesiastical status, but is understood in a moral and ascetic aspect. Perhaps the same meaning is conveyed by an interesting description of Apa Isaac and Apa Elias ‘they who have given their souls for the name of the Lord Jesus Christ’.101 P. Ryl. Copt. 288v (the title refers to Bishop Taurinus). O. Crum VC 82, ll. 12–13: ⲧⲁⲁⲥ ⲛ̄ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲁⲣⲃⲁⲁⲙ ⲡⲁⲡⲏ ϩⲓⲧⲛⲥ̣.ⲁ̣ⲓ̣ⲟ̣. 99 P. Mon. Epiph. 164, ll. 3–4 (from Paul to Epiphanius): ⲉⲧϩⲁⲉ[ⲟⲟⲩ] ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛ̄ⲛ̄ⲁⲣⲉⲧⲏ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅; Crum compares this passage with three others, which are, however, different in wording and theological message; moreover, Christ is not mentioned in them; see P. Mon. Epiph. 184 verso (from John to Epiphanius): ⲉⲧϫⲏⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛ̅ⲁⲣⲉⲧⲏ ⲛⲓⲙ ‘perfect in all virtues’; the same phrase P. Mon. Epiph. 473, l. 7 (from Cyriacus to Epiphanius); P. Mon. Epiph. 483, l. 9 (from NN to Epiphanius). Note that all four epithets refer to Epiphanius. 100 P. Mon. Epiph. 143, ll. 13–19 (perhaps from Stephen to NN): ⲉϣϫⲉ ⲁⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲑⲃⲃⲓⲟϥ ϩⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲉⲛⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ⲡⲉⲧⲉϣϣⲉⲡⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲟⲩⲁϩⲛ ⲛⲥⲁⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲧ ⲙ̣ⲡⲉⲑⲃⲃⲓ ⲛⲧⲁⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛϩⲏⲧϥ ϩⲁⲣⲟⲛ. 101 P. Mon. Epiph. 169, ll. 12–14: ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲱ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲩⲯⲏⲭⲏ ϩⲁⲡⲣⲓ̈ⲛ ⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅. Crum, P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 199, surmises: ‘Can this refer to former persecution and “confession”?’. However, there is no further evidence for such an interpretation. 97 98

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We can find a broader justification in the hagiography. In the Life of Shenoute, we read: ‘He (i.e., Shenoute: PP) bore Christ, persevering in the recitation of the Scriptures and, as a consequence, his renown and his teachings were sweet in everyone’s mouth’.102 In the light of this passage, ‘bearing Christ’ consists in persevering recitation of Scripture followed by the internalization of the word of God. Christ, however, can reside not only in individual monks, but also in collective bodies, as echoed in Matt 18:20 ‘or where two or three gather in my name, there am I with them’. And so, in his letter a certain Pshere humbly greets ‘your (pl.) brotherly lordship which is in Christ, (namely) the whole diakonia, from small to great’.103 Spirit-bearer and the spiritual one In the Theban correspondence, there are only several references to a monk as having the Holy Spirit.104 105 Table 4. The term ‘Christ-bearer’ in Theban monastic letters From O. Monastery of NN Cyriacus 13

To

Text

Translation

‘your holiness’, name lost; perhaps Cyriacus

ϯ ⲛϣⲟⲣⲡ ⲙⲉⲛ ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕ / ⲛⲧⲉⲕϩⲁⲅⲓⲟ[ⲥⲩⲛⲏ] ⲁⲩⲱ ϯⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉ ⲙⲡⲉⲡ︤ⲛ̅ⲁ︥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲉⲧⲛϩⲏⲧⲕ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲣⲡⲉⲙⲉⲩⲉ ϩⲙⲡϥⲓ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲛⲛⲉⲕϭⲓϫ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ

Now, firstly I greet your holiness and I am asking the Holy Spirit that is in you to remember me with the raising of your holy hands.105

Life of Shenoute 11, transl. Bell, p. 45. P. Mon. Epiph. 178, ll. 7–9: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧ̅︤ⲛ̅ⲙ︤ⲛ̅ⲧ︥ϫⲟⲓ̈ⲥ ⲛ̄ⲥⲟⲛ ⲉⲧϩⲙ︥ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲧⲇⲁⲕⲁⲛⲓⲁ ⲧⲏⲣ̅ⲥ̅ ϫⲓ̣ⲛ̣ⲡⲕⲟⲩⲓ̈ ϣⲁⲛⲡⲛⲟϭ, transl. Crum (modified). 104 Apart from Thebes, we find such a term, e.g., in the graffiti from the Monastery of St Antony, SB Kopt. I 374, l. 5. 105 Transl. Hasznos, in: O. Monastery of Cyriacus, p. 57 (modified). 102 103

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Table 4. The term ‘Christ-bearer’ in Theban monastic letters (cont’d) From

To

Text

Translation

P. Mon. Epiph. 106

NN, ‘his servant’

Epiphanius

[ⲡ]ⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲉⲧⲙ̄ⲡϣⲁ ⲛ̣[--- ⲁⲩ]ⲱ̣ ⲛⲡⲛⲉⲩⲙⲁⲧⲟⲫⲟⲣ[ⲟⲥ ⲉ] ⲡⲓⲫⲁⲛⲓⲟⲥ (...) ϯⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉⲓ ⲁⲧⲣⲉⲕⲣⲡⲁⲙⲉⲩⲉ ϩ̅ⲛ̅ⲡⲃⲉⲓ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲕϭⲓϫ ⲧ̅ⲥ̅ ⲉⲧϣⲏⲡ ⲛ̄ⲛⲁϩⲣ̅ⲛ̅ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ

My holy lord father, worthy of [---] and Spirit-bearer, Epiphanius I entreat you to remember me in the raising up your hands (?), which are acceptable before God.106

P. Mon. Epiph. 163

Epiphanius Shenoute, lashane of Jeme and other representants of the castrum Jeme

ⲡⲉⲓⲧⲉⲧ̅ⲛ̅ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲧ̅ϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁⲧⲟϣ ⲛⲁⲛ ϩⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲛ̄ⲥⲧⲟⲓⲭⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲟϥ (...) ⲡⲙⲁⲓ̈ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲃ ⲛ̄ⲡⲛⲉⲩⲙⲁⲧⲟⲫⲟⲣⲟⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛ̄ⲉⲅⲕⲗⲏⲥⲧⲱⲥ ⲡⲉⲯⲁⲗⲙⲱⲇⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲃⲣⲣⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲫⲁⲛⲉⲓⲟⲥ

What your lord fatherhood shall decide for us under God, we accept it (…) the pious, holy father, the Spirit-bearer, and recluse, the new Psalmist, Apa Epiphanius.

P. Mon. Epiph. 200

Anastasius

ϯⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗ[ⲉⲓ . . . ⲛ̄ⲧ]ⲉ̣ⲧ̅ⲛ̅ⲙ̄ⲛ̅ⲧ̅[ⲡ]ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ [ϫⲉ]ⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁⲣ̄ⲡⲁⲙⲉⲩⲉ ϩⲛⲛⲉⲧ̅ⲛ̅ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲛⲁϩⲙⲛ︥ ⲁⲛⲉⲓⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲩϭⲛ ⲙⲟⲉⲓⲧ ⲁⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ (...) [ⲟⲩ]ⲁ̣ⲁⲃ ⲛ̄ⲡⲛⲉⲩⲙⲁⲧⲟⲫ/ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲫⲁⲛⲓⲟⲥ

I entreat [then?] your holy fatherhood that you would remember me in your holy prayers, that God may preserve us from these men that have found a way into the land (…) holy Spiritbearer Apa Epiphanius.

Epiphanius

The authors of the letters refer here to a term that is equivalent to the Greek πνευματοφόρος, ‘the Spirit-bearer’, in Coptic sometimes rendered in paraphrases. In the Coptic hagiography it falls within the standard characteristics of the holy monks.109 This appellation regularly refers to the Transl. Crum (modified). Transl. Crum (modified). There is a link between the title ‘new psalmist’ and ‘the Spiritbearer’ since the model psalmist David was so-called, see PGL, p. 1106, s.v. 2. 108 Transl. Crum (modified). 109 The Virtues of Saint Macarius 70, transl. Vivian, pp. 136–137; Life of Shenoute 53, transl. Bell, p. 57; Life of Macrobius of Tkoou, ed. and transl. Ten Hacken, p. 111: Macrobius of Tkoou addresses Moses of Abydus in the letter: ‘I throw myself down for the Spirit of God living inside you (ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲩ[ⲛⲉⲓ ⲙ̄]ⲡⲉⲡⲛ̄ⲁ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩ[ⲧⲉ ⲉⲧ]ⲟⲩⲏϩ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧⲕ̄)’. The reference to the Holy Spirit is analogical to the one found in O. Monastery of Cyriacus 13. 106 107

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saints of the past as well.110 Interestingly, however, the Theban letters contain only two specific, undoubtedly outstanding, figures to whom this epithet is applied: Epiphanius and Cyriacus. The epithet ‘the Spirit-bearer’ is much rarer and seems more ennobling than ‘Christ-bearer’. In these monastic letters where the name is preserved, another rare term is used for Epiphanius and Cyriacus: ‘the spiritual one’.111 From the letters presented above it is clear that the authors expected from the recipients the spiritual intervention in the prayer, and advice in spiritual and daily matter. The Spirit-bearer might be perceived as a medium of the wisdom of the Holy Spirit. Although the Theban material does not state this outright, in one of the letters it is said that God’s Wisdom dwells in Epiphanius. Apart from Cyriacus and Epiphanius, only Pesynthius is described as ‘Spirit-bearer’.112 One of the letters in his dossier contains the request ‘we entreat the Spirit of God who dwells in you (pl.) that you (pl.) listen to our prayers this time’.113 This phrase means that it was assumed that the presence of the Holy Spirit in pneumatophoros is relatively constant. The encomium on Pesynthius allows us to better understand the meaning of this term. Only once does it refer directly to an actual bishop. The author writes: ‘You did exercise (or, train) those who drew nigh unto you in the doctrine which was sound. You were a spiritual merchant (ⲁⲕϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛ̄ⲁⲕⲟⲣⲁⲓⲟⲥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕ̅ⲟⲛ), and therefore you did bestow graciously your good gifts upon every one with great gladness and readiness’.114 In other places it In Thebes in the letter O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II 47 (refers to the prophet Elisha); see also Kinderschenkung P. KRU 100 (refers to St Phoebammon, the saint patron of the Monastery). For the prophets as the Spirit-bearers, see PGL, p. 1106, s.v. 1. Lampe also gives examples of scriptural and ecclesiastical writers; see also G. Bunge, La paternità spirituale nel pensiero di Evagrio Pontico, Magnano 2009, p. 14. 111 P. Mon. Epiph. 133, l. 11 (ⲡ̅ⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕⲟⲥ; Epiphanius); P. Mon. Epiph. 134, l. 8 (ⲡⲛⲓⲕⲟⲥ; NN, perhaps Epiphanius); P. Mon. Epiph. 151, ll. 1–2 (ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲡⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕ̅ⲟⲥ; Cyriacus); P. Mon. Epiph. 416 (ⲡⲛⲓ̅ⲕ̄̄̅ⲟ̅ⲥ̅; NN, perhaps Epiphanius?). 112 P. Pisentius 7, l. 17 (ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲙⲡ︥ⲛⲓⲕⲟⲥ; from Pisrael to Pesynthius); P. Pisentius 45, ll. 1–2 (ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲙⲡ︥ⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕⲟⲥ; from NN to Pesynthius). Both letters are maintained in the tone of exceptional reverence. 113 P. Pisentius 3, ll. 9–12: ⲧⲛⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲡⲛ̅ⲁ̅ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲏϩ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧⲧⲏⲩⲧⲛ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲧⲛ︥ⲥⲱⲧⲙ (ⲉ)ⲡⲉⲛϫⲓⲛⲥⲟⲡⲥ ϩⲱⲛ ⲡⲉⲓⲥⲟⲡ. 114 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 38a, ed. Budge, pp. 90 (text), 278 (transl., modified). 110

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is added that Pesynthius considered the spiritual meaning of the Scriptures, understood all the parables of the Gospel and knew their spiritual models (ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇⲉⲓⲅⲙⲁ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲙ̅ⲡⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕⲟⲛ) and interpretations (ⲛⲉⲩϩⲣ̄ⲙⲓⲛⲓⲁ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕⲟⲛ),115 was a composer of spiritual scriptures (ⲛ̄ⲥⲩⲙⲓ̄ⲱⲅⲣⲁⲫⲱⲥ ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲡⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕⲟⲛ);116 his words as a monastic teacher had spiritual meanings,117 and in general he was ‘perfect in spiritual knowledge (ⲁⲕⲑⲉⲱ̄ⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲥⲟⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲗⲓⲟⲛ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕⲟⲛ)’.118 All these passages clearly indicate that the spiritual nature of Pesynthius consisted in his proficiency in understanding and interpreting the Scriptures, related to his learnedness, not asceticism. It is tempting to understand the terms ‘the spiritual one’ and ‘the Spirit-bearer’ in the documentary letters in this way too, especially if we consider God’s Wisdom possessed by Epiphanius. It is well known from the Sayings of the Desert Fathers that the Spiritbearer was believed to have a special access to God and his prayer was more effective than others. In the saying about Macarius the Great, the evil spirit recognized Macarius and confessed: You are Macarius, the Spirit-bearer. Whenever you take pity on those who are in torments, and pray for them, they feel a little respite.119

Of course, the notion of the Holy Spirt within the monk might refer also to specific spiritual gifts. The saying referring to Antony makes it clear what the authors of the letters might have had in mind: Some say of Saint Anthony that he was ‘Spirit-bearer’ (πνευματοφόρος), that is, carried along by the Holy Spirit, but he would never speak of this to John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 51a, ed. Budge, pp. 100 (text), 292 (transl.). John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 53a, ed. Budge, pp. 102 (text), 294 (transl.). Budge translates: ‘a skilled reader of spiritual omens and portents’. For σημειογράφος, see F. Preisigke, Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden mit Einschluss der griechischen Inschriften, Aufschriften, Ostraka, Mumienschilder, usw., aus Ägypten, Berlin 1925, col. 455, s.v. (‘Kurzhandshriftlehrer’); LSJ, s.v. (‘shorthand writer’). It seems that this term is not so much about someone who reads the spiritual compositions, but someone who writes them down. 117 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 37a, ed. Budge, pp. 89 (text), 277 (transl.): ⲛⲉⲕϣⲁϫⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲙ̄ⲙⲱⲛⲁⲭⲟⲥ ϩⲛ︥ ϩⲉⲛⲃⲱⲗ ⲡⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲕⲟⲛ. 118 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 54a, ed. Budge, pp. 103 (text), 295 (transl.). 119 AP, Macarius the Great 38, transl. Ward, p. 136 (= AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 226, p. 66). 115

116

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men. Such men see what is happening in the world, as well as knowing what is going to happen.120

The most detailed account on the nature of a Spirit-bearer was given by Poemen concerning Macarius the Great: Every time I met Abba Macarius I did not say a single word without his already knowing of it because he was a Spiritbearer and possessed a prophetic spirit, like Elijah and the other prophets, for he was clothed with humility like a cloak through the power of Paraclete who dwelt in him.121

The powers of a Spirit-bearer were ultimately understood as the actions of the Spirit itself since the Spirit dwelling in a holy monk was able to act at a distance.122 The first ability means the knowledge of the hidden things (dioratikon, Copt. ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ); the second indicates clairvoyance. The gift of knowing hidden things, especially human intentions, appears quite often in monastic literature and in hagiography.123 In the Theban hagiographies, however, only Anba Jonas of Hermonthis had a reputation of knowing hidden things.124 It is difficult to find any references to a dioratikon in monastic correspondence. It may be tempting, however, to put forward such an interpretation for one of the letters sent by Tsia (who is not quite the same as ‘mother’ Tsie) to Frange. She is convinced that Frange can help her: ‘I rely on God and your love since you are able to reveal this thing’.125 In P. Mon. Epiph. 163, the authors of the letter had probably these kinds of spiritual gifts in mind when included ‘the Spirit-bearer’ into long list of AP, Antony 30, PG 65 85B, transl. Ward, p. 7 (modified). The Virtues of Saint Macarius 83, ed. Amélineau, p. 202, transl. Vivian, p. 148. 122 Such an idea underpins the Virtues of Saint Macarius 70, ed. Amélineau, p. 186, transl. Vivian, p. 137: ‘The comforting Holy Spirit that dwells in Abba Macarius will show us a sign and will guide us in peace to Abba Macarius’. The Spirit is meant to act in absence of Macarius himself. 123 E.g., Life of Shenoute 13, transl. Bell, p. 46. Shenoute knew the sins of the men approaching him. 124 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 2 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, p. 521 [487]. 125 O. Frange 320: ⲉⲓ̈ⲑⲁⲣⲉ̣[ⲓ ⲅ]ⲁⲣ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲕⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲟⲩⲛϣϭⲟⲙ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲕ ⲛⲅ̄ⲟⲩⲱⲛϩ̄ ⲡⲉⲓ̈ϩⲱⲃ ⲉⲃ[ⲟⲗ]. 120 121

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elaborated honorific appellations. Nevertheless, in wider context of hagiographical literature, the dwelling of the Spirit might also refer to perfect ascesis126 or spiritual recognition (diakrisis) and advice.127 Finally, it is worth noting that in monastic Theban letters, apart from christophoros and pneumatophoros, there are very few appellations coined according to the same pattern and which we know through hagiography,128 like ‘the God-bearer’ and ‘the Cross-bearer’ – θεοφόρος and σταυροφόρος.129 Angel and other angelic appellations The Coptic letters contain seventeen letters featuring quite peculiar greetings directed towards the angels of the monastic addressees. Below I present a full list of them. Of these seventeen letters, as many as thirteen certainly hail from Western Thebes, from three different monastic centres: Topos of Epiphanius (8), Hermitage of Frange (3), the Monastery of Phoebammon (1). The provenance of O. Crum VC 39 is certainly Theban, though the exact place of origin is unknown. In the case of SB Kopt. I 292 Theban origin is highly plausible, O. Crum 384 came from Dendera, P. Lond. Copt. I 1121 from Hermopolites, and O. Mich. Copt. 10 is of unknown origin. Although the publisher, William H. Worrell, considers the latter to have been written very early (fourth century), he does not provide any grounds for such early dating. The Theban ostraca come from the seventh and eighth centuries. Life of John Khame, ed. and transl. Davis, p. 31: ‘the power of Holy Spirit which rested within him (ⲡⲓⲡ̅ⲛ̅ⲁ̅ ⲉⲑⲟⲩⲁⲃ ⲫⲁⲓ ⲉ̄ⲧⲁϥⲙ̄ⲧⲟⲛ ⲙⲙⲟϥ), because of his purity’. 127 When Palladius quotes Evagrius’ opinion about Ammonius, he describes the former as a Spirit-bearing and prudent man to emphasize his authority – ὁ μακάριος Εὐάγριος ἀνὴρ πνευματοφόρος καὶ διακριτικός: Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XI 5, ed. Bartelink, p. 54, phrase attested only in the longer recension (metaphrastic text) 128 E.g., Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 9. 129 The term θεοφόρος is applied to Pesynthius in P. Pisentius 15 (from Presbyter Psan, Deacon Phanes and Lashane Pjijoui to Bishop Pesynthius) and P. Pisentius 52 + O. Crum ST 176 (from Anastasius to Bishop Pesynthius). Apa Peter is called θεοφόρος in P. Berlin inv. 11346, l. x+6 (ed. Camplani, ‘A pastoral epistle’ [cit. n. 54]). Camplani acknowledges the connection of this term with the Theban area. 126

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Table 5. Angelic appellations in Theban monastic letters From

To

Coptic text

Translation 130

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II ad. 6 Deir el-Bahari (the Monastery of Phoibammon) probably 7th c.

NN

Abbot of the Monastery of Phoebammon (uncertain)131

ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲩⲛⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛ︥ⲑⲉⲟⲫⲓⲗⲉⲓⲁ, ⲉⲧⲧⲁⲓⲏⲩ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲥⲙⲟⲧ̣ ⲛ̣ⲓⲙ

I fall before the angel of your (pl.) love of God, that is venerable in all manner.

O. Crum 384 Tentyris (Dendera) undated

NN

NN

ⲟⲩⲛ ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲡⲟⲕⲣⲓⲥⲓⲥ ⲛⲁⲓ ϩⲓⲧⲛⲡⲓⲓⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲛⲧⲁⲓϫⲟⲟⲩϥ ϣⲁⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲩ

If he find thy charity at home to-morrow, then send the answer by the boy I sent to your (sing.) angel. (transl. Crum, modified)

O. Crum VC 39

Bishop Isaac

ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ϩⲱ̄ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲓ̈ⲟⲕⲛⲉⲓ Bishop ⲉⲧⲟϣϥ︥ ⲉⲓ̈ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ϫⲉ Michaias (of Hermonthis)132 ϣⲁⲣⲉⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉⲓ ⲛⲁⲓ̈

I, for my part, hesitated not to appoint him, knowing that your (sing.) angel had me at command. (transl. Crum, modified)

O. Frange 8 Frange Western Thebes 1st half of the 8th c.

Peter, ‘my father’

ⲉⲓ̈ⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲓⲭⲛⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲕⲟⲩⲉⲣⲏⲧⲉ̣ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲕϩⲁⲅⲓⲟ̄ⲥⲩⲛⲏ

I greet the trace of your (sing.). feet and your (sing.) holy angel, and your (sing.) sanctity.

O. Frange 38 Frange Western Thebes 1st half of the 8th c.

Apa Job, the presbyter and ‘head’, and Apa Peter, the presbyter

ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲩⲛⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ

I fall before your (pl.) angel.

O. Frange 56 Frange Western Thebes 1st half of the 8th c.

Pher, ‘my brother’

ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲩⲛⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ

I fall before your (sing.) angel.

Bold refers to the Coptic text when the translation gives a wide context. O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II, p. 342. There is no certainty whether the letter was addressed to Abraham of Hermonthis. 132 O. Crum VC, p. 20; K. A. Worp, ‘A checklist of bishops in Byzantine Egypt’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 100 (1994), pp. 283–318, at p. 299; O. Lips. Kopt. II, vol. 1, pp. 164–165. 130 131

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Table 5. Angelic appellations in Theban monastic letters (cont’d) From

To

Coptic text

Translation

P. Lond. Copt. 1121 Hermopolites 6th–8th c.

Presbyter Constantine

NN bishop

ϯⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲉⲗⲉⲓ ⲙⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ [ⲉ]ⲧⲧⲁⲓⲏ[ⲩ] ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲓⲕⲟⲩⲓ

I ask your (pl.) venerable angel for this boy.

O. Mich. Copt. 10 Provenance unknown133 probably 4th c.

NN

NN

ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲩⲛⲉ ⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲅ̣ⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲃ

I fall before your (sing.) holy angel.

P. Mon. Epiph 113 Western Thebes

NN

NN

ⲙⲛ̄ ⲡⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ

I salute the sweetness of your piety and your sanctity and your (pl.) angel.

P. Mon. Epiph 118 Western Thebes

NN

Apa Isaac and Apa Elias

ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ

Our humility [worships] the sweetness of the footstoll of your (pl.) holy angel [diffused?] everywhere.

P. Mon. Epiph. 188 Western Thebes

Humble Paul Apa Isaac and Apa Elias

ⲉϥϣⲱⲡ ϩⲙⲟⲧ ⲛ̄ⲧⲟⲟⲧⲥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ

Do the kindness then, so that he come unto me, having found favour at the hands of your (pl.) holy angel.

P. Mon. Epiph. 203 Western Thebes

Jonah

ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥϭⲓⲛⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ

I fall before your (pl.) d holy angel and thy brotherly love.

P. Mon. Epiph. 239 Western Thebes

Christodorus NN

ϯⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ

Before (coming to) the matter, I salute your (pl.) holy angel.

P. Mon. Epiph. 241 Western Thebes

Humble Joseph

Father Isaac

ϯⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ

I salute your (sing.) holy angel.

P. Mon. Epiph. 411 Western Thebes

NN

NN

ⲡⲓⲕⲭⲛⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲛⲟⲩⲣⲏⲧⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ

I do obeisance unto the footprints of your angel.

133

133

Purchased in Cairo.

Apa Elias, presbyter, ‘pious ascete’

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Table 5. Angelic appellations in Theban monastic letters (cont’d) From

To

Coptic text

Translation

P. Mon. Epiph. 431 Western Thebes

‘your humble Apa Psan, the son’ Apa anachorite Victor

ⲉⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲱⲡⲟⲛ

I fall before and salute the dust of the feet of your holy fatherhood, until the good God make me worthy to behold your (sing.) angel face (or ‘face to face’).

SB Kopt. I 292 probably from Thebes undated

NN

ϯⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲩⲛⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲁⲑⲟⲥ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲡⲉⲧⲛ︥ⲥⲟⲟ̣ⲩ{ⲟⲩ}ϩ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲛ̄ⲕⲟⲓⲛⲱⲛⲓⲕ[ⲁ] ⲉⲧϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ

I greet and I fall before your (pl.) good angel and your (pl.) gathering alltogether134 which is with angels.

Apa Constantine, Apa Ananias, ‘my father’ Apa Victor, and my lords NN

134

We know of two Greek papyri which contain a similar phrase.135 P. Yale inv. 1773 is from Bawit and is dated to late sixth / early seventh century. The addressee is ‘the most revered and most God-fearing Father Ammonios’.136 P. Sorb. inv. 2.308 is addressed to Apa John, who is called by many honorific titles, as ‘your holiness’, ‘the most pious’, and also ‘your good angel’ (ὁ σὸς ἀγαθὸς ἄγγελος). The provenance of the letter is unknown, and it is also broadly dated to between the fourth and sixth centuries.137 The expression ‘your (pl.) angel’ (ὑμέτερος ἄγγελος) is also present in Barsanuphius’ letters to bishops.138

Förster, Wörterbuch (cit. n. 31), p. 426: ‘gemeinsam, im Gemeinschaftsbesitz befindlich’. They are given by Krueger, O. Lips. Kopt. II, vol. 1, p. 163. 136 P. Yale inv. 1773 (= SB X 10269), see H. C. Youtie, ‘P. Yale inv. 1773’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 16 (1975), pp. 259–264. 137 P. Sorb. inv. 2.308 (= SB X 10522), see B. Boyaval, ‘Quatre papyrus byzantins de la Sorbonne’, Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 65 (1965), pp. 45–55. 138 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 792, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 3, p. 254; see also Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 824 (to bishop of Jerusalem). 134 135

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So, it follows that the appellative ‘your angel’ is not a purely local phenomenon, limited to the wider Theban area (Dendera is located about 70 kilometres down the Nile from Thebes), but it is nonetheless an expression strongly characteristic of the region. Although all these letters point towards the authors’ deep respect for their addressees, their focus is put not on monastic or ecclesiastical rank, but simply on the monastic piety. As for the context of this term in the letters, only in the case of two aforementioned presbyters does Frange say anything about the definition of an angel. It is an entity ‘who gathers you in the community of Christ’s apostles, in unity’,139 thus ensuring their fidelity to orthodoxy and to the community of the Church. It is unlikely, however, that an angel’s role was understood in the same way every time, especially when the addressee was just one person. It is difficult to say, however, what beliefs underlie the application of angelic titles to addressees. The references to the angels of the churches present in the Revelation of John seem superficial.140 We neither have certainty what this term meant in the Revelation nor was there any consensus on this issue in late antiquity. Moreover, the phrase ‘your’ angel does not appear in any of the letters to the seven churches. Below I shall consider four hypotheses. The term ‘your angel’ may mean: (1) a conventional acknowledgement of one’s authority, (2) a greeting directed at the guardian angel of a particular person or (3) a specific place. Finally, (4) it may be the case that the monk himself was considered an angel (which, in turn, may have a few interpretations). 1. Describing monks as angels may be considered a purely conventional element of epistolary rhetoric. Even Evagrius Ponticus already recognized that superiors ought to be treated like angels: We should honour our elders like the angels, for it is they who anoint us for the struggles and who heal the wounds inflicted by the wild beasts.141 O. Frange 38, ll. 8–10: ⲉⲧⲥⲱⲟⲩϩ ⲙ̄ⲙⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲕⲟⲓⲛⲱⲛⲓⲁ ⲛ̣ⲛⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲟⲩⲁ. Apoc. 2:1; this is the passage cited in the commentaries by the publishers and translator of Barsanuphius’ letters. 141 Evagrius, Practicus 100, transl. Sinkiewicz, p. 113; cf. Historia Cypriani Magi, fol. 89r., ed. Bilabel, pp. 137 (text), 193 (transl.). Presbyter Eusebius, who admonishes Cyprian here, is called ‘my father and local angel’ (ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲩ). 139

140

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WORDS AND TEXTS

The angelic titles used to address bishops seem far less out-of-place when approaching them from this point of view. A very interesting hagiographic example comes from the vicinity of Thebes. In the Encomium, among other epithets, Pesynthius is also referred to as ‘angel of the Lord of Powers’.142 Although such a use seems to be confirmed by O. Crum VC 39 and the Encomium, titles of this type are very rare and by no means belong to a set of standard expressions. In the extensive dossiers of Andrew, Abraham and Pesynthius it is a marginal exception. The decision to address monks or bishops (they were monks as well) in such a way must have been motivated by more than their episcopal rank. Angelicity is therefore by no means a synonym of power, seniority or authority, although it does often go hand in hand with them. 2. It may seem tempting to consider the angels invoked in the letters as guardian angels of particular monks,143 especially since the cited Theban letters speak of ‘your angel’, separating the monk from the angel grammatically. Although Coptic letters were often addressed to abstract concepts such as ‘your fatherhood’, ‘your piety’, etc., which of course should be directly applied to the addressee, in the case of an angel this is not abstractum, but rather a person-like entity. Interestingly, however, in view of the developed angelology of the Egyptian church, and especially in the literature written in Coptic, the absence of the concept of a guardian angel is striking. Angels do intervene in people’s lives, but always in specific situations, and are not bound to them for life. According to Shenoute, angels accompany only the pious: ‘Those with whom the angels are secretly on earth because of their righteousness, they are those with whom they also shall be in the kingdom’144 and people must seek angelic intervention through God in order to ward off evil John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 74a, ed. Budge, p. 119 (text): ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲙⲡϫⲥ ⲛⲛϭⲟⲙ, p. 314 (transl.). 143 So Youtie, ‘P. Yale inv. 1773’ (cit. n. 136), p. 261; the most recent work on guardian angels is E. Muehlberger, Angels in Late Ancient Christianity, Oxford 2013, pp. 89–147. 144 Shenoute, A Priest Will Never Cease, Ms. Michigan 158,20d, ll. 41–49, ed. Young, pp. 163 (text), 167 (transl., modified). Angels could accompany particularly pious monks also in a visible form. I do not know such an example from Egypt, but in southern Palestine such an angel was attributed to Silvanus, Hermias Sozomen, Historia ecclesiatica VI 32. 142

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spirits.145 It is true that Evagrius Ponticus mentions angels who teach people on earth and will accompany them in the afterworld, although this concept was not developed any further.146 In apophthegms and hagiographic accounts, angels (and satans) are sometimes seen by saintly monks as heavenly reflections of the virtue (or vice) of individual monks.147 These spirits, however, are not active, but, in a way, mirror the moral state of a given monk. Taking this approach, greeting someone through their angel may be a mean to acknowledge one’s pious way of life. 3. Much more common than any mention of angels looking after specific people, are references to angels guarding particular monasteries or even cells.148 The idea of such a place-angel relation appears in hagiographic literature (a good example would be the Life of John Khame149), but we may also find examples in monastic correspondence from the Theban area. 1. O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 63/3 (undated, Monastery of Apa Ezekiel,150 from the brethren of the Well – Aaron of Topos of Apa Ezekiel–to a wealthy layman Psan, with regard to his offering): ‘Do not destroy your commitment to the topos, so that the angel of topos in the desert shall bless you (ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉ Shenoute, Acephalous Work A13, Ms. Michigan 158, 14a, ll. 37–48, ed. Young, pp. 169–171 (text and transl.): ‘We pray to God that his angels may abide with us and we with them, while they protect us and chase every unclean spirit and every demon from Christ’s house and his establishments’. 146 Evagrius, Kephalaia gnostica III 65, transl. Ramelli, p. 179: ‘Those angels who taught human beings from the earth, in the world to come will constitute them heirs of their direction’. The lack of reception of this concept may have to be associated with the almost complete erasure of Evagrius in Coptic literature. 147 AP, Paul the Simple 1, ed. PG 65, coll. 381B–385B (= AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 191, pp. 47–49); cf. AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 196. 148 See recently Krueger in: O. Lips. Copt. II, vol. 1, pp. 161–162. 149 Life of John Khame, ed. and transl. Davis, p. 33: ‘The angels shall visit thy monastery and shall watch over thy children, that no traitor break through the walls of thy dwelling-place for ever’. 150 In the Hall’s edition there is no provenance given. D. Brooks Hedstrom, The Monastic Landscape of Late Antique Egypt, Cambridge 2017, p. 83, describes this ostracon as a Theban one. Its provenance was established by F. Krueger, ‘The papyrological rediscovery of the Monastery of Apa Ezekiel and Bishop Andrew of Hermonthis (6th century): Preliminary report on the edition of the Coptic ostraca at the Leipzig University Library’, Journal of Coptic Studies 21 (2019), pp. 73–114, at pp. 86–88. 145

84

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ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ϫⲁⲓ̈ⲉ ⲛⲁⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ) and your children and your cattle and everybody who is with you’. 2. O. Lips. Kopt. II 10 (2nd half of the 6th c., Hermonthite, from Andrew to Apa Samuel, a commission for delivery; partially preserved): a phrase ‘angel of Apa[---]’ appears. 3. O. Lips. Kopt. II 83 (6th c., Hermonthite, from Andrew to Elias, wealthy layman; the request for delivery of some goods): ‘then the angel of the Topos shall bless you’.151 4. O. Crum 383: (undated, probably Theban area,152 from the humble Elias, to the ‘holy father Apa Stephan, the presbyter’): ‘I will come and worship the angel of the holy place’ (ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲙⲡⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ; transl. Crum, modified). 5. SB Kopt. II 895 (undated, Thebes, from ‘Eusebius, the humble’, to ‘my venerable fathers in Jesus Christ, Deacon Peter and brothers’): ‘I salute the angel of the holy topos’ (ϯⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲩⲛⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ). 6. SB Kopt. III 1353 (undated, Thebes, from the humblest Antony, to Kanah the ⲡⲟⲩⲱ̄ϩⲉ, request for a camel for monastery), ‘as for the angel of Topos Eleamon bless you’ (ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉ̣ⲣⲉ̣ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉ̣ⲗⲟ̣ⲥ̣ ⲙⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟ̣ⲥ̣ ⲉ̣ⲗ̣ⲉ̣ⲁⲙ̣(ⲱⲛ) ⲥ̣ⲙ̣ⲟ̣ⲩ̣ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ̣). 7. O. Crum VC 40: (7th c., Thebes, from Bishop Abraham), ‘and the angels of God are over (?) [---] my (?) dwelling-place’ (transl. Crum).153

However, we also know of similar references to angels that are associated with certain places from outside Thebes. In Bawit, even specific monastic rooms had their own angels. They were referred to as ‘angels of the vault’. And so, one of the dipinti says: ⳨ ⲓ︤ⲥ̄ ⲡⲉⲭ︤ⲥ̅︥ ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲛⲧⲓ̈ⲕⲏⲡⲉ ⲁⲣⲓⲙⲡⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲙⲡⲁⲥⲟⲛ ϩⲏⲗⲓⲁⲥ ⲯⲱⲅⲣⲁⲫⲟⲥ ⲙⲛⲡⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲧⲁⲟⲩϯⲕⲟⲛⲓⲁ ⲉⲧⲕⲏⲡⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲩⲥⲱⲕⲣⲁⲫⲏ ⲙⲙⲟⲥ ⲁⲣⲓ̈ⲧⲁⲕⲁⲡⲏ ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲟⲩ ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲛⲧⲉⲩϩⲁⲏ ⲉϥⲟⲗ ⲉⲥⲉⲣϣⲁⲟⲩ ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ. Jesus Christ. Angel of this vault, remember my brother Elias the painter and Papnoute, who whitewashed the vault and who painted it. Have pity to pray for them as the God send them the valuable end.154 Krueger, ‘The papyrological rediscovery’ (cit. n. 150), p. 83. According to Trismegistos. 153 The connection of the angels with the cell is not certain here due to damage to the text. 154 J. Maspero & É. Drioton, Fouilles exécutées à Baouit [= Mémoires publiées par les membres de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire 59], Cairo 1932 [= I. Baouit], no. 60; for similar terms, see nos 59, 203, 244, 296. 151

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This belief was not limited to only one profession among the monks, however. We also find similar reference in an inscription written by a monk who was not involved in construction or completion works: ⲡⲓⲱⲧ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲡⲉⲡⲛⲉⲩⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲛⲡⲉⲓⲧⲱⲡⲟⲥ ⲣⲁⲓⲥ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲍⲁⲭⲉⲟⲥ ⲡⲣⲉϥⲱϣ Father, Son, Holy Spirit, Angel of this place guard over me, I Zacchaeus, the reader.155

Invoking angels of specific monasteries or cells has equivalent in references to angels of particular altars.156 It is impossible to say with certainty whether this was the original expression, which was later moved from monastic churches to the entire area of the monastery and its non-residential premises in a form of ‘the angel of the monastery’, or if it is simply an analogous practice resulting from the general belief that angels who guard places exist. However, it seems that that we have circumstantial evidence indicating a specific source of the depiction of altar angels. In the Canons of Athanasius we read that: It is said that bells of gold should be hanged upon the garment of Aaron, that the angels who guard the altar might hear their noise (…) as they entered in and were hid from view, that they might not die, if haply they should enter suddenly – for the altar can never remain without an angel (?),

Maspero & Drioton, Fouilles (cit. n. 154), no. 195, ll. 1–6. Undoubtedly, in the case of some altar angels we are dealing with altars in monastic churches. P. KRU 84 (ad 770, ‘Kinderschenkung’), ll. 19–20: ⲁⲛⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕ/ ⲛⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲛⲡⲉⲑⲩⲥⲓⲁⲥⲧⲉⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ (‘I ask the angel of the holy altar’) refers to the church in the Monastery of Phoebammon; similarily, in another Schenungsurkunde (P. KRU 84). The angel of the altar in the last will of Peter, the abbot of the same monastery, refers to the Monastery of Phoebammon (SB 1 4319 & ad. p. 668 + P. KRU 77; W. Till, Die koptischen Rechtsurkunden aus Theben, Vienna 1964, pp. 146–147). However, there is also an inscription from a church in Jeme, which was not a monastic church: SB Kopt. II 1240. I am not aware of any papyrological evidence from the area outside Thebes in which this kind of phraseology appeared, but it occurs in hagiography; see, e.g., Benjamin of Alexandria, De nuptiis apud Canam 19v–20r, ed. Mikhail, pp. 65 (text), 39 (transl.). The belief that an angel can distribute the Eucharistic bread from the altar was already present in Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XVIII 25. 155 156

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nay not for an instant or the twinkling of an eye – therefore must they (i.e., the clergy) do the service in purity.157

Since the author of the Canons of Athanasius (who was not Athanasius of Alexandria) shared the Bible-based belief that angels were constantly present at the altar, it seems to have been present among the Egyptian clergy, and it explains well the expression ‘angel of the altar’.158 According to Frederic Krueger, angel of the topos is identical with the holy patron of a given monastery, either martyr (as in the case of Phoebammon) or revered monk from the past (as in the case of the Monastery of Ezekiel).159 In the phrases quoted, however, this angel is never named, which makes one wonder if this is the simplest explanation. I would be inclined to see in the image of the angels of the topos an extension of the biblical-liturgical concept of the angels of the altar, where the focal point of the monastery would be the altar of the church. In the context of the Theban angelic greetings, it would mean that they indicate a special relationship between the addressee and the angel (not saintly patron) of the monastery, but rather not directly with the angel of the altar. The Topos of Epiphanius did not have its own church, and we do not know whether all the addressees of the ‘angelic’ letters were presbyters or at least deacons, and therefore whether they belonged to those who approached the altar directly. Therefore, it does not seem that there was a direct connection between ‘your angel’ greeted in the letters and the angel of the place. This context may have played a role in the addresses to monks – members of clergy but was not explicitly marked anywhere. 4. Due to the poorly developed theology of personal guardian angels, it seems most likely, however, that the angels greeted – despite the grammatical Canones Athanasii 7, transl. Riedel & Crum, pp. 15–16, comments in the brackets are by the translators. The passage in background is 1 Kgs 4:4 LXX (= 1 Sam 4:4). The term for ‘angel’ is general Arabic ‫ ; مالك‬the ‘altar’ is also a common ‫ذبح‬, see G. Graf, Verzeichnis arabischer kirchlicher Termini [= Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 147. Subsidia 8], Leuven 1954, p. 48; cf. Canones Athanasii, intr., transl. Riedel & Crum, p. 4. 158 There are still other biblical passages linking altars with angels, see Is 6:6–7; Rev 8:3–5; Rev 14:18. The invocation to the angel of the altar finds its place also at the end of the eucharistic liturgy in the Coptic Church. I am not aware how ancient is this custom. 159 See Krueger, in: O. Lips. Kopt. II, vol. 1, pp. 162–165. 157

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form that separates a monk from an angel – are the monks themselves. Associating monks with angels is not unusual. It was a topos to describe the monastic way of life as an angelic life,160 and in the hagiographic literature angels often intervene in the monastic life in various ways. However, identifying a monk with an angel is something else. It could have acquired varying intensity. A monk could just resemble an angel in appearance, behavior or attitude. We can find such comparisons already in the earliest monastic correspondence. They are also very common in apophthegms and early hagiography. Arsenius resembled an angel in stature, hair and even the beard.161 According to the Historia monachorum, Theon had an angel’s face, joy in his eyes and he was all full of grace.162 Or ‘looked just like an angel’, and further emphasis is put on his old age, white beard and radiant face.163 The clarity or radiance of the face already goes beyond ordinary human reality, being a particularly clear sign of approaching the angelic state. Silvanus’ body and face shone just like an angel.164 However, the external symptoms are only a manifestation of internal transformation. The monk, whose name is unknown, was described as an angel in connection with his (largely unspecified) power, which was the result of perfect conversion.165 160 Historia monachorum in Aegypto, prol. 5, ed. Festugière, p. 7: πολλοὺς πατέρας ἀγγελικὸν βίον βιοῦντας κατὰ μίμησιν τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν θεοῦ ἐρχομένους. The author equates angelic life with following the Saviour. It is worth noting that in Christian theology, angels do not follow Christ, but worship Him. Rufinus blurs this theologically dubious thought in his translation: ‘multos patres caelestem vitam in terra positos agentes’; cf. P. Cair. Masp. II 67182, l. 4, in which Dioscorus of Aphrodito worships an unknown person entering the monastery, describing this way of life as βίον [ἀ]γγελι̣ῶ̣ ν̣α. According to Dioscorus, it is the very admission to the monastery, and not ascetic perfection, that allows one to enter angelic life. 161 AP, Arsenius 48. 162 Historia monachorum in Aegypto VI 1. 163 Historia monachorum in Aegypto II 1, transl. Russell, p. 63. 164 AP, Silvanus 12. 165 Historia monachorum in Aegypto X 19, ed. Festugière, p. 83: οὐκ ἄνθρωπον ἀλλ’ ἄγγελον τῷ Χριστῷ παριστῶν. Here it is a case of rhetoric of hyperbolization; there is no indication that the author of Historia monachorum actually believed that a human being could become an angel.

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Even in the monastic letters from as early as the fourth century, we see a tendency towards the angelization of monks. The author of P. Lond. VI 1920 asks Paieous and his fellow brothers from the monastery in Hathor to make items of clothing. Paieous is described with a particular reverence therein: P. Lond. VI 1920 (= SB Kopt. III 1311), ll. 7–9 (probably Hermopolite nome, c. 330–340): ‘I greet you (pl.) much in the Lord, desiring to see your face as it were the face of angels’ (ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡϩⲟ ⲛ̄ϩⲉⲛⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ).166

This is not so far removed from the term applied to Epiphanius in P. Mon. Epiph. 431. In the commentary on P. Lond. VI 1920, Crum suggests that a passage from the Acts, referring to the first martyr Stephen (Acts 6:15), may underlie this type of phraseology. ‘And all those who were in the council, looking at him, saw that his face was as the face of an angel’. Moreover, angelicity could be manifested in the actions and attitudes that constituted a whole ‘angelic life’.167 John the Theban was called an angel by his abba because of his humility and patience.168 Bes was supposed to act like an angel, but we do not know what this involved. Perhaps this angelicity should be associated with the special humility mentioned immediately in the next sentence.169 It was precisely humility that Evagrius Ponticus straightforwardly called the virtue of angels.170 Similarly, the Gnomai of the Council of Nicea recognize obedience as the virtue of angels: ‘God loves those who are obedient to him. Those who are obedient to him are upright in their inclination. A man’s inclination is in his deeds. Thus, some men are called angels and some are called demons’.171 Transl. Crum, P. Lond. VI, p. 93. K. S. Frank, ΒΙΟΣ ΑΓΓΕΛΙΚΟΣ. Begriffsanalytische und begriffsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zum „engelgleichen Leben“ im frühen Mönchtum, Münster 1964; Muehlberger, Angels [cit. n. 143], pp. 148–175. 168 AP, John the Theban 1. 169 Historia monachorum in Aegypto IV 1. 170 Coptic Palladiana, Evagrius 25, transl. Vivian, p. 86. This part is missing in the Greek text by Palladius. 171 Gnomai of the Council of Nicaea 1, 11–12, ed. and transl. Stewart, pp. 30–31. 166

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John Khame was said to lead his monks in angelic works (ϯⲉⲣⲅⲁⲥⲓⲁ̄ ⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲕⲟⲛ )172 – but here we do not know anything specific. The worship of God, however, was considered to be an angelic activity per se. In such worship, monks too could act similarly to angels.173 It first and foremost means an unceasing prayer, which John Cassian describes directly as elevating the mind to the level of angels.174 We also find references to the monastic habit as a synecdoche of the angelic life of monks. Of course, in a purely technical sense, a schema is simply a monastic habit, but in theological texts it is primarily an outward form, the element which appears to outsiders – in this sense the term was also used to describe the human body of Christ,175 and therefore not only what Christ was like, but also who he actually was. The bishop’s identity with Christ was emphasized by the use of this term in O. Crum 209 from Western Thebes (Hermonthis is mentioned in the letter) where the bishop is defined as the one who wears the schema of Christ (ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲛⲧⲉⲥⲭⲏⲙⲁ ⲙⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅). Furthermore, the monks who wear the schema of angels (ⲡⲓⲥⲭⲏⲙⲁ ⲛⲧⲉⲛⲓⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ),176 not only live a particularly pious life, but in a certain sense, they turn into angels. This also finds its manifestation outside literature. On the grave stele of the monk Mina, son of Chael (undated, of unknown origin, confiscated in Fayoum), we read: SB Kopt. IV 1953,177 ll. 9–10: ‘He rested in the Lord and in the habit of the angels’ (ⲁϥⲙ̄ⲧⲟⲛ ⲙⲙⲟ̣ϥ ϩⲙ ⲡϫⲟ̣ⲉ̣ⲓⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲙ ⲡⲉⲥⲭⲏⲙⲁ ⲛⲛⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ).

Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 26. Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 21; cf. The Virtues of Saint Macarius 55, ed. Amélineau, p. 171, transl. Vivian, p. 126. 174 John Cassian, Collationes patrum IX 6, 5; cf. Collationes patrum XVI 5, 1. On the subject of ‘angelic life’ in the writings of John Cassian, see C. Steward, Cassian the Monk, Oxford 1998, p. 56. 175 PGL, s.v. 3, pp. 1358–1359. 176 Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 22. 177 Editio princeps by H. Munier, ‘La stèle funéraire du moine Mîna’, Annales du service des antiquités égyptiennes 16 (1916), pp. 253–254. 172

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It would be trivial to say that the monk was buried in a habit – it was common practice – but the inscription rather says that through his monastic life, Mina became someone in the image of angels. A higher expression of the angelicity of monks than their likeness to angels is their equality with them. John Climacus calls Arsenius178 ‘equal to angels’ but this concept is present not only in the hagiographic literature. Thus, in Bawit, on one of the paintings, the founder of this monastery was described as: Apa Apollo, equal to the angels (ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲡⲟⲗⲱ ϩⲓⲥⲉ̣ (ἴσος) ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲛⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ).179

A monk, however, may not only be equal to angels, but may even be an angel. Sometimes this type of identification is a clear rhetorical device, as when Ammoes says of John the Theban: ‘He is an angel, not a man’.180 Such epithets are also known from Palestine. Cyril of Scythopolis writes about Sabas that he was an angel on earth and a heavenly man (ὁ ἐπίγειος ἄγγελος καὶ οὐράνιος ἄνθρωπος).181 Barsanuphius also speaks of an angel with reference to a bishop: ‘If they desire this with unity of mind, simplicity of heart, and faith in God, then not only will God give them one of these three [i.e., candidates for bishopric: PP], but even an angel from heaven (ἄγγελον ἐξ οὐρανοῦ), namely, a man equal to angels (ὅ ἐστιν ἄνδρα ἰσάγγελον)’.182 However, the rhetoric of monastic hagiography is known to make even more shocking identifications. Macarius of Egypt was to be called a god on earth (θεὸς ἐπίγειος) because of his protection over the world,183 while John Climacus, Scala paradisi, PG 88, col. 1112D: ὁ μέγας καὶ ἰσάγγελος ἡσυχαστὴς Ἀρσένιος. Maspero & Drioton, Fouilles (cit. n. 154), no. 296. 180 AP, John the Theban 1, transl. Ward, p. 109. 181 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae 58, ed. Schwartz, p. 158, l. 12. According to John Rufus, Peter the Iberian was supposed to have been worshiped like an angel: Vita Petri Iberi 81, 183, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr, pp. 121, 267. 182 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 794, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 3, p. 256, transl. Chryssavgis, pp. 294–295. 183 AP, Macarius of Egypt 32; see The Virtues of Saint Macarius 2, ed. Amélineau, p. 119, transl. Vivian, p. 85; cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 109: ‘[A] king endowing us with royalty; and a God who deifies us’ (transl. Chryssavgis, p. 131); 178

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in Western Thebes Joseph wrote to Epiphanius: ‘Indeed as I desire to see God, I also desire to see the blessed face of your fatherly sanctity’.184 Even if here we are confronted with a deliberate rhetorical exaggeration, such epithets and comparisons nevertheless used to accustom the contemporaries with the belief that notable monks could indeed be angels. Let us note here the apophthegm concerning Macarius goes further than that of John the Theban, because Macarius, according to contemporaries, manifested a specific divine power. A unique example of a monk who even has a separate name as an angel can be found in the invocation on the grave stele from the Monastery of Jeremiah of Saqqara:185 ⲟ ⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲓⲉⲣⲏⲙⲓⲏⲗ ⲡⲁⲅ/ⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲡⲁ ⲡⲉⲛⲉⲓⲱⲧ / ⲁⲡⲁ ⲓⲉⲣⲏⲙⲓⲁⲥ O saint Ieremiel, angel of our father Apa Ieremias.

In the further part of the inscription there are names of successive abbots of the Saqqara monastery. We also find similar litanies on other inscriptions from this monastery, but there the name of Apa Jeremiah is usually preceded by the invocation of God186 or the names of the members of the Holy Trinity.187 Sometimes the archangels Michael and Gabriel are invoked directly before the name of Jeremiah188 – still, the invocation Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 119: ‘[A]nd that person is found to be a God-bearer, or rather is even found to be a god, according to the one who said: “I have said, you are gods, all sons of the Most High”’ (transl. Chryssavgis, p. 138). Behind all these appellations lies Ps 81:6 (LXX) and John 10:34. 184 P. Mon. Epiph. 162, ll. 2–3: ⲕⲁⲓⲡⲉⲣ ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲉⲓⲉⲡⲓⲑⲩⲙⲉⲓ ⲉⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϯⲉⲡⲓⲑⲩⲙⲉⲓ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲥⲱⲡⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲥⲙⲁⲙⲁⲁⲧ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲕϩⲁⲅⲓⲱⲥⲩⲛⲏ ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ; similar expression in O. Lips. Copt. II 148, ll. 7–8 (from Dius to Archdeacon Moses): ϯⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲛⲟ ⲉⲣⲟⲧⲛ ⲛⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲉⲓ ⲟⲩϣ ⲛⲟ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ (‘I desire to see you [pl.] as I desire to see God’). 185 H. Thompson, ‘The Coptic inscriptions’, [in:] J. E. Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara (1908–9, 1909–1910). The Monastery of Apa Jeremias, Cairo 1912 [= I. Saqqara], pp. 47–125, at p. 49, no. 3, ll. 1–3. 186 Thompson, ‘The Coptic inscriptions’ (cit. n. 185), p. 59, no. 202, p. 63, no. 206. 187 Thompson, ‘The Coptic inscriptions’ (cit. n. 185), p. 44, nos 118, 190; p. 56, no. 192; p. 64, no. 208; p. 68, no. 224; p. 73, nos 229, 232; p. 74, no. 234; p. 76, nos 242, 243; p. 77, no. 247; p. 80, no. 256; p. 81, no. 258; p. 87, no. 280; p. 88, no. 281; p. 91, no. 293 etc. 188 Thompson, ‘The Coptic inscriptions’ (cit. n. 185), p. 78, no. 249.

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of the angel Ieremiel is an absolute exception.189 An angel of this name appears in 4 Esd,190 where he stands watch over the souls awaiting resurrection in the underworld. Only the Latin translation of the Greek original of 4 Esd has been preserved in its entirety to the present day.191 However, Coptic fragments exist, which prove the currency of the text in this language.192 This form of the name, however, is regarded as an alternation of the much more frequently attested Remiel,193 but Ieremiel can also be found in magical texts.194 In Coptic literature it is found in a slightly altered spelling as ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲙⲓⲏⲗ in the long litany of angels contained in the magic papyrus of the so-called Rossi’s Gnostic Treatise.195 He appears there as an angel who guards a mixing vessel (ⲕⲣⲏⲕⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ; Gr. κρατήριον). Ieremiel was therefore not created ad hoc by the author of the stele. However, the association based on the similarity of the name with Apa Jeremiah seems to have been a one-off idea which was not continued in the monastic epigraphy. It is important to note that Ieremiel, known from apocryphal and magical writings, is not a guardian angel. His description in 4 Ezra even associates him with the underworld – therefore, earlier traditions did not have any direct influence on the invocation of Ieremiel on the stele. The most important thing, however, is that Ieremiel is not only the angel of Apa Jeremias, but also seems to be identical with him. The litany engraved on the stele mentions persons such as Apa Enoch, Mary, Mother Sybilla, etc., who are known from other lists and are always preceded by C. Wietheger, Das Jeremias-Kloster zu Saqqara unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Inschriften [= Arbeiten zum spätantiken und koptischen Ägypten 1], Altenberge 1992, pp. 227–228. 190 4 Ezra 4:36, ed. Klijn, p. 31; the exact Latin rendering of the name is Hieremihel. 191 Review of the preserved language versions: J.-C. Haelewyck, Clavis Apocryphorum Veteris Testamenti, Turnhout 1998, pp. 131–138, no. 180. 192 J. Leipoldt & B. Violet, ‘Ein saidisches Bruchstück des vierten Esrabuches’, Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 41 (1904), pp. 137–140. 193 J. Michl, ‘Engel (I–IX)’, [in:] RAC, vol. 5 (1962), pp. 53–258, at pp. 228–229. 194 P. Heid. inv. Lat. 5 (= Suppl. Mag. I 36); for further bibliography, see Suppl. Mag. I, p. 110. 195 Rossi’s ‘Gnostic’ Tractate, p. 2, l. 13; ed. A. M. Kropp, Ausgewählte koptische Zaubertexte, vol. 1, Brussels 1930, p. 64; transl. in M. Meyer & R. Smith, Ancient Christian Magic: Coptic Texts of Ritual Power, Princeton, NJ 1999, p. 135, no. 71. 189

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the name Apa Jeremias. On the stele of interest to us, Apa Jeremiah is invoked as an angel only. The association of the monks with angels after death is also evident in the figure of Paul of Tammah, who appears in a vision to Theodotus, alleged author of the Encomium on St George the Cappadocian: I saw a monk standing having wings like an angel of God, and he wore a kingly crown and raiment the like of which there is not among the kingdoms of the world, and he had a golden staff in his right hand, and his face was full of joy, and great glory surrounded him.196

The angelic nature of Paul is emphasized here by the addition of wings. It is probable that the angel Ieremiel was also imagined this way. To put it briefly, the idea behind the Theban greetings addressed to ‘your angel’ is difficult to evaluate in a clear-cut way in the light of the above hyphoteses. Undoubtedly, this is not a conventional designation of authority, as this is by no means a universal manner of addressing some category of man. Nor are the angels likely to be personal guardian angels – a concept almost unknown to the Copts. Owing to the absence of any spatial reference, it is also impossible to identify them with the guardian angels of the place. If we could be certain that the monastic addressees are always presbyters (as in the case of O. Frange 38 and P. Mon. Epiph. 203), we might suspect that the angels of the altar are being greeted in this sense. However, it is in O. Frange 38 that Apa Jonas is saluted alongside Presbyter Peter (the reference is made to ‘your angel’ in the plural form, followed by the reference to these two ascetics), who is clearly not an ordained priest in this context. Presumably the sanctity of the lives of the monks in question is emphasized here. The degree of angelic identification remains unknown to us, but it is unlikely that it was so strong that every single monk could be considered an angel with an angelic name of his own. O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II ad. 6 highlights that the angel refers to the piety (literally, love of God) of the monk. The monastic angels, however, have a human form, as well as face (P. Mon. Epiph. 431), hands (P. Mon. Epiph. 188) and feet (P. Mon. Epiph. 118, 411), which may be kissed. So, they themselves are monks who live 196

Theodotus of Ancyra, In Georgium, ed. Budge, pp. 167 (text), 328 (transl.).

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piously and in a holy manner, i.e., an angelic one, so that they can sit next to the angels in heaven, to which SB Kopt. I 292 mentioned above probably refers. It is possible, indeed, that the author of the letter, mentioning other angels besides the addressee, has in mind the monks of his community. This, however, would be an example without any analogy supplied, although in hagiographical literature the communion of monks with heavenly angels is sometimes mentioned. God-loving and Christ-loving A fairly rare word describing monastic addressees is ‘God-loving’ (ⲙⲁⲓⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ);197 even more seldom does ‘Christ-loving’ (ⲙⲁⲓⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅, ⲉⲧⲙⲉⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅) appear. Isaac and Elias greet an unknown addressee as ‘God-loving’ (P. Mon. Epiph. 110). Epiphanius is also described as such.198 The term ‘Christ-loving’ is used by Shenoute, lashane of Jeme when addressing Epiphanius,199 by Bishop Abraham in reference to a certain David (O. Crum ad. 45), and also by Frange, in whose letters it appears three times, twice of which in the writing exercises.200 In the fragmentarily preserved letter P. Mon. Epiph. 432, addressed by ‘your servant’ to Epiphanius, the phrase ‘your fatherly Love-of-God’ appears with the Greek ⲑⲉⲟⲫⲓⲗⲓⲁ, corresponding to the Coptic appellations given above. Occasionally it was used in Greek patristic literature as a title for the addressee, but Ziliacus believes it was applied to members It may refer to both male and female monastics. Anna, to whom Bishop Andrew wrote in O. Lips. Copt. II 325, asking for protection over a certain Maria, was most probably an abbess. Anna has been described as ‘God-loving and (God-)fearing’ (ⲧⲁⲁⲥ ⲛⲧⲙⲁⲓ̈ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲣⲉϥⲣ̄ ϩⲟⲧⲉ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ). In the address to Bishop Pesynthius (SB Kopt. I 295) ‘God-loving’ may denote either his monastic or episcopal status (or both). The term ⲙⲁⲓⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ was also used to refer to saints of the past if identification of Lord Ezekiel, the addressee of O. Lips. Copt. II 378 as the patron saint of the monastery is correct. 198 P. Mon. Epiph. 131 (from Constantine): Epiphanius is referred to exactly as ‘truly God-loving’. 199 P. Mon. Epiph. 216 (recipient unknown, maybe Epiphanius). 200 O. Frange 377, 386, 536 (addressee unknown); it appears also in O. Frange 666. In the last case, both parties remain unknown. 197

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of the clergy.201 Indeed, it was used in such a way to address Bishop Pesynthius.202 However, we know nothing of the ordination of Epiphanius. He is never called a deacon or presbyter, so this letter is more concerned with the literal meaning of the word. Worshippers of God and servants of Christ203 In letters, the appellation ⲣⲉϥϣⲙ̄ϣⲉⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ204 ‘ the s ervant o f G od’, l iterally ‘worshipper of God’, appears in reference to a monk, sometimes meaning simply a ‘devout one’. This is a term for pious people already found in the Bible.205 A derived form of this abstractum ‘your piety’ (ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲣⲉϥϣⲙ̄ϣⲉⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ) als o app ears in mon astic let ters.206 Although not particularly common, it can be found in several Theban dossiers. It also defines various people. It is used twice by Frange;207 it appears in the correspondence from the Topos of Epiphanius,208 as well as in letters from TT 85 and TT 87.209 201 Ziliacus, Untersuchungen (cit. n. 44), pp. 69–70; P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 2, p. 186, underlines a broad range of correspondents addressed with this epithet; see A. T. A. Khalil, ‘Two Coptic letters in Abou El-Goud storage magazine’, Chronique d’Égypte 95 (2020), pp. 341–344, at pp. 341–342. Coptic ⲙⲁⲓⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ may also be applied to a layman of high status, see a (fictional) letter by Patriarch Benjamin to Dux Shenoute in Benjamin of Alexandria, De nuptiis apud Canam 23v, ed. Mikhail, pp. 43 (transl.), 67 (text).

O. Crum 286. S. Turner, Epistolary Formulae in Theban Coptic Documents, PhD thesis, Toronto, University of Toronto 1976, p. 177. 204 It might also be written ⲣⲉϥϣⲙ̄ϣⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ (P. Mon. Epiph. 202, ll. 2–3). 205 Esp. in the sapiential books; for NT, see Luke 2:25. 206 SB Kopt. V 2169 (= O. Bonn Ägyptologisches Museum inv. 3108) (from Isaac and brothers to Ananias, Pisrael and Psaitos), ed. M. Müller, ‘Ein koptisches Ostrakon der Universitätssammlung in Bonn’, Chronique d’Égypte 90 (2015), pp. 191–193. 207 O. Frange 387 (exercise), 536 (recipient unknown). 208 P. Mon. Epiph. 105, ll. 22–23 (from Joseph to Apa Isaac); P. Mon. Epiph. 202, ll. 23 (from NN to John and NN); P. Mon. Epiph. 342, ll. 18–19 (from Pelosne to Apa Epiphanius); P. Mon. Epiph. 373, ll. 45–46 (from Joseph to NN); P. Mon. Epiph. 406, ll. 2–3 (from NN to Cyriacus). 209 O.85/27, O.85/93 (both from NN to Ananias), see descriptions in Behlmer, ‘Christian use’ (cit. n. 91), p. 165; cf. SB Kopt. V 2169. 202 203

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The Greek term ‘servant of Christ’, on the other hand, is attested only by a graffiti from the Monastery of Phoebammon ‘in the Rock’,210 but I have not been able to find it in monastic correspondence. Still, this term is well-rooted in Christian literature, including monastic works.211 Sometimes an attempt is made to specify its meaning, as in the saying of Isaiah of Scetis: ‘I also asked him what is “a servant of God” (τί ἐστι δοῦλος θεοῦ). He replied, “If a person is a slave of passions, he is not yet reckoned as a servant of God”’.212 We do not know whether the terms ‘worshipper’ or ‘servant’ of God/ Christ from Western Thebes always denoted exactly the monastic ideal of dispassion, nevertheless, I see no reason to analyse these infrequent terms in any other way than precisely an emphasis on monastic virtues. ‘Somebody through whom one knows God’ ‘Somebody through whom one knows God’ is not a standard formula, but the phrase which conveys such meaning has been attested to at least twice: P. Mon. Epiph. 128 (from Ananias to NN pl.): ‘my holy fathers, through whom I have known God’213 (ⲉⲧⲁⲓⲥⲟⲩⲛ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲧⲟⲩ). O. Lond. Copt. I 68/2 (from Kosdantinos and Ananias to NN [pl.]): ‘our lord’s fathers, because of whom we have known God’ (ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲥⲟⲩⲛ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲏⲏⲧⲟⲩ).

It is possible that the authors of the letters are pointing here to the actual process of religious (monastic) formation that they completed under the care of the addressees. This may be suggested by a request in the latter letter, 210 I. Mon. Phoib. Gr. 11: ⲟ ⲇⲟⲩ[ⲗⲟⲥ] ⲧⲟⲩ ⲓ̄ⲥ̅ ⲭ̄ⲥ̅; see also F. Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon: A prosopography and relative chronology of its connections to the Monastery of Apa Ezekiel within the monastic network of Hermonthis during the 6th century’, Archiv für Papyrusforschung 66 (2020), pp. 150–191, at p. 172. 211 This goes back to the letters of Paul, Titus 1:1. The Coptic NT has in this passage ⲡϩⲙϩⲁⲗ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ; see PGL, p. 385, s.v. δοῦλος B. 212 Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon 26, ed. Augoustinos, p. 186, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, p. 216. 213 Transl. Crum.

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whereby the addressee is implored to take a certain Daniel for tutoring.214 However, it may also be a matter of emphasizing the role of the addressees as models of true religiosity without any claim for personal experience. THE BIBLE

Biblical ostraca The Bible was omnipresent in the lives of the Theban monks. Before demonstrating how it was used in monastic correspondence, it is worth taking a closer look at the specific ways and the extent to which this ubiquity manifested itself. It must be remembered that the individual books of the Bible, although recognized as equally sacred, were present to varying degrees in the daily routine of the monk. Amongst the pieces of evidence, the biblical texts recorded on ostraca come to the fore. Among the ostraca found at monastic sites, those containing passages from the Scriptures constitute a very important group. In the already mentioned statistics compiled by Marta Addessi (p. 31), covering literary texts attested in the manuscripts of Theban provenance, scriptural passages cover 40.5% (105 items) of the total number of 259 manuscripts.215 The vast majority of them, namely 70%, are texts preserved on ostraca, and they will be of particular interest to us here, as they show the everyday contact of an average monk with the Scriptures, regardless of his wealth, social networking, and the form of monasticism practised – factors on which access to the codices depended. The table below presents the identified biblical excerpts on ostraca according the site. The ostraca of a provenance not associated with a particular site are excluded, although many of them may come from Western Thebes. It does not include biblical quotations embedded in letters and legal documents. O. Lond. Copt. I 68/2, ll. 9–10: ⲛ̄ⲅϥⲓ ⲇⲁⲛⲓⲏⲗ ⲛⲅ̄ⲧⲥⲁⲃⲟϥ (‘take Daniel and teach him’). M. Addessi, ‘Reconstructing the cultural landscape of Christian Western Thebes: Contextualization of literary texts’, Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 86 (2020), pp. 154–172, at p. 167. 214

215

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Table 6. Theban ostraca with biblical passages Site

Biblical texts

Topos of Epiphanius

P. Mon. Epiph. 1: Gen 22:12–16, pot., Copt. 2A: probably fragments of Gen 28:13 and 20, par., Copt. 3: Exod 15:1–21, pot., Copt. 4: passages from Exod, Lev and Num, pot., Copt. 5: passages from Deut and 1 Chr, lim., Copt. 6: Deut 34: 1-3, pot., Copt. 7: passages from 2 Kgs, pot., Copt. 9: passages from Job and Isa, pot., Copt. 10: passages from Psalms, pot., Copt. 11: Ps 18:8, pot., Copt., P. Mon. Epiph. 545 on recto 12: Ps 21:23–29, lim., Copt. 13 + 18: Ps 33:22, 34:1, Ps 105:47–48, lim., Copt. 14: Ps 40:1–2, pot., Copt. 15: Ps 50:1–4, pot., Copt. 16 + P. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 18/1, 21/1, and 20/1 (?):216 passages from Psalms, pot., Copt. 17v: Ps 91:1 and title, pap., Greek 19: Ps 135:5–24, pot., Copt. 20: passages from Psalms, pot., Copt. 22: Prov 13:7, 13, pot., Copt.217 23: Isa 5:18-24, pot., Copt. 24: various texts with Isa 23:1 and Gen 37:28, pot., Copt., but also some Greek 25: passages from Isa, lim., Copt.

216 217

26: passages from Isa, pot., Copt. 27: passages from Isa, pot., Copt.

P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 157. P. Mon. Epiph. 52 on verso; on this piece, see L. I. Larsen ‘“Excavating the excavations” of early monastic education’, [in:] L. I. Larsen & S. Rubenson (eds), Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical Paideia, Cambridge 2018, pp. 101–124, at pp. 118–121.

216

217

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Table 6. Theban ostraca with biblical passages (cont’d) Site

Biblical texts

Topos of Epiphanius

28: Isa 90:9–17, pot., Copt. 29: Isa 41:28–29, lim., Copt. 30: Isa 59:11–16, 66:23, 34, pot., Copt. 31: Ezek 3:4–18, pot., Copt. 32: Ezek 37:1–14, pot., Copt. 33: Joel 1:1–2, pot., Copt. 34: Hab. 3:1–4; pot., Copt., P. Mon. Epiph. 57 on the other side 35: Jer 39:8 (attribution uncertain, the line absent in LXX), pot., Copt. 36: Rom 1:1–4, pot., Copt. 37: Eph 1:1–3, pot., Copt. 38: unidentified (most probably) biblical passages, pot., Copt. 579: Ps 33:2–5, pot., Greek 580: Ps 45:10–11, lim., Greek 581: 1 Ezra 9:22–23, pot., Greek 582: Daniel 3:57 and fragments of further verses, pot., Greek218 606: Ps 88:4–5; New Testament passages, pot., Greek O. Lips. Copt. I 1: Lam 3:39–52 (provenance uncertain)

Monastery of Phoebammon (Deir el-Bahari)219

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 26/1: 14:2, lim., Copt. O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 56/1: Ps 1:1–3, lim., Copt. O. Crum 1: 1 Sam 16:4–5, lim., Copt. O. Crum 2: passages from Mark and Matt, lim., Copt. O. Crum 3: Acts 27:9–11, lim., Copt. O. Crum 512 (= P. Unterricht. Kopt. 240): Ps 50:12, lim., Greek O. Crum 513: Ps 103:1–6, pot., Copt. and Greek O. Crum 514: Ps 118:26–27 and Luke 1:28, pot., Greek O. Crum 515: Luke 1:42 and 28, pot., Greek

Canticle of the Three Children. The association of the pieces from O. Crum with the Monastery of Phebammon according to W. Godlewski, Deir el-Bahari V. Le monastère de St Phoibammon, Warsaw 1986, p. 153.

218

219

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100

Table 6. Theban ostraca with biblical passages (cont’d) Site

Biblical texts

Monastery of Phoebammon (Deir el-Bahari)219

Inv. 822: passages from Jeremias 39 (fragments), par., Copt.220 Inv. 826: seven fragments from Gospels, pap., Copt.

Monastery of O. Mon. Phoib. Phoebammon ‘in the 1: Ps 19: 1–3, pot., Copt. Rock’ 2: Ps 57:36, pot., Copt. 3: Acts 8:26–29, pot., Copt. Topos of Mark (not a monastery)

O. Saint-Marc 387: passages from Psalms, pot., Copt. 388: passages from Proverbs, pot., Copt. 389: Isa 1:1–4, pot., Copt. 390: Luke 12:32–33, pot., Copt. 391: Gal 1:20–2:2 and Gal 2:14–16, pot., Copt. 392: Ga 2:11–12, pot., Copt. 393: Gal 3:5–8, pot., Copt. 394: 2 Tim 1:1 and Tit 1:2, pot., Copt. 395: 2 Tim 4:19, pot., Copt. 396: 2 Tim 4:19–20, pot., Copt. 397: 2 Tim 4:19–22, pot., Copt. 401: passages from Psalms (most probably), pot., Greek

Deir el-Bakhit (Monastery of Paul)

O. Bachit222 30: excerpts from Psalms, pot., Copt. 61: excerpts from Psalms, pot., Copt.

A. Boud’hors & E. Garel, ‘Que reste-t-il de la bibliothèque du monastère de SaintPhoibammon à Deir el-Bahari?’, [in:] A. Łajtar, A. Obłuski, & I. Zych (eds), Aegyptus et Nubia Christiana: The Włodzimierz Godlewski Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday, Warsaw 2016, pp. 47–60, at pp. 48–49. This and subsequent fragments are not deliberately made short excerpts but might be the remains of the monastery’s library. 221 Boud’hors & Garel, ‘Que reste-t-il de la bibliothèque’ (cit. n. 220), pp. 49–54. 222 We use the references of editors. Some ostraca have entries in Trismegistos with detailed identification of Psalm verses. It is very likely that there are other biblical texts among the unpublished, and probably even published, pieces. 220

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Table 6. Theban ostraca with biblical passages (cont’d) Site

Biblical texts

Deir el-Bakhit (Monastery of Paul)

124: psalm, pot., Copt. 133: psalm (most probably), pot., Copt. 216: psalm, pot., Copt. 231: psalm, pot., Copt. 245+404+405+406+407: excerpts from Psalms, pot., Copt. 277: excerpts from Psalms, pot., Copt. 457+458+459+460+550+562+660+910+1100: excerpts from Psalms, pot., Copt. 652+658: Ps 101:22, pot., Copt. 757+758+759+760: excerpts from Psalms, pot., Copt. 775: psalm, pot., Copt. 825: psalm, pot., Copt. 1005: psalm, pot., Copt. 1055: psalm, pot., Copt. 1090: psalm, pot., Copt. 1350+1366: Ps 7:11, pot., Copt. 1428: psalm, pot., Copt. 1502+1507: psalm, pot., Copt. 1508+1548: psalm, pot., Copt. 1576: psalm, pot., Copt. 1577+1578+1579+1580+1581: psalm, pot., Copt. 1589: psalm, pot., Copt. 1597+1598+1599+1600: Ps 1:1, pot., Copt. 2002+2009: psalm, pot., Copt. 2015: psalm, pot., Copt. 2314: psalm, pot., Copt. O. DAN kopt. 300: excerpts from Psalms, pot., Copt. 302: psalm, pot., Copt. 339: psalm, pot., Copt. 340: psalm, pot., Copt. 389: psalm, pot., Copt.

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Table 6. Theban ostraca with biblical passages (cont’d) Site

Biblical texts

Deir el-Bakhit (Monastery of Paul)

391: psalm, pot., Copt. 424: psalm, pot., Copt. 446: Acts 9:40, pot., Copt. 465: psalm, Heb, pot., Copt. 470: psalm (most probably), pot., Copt. 819: psalm, pot., Copt. 828: Ps 8 (most probably), pot., Copt.

TT 29

O. Frange 218: passage from Mark 5 or Luke 6, pot., Copt. 219: 2 Tim 2:3–4, pot., Copt. 220: Rom 14:10–13, pot., Copt. 548: Ps 39:1, pot., Copt.223 747: Ps 148:6, pot., Greek224 748: Ps 33:13–15, pot., Greek 841: Ps 73:12, 94:3, lim., Copt.225 Without number, 1 Cor 15:6–7, par., Copt.226

MMA 1152

O. Gurna Górecki 97: Ps 1:1, lim., Copt. 98: Ps 1:1, lim. Copt. 99: Ps 1:1–2, lim., Copt. 100: extracts from Ps 65:10–15, pot., Copt. 101: Ps 83:3–6, pot., Copt. 102: Ps 87:2–3, pot., Copt. 103: extracts from psalms 118 and 104, pot., Copt.

223 Identification by A. Dellattre & N. Vanthieghem. ‘Trois ostraca coptes de Hambourg’, Journal of Coptic Studies 16 (2014), pp. 103–113, at p. 111. 224 Identification by Delattre & Vanthieghem, ‘Trois ostraca’ (cit. n. 223), p. 111. 225 Identification by Delattre & Vanthieghem, ‘Trois ostraca’ (cit. n. 223), pp. 112–113. 226 Short remark with photo in Boud’hors & Garel, ‘Que reste-t-il de la bibliothèque’ (cit. n. 220), p. 56.

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Table 6. Theban ostraca with biblical passages (cont’d) Site

Biblical texts

MMA 1152

104: Ps 144:20–21, title of Ps 145, Ps 145:9–10, lim., Copt. 105: Ps 103:12–14, pot., Copt. 106: Ps 100:2 (identification probable), 60:8, pot., Copt. 107: short excerpts from different biblical books, pot., Greek227

TT 65–66

O. Monastery of Cyriacus 2: John 21:18, 21–22, pap., Copt.228

TT 95

Excerpts from Ps 132 (FN33+FN508), pot., Greek

TT 233229

TT 233.460: Rom 14:5–6, pot., Copt. TT 233.226+506+509: Ps 16:3–4, pot., Copt.230

Deir el-Gizaz

O. Deir el Gizaz, ed. Di Bitonto Kasser 1: Ps 149:1–6, pot., Greek 2: Ps 76:14–16, pot., Copt. 3: Ps 109:1–4, pot., Copt.

227 228 229 230

4: excerpts from the Psalms, pot., Copt.

As we can see, not all books of the Bible are present in the above list, and the frequency of quotations from the attested ones is uneven. Psalms predominate, and this cannot come as a surprise, as they were the basis of monastic education231 and a fundamental element of monastic prayer 227 Published by T. Górecki & A. Łajtar. ‘An ostracon from the Christian hermitage in MMA 1152’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 42 (2012), pp. 135–164. 228 Most likely, the fragment comes from the codex, see Hasznos in O. Monastery of Cyriacus, p. 42. We may also mention P. Mon. Epiph. 583, a fragment of Gospel lectionary in Greek found in TT 66 just above TT 65. 229 Ostraca mentioned in M. Choat, ‘Posidonios and the monks of TT 233 on Dra Abu el-Naga’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2016), pp. 749–754, at p. 751. 230 The quotation occurs along the non-Biblical phrases. 231 See esp. Historia monachorum in Aegypto X 6, transl. Russell, p. 83. According to this narrative Patermutius got three verses of the Psalm 1 as a beginning of his monastic education. Education of Pambo also started with Psalms, see Coptic Palladiana, Pambo 2, transl. Vivian, p. 58; Vita Pachomii G1 24, ed. Halkin, p. 15, transl. Veilleux, p. 312; for

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and liturgy,232 as confirmed both by all monastic sources as such and by the Theban texts.233 To some extent, we deal with their over-representation here as well, due to the proclivities of the researchers. Psalms are of particular interest to Alain Delattre, who regularly publishes new texts and identifies quotations on already published ostraca.234 Numerous quotations from the Gospels also demonstrate the presence of these books in monastic education235 and liturgy. What is puzzling, however, is the low proportion of quotations from the prophets, regarding Pachomian predilection for Psalms, see also Praecepta 49 and 139, ed. Boon, pp. 25, 49–50, transl. Veilleux, pp. 152–153, 166; Regulae Horsiesi 16, ed. Lefort, p. 86, transl. Veilleux, p. 202; Vita Pachomii S10, ed. Lefort, p. 35, transl. Veilleux, pp. 451–452; cf. Jerome, who advised Rusticus: ‘Never take your hand or your eyes off your book; learn the psalms word for word’ (Jerome, Epistulae XXV 11, ed. Hilberg, p. 129: numquam de manu et eculis tuis recedat liber, psalterium discatur ad verbum, transl. NPNF). For Palestine see Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae 28: ‘until they [i.e., novices] had learnt the psalter and the office of psalmody and received a strict monastic formation (ἕως οὗ τό τε ψαλτήριον μάθωσι καὶ τὸν τῆς ψαλμωιδίας κανόνα καὶ τὴν μοναχικὴν παιδευθῶσιν ἀκρίβειαν)’, ed. Schwartz, p. 113, transl. Price, p. 122; cf. Vita Sabae 75; Vita Theodosii 1; cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 215, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 223. 232 Canones Athanasii 59: ‘The singers shall sing nought but the book of Psalms’, transl. Riedel, p. 39. There were also hymns composed of psalms, the so-called hermeniae. Some of the ostraca containing verses of psalms are probably of this type, e.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 16; O. Ifao inv. OC 181, ed. A. Rashed, [in:] A. Boud’hors et al., ‘Ten Coptic ostraca at the Ifao’, Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 119 (2019), pp. 51–77, at pp. 53–54 (no. 1). Perhaps, also P. Ifao inv. OC 216 (Ch. Heurtel, ‘Extraits de psaumes dans quatre ostraca de l’Ifao’, Chronique d’Égypte 92 [2017], pp. 181–190, at pp. 184–186) represents such a composition. 233 Elias of Bishwāw was said to have recited 150 psalms in the orans position (Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 17 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 476 [400]. O. Crum 371 (from Pesynthius to Hello), Pesynthius (not the Bishop) writes (ll. 6–8): ⲉⲓⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲣ[...] ϣⲁⲡⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲁⲡⲉⲥⲛⲧⲉ ⲁⲓⲥⲱⲧⲙ ⲟⲩⲯⲁⲗⲗⲉⲓ ⲁϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲉϣⲁⲓⲧⲁⲟⲩⲟϥ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲁⲡⲁ ϩⲗⲗⲟ, ‘I went to the hill of Apa (?) Pesynthius and I heard them singing psalms and I said, I will repeat it to you, my holy father, Apa Hello’, transl. Crum (modified); then, the quotations from the Psalm follow. 234 A. Delattre (‘Between education and religion: Quotations and compositions of Psalm verses in the Theban area’, [in:] Á. Mihálykó & A. Maravela [eds], New Perspectives on Religion, Education, and Culture in the Theban Area, forthcoming) is currently preparing a synthesis on ostraca with psalms from the Theban area along with a catalogue. 235 Life of Aaron 89, ed. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 116–117. The mention of the Gospel as a school text undoubtedly corresponds to monastic education. Until the end of the antiquity, city schools were based on the classical curriculum.

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whom hagiographical texts frequently mention that their writings were perused, attributing a significant role to them.236 The share of historical books, including the Pentateuch, is marginal. The Revelation of John is completely missing from the books of the New Testament. The Epistles of Paul are also less abundantly represented than might be expected, given their constant presence in the liturgy of the word. At least as far as the Old Testament is concerned, many quotations and allusions still remain unidentified, and it should be borne in mind that although a critical edition of the New Testament in Sahidic is available, we do not have a complete edition of the Old Testament, but only scattered editions of individual books or, more often, specific manuscripts, which makes it difficult to identify allusions or echoes.237 For some books, there is even no continuous Sahidic text preserved. No conclusions can be drawn from the above table about the differences in contact with the biblical text between the Theban coenobitic monasteries238 and laurae or anchorites living in pairs. Firstly, the affiliation of specific monks to larger monastic establishments is very often unknown to us and may also have changed over time. Secondly, only a handful of sites have been studied in a methodical and comprehensive way (new ostraca from the Monastery of Phoebammon or Topos of Epiphanius are regularly identified) and none have been published in its entirety, so there is no room for statistical comparisons of any value. Reading of Jeremiah is particularly frequent, but it may be both a book of this prophet and the Lamentations. For Theban region, see John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, f. 23b, ed. Budge, pp. 78 (text), 261–262 (transl.); for non-Theban examples, see, e.g., Life of Shenoute 94, transl. Bell, p. 70; Anba Abthai, Synaxaire arabe jacobite, Kiyahk 24, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 523 [447]; Life of Paisius, transl. Pirone, p. 208. 237 However, the website of the project https://coptot.manuscriptroom.com/, which contains the searchable text of the Sahidic Bible, has been a great help in the identification of quotations and allusions to the Sahidic Bible for several years – but it is not a critical edition. 238 It is puzzling that we do not have similar ostraca collections with biblical text from coenobitic sites outside Theban area, such as White Monastery, Bawit or Saqqara. It is hard to assume that the Scripture was used less intensively there. This may be partly because of the difficulties with access to papyrus in the Theban area. For the most part, however, this could be explained by the interests and methods of the work of archaeologists who dealt with ceramics in the above-mentioned sites. 236

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Scholars explain the function of biblical texts written on ostraca in a variety of ways. It is important to remember first that the context of their use may have been different from the context of their creation. The function of an object may have changed over time and may have depended on the person who was using it at that moment. Neither should it be forgotten that the question about the purpose of a given ostracon is in fact a question about the intentions of its creators and users, which is completely inaccessible to us. While defining a given ostracon as a school or magical text, we rely on its content and material characteristics, yet we know perfectly well that when using objects, people are not always guided by the optimality of form, but often by limited accessibility to more suitable resources and social or emotional associations (connection with events in the life of an individual which are elusive for us). It is not difficult to imagine that someone treasured an ostracon with a biblical text written down incorrectly because it had been given to him by a holy monk and endowed with his power, while someone else prayed using texts which he had drawn up while learning to write.239 Clear categories facilitate the researcher’s efforts, but the monks themselves undoubtedly only seldom (if ever) categorized biblical ostraca in line with criteria shown below. At the outset, we should put aside the apparent explanation that these texts are the result of professional scribes’ paid work and were created to order;240 such an answer leaves the question of what they were used for by those who had ordered them open. We should also reject the idea that scribes wrote down familiar biblical verses before attempting to write another text, which would be a form of training the hand and writing utensil (proba pennae).241 This may explain individual cases, but it is far from For boundary situations between school texts and amulets on papyri, see N. Carlig & M. De Haro Sanchez, ‘Amulettes ou exercices scolaires: sur les difficultés de la catégorisation des papyrus chrétiens’, [in:] M. De Haro Sanchez (ed.), Écrire la magie dans l’antiquité. Actes du colloque international (Liège, 13–15 octobre 2011) [= Papyrologica Leodiensia 5], Liège 2015, pp. 69–83. 240 This hypothesis is considered by S. Bucking, ‘Scribes and schoolmasters? On contextualizing Coptic and Greek ostraca excavated at the Monastery of Epiphanius’, Journal of Coptic Studies 9 (2007), pp. 21–47, at p. 32. 241 For arguments supporting such a concept, see Bucking, ‘Scribes’ (cit. n. 240), pp. 41–42. 239

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sufficient for explaining the genesis of the entire body of evidence. We are left with the following options, which should not be treated as disjunct alternatives. 1. These were school texts (or more cautiously ‘educational texts’),242 drafted at higher levels of training in writing.243 The school context could be indicated by the presence of biblical and classical texts – typical of school exercises, e.g., Homer and the so-called Sentences of Menander – in the same archaeological context.244 Furthermore, the quotation from Prov 1:7 ‘The fear of the Lord is the beginning of knowledge’, can be interpreted

A. Maravela, ‘Homer and Menandri Sententiae in Upper Egyptian monastic setting’, [in:] L. I. Larsen & S. Rubenson (eds), Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical Paideia, Cambridge 2018, pp. 125–149, at p. 148. The term ‘educational’ consists of not only more or less institutional education (for children or novices) but also the self-education of adults desiring to learn basics of writing or master already quite satisfactory skills. 243 On such interpretations, see Till in O. Mon. Phoib., p. 105; Bucking, ‘Scribes’ (cit. n. 240), pp. 33–40; L. I. Larsen, ‘Monastic paideia and textual fluidity in the classroom’, [in:] L. I. Lied & H. Lundhaug (eds), Snapshots of Evolving Traditions: Jewish and Christian Manuscript Culture, Textual Fluidity, and New Philology, Berlin – Boston 2017, pp. 146–177, at pp. 162–171; Á. Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri: An Introduction [= Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 114], Tübingen 2019, pp. 200–210 (broadly on liturgical texts). A number of biblical texts were incorporated into school corpora by M. R. M. Hasitzka (P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt. 184–218). In the categorization of writing exercises by R. Cribiore (Writing, Teachers, and Students in Graeco-Roman Egypt, Atlanta 1996, p. 31), Biblical passages would correspond to category 6: ‘short passages: maxims, sayings, and limited number of verses’, which means somehow arbitrarily the texts generally ‘no longer than eight lines’. 244 On the subject of Sententiae Menandri, see P. Buzi, ‘Egypt, crossroad of translations and literary interweavings (3rd–6th centuries). A reconsideration of earlier Coptic literature’, [in:] F. Crevatin (ed.), Egitto Crocevia di traduzioni, Trieste 2018, pp. 15–67, at pp. 31–33; Maravela, ‘Homer and Menandri Sententiae’ (cit. n. 242); Note P. Oxy. LXXXIV 5414 – the first attestation of Iliad paraphrase in Coptic (sided with Greek original and prose paraphrase) dated to the sixth century; for Theban texts in Greek with classical authors, see catalogue in Cribiore, Writing (cit. n. 243), nos 168, 225, 226, 227, 319 (all from the Topos of Epiphanius). Noteworthy is the mixture of biblical sentences and Sententiae Menandri in O. Frange 751. Among Homeric ostraca in cell B of the Topos of Epiphanius, there is also an ostracon with liturgical text: troparion (P. Mon. Epiph. 608); cf. Ps.-Theodore of Antioch, In Theodorum Anatolium, ed. Budge, f. 11r – where the Book of Alexander is mentioned as an educational lecture. 242

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as a religious exhortation to the practice of writing.245 Undoubtedly, the context of the creation of some specific ostraca with the biblical text in Greek can be explained precisely by their role in the educational process. Certainly, in some monasteries, the Bible was taught to novices by rewriting passages, which was both a pious exercise and practical writing course. From the Theban area, we have only one, late, hagiographic clue, which, however, does not mention using ostraca explicitly. The entry in the Synaxary mentions that Anba Victor taught his nephew Jonas the Scriptures when the latter was a child at the Monastery of Ezekiel.246 The school origin may be evidenced by unskilled handwriting, misspellings or repetitions of words or phrases,247 but in many cases, it is difficult to say whether an ineptly copied text is a school exercise or was simply written by an untrained monk who did not think about improving his writing technique when copying it. However, even in the case of texts being school exercises, with a high degree of certainty, spiritual benefit was taken into consideration in the selection of the texts to be copied.248 Anastasia Maravela convincingly showed that the texts considered typically school-like, such as pangrams, could also have been, in fact, of a religious nature, and even being a proba pennae, they were at the same time a prayer

Maravela, ‘Homer and Menandri Sententiae’ (cit. n. 242), pp. 142–144. The passage appears in P. Mon. Epiph. 615 and O. Frange 751 (Maravela’s restoration). Both pieces contain also Sententiae Menandri in Greek. 246 Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 2 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, p. 518 [484]. We find little relevant material in hagiographic texts unrelated to Thebes. An anachronistic story of martyr monks bearing the names Panine and Panew (ed. Till, pp. 56–57, 63–64; see remarks by Cribiore, Writing [cit. n. 243], p. 149) from the time of the Diocletian persecution indicates the use of the Old Testament for school education, evidently in the context of learning to write. Cf. Life of Paisius, transl. Pirone, p. 207. It is stated in this account that, at the beginning of his monastic life, Paisius read Scripture ‘in his heart’ for three years. 247 All three arguments as commentary to P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt. 188 (= O. Vind. Copt. 3) – Hasitzka, P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt., p. 123. A lot more on the formal identification criteria of school texts Cribiore, Writing (cit. n. 243), pp. 75–118 (layout, decoration, mistakes, writing quality). Not all criteria employed by Cribiore can be used for Theban ostraca with biblical texts. 248 Larsen, ‘Monastic paideia’ (cit. n. 243), pp. 162–163. The mentioned quotation of Prov 1:7 is the best example of this. 245

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addressed to God before starting work.249 The ‘school’ explanation cannot be treated as a comprehensive one, also because most of the religious texts preserved on the ostraca were not recognized as writing exercises of any kind. For example, none of the eight religious texts in O. Frange was classified by the editors as an exercise, either performed by Frange himself (who, as a skilled copyist, probably did not need such exercises, unless we assume that for some reason they were stored in his cell for many years) or by any of his probable though unattested disciples.250 2. The ostraca displayed in the cell space contained spiritual content and moral advice, which a monk should constantly be aware of, and thus could have been an aid in spiritual exercises.251 An unknown author in a letter to Isaac and Elias explicitly calls the Scriptures ‘the breath of God’.252 In another letter, we read about the Scripture as a source of teaching (ⲥⲃⲱ).253 Such general statements, of course, do not directly mean that the biblical excerpts were written on ostraca, but since probably no monk had codices with all of the biblical books in his cell, their collecting such excerpts would have been highly probable. A. Maravela, ‘Alphabetic verses and cipher alphabets from Western Theban monasteries: Perspectives on monastic literacy in late antique Egypt’, [in:] E. Juhász (ed.), Byzanz und das Abendland III. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia, Budapest 2015, pp. 67–83, at pp. 78–79. 250 A mention of the presence of student exercises among ostraca O. Frange (without further comment) in the review O. Frange, J. Cromwell [review: A. Boud’hors & C. Heurtel, ‘Les ostraca coptes de la TT29. Autour du moine Frangé’], The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 99 (2013), pp. 313–317, at p. 315. As far as I know, this topic has not been discussed in greater detail so far. 251 J. van der Vliet, ‘The wisdom of the wall. Innovation in monastic epigraphy’, [in:] M. Choat & M. C. Giorda (eds), Writing and Communication in Early Egyptian Monasticism, Leiden – Boston 2017, pp. 151–164, at pp. 155–156. Elias of Bishwāw was said to have read the Scripture to look for role models therein: Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 17 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 475 [399]: ‘(…) pratiqua de grandes austérités, au point de lire les Livres saints et d’agir conformément à se qu’il lisait’. Isaiah of Scetis knows meditation by reading (ἀναγνώσεων μελέτην) as a separate ascetical practice (Asceticon 29, ed. Augoustinos, p. 199, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, p. 237). For him, Bible is also a point of reference in examination of one’s sins (Asceticon 25, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, p. 196). 252 P. Mon. Epiph. 110, ll. 19–20: ϩⲛ︥ⲧⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉϥⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. This is an echo of Matt 5:14. 253 P. Mon. Epiph. 434, ll. 6–7 (from NN to Elias): ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩⲥϩⲁⲓⲥⲟⲩ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲉⲛⲥⲃⲱ. This is an echo of 2 Thess 1:3. 249

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Let us note, however, that not only the biblical text, but also the physical medium of writing, could have had the value of holiness. This has several practical consequences pertinent to the Theban texts. The act of copying the Scriptures could have ensured God’s blessing: ‘Be so kind and copy (lit. write) minor prophets and the judge (Judges?), and Lord will bless you’.254 In many other letters, the execution of various types of orders is supported by the sender with a promise of God’s blessing (see pp. 153– 159), but in the context of this particular missive, we can assume that the commissioned action itself is of a particularly religious nature. To keep a wider perspective, let us mention that Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis required a deacon candidate to write down the Gospel, which was not a typical command in such cases. It would have been a special exercise of piety.255 In this case, we are not dealing with a monk, but the order itself confirms the conviction of the bishop-abbot that copying biblical books was a pious exercise. This practice is well attested in monastic literature.256 Moreover, even some hagiographic works affirm that copying them brings spiritual benefits.257 Ostraca of considerable size may primarily be interpreted as religious exercises and, at the same time, a media of sacred teaching, which could be O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 57/2, ll. 3–8: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲅ̅ⲥϩⲁⲓ̈ ⲙ̄ⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ϣⲏⲙ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲓⲧⲏⲥ ⲙ̄ⲧⲁⲣⲓ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ. 255 O. Crum 37 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 12). In other similar cases, memorization of the gospel is recommended (p. 114). 256 Palladius, when mentioning Apollonius, who became a monk in his old age and was unable to copy books, uses the term ἄσκησις γραφική (Historia Lausiaca XIII 1, ed. Bartelink, p. 56); cf. A. Maravela-Solbakk, ‘Monastic book production in Christian Egypt’, [in:] H. Froschauer & C. Römer (eds), Spätantike Bibliotheken: Leben und Lesen in den frühen Klöstern Ägyptens [= Nilus 14], pp. 25–37, at p. 29. In the apophthegm, ‘three brothers once visited an elder at Scete (…). The second one asked: “And I have written out the Old and New Testaments for myself…”. “You have filled the shelves with paper”, the elder replied’ (AP, N. 385, ed. and transl. Wortley, pp. 246–247). While the old man’s response is critical, it confirms that copying was considered a pious activity; cf. Gerontius, Vita Melaniae Iunioris 26. 257 Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 51: ‘If the Lord blessed the house of Aminadab by the bringing in of the ark unto his house, even so shall the Lord bless everyone that shall write the book of the Life of our father and bring it in unto his house in faith, and him that shall hear it’. Cf. similar promise in Life of Paul of Tammah, transl. Pirone, p. 170. 254

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used to meditate on the text.258 Thus, they would have played a role similar to the dipinti and graffiti on cell walls.259 In such a scenario, however, one would have to justify the advantage of ostracon over dipinti. Only its portability might be relevant, but it is difficult to answer why it should have been so important; hence, one should be careful with interpretations going in this direction. To anticipate possible objections, the presence of ostraca with quotations in Greek does not hinder interpreting them as pious exercises because – at least in the light of Barsanuphius’ conviction – the lack of understanding did not destroy the spiritual power of reading.260 3. Biblical ostraca could also play the role of ‘objects of ritual power’ (or less technically but more clearly ‘magical objects’), and the texts contained therein could be primarily of apotropaic character.261 Undoubtedly, A. Hasznos, ‘Writings and readings of the monks at TT 65’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2014), pp. 769–778, at p. 773. 259 However, we have relatively few graffiti and dipinti with biblical texts, see, e.g., A. Delattre & G. Lecuyot, ‘À qui et à quoi servaient les «ermitages» des vallées sud-ouest de la montagne thébaine’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2016), pp. 709–718, at p. 714 (Ps 72:26). 260 Cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 228. Barsanuphius entreats brother to read in Greek even if he does not understand what he reads. See also: Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 429; cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 711 (where it is not about reading but about singing psalms without comprehension). The effectiveness of Greek liturgical prayers in Thebes was not hindered by a lack of comprehension either (p. 20). 261 De Bruyn was only able to identify five ostraca of magical nature in Greek (they are presented in detail in Th. De Bruyn, ‘Papyri, parchments, ostraca, and tablets written with Biblical texts in Greek and used as amulets: A preliminary list’, [in:] T. J. Kraus & T. Nicklas [eds], Early Christian Manuscripts. Examples of Applied Method and Approach, Leiden – Boston 2010, pp. 145–189, at pp. 170, 175). More extensive catalogue by Th. De Bruyn & J. H. F. Dijkstra (‘Greek amulets and formularies from Egypt containing Christian elements: A checklist of papyri, parchments, ostraka, and tablets’, Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 48 [2011], pp. 163–216) also incorporates exclusively Greek texts which at least possibly might be considered magical. It includes ostraca, also Theban ones, but some of them do not contain biblical texts (K. A. Worp & D. Hagedorn, ‘Einige griechische Ostraka der Sammlung Kaufmann in Beuron’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 146 [2004], pp. 159–164, at p. 164, no. 6; O. Crum 520; O. Leiden Gr. 335). R. M. Hernández & S. Torallas Tovar, ‘The use of the ostracon in magical practice in Late Antique Egypt: Magical handbooks vs. material evidence’, Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 80 (2014), pp. 780–800, after more scrutiny, also taking into account Coptic ostraca, listed 13 magical ostraca and three further containing magical instructions. Of Theban origin are 258

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spiritual power was attributed not only to the words but to the physical form of the Scripture itself, as exemplified by taking an oath on a copy of the Gospel262 and the use of little codices as protective amulets.263 Andrea Hasznos suggests that some biblical texts may have protected the vessel and its content.264 This is unlikely, however, as it assumes that these inscriptions were made on vessels before breaking them, while most (if not all) religious texts were already written on the vessel shards. O. Crum ST 399, O. Crum 487, Suppl. Mag. II 58, P. Berlin inv. 936 + 971 (probably Theban); O. Moen inv. 34 (= Meyer & Smith, Ancient Christian Magic [cit. n. 195], no. 114). Ostraca O. Crum VC 1 with Ps 30:2–8 and O. Chicago, Haskell Oriental Institute inv. MH 1269, considered magical by De Bruyn & Dijkstra (‘Greek amulets’ [cit. supra]) are rejected as such by Hernández & Torallas Tovar, ‘The use of the ostracon’ (cit. supra), p. 791. The most obvious candidate for magical ostracon is P. Berlin inv. 936 + 971, ed. W. Beltz, ‘Die koptischen Zauberpapiere und Zauberostraka der Papyrus-Sammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin’, Archiv für Papyrusforschung 31 (1985), pp. 31–41, at pp. 37–38; on this piece, see A. Delattre ‘Ostraca des Musées de Berlin portant des extraits des Psaumes en copte’, [in:] V. Lepper (ed.), Forschung in der Papyrussammlung: Eine Festgabe für das Neue Museum, Berlin 2012, pp. 387–398, no. 5 (P. Berlin inv. 936 + P. 971), which contains Ps 148:3–9 and an exorcism. We may also add ostracon FN 2012.2733 from TT 223 found with typical name od ritual power ⲃⲁⲓⲛⲭⲱⲱⲱⲭ, mentioned by M. Müller, ‘Coptic ostraca in the tombs of the South Asasif necropolis’, [in:] E. Pischikova (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis. New Discoveries and Research 2012–2014, Cairo – New York 2017, pp. 281–312, at p. 285 (photo included). 262 It was a normal and obligatory legal procedure, applied in practice perhaps as early as the fourth century, as P. Lond demonstrates. P. Lond. V 1708, ll. 228–229: ὅρκον ἐπάνω τῶν σεπτῶν μεγαλίων (see commentary: L. M. B. MacCoull, Dioscorus of Aphrodito: His Work and His World, Berkeley, CA 1988, p. 34). Taking an oath on the Gospel was also accepted by monastic authors (e.g., Coptic Palladiana, Evagrius 7, transl. Vivian, p. 77 [= Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XXXVII 6, ed. Bartelink, p. 196]. A record of making such an oath is included in P. CLT 5, ll. 145–146: ⲓ̈ⲥⲱⲛ ⲟⲣⲕⲟⲩ ϣ̣ⲉⲡⲉϥⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϣⲉⲧⲉϥϭⲟⲙ ⲧⲛ︥ϩⲛ︥ⲡⲉⲓⲁⲛⲁϣ ⲧⲛ︥ⲯⲩⲭⲏ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧϥ̄, ‘A copy of the oath on the four gospels, by its force, that we take this oath upon our souls…’ (transl. L. M. B. MacCoull, Coptic Legal Documents: Law as Vernacular Text and Experience in Late Antique Egypt, Tempe, AZ 2009, p. 58). Moreover, in P. Pisentius 11, Cyriacus, the presbyter and abbot of Monastery of Macarius, recalls his oath on four gospels he took to absolve himself from accusations of sexual misbehaviour. The codex with four gospels in meant here; cf. P. Mon. Epiph. 466, l. 3: ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲣⲕⲟⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ϩⲉⲛϫ[---], ‘they adjured me by b[ook?---]’ (from NN to Pesynthius). 263 The patristic evidence given in P. Piwowarczyk, ‘Microtheologies behind the biblical amulets: Six case studies’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 49 (2019), pp. 253–279, at pp. 261–262. There is no direct evidence of similar practices in the Theban area. 264 A. Hasznos, ‘A Shenoute homily found in Theban Tomb 65’, Enchoria 30 (2006–2007), pp. 8–9, at p. 9; Hasznos, ‘Writings’ (cit. n. 258), p. 773.

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In a different – more balanced – approach, biblical passages, especially psalms,265 would fulfil a general protective function, perhaps for the monk or his household.266 Rather, they were not worn on the body, but displayed indoors.267 Individual objects can be interpreted in this way, but it is difficult to apply this explanation to dozens of texts at the same site, among which psalms are a definite minority. Let us also note that the surviving Theban ostraca lack the most popular verse in the magical practice, that is, Ps 90:1.268 Of course, one can understand the apotropaic nature of reading the Scripture more generally as protection against temptation and sin.269 Thus understood, biblical ostraca would not be texts of ritual power in a strict sense but instruments of ascetic practice, which in a major part is tantamount to struggle against logismoi and demons. 4. Ostraca with biblical texts could also serve as an aid in memorizing selected biblical passages, the repetition of which was an essential part of the monastic prayer, both individual (also during work) and liturgical.270 Athanasius of Alexandria, Vita Antonii VI 4–5 (Ps 117:7 repels a demon); for Anitrrhetic method among Pachomians, see Vita Pachomii SBo 186, transl. Veilleux, pp. 224–225; Instruction Concerning a Spiteful Monk I 9, transl. Veilleux, p. 14 (Ps 117:11). Apotropaic verses of Psalms are provided by John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 152; see graffito no. 17 from socalled Anchorite’s Grotto in Faras (F. Ll. Griffith, ‘Oxford excavations in Nubia’, Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 14 (1927), pp. 57–116, at p. 87). According to the otherwise unknown saying attested in this cell, the psalm passage (Ps 90: 3 [LXX]), renders a snake bite harmless; cf. commentary to the apotropaic texts from the Anachorite’s Grotto by van der Vliet, ‘The wisdom of the wall’ (cit. n. 251), p. 160. 266 F. Calament, ‘Correspondance inédite entre moines dans la montagne Thébaine’, [in:] A. Boud’hors, J. Gascou, & D. Vaillancourt (eds), Études coptes IX: Onzième journée d’études (Strasbourg, 12–14 juin 2003), Paris 2006, pp. 81–102, at p. 88. Calament does not specify who or what the ostraca with the texts of the psalms would protect. 267 Cf. O. Frange 190. 268 V. Foskolou, ‘The magic of the written word: The evidence of inscriptions on Byzantine magical amulets’, Δελτίον της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 35 (2014), pp. 329–348, at pp. 336–338. 269 See AP, Epiphanius 9: ‘He also said, “Reading the Scriptures is a great safeguard against sin”’, transl. Ward, p. 58; AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 181. 270 On the memorization of the Bible in Egypt, see P. Piwowarczyk, ‘The memorisation of the Bible among the Egyptian clergy and monks’, [in:] M. Szram & M. Wysocki (eds), The Bible in the Patristic Period [= Studia Patristica 103], Leuven 2021, pp. 87–98. 265

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The practice of learning the Scripture by heart is very well attested in Theban sources.271 Of course, the memorization process was time-consuming, and it should be assumed that most monks not only did not know the larger parts of the Bible by heart, but perhaps never even came into contact with them.272 The hypothesis about the usage of biblical ostraca as memorization aids is particularly popular273 and certainly explains, at least partially, the scale and type of production. All versions of the life of Pesynthius underline his knowledge of Bible by heart, although they differ in extent. The Sahidic Life mentions Jeremiah and Ezekiel (John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fols. 23b–24a, ed. Budge, pp. 78 [text], 261–262 [transl.]); the Bohairic Life – Psalter, Minor Prophets and John (Éloge de Pisentios évêque de Keft, ed. Amélineau, pp. 75, 83–84), and the Arabic Life lists Psalter, Isaiah, Jeremiah, minor prophets, 12 books, and altogether 30 books (The Life of S. Pisentius, ed. O’Leary, PO 22, pp. 330, 336, 351, 365, 452, 462 [18, 24, 39, 53, 140, 150]). The topical number of 30 book is given also in case of Elias of Bishwāw (Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 17 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 476 [400]). Anba Victor taught his nephew Jonas the sacred books when he was a child living in the monastery of Ezekiel (Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 2 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, p. 518 [484].) In another hagiographic narrative, Pesynthius of Hermonthis was taught New Testament and Psalter by heart at the age of three (according to MS Luxor given by P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 136, see also French translation in J. Doresse, ‘Monastères coptes aux environs d’Armant en Thébaide’, Analecta Bollandiana 67 [1947], pp. 327–349, at p. 338). We know from the dossier of Abraham of Hermonthis that memorisation of at least one of the Gospels was also mandatory for clergy, see: O. Berlin. inv. 12489 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 11); O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II 7; O. Berlin inv. 12486 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 80); O. Crum 29 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 6); O. Crum 31 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 7); O. Crum 34 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 9); O. Crum 35 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 50); O. Crum 37 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 12); O. Crum 39 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 85); O. Crum ad. 7 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 3 = O. Lips. Copt. I 12); P. Moscow Copt. 45 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 4); probably this is also the case of O. Col. inv. 947 (ed. R. Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca relating to Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis at Columbia University’, Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 57 [2020], pp. 75–115, no. 1). 272 Such a situation is assumed by Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon 5, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, p. 71: ‘If a passage of Scripture should come up in your conversation, that the one who knows the passage and understands it should do his best to humble his own will before his brother, in order to give rest gladly to his brother’. 273 P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 168; C. Römer, ‘Ostraka mit christlichen Texten aus der Sammlung Flinders Petrie’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 145 (2003), pp. 182–201, at p. 189; Bucking, ‘Scribes’ (cit. n. 240), pp. 32–33; E. Wipszycka ‘Biblical recitations and their function in the piety of monastic Egypt’, [in:] M. Choat & M. C. Giorda (eds), 271

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Without denying the validity of the above interpretations in relation to single ostraca or their groups, there are other possible hypotheses that may cover many of these objects, and which – as far as I am aware – have not been put forward so far. 5. A collection of ostraca may have served as a substitute for a library. Ostraca containing religious texts could have been created either as excerpts from codices or as a record of an oral recitation of the Bible. The books from which the excerpts on the ostraca were sourced, were generally available in Thebes and its surrounding areas. It seems that obtaining a codex was just a matter of being able to afford it. However, not all monks were wealthy enough to own books, even if these were only the books of the Bible. On the other hand, desired books, even biblical ones, were not always readily available, and obtaining one to copy it could have been problematic.274 Extracts could have been created while reading books borrowed from other monks. As for writing by ear, many monks certainly knew large parts of the Scriptures by heart, but memorizing them completely must have been something extraordinary,275 hence the need for possessing written texts. Some biblical texts copied onto ostraca, especially psalms, whether individually or as compositions, as well as biblical canticles used in the liturgy, may have been treated not so much as a substitute for a biblical codex but as a prayer book. The monks did not have to pay much heed to this distinction, as for them, the whole Bible was the foundation of Writing and Communication in Early Egyptian Monasticism, Leiden – Boston 2017, pp. 213–219, at pp. 217–219; Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 243), p. 143. 274 This is surely how O. Mon. Phoib. 7 should be interpreted: ‘Before [all things] I greet my [beloved] brother Kouloudje. [When] I left [you], (you said): “Write the Deuteronomy”. Now, I did not write it, but [I] have written the Leviticus and the Numbers in their order. If I am able, I shall write the Deuteronomy’ (transl. KHS-Burmester). Cf. O. Crum VC 69, a letter of unknown provenance in which ‘humble Thomas’ requests ‘your honoured, God-loving fatherhood’: ‘Be so kind, if the thing pleases you (pl.), and give us the book of Jesus, (son) on Naue. For they are writing it for us (and) we find not a copy’ (ⲣⲡⲛⲁ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲡϩⲱⲃ ⲁⲣⲓⲥⲕⲉ ⲛⲏⲧⲛ ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛϯ ⲡϫⲱⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲉⲏ̅ⲥ̅ ⲛⲛⲁⲩⲏ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲙⲙⲟⲛ ⲉⲩⲥϩⲁⲓ̈ ⲙⲙⲟϥ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲙⲛ ϭⲛ ⲁⲛϯⲅⲣⲁⲫⲟⲛ), transl. Crum (modified); P. Mon. Epiph. 378 deals probably with the biblical books lacking for liturgical service. 275 Piwowarczyk, ‘The memorisation’ (cit. n. 270), pp. 95–97.

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prayer. Frequently used liturgical and prayer texts were probably also known by heart, but in the case of more complicated prayers or hymns, their written versions were still indispensable. Even if one was to try to memorize a liturgical text, the process was time-consuming and, much like the memorization of the Bible, required the support of written text. The ostraca with fragments of hymns would therefore be handy prayer books, perhaps used not only in private prayer, but also during community liturgies.276 Such a conviction is strengthened by the fact that among psalm compositions, one can recognize hermeniae – hymns constituting part of the monastic liturgy specific to the Upper Egypt.277 A good example of such a ‘library’ text may be a sizeable ostracon, written by a well-trained hand, O. Gurna Górecki 107, which contains excerpts from Psalms, the New Testament, liturgical hymns, and a diagram explaining a Coptic cryptography system with a short, encrypted text, probably given as an example of how the system works in practice. Although editors interpret this text primarily as ‘connected with education’, most likely used as an aid in learning to read,278 Ágnes Mihálykó points out that it may have also been ‘a collection of useful texts that a monk wanted to have for himself as a reminder, and the Biblical verses and hymns were perhaps extracts of a service that he had to contribute to’.279 This would be exactly The wider issue of the use of liturgical texts on ostraca and papyri in the performance of the service was presented and argued for by Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 243), pp. 210–219; cf. the small archive of papyri from hermitage 25 of Naqlun containing Psalms, incipits of Psalms and canons of Psalms recited during daily (most probably private) prayer, see T. Derda, ‘The Naqlun papyri and the Codex Alexandrinus’, [in:] M. Starowieyski, The Spirituality of Ancient Mo­nasticism: Acts of the International Colloquium, Cracow–Tyniec, 16–19th November 1994, Cracow 1995, pp. 13–34. 277 D. Atanassova, ‘Der kodikologische Kontext des „Wiener Verzeichnisses“ mit Werken des Schenute: Die komplexe Struktur eines koptischen liturgischen Kodex aus dem Weißen Kloster’, Oriens Christianus 95 (2011), pp. 32–80, at pp. 48–54; U. Zanetti, ‘La liturgie dans les monastères de Shenoute’, Bulletin de la Société d’archéologie copte 53 (2014), pp. 167–224, at pp. 192–193. 278 Górecki & Łajtar, ‘An ostracon’ (cit. n. 227), pp. 161–164; this interpretation is essentially supported by Boud’hors, ‘The Coptic ostraca of the Theban Hermitage MMA 1151. 3. Exercises (O. Gurna Górecki 97–161)’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 49 (2019), pp. 41–96, at p. 59. 279 Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 243), p. 203. 276

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the kind of a book substitute I believe to be well represented among ostraca bearing biblical passages. 6. In direct relation to the above, such a handy library of excerpts may have served a much more mundane purpose than only to pray. Monks eagerly weaved biblical quotes into their letters, using them as a means of expression and persuasion. They probably did this even more often in everyday conversations. The excerpts on ostraca could been such a base of useful quotes for the less educated or not so bright monks.280 Such snippets could have also been collected for the purposes of religious discourse or organizing biblical knowledge. While monastic literature is full of warnings against reflecting upon exegetical and theological questions on one’s own,281 this fact alone confirms that there existed particularly inquisitive individuals.282 Bible quotations in Theban letters and documents283 In the light of the many uses that the Scriptures could have had, it is not surprising that monks constantly quoted and alluded to them in their letters. The Bible also appears very often in legal documents, although the passages quoted therein are repetitive and dependent on the types of documents. Cf. AP, Sisoes 17, PG 65, Paris 1864, col. 397, transl. Ward, p. 216: ‘Abba Ammoun of Rhaithou asked Abba Sisoes, “When I read the Scriptures, my mind is wholly concentrated on the words so that I may have something to say if I am asked”. The old man said to him, “That is not necessary; it is better to enrich yourself through purity of spirit and to be without anxiety and then to speak”’. A monk is mentioned here, who learned quotations from the Scripture in order to answer questions from other people. This practice is condemned, probably as a manifestation of the pursuit of vain glory (though it is not explicitly stated). This testifies, however, that the utilitarian reading of the Scripture was known from the beginnings of monasticism (which is not surprising, by the way). 281 Among the Sayings of Desert Fathers, see AP, Antony 1, Arsenius 48, Ammun 2, Poemen 8, Pambo 9. 282 AP, Kopres 3; Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 600, 604, 607. 283 Preparing this chapter, I greatly benefited from T. S. Richter, ‘Heilige Schriften im Alltagsgebrauch: Bibeltexte und -zitate im frühislamischen Theben’, [in:] G. Neunert et al. (eds), Text: Wissen – Wirkung – Wahrnehmung: Beiträge des vierten Münchner Arbeitskreises Junge Ägyptologie (MAJA 4), 29.11. bis 1.12.2013, Wiesbaden 2015, pp. 9–29. 280

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In view of this ubiquity of biblical texts and its likely wider presence in the oral sphere (from daily prayers, through community liturgies, to the language of daily conversations), we should expect phrases and allusions to the Bible to be omnipresent in monastic correspondence. However, the evidence is not so massive as one could expect. Below, I have compiled a list of quotations identified in the letters. The letters in which the scriptural attribution is made explicit (e.g., by the phrase ‘it is written in the Scriptures’ or similarly) are given in bold. –– BKU II 290, 318 –– O. Berlin inv. 12491 –– O. Brit. Mus. Copt. 59/1, 62/2 –– O. Col. inv. 932284 –– O. Crum 52, 71, 72, 73, 74, 84, 258, 371, 484, 485, ad. 1 –– O. Crum VC 54 –– O. Frange 8, 14, 38, 45, 120, 162, 164, 165, 168, 173, 174, 186, 205, 212, 238, 349, 385+485,285 402, 433, 434, 440, 442, 493, 568, 581, 603, 636, 652, 668, 752, 774 –– O. Gurna Górecki 23 –– O. Mon. Phoib. 8 –– O. Saint-Marc 45, 206, 361 –– P. Mon. Epiph. 106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 115, 143, 201, 210a, 307, 348, 434, 459 –– P. Moscow Copt. 80 –– SB Kopt. II 861, II 906286 The same pieces of correspondence may also be organized according to particular passages they contain, to see if any patterns emerge: –– Josh 23:14: O. Frange 164 –– 1 Sam 5:2 (= 1 Kgs 5:2 LXX): P. Mon. Epiph. 111 R. Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca’ (cit. n. 271), no. 6. Identified by Delattre & Vanthieghem, ‘Trois ostraca’ (cit. n. 223), pp. 109–110. 286 It is a piece written by Presbyter Victor and addressed to several clerics. The letter deals with juridical issues and could be dated to AD 606 / 607 (Hasitzka in SB Kopt. II, p. 52). 284 285

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–– 1 Sam 15:22 (= 1 Kgs 15:22 LXX): O. Col. inv. 932 –– 1 Sam 16:7 (= 1 Kgs 16:7 LXX): O. Frange 14; O. Frange 568 –– 1 Kgs 20:31 (= 3 Kgs 21:31 LXX): O. Crum 52 –– Job 29:23: O. Crum VC 54 –– Ps 1:1: O. Saint-Marc 361 –– Ps 33:16: O. Gurna Górecki 23 –– Ps 37:12 (or Job 19:14): SB Kopt. II 861 –– Ps 41:2: BKU 290; P. Mon. Epiph. 106 –– Ps 43:2: O. Crum 74 –– Ps 45:2: P. Mon. Epiph. 115 –– Ps 67:31–33: O. Crum 371 –– Ps 75:4: BKU 318 –– Ps 80:14–15: P. Moscow. Copt. 80 –– Ps 98:6: O. Frange 433; O. Frange 434; O. Frange 440 –– Ps 106:22: O. Frange 442 –– Ps 112:5–6: O. Frange 385+485 –– Ps 142:6: O. Frange 186 –– Prov 13:13: O. Frange 45 –– Prov 14:29: P. Mon. Epiph. 434 –– Prov 19:14: O. Frange 636 –– Lam 1:4–5: P. Mon. Epiph. 108 –– Matt 4:23: P. Mon. Epiph. 109287 –– Matt 5:9: SB Kopt. II 906 –– Matt 5:14: P. Mon. Epiph. 110 –– Matt 5:32: O. Crum 72; O. Crum 73 –– Matt 5:37: P. Mon. Epiph 143 –– Matt 6:24 (= Luke 16:13): O. Berlin inv. 12491 –– Matt 7:2: O. Frange 168 –– Matt 12:50: P. Mon. Epiph. 210a –– Matt 18:6: P. Mon. Epiph. 143 –– Matt 22:37 (= Luke 10:27): O. Mon. Phoib. 8 –– Matt 26:24 (= Mark 14:21b): O. Crum 71 –– Matt 26:67: O. Crum 71 Identification: A. Delattre, ‘À propos de deux réminiscences bibliques dans des lettres coptes’, Chronique d’Égypte 95 (2019), pp. 184–185.

287

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–– Matt 27:4: O. Saint-Marc 45 –– Matt 27:25: O. Crum 71 –– Matt 28:13: O. Crum 71 –– Matt 28:18: O. Frange 238 –– Mark 10:12: O. Crum 73 –– Mark 14:7: O. Frange 493 –– Luke 6:37: O. Frange 668 –– Luke 10:16: O. Frange 162; P. Moscow Copt. 80 –– Luke 10:21: O. Saint-Marc 206 –– Luke 16:18: O. Crum 73 –– Luke 18:2: P. Mon. Epiph. 307 –– John 1:1: O. Frange 120, 652 –– John 8:32: O. Crum 73 –– John 10:30: O. Frange 38 –– John 13:18: O. Crum 71 –– Rom 15:4: P. Mon. Epiph. 434 –– 1 Cor 1:31:288 O. Frange 174 –– 1 Cor 7:32: O. Frange 8 –– 1 Cor 13:4: P. Mon. Epiph. 434 –– 2 Cor 11:12: O. Frange 752 –– Gal 2:6: O. Frange 774 –– Eph 6:24: O. Crum 258 –– Phil 2:7–8: P. Mon. Epiph.143 –– Phil 3:13: O. Frange 14 –– Phil 4:12: O. Frange 581 –– 1 Thess 3:10: O. Crum 485 –– 1 Thess 4:9 or 5:1: O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 62/2289 –– 1 Thess 5:14: O. Frange 212; P. Mon. Epiph. 434 –– 2 Thess 1:3: P. Mon. Epiph. 434 In 1 Cor these words constitute a quotation from Jer 9:24; however, the wording of the Coptic text of Jeremiah differs slightly, so we are sure that Frange quoted from Corinthians. 289 See reedition and commentary ad loc. in A. Boud’hors, ‘Réédition de O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I, pl. LXII, 2 (Inv. 14246). Lettre d’Ananias à Frangé’, Chronique d’Égypte 95 (2020), pp. 345–346. 288

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–– 2 Tim 4:5: O. Frange 402; O. Frange 603 –– 2 Tim 4:6: P. Mon. Epiph. 109 –– Philemon 12: O. Frange 349 –– Heb 10:31: P. Mon. Epiph. 106 –– Jas 1:12: P. Mon. Epiph. 115 –– Jas 1:25: O. Crum 84 –– Jas 5:16: P. Mon. Epiph. 201 –– 1 Peter 2:25: P. Mon. Epiph. 109 –– 1 John 2:17: O. Frange 165 –– 1 John 3:17: O. Crum 258 –– 1 John 5:17: O. Crum 73; O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 59/1 –– 2 John 8: P. Mon. Epiph. 348 To this list we may add two other quotations in the ecclesiastical letter on papyrus: P. Berlin inv. 11346, bought in Luxor: Phil 2:12 and Heb 12:29.290 It is worth comparing the above list with quotations and allusions to the Scriptures in the Theban legal documents. This time I have categorized them according to biblical passages, as this exhibits repetitiveness that sometimes reaches a formulaic character:291 –– Gen 3:19: P. KRU 66, ll. 9–10; P. KRU 68, l. 25; P. KRU 69, l. 21; P. KRU 70, ll. 8–9; P. KRU 71, l. 14; P. KRU 76, ll. 2, 20; P. KRU 106, ll. 87–88 –– Deut 28: P. KRU 78, l. 67; P. KRU 79, l. 66; P. KRU 81, l. 47; P. KRU 85, l. 45; P. KRU 87, l. 35; P. KRU 95, l. 29 (et al.) –– Sam 1: P. KRU 89, l. 25; P. KRU 100, l. 39 (In Kinderschenkungen, where offering a child is equated to Nazirite) –– Job 7:6: P. KRU 106 –– Job 7:16: P. KRU 65, l. 1 Camplani, ‘A pastoral epistle’ (cit. n. 54). Such was certainly the nature of references to curses in the Scripture; they did not often even need to be enumerated, but they could be referred to in a general manner. This is an old practice, well attested by Shenoute: ‘[Con]demnation and the curse of the scriptures’ ([ⲧ]ϭⲁⲉⲓⲟ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲥⲁϩⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ), ed. and transl. Young, pp. 39 (text), 46 (transl.); ‘curse of the scriptures’, ed. and transl. Young, pp. 76 (text, only a part), 88 (transl.); ‘curse of the scriptures (ⲡⲥⲁϩⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ)’, ed. and transl. Young, pp. 154 (text), 158 (transl.).

290 291

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–– Eccles. 2:14: P. KRU 106, ll. 93–95 –– Eccles. 8:8 (uncertain identification): P. KRU 74, l. 14 –– Wis 65:1: P. KRU 65, l. 1 –– Ps 38:5: P. KRU 106, ll. 59–60 –– Ps 38:7: P. KRU 66, l. 12 –– Ps 38:14: P. KRU 66, l. 12 –– Ps 38:16: P. KRU 65, l. 15; P. KRU 66, ll. 9–10; P. KRU 73, l. 4; P. KRU 76, ll. 3–4 –– Ps 101:12: P. KRU 66, l. 11; P. KRU 76, l. 4 –– Ps 142:2: P. KRU 106, ll. 85–86 –– Matt. 24:42: P. KRU 106, ll. 97–99 –– Matt 25:13: P. KRU 106, ll. 95–97; P. KRU 74, l. 17 –– Matt 25:46 P. KRU 106, l. 194 –– Mark 12:41–44: P. KRU 106, ll. 52–56 –– Luke 21:2–4: P. KRU 106, ll. 52–56. –– Acts 1:18: P. KRU 88, l. 15; P. KRU 90, l. 11; P. KRU 98, l. 29; P. KRU 106, l. 199 –– Acts 5:1: P. KRU 13, l. 57; P. KRU 17, ll. 38–39; P. KRU 18, l. 58; P. KRU 88, l. 16; P. KRU 94, l. 36; P. KRU 106, l. 200 –– 1 Cor 13:8: P. KRU 106, ll. 76–81 –– Jas 2:13: P. KRU 106, ll. 76–81 –– Jas 5:16: P. KRU 106, ll. 76–81 We can clearly see that the distribution of quotations is completely different than in the isolated excerpts written on ostraca and the quotations woven into monastic letters. References to the Old Testament, especially the historical books, are much more important than in the just mentioned corpora. One can legitimately speak of parallel circulations of biblical quotes taking place in various spheres of monastic (and not only monastic) activity. Certainly, private correspondence and legal documents constituted two more or less independent circulation contexts. Of course, the question ought to be asked: to what extent the quotations and allusions to the Scriptures were understood by the addressees of the letters, especially when they were lay people?292 In the preserved This question is also valid in relation to quotations contained in legal documents, and the answer to it is probably similar to the case of citations contained in letters.

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homily by Pesynthius of Coptus, we may find a unique indication that at least the hierarchy expected lay Christians to repeat and discuss the passages from the Scriptures at home: [B]e especially attentive to what is read to you in church and place these words in your heart so you may continue to say them in your homes with your children and your neighbours at all times. (…) [D]o not leave them in the church where they were read to you, emptied of their power, while you leave. No, let us them on the of our heart; let us say them at all times in our homes and on the streets and while we are walking on the road, even while we are eating [or] drinking, even when we are doing work with our hands. Let us receive them to our wives and our children and our servants and our apprentices and we hire.293

The homily represents a wishful thinking and not a description of reality, but it must nevertheless be based on factual premises.294 We know little about the Liturgy of the Word in Theban churches, but we do know that there existed places in Egypt where the Scriptures were actually read every day.295 This does not mean, however, that they were universally understood,296 especially since the Liturgy of the Word on Sundays did not contain Old Testament readings (psalms constitute a separate case).297 Pesynthius of Coptus, Discourse on Onnophorios, transl. Vivian, pp. 183, 186. A story given in the Sayings of Desert Fathers (AP, Poemen 109, transl. Ward, p. 182), in which secular man presents himself as lacking knowledge of the Scriptures has a clearly rhetorical character. 295 Life of Aaron 12, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 70–71. This text describes the situation in the second half of the sixth century, when the text was written, rather than the fourth century, which is the time setting of the plot. 296 Life of Aaron 5, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 66–67: ‘Next to him [i.e., Pseleusius: PP] lived an old man who had knowledge of the scriptures. He often went to him and inquired of him about the lectures that were read in church’. 297 In the Coptic Church, the Sunday Liturgy of the Word contained four readings, from Epistles of Paul, the Catholic Epistles, the Acts, and the Gospel. The reading from Synaxary and Psalms took place before Gospel. See the outline of the liturgy of the word given by U. Zanetti, Les lectionnaires coptes annuels, Louvain-La-Neuve 1985, pp. 29–33; Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 243), p. 56. For the reconstruction of Liturgy of the Word in Western Thebes, crucial is O. Crum ST 165 listing three books: Psalter, Apostolos, and Gospel. According to Mihálykó (The Christian Liturgical Papyri [cit. n. 243], p. 142), 293

294

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However, references to the Old Testament are present in monastic letters, including those addressed to lay people. The laity could grasp the basics of the Old Testament during the Liturgy of the Hours,298 liturgies of holidays, or the Holy Week.299 We can expect that the same content appeared in homilies, especially since the ones addressed to the laity assume knowledge of the Old Testament.300 Perhaps it was to enough to comprehend most of the Old Testament references current in the monastic and ecclesiastical discourse. Of course, we must consider the possibility that monks did not assume that their addressees would be familiar with the quoted verses. Hence, the biblical origins of these quotes were clearly signalled with phrases like ‘It is written in the Scriptures’, or similarly, the impression was made by merely pointing out the biblical nature of the quote, and not by calling upon the reader to use their knowledge to connect a given passage with its wider biblical context. This hypothesis would be supported by quotations, where

these three might be essential for a service. There is, however, extant at least one lectionary with Old Testament pericopes, Paris Copte 129 (22), mentioned by Zanetti, Les lectionnaires (cit. supra), p. 15. 298 John Cassian, De institutis coenobiorum II 4, ed. Guy, p. 64: ‘Igitur per uniuersam ut diximus Aegyptum et Thebaidem duodenarius psalmorum numerus tam in uespertinis quam in nocturnis sollemnitatibus custoditur, ita dumtaxat ut post hunc duae lectiones, ueteris scilicet ac noui testamenti singulae, subsequantur’. For Cassian’s account, see H. Quecke, Untersuchungen zum koptischen Stundengebet, Leuven 1970, pp. 151–154. Quecke notes that Cassian must have known only the liturgy in Lower Egypt from experience. The description by Cassian refers to the monastic; in the late ancient Egyptian Church, the lay Christians were expected to attend an hour’s liturgy in the Church, see discussion in Quecke, Untersuchungen (cit. supra), pp. 10–13. 299 For the order of reading of the Holy Week in contemporary Coptic liturgy, see O. H. E. KHS-Burmester, The Egyptian or Coptic Church: A Detailed Description of Her Liturgical Services and the Rites and Ceremonies Observed in the Administration of Her Sacraments, Cairo 1967, pp. 274–302. 300 Pesynthius of Coptus, Discourse on Onnophorios, transl. Vivian, p. 181, where there appears an allusion to Eli and his sons (1 Sam 2:27–36) without further elaboration. Pesynthius must have been certain that this would be clear for his flock. A sceptical view on homily understanding among lay people, see J. Tannous, The Making of the Medieval Middle East: Religion, Society, and Simple Believers, Princeton, NY 2018, p. 17 (relevant literature in n. 25).

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texts of supposedly biblical provenance were more akin to free variations on biblical themes than to exact citations.301 The best examples of using the Scriptures in monks’ letters can be best shown based on Frange’s correspondence.302 I have analysed this issue in more detail in a separate study;303 here, I shall only outline the main points. As for the identified references to Scripture, in Frange’s letters there are 25 of them contained in 24 letters (six of them have been classified by editors as exercises).304 Frange quotes Psalms six times, refers to 1 Kings (the same place), Matt, John, 1 Cor, Phil and 2 Tim twice, and quotes Gen,305 Josh, Prov, Mark, Luke, Rom, 1 Thess once. In Frange’s dossier, we find the highest number of biblical references out of all Theban dossiers. The mere fact of copying the books of the Bible does not explain the relative abundance of biblical material in Frange’s letters. Presbyter Mark, who also copied such texts,306 rarely resorted to biblical quotations. Since the ostraca of the hermitage of Frange and the Topos of Mark were edited by the same editors (so we are not dealing with different sensitivity or This is the case with a quotation in P. Berlin inv. 12491 (Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 27], no. 76), where Bishop Abraham through the phrase: ‘It is written thus’ introduces a quotation unattested in the Bible, which might be only a loose reference to Matt 25:40; for this quotation, see P. Piwowarczyk ‘Using the Scriptures in documentary letters from Western Thebes’, [in:] Ch. Meccariello & J. Singletary (eds), Uses and Misuses of Ancient Mediterranean Sources: Erudition, Authority, Manipulation [= SERAPHIM], Tübingen forthcoming, pp. 273–277. 302 Note, that not all letters included in O. Frange belong to his dossier. 303 Piwowarczyk, ‘Using the Scriptures’ (cit. n. 301). 304 We are talking about the letters by Frange, not about the letters from his hermitage. Letters by other people, which also contain biblical references, were also found in TT 29. In turn, Frange’s letters were found outside his hermitage as well. 305 It is an allusion to Gen 34:1–37 in O. Frange 173. As an allusion, it is not included in the list of quotations. There is probably a second allusion to Genesis in O. Frange 205 (Gen 15:5), but since Sahidic text of this passage has been lost, the exactness cannot be verified. 306 A. Boud’hors, ‘Copyist and scribe: Two professions for a single man? Palaeographical and linguistic observations on some practices of the Theban region according to Coptic texts from the seventh and eighth centuries’, [in:] J. Cromwell & E. Grossman (eds), Scribal Repertoires in Egypt from the New Kingdom to the Early Islamic Period, Oxford 2018, pp. 274–295, at p. 279. 301

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expertise), we must recognize that this way of using the Bible is a special feature of Frange’s epistolary style. Quotations from Scripture are almost always introduced by Frange in a way that leaves no doubt as to their inspired source: ‘It is written so in the Apostle’ (O. Frange 8: ϥⲥⲏϩ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉϩⲉ ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ ϫⲉ), ‘it is written in the Scripture’ (O. Frange 14: ⲉϥⲥⲏϩ ϩⲛ̄ ⲧⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ), ‘as it is written in the Scripture (O. Frange 45, 120: ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲥⲏϩ ϩⲛ̄ ⲧⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ), ‘it is written’ (O. Frange 174: ⲉϥⲥⲏϩ ϫⲉ), ‘as it is written’ (O. Frange 38: ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲥⲏϩ), ‘the Lord said to his disciples’ (O. Frange 162: ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉϥⲙⲁⲑⲏⲧⲏⲥ ϫⲉ), ‘it is said in [the Gospel]’ (O. Frange 168: [ⲁⲩϫⲟ]ⲟⲥ ϩⲙ̄ [ⲡⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲟⲛ]), ‘in the Gospel the Lord said’ (O. Frange 493: [ⲛⲧⲁⲡϫⲟ]ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲙ̄ [ⲡⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗ]ⲓ̣ⲟⲛ), ‘God says/said’ (O. Frange 212: [ⲡⲛ]ⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϫⲟⲟⲥ ϫⲉ). Even when Frange wants to allude to a current problem by an archetype taken from the Scripture, he clarifies: ‘in the Scripture two brothers killed a city of men because of their sister’.307 Only occasionally was an allusion or a quote weaved into the text, without indicating the source (O. Frange 603). It is evident that Frange did not assume such a degree of the knowledge of the Scriptures on the part of his correspondents that would allow them to identify quotations from the Scripture incorporated into the text, even regarding such distinctive sentences as the first words of the Gospel of John. Casual inclusion of Biblical words into the text, known to us from monastic literature, or even building the whole sentences from Biblical words and phrases compiled in cento style, is virtually missing. Frange uses Biblical quotations to refer to the current situation or a specific problem. For example, in a particularly respectful letter to Apa Paul: ‘It is written by the Apostle: “I would like you (pl.) to be free from concern” (1 Cor 7:32), especially that the time is difficult’ (O. Frange 8). Frange expresses his personal wish with the words of the Scripture, then seamlessly completes the quotation with his own commentary. In the letter to his brother Isaac, Frange writes: ‘As it is written in the Scripture: “Forgetting what is behind and straining toward what is ahead” (Phil 3:13). Go southward to me as [---]’.308 Frange brings a quotation 307 308

O. Frange 173, ll. 8–11: ⲁⲥ̣[ⲛ]ⲁⲩ ⲛ̄ⲥⲟⲛ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ ⲙⲟⲩⲟⲩⲧ̣ ⲟⲩⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲛ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϩ̣ⲁⲟⲩⲥⲱⲛⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲩ. O. Frange 14, ll. 6–8.

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related to his own wish for his brother Isaac to visit; the authority of the Scripture is to empower the request. In another letter, the biblical quote ‘I and the Father are one (John 10:30)’ is intended to emphasize the attachment of Frange and his two addressees: Presbyter Apa Job and Apa Paul. Let us emphasize that Frange does not hesitate to use a phrase that refers originally to the God-Son to God-Father relation to describe his relationship with the addressee. In other letters, however, scriptural quotations reinforce a negative thrust. In letter 45, the Scripture is intended to strengthen Frange’s explicitly stated anger as well: I am surprised about you (and) I am amazed at a thing you could do, (that) you scorned it. As it is written in the Scripture: ‘He who disdains a thing, he will be disdained’. [Prov 13:13]. You (pl.) ashamed me like a dog when you did not produce a little needle for me.309

In another example, Frange scolds Azarias by introducing his allegation with Luke 10:16,310 then describes the addressee’s disobedience. He clearly wants to show here – already underlined – the convergence of his own will, equated here with the will of the apostles, with the will of God. In the poorly preserved letter 168, Frange introduces the subject with a quote, ‘It is said in [the Gospel]: “in the measure [you will measure], it will be measured [for you (pl.)]” [Matt 7:2]’.311 Then he goes on to the reproaches associated with rather unclear controversies related to the measurement of lentils. This is a striking example of the utilitarian use of the Scripture to strengthen one’s rhetorical position. 309 O. Frange 45, ll. 2–9 (from Frange to NN). The same biblical passage misattributed to Gregory of Nyssa appears in the dipinto from Deir Abu Hinnis (Middle Egypt); see A. Delattre, ‘L’apophtegme de Grégoire de Nysse au Deir Abou Hennis’, Aegyptus 83 (2013), pp. 223–227. 310 O. Frange 162 (from Frange to Azarias): ‘Disobedient Azarias! ⳨ The Lord has said to his disciples: “Whoever listens to you, listens to me” [Luke 10:16]. Now, if I send for you many times, (and) you do not obey me once and do not come to me for my meeting with you, where is the need what is the necessity for you to come to me at all?’. Azarias might be monastic as well as secular. The former is more probable, since in any of a few letters addressed to him, his monastic status is sign in any way. 311 O. Frange 168, ll. 1–4 (from Frange to unknown woman).

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Using of a quote from the Scripture to reinforce someone’s commitment in fulfilment monk’s request is highly interesting: ‘I beseeched your brotherly lordship: make for me a little čat (which) takes an angeion. You said: “I will produce it”. It is written in the Scripture: “The word was God (ⲛⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲡϣⲁϫⲉ)”. Now I beseech you to do it in respect of God’.312 Just as a certain Matthew does, using this quote when mentioning Presbyter Moses that he had promised to deliver the book to him by a certain date.313 The repetition of the same biblical verse to express a similar intention by monks living in different centuries – Matthew in the first half of the seventh, Frange one hundred years later – indicates that some utilitarian interpretations of biblical verses were supra-individual and entered the local epistolographic repertoire. Summing up, it should be emphasized once again that all the Biblical quotations and allusions in Frange’s dossier have a purely utilitarian dimension; as a rule, they serve to rhetorically reinforce a request or reprimand. We cannot speak of any biblical education here. The authors clearly want the addressees to recognize the authority of these words: hence their constant identification as words of the Scripture. The quote itself almost never replaces the essence of the matter, which is presented directly as a main content.

O. Frange 120, ll. 20–27 (from Frange to Lazarus). Lazarus was certainly non-monastic, since he was married and had children. 313 O. Frange 652. This letter does not belong to dossier of Frange. 312

CHAPTER TWO

WORDS IN ACTION PRAYER

R

equests for prayer appear in monastic letters very often, usually in the form of a short, conventional call ‘pray for me / us’,1 in a more elaborate form ‘Be so kind and remember me in your holy prayers’,2 sometimes also tautologically ‘pray for me in your holy prayers’,3 or through a synecdoche referring to the supplicant’s gesture: ‘Be so kind and remember me in raising of your holy hands’.4 These phrases are of a formulaic nature and represent variations of the forms found in epistolary requests for prayer from the fourth century onwards.5 They are also attested in the earliest Christian letters6 and the Sayings of Desert Fathers.7

1 E.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 175, l. 12: ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛ︥ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲛ; A. Biedenkopf-Ziehner, Untersuchungen zum koptischen Briefformular unter Berücksichtigung ägyptischer und griechischer Parallelen, Würzburg 1983, p. 117, refers to ‘Gebetsformel’. 2 P. Mon. Epiph. 140, ll. 32–33: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧ︤ⲛ̅ⲣ︥ ⲡⲁⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ϩⲛ︥ⲛⲉⲧⲛ︥ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ; more elaborated is O. Lond. Copt. I 53/4, ll. 6–7 (from NN to NN, from Karnak): ⲙⲁⲣⲉⲡⲉⲣⲡⲙⲉⲩⲉ ⲛⲧⲉⲕϩⲙ[ϩⲁⲗ] ⲡ̣ⲉ̣ ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲕϩⲏⲧ ⲙⲛⲛⲉⲕϣⲗⲏ[ⲗ] (‘may rememberance of your servant be in your heart and your prayers’). 3 P. Mon. Epiph. 341, ll. 12–16: ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲓ ϩⲛ︥ⲛⲉⲕϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ; P. Mon. Epiph. 363. 4 E.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 203, ll. 16–19: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛ︤ϭ̣ⲣ︥̅ ⲡⲁⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ϩⲙ︥ⲡϥ[ⲓ] ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲕϭⲓϫ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. 5 P. Col. XI, pp. 62–64 and the examples collected there. There is no reference to hand raising, which should be considered as further development. Biedenkopf-Ziehner, Untersuchungen (cit. n. 1), p. 118, indicates P. Mich. Copt. 1. 6 H. Koskennemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefes bis 400 n. Chr., Helsinki 1956, pp. 134–137, 146. Similar formulas are known also from the non-Christian letters. 7 Cf. Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 13: ‘[W]e asked him [i.e., John of Lycopolis: PP] at once, before anything else, to say a prayer for us’, transl. Russell, p. 54; Historia monachorum in Aegypto II 7: ‘When the father [i.e., Or: PP] saw us, he was filled with joy, and embraced us, and offered a prayer for us’, transl. Russell, p. 64.

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Sometimes the formula of the request is subject to some modifications and includes an additional element: ‘Pray in charity’8 or more complex ‘Have pity and pray for me in love in your holy prayers’.9 An indication of time appears once: ‘Remember us this Pascha in your holy prayers’.10 Generally, it is visible that the repertoire of prayer requests is fairly template-based and limited. Such a request most often appears in the concluding lines of a letter, sometimes even after the almost mandatory ‘Be saved in God’. It also occurs, though much less frequently, in the opening of the letter.11 It should be emphasized, however, that in the Theban letters the opening formula of salutation containing the author’s assurance of prayer for the addressee (εὔχομαι, etc.) is much rarer than in Greek letters. The broad spectrum of requests for prayer is best seen in the letters from the Topos of Epiphanius, where 65 of such summonses are found. They are presented in the table below: Table 7. Prayer requests from the Topos of Epiphanius P. Mon. Epiph. From

To

Request or specific intention of prayer

105

Joseph

Isaac, the anchorite

‘[that God be merciful] to me and that I may do His will’.12

106

‘his servant’

Epiphanius

Means to please God; perhaps also the salvation of the soul

116

Euprepius

[John] and Enoch

In time of trial, or sickness (ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ)

120

Tagape and Patermouthius ‘the sinners’

‘pious and revered’ Epiphanius

For remembrance in prayer

P. Mon. Epiph. 220, ll. 1–3: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ; cf. P. Mon. Epiph. 315. P. Mon. Epiph. 363, ll. 2–4: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲡⲛⲁ [ⲛⲅ︥ϣⲗⲏⲗ] ⲉϫⲱⲓ̈ ⲛⲁⲅⲁⲡⲉ ϩⲛ︥ⲛⲉⲕϣⲗⲏⲗ [ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁ]ⲁ̣ⲃ. 10 O. Crum 104, ll. 8–11 (from ‘his humble son’ to ‘holy and in every way revered father’): ⲛⲅⲣⲡⲉⲛⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ϩⲛⲛⲉⲕϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϩⲛⲧⲉⲓⲡⲁⲥⲭⲁ. It is likely that the letter was simply sent during the period close to Easter, although one could also argue that an Easter prayer was more powerful than one performed on other days. 11 E.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 220. 12 Transl. Crum. 8 9

PRAYER

131

Table 7. Prayer requests from the Topos of Epiphanius (cont’d) P. Mon. Epiph. From

To

Request or specific intention of prayer

125

NN

John

A general request for prayer

128

Ananias

‘holy fathers’

A general request for prayer

129

Abraham, lashane of Pshenhor

‘holy lord father who truly bears Christ’ Apa NN

For deliverance from trials

140

NN

‘your holiness’

‘that God make me worthy to do his will’

144

Menas ‘his servant’ ‘holy father who in all things bears Christ’ etc., Epiphanius

For house (i.e., family) since the children are sick

147

Presbyter, ‘the humblest servant’

NN

For recovery of a sick camel

162

Joseph, ‘the humblest archdeacon’

Epiphanius, ‘holy lord ‘that I may [be acceptable] at my father that is God’s temple’, meeting God’ ‘the prophet and anchorite’

175

NN

‘our lords Apa John and Apa Enoch’

198

Pesynte and Pater, Apa Epiphanius, ‘holy ‘the humblest ones’ father’

A general request for prayer; to be worthy to meet Epiphanius personally

199

Eudoxia, ‘this sinner’

Apa Psan, ‘beloved holy father and revered Apa’, ‘the anchorite’

For God’s mercy and remission of sins

200

Anastasius

Apa Epiphanius, ‘the holy, the Spirit-bearer’

For rescue from invaders and dispersing them

201

NN

Elias, ‘my holy lord father’, For recovery from a severe illness for the son of the author Elias functions as an intermediary between the author of the letter and Apa Epiphanius

202

NN

John and NN

A general request for prayer

For deliverance from a trial (ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ)13

Crum proposes to understand ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ as ‘sickness’, but I do not find any reason against understanding it as temptation. Such meaning was well established by Lord’s

13

WORDS IN ACTION

132

Table 7. Prayer requests from the Topos of Epiphanius (cont’d) P. Mon. Epiph. From

To

Request or specific intention of prayer

203

John, ‘the humblest’

Apa Elias, ‘pious ascete, the A general request for prayer presbyter’, truly bearing the Christ

206

Patermoute, ‘the humblest’

Apa Epiphanius, ‘holy father’

A general request for prayer

207

NN

NN

A general request for prayer; the letter calls for reciprocal prayer

208

Pesynthius, ‘this sinner’

Apa Moses and Apa Epiphanius, ‘the holy brothers, my revered fathers’

A general request for prayer

209

Moses, ‘the Apa Enoch, Apa humblest [sinner?]’ Epiphanius, and yet another Apa (name lost), ‘his pious [fathers]’

A general request for prayer, maybe for the remission of sins by God

210

NN

‘your holy lord fatherhood’

For God’s assistance in the time of youth

211

Joseph

Isaac, ‘my father’, and Apa A general request for prayer Elias, ‘the anchorites of the mountain of Jeme’

212

Megas

Apa Epiphanius, ‘the holy’

For preservation from illness

220

NN

NN

A general request for prayer; followed by the request for instructions (ⲉⲛⲇⲟⲗⲏ)

228

NN

‘my father’

A general request for prayer

244

NN

‘your (pl.) holiness’

For house and particularly daughter of the author

246

Shebew, ‘the presbyter’

John, ‘beloved brother’

For recovery of the author and probably some other people

249

NN

Somebody with ‘holy feet’

Most probably a general request for prayer

PRAYER

133

Table 7. Prayer requests from the Topos of Epiphanius (cont’d) P. Mon. Epiph. From

To

Request or specific intention of prayer

261

Joseph, ‘the humblest sinner’

Apa Isaac and Apa Elias, A general request for prayer ‘my lord’s fathers’ who bear Christ

26614

NN

Apa Cyriacus, ‘holy father’

‘That I may live’(Does it mean recovery? or eternal life?)

273

NN

‘my lord father, holy and filled with [every virtue…]’

A general request for prayer

279

Deacon Peter

Apa Elias and Apa Isaac ‘holy and pious fathers’

‘because of the multitude of my sins’15

285

NN, ‘the humblest’ Apa Isaac, ‘the a[nchorite?]’ A general request for prayer

296

NN, ‘this humblest Apa Isaac, ‘the holy father’ one’

A general request for prayer

299

NN

NN

For a certain deacon and his children16

306

David, ‘the presbyter’

Apa Isaac, ‘his beloved father’ who bears Christ

A general request for prayer, ‘for I am grown old (?) in sin’ (It is probably a request for God’s mercy on the sinner)

315

Peter, ‘the humblest one’

Apa John, ‘my holy lord father’ who truly bears Christ

A general request for prayer

Prayer, nonetheless. On the efficacy of monastic prayer against devilish temptations, see Life of John Khame, ed. and transl. Davis, p. 37: ‘Many indeed are the souls that thou hast saved from the evil devilish enemy, by thy holy prayers’. 14 Found in TT 65 and 66, the so-called Monastery of Cyriacus. 15 This piece is very interesting. Firstly, Peter asks for a delivery of linen and only then for prayer, although he stresses that the prayer is the main point of his request – since he begins this part of the letter (ll. 9–11): ‘but the main point (ⲕⲉ[ⲫⲁⲗ]ⲁⲓⲟⲛ in Crum’s reconstruction and interpretation of the text: PP) is, my holy lords, that you would entreat the Lord for us’ (transl. Crum, modified). 16 The deacon is not himself an author of the letter but his request is conveyed by the author.

WORDS IN ACTION

134

Table 7. Prayer requests from the Topos of Epiphanius (cont’d) P. Mon. Epiph. From

To

Request or specific intention of prayer

326

NN

Somebody with ‘holy hands’ A general request for prayer

328

NN (in the 1st. pl.) ‘beloved holy father Pe[---]’, A general request for prayer fatherhood

329

Mena (The name ‘your fatherhood’, who appears in the first bears Christ line)

Perhaps for recovery from a sickness

330

Mark, ‘the humblest one’

Apa Pesente, ‘your fatherhood’

A general request for prayer

336

Koletjew, ‘his mother’, but a request for prayer is by a scribe Apa John

Epiphanius, ‘your fatherhood’ (by John)

A general request for prayer (for John)

341

Moses, ‘his son’

Apa Moses

For means to please God

350

Euprepius, ‘the humblest one’

Johna and Enoch ‘beloved brothers’

A general request for prayer

351

Frange

Enoch, ‘pious brother’

A general request for prayer

355*

NN

‘holy piety’, ‘our brothers’

For means to do God’s will

357*

Besamon

Enoch, ‘my beloved brother’

A general request for prayer

359

NN

NN ‘adorned with [all] virtues’, confessor

For the author of the letter, his house, and recovery for his sick children

363

Epiphanius

‘my beloved [brother] Jacob’

A general request for prayer

366

NN (in pl.)

NN

A general request for prayer

373

Joseph (identified by his hand), ‘this sinner’

‘his beloved lords, pious ones’

For God’s kindness at a time of great need, repeated general requests for prayer

375

Mena, ‘the sinner’

Apa Isaac and Elias

‘For my sins’, i.e., for the remission of sins

PRAYER

135

Table 7. Prayer requests from the Topos of Epiphanius (cont’d) P. Mon. Epiph. From

To

Request or specific intention of prayer

376

Frange

Apa Enoch, ‘beloved lord brother, the good and pious’

A general request for prayer

378

NN

NN

A general request for prayer

385

Tatre and Moses, ‘the humblest and Katharon (women), pious’ ‘the sinner’

A general request for prayer

390

NN

NN

A general request for prayer

396

NN (in pl.)

NN

A general request for prayer

433

Tagape, ‘his servant’

NN (perhaps Epiphanius?), For removing trials (ⲡⲉⲣⲁⲥⲙ̣[ⲟⲥ]) from ‘[my beloved] holy father’ the addressee

436

NN

‘your fatherhood’

For means to do God’s will and that God preserves the author from trials (ⲡⲉⲓ̈ⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ) and afflictions (ϩⲓⲑⲗ[ⲓⲯⲓⲥ]), in prosperity

468 I*

NN (in pl.)

NN, ‘our holy father’

Perhaps a general request for prayer

476

Joseph, ‘this humblest one’

NN, ‘his holy fathers’

A general request for prayer

492*

Paul and Esdra

Ananias, ‘my father’

A general request for prayer

498

NN

NN

A general request for prayer

As can be clearly seen, most prayer requests are not related to a specific matter and could be treated as a rhetorical recognition of the addressee’s status as a person capable of effective intercession before God. It seems that prayer is sometimes understood to be equivalent to the remembrance of a given person.17 However, when more specific intentions occur, they 17 See esp. P. Mon. Epiph. 373, ll. 42–45: ⲉⲡⲁⲣ̄ ⲡⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲉⲡⲉⲧⲛⲉϩⲏⲧ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁⲥⲉⲡⲥⲉⲡ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϫⲱⲓ, ‘when you [pl.] will remember me in your heart, entreating the Lord for me’, or P. Mon. Epiph. 192, ll. 10–11: ⲧⲥⲁⲡⲥⲡ ⲙⲙⲟⲕ̄ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲣⲱⲃ̄ϣ̅ⲕ̅ ⲉⲣⲟⲁⲓ̈, ‘I entreat you, forget me not’; note, that ⲥⲟⲡⲥ itself means also a prayer addressed towards God. Similar formulas are

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include matters like a request to heal (usually another person, especially a child, but once also a camel), to be released from trials and afflictions, and requests for remission of sins. Noteworthy are also the motifs that do not occur in the prayer requests. There is no single issue concerning problems with the local or imperial authorities, and – even more surprisingly – no request regarding bad weather, drought, plague, famine etc. Such a lack stands in stark contrast with the kind of intervention constituting the core of the Brownian ‘holy man’.18 Trials (ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ)19 and afflictions (ⲑⲗⲓⲯⲓⲥ) recurrent in the correspondence from the Topos of Epiphanius should be understood not as physical threats or illness,20 but rather as demonic temptations. The latter might be corroborated by the saying in which affliction is said to be of demonic origin.21 Remission of sins is the special ability to intercede with God, as the saying about Apa Bane states: ‘He has the power, furthermore, to ask God to forgive the sins of this entire generation for them’.22 The request for such a prayer was recommended in the apophthegms as an appropriate way of approaching a renown ascetic. If you visit an elder, prayer is offered and he allows you to sit down, say to him: ‘Father, speak a word of life to us about how we are to find God – and pray for me, because I have many sins’ – say that much and not another word, unless you are asked a question.23 attested as early as the fourth century, see P. Neph. 2, ll. 5–6: μνημόνευε ἡμῶν ἐν ταῖς εὐχαῖς σου (‘remember us in your prayers’). 18 P. Brown, ‘The rise and function of the holy man in late antiquity’, The Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971), pp. 80–101, esp. p. 97. 19 Outside P. Mon. Epiph., see O. Crum 104 (from ‘his humble son’ to ‘holy and in every manner revered father’). 20 Otherwise Crum (O. Crum, p. 49); in his commentary on O. Crum 104, he advocates understanding ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ primarily as ‘bodily illness’. 21 AP, N. 66 (= Collectio systematica XVIII 14), ed. and transl. Wortley, pp. 56–57: ‘if you pray for me, God will certainly relieve my heart of the affliction (θλίψεως)’. The word used here is θλίψις, but for πειρασμός, see, e.g., AP, N. 25. 22 AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 249, p. 77, transl. Vivian, p. 122 (C9): ⲟⲩⲛ̄ϭⲟⲙ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟϥ ⲛϥ̄ⲥⲉⲡⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛϥ̄ⲕⲁ ⲛ̄ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲓⲅⲉⲛⲉⲁ ⲧⲏⲣⲥ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. 23 AP, N. 592, 28, ed. and transl. Wortley, pp. 412–413.

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Such a request may also have been an expression of the author’s humility in the Theban circles, similar to describing oneself as a sinner (see pp. 220–221). Despite the large number of letters, requests for prayer were directed to a small group of monks, who are otherwise known to be the successive leaders of the Topos of Epiphanius community, headed by Epiphanius himself; Elias and Cyriacus appear too – monks of authority from other communities. The limited number of addresses should not be surprising as the elevated status of these monks must have been primarily related to their asceticism and the power of prayer. This is confirmed by a letter from Joseph to Apa Isaac, where the prayer of anchorite appears in one sentence with God’s help: ‘If God give me means and your prayers attain me, I will come north’.24 Interestingly, in P. Mon. Epiph. we rarely find confirmation of the effectiveness of prayer.25 Prayer requests and assurances are also recurrent throughout Frange’s dossier. However, they are much more complicated than in the case of the Topos of Epiphanius letters and cannot be captured in a tabular form. Frange and Moses used to pray day and night for a male descendant for Mark, and when one was born, they mentioned the contribution of their prayers in the letter (O. Frange 84). Tsie asked Frange and Moses to pray for the removal of an unspecified human temptation (ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ) (O. Frange 319). Susanne believed that thanks to their prayers, a difficult year would be successfully concluded (O. Frange 353, 354). A certain Paham thought that Frange’s prayer might ease her pain (O. Frange 265), while Theodore trusted that prayer by Frange would save his family from the plague (O. Frange 346). Teras asked for prayer for God’s mercy on him.26 P. Mon. Epiph. 105, ll. 13–14: ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϯⲑⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲛⲉⲕϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲧⲁϩⲟⲉⲓ ϯⲛⲁⲉⲓ ⲉⲛϩⲏⲧ, transl. Crum (modified). 25 P. Mon. Epiph. 213 (from brothers to NN): ‘Through your prayers and those of our (?) holy fathers, Apa Epiphanius and Apa Abraham, we have completed the commemoration of our father, to wit Apa Abraham’ (transl. Crum, modified); P. Mon. Epiph. 299 (from NN to NN): ‘Through the will, then, of God and your holy prayers, we found the deacon’ (transl. Crum). 26 O. Medin. Habu Copt. 137; cf. O. Crum ST 383 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 18) (from Pa[---] to Apa Samuel); ll. 8–10 are partially reconstructed [ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉ]ϫⲱⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡϫⲟⲉ[ⲓⲥ ⲣ ⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲛⲙⲙⲁⲓ]. 24

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We also have general prayer requests to Frange27 or Frange and Moses together (O. Frange 357). However, in his letters, Frange also prayed for himself, which we did not see in the letters from the Topos of Epiphanius. In one of his letters to Tsie, Frange wrote that he prayed for her and for himself ‘because we need mercy’.28 Frange and Moses also closed a letter to Pesynthius with a prayer for their own intentions: ‘All the saints, pray for us in charity, that the merciful God may direct us in all good toward what is good’.29 Frange himself a few times asked for prayer, but this is a relatively rare element in the context of the entire corpus. In the letters that Anne Boud’hors recognizes as belonging to his early monastic career (although this sub-corpus was distinguished on the basis of different, not always certain, criteria) we find the most (six in total) of such requests addressed to: Apa Ananias,30 Apa Paul,31 Apa Isaac, and Apa Elias.32 Among Frange’s remaining letters, we find requests for prayer addressed to Apa Didymus and Apa Theodore (O. Frange 31), Apa David,33 Apa Henoch,34 brother Henoch (P. Mon. Epiph. 351), ‘holy fatherhood’ (O. Frange 42), father Cyricus and others (O. Frange 53), brother John (O. Frange 58), brother Joseph (O. Frange 141), brother Thanael (O. Frange 142), brother Paham (O. Frange

O. Frange 266, 363, most of Tsie’s letters. O. Frange 323, ll. 12–13: ϫⲉ ⲧⲛ̄ⲣ̄ⲭⲣⲓⲁ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲁ; Frange’s prayer is close to advice given in Saying AP, N. 592, 52, ed. and transl. Wortley, pp. 422–423: ‘If someone asks you to pray for him, say: “By the prayers of his saints, brother, God will have mercy on me and on you according to his will”’. 29 O. Crum 394, ll. 11–14: ⲛⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲃ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲛ ⲛⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲛⲁⲏⲧ ⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉϯⲑⲉ ⲛⲁⲛ ϩⲛϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉⲛ[ⲁ]ⲛⲟⲩϥ (transl. Crum, modified). 30 O. Frange 3. Perhaps Ananias from the Topos of Epiphanius; see R. Dekker, ‘A relative chronology of the Topos of Epiphanius: The identification of its leaders’, [in:] CoptCongr. 10 (2016), pp. 755–767, at pp. 762–763. 31 O. Frange 6 (The name does not appear, but see O. Frange, p. 40), 16 – ‘my father Paul’, 17 – ‘Apa Paul, anchorite’. 32 O. Frange 10, 11. They were leaders of the Topos of Epiphanius; see Dekker, ‘A relative chronology’ (cit. n. 30), pp. 762–763. 33 O. Frange 40, 443 (the name of addressee partialy reconstructed). 34 P. Mon. Epiph. 376; perhaps he is identical with ‘brother Henoch’. 27 28

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211), ‘my father Ezekiel’ (P. Clackson 34), mother Tsie (O. Frange 323, 327, 330), lady and sister Tsie (O. Frange 329), sister Tsie (O. Frange 326), simply Tsie,35 as well as sister Martyria (O. Frange 35). Altogether, there are nineteen cases in which we know the addressee. In addition, we also have Frange’s letters in which the addressee is unknown – eleven in total.36 Among Frange’s epistolary exercises, we find four with a request for prayer, one addressed to his sister (O. Frange 374; without giving her name), another to a brother or father (O. Frange 380), to brothers (O. Frange 386), and another to ‘your love of God’.37 In this considerable number of letters, only in one letter did Frange go beyond the usual formulas. It probably belongs to the period of the monk’s youth. He wrote to an unnamed addressee, but most probably Apa Paul: ⳨ Have pity and pray for me, since I have toiled and fought not to depart. I was not let. I (will) pay you a visit, if I (will be) alive, I (will) come again. Thanks to your prayers and the prayers of pious Apa Isaac and Apa Elias God will protect me.38

In the context of the entire letter, the departure (ⲃⲱⲕ), implies a threat of death rather than a temptation to leave the monastery. Frange clearly believed in the efficacy of the prayers of experienced monks, although we cannot say whether he considered their prayers more effective than those of other people. However, in view of the fact that most standard prayer requests addressed persons identified as father, mother, apa, or fatherhood, we can reasonably argue that he shared this belief. It is also conspicuous that there is no prayer request which we could be certain that Frange

O. Frange 332, no further specification of the addressee has been preserved. Tsie in all these letters is almost certainly one and the same person 36 O. Frange 91, 107, 116, 174, 180, 232; in O. Frange 237, 561, 565, 570, 572 Frange’s authorship remains uncertain. 37 O. Frange 382: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲙⲛ̄ⲧϣⲙ̄ϣⲉⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. 38 O. Frange 6, ll. 1–7: ⳨ ⲣ̄ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛⲅ̄ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲓ̈ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲓ̈ϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲉⲓ̈ⲁⲕⲱⲛⲓⲥⲉ ⲉⲧⲙ̄ⲃⲱⲕ ⲙ̄ⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁⲁⲧ ⲉⲓϯⲡⲕⲟⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ϯⲟⲛϩ̄ ϯⲛⲏⲩ ⲟⲛ ⲡⲗⲏⲛ ϩⲓⲧⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲕϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲙⲛ̄ⲛ̄ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲛⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲓ̈ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲓ̈ⲥⲁⲁⲕ ⲙⲛ̄ⲁⲡⲁ ϩⲏⲗⲓⲁⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲣⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲣⲟⲉⲓ̈ (own translation). 35

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addressed to the lay person,39 although we know that there is such a case in the correspondence of the monks of Gaza.40 In other dossiers, we rarely find requests for prayers on specific matters. In the letters from TT 29 dated to the seventh century (and thus related to Frange’s predecessors who lived before him in the same hermitage), we find requests for prayers for the release of the detained person (O. Frange 632), probably for healing a stomach disease (O. Frange 635), healing an unspecified illness (O. Frange 640), and for some general intentions (O. Frange 636). In a letter from the Monastery of Ezekiel, an unknown author requested Andrew (and perhaps Aaron) to pray for him since he was ill.41 In a letter found in TT 233, Hello asked Deacon Arcadius to pray for the ceasing of undetermined oppression.42 Theban graffiti do not provide us with much more material, either. Although, almost as a rule, they contain calls to prayer, only rarely are they accompanied by more detailed information. A graffito on a rock ledge at the crossing of paths ‘Pray for me that God’s charity (shall) guide me according to his will’,43 is an exception. Among the Theban letters, very rare are those in which a request for prayer and assurance of prayer are combined. These include a letter from an unknown sender to several other people (including at least one monk) found at the Ramesseum: Have pity and remember me in your holy prayers. As for myself, I pray according to the measure of my humility that the Lord protect you.44 However, this cannot be ruled out with certainty; the term ‘brother’ is ambiguous and may denote both monks and laymen. 40 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 745. 41 O. Crum ST 196 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 4). 42 FN 2012.2798, ll. 8–9 (ed. M. Müller, ‘Coptic ostraca in the tombs of the South Asasif necropolis’, [in:] E. Pischikova [ed.], Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis. New Discoveries and Research 2012–2014, Cairo – New York 2017, pp. 281–312, at p. 293): ⲣⲡⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲧⲉ̣ⲧⲛϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲛ ⲛ̄ⲥⲉⲗ[ⲟ], ‘have pity then and pray on behalf of us so that they cease (to hurt)’ (transl. Müller, modified). 43 Graffito 2724b, A. Delattre, ‘Graffitis de la montagne thébaine. II’, Chronique d’Égypte 78 (2003), pp. 371–380, at p. 373: ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲓ ⲛⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲣ ϩⲙ̣ⲙⲉ ⲛⲙⲟⲓ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉϥⲟⲩⲱϣⲉ. 44 O. Ramesseum no. 26, ll. 8–11, ed. Ch. Heurtel, ‘Les ostraca coptes du Ramesseum (suite I)’, Memnonia 20 (2009), pp. 89–95, at pp. 89–90: ⲁⲣⲓⲡⲛⲁ̅ ⲛⲅ̄ϯⲡⲁⲙⲉⲩⲉ [ⲛ]ⲛ̣ⲉⲕϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ 39

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And another, found in Cell B of the Topos of Epiphanius, whose author and addressee are unknown: Be so kind and pray for us. We also pray for you (pl).45

The scarcity of such requests may reflect the belief that not every prayer is equally effective, and the request for prayer or assurance thereof establishes a specific spiritual hierarchy. The sender’s rare assurances of prayer for the addressee may result from emphasizing humility, avoiding explicitly placing oneself closer to God than the correspondent,46 although of course, it is not difficult to indicate such examples in literary letters.47 The request for prayer contained in the Theban letters is most often of a general nature and stands for remembrance in prayer. In fact, it may have been regarded as an element of greetings highlighting reverence for the piety of an addressee. Less frequently, though not sporadically, we can meet a request for remission of sins or deliverance from trials and temptations which goes beyond the sheer language of courtesy and reverence. We rarely find requests for prayer concerning everyday matters, and if we do, they concern almost exclusively health. The importance attached to mentioning someone’s name or more specific needs in prayer should not be underestimated. The efficiency and effectiveness of prayerful ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ϩⲱ [ϯϣⲗⲏ]ⲗ̣ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲡϣⲓ̈ ⲛⲧⲁⲙ̄ⲛ̅ⲧ̅ⲉⲗⲁⲭⳇ ⲉ[ⲧⲣⲉ ⲡ]ϫ̣ⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ. Very probably all the recipients are monastics, one of them, called ‘your sanctity’, probably of some position. 45 P. Mon. Epiph. 207, ll. 1–3: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲧⲉⲧⲛϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲛ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ϩⲱⲱⲛ ⲧ︤ⲛ︥ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲧⲛ. 46 There are extremely interesting cases of two letters from the fourth century: P. Lond. VI 1926 and 1928. In the first one, a married woman, Valeria, not only asks Apa Paphnoutius for prayer but also assures: ‘I pray for your health, most honored father’ (transl. R. S. Bagnall & R. Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt, 300 bc – ad 800, Ann Arbor 2006, p. 205). In the second, certain Heracleides, in the postscript writes in his hand inter alia: ‘I pray for your health in the Lord Jesus Christ’ (ἐρρῶσ̣ θ̣ α̣ ί̣ σ̣ [ε] ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ Χρηστῷ εὔχομαι) etc. (transl. Bell, P. Lond. VI, p. 115). Nothing comparable exists in Theban monastic dossiers. We do not know whether in two cases of reciprocal prayer quoted one side was a lay Christian, but I assume this unlikely. 47 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 55: ‘As for what you write to me later in the same letter, namely, “Pray for my sins”, I also say the same to you: pray for my sins. For it is said: “In everything, do to others as you would have them do to you”’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 68.

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intercession were taken for granted, but the letters undoubtedly show us that we are also dealing with conventional language, helping to establish status and hierarchies. We find few examples of the explicit reciprocity of prayer, with unilaterally directed requests being predominant. Hence, it is difficult to say that the Theban letters reflect the ‘spiritual family’ model proposed by Claudia Rapp, in which a holy man ‘is at the centre of a community prayer of men and women who repay his favour by offering prayers on his behalf ’.48 In light of our sources, the monastic intercessor is rather elevated above the environment as an exceptional depositary of efficient mediation between men and God. Despite the fundamentally formulaic nature of the requests for prayer from a number of letters, especially those written by laypeople, it is clear that the correspondence addressed to the monks emphasized the power of their intercession. The greater effectiveness of the intercessory prayer of particularly pious men finds its justification in the Bible – and indeed the Biblical references play a role in the monastic missives.49 Undoubtedly, not every prayer had to be addressed to God through a holy or especially respected monk.50 However, this was often the case, and the hagiography presents it as a model.51

48 C. Rapp, ‘“For next to God, you are my salvation”: Reflections on the rise of the holy man in late antiquity’, [in:] J. Howard-Johnston & P. A. Hayward (eds), The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Oxford 1999, pp. 63–81, at p. 66. 49 Jas 5:16: ‘Manifest therefore your sins to one another, and pray for one another, that ye may be forgiven. The supplication of the righteous availeth greatly and is working (ⲡⲥⲟⲡⲥ̄ ⲙ̄ⲡⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲥ ϭⲙ̄ϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉϥⲉⲛⲉⲣⲅⲉⲓ)’, ed. and transl. Horner, vol. 7, pp. 235–237; P. Mon. Epiph. 201 (from NN to Elias); beyond Thebes, see, e.g., P. Neph., p. 38; AP, N. 449, ed. and transl. Wortley, pp. 284–285. This particular saying demonstrates, anyway, that there were people who considered such a prayer to be automatically effective without any connection to the conduct of the petitioner. 50 O. Lips. Copt. II 380–381. A short prayer for mercy directed immediately to God. Krueger sees here ‘Interzessiongebet’ directed to somebody else, but for me, such an interpretation is superfluous. 51 Cf. Life of Aaron 101, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 124–125: ‘Help me and entreat Christ that he grants me my son, for I have no one beside him’; Life of Shenoute 14, transl. Bell, p. 46: ‘I want to receive your blessing. It may be that by your holy prayers the mercy of God will come upon me so that God will forgive me my sins’.

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Some letters asking for prayer and intercession especially strongly emphasize the importance of specific monks, placing them immediately after God. As we have already seen (pp. 55–59), some monks were considered saints even during their lifetime. We find such an opinion in some of the Theban letters. We read for example: ‘God alone, your fatherhood is who helps me in everything’.52 Joseph ‘servant and humble sinner’ confessed that the success of his journey hinged on ‘if God give me means and your prayers attain me’;53 similarly in another letter ‘if God and your prayers will stop [---]’.54 According to a certain Eudoxia, the prayer of Apa Psan entreated ‘on behalf of the whole world’.55 P. Mon. Epiph. 129 mentions then an unknown Apa was believed by the author of the letter to have such a powerful prayer that God would not refuse it. Certain brothers informed father Frange that they completed they work ‘Thank to God and your (pl.) prayers’.56 Finally, Joseph confesses ‘I have no friend except for God, and I have no other man except your love’.57 Epiphanius was credited with a special power of prayer. This is expressed in phrases such as: ‘remember me in raising your (blessed?) hands which are accepted before God’,58 ‘we are all preserved through your holy prayers’,59 ‘I know that He (i.e., God: PP) will hear you and will 52 O. Vind. Copt. 295 (from Marko to ‘master, holy father’, presbyter NN); cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 329: ‘Moreover, if possible, pray for whatever is beneficial to me, father; for all things are possible for you and for God’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 303. 53 P. Mon. Epiph. 105 (from Joseph to Isaac; transl. Crum). 54 P. Mon. Epiph. 324 (from NN to NN; monastic character uncertain): ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ⲛⲉⲕϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲛⲁⲥ̣ⲟⲟϣ̣ⲧ [---]. Crum restores (P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 2, p. 239): ‘(…) shall prosper (?) [my way]’, but ⲥⲟϣⲧ means ‘stop’, ‘hinder’. 55 P. Mon. Epiph. 199, ll. 17–18: ⲛⲧⲱⲧⲛ ⲉⲧⲥⲟⲡⲥ: ϩⲁⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣϥ; cf. P. Mon. Epiph. 431, ll. 7–8 (from Victor to Psan): ⲕⲁⲓ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲓ̈ⲑⲁⲣⲣⲉⲓ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲓ̈ⲑⲁⲣⲣⲉⲓ ⲉⲡⲛⲟϭ ⲛ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ⲧⲉⲕⲙ︤ⲛ̅ⲧ︥ⲉⲓⲱⲧ, ‘for I rely upon God, I rely upon the great man and upon your holy fatherhood’. Victor does not ask for prayer here, but the juxtaposition of the power of God, a great man (perhaps Epiphanius) and Psan is very similar, as in the passages quoted. 56 O. Frange 352, ll. 13–15. 57 P. Mon. Epiph. 373, ll. 8–11 (from Joseph to NN): ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϫⲉ[ⲛ]ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲙⲛⲧⲏⲓ ⲕⲉ[ⲣⲱ]ⲙⲉ ϣⲁⲧⲉⲧⲛⲉⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ. 58 P. Mon. Epiph. 106, ll. 4–5 (from NN to Epiphanius). 59 P. Mon. Epiph. 133 (from John and Pesynthius to Epiphanius).

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accept your prayer’,60 ‘in every place, we are saved by your prayers, (which are second) after God’.61 Of special interest is P. Mon. Epiph. 201 (from NN to Elias). In this letter, Epiphanius (who is not a direct addressee) is called a righteous one, referring to Jas 5:16, highlighting his prayer as exceptionally effective. In fact, some of the letters quoted before, whose recipients are unknown, were probably also addressed to Epiphanius. Several of them contain requests for forgiveness of sins,62 others indicate the possibility of pleading for God’s mercy.63 We do not know why these, and not other monks were endowed with this type of authority. However, it can be assumed that it was connected with the power of their asceticism. Extraordinary humility, an increased dimension of prayer, and especially fasting,64 could procure God to fulfil a monk’s request – hence, great ascetics were considered more effective.65 In the Theban letters, however, we do not have specific details, although there are sometimes mentions that a given P. Mon. Epiph. 162, ll. 4–5 (from Joseph to Epiphanius). P. Mon. Epiph. 198, ll. 7–8 (from Pesynthius and Peter to Epiphanius): ⲉⲛϩⲙ︥ⲙⲁ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉⲛⲧⲟⲩϫⲏⲩ ϩⲛ︥ⲛⲉⲧ̅ⲛ̅ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲙ̄ⲛ̅ⲛ̄ⲥⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ; cf. similar phrase P. Mon. Epiph. 271, ll. 3–5 (from Lazarus to Epiphanius): ⲙ[︤ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲓ̈ ⲕⲉⲃⲟⲏⲑⲟⲥ ⲛⲥⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧ̣ⲉ̣[ⲉ] ⲛ̅ⲙ̅ⲙⲁⲕ, ‘I have no helper beside God and you’; and P. Mon. Epiph. 192, ll. 5–6 (from Andrew to NN father the deacon): ⲁⲓ̈ϭⲱ ϩⲧⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲧⲉⲕⲙⲛ̣ⲧ̣ⲉⲓ̈ⲱⲧ ϫⲓⲛ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ, ‘I have set my heart re your fatherhood next after God,’ (transl. Crum). The subject of both letters is, however, not the prayer but interventions into mundane matters, in the second case only vaguely hinted in the letter itself. 62 Cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 218: ‘The same brother fell ill and thought that he would die. He asked the same Great Old Man, with much humility, about forgiveness of sins and about endurance of this illness to the end’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 224; see also Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 270: ‘Request from the same [brother] to the same Great Old Man to bear his sins’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 274; cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 220, 353. 63 P. Mon. Epiph. 204 (from NN to NN). 64 AP, Eulogius the Priest 1: ‘A certain Eulogius, a disciple of blessed John the bishop, a priest and great ascetic, used to fast two days together and often extended his fast to the whole week, eating only bread and salt. Men thought highly of him’ (transl. Ward, pp. 60–61). 65 See P. Lond. VI 1927, ll. 30–34: Dorotheus trusts Paphnutius ‘(...) by reason of your most glorious and most revered way of life, since you renounced the boasting of the world and abhorred the arrogance of the vainglorious’ (transl. Bell); Saint Daniel of Scetis: Eulogios the Stone-Cutter, ed. Dahlman, p. 153. 60 61

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monk achieved ‘perfection in all virtue (ⲁⲣⲉⲧⲏ)’66 or that he is ‘perfect in all Christ’s virtues’,67 which can be understood precisely as the practice of strict asceticism, which results in special spiritual gifts – it is no coincidence that most of these terms apply to Epiphanius. The intercession of a particular monk before God could be so desirable that some people even ventured to be middlemen in granting access to him. An interesting letter has survived, in which we have an example of such double intermediation. An unknown author requested Elias to intercede with Epiphanius on his behalf that Epiphanius would pray for the recovery of the author’s son.68 This type of mediation continued after the death of Epiphanius. A certain Kamoul asks Tabes (probably a monk from the Topos of Epiphanius) to pray to all the saints, in particular to the already deceased Epiphanius in his case (of course, Epiphanius was to meditate before God).69 Let us add, for the sake of completeness, that the belief in the power of holy men was not directly related to their presence among the living. The unpublished text from the Topos of Epiphanius contains a narrative about a woman who visited Topos after it had been deserted and probably after the local cult of Epiphanius had ceased (we do not know what happened to the body of the saint) and shouted that ‘neither Father Epiphanius nor God in heaven is present’.70 Apparently, 66 P. Mon. Epiph. 130 (from NN to NN); cf. P. Mon. Epiph. 319 (from NN to Stephen [the identity of the addressee remains uncertain]): ‘the man who bears virtues’; 359 (from NN to NN): ‘adorned with all virtues’. 67 The term refers only to Epiphanius; cf. AP, Cassian 5, ed. PG 65, col. 245A: ἐπιβῆναι τῆς ἐν Χριστῷ τελειότητος, ‘achieve perfection in Christ’; it might be an echo of Eph 4:13. 68 P. Mon. Epiph. 201; interesting parallel in John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 127, ed. and transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, pp. 186–189: ‘While we were entering the town, however, someone of note among the soldiers whose name was Qaiuma, who was sterile or had a barren wife, because of which he did not have children, approached us, asking us [earnestly] to entreat the blessed one to pray for them that they might have children. We said to him, “We cannot do this, but it is for you to take Moses, the magistrate” – a believing and orthodox man, a wise [man], who also received us to lodge with him – “and he will fall down in front of the saint and beseech him, for we do not dare to have such freedom [of speech] toward him, because we know his humility and his dislike [of] praise”’. 69 P. Mon. Epiph. 205. 70 MS Princeton, University Library Garrett deposit NS 19 (TM 566252), L. M. B. MacCoull, ‘Prophethood, texts, and artifacts: The Monastery of Epiphanius’, Greek, Roman

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for her, the presence and power of the saint were not necessarily related to his being among the living. This type of equating power between the living and the dead saints is not only present in the Theban correspondence. This is perfectly expressed in the Hibis inscription in the Kharga oasis: ‘Spirit of the prayers of the saints, beseech Christ on my behalf to forgive me my sins for they are very numerous’.71 It is impossible to indicate whether the text refers to the saints still among the living or already perfected in heaven; moreover, it does not seem to be of any importance to the author of this invocation. The beliefs about the special power of certain monks, and even the way they were expressed, were obviously not specific to Thebes and did not appear in the seventh century.72 We find it already in the fourth-century dossiers of Paieus,73 Paphnutius,74 Nepherus,75 or John of Lycopolis,76 and Byzantine Studies 39 (1998), pp. 307–324, at p. 319. This parallels in the letters strengthen MacCoull’s suppositions that Epiphanius mentioned in the text is the Theban ascetic. 71 J. van der Vliet, ‘Places of passage: The Christian epigraphy of the western oases with the focus on the Kharga Oasis’, [in:] G. Gabra & H. N. Takla (eds), Christianity and Monasticism in Alexandria and the Egyptian Deserts, Cairo – London 2020, pp. 177–191, at p. 185 (translation only). 72 It is treated more extensively by Rapp, ‘For next to God’ (cit. n. 48); Rapp proposes a new way of perceiving a holy man, in which his power ‘as an intercessor depends on the perceived efficacy of his prayer’ (Rapp, ‘For next to God’ [cit. n. 48], p. 66). 73 E.g., P. Lond. VI 1917, ll. 7–8: ὅπως ὁ θεὸς [ἀυρόσῃ] τὸ χιρόγραφῶν τῶν ἁμαρτινῶν μου διὰ τ[ῶ]ν βεβεωτάτων ὑμῶ[ν πρ]οσευχῶν ἁγιωτάτων (‘That God may [annul] the bond of my sins by your most secure, most holy prayers’, transl. Bell). 74 E.g., P. Lond. VI 1926, ll. 8–11 (4th c., perhaps from Herakleopolites), request for prayer to bring healing: ‘that in this way I may obtain healing through your prayers, for revelations of ascetics and worshipers are manifested’ (transl. Bagnall & Cribiore, Women’s Letters [cit. n. 46], p. 205); see Rapp, ‘For next to God’ (cit. n. 48), pp. 67–69. 75 P. Neph. 1, ll. 13–15: πιστεύομεν γὰρ ὅτι ὁ κύριος ὑμῶν δικαίων ὄντων ἀκούσεται; see also P. Neph. 4, ll. 6–10; P. Neph. 10; see Rapp, ‘For next to God’ (cit. n. 48), pp. 70–71. 76 E.g., P. Herm. 8, ll. 25–28 (from NN to Apa Johannes): ἵνα δ̣ιὰ̣ ̣ τ̣ ῶ̣ ν̣ σ̣ ῶ̣ ν̣ ἁ̣ γ̣ιο̣ ̣ τ̣ ά̣ τ̣ω̣ ν̣ ε̣ὐ̣χῶ̣ ν̣ δι̣α̣ σ̣ ω̣ σθῶμεν διὰ το̣ ῦ̣ βίο̣ υ̣ ; P. Lond. Copt. I 1123, ll. 35–23 (new edition and attribution to John of Lycopolis, see M. Choat, ‘P. Lond. Copt. I 1123: Another letter to Apa Johannes?’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 156 [2006], pp. 157–164): ⲛ̣̄ⲧⲁⲕ ϭⲉ ⲡⲉⲧϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲙⲉⲛⲥⲉ ⲡ̣ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛ̣ⲛ̣̄ⲃⲟϩⲩⲉⲑⲓⲥ ⲛ̄ⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉϫⲏⲩⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲛϭⲟⲛⲥ, ‘Indeed, you are the one who can be, apart from God, of assistance to anyone who is oppressed (?)’ (text and transl. after Choat, ‘P. Lond. Copt. I 1123’ [cit. supra]); see Rapp, ‘For next to God’ (cit. n. 48), pp. 71–72.

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as well as in early monastic literature.77 There were, of course, subtle theological concepts explaining the role of a monastic mediator and the participation of the petitioner,78 but it is unlikely that most supplicants, especially lay people who had not received monastic training, would see the role of monastic prayer in this way. Probably many assumed a more mechanical action. It is not excluded that the conviction about the direct effectiveness of their own prayer were shared by the addressees of requests.79 The petitioners standing before Theban monks recognize their great spiritual power, but they rarely (or at least we have only scarce evidence of it) expect them to intervene in matters of an legal or administrative nature.80 If anything, most of such situations concern interventions in 77 Historia monachorum in Aegypto, prol. 10, ed. Festugière, p. 8: οὐ γὰρ ἔστι κώμη οὔτε πόλις ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τε καὶ Θηβαΐδι ἣ οὐχὶ τοῖς μοναστηρίοις καθάπερ τείχεσι περιβέβληται· καὶ ταῖς αὐτῶν εὐχαῖς οἱ λαοὶ ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ ἐπερείδονται, ‘For there is no town or village in Egypt and the Thebaid which is not surrounded by hermitages as if by walls. And the people depend on the prayers of these monks as if on God himself ’, transl. Russell, p. 50. 78 Cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 139. This letter is a small tractate on monastic intercession in prayer. 79 Cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 27: ‘[J]ust as God is not forgetful of us in being merciful to the world, so, too, I am not forgetful of your love as I pray to God each day and night for the salvation of your soul’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 46; Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 107: ‘As for the forgiveness of your sins from birth to this moment, God will grant you this after forty days because through your little patience you actually share in my supplications about this gift’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 129; cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones and responsiones 647: ‘The Lord Jesus Christ has not put my person to shame, but rather has granted me the salvation of your soul and given me grace to remember you in his kingdom’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 224. 80 The survey of such cases in M. J. Albarrán Martínez, ‘La charité chez les anachorètes de la région thébaine: (vii e–viii e siècle)’, [in:] A. Boud’hors & C. Louis (eds), Études coptes XV: Dix-septième journée d’études (Lisbonne, 18–20 juin 2015) [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 22], Paris 2018, pp. 227–243, at pp. 237–240. Hagiography and documentary texts from outside the Theban region show that the monks were often chosen as intercessors before state authorities, e.g., John of Lycopolis who seems to have excelled in such interventions; cf. C. Zuckermann, ‘The hapless recruit Psois and the mighty anchorite, Apa John’, The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 32 (2006), pp. 183–194, at pp. 188–194; e.g., SB XVIII 13612 (from mother of monk Philadelphus to Apa John): ‘After providence you pity and save all those who take refuge in you. Have pity on me too for the sake of my son

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issues related to prisoners (probably mostly debtors),81 though we find other examples as well.82 Only a few petitions combined a request of a mundane nature with particularly elaborate phraseology and religious epithets, which may indicate that the source of this particular monk’s influence was seen primarily in his spiritual authority.83 Even in such cases, however, the petitioners did not ask for prayer, but a written intercession (perhaps in a form of surety).84 Other letters lack such references, which in turn testifies to the fact that the hopes were also placed in other types of influence and that one cannot see in every situation of a request for intervention only the recognition of the spiritual status of a monk, and neglect the economic, family, or social possibilities of exerting influence. It is also difficult to capture in the letters whether there were people who expected longer (perhaps permanent) support through prayer from the monks. However, this cannot be ruled out, especially in the relationships between the monks themselves.85 An interesting question is whether the intercession of a monk involved remuneration. There are no clear examples in the sources of the explicitly reciprocal nature of such relationships. In some letters, however, the request for prayer appears together with a gift. Although the letter itself does not suggest payment, it seems that in such situations we deal with some kind of customary reciprocity.86 In the vast majority of cases, these the monk. For Theognostus the exactor both myself the widow and the orphans…’ (transl. Bagnall & Cribiore, Women’s Letters [cit. n. 46], p. 209). 81 For a discussion of this type of request, see P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, pp. 175–176. 82 P. Mon. Epiph. 271 (from Lazarus to Epiphanius). The letter concerns a dispute over a mare. 83 P. Mon. Epiph. 163 (Shenoute, lashane of Jeme and others to Epiphanius); P. Mon. Epiph. 178 (from Pshere to the brothers). 84 P. Mon. Epiph. 163, l. 7: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧ̅ⲛ̅ⲥⲙ̅ⲛ̅ ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲥⲧⲓⲭⲟⲛ ϩⲁⲣⲟⲛ, ‘Draw up a couple on our behalf ’ (transl. Crum). 85 Cf. Macrobius of Tkoou to Moses of Abydus: ‘If your holy prayers stand by me, I will not stay in the city’. Macrobius recognized the authority of Moses and expected his support through prayer while practising asceticism in the desert, Life of Macrobius of Tkoou, ed. Ten Hacken, pp. 107 (text), 110 (transl.). 86 See, e.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 246 (from the Presbyter Shbew to John). Shbew requests a prayer for the sick people (maybe his monastic brethren).

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gifts were food. In one case of a fragmentarily preserved ostracon, the publisher (Harry R. Hall) assumed that the solidus mentioned in the text was a gift – and since there is a request for prayer in the text, it could somehow be related to it (which Hall does not postulate).87 However, there are no other indisputable examples of this type of practice; instead, we see its strong condemnation in hagiography.88 BLESSING

Terminology and general characteristic The semantic field of the term ‘blessing’ (Greek εὐλογία,89 Coptic ⲥⲙⲟⲩ90) is very broad and several principal meanings may be distinguished herein: 1. God’s benevolent power or favour as such; 2. the act of praising God; 3. the medium of God’s benevolent power (words, gestures or objects); 4. the eucharist; 5. non-eucharistic bread; 6. a gift of any kind (incl. alms).91 These meanings often overlap. In the case of documentary letters, however, the basic problem is usually the lack of a context that would make it possible to determine which of the above meanings is being referred to. It is also reasonable to assume that for ancient Christians the different meanings O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 53/4. Life of Macarius the Great 32, ed. Amélineau, p. 104, transl. Vivian, p. 190: ‘My child, the Lord’s gift is not given for price, nor do we have any need for something like this here [i.e., money to distribute to the poor: PP]’; Life of Aaron 107, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 126–129. In this account, Aaron recounts a few biblical passages against financial (money are expressly mentioned in this case) remuneration for prayer: 1 Tm 6:10; Acts 8:20; 2 Kgs (= 4 Kgs LXX) 5:27. 89 In Greek, in contexts of praise εὐλογέω is interchangeable with εὐχαριστέω or δοξάζω. 90 For synonymity, see Life of Matthew the Poor, ed. Amélineau, p. 721: ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁ(ϥϯ ⲛⲁ)ⲥ ⲛⲧ(ⲕⲟⲩⲓ) ⲛⲉⲩⲗⲱ(ⲅⲓⲁ ⲉ)ⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲥ(ⲙⲟⲩ) ⲡⲉ ⲙⲡ(ⲙⲟ)ⲛⲁⲥⲧⲏ(ⲣⲓⲟⲛ), ‘and he [i.e., Matthew] gave her a little eulogia that is a blessing of the monastery’ (own translation). 91 PGL, pp. 569–570; Á. T. Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri: An Introduction [= Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 114], Tübingen 2019, pp. 32–33; G. Rouwhorst, ‘Blessing’, [in:] BEEC (consulted online on 21 March 2020 at http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25897993_EECO_SIM_00000463). 87

88

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were not as radically separated from each other as they are for us, and that they perceived a certain continuity behind various referents of the same word, which could ultimately be reduced to a single, basic principle. It seems that it is possible to prove such an assumption in the Theban material, which I will attempt to accomplish below. The term ‘blessing’ as a synonym of praise toward God commonly appears in the liturgical texts,92 and in short prayers on various occasions. The monastic literature abundantly documents such usage as well.93 However, it seems that blessing as praise does not occur in the Theban documentary letters. Nevertheless, other semantic fields have been attested. A blessing is primarily God’s favour. No doubt God Himself was considered the primal source of blessings.94 God as the source is indicated by an interesting blessing contained in a letter, the context of which is unknown: ‘May God proclaim a blessing (upon) you’.95 The invocation of God’s blessing is frequent in liturgical texts.96 Clergy of Jeme, when writing about the celebration of the baptismal liturgy, points explicitly to God

On liturgical blessings in general Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 91), p. 32; Theban example is P. Mon. Epiph. 602 with εὐλογεῖτε τὰ ἔργα, which itself is a biblical quotation, see Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 91), p. 122; blessing as a part of liturgy or even eucharist itself is meant in P. Mon. Epiph. 378 and BKU 313, see Crum’s commentary in P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 2, p. 253. 93 Life of John Khame, ed. and transl. Davis, p. 21: ⲉⲩϯⲱⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ϧⲉⲛϩⲁⲛⲇⲟⲝⲟⲗⲟⲅⲓⲁ ⲛⲉⲙϩⲁⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲥⲏⲟⲩ ⲛⲓⲃⲉⲛ ⲙⲡⲓⲉ̄ϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲉⲙⲡⲓⲉ̄ϫⲱⲣϩ ⲉⲩϣⲟⲡ ϧⲉⲛⲟⲩⲛⲓϣϯ ⲛ̄ⲣⲁϣⲓ ⲟⲩⲱϩ ⲉⲩϩⲱⲥ ⲉ̄ⲫϯ ⲙⲫⲣⲏϯ ⲛⲛⲓⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ, ‘glorifying him in praisings and in blessings, by day and by night, at all hours, being in great gladness and praising God, like the angels’. `94 Euchologium Sarapionis XI 1: Σὲ τὸν σωτῆρα καὶ κύριον ἐπικαλούμεθα (…) χορηγὸν πάσης εὐλογίας χορηγὸν πάσης εὐλογίας; Shenoute, Canons VIII 1: I Have Been Reading the Holy Gospels 5, ed. Coquin 2001, p. 17: ⲉⲛⲛⲁϫⲓ ⲛϩⲉⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲙⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅‧ ⲡⲉⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲉ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲓⲙ, ‘we will receive blessings from Christ Jesus, to whom belongs every blessing’ (transl. Moussa, p. 130). `95 O. Crum ST 266, l. 7: ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲩⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲕ. `96 From the Theban area, e.g., O. Crum ST 17, ll. 8–9: ⲛ̄ϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲁⲣⲱⲧⲛ︥ ϩⲙ︥ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲧⲡⲉ (‘bless us with the blessing of heaven’); it is a liturgical blessing on the congregation, perhaps final blessing of the eucharist; on this piece, see Mihálykó, Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 91), pp. 144–145. 92

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as the source of the blessing: ‘The blessing that the God will send into bread, wine and oil, it will be in them, (into) the three’.97 God’s blessing could have been manifested in a variety of ways. Monastic letters rarely define its essence. We can clearly see in three letters of Bishop Abraham, however, that it is associated with peace and prosperity. Table 8. Developed blessing formula in Bishop Abraham’s dossier From

To

Coptic text

Translation

BKU II 318 Bishop (= Krause, Apa Abraham Abraham, no. 46), ll. 2–3, 17–19

Apa Victor and ‘great men’

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ ϩⲓⲧⲛ ⲧⲙⲛⲧϣⲁⲛⲁⲧⲏϥ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ (...) ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛϥⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛⲙⲏⲧⲉ ⲛⲙⲙⲁⲩ ϩⲓⲟⲩⲥⲟⲡ

May the Lord bless you through God’s mercy (…) so that the Lord may bless you and send you peace in your midst together with them.

O. Col. inv. 591, ll. 2–798

NN99

[ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉ]ϥ̣ⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲁ̣[ⲩⲱ ⲛϥⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ] ⲙⲙⲟⲕ ϩⲙ̄ ⲡⲉⲧⲛ[ⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲙⲛ] ⲡⲉⲧϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲛⲁⲕ [ⲧⲏⲣϥ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲛ]ⲧ̣ⲃ̄ⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲁ[ⲩⲱ ⲛϥϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲉ]ⲡ̣ⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ ⲛ̣[ⲓⲙ]

May the Lord bless you and strengthen you in all good together with all that you have, people and cattle, and may He keep you from all evil.100

NN

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ [ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ ⲁ]ⲩⲱ ⲛϥⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ ⲙⲙⲱ[ⲧⲛ]

May the Lord bless you (pl.) and strengthen you.

Bishop Abraham

O. Crum 293 Bishop (= Krause, Apa Abraham Abraham, no. 60), ll. 2–4

P. Berlin inv. 12501 (= M. Krause, Apa Abraham von Hermonthis. Ein oberägyptischer Bischof um 600: Texte und Kommentare, vol. 2, PhD thesis, Berlin, Humboldt-Universität 1956, no. 39): ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉⲛⲁⲛⲧϥ̄ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ϩⲛ︥ⲟⲉⲓⲕ ϩⲛ︥ ⲏⲣⲡ ϩⲛ︥ⲉⲃⲣⲁ ⲉϥⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲡϣⲟⲙⲛⲧ, ‘the three’ may refer to bread, wine and oil – this is the way according to which we translate the sentence – or to the three times a year when the baptismal liturgy was celebrated. On the rare word ⲉⲃⲣⲁ, see G. Schmelz, Kirchliche Amtsträger im spätantiken Ägypten nach den Aussagen der griechischen und koptischen Papyri und Ostraka, Berlin 2011, p. 86 n. 53; see also Mihálykó, Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 91), p. 148. 98 R. Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca relating to Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis at Columbia University’, Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 57 (2020), pp. 75–115, at pp. 103–105, no. 8. 99 Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca’ (cit. n. 98), p. 103, supposes ‘layman of high social standing’. 100 Transl. Dekker (modified). `97

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The association of God’s blessing with peace also appears outside the dossier of Abraham, e.g.:101 Table 9. Reference to blessing in O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 66/1

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 66/1, ll. 3–5

From

To

Coptic text

Translation

Victor

Apa Dios

ⲧⲛ̄ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡϣⲓ ⲛ̄ⲧⲛⲙⲛ[ⲧⲉⲗ]ⲁⲭ ⲧⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲕⲱ ⲡⲉϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲁ[ⲩⲱ] ϯⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ϩⲓϫⲱⲧⲛ̄

We pray with regard the child of our humility so that God may lay his blessing and peace upon us.

Finally, in three other letters from the Theban area, we have the intended effect of a blessing defined a little more specifically: Table 10. Formulas containing intended effect of blessing From

To

Coptic text

Translation

O. Crum VC 101, ll. 3–7

Elias

‘beloved, pious [---]’ Andrew

[---]ⲓ̣ ⲉⲥ[ⲙⲟⲩ] ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ︥ ⲛ̄ϥϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣ[ⲱⲧ]ⲛ ⲛϥⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲱⲧⲛ︥ ϩⲙ︥ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛ̄ϥⲛⲉϩⲙ̄ⲧⲏⲩⲧⲛ︥ ⲉⲡⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲓⲙ

[---] bless you and protect you, and strengthen you in every good thing, and save you from every temptation.

O. Frange 25, ll. 9–12

Frange

Apa Jacob

ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛ̄[ϥⲥⲙⲟ]ⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲛϥ̄ϩⲁⲣ̣[ⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲟ]ⲕ ϩⲛ̄ϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲓ[ⲙ ⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ] ϩⲛ̄ ⲟⲩⲉⲓ[ⲣⲏⲛⲏ]

Our Lord shall bless you (sing.) and watch over you in every evil matter, in peace.

O. Medin. Habu Copt. 141, ll. 2–3

Presbyter Victor

‘beloved son’ Damian

ⲡϫⲟⲉ[ⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ] ⲛϥⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ ⲙ̄[ⲙⲟⲕ ϩⲙⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲓⲙ]

May the Lord [bless you] and strengthen [you in everything what is good].

In the letter from Bishop Andrew to Anna, the hope of rescue is submitted to God directly (omitting his blessing), but since the blessing stands right next to it, it is worth including this letter as well. The danger is very specific here; it is clearly a kind of plague.

101

See also O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II 5.

BLESSING

153

Table 11. Blessing formula in O. Lips. Copt. II 325

O. Lips. Copt. II 325, ll. 2–7

From

To

Coptic text

Translation

Bishop Andrew

Anna

ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲉⲛⲁ ⲧⲁϩⲟ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁϩⲙⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲡⲟⲩⲉⲓ̈ ⲉⲛⲉⲓ̈ⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲥⲏⲣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲙⲛ ⲛⲉⲓ̈ϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲛⲁⲡⲉⲏⲓ̈ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ

(…) that your mercy set up Maria, and so that God may save you (fem.) and your house from those deaths which have spread around, and from these illnesses, and so that God may bless you together with all your house.

Considering all these examples, it is clear that the effect of a blessing was recognized first and foremost in the spiritual sphere, primarily as a power capable of opposing supernatural evil (devilish temptation). Even protection against disease and death may be perceived in this way, since for the ancients they were directly linked to the activity of demonic forces. The conditional nature of a blessing It is significant that a blessing was not believed to be bestowed upon a person regardless of their actions. It was contingent upon their conduct, as it is generally captured by O. Crum 401: ‘God shall grant you his blessing since you are learned in good things’.102 Acts of mercy also carried blessings, ‘For truly one needs to be particularly merciful to this kind of people [i.e., children: PP], so that the blessing of the fathers shall come upon you’.103 Accordingly, sin prevented one from benefiting from 102 O. Crum 401, ll. 2–5: ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲭⲁⲣⲓⲍⲉ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲙⲡⲉϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ϫⲉⲛⲧⲕⲟⲩⲣⲉϥϫⲓⲥⲃⲱ ⲉⲡϩⲱⲃ ⲉⲧⲛⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ. Linking God’s blessing with a pious life and obedience to commandments, see Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 60, 583, transl. Chryssavgis, vol. 1, p. 78, vol. 2, p. 165. 103 Ostracon TT 85/117, ed. H. Behlmer, ‘Christian use of pharaonic sacred space in Western Thebes: the case of TT 85 and 87’, [in:] P. F. Dorman & B. M. Bryan (eds), Sacred Space and Sacred Function in Ancient Thebes, Chicago 2007, pp. 163–175, at p. 166: ⲕⲁⲓ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲛⲁⲙⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲉϣϣⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲛⲁ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲓ̈ⲙⲓⲛⲉ ⲛ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛϩⲟⲩⲟ ϫ̣ⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲉⲥ̣ⲙ̣ⲟⲩ ⲛⲛⲉⲓⲟⲧⲉ ⲉⲓ ⲉϫⲱⲕ (from ‘humble son’ Pesente to ‘my beloved father’ Ananias). ‘Blessing of the fathers’ is of course of

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154

a blessing: ‘(…) but my sins have deprived me of receiving the blessing of my holy lord father today’.104 The blessings given in sanctuaries were not of unconditional nature either, but were related to the proper conduct of a given person, as Bishop Pesynthius mentioned in a homily delivered in the unknown sanctuary of Onnophrius: Take care, therefore, my beloved children, as you gather at the places of the saints on the day of their holy commemoration, that you who are gathering here to receive a blessing not receive a curse in place of blessing (ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛϫⲓ ⲛⲟⲩⲥⲁϩⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲙ︥ⲁ ⲛⲟⲩⲥⲙⲟⲩ)! Take care, therefore, my beloved children, to be wise in all things, either with regard to what you see with your eyes, or with regard to your conduct or your conversation.105

Quite often a specific action or attitude is indicated in letters as well, which is intended to bring a blessing: Table 12. Conditional blessing in the Theban monastic letters From

To

Coptic text

Translation

O. Ashm. Copt. The 18, ll. 10–15 humblest Kol[luthus]

‘Beloved brother’ Ananias

ⲣ̄ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛ̄ⲅϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲛ̄ⲥⲁ ⲟ̣ⲩ̣ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁ ⲛⲏϥ ⲡⲉⲥⲛ[ⲁⲩ] ⲛ̄ϩⲟⲗⲟⲕ/ ⲛ̣̄ϩⲃⲟⲟⲥ ⲉⲛ[ⲁ]ⲛⲟⲩ ⲉⲙ̣ⲁ̅ⲧⲉ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉ̣ⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙ[ⲟⲩ] ⲉⲣⲟⲕ

Have pity and seek for a man to give him two holokottinoi for very good garment in order that shall Lord bless you.

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 57/2, ll. 3–8

‘Your fatherhood’

Unknown

ⲁⲣⲓⲧⲁⲕⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲅ̄ⲥϩⲁⲓ̈ Be so kind and write down ⲙ̄ⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ϣⲏⲙ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲓⲧⲏⲥ the small Prophet and the Judge so that the Lord may Letter found ⲙ̄ⲧⲁⲣⲓ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ bless you. in Sheikh Abd el-Gurna

a mediated nature; it does not come directly from God, but there is no reason why acts of mercy, as the preconditions for blessing, should not be related to a direct divine blessing. 104 O. Crum VC 86, ll. 4–7: ⲁⲛⲁⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲇ̣[..]ⲛ̣ⲟⲕ ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲉⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲓ̈ ⲙ̄ⲡϫ̣[ⲓ] ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛ̄ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲙ̄ⲡⲟⲟⲩ (from an unknown cleric to the ecclesiastical superior, ‘holy lord father’); Shenoute denied his blessing to a man in whom he saw sin; see Life of Shenoute 36, transl. Bell, p. 53. 105 Pesynthius of Coptus, Discourse on Saint Onnophrius, ed. Crum, pp. 48–49, transl. Vivian, p. 180.

BLESSING

155

Table 12. Conditional blessing in the Theban monastic letters (cont’d)

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 65/4, ll. 6–10

From

To

Coptic text

Translation

Unknown, perhaps a bishop

ⲁⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ⲁⲣⲓ ‘Beloved brothers’ John ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛⲙ̄ⲙⲁϥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲟⲟⲩ ⲟⲛ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ and Henoch, ⲉⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ and brothers with them

You have sent him a blessing. Have pity over him also today in order that the Lord shall bless you

Bishop O. Crum 67 Abraham (= Krause, Apa Abraham, no. 95), ll. 3–11

Presbyter Elias

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛ̄ⲅⲱϣ ⲡⲓⲡⲗⲁⲝ ⲉⲡⲁⲧⲏⲣⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛ̄ⲅⲡⲁⲣⲁⲅⲁⲗⲓ [ⲙⲙ]ⲟϥ ϩⲓ ϯⲭⲏⲣⲁ ⲛϥⲣⲡⲉϥⲛⲁ ⲛⲏⲙⲁⲥ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ

Have pity and read this shard to Patermoute and ask him for the widow that he show pity over her in order that the Lord may bless you.

Bishop O. Crum 126 Abraham (= Krause, Apa Abraham, no. 93), ll. 4–11

Unknown

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛ̄ⲅⲥϩⲁⲓ̈ ⲟⲩⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲗⲏ ⲛⲁϩⲉⲣⲩⲃⲓⲛ ⲡⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲥⲛⲉ ⲉⲡⲣⲓⲛ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥ ⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉ̣ⲣ̣ⲟⲕ

Be so kind and write down a letter to Deacon Ruben of Esna in the name of my father Papas so that the Lord may bless you.

O. Crum VC 62, ll. 10–18 (unknown provenance)

Unknown

Unknown

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛ̄ⲅⲧⲛⲛⲟⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲗⲁϩⲙⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲱϩⲃ︥ ⲛⲁⲛ ϣⲁⲛⲧⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϯⲑⲉ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲛ̄ⲧⲛ̄ⲛ̄ ⲡⲉⲛⲕⲟⲩⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲥⲕⲉⲩⲏ ⲉⲣⲏⲥ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ

Have pity and send us a soaking trough until the Lord give us means, and we bring our small property south in order that God bless you.

O. Frange 88, ll. 10–21

Frange

Presbyter Papa

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲛⲟϭ [ⲛⲁⲅⲁ]ⲡⲏ ⲛⲅ̄ⲙⲱϩ ⲟ̣ⲩ̣ⲕ̣ⲁⲗⲓⲧⲉ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉϫ ⲙ̄ⲡⲓⲥⲟⲛ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲓ̈ϫⲟⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲁⲕ (...) ⲙⲛ̄ⲥⲛ̄ⲧⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲁϫⲉ ⲛ̄ⲥⲟⲩⲟ ⲛ̄ϩⲱⲣϫ (...) ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲛⲉⲕⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ

Be very kind and fill kalite of oil for this brother whom I have sent (…) and two maje of grain hordj (…) in order that the Lord bless you and your cattle.

O. Frange 98, ll. 12–15

Frange

‘Beloved brothers who are good and pious’

ⲙⲡⲣⲥ̣ⲧ̣ⲟⲓ̈ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉ̣ⲣ̣ⲉ̣ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲛϥ̄ϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲙ̣ⲛ̣ⲛ̣ⲉ̣ⲧ̣ⲛ̄ⲧⲛ̄ⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ

Do not send me back in order that the Lord bless you (pl.) and protect you (pl.) and your cattle.

O. Frange 179, ll. 17–20.

Frange

Abraham, son ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉⲕⲧⲉⲓⲧ ϫⲁⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲥⲟⲩⲟ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ of Mary

O. Frange 351, ll. 7–10

Humble Matthew

Apa Frange and brother Moses

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲟⲛ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲃⲱⲕ ϩⲉⲛⲙⲟⲩⲥ ⲉϯⲕⲟⲩⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲁⲛⲥⲱⲛⲉ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲟⲛ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄

If you agree, send me grain in order that God bless you. Be so kind once again and send us the straps to this small belt in order that the Lord bless you.

WORDS IN ACTION

156

Table 12. Conditional blessing in the Theban monastic letters (cont’d) From

To

Coptic text

Translation

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲅ︥[±8]ⲧ̣ⲁⲕ̣ⲁⲗⲧⲉ ⲛⲥ︥[ϫⲱⲥ ⲛ(...) ⲉϩ]ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ [ⲛⲁⲡⲁ ⲓⲉⲍⲉⲕⲓ]ⲏⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡⲁⲅ[ⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲙⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ] ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ

Be so kind and [send?] a wagon [loaded … to] the Monastery [of Apa Ezeki]el, so that the an[gel of the monastery] may bless you. …and give [---] and we grind the shoft of corn in order that the Lord bless you (pl.).106

O. Lips. Copt. II 83, ll. 2–6

Andrew Perhaps Elias (and perhaps Aaron)

O. Lips. Copt. II 97, ll. 7–11

Brothers of the Monastery of Apa Posidonius

NN ‘fatherhood’

ⲛ̣ⲧ︤ⲉ̣ⲧ︤ⲛ̣ϯ ⲛⲉⲟ̣ⲩ̣[±4] ⲛ̣ⲧⲛ︥ⲛⲟⲩⲧ ⲡⲓ̣ϣⲱ̣ϥⲧ︥ ⲛ̄ⲥⲟⲩ[ⲟ] ϫ̣ⲉ̣ⲕ̣ⲁ̣ⲥ̣ ⲉⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲓ̣̈[ⲥ] ⲥ̣ⲙ̣ⲟ̣ⲩ̣ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̣︥

O. Lips. Copt. II 100, ll. 3–6

NN

‘My father’

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ [ⲉϥⲉⲥ]ⲙⲟⲩ May the Lord God bless you ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲉⲧⲃ̣[ⲉ] ⲡⲙⲁ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲕⲁⲁϥ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ because of the place that you have left me.

O. Lips. Copt. II 325, ll. 2–4, 6–7

Bishop Andrew

Anna

ⲉⲓⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲙⲱ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲉⲛⲁ ⲧⲁϩⲟ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁϩⲙⲉ (...) ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱ

I request you (fem.) that your mercy sets up Maria so that God may save you (fem.) (…) and God may bless you.

O. Theb. 32, ll. 4–6

Probably a writing exercise

‘Devout and God-loving’ NN

ⲁⲣⲓ̈ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲙⲡϩⲏⲕⲉ ⲁⲧⲣⲓ̈ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓ̈ⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ

Be kind for the poor in order that the Lord shall bless you.

O. Theb. 41, ll. 2–6

Humble Andrew

‘My brother’ Pjoui

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁ[ⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲅ]ⲃⲓⲕⲁⲙⲟⲩⲗ [ϩⲁⲡⲉ]ⲕϩⲧⲟⲣ ⲛ̄ⲅⲧⲁ[ⲗ]ⲱⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲓ̈ⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ

Be so kind and take the camels according to your necessity, and load them, so that the Lord may bless you.

Brother Paul

ⲛⲅ︥ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗⲧⲉ ⲛⲥ︥ϫⲱ̄ⲥ ⲛ̄ϣⲉ ⲙⲡⲁϣ̄ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ (ⲛ)ⲁⲛ ⲛⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ

(...) and send a wagon loaded with wood for the oven, and the Lord shall bless you.

O. Vind. Copt. Aaron and 288 (= O. Crum Andrew ST 236 = O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 35), ll. 3–5

106 Cf. very similar phrase in O. Mon. Phoib. 17 in Krueger’s reconstruction (F. Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon: A prosopography and relative chronology of its connections to the Monastery of Apa Ezekiel within the monastic network of Hermonthis during the 6th century’, Archiv für Papyrusforschung 66 [2020], pp. 150–191, at p. 182). Krueger sees here Apa Andrew’s hand.

BLESSING

157

Table 12. Conditional blessing in the Theban monastic letters (cont’d) From

To

Coptic text

Translation

P. Mon. Epiph. 174, ll. 5–7

NN

‘your brotherhood’

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛ̄ⲅϫⲟⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̄ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ︥ⲛⲉⲕϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ⲡⲉⲕⲏⲓ̈ ⲧⲏⲣϥ︥

be so kind as to send it to me107 in order that our Lord Jesus Christ may bless you and your children and all your house.

P. Mon. Epiph. 221, ll. 5–7

NN

NN

ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲛ ⲛⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ

Pray on us in charity in order that God may bless you (pl.).

107

To this list, we may add partially preserved letters in which the context is unclear.108 As we can see, a blessing could be granted to a person as a result of both acts of mercy and ordinary goods delivery, carried out successfully, especially in accordance with the will of the commissioner. A kind of reciprocity principle was seen here, in which God rewards the addressee with a blessing for fulfilling the letter author’s request, which is perfectly expressed in another letter: ‘May the Lord God bless your lordships and have pity on you (pl.) even as you (pl.) do me (a favour)’.109 Elsewhere, the remuneration is stated even more literally: ‘I believe that God will give you your wage for all that you will do for me’.110 The word ⲃⲉⲕⲏ ‘wage’ ought to be understood here as a blessing, as will become clear shortly (pp. 163). There is no reason to think that the nature of this blessing was intended to be any other than a spiritual one. The association of the blessing with the showing of mercy (but at the same time with the fulfilment of the author’s wish) is quite conspicuous in the short letter O. Lips. Copt. II 194, which was brought by a courier who was also the one seeking support. In the preceding part of the letter, the author asks expressly for money or dates. O. Crum 211 (monastic context uncertain); O. Saint-Marc 188, ll. 11–12 (parties unknown); O. Vind. Copt. 280, ll. 4–5 (from Aaron to a certain presbyter). 109 P. Mon. Epiph. 175, ll. 3–6 (from NN to John and Enoch): ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛ︥ⲙⲛ︥ⲧϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛϥ︥ⲣ̄ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛⲙ︥ⲙⲏⲧⲛ︥ ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛ︥ⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲙ︥ⲙⲁⲓ̈. 110 P. Mon. Epiph. 348, ll. 21–24: ϯⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ϫⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁϯ ⲡⲉⲕⲃⲉⲕⲏ ⲛⲁⲕ ϩⲁⲡⲉⲧⲉⲕⲛⲁⲁϥ ⲛⲙⲙⲁⲓ ⲧⲏⲣϥ (transl. Crum, modified). 107

108

158

WORDS IN ACTION

The Lord may bless you and make you grow. Be so kind and have a mercy on him, and the Lord will bless you and make you grow.111

In the context of a blessing, which is a divine reward for showing favour to a monk or obeying him, there appears a question of the rhetoric of divine punishment and reward that monks may have used to persuade their correspondents to take action. This is highly evident in Frange’s correspondence. The instances in which Frange explicitly referred to a blessing have been cited above (p. 155), but we have similar letters in which the word itself is not stated, but the persuasive mechanism is identical. Frange was convinced that a positive response to his requests ensured divine mercy for the addressees of the letters. Should Soterus be kind enough to fulfil Frange’s request for a knife, God shall also have mercy on Soterus.112 Similarly, God shall have mercy on Abraham if he provides Frange with grain.113 Sister Telole, as long as she donates grain, may also rest assured about her cattle.114 Several times, Frange also promised that the fulfilment of his demands would bring spiritual peace and even salvation of the soul to the person being asked, e.g., ‘Come so that we meet you, your heart will rest (ⲡⲉⲕ ϩⲏⲧ ⲛⲁⲙ̅ⲧⲟⲛ)’,115 ‘Weave it quickly, quickly, your heart will calm itself in every case. If you will not weave the garment, be so kind and work because of God and the salvation of your souls, so that God may give you long life’.116

O. Lips. Copt. II 194: ⲡϫⲟⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲁ[.]ⲥⲙⲟⲩ̣ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲛϥ︥ⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ ⲙⲙⲟⲕ ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲅ︥ⲣ̣ ⲡⲉ̣ⲕⲛⲁ̅ⲉ̣ ⲛⲉⲙⲁϥ ⲛⲧⲁⲡϫⲟⲓⲥ ⲥⲙ[ⲟⲩ] ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲛϥⲁⲩⲝ̣ⲁ̣[ⲛⲉ] ⲥⲏⲧ̣ⲣⲁⲕ ⲙ[ⲙⲙⲟⲕ]. Is ⲥⲏⲧ̣ⲣⲁⲕ a form of ⲥⲱⲧⲣ? Krueger does not comment on it. 112 O. Frange 50, ll. 13–14: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲣ̄ⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲛⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲕ. 113 O. Frange 179, ll. 11–12: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲣ̄ⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲛⲙ̄[ⲙ]ⲁⲕ. 114 O. Frange 66, ll. 17–20: ⲡⲉϩⲏⲧⲛⲁⲙ̄ⲧⲟⲛ ⲉϫⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ, ‘(your) heart will be completely calm on account of the cattle’; cf. O. Frange 98. 115 O. Frange 84, ll. 22–23. 116 O. Frange 110, ll. 18–25: ⲟⲩⲁϫⲉⲥ ⲧⲁⲭⲩ ⲧⲁⲭⲩ ⲡⲉⲧⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧ ⲛⲁⲙ̄ⲧⲟⲛ ϩⲛ̄ϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁⲟⲩⲱϫⲉ ⲧⲗⲱⲧⲉⲝ ⲁⲛ ⲁⲣⲓⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲁⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲯⲩⲭⲏ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϯⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛ̄ⲁϩⲉ ⲛⲏⲧⲛ̄. Other examples of the phrase ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ, see pp. 234–236. 111

BLESSING

159

It is worth noting that Frange warmly greeted some of the addressees, and the letter to Abraham (O. Frange 179) keeps a tone of special respect. This probably means that linking certain services provided to the addressee with divine reward was not seen as inappropriate – perhaps it was even a form of encouragement to perform a good deed – but no doubt Frange believed that helping monks (or at least him) was particularly rewarded by God. Of course, the interrelation between the obedience to a monk and a spiritual effect did not have a solely beneficial dimension. The heart of the one who does not act according to Frange’s wish ‘will suffer’117 or even suffers already.118 Frange also issued threats of heartache to a certain Moses whom he hadaccepted ‘as a believer (ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥ) and as a brother’, who, however, had not kept his promise to deliver flax (O. Frange 59). Frange also stated emphatically in his letter to Azariah: ‘You have disobeyed, you have found no rest with us both’.119 Frange sometimes points out that when fulfilling his requests, one was in fact working for God’s sake (p. 158). Moreover, Frange’s will was at least sometimes equal to God’s will: ‘I do neither for God’s sake nor for the sake of myself ’.120 In another letter Frange, expanded his argument: Look at the heaven, remember about God and send their holokottinos to the great men, since it is very urgent (lit. bitter) to pay it back.121

Consistent with the above is the belief that failure to comply with the monk’s wishes will result in divine punishment.

O. Frange 84, ll. 20–21 (from Frange and Moses to Mark): ⲡⲉⲕϩⲏⲧⲛⲁϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ. O. Frange 177 (from Frange to Mahenknout). 119 O. Frange 162, ll. 19–22: ⲙⲁⲕⲥⲱⲧⲙ̄ ⲙⲁ̣ⲕ̣ϭⲛ̄ⲙ̄ⲧⲟⲛ ⲟⲛ ϩⲁⲥⲛⲁⲩ. These ‘two’ are Frange and his monastic fellow Moses. 120 O. Frange 177, ll. 4–6 (from Frange to Mahenknout): ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲕ̄ⲁⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲕⲁⲁⲥ ⲉ̣ⲧⲃⲏⲏⲧ. 121 O. Frange 205 (from Frange to NN): ⳨ ϭⲱϣⲧ̄ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲧⲡⲉ ⲛⲅ̄ⲣⲡⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲅ̄ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲫⲟⲗⲟⲕⲟⲧⲓⲛⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲛ̄ⲛⲟϭ ⲛ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲁⲩ ϫⲉ ⲁⲡϩⲱⲃⲥⲓϣⲉ ⲧⲱⲛⲉ ⲉⲙⲱϩ ⲟⲛ. 117

118

WORDS IN ACTION

160

Crops and food as blessing While in most cases it is difficult to capture the exact effect the blessings were expected to have, there are examples where God’s blessing could have manifested itself in a clearly material way through a bountiful harvest. That is how the term functions in the legal documentary texts.122 Table 13. Blessing as crops in the Theban legal documents Coptic

Translation Type of document (passage given in original bolded)

P. KRU 66, ll. 29–30

ⲙⲛⲡⲉϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲧⲏⲣϥ

The fifth part from the church, Testament of Susanna and the arable land, and its field, and its land tax, and its field, and all its blessing123

O. Crum 138, ll. 7–9

ⲡⲣⲟⲥ ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲧⲁⲁⲩ ⲛⲁⲛ

According to the blessing, when Agreement about field work God will give them to us, a half between Victor and the farmers (will be) for me, a half for you. Abraham and Anatolius

O. Vind. Copt. 42 ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ The blessing, God will grant it ⲡⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ to us, one half (will be) for me, (= O. Crum ST ⲛⲁⲧⲟϣϥ̄ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ the other half for you, only for 37), ll. 12–14 your toil.

An agreement about field work on the land of the monastery between Deacon Eustathius on behalf of the Monastery of Philotheus near Hermonthis, and the farmer Georgios, son of Onophrius

The same provisions are found in yet another agreement. Although it does not include the term ‘blessing’, it does consider both plentiful and poor harvests to be in accordance with God’s will.124 See T. S. Richter, Rechtssemantik und forensische Rhetorik. Untersuchungen zu Wortschatz, Stil und Grammatik der Sprache koptischer Rechtsurkunden, 2nd revised ed., Wiesbaden 2008, p. 260. 123 For translation, see W. Till, Erbrechtliche Untersuchungen auf Grund der koptischen Urkunden, Vienna 1954, p. 162: ‘an der Kirche’; Richter, Rechtssemantik (cit. n. 122), p. 260: ‘von der Kirche’. Here and in the entries below, passage in bold corresponds with Coptic text. 124 O. Lips. Copt. II 334, ll. 9–12, An agreement between Papnute and Pebo, sons of Wanafre and Anastasius. The document is not precisely dated (6th–8th c.), neither party seems to be 122

BLESSING

161

We can find a similar division of a blessing in the settlement between the clergy of Jeme and Bishop Abraham, where it is stipulated that the blessing would be divided in half between the clergy and the bishop. Since the letter concerns baptismal liturgy, it seems that what they meant by ‘blessing’ was the gifts (in form of agricultural products and food) that would be given to the church on this occasion.125 O. Gurna Górecki 26, a partially preserved letter, presents a particularly interesting use of the term ‘blessing’: [- --] then, send me a gratification/blessing (ⲥⲙⲟⲩ) for this wine press [---]. For/Indeed our sins have removed the blessing (ⲥⲙⲟⲩ) of/from the world. Send me a little incense and some small grapes. To be given to [---]126

Anne Boud’hors leaves the possibilities of translating ⲥⲙⲟⲩ open, but if we exclude the option of a deliberate word play (which is unlikely in the case of a documentary letter of an economic nature), we may expect consistency in the usage of the word in both occurrences. It seems reasonable to me, although it cannot be proven, that in both cases of the ‘blessing’ the meaning ‘crops’, precisely grape harvest, was intended. The author assumes that his sins made God bring crop failure. Hence, the author asks the addressee to deliver the crops from the vineyard to his press. It is natural to assume a link between the state of sinfulness and the retraction of God’s blessing, which we have seen above.

a monk: ⲡ̣ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲧⲟϣϥ̣ ⲉ̣ⲓ̣ⲇⲉ̣ ϩⲏⲩ ⲉⲓ̣ⲇⲉ ⲟⲥⲉ ⲉ̣ⲛ̣ⲛ̣ⲁ̣ⲙⲉⲣⲓⲍⲉ ⲙⲙⲟϥ̣ ⲉ̣ϫⲱ̣ⲛ̣ ⲙⲡϣⲟⲙⲛⲧ, ‘What God will appoint, either profit or loss, we will share it between us in three parts’. 125 P. Berlin inv. 12501 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 39), ll. 14–18: ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲧⲡⲏϣⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ⲧⲡⲏϣⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ. General commentary on this document: Krause, Apa Abraham (cit. n. 97), vol. 2, pp. 149–150; Schmelz, Kirchliche Amtsträger (cit. n. 97), pp. 85–86; E. Wipszycka, The Alexandrian Church: People and Institutions [= Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series 25], Warsaw 2015, pp. 327–328; R. Dekker, Episcopal Networks and Authority in Late Antique Egypt: Bishops of the Theban Region at Work [= Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 264], Leuven 2018, p. 186. 126 O. Gurna Górecki 26, ll. 3–9: [---] ̣ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲧ̣ⲛ̣ⲟ̣ⲟⲩ ⲟ̣ⲩ̣ⲥ̣ⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲉϯϩⲣⲱⲧ [---] ̣ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲃⲓ ⲡ̣̄ⲥ̣ⲙⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲧⲛⲟⲟⲩ ⲟ̣ⲩⲗ[ⲓ]ⲯⲉ ⲛ̄ⲥⲧⲟⲓ̈ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲙⲛ̄ ϩⲉⲛⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲛ̄ⲉⲗⲟⲟⲗⲉ ϣⲏⲙ †† ⲧ̣ⲁⲁ̣ⲥ̣ traces ⲓ̣ⲱ̣ⲁ̣ⲣ̣ⲓ̣ⲥ̣ⲧ̣ [---] (transl. Boud’hors).

WORDS IN ACTION

162

The close link between blessings and crops is also evident in liturgy and hagiography. Already in the Euchologion of Sarapion, we find a call for God to bless the earth.127 In St Basil’s Anaphora, God’s blessing is invoked upon the Nile to make its waters rise and cover over the sown fields, orchards and trees, so that they could yield a good harvest.128 This understanding of the term ‘blessing’ is tied to an understanding of God as the Lord of Nature, who can direct it to the benefit of mankind. In the Spiritual Meadow, John Moschus used the term ‘the blessing of water’ to describe a spring that gushed out as a result of the prayers of Abba Theodosius in the Monastery of Scopelus in Palestine.129 John Rufus wrote about a lawyer of Gaza, who built houses for Peter the Iberian and his companions, and the money he had invested was returned thanks to the blessing that the saint had placed upon his vineyard, which henceforth produced excellent wine. In this case, it was a holy man who turned out to be the medium of blessing.130 Thus, the harvest-blessing becomes a food-blessing. A blessing may also be a payment made in food, which, of course, is the effect of God’s care for nature and crops. It can be a payment agreed upon on the basis of an agreement, as is the case of the document below. 131

Table 14. Blessing in P. Mon. Epiph. 84 Coptic

Translation

P. Mon. Epiph. 84, ⲛ̄ⲧⲁϯ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ I will give you the ⲛⲁⲕ ϩⲛ︥ⲛ̄ϣⲁ ⲡⲣⲟⲥ ⲡⲉⲧⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲩ blessing of the place [i.e., ll. 19–20 monastery: PP] at the festivals accordingly.131

Type of document Camel herd contract between Severus, presbyter of the Topos of Apa John in the desert and Phoebammon, son of Plos

Euchologium Sarapionis IX 3: εὐλόγησαν τὴν γῆν πᾶσαν. Anaphora Sancti Basilii 122, 126, 129, 130, ed. Budde, p. 173. This intercession is attested only in the Bohairic version. For intercession for the Nile flood in Sahidic from Western Thebes, see P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt. 197 (esp. l. 3), reedition and commentary: Á. T. Mihálykó, Writing the Christian Liturgy in Egypt (3rd to 9th cent.), PhD thesis, University of Oslo, 2016, pp. 285–286 (edition was not included into published volume). 129 John Moschus, Pratum Spirituale 80: τὴν εὐλογίαν τοῦ ὔδατος, transl. Wortley, p. 65. 130 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 137, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr, pp. 200 (text), 201 (transl.). 131 Transl. Crum, modified. 127

128

BLESSING

163

A blessing, however, may also denote more broadly any kind of profit. And so, in the contract between a monastery and a camel herder, we find the commitment of the latter. ‘When the blessing fulfils, that which the Lord will appoint (ⲉⲩϣⲁⲛⲙⲟⲩϩ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛⲁⲧ̣ⲟ̣ϣϥ̄ ϯⲛⲁⲱⲣⲕ̄ ⲉϫⲱϥ), I swear that I will give a part to the topos in the wild, it is the half of whole profit, and I will work for the topos without carelessness’.132 A blessing, however, may also be an occasional one-time payment for a service, as in the letter below, in which the sender asks the addressee to tip the young man (perhaps a young disciple) who delivered the ostracon with the message. 133

Table 15. Blessing in O. Crum ST 274

O. Crum ST 274, ll. 15–17133

From

To

Coptic text

Translation

Presbyter and Hegumenos Apa John

Humble Theophilos

ⲁⲣⲓ ⲡⲛⲁ ϯⲟⲩⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲓϣⲏⲣⲉ ϣⲏⲙ

Have pity (and) give a blessing to this little boy.

The words as a blessing God’s blessing was usually mediated by the person who gave it. In such situations, a person acts as an intermediary for God’s benevolence. A manmediated blessing is mainly just words. Sometimes, words alone were enough. An imperial courier requested Shenoute: ‘Bless me with your holy mouth (ⲛⲧⲉⲕⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ϧⲉⲛⲡⲉⲕⲣⲱϥ ⲉⲑⲟⲩⲁⲃ) (…)’, as a response to which Shenoute improvised the following prayer: ‘May the Lord Jesus Christ O. Saint-Marc 41 (= SB Kopt. IV 1803), ll. 5–9; on this piece Ch. Heurtel, ‘Le serment d’un chamelier: O. Gournet Mourraï 242’, Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 103 (2003), pp. 297–306. The hagiography attests the use of the word even in the context of the profit on investment carried out on credit: Archelaus of Neapolis, In Gabrielem 141, ed. and transl. Müller, pp. 353 (text), 379 (transl.): ‘The blessing that the Lord would bestow on them [the parts of transaction: PP] – half of it belongs to the rich man, and the other half to Perôtios’. Note that here too, the profit is split in half. 133 The letter has no certain provenance, but Crum discusses it in the context of Theban customs in P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 182. 132

164

WORDS IN ACTION

bless you and deliver you from the snares of the devil, and may you inherit the good things which endure forever’.134 Usually, however, Theban letters present us not with elaborate improvisations, but with simple opening formulas such as: ‘May the Lord bless you (ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ)’.135 This phrase has its origin in the Bible, and its use was already recommended by Athanasius of Alexandria: Life of Shenoute 66, ed. Leipoldt, p. 34, transl. Bell, p. 61. O. Berlin inv. 12495 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 54), ll. 1–3 (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Isaac); O. Berlin inv. 12497 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 77 = O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 48), ll. 1–2 (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter John of Apa Ezekiel); O. Berlin inv. 12491 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 76), ll. 1–2 (from Bishop Abraham to NN); O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 46/4 (Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 52), ll. 1–3 (from Bishop Abraham to unknown presbyter); O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II 30, l. 3 (unknown parties, from the Monastery of Phoebammon); O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II 31, ll. 2–3 (from humble Abraham to his pious sons David and others; Monastery of Phoebammon); O. Col. inv. 371, ll. 2–3 (Dekker ‘Coptic ostraca’ [cit. n. 98], no. 3; from Abraham to Presbyter George); O. Col. inv. 538, l. 2 (Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca’ [cit. n. 98], no. 4; from Abraham to Presbyter Patermoute); O. Col. inv. 970, ll. 2–3 (Dekker ‘Coptic ostraca’ [cit. n. 98], no. 7; from Bishop Abraham to Papnoute); O. Crum 53 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 35), ll. 2–3 (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Athanasius); O. Crum 54 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 69), ll. 3–4 (from Bishop Abraham to Archpresbyter Psai); O. Crum 59, ll. 2–3 (probably from Bishop Abraham to unknown recipient); O. Crum 61 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 78), ll. 1–3 (from Bishop Abraham to Lashane Pesynthius); O. Crum 62 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 56), ll. 1–3 (from Bishop Abraham to presbyters Ananias and Isaac); O. Crum 64 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 107), ll. 1–4 (from Bishop Abraham to Xista); O. Crum 67 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 95), ll. 1–11 (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Elias); O. Crum 76 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 38), ll. 1–2 (from Bishop Abraham; circular letter); O. Crum 80 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 50), ll. 1–3 (from Bishop Abraham to Psan); O. Crum 105 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 32), ll. 2–3 (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Apa John); O. Crum 126 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 93), ll. 1–11 (from Bishop Abraham to unknown recipient); O. Crum 184 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 53), ll. 1–2 (from Bishop Abraham to unknown recipient); O. Crum 484 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 43), l. 2 (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Patermute); O. Crum ad. 53 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 47), ll. 1–2 (from Andrew to Presbyter Isaac); O. Crum ad. 59 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 98), ll. 1–3 (from Bishop Abraham to unknown recipient); O. Crum VC 37 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 57), ll. 3–4 (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Patermute and Cyriacus); O. Deir el-Bahari 1, ll. 1–2 (from Bishop Abraham to Archpresbyter Joseph and Presbyter Joseph); O. Frange 326, ll. 12–13 (from Frange to Tsie; here, the praise is in the body of the letter); O. Lips. Copt. II 9 (from Andrew to NN, perhaps Aaron); O. Lips. Copt. II 65 (from Aaron to NN); O. Lips. Copt. II 85 (from Andrew and perhaps also Aaron to NN, 134

135

BLESSING

165

And if you wish, moreover, to bless someone, you learn how you ought to do so, and in whose name, and what is necessary to say, in Psalms 1, 31, 40, 111, 118, and 127.136

Of these, a formula very close to that known from the Theban letters is contained in Psalm 127:5 (LXX), which says ‘May the Lord bless you from Sion (ⲉⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲛ ⲥⲓⲱⲛ)’,137 but 2 Kgs LXX (= 2 Samuel) 24:23 (ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲕⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ) is even closer to the words found in the letters. The use of Psalm 127 to express a blessing can be found in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto. Apollo replied to his guests with the words of this psalm, and the author added that this was a form of a blessing.138 The same verse was recited by Paphnutius to a pious man, though only Rufin in his Latin translation described it as a blessing.139 As we can see, the blessing formulas applied in the Theban letters have biblical inspirations and are attested in the early accounts concerning Egyptian monasticism. The ‘Lord’ is an addressee almost always invoked in blessing formulas, ‘God’ appears rarely (O. Frange 179; O. Lips. Copt. II 415), ‘the Lord God’ only once (O. Lips. Copt. II 100). In several letters, Frange refers to the blessing of ‘my Lord Jesus Christ and prayers of all the saints’.140 A monastic perhaps Elias); O. Lips. Copt. II 172 (from NN to NN); O. Lips. Copt. II 196 (from NN to NN); O. Lips. Copt. II 197 (from NN to NN); O. Medin. Habu Copt. 145 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 101), ll. 1–3 (from Bishop Abraham to ‘my son Pesente’); P. Mon. Epiph. 154 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 36), ll. 1–2 (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Senetom). In some of these formulas the addressee is in plural. Rarely, Abraham applied more elaborated formulas, e.g., O. Crum 69 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 99), ll. 2–4: ‘God shall bless you and all your belongings’, ⲡ̣[ϫ]ⲟ̣ⲉⲓⲥ̣ ⲉ̣ϥⲉⲥⲙ[ⲟⲩ] ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ︥ ⲙⲛ︥ⲡⲉⲧϣ[ⲟⲟ]ⲡ ⲛⲏⲧⲛ︥ ⲧⲏⲣϥ︥ (from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Apa John); similarily O. Crum ad. 45 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 109), ll. 1–4 (from Bishop Abraham to presbyters Patermoute and Cyriacus). 136 Athanasius of Alexandria, Ad Marcellinum 15, transl. Gregg, p. 114. 137 Cf. Ps 133:3 (LXX). 138 Historia monachorum in Aegypto VIII 62, ed. Festugière, p. 71: εὐλογήσας ἡμᾶς ἐξαπέστειλεν λέγων. 139 Historia monachorum in Aegypto XIV 15, ed. Festugière, pp. 106–107: τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ ἐφίλει λέγων; versio Rufini XVI 2, 9, ed. Schulz-Flügel, p. 344: caput eius exosculatus benedixit eum dicens. 140 O. Frange 66, 83, 98, 120, 127; cf. O. Frange 110: ‘God and prayers of all the saints’.

166

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letter in which only Jesus Christ is invoked is also known.141 Its provenance is unknown, however. In the letters from the Monastery of Apa Ezekiel ‘the Angel of the topos in the desert’ appears.142 Opening blessing formulas do not universally appear in the Theban letters. They are characteristic of, primarily, the letters written by Andrew of Hermonthis and Abraham of Hermonthis.143 This is hardly surprising since, as John Rufus points out in relation to Peter the Iberian, calling attention to ‘his teaching and his blessing and his communion’, a blessing was considered a special gift that a bishop could bestow upon the people.144 Such a blessing formula, however, was not reserved for bishops only. It was also used by Presbyter Victor from the Monastery of Phoebammon (of course, he followed the formulary style of Abraham), but probably was more widespread.145 It seems that it was used more widely in this monastery, as we also find it in the writing exercises.146 This formula sometimes also appears in the letters of other people, although it is rare. We may find 141 O. Crum VC 62, ll. 2–4: ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓ̈ⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲕϣⲏⲣⲉ, ‘Our Lord Jesus Christ shall bless you and your children’ (from unknown sender to ‘brotherhood’ and its children). 142 O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 63/3, ll. 20–23, reedition F. Krueger, ‘The papyrological rediscovery of the Monastery of Apa Ezekiel and Bishop Andrew of Hermonthis (6th c.). Preliminary report on the edition of the Coptic ostraca at the Leipzig University Library’, Journal of Coptic Studies 21 (2019), pp. 73–114, at p. 87; O. Lips. Copt. II 83 (restored); cf. O. Lips. Copt. II 353 (Ezekiel as an agent of blessing). 143 Krueger (‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ [cit. n. 106], p. 159) brings this observation as an argument for ‘continuity of scribal practice and formulae between Andrew and Abraham’. 144 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 163, ed. and transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 239. In O. Theb. 27, l. 8, Bishop Pesynthius is perhaps called ‘the father of blessing’ (ⲡⲉⲓⲱ̄ ⲙ̄ⲡⲥⲁⲱⲩ) – however, the reading is uncertain since irregular orthography. 145 O. Crum 75 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 72) (from John to Apa Victor); O. Medin. Habu Copt. 141 (from Presbyter Victor to ‘beloved son’ Damian); O. Gurna Górecki 5 (from Presbyter Victor to Djor). The fact that this phrase belonged to stock epistolary formulas is evidenced by two exercises from the Monastery of Phoebammon in Deir elBahari (O. Deir el-Bahari 2, 3). Too many letters without preserved author names contain this phrase to conclude that it was a feature of the epistolary style of the bishops of Hermonthis (and possibly the Monastery of Phoebammon). 146 Cf. O. Deir el-Bahari 3 (= P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt. 177), ll. 4–5; cf. O. Deir el-Bahari 2, ll. 1–4: ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ.

BLESSING

167

it in the letter of Aaron, the abbot of the Monastery of Ezekiel,147 in the letter of certain Andrew from Phoebammon ‘in the Rock’,148 in a letter from the Topos of Mark,149 from MMA 1152,150 and in letters without precise provenance.151 It is completely missing in the extensive correspondence from the Topos of Epiphanius (except for one letter by Abraham) as well as Frange’s dossier.152 This is best explained by the fact that the monks from these hermitages did not hold clerical ordination. As an episode from the Sayings of the Desert Fathers describes, as a rule, only ordained clergy (priests) could deliver blessing: One day, Abba Matoes went to Rhaithou, in the region of Magdolos. A brother went with him, and the bishop seized the old man and made him a priest. While they were eating together the bishop said, ‘Forgive me, Abba; I know you did not want it, but it was in order that I might be blessed by you (διὰ τὸ εὐλογηθῆναί με παρὰ σοῦ) that I dared to do it’.153

Apart from a simple blessing, however, there may appear more complex formulas, especially in reference to the addressees and other objects of blessings. This is illustrated by the examples below.154

147 O. Lips. Copt. I 16, l. 1: ⲡϫⲟⲓ̈ⲥ ⲉϥ̣ⲛ̣ⲁ̣ⲥ̣ⲙ̣ⲟ̣ⲩ̣ ⲉ̣ⲣⲱⲧⲛ (from Aaron to presbyters and heads of village Patoubaste). Contrary to the letters of Abraham, the blessing appears here at the very beginning and is formulated not in the optative but in the future tense. 148 O. Mon. Phoib. 22, l. 4: ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓ̣[ⲥ ⲉϥⲉ]ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱ̄ (from Andrew to unknown female recipient); see also badly preserved O. Mon. Phoib. 17, l. 8, and O. Mon. Phoib. 49, l. 4 (in both the parties remain unknown). 149 O. Saint-Marc 311 (parties unknown). 150 O. Gurna Górecki 5, ll. 1–3 (from Presbyter Victor to brother Djor). 151 O. Vind. Copt. 211 (= O. Crum ST 377; both parties unknown, monastic provenance uncertain); O. Vind. Copt. 274 (= O. Crum ST 308; both parties unknown, monastic provenance uncertain). 152 It appears in two letters by Frange, O. Frange 591 (the beginning and end of letter are missing) and O. Ashm. Copt. 19 (= O. Crum VC 81) (see table below); in both cases, however, it is more elaborate than the formula used by Abraham. 153 AP, Matoes 9, ed. PG 65, col. 292C, transl. Ward, p. 144 (= AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 103). 154 See also badly preserved O. Mon. Phoib. 22 in Krueger’s reconstruction (Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ [cit. n. 106], p. 184).

WORDS IN ACTION

168

Table 16. Complex blessing formulas in the Theban monastic letters From

To

Coptic text

Translation 155

O. Ashm. Copt. 18, ll. 7–9

Colluthus Brother Ananias

ⲡϫ[ⲟ]ⲉ̣ⲓ̣ⲥ̣ ⲉϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲛ̣̄ϥϩⲁⲣⲉϥ ⲉ̣ⲣⲟⲕ ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ ⲛⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲙⲙⲏⲕ

May the Lord bless you and protect you156 together with those with you.

O. Ashm. Copt. 19 (= O. Crum VC 81), ll. 10–13

Frange

‘his beloved lord and father Apa David, son of Las’ with his wife and children

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲡⲉⲕⲏⲉⲓ̣̈ ⲧ̣ⲏ̣ⲣ̣ϥ̄ ϩⲛ̄ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏ̣ⲛ̣ⲏ

May the Lord bless you with the whole house in peace.

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. II 43, ll. 5–9

NN

NN (found in the Monastery of Phoebammon)

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥ̣[ⲉ]ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ ⲡⲉⲧ̣ϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲧⲏⲣϥ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲛⲧⲃ̄ⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ

May the Lord bless you and all your belongings, men, and cattle.157

O. Col. inv. 591, ll. 2–7158

Bishop Abraham

NN159

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉ]ϥ̣ⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲁ̣[ⲩⲱ ⲛϥⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ] ⲙⲙⲟⲕ ϩⲙ̄ ⲡⲉⲧⲛ[ⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲙⲛ] ⲡⲉⲧϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲛⲁⲕ [ⲧⲏⲣϥ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲛ]ⲧ̣ⲃ̄ⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲁ[ⲩⲱ ⲛϥϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲉ]ⲡ̣ⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ ⲛ̣[ⲓⲙ

May the Lord bless you and strengthen you in all good together with all that you have, people and cattle, and may He keep you from all evil.160

O. Crum ST 283, ll. 2–6161

NN

NN

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱ̄ⲧⲛ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲛⲉⲧⲛϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲛⲉⲧⲛ︥ⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲧⲉⲧⲛ︥ϩⲉⲗⲡⲓⲥ ⲧⲏⲣ̅ⲥ̅

May the Lord bless you and your children, and your cattle and all you hope.

O. Frange 591, ll. x+2–6

Frange

NN

ⲡ̣ⲉ̣[ⲛϫⲟ]ⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉ[ⲥ]ⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲏⲉⲓ̈ ⲧⲏⲣϥ̄ ϩⲛ̄[ⲟⲩ]ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ

[---] May our Lord bless all that belongs to your (pl.) house in peace.

O. Lips. Copt. II 199, ll. 4–8

NN

155 156 157 158 159 160 161

NN

ⲡ̣ϫ̣ⲟ̣ⲉ̣ⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱ̣ⲧ̣ⲛ ⲙⲛ May the Lord bless you (pl.) ⲡ̣ⲉ̣ⲧ̣ⲛ̣ⲏ̣ⲓ̣ ⲧ̣ⲏ̣ⲣ̣ϥ ⲙⲛ ⲧⲉ̣ⲧ̣ⲛⲙ̣ⲙ̣ⲁ̣ⲕ̣ together with all your house, ⲧ̣ⲏ̣ⲣ̣ⲟⲩ and all who are with you.

Probably, we should read here an independent clause with the optative ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ. For the formula ‘The Lord shall bless you and protect you’, see Numbers 6:24. 157 Identical phrase in O. Crum 75 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 72), ll. 4–7: ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ ⲡⲉⲧϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲧⲏⲣϥ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲛⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ (from John to Apa Victor). 158 Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca’ (cit. n. 98), no. 8. 159 Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca’ (cit. n. 98), p. 103, supposes ‘layman of high social standing’. 160 Transl. Dekker (modified). 161 Monastic context possible but not certain. 155 156

BLESSING

169

Table 16. Complex blessing formulas in the Theban monastic letters (cont’d) From

To

Coptic text

Translation

O. Lips. Copt. II 325, ll. 6–7

Bishop Andrew

Anna

ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲛⲁⲡⲉⲏⲓ̈ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ

And God will bless you (fem.) and all your house.

O. Lips. Copt. II 415, ll. 3–5

NN

NN

ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ [ⲙⲛ︥ ⲛ] ⲉ̣ⲕ̣ⲣ̣ⲱⲙⲉ

May God bless you and your people.

O. Theb. 32, ll. 2–6162

Unknown Unknown sender recipient

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲡⲉⲧϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛⲏⲕ ⲧⲏⲣϥ

May the Lord bless you and all your belongings.163

O. Theb. 36, ll. 1–4164

Unknown Unknown sender recipient

ⲡϫⲟⲓ̈ⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ̄ ⲛⲉⲕⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ

May the Lord bless you and your cattle.165

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛ ⲛⲉⲕⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ

May the Lord bless you and your cattle.

Aaron O. Vind. Copt. 288 (= O. Crum and ST 236 = O. Lips. Andrew Copt. II ad. 35), ll. 1–2

Brother Paul

As can be seen, the blessing is directed not only at the addressees, but also at their household members and the household itself. Attention may be drawn by the frequent mentions of cattle, singled out from among other possessions.166 Hagiography similarly shows that caring for cattle (in terms of its health and fertility)167 was a particularly desirable area of activity for monks. Thus, for example, Samuel of Kalamun not only bestowed Monastic context uncertain. Cf. the letters of Bishop Abraham with the same formula: O. Crum 69 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 99), ll. 1–4; O. Crum ad. 45 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 109), ll. 1–4; O. Vind. Copt. 201 (= O. Crum ST 346; both parties unknown, monastic provenance uncertain). 164 Monastic provenance not certain. 165 The monastic provenance of this letter remains uncertain since only the opening lines are preserved. 166 Cf. O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 80/1, ll. 5–7 (from NN to NN; from Deir el-Bahari): [ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲁⲣⲓ] ⲡⲁⲙⲉⲩⲉ ϩⲛⲛⲉ[ⲧⲛ̄ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲙⲛ̄ⲛⲁⲧⲃ]ⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ, ‘Remember me in your (pl.) prayer, as well as my cattle’. 167 I would like to draw attention to the verb ⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ, which appears from time to time, usually in reference to moral values (good things) and translated by me as ‘strengthen’. In 162

163

170

WORDS IN ACTION

blessings onto the houses, fields, and animals of the benefactors of the monastery,168 but even the mere presence of the monk multiplied the flocks.169 The monks were also directly involved in blessing livestock, as evidenced by one of Frange’s letters: Be so kind and put this cord on your mare and bind the blessings around her neck in order that the Lord will bless her and protect her for you.170

The text of the blessing of the monastery and its cattle, sent by Frange, has also been preserved: Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, protect the people of this monastery and the cattle. Bless them by the blessing of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. Frange, he writes it by his hand. (verso) ⳨ Jesus Christ, the son of the living God, bless this monastery by every blessing that is written in the Scripture: have mercy over us (in) love. Lord, Jesus Christ ΧΜΓ ⳨ ϥⲑ171 the case of its appearance in the blessing of cattle, it can also be referred to as the multiplication of the headcount of herds and translated as ‘let them grow’ or ‘multiply’. 168 Isaac the Presbyter, The Life of Samuel of Kalamun 30, ed. Alcock, pp. 26 (text), 104 (transl.): ‘[I]t (i.e., the blessing) should be in their homes a[nd] in their fields and upon their animals’. 169 Isaac the Presbyter, The Life of Samuel of Kalamun 23, ed. Alcock, pp. 21 (text), 98 (transl.): ‘[F]rom the first day you came into my house, a great blessing came upon it: my camels have grown numerous and filled my pens, and my slaves have increased and filled my house’. Note that the blessing related to Samuel’s presence is involuntary because he is a slave. 170 O. Frange 191: ⳨ ⲁⲣⲓⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲅ̅ⲃⲱⲕ ⲡⲓⲕⲁⲡ ⲉⲧⲉⲕϩⲧ̣ⲱⲣⲉ ⲛⲅ̅ⲙ̣[ⲟ]ⲩⲣ ⲛⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲉⲥ ⲙⲟⲩⲧ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛⲁⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲛϥ̅ϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲕ; cf. Corpus hippiatricorum Graecorum 10.3 and 10.5. If a mare has difficulties with giving birth, the papyrus with the fragment from Ps 46 should be hung on her, and if she is sterile, a fragment with a verse from Iliad should be hung (after R. Wiśniewski, Christian Divination in Late Antiquity [= Social Worlds of Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages 8], Amsterdam 2020, p. 86 n. 5). Similar practices, but with the use of hymns by John Chrysostom, can be found in Hippiatrica Cantabrigiensia XVI 3 (after Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri [cit. n. 91], p. 199 n. 50). 171 O. Crum ST 18, see O. Frange, p. 158 (French translation). Probably, Frange adapted here a liturgical source, see K. Dosoo, ‘Horus, Sabaoth, Satanas: La «Bibliothèque de Berlin» et autres fonds d’archives magiques dans l’Égypte romaine et les premiers siècles de la période islamique’, [in:] J.-Ch. Coulon (ed.), La magie et les sciences occultes dans le monde islamique, Paris forthcoming, pp. 29–125, at p. 47.

BLESSING

171

We also have another letter from Frange, probably accompanied by an ostracon with a text similar to the one above: My brother Azarias, since you shave, said to me: ‘write a big shard and sent it to me, and I (will) place it before the cattle’, here I have sent it, my good brother.172

Moreover, on the ostracon purchased in Karnak, we have a request for blessed water to spray sick cattle.173 Practices of this kind were obviously not unique to the Theban area alone.174

172 O. Frange 190, ll. 1–7: ⳨ ⲡⲁⲥ̣ⲟ̣ⲛ ⲁⲍⲁⲣⲓⲁⲥ ⲉⲡⲓⲇⲏ̅ ⲁⲕϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ϫⲉ ⲥϩⲁⲓ̈ ⲟⲩⲛⲟⲥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲗⲁⲝ ⲛⲅ̅ϫⲟⲟⲩⲥ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲕⲁⲁⲥ ϩⲁⲑⲏ ⲛ̄ⲛ̄ⲧⲃ̄ⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲏⲧⲉ ⲁⲓ̈ϫⲟⲟⲩⲥ ⲡⲁⲥⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲓⲧ. We know nothing about Azarias’s ecclesiastical status. 173 O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 54/1, ll. 10–12 (from NN to ‘your [pl.] fatherly holiness’): ⲧⲛ̄ⲛⲟⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲛⲟⲩϫⲥ̄ ⲉϫⲛ̄ⲛⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ϫⲉ ⲉⲩϣⲱⲛⲉ, ‘Send some blessed water for me to sprinkle over the cattle since it is sick’. 174 Two texts of unknown provenance are worth mentioning. One of the formulas from the Coptic Michigan Formular 593, p. 11, ll. 6–8 (W. H. Worrell, ‘A Coptic wizard’s hoard’, The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 46 [1930], pp. 239– 262; P. Mirecki, ‘The Coptic wizard’s hoard’, The Harvard Theological Review 97 [1994], pp. 435–460; M. Meyer & R. Smith, Ancient Christian Magic: Coptic Texts of Ritual Power, Princeton, NJ 1999, no. 133) refers to the oil with which sick animals are to be rubbed: ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ϯⲉⲣ ⲃⲱⲛⲉ ⲉⲧϩⲛ ⲛⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲧⲁⲩⲟⲥ ⲉϫⲛ︥ ⲟⲩⲛⲉϩ ⲛ̄ⲅⲧⲱϩⲥ︥ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲟⲩ, ‘For the evil eye which is among domestic animals: Recite it over some oil and anoint them’ (transl. Mirecki, ‘The Coptic wizard’s hoard’ [cit. supra], p. 448). A recently published papyrus amulet containing the incipits of the four gospels, Psalm 90, and the Letter of Abgar (P. Palau Rib. inv. 412; ed. J. G. Given, ‘An incipits amulet featuring Jesus’s Letter to Abgar’, Journal of Coptic Studies 19 [2017], pp. 42–49; cf. P. Piwowarczyk, ‘Microtheologies behind the biblical amulets: six case studies’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 49 [2019], pp. 253–279, at pp. 272–274) probably had a protective function too. It is a large strip of papyrus (23.8 × 12.4 cm), with round holes in two corners (the other two are heavily damaged), which suggests that it was attached, perhaps nailed, to some surface. The string of quotes ends with the call ‘Heal these animals. Amen. Let it be +’ (ⲧⲁⲗϭⲟ ⲛⲓⲧⲉⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ ⲉⲥⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ +). It is therefore reasonable to assume that this papyrus was fixed in a stable or in an enclosure.

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Elaborated blessings While short opening blessings could be considered stock phrases, the blessings might also have had a more individual character. However, we find examples of such elaborate blessings in only two letters. Table 17. Elaborated blessings in the Theban letters From

To

Coptic text

Translation

O. Brit. Mus. Copt. NN II 5, ll. 2–4 (from the Monastery of Phoebammon)

NN

ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥ̣[ⲙⲟⲩ] ⲉⲣⲱⲧ̅ⲛ̅ ⲁ̣ⲩⲱ ⲛ̅ϥ̅ⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲱⲧⲛ̄ ϩⲙ︥ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲛⲟ̣ⲩ̣ϥ [ⲡϫⲟⲉ]ⲓ̣ⲥ̣ ⲛϥ︥ⲛⲉϩⲙ̣̄ ⲧⲏⲩⲧⲛ̄ ⲉⲛⲓϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛϥ̄ⲕⲱ ⲡⲉϥ[ⲥ]ⲙⲟⲩ ⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲉϥⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ϩⲓϫⲱⲧ̄ⲛ̄

May the Lord bless you and strengthen you in good things. The Lord shall save you from these sicknesses and put his blessing and his peace upon you.

O. Frange 30, ll. 12–15

‘My brother’ Papnoute ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲛϥ̄ϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉ̣ⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲉⲛⲡⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ and ‘my sister’ Kolbeoune, certainly ⲙ̄ⲡϫⲁϫⲉ a married couple

Frange

May the Lord bless you (pl.) and protect you from the temptations of the enemy.

Of course, the blessing formula did not have to include the word ‘blessing’ itself. Frange often sends his addressees wishes that should be seen precisely as blessings. They are both simple, like ‘May the Lord Jesus Christ protect you’175 and more complex: ‘My Lord, Jesus Christ, may he watch over you (pl.) and save you from sickness in winter’,176 ‘My Lord Jesus Christ, may he keep you (pl.) in good health, my sweet brothers’,177 ‘My Lord Jesus Christ, may he give him healing and may he shall be resting O. Frange 89, ll. 8–10: ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲉϥⲉⲣⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄. O. Frange 75, ll. 6–8 (from Frange and Moses to Azarias and his son Sabine): ‘My Lord jesus Christ may keep you (pl.), saving you from sickness in winter’, ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲉϥⲉϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲛⲁϩⲙⲉ ⲉϣⲱⲛⲉ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲣⲱ; O. Frange 108, ll. 5–8 (from Frange and Moses to Azarias and his wife): ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲉϥⲉⲣⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉ[ⲣ]ⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲛⲁϩⲙⲉ ⲉ̣ϣⲱⲛⲉ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲣⲱ; cf. O. Frange 110, ll. 7–11: ‘God and the prayers of all the saints may protect you (pl.), saving you from sickness in winter’, ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲛⲉϣⲗⲏ̣[ⲗ] ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲩⲛⲁϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲱ[ⲧⲛ̄] ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲛⲁϩⲙⲉ ⲉϣⲱⲛ̣ⲉ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲣⲱ. 177 O. Frange 157, ll. x+8–12 (hand by Frange): ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲉϥⲉⲣⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲟϫ ⲛⲁⲥⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲧϩⲟⲗϭ̅. 175 176

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in his sickness’.178 In the letters from the Topos of Epiphanius we may read: ‘May God have mercy over you in this place and in the other place’,179 and ‘May God protect you (pl.) and save you from every abuse of the adversary’.180 Such improvised blessings are known in abundance from monastic literature. In the story of Melania and Pambo, the monk thanks the generous donor with succinct words: ‘But he sat plaiting palm leaves (…) spoke to me in a quiet voice “May the Lord bless you for your troubles and reward you in heaven”’.181 The old man Teroti blessed his novice John Khame: ‘(He) blessed him, even as Isaac blessed Jacob, saying: “The Lord God shall bless thee that thou mayest fulfil his holy will. Amen’”.182 In one of the stories in the dossier of Daniel of Scetis, the eunuch monk (actually a woman) blessed the disciple Daniel before his death: ‘Kissing him, the Eunuch said to him: “God, you who stand beside me at this hour in order to separate me from this body (…) let the spirit of his fathers rest upon him, even as you let the spirit of Elijah rest upon Elisha, and may the name of his fathers be invoked upon him”’.183 In the hagiography, however, we also find even more elaborate formulas of blessing. Shenoute blessed the emperor in the following way: May Jesus Christ bless you, O king who loves God, and all your city; may he establish your throne like that of our holy fathers Arcadius and Honorius; may he perfect you all in the faith of your fathers, confirming and guarding the precepts and faith of our fathers the apostles.184 178 O. Medin. Habu. Copt. 139, ll. 12–15: ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲉϥⲉϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲧⲁⲗϭⲱ ⲛⲁϥ ⲛ̄ϥⲙ̄ⲧⲟⲛ ϩⲙ︥ ⲡⲉϥϣⲱⲛⲉ. 179 P. Mon. Epiph. 180, ll. 6–7 (from NN to NN): ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ̄ ⲉϥⲉⲣ ⲟⲩⲛⲁ̄ ⲛⲙ︥ⲙⲁⲕ̄ ϩⲛⲡⲉⲓ̈ⲙⲁ ⲙⲛ︥ⲡⲕⲏⲙⲁ̄. This and ‘the other’ place refer to this life and afterlife. 180 P. Mon. Epiph. 186, ll. 2–3 (from Epiphanius to George): ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉϩⲁⲣⲉϩ [ⲉⲣ]ⲱⲧⲛ︥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛϥ︥ⲛⲉϩⲙ︥ⲧⲏⲩⲧⲛ︥ ⲉⲉⲡⲏⲣⲓⲁ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲁⲛⲧⲓⲕⲓⲙⲉⲛⲟⲥ. 181 Coptic Palladiana, Pambo 5, ed. Amélineau, p. 95: ⲡⲟ̅ⲥ̅ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉϧⲓⲥⲓ ⲟⲩⲟϩ; transl. Vivian, p. 60 (= Palladius, Historia Lausiaca X 2: εὐλόγησέ με φωνῇ μόνῃ καὶ εἶπεν). 182 Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 27. 183 Saint Daniel of Scetis: Anastasia Patrikia, ed. Dahlman, pp. 182–183. 184 Life of Shenoute 60, transl. Bell, p. 60.

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In the Historia monachorum in Aegypto, the terms ‘prayer’ and ‘blessing’ are used synonymously. In the story about Kopres we can read: ‘They filled the folds of their tunics with the sand which had been trodden by us, and bringing it to me, asked me to bless (εὐλογεῖν) it. After I had prayed (ηὐξάμην) that it should be done to them according to their faith, they sowed the sand together with their corn in their fields’.185 Of course, in the correspondence of Barsanuphius and John, we also find such improvised blessings composed at the request of petitioners. They are, in fact, a special case of prayer.186 Gestures of blessing However, words were not the only way to deliver a blessing. In an attempt to understand the meaning of the term in the Theban letters, one must also bear in mind the bodily dimension. We know from the literature that a blessing could be performed without words, just by means of a gesture. Theon, a monk, according to his own rule, remained silent, and blessed the arriving sick by placing a hand extended through the window on their head.187 In one story from the hagiographical dossier of Daniel of Scetis, Daniel and other monks make their way to obtain a blessing from a deceased pious man. The way it was delivered was not described, but it undoubtedly required no words.188 Similarly, when Peter the Iberian was dying, Euphrosius, one of his disciples, held his right hand, which the monks kissed, and he gave blessings with it. We are not at all sure here whether the gesture of blessing was still performed by Peter himself Historia monachorum in Aegypto X 29, ed. Festugière, p. 87, transl. Russell, p. 86. E.g., Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 210, ed. Neyt & De AngelisNoah, vol. 1.2, p. 656, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 218: ‘Yet, may the God of all blessings bless you with every spiritual blessing and with every grace of righteousness. And may he render you a participant in the splendor of the saints, an heir of the kingdom, freed from the passions of dishonor, through the prayers and intercessions of all the saints’. 187 Historia monachorum in Aegypto VI 1; versio Rufini VI 1–2, ed. Schulz-Flügel, p. 284. 188 Saint Daniel of Scetis: The Blind Man, ed. and transl. Dahlman, pp. 128–129. It can be assumed that the blessing was associated, for example, with touching the body (hand?) of a deceased person. 185 186

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or with his passive hand by Euphrosius.189 A moment later, a scene is described where the habits that novices are to wear are blessed with the hand of an already dead monk. There is no doubt that the blessing was performed without words.190 Probably, when blessings were delivered personally, words were always accompanied by gestures too. John of Lycopolis gave his blessings through the window, so only hand gestures were involved, though combined with words here.191 The Life of Shenoute mentions that there were times when an abbot’s hand was kissed before the blessing.192 On another occasion, when the prophets are about to visit the Shenoute’s Monastery, he recommends that monks should ‘bow down your heads and receive their blessing, for they are truly holy men’.193 In the Life of Peter the Iberian, we also find gestures accompanying a blessing. Peter tells that the monk-recluse who foresaw his fate and gave the blessing ‘held my head and kissed it, he finished the prayer and dismissed me’.194 In another episode, a deaf tribune from Ascalon, who went for a blessing to Peter, recounts, ‘He placed both of his hands on my ears, so as to prevent me from falling down before him, [and] he kissed me on my head’.195 While the placing of hands on the ears has to be associated with the tribune’s disability, a kiss on the head does not seem to have any tangible connection with it and belongs rather to gestures of blessing.196 ‘Falling down’, on the other hand, is a rather characteristic gesture of humble greeting, a response to which may have been a blessing from the monk. We see such a situation, e.g., in the Sayings John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 181, ed. and transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, pp. 264–265: ‘Euphrosius (…) holding the saint’s right hand, was stretching [it] out for everyone to kiss it and receive a blessing’. 190 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 182, ed. and transl. Horn & Phenix Jr, pp. 266–267. 191 Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 5. 192 Life of Shenoute 80, transl. Bell, p. 65. The withdrawal of the hand in the described case is explained by Shenoute as being motivated by the sinfulness of the petitioner, not by the improper nature of the asking gesture itself. The hand-kissing gesture was also mentioned in the abovementioned passage from the Vita Petri Iberi (p. 174). 193 Life of Shenoute 116, transl. Bell, p. 75. 194 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 119, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 177. 195 John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 132, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 193. 196 In the context of the story, it is undoubtedly not a gesture of greeting. 189

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of the Desert Fathers,197 and in the Life of Sabas.198 One of the letters of Abbot Aelianus to Barsanuphius explicitly indicates that the abbot held out his hand when blessing (probably for kissing199 but also considered kissing the brothers’ heads as an alternative).200 However, it is not certain whether the gesture of blessing included making the sign of the cross (commonly called ‘the seal’) or whether a different meaning was attached to the gesture. I have not found an example in which these two gestures were directly equated,201 although the power of the sign of the cross is a very common theme in hagiography.202 By the very nature of the sources, monastic letters tell us little about the context in which the blessings were given in the Theban area. Fortunately, the Life of Pesynthius sheds some light on this issue. There, we find a description of a blessing that was part of the ritual greeting of monks defined by the canon. We do not know, unfortunately, which character this canon had. It could have been a norm that formed part of some broader, even written, set of rules, but it could also have been an order given to a particular monk. The author of the Life assumes that readers recognize this canon, so it was probably applied universally, at least in the Theban area: AP, Sisoes 18, ed. PG 65, col. 397C, transl. Ward, p. 216: ‘[A secular] bowed down with his son, as though making prostration, so that he would be blessed by the old man’. 198 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae 75, ed. Schwartz, p. 180, l. 22: ποιήσαντά με μετάνοιαν εὐλογήσας, transl. Price, p. 189: ‘When I prostrated myself, he blessed me and, raising me up, said to my father (…)’. 199 Or was the gesture made only after extending the hand over the brother and, for example, making the sign of the cross? However, the letter is silent about this. 200 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 578. 201 In fact, it seems that blessing was considered to be separate from the sign of the cross. When Shenoute receives the miraculous bread from the apostle Paul to multiply, he hears ‘even our Lord Jesus Christ himself blessed it and made the sign [of the cross] over it’ (Life of Shenoute 139, transl. Bell, p. 81). Blessing and the sign of the cross are distinguished here. The sign of the cross could, however, be a carrier of blessing. In the Life of John Khame, we have a vision in which Mary gives John three solids, making the sign of the cross over them and saying, ‘Take these and put them in the purse of the diakonia (ϧⲉⲛϯⲁⲥⲟⲩⲓ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉ ϯⲇⲓⲁ̄ⲕⲟⲛⲓⲁ̄) and the blessing of my Son (ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲙⲡⲁϣⲏⲣⲓ) shall be in it for ever’ (ed. and transl. Davis, p. 34, modified). 202 In the hagiography connected with the Theban area, see Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 23 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, p. 672 [638] (Badaysius). 197

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Now when the brother went to him (i.e., Pesynthius: PP), he found the door of the little cell wherein he lived open (…). As soon as he pulled the thong (or, latch-cord) of the door, he cried out (to the dweller) inside, according to the canon of the brethren (ⲡⲕⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ), ‘bless me’.203

In light of the Life of Pesynthius, the request for a blessing was also the normal response of a monk with lower standing to a call from a senior one.204 It was with the very same words that the host of the cell invited his guests inside too,205 and the monk of a lower status was able to greet the elder one as well, although here we do not have any attestation in the Theban material.206 In a word, asking for a blessing was appropriate on every occasion, but especially when initiating some kind of interaction, particularly upon greeting. The blessing at the beginning of the Theban letters might have reflected such practice. Note that in the letters it appears not as a request to God directly, but as an expression addressed to the addressee/petitioner (and therefore a person of lower status). We do not have any letters that would begin with a request for blessing: thus, in this case, there is no analogy with the situation of greeting. The use of blessing as an element of a greeting dialogue seems to be an Egyptian custom, and perhaps a specifically Upper Egyptian one. While it is true that the greeting with the words ‘bless me’ and the response in the form of giving a blessing was known also outside the Theban material,207 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 25b, ed. Budge, pp. 80 (text), 265 (transl.); see The Life of S. Pisentius, ed. De Lacy O’Leary, p. 340 [28]: ‘according to the rule of the monastic brethren’. 204 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fols. 80b–81a, ed. Budge, pp. 124 (text), 320 (transl.); cf. ecclesiastical context (bishop and his presbyter) in Archelaus of Neapolis, In Gabrielem 48, ed. and transl. Müller, pp. 339 (text), 369 (transl.). 205 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 24a, ed. Budge, pp. 78 (text), 262–263 (transl.). In the time of narration, Pesynthius (as a saint) is of higher status, but in the time of action he is still a brother, so his guests are roughly of the same status as he. 206 Life of Aaron 91, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 118–119. 207 Life of Paul of Tammah (Arabic), transl. Pirone, p. 171: ‘Il padre mio bussò alla porta, secondo la regola dei monaci, e udimmo una voce nascosta che diceva: “Beneditemi. Entrate. Il Signore sia con voi”’; Constantine of Siout, In Claudium, Miracle 2, ed. and transl. (French) Godron, pp. 630–631 [208–209]: ‘He [i.e., the Devil] took the shape of a monastic 203

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it was still not universal and, it seems, it was introduced late, like the ritual of blessing upon greeting. Other texts testify to different practices. In the Historia monachorum, only the Rufinus’ version mentions that John of Lycopolis, after welcoming guests, prayed with them and gave his blessing. In Rufinus and in the Greek text, the author explains the prayer for the visitors (the blessing should be probably understood as part thereof) as an Egyptian custom; hence, it must be recognized that blessing was not the norm in the Rufinus’ home monastery.208 Let us note, however, that it is not emphasized that blessing was a formula initiating a meeting. Apart from this fragment, the Historia monachorum does not mention blessing as a part of greeting, although the greetings between monks are described several times and consist of such gestures as falling to the ground in front of the visitors, introducing them to the monastery (cell), hugs, praying for the visitors (the author adds that it is the custom of the fathers in Egypt, in Palestine it is apparently absent),209 washing the feet by the host;210 in the case of Paphnutius, a kiss on the head is mentioned.211 Neither is there any sign of the greeting formula containing a request for blessing in the tradition of apophthegms, although we can find many greetings of monks in them. In these contexts, knocking is directly referred to (which is in line with the Pachomian tradition).212 A written account of Euprepius indirectly forbids that an old man be greeted with a request for a blessing: In his early days, Abba Euprepius went to see an old man and said to him, ‘Abba, give me a word so that I may be saved.’ The other replied, ‘If you elder. He came to him (and) he called his name: “Daniel, Daniel”, (and) he said “Bless me”’ (own translation). 208 Historia monachorum in Aegypto, versio Rufini I 2, 1, ed. Schulz-Flügel, p. 253: ‘Cumque salutassemus eum omnique nos laetitia suscepisset, unumquemque nostrum gratifice adloquitur rogatus a nobis orationem simul ac benedictionem dare. Hic enim mos est apud Aegyptum, ut ubi advenerint fratres, statim per orationem sibi invicem confoederentur’. 209 Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 13. 210 Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 13; VIII 49; X 2. 211 Historia monachorum in Aegypto XIV 15. 212 AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 268, p. 82: ⲁⲓⲕⲱⲗⲁϩ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡϩⲉⲑⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲙ̅ⲙⲟⲛⲁⲭⲟⲥ.

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wish to be saved, when you go to see someone, do not begin to speak before you are spoken to’.213

The Theban material, on the other hand, lacks the characteristic greeting directed to the elders in the apophthegmata: ‘Say me a word’.214 Of course, it is possible that this requesting phrase was used only in personal contacts, but the Encomium on Pesynthius does not record its use either. Furthermore, outside the Egyptian-Palestinian tradition, a welcome blessing is also poorly attested. The Pachomian rules say nothing about initiating a meeting by asking for a blessing: they only recommend knocking, without mentioning any specific words.215 The Life of Aaron mentions the call of a monk in a cell according to the canon of brethren, but there is no hint at a call for a blessing.216 Elsewhere in the Life of Aaron, Paphnutius, who goes to the holy old man Isaac for a blessing, is first summoned by Isaac by name, then greeted, invited inside the monk’s dwelling, then he says a prayer for the host (perhaps they pray together), after which the guests sit down, and Isaac brings water to wash the feet. No blessing is mentioned in the context of the greeting.217 It is possible that the Theban monks owe the request for blessing as a greeting formula to Shenoutean influences (a significant influence of Shenoute in this area has already been mentioned, see p. 38). We may not find such an order articulated directly anywhere, but the Life of Shenoute indicates that blessing constituted an element of greeting, at least if Shenoute himself was the host. The narrator (allegedly Besa) recounts: ‘After I had come in and received a blessing from my father, I asked him (i.e., Shenoute: PP).’218 We do not know whether Besa had previously asked for a blessing, but we are clearly dealing with a formula (and probably AP, Euprepius 7, transl. Ward, p. 62. In Coptic, e.g., AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 138, p. 30: ⲁϫⲓ ⲟⲩϣⲁϫⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ. 215 Praecepta 89: ‘ad ossum percusserit’, ed. Boon, p. 39; [ⲉⲓⲙ]ⲏⲧⲓ ⲛϥ̄ⲕⲱ[ⲗ]ϩ̄ ⲛ̄ϣⲟⲣⲡ̄, ed. Lefort, p. 30. 216 Life of Aaron 66, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 102–103: ⲁⲩⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲕⲁⲛⲱⲛ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ. 217 Life of Aaron 27, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 78–79. 218 Life of Shenoute 25, transl. Bell, p. 50. 213

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a gesture) of greeting. The practice of giving a blessing upon greeting and farewell, both to welcome and to bid the visitors goodbye, was known in the Monastery of Shenoute, as the Life testifies elsewhere, too: They then arose and came to the monastery of my father the holy Apa Shenoute, and after receiving his blessing, they sat down.219 So, after they received a blessing, the courier and the duke (…) retired until the morning.220

Certainly, a farewell blessing was a less common (or at least rarely reported) practice. In the Theban letters, too, such closing blessings are rare, though we have examples of them as well.221 Blessings also accompanied meals.222 We have no direct evidence here from the area of Thebes, but there are no reasons to doubt the existence of this practice, attested for the entire Christian world. Such a blessing consisted of an appropriate formula, but it could also be accompanied by the sign of the cross over the food. This practice is confirmed by one of the letters from John of Gaza: Question: ‘If I am sharing a meal with some fathers, and one of them blesses the food on the table, should I first say: “Bless me!” before eating, and wait for him to bless me again, or should I be satisfied with the first blessing? For sometimes his intellect happens to be elsewhere and he delays in responding, and I am always grieved. Or is it perhaps good enough for me simply to make the sign of the cross over the food [that I am about to eat]?’. Response: ‘If he has blessed the food once, then this is more than enough. In regard to making the sign of the cross, this, too, is not necessary. For the blessing is a seal in itself. In fact, you would be providing occasion for the one who blessed the food, or indeed for any other person present, to think that you do not trust his blessing; and this may cause scandal’.223 Life of Shenoute 55, transl. Bell, p. 58. Life of Shenoute 58, transl. Bell, p. 59. 221 O. Crum 401, the letter comes from Western Thebes, but its precise provenance remains unknown; O. Frange 560. 222 A. Stuiber, ‘Eulogia’, [in:] RAC, vol. 6 (1966), pp. 900–928, at p. 919. 223 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 715, transl. Chryssavgis, pp. 256–257. 219 220

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The next two letters explain the context of meal-related blessings in more detail: Question: ‘If all of us around the table happen to be laypersons, then what should we do when we do not have anyone else to bless the food?’. Response by John: ‘It is still a good thing for laypersons to bless God when they are about to eat. For the food is always blessed through remembrance of God. Of course, this blessing is unlike that of clergy, but is still doxology and remembrance of God. It is fitting that everyone remembers God and glorifies him. So it is good for laypersons to do this as well, when they have no one else able to bless the food’.224 Question: ‘If, nevertheless, these laypersons hesitate as to who should bless the food first, since each of them defers to the other, what should be done?’. Response: ‘The one who invited them should also ask whom he wants to bless the table, and that person should bless. If no one accepts, then in order to avoid any argument, the host himself should consent to do this, simply saying: “Through the prayers of the holy fathers, may the Lord be with us. Amen”’.225

Barsanuphius also indicates that a blessing accompanies the act of an old man issuing a command to a person who turns to him for guidance. This is intended to ensure strength for the disciple to observe the command.226 Although is highly possible that such a connection took place in Thebes as well, there is no direct evidence. Blessings of the holy man While God could freely dispose of his blessings, it was common to obtain them especially in certain places, such as the sanctuaries of the saints. God’s blessing mediated by a saint could, however, involve a specific offering for the sanctuary. In the Life of Patape we read the words of the Saviour Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 717, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 257. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 718, transl. Chryssavgis, pp. 257–758. 226 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 369, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 2.1, p. 396, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 12. 224

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spoken to Patape: ‘Wer zu der auf deinem Namen gebauten Kirche kommt und auf deinen Namen Opfergabe darbringt, den werde ich segnen’.227 Saints could also act as agents of blessing without being bound by the necessity to visit a particular place. From the Monastery of Ezekiel comes the ostracon with a long list of people to be blessed by the patron saint of the monastery (Lord Ezekiel). It is a form of intercessory prayer.228 Significantly, the ostracon does not mention God as the ultimate source of blessing. However, monastic letters also indicate the special role of the blessing delivered by particular monastic fathers, just as they emphasized the unique power of their prayers (pp. 143–148). The power of monastic blessing resulted from the close contact of the monks with God, as expressed by one of the Apophthegmata: ‘Rise and greet the monks to receive a blessing. The monks talk with God in every moment and their mouth are holy’.229 The blessings of holy men were eagerly sought after, and their pursuit was considered not only fitting, but even indispensable.230 It even seems that blessing was the most desirable form of contact with a saint, ranked above teaching or the example set by somebody’s life. At times, such a physical presence of a holy monk was even considered to be of key importance. In the account concerning Patape, the people of the Coptus area ask the bishop to bring the saint anchorite precisely so that he would bless them and remain amongst them.231 In the letter by certain brothers to ‘our Life of Patape, ed. and transl. Gabra, p. 125. O. Lips. Copt. II 353. 229 AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 156, p. 35: ⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ ⲛ̄ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲛⲁⲭⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁϫⲓⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲥⲉϣⲁϫⲉ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛ̄ⲛⲁⲩ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉⲩⲧⲁⲡⲣⲟ ⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ (own translation). 230 An episode from the Life of Aaron 93, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 118–119, in the light of which it can be seen that the disciple could expect that the old man might be seeking the blessing of other monks for his disciple as well; cf. Gerontius, Vita Melaniae Iunioris 39, ed. Gorce, pp. 200, 202, transl. Clark, p. 53, emphasizing the importance of the personal blessing of the holy monks (εὐλογίαν αὐτοπροσώπως καρποῦσθαι). Cf. AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 232, p. 69, referring to the layman who undertook the journey to Apa Didjoj to ‘prostrate before the elder so that he could bless them (ⲉⲩϯⲙⲉⲧⲁⲛⲟⲓⲁ ⲙ̄ⲡϩⲗ̄ⲗⲟ ϫⲉ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ)’ (= AP, Sisoes 18 = AP, Collectio systematica XIX 17). 231 The Life of Patape, ed. Gabra, p. 122. An extreme example is the Life of Shenoute 92, transl. Bell, p. 69. When Prophet David has arrived at the monastery and Shenoute reveals his identity: ‘The brothers immediately rushed together into the sanctuary thinking 227

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holy father’ we read: ‘Be so good, if there be means, come in to us even now, that we may meet you and have benefit of your blessing’.232 This letter clearly shows the power of blessing stemming from personal contact with the holy man. It should be stressed here that a blessing exerted its influence locally, as in the case of holy places, hence the physical presence of the monk and the physical contact with him were of primary importance. Indirectly, this means that a certain hierarchy of the power of blessings was recognized, in which objects being in contact with the saint had secondary power. The power of blessing varied according to individual holiness. ‘Holy man’, Apa Paham, considered the blessing of Pesynthius to be a ‘truly great blessing’: Now a certain man from our district spoke to us concerning the holy man Apa Pisentius saying, ‘I went in and I received a blessing at his hands this day’. Now, when I had come forth from him, I met the holy man Apa Paham, who said unto me, ‘Hast thou received a blessing from the hand of Pisentius?’. I said unto him, ‘Yes, my father, but thou thyself art a holy man’. And he made answer to me, ‘He who is truly a holy man is, most assuredly, Pisentius, and if thou didst happen to meet him thou wouldst receive a truly great blessing (ⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛ̄ⲥⲙⲟⲩ), for some time ago, when he prayed, the well became filled with water’.233

The letters also sometimes emphasized the desire to receive a blessing from a particular addressee: ‘I desire to go and meet with you and receive your blessing’.234 Sometimes, however, it is not clear whether a similar phrase is not just a synonym for a meeting, as in the following letter: ‘Send

that they would find him and receive from him his blessing and teaching, but they saw no-one’. Let us note that blessing precedes teaching here, and the monks’ pursuits did not receive an unfavourable commentary in the Life. 232 P. Mon. Epiph. 213, ll. 10–15: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁ[ⲅⲁ]ⲡⲏ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲑⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲩ ⲁⲙⲟⲩ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲓⲛⲁⲩ ⲛ̄ⲧ̅ⲛ̅ϭ̅ⲛ̅ⲧ︤ⲕ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛ̄ⲧ̅ⲛ̅ⲁⲡⲟⲗⲉⲩⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲥⲙⲟⲩ (transl. Crum, modified). 233 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 39a–b, ed. Budge, pp. 91 (text), 279 (transl.). 234 O. Frange 628, ll. 6–8: ϯⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲉⲉⲓ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲁⲡⲁⲛⲧⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁϫⲓⲡⲉⲕⲥⲙⲟⲩ.

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me decision (?) in order that I may go southwards and receive the blessing of venerable (?) fathers’.235 In the hagiography, we have numerous examples of similar situations,236 e.g., in the Life of Longinus we read: ‘When those living around the saints found out, they kept constant watch so they would not be deprived of their blessing and their presence among them’.237 Daniel of Scetis had at his disposal a blessing for which also holy monks came.238 The power of the blessing also permeated objects coming into direct contact with the holy man, especially his clothing. The pieces of clothing (as well as books) belonging to the deceased monk Hello are called ‘small blessing’ in P. Pisentius 22.239 We have numerous examples of this in hagiography. In the Life of Shenoute, dux requests Shenoute to give him his girdle: ‘“Give me one of your leather girdles to be a blessing for me (ϩⲓⲛⲁ ⲛⲧⲉϥϣⲱⲡⲓ ⲛⲏⲓ ⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ)”. And he gave it to him’.240 Abba Daniel recounted about Arsenius: 235 O. Vind. Copt. 188 (= O. Crum ST 225), ll. 25–27: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛⲛⲟⲟⲩ ⲡϫⲟⲱ[ⲕ ⲛⲏⲓ̈ ϫⲉ]ⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲉⲥ ϩⲱⲱⲧ ⲛ̄[ⲧⲁϫⲓ ⲡⲉ]ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲛⲁⲉⲓⲁⲧⲁ ⲉⲧⲁ[ⲉⲓⲏⲩ - --] (from Thomas to ‘the great man’). 236 Euthymius (Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Euthymii 24, ed. Schwartz, p. 37, transl. Price, p. 33), referring to the elders of Egypt (τινὲς γέροντες Αἰγύπτιοι), recalls an anecdote about a man who went to a particularly holy man to receive his blessing, which the locals considered necessary for salvation: ‘If the saint dies, we have no further hope for salvation; for we are all protected through his intercession’ (ἐὰν οὗτος ὁ ἅγιος τελευτήσηι, οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν λοιπὸν σωτηρίας. διὰ γὰρ τῆς αὐτοῦ πρεσβείας πάντες ἡμεῖς σωιζόμεθα). Upon hearing this, the man with second sight hurried off to get a blessing from the supposed saint; cf. John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 181, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 265. John depicts a monk who, upon hearing that Peter the Iberian is dying, rushes to obtain his blessing and seems to present the scene with understanding, or at least without condemnation; cf. a similar situation in the dossier of Saint Daniel of Scetis: Andronikos the Money-Dealer, ed. and transl. Dahlman, pp. 178–179. 237 Life of Longinus 12, ed. Orlandi, p. 58, transl. Vivian, p. 15. 238 E.g., The Coptic Life od Daniel, ed. Guidi, p. 545, transl. Vivian & Mikhail, p. 113: ‘the fame of our father Abba Daniel spread everywhere, and large numbers of people desired to obtain his holy blessing, especially saints from the monasteries’. 239 P. Pisentius 22, l. 34: ⲡⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ, see J. van der Vliet, ‘Le prêtre Marc, Psan et Pesynthios: Un réseau miaphysite autour du monastère d’Épiphane’, [in:] A. Boud’hors & C. Louis (eds), Études coptes XIII: Quinzième journée d’études (Louvain-la-Neuve, 12–14 mai 2011) [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 20], Paris 2015, pp. 127–137, at p. 129. 240 Life of Shenoute 106, transl. Bell, p. 73.

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He left me his leather tunic, his white hairshirt and his palm-leaf sandals. Although unworthy, I wear them, to gain his blessing (ἵνα εὐλογεθῶ).241

The inhabitants of Majuma and Gaza intended to divide the robes in which the body of Peter the Iberian was clothed ‘[So that] this should be for them a guardian of [their] souls and bodies and a great blessing’.242 Finally, we have an excellent confirmation of this practice in a letter addressed to Barsanuphius: Question from the same person to the same Great Old Man: ‘Holy father, give me a spiritual blessing, and bless for me the cowl and the analabos which I sent to you, so that I may have these as protection in Christ from every temptation’. Response by Barsanuphius. ‘(…) As for what you have asked, since you are bold enough to do so, I am wearing these [items of clothing] for three days; and I shall send them to you when they are blessed through the company of the saints’ prayers to God. Through this company, I ask that you also pray for me’.243

Let us also note that the power of the blessing present in a holy man worked independently of his will and consciousness. Even the hand of a person who touched the saint was capable of curing illness.244 In the case of Apollo of Tkoou, even his spittle, which fell to the ground and was swallowed by a sick person, ensured healing.245

AP, Arsenius 42, ed. PG 65, col. 108b, transl. Ward, p. 19. John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi 189, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr, p. 275. 243 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 210, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 218. Other example, see Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 1. In this context, the following saying should probably also be understood: AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 254, p. 78, transl. Vivian, p. 124, no. C14. 244 Life of Aaron 116, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 132–133. 245 Stephen of Hnes, In Apollinem Archimandritam, transl. Kuhn, p. 27. 241

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Blessing as a gift Apart from words, the monastic blessing often took the form of a physical gift, as was already evident in the case of the clothing of holy monks, but of course, it could also mean other objects. In this place, I have to briefly refer to the very recent book by Daniel Caner who devoted a whole chapter to a category of gifts called blessings in the Byzantine period.246 The book brings together a large amount of source evidence, however, only in the small part concerning Egypt. More important are, however, general conclusions drawn from the sources. Caner views ‘blessings’ as a special kind of gifts which do not demand reciprocity or reward. Such gifts repeat the divine generosity, and it is an intention, not a kind of a gift which distinguishes them from other donations and offerings in Byzantine society. Caner’s generalising perspective is of much explanatory value but leaves apart the non-material expressions of blessing which I analyse above. I would stress more than him that the circle of blessings means not only the exchange of goods but also of words and gestures. If so, it might be too hasty to neglect the liturgical context of the overwhelming concept of blessing as Caner did resorting to 2 Cor 9:5–12 which helps him understand the narrower semantic field of the word reduced to ‘gift’. According to Caner, such gifts appeared in the fifth century,247 but I would rather see here a continuity of earlier forms of blessing. The belief that humans can bless objects and thus change their status has no grounds in the Bible (both Old and New Testament) nor in Jewish tradition. The birth of this belief seems to be related to the development of Eucharistic theology and the introduction of anaphoras, in which the words spoken over the bread and wine change their status. In the period being of interest to us, the Eucharistic bread and wine already had a special status and were excluded from the category of blessed substances.248 D. Caner, The Rich and the Pure. Philanthropy and the Making of Christian Society in Early Byzantium, Oakland, CA 2021. 247 Caner, The Rich and the Pure (cit. n. 246), p. 129. 248 Traditio Apostolica 23; ed. and transl. Bradshaw, p. 138: ‘Let them receive from the bishop’s hand a single piece of bread before each one breaks his own bread. For it is a blessing 246

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A blessing intended to endow specific objects with special divine power is probably attested explicitly for the first time in the Apostolic Tradition.249 It clearly mentions foods intended simply for consumption. The practice of blessing objects explains why these objects themselves were referred to precisely as ‘blessings’. The blessing of substances and objects was already a common Christian practice in the sixth century. Sometimes, such blessings even had a liturgical character, as in the case of the blessing of oil and water, which took place during the Eucharist, and is also attested in the texts of the relevant prayers preserved on papyrus.250 The material ‘blessings’ the most closely connected with the previously presented meanings of the term is a medium with the textual blessing written on it. The most obvious example of such blessing in Theban monastic correspondence is O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I ad. 23 – the request of Maria the nun to Apa Cyriacus: and not a thanksgiving as in the body of the Lord’. Coptic text in Canones ecclesiastici 47, ed. Lagarde, Aegyptiaca, p. 259: ⲙⲁⲣⲟⲩϫⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲛ︥ ⲧϭⲓϫ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲕⲗⲁⲥⲙⲁ ⲛ̄ⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁⲧⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲉϣ ⲡⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲉⲧϩⲁⲣⲱϥ ⲟⲩⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲁⲓ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲉⲩⲭⲁⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲁ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲉ ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲙ̄ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ; cf. Canones Laodiceani 14: Περὶ τοῦ μὴ τὰ ἅγια εἰς λόγον εὐλογιῶν κατὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ πάσχα εἰς ἑτέρας παροικίας διαπέμπεσθαι, ‘The holy things are not to be sent into other dioceses at the feast of Easter by way of eulogiae’, transl. NPNF; ‘causa eulogiarum’, transl. Joannou. There is also an unpublished translation of the canons into Coptic, see. T. Orlandi, Coptic Texts Relating to the Church Canons. An Overview, Rome 2016, p. 30. For other parts of the Christian world, see, e.g., A. MacGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, Oxford 1999, p. 90. Generally, on the distinction between eucharistic elements and eulogiai, see Stuiber, ‘Eulogia’ (cit. n. 222), pp. 915–916. Let us note, however, that one of the last Christian writers to define eucharistic elements as eulogia was Cyril of Alexandria (A. Struckmann, Die Eucharistielehre des heiligen Cyrill von Alexandrien, Paderborn 1910, pp. 139–141) who might have influenced the terminology of the Egyptian Church. I was able to identify one indisputable instance of a blessing meaning the consecrated elements, the Life of Macarius the Great 11, ed. Amélineau, p. 62, transl. Vivian, p. 162: ‘When the anchorite happened to be in church that day because there was no priest in his monastic dweling from whom he could receive the blessing (ⲉⲑⲣⲉϥϭⲓ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲧⲟⲧϥ), Saint Macarius asked him also to come receive alms (…)’. 249 Canones ecclesiastici 54, ed. Lagarde, p. 261: ⲧⲉⲩⲗⲟⲅⲓⲁ ⲛ̄ⲛ̄ⲕⲁⲣⲡⲟⲥ: ⲛⲁⲓ ⲛⲉ ⲛⲕⲁⲣⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲛⲁⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ, ‘The blessing of fruits. These are the fruits that shall be blessed’, transl. Bradshaw, p. 170 (Traditio Apostolica 32). The blessings of oil, cheese, and olives (Traditio Apostolica 5–6, transl. Bradshaw, pp. 50–54) are not attested in the Coptic canones ecclesiastici. 250 Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 91), pp. 65–66.

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Send your blessing to me in order that I may put it in my home, and it may be for me a beautiful fragrance of my soul and I may see it in my house, and it may urge me toward the good.251

In the letter O. Frange 352 we find a request: ‘We, the humble brothers write to their father Frange: “Have pity and send us a blessing today according to what God put into your heart’’’.252 This could concern either a letter containing words of blessing or a special blessing in writing. A blessing of this kind is preserved on a pottery shard O. Crum 494. ⳨ The peace of God and his blessing shall be in this place forever and ever. Amen (99), Enter, the Lord. Blessed [---].253

Such a blessing is probably mentioned in another letter as well, ‘The blessing, I have send it to you smoothed (?) and sealed’.254 In a letter from Bishop Abraham to Presbyter Patermoute, the messenger brought not only the written message: ‘(I) wish that you take this letter and two crosses which are tied with three seals, which are tied together, and that you give them to whoever comes quietly’.255 The nature of the crosses mentioned here is unknown.256 Krause supposes that they may have been painted on the outer side of the papyrus as a distinctive sign, or they may have been 251 O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I ad. 23, ll. 13–17, transl. Bagnall & Cribiore, Women’s Letters (cit. n. 46), p. 200 (slightly modified). 252 O. Frange 352: ⳨ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ ⲛ̣ⲓ̣ⲉⲗⲁⲭ/ ⲉ̣ⲩ̣ⲥϩⲁⲓ̣ ⲙⲡⲉⲩ̣ⲉ̣ⲓ̣ⲱ̣ⲧ̣ ϥⲣⲁⲛⲅⲉ ϫ̣ⲉ̣ ⲁ̣ⲣ̣ⲓ̣ ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛ̣ⲅ̣ⲧ̣ⲛ̣ⲛ̣ⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲛ̣ⲛ̣ⲟ̣ⲩ̣ⲥ̣ⲙⲟⲩ̣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲟ̣ⲟⲩ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉ ⲡ̣ⲛ̣ⲟⲩ̣ⲧ̣ⲉ ⲛⲁⲛⲟϫ̣[ⲥ] ⲉⲡⲉⲕϩⲏⲧ. I doubt that it is a request for food; the mention of ‘heart’, i.e., ‘mind’, would be difficult to explain in such a case. 253 O. Crum 494 (from Dendera): ⳨ ⲉⲣⲉϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ [ⲙ]ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛⲡⲉϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩⲙⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ ϣⲁⲉⲛϩ ⲛⲉⲛⲉϩ ϥ̅ⲑ̅ ⲁⲙⲟⲩ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲁⲙⲁⲁⲧ [---], transl. Crum. 254 O. Frange 648, ll. x+5–7: [ⲡⲉⲥ]ⲙⲟⲩ ⲁⲓ̈ⲧⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲛ[ⲁⲕ] ⲁϥⲥⲟⲗⲕ ⲉϥⲧⲁⲃⲉ. The meaning ‘smoothed’ for ⲥⲟⲗⲕ (from ⲥⲱⲗϭ?) remains tentative. 255 O. Berlin inv. 12498 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 96), ll. 3–11: ⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲛⲅ︥ⲃⲓ ϯⲉⲡⲉⲥⲧⲟⲗⲏ ⲙⲛ︥ⲡⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁⲩ ⲛⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲙⲏⲣ ⲛϯϣⲟⲙⲧⲉ ⲛⲥⲫⲣⲁⲅⲓⲥ ⲉⲧⲙⲏⲣ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲅⲧⲁⲁⲩ ⲛⲕⲟⲙⲉⲥ ϩⲛⲟⲩⲥϭⲣⲁϩⲧ; for ϩⲛⲟⲩⲥϭⲣⲁϩⲧ, see Sir 28:16; Krause translates ‘unauffälig’. 256 Silver or bronze crosses were used for blessing during the liturgy. However, the letter is probably not about these rather massive objects. Members of clergy wore crosses on their necks, too. See Schmelz, Kirchliche Amtsträger (cit. n. 97), p. 112.

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objects attached to the letter.257 Most probably, however, the crosses were used as vehicles of special divine blessing (possibly in conjunction with the text of the letter they accompanied), as in the following monastic letter of unknown provenance dated to the sixth century: My sinfulness prays that God may bless you (fem.) and your (fem.) whole house. Here is a small cross (that) I sent to your children.258

For a certain Krauteos (Claudius?), Frange was supposed to have drawn up ‘katameros priced a golden dove but painted it with an image in gold and blessing [---]’.259 The editors suppose that ‘Cette «bénédiction» renvoie peut-être aux formules écrites par le scribe d’un manuscrit pour attirer sur lui les prières des lecteurs’, which seems probable. The blessing also includes gifts of various kinds which were not accompanied by any text, but which should not be regarded as alms or gifts exchanged as a courtesy. One letter briefly indicates that the message was also accompanied by ‘Look, the small blessing, I have sent it to you’.260 Specifying the measure of blessing clearly indicates that we are dealing here with a material gift. It probably refers to food, as has been already seen in other contexts. Another letter addressed most probably to the same person mentions ‘the small blessing’ in connection with food (probably butter and bread).261 It is quite possible that what is meant here is not food to satisfy hunger, but a material vehicle for the blessing of a holy man, who is expected to relieve suffering. One of the letters addressed to Barsanuphius presents exactly such a situation: Krause, Apa Abraham (cit. n. 97), vol. 2, pp. 223–224. P. Clackson 44, ll. 19–21: ⲧⲁⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲣⲉϥⲣ̄ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲥⲏⲓ̈ ⲧⲏⲣϥ̄ ⲉⲓ̈[ⲥ] ⲛ̄ⲕⲟⲩⲓ̈ ⲛⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥ ⲁⲓ̈ϫⲟⲟⲩⲥⲉ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲥϣⲏⲣⲉ. Jewellery in the form of crosses was commonly worn; crosses were also placed in the grave, see Schmelz, Kirchliche Amtsträger (cit. n. 97), p. 112. 259 O. Frange 347, ll. 12–16: ⲛⲕⲁⲧⲁⲙⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲣⲁⲙⲡⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲃ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲥϩⲁⲓ ⲑⲉⲕⲱⲛ ⲛⲟⲩⲃ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲙⲛⲡ̣ⲥⲙⲟⲩ [---]. Wording and meaning of these lines is very problematic, see commentary by the editors. 260 P. Mon. Epiph. 245, ll. 3–4: ⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲓⲕⲟⲩⲉⲓ ⲛ̄ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲁⲉⲓⲧ̅ⲛ̅ⲛⲟⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲁⲕ (from Joseph, ‘the humble brother’, to ‘my brother John, the disciple of Apa Isaac’). 261 P. Mon. Epiph. 246 (from Presbyter Shbew to ‘beloved brother’ John); found in the same room 1 as P. Mon. Epiph. 245. 257

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Since I have severe rheumatism in my feet and hands, and fear that this might come from the demons, tell me, father, if this is so, and what I should do. For I am greatly in distress, being unable to fast, and instead being compelled to consume food many times. And what does it mean when I see wild beasts in my dream? I entreat you, master, for the Lord’s sake, to send me a small blessing (μικρὰν εὐλογίαν) from your holy food and drink, that I may receive some comfort from them.262

However, in some contexts, a blessing is also food given as alms to the poor.263 In the testament of Jacob, abbot of St Phoebammon Monastery, among other duties of an abbot, there is also ‘the blessing for the mouth of the poor who will visit’.264 It is highly possible that it was almsgiving that Bishop Abraham had in mind when he directed David and Abraham to ‘(...) this old woman and give her blessing immediately, do not delay’.265 Scholars associate the ‘blessing’ in this letter more with holy

Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 78, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 1.2, p. 362, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 103. In a response Barsanuphius writes: ‘I have also sent you a small blessing (μικρὰν εὐλογίαν) from my own food, so that you may bless my food’, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 1.2, p. 364, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 104. 263 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 752: ‘Question: “Is it actually a good thing to give a blessing [received by us] from the fathers (εὐλογίαν Πατέρων) to a foreigner (ἀλλοεθνεῖ ἀνθρώπῳ) or a pauper?”. Response: “Do not hesitate to offer a blessing to a pauper; for this is a sign of mercy (ἔλεος γάρ ἐστι). Nor again to a foreigner; for the blessing is not harmed at all by the foreigner”’, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 3, pp. 194, 196, transl. Chryssavgis, pp. 270–271. ἔλεος in this case simply means alms (Regnault in Neyt & De Angelis-Noah translates ‘aumône’). The contexts suggest that the beneficiary of eulogia might not only be of a different ethnicity but first of all religious identity, see L. Perrone, ‘I monaci e gli “altri”: Il monachesimo come fattore d’interazione religiosa nella Terra Santa di epoca bizantina’, [in:] M. Simonetti & P. Siniscalco (eds), Studi sul cristianesimo antico e moderno in onore di Maria Grazia Mara [= Augustinianum 35], Rome 1995, pp. 729–761, at pp. 758–759. 264 P. Mon. Phoib. Test. 4 (= P. KRU 65), l. 66: ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲣⲟ ⲛ̄ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲕⲉ ⲉⲧⲛⲁⲡⲁⲣⲁⲅⲉ, see P. Mon. Phoib. Test., p. 274; Richter, Rechtssemantik (cit. n. 122), p. 260. Garel translates ‘les aumônes à la porte pour les pauvres qui passeront’. The word ⲣⲟ here in the context of Byzantine typicons is read by her as ‘gate’, just as Crum would view it before. However, this does not change the meaning of the term ⲥⲙⲟⲩ. 265 O. Crum 66 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 33), ll. 2–5: [---] ⲛϯϩⲗⲗⲱ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛ ϯⲡⲥⲙⲱ ⲛⲁⲥ ⲕⲁⲧⲁϩⲟⲧⲉ ⲙⲡⲣϭⲱ. 262

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communion,266 but this seems unlikely because consecrated bread was not called a ‘blessing’. It is more likely that the original interpretation of Crum, who interpreted the word as alms, was correct. Caring for widows (and the elderly woman may have been one) was one of the main tasks of a bishop. In the preserved parts of the letter, there is no mention of the woman being sick or dying. The haste may be explained by the need for urgent material help. The understanding of blessing as a gift, especially almsgiving, is well attested also in the circle of Egyptian-Palestinian monasticism. John of Lycopolis distributes blessings to departing guests,267 and Isaiah of Scetis recommends how to treat them: If he is poor, do not send him away empty-handed, but show him the blessings you have received from God (δὸς αὐτῷ ἐκ τῆς εὐλογίας), since you know that whatever you have is not yours, but a gift from God (δόμα παρὰ θεοῦ).268

John Moschus wrote about Scopelus Monastery: It used to be the custom for the poor and the orphans of the region to come here on Maundy Thursday to receive half a peck of grain or five loaves of blessed bread, five small coins, a pint of wine and half a pint of honey.269

Blessed loaves of breads distributed after the Eucharist were a special gift. These came from the gifts which were offered by the faithful and were not used during the consecration. They were eaten mainly by members 266 Krause translates ϯⲥⲙⲱ ⲛⲁⲥ as ‘spendet ihr das Abendmahl’, Crum changed his mind from ‘give alms’ (in O. Crum) to ‘give blessing, sacrament’ (W. E. Crum, A Coptic Dictionary, Oxford 1939, p. 336 ), see Krause, Apa Abraham (cit. n. 97), vol. 2, p. 42. Dekker (Episcopal Networks [cit. n. 125], p. 45 n. 65 and p. 186) understands this piece as ‘holy Communion and prayers’ during ‘last rites’ and links it to ‘unction of the sick’. 267 Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 64, ed. Festugière, p. 34: δοὺς δὲ ἡμῖν εὐλογίας; versio Rufini I 7, 12, ed. Schulz-Flügel, p. 274: ‘datis nobis benedictionibus’. 268 Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon 3, ed. Augustinos, p. 12, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, pp. 50–51. 269 John Moschus, Pratum Spirituale 85, transl. Wortley, p. 68.

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of the clergy,270 but were also distributed to catechumens,271 and given after the Eucharist to all those present, for whom they acted not only as food support but also as an indication of the unity of the community. Abraham mentions the delivery of blessing in yet another letter: ‘See, the blessing, I have sent it together with prosphora of the blessed woman’.272 Dekker believes this refers to ‘an offering in exchange for funerary services’ and notes that ‘the offering post mortem is called ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ’.273 Here, prosphora for sure means pious offering, but ‘blessing’, clearly distinguished in the letter, should be something else. I suggest that the bishop sent blessed bread to distribute after the service. Canons of Hippolytus mention that, during the liturgy for the dead, exorcised bread was shared among the people gathered, which is a synonym for eulogy.274 In another letter, humble John (abbot of the Monastery of Ezekiel), implores Bishop Abraham ‘See, these loaves, I have sent them to your fatherhood. Have mercy and bless them for us, and your blessing will be in them’.275 Tonio Sebastian Richter published a letter from Bishop Abraham Constitutiones apostolorum VIII 31. We do not have a Coptic text of this part of the Constitutiones – we do not know to what extent it could have influenced the Egyptian custom. 271 Canones Hyppoliti (Arabici) 20, talks about the bishop sending bread to catechumens. It is to be the bread over which prayer was said. As a result, catechumens – who had no access to communion – participated in the community of the Church (as emphasized by the canon itself). 272 P. Moscow Copt. 77, ll. 3–6: ⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲁⲓ̈ⲧⲛ̣ⲛⲟⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ϩⲁⲙⲁ⳿ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲡⲣⲟⲥⲫⲟⲣⲁ ⲛⲧⲉⲥϩⲓ̈ⲙⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲥⲙⲟⲩ (from Bishop Abraham to Apa John). Ernstedt (P. Moscow Copt., p. 156) translates ‘вот я послал тебе благословение вместе с просфорой умершей женщины’. The letter was not included in Krause, Apa Abraham (cit. n. 97), but it is used by Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 125). ϩⲁⲙⲁ might be also understood in temporal aspect ‘as soon as possible’, ‘at once’. 273 Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 125), p. 188, esp. n. 65. Dekker refers to P. Pisentius 22 where she identifies ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ in the same way, but the ‘blessing’ means the property of a deceased monk distributed (perhaps according to his will) among some monastics. 274 Canones Hippoliti 33. 275 O. Crum 90 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 30), ll. 6–9: ⲉⲓⲥ ⲛⲉⲓⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲁⲓⲧⲛⲛⲟⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛⲙⲛⲧⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲁⲣⲓ ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛⲥⲙ[ⲟⲩ] ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡⲉⲧⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩⲓϫⲱⲟⲩ; for commentary, see Krause, Apa Abraham (cit. n. 97), vol. 2, p. 116; Richter [in:] O. Lips. Copt. I, p. 37; Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ (cit. n. 106), p. 169; similarity of character is visible in O. Col. inv. 693, ll. 4–8: ⲙⲛ̅ⲛ̅ⲥⲱⲥ [ⲛⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲁⲓⲧ]ⲛⲛⲟⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲛ̄[ⲧⲉⲕⲙⲛⲧⲉⲓ]ⲱ̣ⲧ̣ ⲁⲣⲓ ⲡⲛⲁ ⲛⲅ̄[ϫⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲅ̄]ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ϩⲛ̄[ⲛⲉⲕϭⲓϫ ⲉ]ⲧⲟⲟⲩⲁⲃ, ‘Furthermore, as for 270

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to ‘my son John’, which he interprets as an answer to O. Crum 90. Even if there is no such a direct link, the letter refers to a very similar case. Abraham states: I am amazed about you that you have sent this multitude of loaves to this place. I am not able to manage them, those which you have sent. May God bless them and may you eat them in blessing.276

The mentioned bread and loaves are considered by some scholars as eucharistic gifts to be blessed by the bishop.277 In that case, it should be assumed that they would later be sent back to the Monastery of Ezekiel. However, I have already mentioned that in the period being of interest to us, consecrated bread was clearly distinguished from blessed, non-sacramental, bread. Admittedly, to bless bread that was to be consumed during a post eucharistic meal, the presence of a presbyter would suffice.278 The consecration of the bread too was not reserved only for a bishop. It seems possible, however, to put forward an interpretation in the context of Canons of Athanasius 16, where it is stated that it is the bishop who should give alms on Sunday. Therefore, it is not so much about eucharistic gifts as it is about giving blessed bread out to the poor after the Eucharist. It should also be noted that if it was about eucharistic gifts, it is hard to the loaves of bread, I send them to your fatherhood. Please take them and bless them with your holy hands’ (ed. and transl. Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca’ [cit. n. 98], no. 2). Note, that the crucial passages have been reconstructed. 276 O. Lips. Copt. I 9, ll. 2–8: ϯⲣ̄ϣⲡⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̅ⲙⲟⲕ ϫⲉ ⲉⲕϫⲟⲟ̣ⲩ ⲡⲓⲙⲏϣⲉ ⲛ̄ⲕⲁⲕⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲛⲓⲣϣⲁⲩ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲧⲁⲛϫⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲟⲙⲟⲩ ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ. 277 Krause, Apa Abraham (cit. n. 97), vol. 2, p. 106 (‘Oblaten für das Abendsmahl’); Richter [in:] O. Lips. Copt. I, p. 37 (‘Das zur Segnung durch den Bischof eingesandte Brot könnte für die Eucharistiefeier gedacht gewesen sein’); likewise, Schmelz, Kirchliche Amtsträger (cit. n. 97), p. 79; Dekker, Episcopal Networks (cit. n. 125), p. 186, on the contrary, draws attention to Canones Athanasii 64. We do not know how quickly the Eucharistic bread should be consecrated after baking according to the local Theban custom, but in the modern Coptic Church some insist on three hours, see O. H. E. KHS-Burmester, The Egyptian or Coptic Church: A Detailed Description of Her Liturgical Services and the Rites and Ceremonies Observed in the Administration of Her Sacraments, Cairo 1967, p. 82. 278 Canones Hippoliti 35; cf. Constitutiones Apostolorum VIII 28, 3.

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imagine that a small monastic community would need that many of them, especially since their number surprised Abraham (it is likely that at each Eucharist a similar quantity of bread was consecrated, and Abraham knew the size of the community; alms, however, could vary greatly). It seems that it is for these kinds of bread that Bishop Taurinus of Apollonopolis receives thanks from the unknown author of the letter P. Heid. Kopt. 9 (6th–7th c.): ‘The blessings which are many, which your love had sent them, we received with the great acceptance of grace’.279 The other letter by Bishop Abraham is more ambiguous, but it seems to refer to a similar situation I have written to you (pl.): ‘Be so kind and come that I may meet you’. I have sent the God to you, blessing you and your children first and second time. You have not listened to God’s blessing nor have you listened to me.280

Krause believes that the blessing mentioned by Abraham ‘Wahrscheinlich ist damit die Formel ⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ’, but considering the letter above, it seems that it is rather blessed bread, thanks to which blessing may be bestowed upon an entire household. The same is most likely the case in the letter which emphasizes that sending blessings is an act of compassion: ‘Since your brotherly lordship had mercy to Phoebammon on Sunday, sending him the blessing, have mercy over him again today’.281

279 P. Heid. Kopt. 9, l. 14: ⲛⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲛⲁϣⲱⲟⲩ ⲛⲧⲁⲧⲉⲕⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ϫⲟⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲁⲛϫⲓⲧⲟⲩ ϩⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛϣⲡ ϩⲙⲟⲧ; Boud’hors translates (P. Heid. Kopt., p. 75): ‘Les bénédictions nombreuses que Ta Charité a envoyées, nous les avons reçues avec une gratitude profonde’. Although the letter’s provenance is unknown, Boud’hors recognizes the letter as having ‘une origine méridionale, à savoir la région thébaine’. 280 O. Crum 282 (= Krause, Apa Abraham [cit. n. 97], no. 100), ll. 1–5: ⲁ̣[ⲓ ⲥ]ϩ̣ⲁ̣ⲓ̣ ⲛⲏ̣ⲧⲛ ϫⲉ ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲧ[ⲉ]ⲧⲛ︥ⲉⲓ ⲛⲧⲁϭⲛ̄ⲧⲏⲩⲧⲛ︥ ⲉⲁⲓϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛ̣[ⲏⲧⲛ] ⲉⲓⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ︥ ⲙⲛ︥ⲛⲉⲧⲛ︥ϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙⲡϣⲟⲣⲡ ⲛⲥⲟⲡ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲙⲉϩⲥⲛⲁⲩ ⲙⲡⲉⲧⲛ︥ⲥⲱⲧⲙ︥ ⲛ̄ⲥⲁⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩ̄ⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲥⲱⲧⲙ︥ ⲛ̄ⲥⲱⲓ (from Bishop Abraham to unknown recipients). Crum takes the whole body of the letter after introducing formula as a self-quotation by Abraham. I limit its extent. 281 O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 65/4, ll. 4–9: ⲉⲡⲓⲇⲏ ⲁⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲙⲛ̄ⲧϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛ̄ⲥⲟⲛ ⲣ̄ⲡⲛⲁ ⲙⲛⲫⲟⲓⲃⲁⲙⲱⲛ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕⲏ ⲁⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ⲁⲣⲓⲡⲛⲁ ⲛⲙ̄ⲙⲁϥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲟⲟⲩ ⲟⲛ (from unknown recipient to John and Enoch, monastic authorities).

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The bread was blessed not only by the bishop, but also by the monks, who ate it themselves and gave it out to guests.282 According to the Rules of St Basil, such loaves of bread were part of a monk’s meal: Q: If someone is punished by not receiving a blessing and says; ‘If I am not to receive a blessing, I will not eat’, ought we to bear with him? R: Whether the fault for which he is punished is enough to merit his exclusion from meals is entirely for the one assigning the penalty to decide.283

This practice is well known in the Egyptian-Palestinian monastic literature. In the Historia monachorum, John of Lycopolis recounts of monks who would bring blessed bread to a hermit, evidently as nourishment.284 Likewise, John himself gives blessings to the departing guests of the monks.285 Another John, on the other hand, sent blessed bread to the sick, healing those who would eat them.286 Undoubtedly, we are not dealing with the Eucharist here, nor with a blessing connected to the holy orders, because neither of those two Johns was ordained.287 Such a monastic, completely non-liturgical blessing of bread is described in one of the letters by It must be distinguished from the eulogia that the monks ate after the Eucharist, like other members of the congregation. Such eulogia are mentioned in AP, Isaac the Theban 2, ed. PG 65, col. 241A. 283 Basil the Great, Asceticon magnum. Regulae brevius tractatae 122, transl. Silvas, p. 340. 284 Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 58, ed. Festugière, p. 32: ἐλεύσονται δὲ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ παρακαλοῦντές σε, οὓς σὺ ἐνουθέτησας, καὶ κομιοῦσίν σοι εὐλογίας· ἃς ὑποδεξάμενος μεταλήψῃ σὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ τῷ θεῷ διὰ παντὸς εὐχαριστήσεις; cf. Historia monachorum in Aegypto, versio Rufini I 6, 24, ed. Schulz-Flügel, p. 272; ‘Venient autem ad te fratres, quos tu ipse docuisti, deferentes tibi benedictiones, quas suscipere ne recuses, et sumens cum eis cibum, age gratias deo tuo’. 285 Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 64, ed. Festugière, p. 34: δοὺς δὲ ἡμῖν εὐλογίας. 286 Historia monachorum in Aegypto, versio Rufini XV 2, 11, ed. Schulz-Flügel, p. 338: ‘Sed et quibuscumque aegris benedictum panem misit, statim ut ex eo perceperunt, sanati sunt’; cf. Historia monachorum in Aegypto XIII 9, ed. Festugière, p. 100: ἄλλας δὲ εὐλογίας τοῖς ἀρρώστοις ἀπέστειλεν καὶ ἀπηλλάγησαν εὐθὺς τῆς νόσου. Note that the Greek text does not mention bread directly, which indicates that in the Palestinian milieu the meaning of eulogium in this context was unambiguous. 287 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 251; the letter proves that the blessing of food might be performed by non-ordained monk even if there is a priest. 282

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Barsanuphius, who was asked for ‘his blessing (εὐλογίαν)’ (without further clarification), to which he replied: Brother, God knows what is beneficial. You asked to receive some bread (ἄρτον) from my weakness. Indeed, there are never more than the appointed three loaves (ἄρτων) a week that arrive in my cemetery. Nevertheless, perhaps it was also a dispensation of God – for one never does anything alone – that even before hearing from you, the sweeter-than-honey son of my sorrows, who regards everyone as being of one soul and reckons their profit as his own, came here with a loaf of bread. And I could not turn him away, saying: ‘It is best to cut off my own will in this too’. Therefore, I have broken it and sent it to your love, condemning myself as being unworthy of what I have done. May the Lord do unto you according to your faith. May he also not judge me. If there is any talk about this, you may tell the two brothers who visit you.288

Blessing, in this context, is therefore just ordinary bread, part of a monk’s meal which he shares with a petitioner. It does not have to be bread, however. The Apophthegmata mention giving out dried fruit to old people, which are also referred to as blessing (τὴν εὐλογίαν)289 The blessed bread was not necessarily given out only in symbolic amounts. It could serve as a satisfying meal. In the dossier of Daniel of Scetis, we find a note that a certain Andronicus, setting off with his wife to the Holy Land, takes with him two horses and some blessed bread (μικρὰν εὐλογίαν).290 Besides bread, the term ‘blessing’ may encompass a whole range of objects and substances291 which have been blessed in word and gesture by the depositaries of the blessing. Oil appears especially frequently in

288 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 141, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 1.2, p. 518, transl. Chryssavgis, pp. 164–165. 289 AP, Arsenius 16, ed. PG 65, col. 92b, transl. Ward, p. 11; Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XXV 2–3, ed. Bartelink, pp. 134, 136, transl. Clarke, pp. 104–105. 290 Saint Daniel of Scetis: Andronikos the Money-Dealer, ed. and transl. Dahlman, pp. 172– 173. 291 Some more examples Stuiber, ‘Eulogia’ (cit. n. 222), pp. 924–925.

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this context.292 Undoubtedly, in most cases, it is not myron used in the last rites, but oil blessed ad hoc in a non-liturgical setting. In addition to oil, water was blessed particularly often, as attested by a letter purchased in Karnak, ‘Send a little blessed water so that I may sprinkle the cattle’.293 In the Life of Pesynthius, water from the lavatory of Historia monachorum in Aegypto, versio Rufini I 1, 25, ed. Schulz-Flügel, p. 252: ‘orans et benedicens oleum mittit ad eam’; cf. Historia monachorum in Aegypto I 12, ed. Festugière, pp. 12–13, where there is no mention of a blessing over olive oil. Prayer over the olive oil for the sick is also mentioned in other texts: Coptic Palladiana, Macarius of Alexandria 5, transl. Vivian, p. 144 (= Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XVIII 11, ed. Bartelink, p. 84). The Greek text mentions holy oil (ἐλαίῳ ἁγίῳ); cf. Coptic Palladiana, Macarius of Alexandria 9, transl. Vivian, p. 150 (the Greek text does not mention oil); Coptic Palladiana, Macarius of Alexandria 10, transl. Vivian, p. 151 (= Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XVIII 22, ed. Bartelink, p. 90); cf. Gerontius, Vita Melaniae Iunioris 34, ed. Gorce, p. 192, transl. Clark, p. 50: ‘He [i.e., Abba Nestorus: PP] also possessed this gift from the Lord, that he could deliver from diverse diseases those who came to him, using oil that had been blessed (ἔλαιον εὐλογημένον)’. Cf. P. Lond. VI 1928, ll. 3–7 (4th. c., provenance unknown, from Heraclides to Apa Panutius), transl. Bell (modified): ‘Always you find time to pray on our behalf, and we ask the help which the Most High gives through your prayers; but now yet the more do I entreat you to do this both in my name and with reference to the sickness which has fallen upon me and is oppressing me, and to give (?) the oil (τὸ ἔλαιον) […] for in [no] other way do I trust to be helped’. In the Theban context, there is evidence for ‘oil of the prayer’. In letter O. Vind. Copt. 261 (from NN to Apa Johannes, the presbyter and probably hegoumenos. Theban provenance uncertain) the sender asks for ‘oil of prayer from the altar of the saints (ⲛⲉϩ ⲛϣⲗⲏⲗ ϩⲙ ⲡⲉⲩⲑⲥⲓⲁⲥⲧⲉⲣ/ⲛⲛⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲃ)’; cf. ‘oil of a holy prayer’ in an oath O. Crum VC 34 (Theban region) and ‘oil of prayer’ in O. Crum ad. 48 (Theban provenance uncertain). Much about this kind of oil and the possible reasons behind its name, see H. Förster ‘P. Clackson 44: „Essig und Öl“ – Heilung von Leib und Seele als Thema eines Briefes’, [in:] A. Boud’hors et al. (eds), Monastic Estates in Late Antique and Early Islamic Egypt: Ostraca, Papyri, and Essays in Memory of Sarah Clackson (P. Clackson), Cincinnati 2009, pp. 72–101, at pp. 81–88; it is a commentary to P. Clackson 44 (6th c., provenance unknown): a request for sending oil of holy altar (l. 13: ⲡⲛⲉϩ ⲙⲡⲑⲩⲥⲓⲁⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ) for a sick person. I have no direct evidence that oil of prayer might have been called ‘blessing’ but it seems to me very likely, taking into account synonymity of the acts of prayer and blessing. Certainly, ampoullae with oil taken from Abu Mena sanctuary were called eulogiai. 293 O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 54/1, ll. 9–12: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲧⲛ̄ⲛⲟⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲓ̈ ⲙ̅ⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲛⲟϫⲥ̄ ⲉϫⲛ̄ⲛⲧⲃⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ (from unknown author to ‘my fathers’); cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 753: ‘Magical spells are forbidden by God, and one should not resort to them at all. For they bring destruction to the soul through transgressing God’s decree. Instead, bring your horse to other forms of healing and therapy, as proposed by veterinary doctors. For this is certainly not sinful. Furthermore, sprinkle some holy water over it 292

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the church (ⲡⲗⲟⲩⲧⲏⲣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲥⲱⲟⲩϩ), blessed with the sign of the cross, repels a demon from a possessed youth.294 In addition to water from a holy place, ordinary water may also be blessed by a monk, as the summary of one of the letters to Barsanuphius tells us: Another Christ-loving layperson was taken ill and greatly consumed by fever. So, he asked the Great Old Man to pray for him in order that he might be relieved of pain. He also sent him some water, so that the Old Man may bless (εὐλογήσῃ) it for him to drink; for he could not tolerate the burning fever. When the Old Man prayed (εὐξαμένου) for him, he drank, and the fever immediately subsided, and the pain ceased.295

We read about a similar effect in the Life of Aaron. A poor man comes to Apa Aaron asking him to bless his barley, so Aaron ‘filled the hollow of his hand with water and sprinkled it over the artaba of barley, saying, “Go and make bread for your children in the name of Christ”’. Paphnutius adds that this resulted in a great blessing (ⲁⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛ̄ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧϥ̄).296 And although he does not specify the nature of this blessing directly, it must refer to the harvest obtained from the barley which received such treatment. Although the word itself does not appear, Aaron’s words and deed should also be treated as a blessing, even though there is no mention of any special actions performed over the water. In the hagiography from outside the Theban area, we have many examples where water gains healing power after contact with a holy man. Here, we should mark a clear distinction between blessed water and water which acquired power just by such a contact.297 (Ἐπίχεε δὲ ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ καὶ ἁγίασμα)’, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 3, p. 196, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 271. 294 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 67b, ed. Budge, pp. 114 (text), 308 (transl.). 295 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 643, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 3, p. 70, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 220; cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 684, ed. Neyt & De Angelis-Noah, vol. 3, p. 120, where such water is defined by the word ἀγίασμα and its spilling is supposed to repel the locusts away from the fields. 296 Life of Aaron 136, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 146–147. 297 Two examples from Encomion on Apollo. The water over which Apollo made the sign of the cross, drunk by a barren woman, allowed her to give birth (Stephen of Hnes, Panegyric

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Although almost any object or substance298 could have been a blessing, in the Theban material, we do not have an explicit confirmation that the word ‘blessing’ was used to describe devotional objects connected with the sanctuaries of saints, like St Menas’ ampullae, or objects blessed by the contact with the dead body or tomb of a saint, functioning as substitutes of relics available for all to take out.299 Finally, the term ‘blessing’ could mean any gift at all, including money. In the Life of Aaron, ‘small blessing’ (ⲉⲩⲗⲟⲅⲓⲁ not ⲥⲙⲟⲩ) was used to describe the amount of money (ⲭⲣⲏⲙⲁ) that the grandparents of a stillborn child wanted to give Aaron in exchange for him praying to bring the boy back to life;300 in the Miracles of Saint Mercurius a ‘small blessing (ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲛ̄ⲉⲩⲗⲟⲅⲓⲁ)’ stands for 30 holokottinoi.301 This often-recurring humble size of a gift is a rhetorical convention, which is perfectly illustrated by a quote from

on Apollo 16, ed. Kuhn, p. 23). And the water with which Apollo washed his face, hands and feet caused numerous healings (Stephen of Hnes, Panegyric on Apollo, ed. Kuhn, p. 28). They are essentially two different situations, only the first of which involves a gesture of blessing. On the automatism of the action of water from a holy place, e.g., entry on Anba Jonas in Synaxary, where bathing in water from the baptismal font (Basset translates ‘seau d’église’) results in recovery from quartary fever, Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 2 Tubah, ed. Basset, PO 11, p. 524 [490]. The narrative does not indicate any act of blessing. However, there are also more complicated situations, where both the prayer over the water and its contact with the body of a monk take place, see AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 167. 298 Kopres blessed the sand to give the villagers a better harvest (Historia monachorum in Aegypto X 29, ed. Festugière, p. 87 – note that we have a synonymous use of the verbs εὐλογέω and εὔχομαι). There are many other objects, endowed with power and offered by monks to those asking, which, although not defined in the sources as blessed, are functionally eulogia in the sense of a material medium of monastic blessing, e.g., plaited harnesses for beast of burden (Historia monachorum in Aegypto XIII 9), a plaited rope (Life of Aaron 118), a piece of wood (Life of Aaron 99). 299 Stuiber, ‘Eulogia’ (cit. n. 222), pp. 926–927. 300 The Life of Aaron 106, ed. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 126–127. Aaron refuses to take the money because of the intention and not the money itself. The money might serve as a legitimate vehicle of blessings. In the Life of John Khame, ed. and transl. Davis, p. 34, the Virgin Mary makes the sign of cross over three solidi, saying: ‘Take these and put them in the purse of the diakonia (ϧⲉⲛϯⲁⲥⲟⲩⲓ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉ ϯⲇⲓⲁ̄ⲕⲟⲛⲓⲁ̄) and the blessing of my son (ⲡⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲙⲡⲁϣⲏⲣⲓ) shall be in it for ever’. 301 Miracula Mercurii, ed. Budge, pp. 273 (text), 845 (transl.).

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the Life of Melania the Younger, describing the gifts given by Melania and Pinianus to the imperial couple: They brought out the ornaments along with the crystal vases and offered them to their pieties, saying, ‘Accept from us small blessings (μικρὰς εὐλογίας), just as the Lord received the widow’s two coins’.302

To summarize our considerations on blessings in the lives of Theban monks, we can clearly see that what we are dealing with is the idea of a specific redistribution of God’s benevolent power in the material world. God, as the original source of blessing, was responsible for successful harvests and fertility (multiplying cattle!), and therefore any profit that a human being could obtain. Since profit was measured primarily in grain, it is hardly surprising that grain and bread were blessings per se, both as a simple gift of food (including alms) and as a special blessed bread (which was in fact also a form of redistributed food). In this case, the value of bread was bolstered by special acts of blessing, performed by members of the clergy. The power of divine blessing could also be transmitted through people, and its effectiveness depended on personal or official (through clerical ordination) holiness, which determined the relative degree of closeness to God. The closer a person is to holiness, the more effectively the power of blessing present in them manifests itself through their words and communicates itself to the objects remaining in contact with them. Undoubtedly, there were monks in the Theban area in whom the power of blessing was recognized to a greater or lesser degree. The encomium praises Pesynthius as the most powerful of them, but there probably existed competition and not everyone shared this opinion. It is possible that the Theban monks perceived their surroundings as marked with hot spots of blessing power and tried to get as close as possible to the strongest source thereof. Such dynamics of relations could have disrupted formal structures and led to constant fluctuations in the degree of attachment of individual monks to distinguished ascetics and formalized monastic institutions. 302

Gerontius, Vita Melaniae Iunioris 13, ed. Gorce, p. 154, transl. Clark, p. 37.

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The Holy Trinity The Holy Trinity (ⲏ ⲁⲅⲓⲁ ⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ, ⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ) appears very often in the letters from TT 29. It is called upon with a simple invocation, usually in the closing line of a letter after the typical ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ϩⲙ̄ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ.303 Anne Boud’hors considers the phrase ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ϩⲙ̄ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲏ ⲁⲅⲓⲁ ⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ as a frequent feature of letters originating in the Theban region as well, in which it is widely attested.304 Sometimes Trinity’s name in Greek is also called upon between the opening line and the body of the letter,305 but always outside sentence structure and always in Greek. Such isolated invocation also appears from time to time at the end of the letter in various Theban dossiers.306 The Trinity is occasionally also included into concluding salutations instead of the Lord (ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ). Interestingly, in these cases, the sanctity of

303 O. Frange 34, 47, 76, 89, 90, 126, 152, 201, 211, 320, 349, 353, 355, 356, 574, 632, 643, 795; O. Medin. Habu Copt. 138; letters O. Frange 320, 349, 353, 355, 356, 643, and 795 are not by Frange. To that add another letter by Frange, P. Berlin inv. 708 (= BKU I 151), reedition A. Delattre & N. Vanthieghem, ‘Une nouvelle lettre de Frangé dans la collection de Berlin’, Journal of Coptic Studies 18 (2016), pp. 13–17. In the latter piece the name of Trinity follows the salutation. The letter O. Frange 320 sent by Tsia to Frange has been written by certain Ezekiel who was probably responsible for adding ⳨ ⲏ ⲁⲅⲓⲁ ⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ at the end just before his subscription. 304 P. Heid. Kopt., p. 73. This is a commentary on P. Heid. Kopt. 9. Outside Frange’s dossier, e.g., the letter to Pesynthius edited by H. Sottas, ‘Une nouvelle pièce de la correspondance de Saint Pesunthios’, [in:] Recueil d’études égyptologiques dédiées à la mémoire de Jean-François Champollion, Paris 1922, pp. 494–502. 305 O. Frange 203; O. Saint-Marc 7. 306 From the Topos of Epiphanius: P. Mon. Epiph. 279 (from Peter to Elias and Isaac); P. Mon. Epiph. 244 (from NN to NN); P. Mon. Epiph. 306 (from David to Isaac); P. Mon. Epiph. 431 (from Victor to Psan) – in this case invocation to the Trinity is not preceded by ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ϩⲙ̄ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ; from the Topos of Mark: O. Saint-Marc 8, 9, 13. In O. Saint-Marc 9 we have ⲟ̣[ⲩϫⲁⲓ] ⲏ̅ ⲁⲅⲓⲁ ⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ. In O. Saint-Marc 13, the invocation to Trinity is followed by isopsephic ‘amen’; see also O. Ifao inv. OC 246 (C1880), l. 17, ed. Ch. Heurtel, ‘Une nouvelle rencontre avec le prêtre Marc’, [in:] A. Boud’hors & C. Louis (eds), Études coptes XIV: Seizième journée d’études (Genève, 19–21 Juin 2013) [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 21], Paris 2016, pp. 143–152, at p. 146 (from Papas and Psmou to Presbyter Mark).

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the Trinity is expressed by Coptic ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ.307 Such phrase was not peculiar to Frange and appears a few times in the letters from the Topos of Epiphanius.308 Similarly, in a letter from Athanasius (probably a deacon active in the diocese of Qus) to Presbyter Mark, we have closing greetings ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ϩⲛ ⲧⲉⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ (Be saved in the Holy Trinity).309 Letters, however, rarely begin with an invocation to the Trinity. In such cases, its persons are named. P. Mon. Epiph. 205 begins with, ‘in the name of Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit’;310 DRI 96 (although mostly reconstructed) begins in a similar way.311 In the period that interests us, the Trinity also began to be included in legal documents. From the end of the sixth century, religious invocations became an obligatory element of documentary protocol. From the time of Phocas (602–610), the Trinitarian formula became widespread, and subsequently predominant in the Upper Egypt.312 In the documents from Jeme, all such invocations in legal texts contain calls upon the Holy Trinity, sometimes also to God the Father.313 The calls upon the Trinity related to the Phocas’ reform may also be noticed by us outside legal texts, but to 307 O. Frange 752, ll. 20–21 (Moses to NN): [ⲟⲩϫⲁ]ⲓ̈ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ [ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁ]ⲃ; O. Frange 785, ll. x+8–13 (NN to Psate; hand of Mark): ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ̈ ϩⲛ̄ⲧϭⲟⲙ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. 308 Simple reference to the Holy Trinity after farewell in P. Mon. Epiph. 198 (from Pesynthius to Peter and Epiphanius), 292 (From Enoch to Andrew). There is an interesting formula P. Mon. Epiph. 238, ll. 22–23 (from NN to NN): ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ϩⲛ︥ⲧϭⲟⲙ ⲛ̅ⲧⲉⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ, ‘Be saved in the power of the Holy Trinity’. 309 O. Crum VC 53, l. 8. 310 P. Mon. Epiph. 205, ll. 1–2: ϩⲙⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲙⲡⲉⲓ[ⲱⲧ] ⲙⲛⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ⲡⲛ̅ⲁ̅ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁ[ⲁ]ⲃ (from Kamoul to Tabes). The letter lists the persons of the Trinity and contains a request for prayer and an elaborate invocation of saints, especially to Epiphanius, making it almost a prayer itself. 311 ⳨ ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲣ̣[ⲁⲛ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲙⲛ̄]ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̄[ⲛ ⲡⲉⲡⲛ̄ⲁ ⲉ]ⲧ̣ⲟ̣[ⲩⲁⲁⲃ]ⲟⲩ, see M. Pezin & G. Lecuyot, ‘Documents coptes découverts au Deir er-Roumi, dans la Vallée des Reines et le Ouadi du prince Ahmès’, [in:] CoptCongr. 8 (2007), pp. 759–786, at p. 773. This mutilated limestone flake was identified as probably a letter by the editors, but the texts end with ϯⲥⲧⲉⲭⲉ ⲉⲡⲉⲭⲁⲣⲧⲏⲥ suggests that it might be a exercise in writing a legal text. 312 R. S. Bagnall & K. A. Worp, Chronological Systems of Byzantine Egypt, 2nd ed., Leiden – Boston 2004, p. 99. 313 They are gathered by J. Cromwell ‘Greek or Coptic? Scribal decisions in eighth-century Egypt (Thebes)’, [in:] J. Cromwell & E. Grossman (eds), Scribal Repertoires in Egypt from the New Kingdom to the Early Islamic Period, Oxford 2018, pp. 251–273, at pp. 269–273.

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me the only reasonably certain example thereof seems to be the scribbled graffito 2955 executed on a rock at the head of a little wadi near Skeikh Abd el-Gurna, which reads: In the name of the holy, uncreated Trinity, the Father, and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and our holy Lady Mary, the Virgin. (In) the reign and (?) the consulate of our most sacred lord Phocas, the eternal Augustus and emperor, in his 8th year, the 12th year of the cycle. I (am) Kame, the son of Paul, the man of Jeme, in the nome of Ermont.314

In the above inscription, the call upon the Trinity is probably related to the dating formula. Of course, the Trinity had been called upon before the Phocas’ reform and without association with legal rhetoric.315 It should not be assumed that starting a letter with an invocation to the Trinity is derived from documentary usage. The name of the Trinity appears in the fictional letters contained in hagiographic texts,316 and in Palestine, Barsanuphius occasionally began his letters this way, as well.317 Ending letters with the name of the Trinity, on the other hand, may be related to the prayer practice. Barsanuphius recommends ending the bedtime prayer invoking the name of the Trinity.318 Isaiah of Scetis uses the call upon the Trinity to end one of his discourses.319 The name of the Trinity was considered to be an effective measure against demons,320 which is why it is not surprising to see P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 11 (transl. Crum, modified). See contract P. Cairo Masp. II 67176r + P. Alex. inv. 689; Dioscorus writes before the dating formula ‘The Holy Trinity. And may I be protected from above by your prayers’, transl. L. M. B. MacCoull, Dioscorus of Aphrodito: His Work and His World, Berkeley, CA 1988, p. 38. 316 Ps.-Theodore of Antioch, In Theodorem Anatolium, fol. 18b, ed. Budge, pp. 20 (text), 597 (transl.). 317 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 70: ‘First, and before all else, I glorify the holy and consubstantial Trinity, and say: “Glory to the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, both now and always, and to the ages of ages. Amen”’ (transl. Chryssavgis, p. 93). 318 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 169. 319 Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon 28, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, p. 233. 320 Life of Aaron 128, ed. and transl. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, pp. 140–141. Hence the presence of the Trinity in protective and healing amulets, see Meyer & Smith, Ancient 314 315

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it appear in so many contexts. Finally, it should be remembered that the name of the Trinity belonged to the words of power. A collection of magical recipes, found near Deir el-Bakhit (Monastery of Paul), which was buried in an amphora under the floor of the cell,321 calls upon ‘the Father and the Son, the Holy Spirit’ along with other names of God, the angels and nomina barbara.322 The oaths upon the Trinity, in turn, have a legal, not devotional, character,323 functioning in accordance with the same principles as oaths taken in God’s name. In the letters, they are not formulated in the legal context, but they are probably intended to evoke such acts. As we can see, the invocations to the Trinity in the letters are completely devoid of a theological context. The question of the Trinity in the sixth century was no longer a burning issue. Christological problems were more controversial. Examples of the theological issues are rare and refer to the credal or semi-credal formulas.324 The graffito 2706 from the Valley of the Kings, carefully crafted on the eastern wall of the pyramid, contains a very elaborate invocation in Coptic: In the name of Father, and Son, and the Holy Spirit, consubstantial and undivided Holy Trinity. I, Komes, son of Philothepot.325 Christian Magic (cit. n. 174), nos 17, 27. However, the power of Trinity’s name was even used in sexual spells and curses, see Meyer & Smith, Ancient Christian Magic (cit. n. 174), nos 73, 88, 89, 91. 321 P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, pp. 21, 207. Winlock and Crum do not write about it being found in the Topos of Epiphanius. On p. 207, they expressly note ‘close to Deir el Bakhit’, which is important as sometimes this piece is linked with the Topos of Epiphanius. 322 P. Cairo 45060, ll. 11–12, ed. A. M. Kropp, Ausgewählte koptische Zaubertexte, vol. 1, Brussels 1930, pp. 40–52, transl. Meyer & Smith, Ancient Christian Magic (cit. n. 174), p. 271 (no. 128). 323 O. Lips. Copt. II 58, ll. 17–18: ϯⲱⲣⲕ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ̣. Note, that the Trinity is not characterized as ‘holy’, most probably because the character of this phrase was felt devoid of religious character. 324 The Nicene and Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed appears on several Theban ostraca since it was recited during the Eucharist, see Mihálykó, The Christian Liturgical Papyri (cit. n. 91), p. 143, esp. n. 235. 325 A. Delattre, ‘Graffitis de la montagne thébaine. I’, Chronique d’Égypte 76 (2001), pp. 333–339, at p. 337: ϩⲙ̄ ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲡⲉⲡ︤ⲛ̅ⲁ︥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ̣ ⲧⲉⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲛ̄ϩⲟⲙⲟⲟⲩⲥⲓⲟⲛ ⲙ̄ⲁⲧⲡⲱⲣϫ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲙⲉⲥ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̄ⲫ̣ⲓⲗⲟⲑⲉⲟⲥ.

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There are no similar theologically marked references to Trinity in the Theban letters, with one possible exception, the origin of which, however, is uncertain. At the end of the letter O. Vind. Copt. 281, another hand added, ‘in the name of Father, in the name of the Son, in the name of Holy Spirit; and these three is one’.326 The Trinitarian statements in the graffito and in the letter are intended to indicate the orthodox faith of the author. The references to Trinity in the pieces written by Dioscorus of Aphrodito are of a similar nature. In his poetic encomium, Dioscorus points out that the addressee shared the ‘right faith of the Trinity, single in essence’.327 Similarly, in an encomium to Dux John, Dioscorus extols his addressee mentioning ‘ever-present help of the undefiled Trinity, single in essence’.328 As a side note to the considerations on the Trinity, let us emphasize that the Holy Spirit was mentioned on its own only once in all of the Theban letters, in one of Frange’s fragmentarily preserved exercises.329 Invocation of God In the Theban monastic letters, we do not find invocations addressed directly to God with the words θεός330 and ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. God called by these general terms is rarely mentioned in letters except for well-known O. Vind. Copt. 281 (= O. Crum ST 299), ll. 13–19 (from NN to NN): + ϩⲙⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲙⲡ︥ⲓⲱⲱⲧ ϩⲛ̄ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲡϣⲏ(ⲏⲣⲉ) ϩⲙⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲓⲡⲛⲁⲙⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉⲓϣⲟⲙⲛⲧ ⲟⲩⲁⲁ ⲡ̣ⲉ̣. This formula has many peculiarities. Note esp. the full (although corrupted) word for Spirit which customary is rendered as a nomen sacrum. Even more striking is the coptic ϣⲟⲙⲛⲧ where we would expect Greek ⲧⲣⲓⲁⲥ. The formula is followed by unclear request. Till comments: ‘Anweisung für eine magische Handlung?’. 327 P. Aphrod. Lit. I, no. IV 5, l. 8 (= P. Cair. Masp. II 67177), c. 551, English transl. MacCoull, Dioscorus of Aphrodito (cit. n. 315), p. 64; L. M. B. MacCoull, ‘A Trinitarian formula in Dioscorus of Aphrodito’, [in:] L. M. B. MacCoull, Coptic Perspectives on Late Antiquity, Aldershot 1993, pp. 103–110. 328 P. Aphrod. Lit. I, no. IV 11, l. 41 (= P. Berlin inv. 10580 + P. Cair. Masp. III 67317), ad 568; transl. MacCoull, Dioscorus of Aphrodito (cit. n. 315), p. 140. 329 O. Frange 487. This is probably the beginning of a prayer apostrophe addressed to Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit. 330 On the topic of the phrase σὺν θεῷ, see p. 228. However, it is not an invocation. 326

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formulas (pp. 225–236) and biblical quotations, although they accompany the texts of prayers on ostraca.331 Invocations of God are frequent on inscriptions, though. They have the form of ‘One God the helper’332 or are addressed to the God of a particular saint. According to Jacques van der Vliet, the latter form ‘invoke[s] God’s mercy via the intercession of a certain saint who is somehow contextually present’,333 which may mean the shrine containing the relics, or an image representing the saintly figure in question.334 Invocation of Christ In contrast with invocations of God in general, calling upon Christ is a frequent, though usually very simple, type of prayer. We can distinguish calls for the Christ’s help, ‘Jesus Christ, help us at once’,335 calls for forgiveness of sins, ‘Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, forgive our P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt. 196, ll. 7–8: ⲛⲁ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. I. Deir el-Bahari 132; on this formula, E. Peterson, ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ. Epigraphische, formgeschichtliche und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, Göttingen 1926, pp. 47–77 – it is particularly characteristic of Epitaphs from Theban region and neighbouring nomes. 333 J. van der Vliet, ‘Places of passage’ (cit. n. 71), p. 184. 334 E.g., J. van der Vliet, The Christian Epigraphy of Egypt and Nubia, London – New York 2018, p. 90 (the Church of the Virgin in the Monastery of the Syrians); van der Vliet, ‘Places of passage’ (cit. n. 71), p. 184 (al-Bagawat necropolis). Such calls are extensively attested also in the hagiographic literature, especially in the collections of miracles. 335 O. Frange 13, ll. 1–2: ⳨ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲃⲟⲏⲑⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ϩⲓⲟⲩⲥⲟⲡ. This is, of course, an invocation well-rooted in the monastic tradition, see AP, Macarius of Egypt 19, ed. PG 269C: ἐὰν δὲ ἐπίκειται πόλεμος· Κύριε, βοήθει; Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 268: ‘Say continually: “Jesus, help me”; and he shall help you. May God liberate your soul from the passions of dishonour, child’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 273; cf. John Cassian, Collationes patrum X 10 (ed. Pichery, p. 85), where John recommends praying with Ps 69:2 (LXX) ‘Domine ad adiuvandum meum festina’. These calls for help represent a prayer typical of Egyptian and Palestinian monasticism, John Cassian names it regula pietatis, see L. Perrone, ‘L’“oratio continua” in Barsanufio e Giovanni di Gaza’, [in:] M. Caroli, M. Mazzanto, & R. Savigni (eds), Per respirare a due polmoni. Studi in onore di Enrico Morini, Bologna 2019, pp. 155–178, at p. 172. For such precautions, see in general I. Hausherr, Noms du Christ et voies d’oraison, Rome 1960, pp. 216–234. 331 332

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sins’,336 and the most numerous calls for mercy, ‘Jesus Christ have mercy on us’,337 ‘Jesus Christ, have mercy on us by love. Amen’.338 They are all placed in the opening lines of the letter, preceding the sender’s name. We also have openings with ‘Jesus Christ prevails’ formula.339 Including such an invocation at the beginning of letters extends the practice of constant prayer and meditation about God to correspondence as well, so that writing a letter becomes a devotional exercise. Sometimes, however, the name of Christ (less frequently Jesus) ends the letter. Occasionally, it just appears in the concluding greetings.340 At times, a simple invocation, ‘Jesus Christ, have mercy on me’ (O. Frange 57), ends the letter. Only once do we see here an extensive call ‘Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on us in your charity. Amen’.341 All these formulas are known from the monastic oratio continua, or are variations based on

O. Frange 486, ll. 1–4: ⳨ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅[ⲥ̅ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ] ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩ[ⲧⲉ ⲉⲧ] ⲟⲛϩ̄ ⲕⲱ[ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ]ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟ[ⲃⲉ] ⲛⲉ̣.[---]. The editors qualify this piece as an exercise. 337 ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲛⲁ ⲛⲁⲛ, see O. Frange 116, 120, 152, 163, 197, 345; O. Ashm. Copt. 19. Frange begins his letters with these calls. It is of course a variation of Κύριε ἐλέησον, advised also by AP, Macarius of Egypt 19, ed. PG 65, col. 269C, and attested also in sayings in Coptic (AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 107): ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲛⲁⲓ (not that the invocation is addressed to God without expressly proclaiming Christ). This prayer was extremely common in private monastic piety as well as in liturgy. It was recommended by Barsanuphius (Quaestiones et responsiones 87; with the name of Jesus Christ in Quaestiones et responsiones 175). This call also appears in the circular letter of Bishop Abraham (O. Col. inv. 932, ed. Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca’ [cit. n. 98], no. 6), but in this case it ends the letter; cf. Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 249: ‘And if someone tells you to pray for them, then say in your heart: “May God have mercy on us”, and it is sufficient’, transl. Chryssavgis, p. 254. 338 O. Frange 93, 98: ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲛⲁ̅ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲛ̄ⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ. In both letters, the prayer stays at the beginning of the letter. 339 P. Mon. Epiph. 294, l. 1 (from Enoch to his parents): ⲓ̅ⲩ̅ ⲭ̅ⲩ̅ ⲛⲓⲕⲁ. This phrase is well attested in inscriptions (e.g., Ch. Heurtel, Les inscriptions coptes et grecques du temple d’Hator à Deir al-Médîna, Cairo 2004 [= I. Deir al-Médîna], no. 28); in the documentary letters, it is poorly represented; cf. writing exercise P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt. 193. 340 O. ‘South Asasif ’ FN 2008.51, l. 13, ed. Müller, ‘Coptic ostraca’ (cit. n. 41), p. 292: ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ⲕ̅ⲉ ϯ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ⲭ̅ⲥ̅, in which ⲕ̅ⲉ would represent κύριε; P. Mon. Epiph. 282, l. 18 (from Ananias to priests): simple ⲭ̅ⲥ̅ + after the address; cf. P. Mon. Epiph. 379, l. 8: + ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ⲭ̅ⲥ̅ +; P. Mon. Epiph. 175, ll. 10–11 (from NN to John and Enoch): ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ̈ ϩⲛ︥ⲓ̅ⲥ̅. 341 O. Frange 561, ll. x+4–8: ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛ̣ⲁ̣ ⲛⲁⲛ ϩ̣ⲛ̣ ⲧⲉⲕⲙⲛⲧⲛⲁ̣ ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ. 336

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such invocations and were undoubtedly recognized by the addressees as the language of daily prayer.342 It also happens that Christ’s name appears at the very beginning of the letter as nomen sacrum, not related to the following content.343 This form abounds in short texts of private piety. Such character has an ostracon from Deir el-Rumi which contains only the invocation ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲭ̅ⲥ̅.344 There are numerous examples of similar texts in graffiti and dipinti as well.345 In such cases, we can see a very simple invocation, combined with the belief in the power of Christ’s name alone, effective especially in the fight against demons.346 At this point, we can also mention the titles of Christ, which are present in the letters. They appear in Frange’s missives, although they are rather typical and used sparingly: ‘The only Son of God who sits on his holy throne’,347 ‘Our Lord, our Saviour’,348 ‘Our Lord, our King’,349 ‘Our Lord, our Saviour, our King, our God’,350 ‘Saviour, the King of Heaven and On the topic of oratio continua, there is abundant literature, see, e.g., G. Bunge, ‘Priez sans cesse: Aux origines de la prière hésychaste’, Studia Monastica 30 (1988), pp. 7–16; A. Guillaumont, ‘Le problème de la prière continuelle dans le monachisme ancien’, [in:] A. Guillaumont, Études sur la spiritualité de l’Orient chrétien, Abbaye de Bellefontaine 1996, pp. 131–141. 343 E.g., O. Crum ST 267 (from Frange to NN); O. Crum ST 320 (from Frange to Apa Enoch and Apa Paulos); O. Frange 38; P. Berlin inv. 708 (= BKU I 151), l. 1, reedition Delattre & Vanthieghem, ‘Une nouvelle lettre’ (cit. n. 303); P. Mon. Epiph. 145 (from David to Isaac); P. Mon. Epiph. 462. 344 DRI.60, Pezin & Lecuyot, ‘Documents coptes’ (cit. n. 311), p. 762. 345 A dipinto ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲭ̅ⲥ̅ was also found in a tomb VdR 60, close to Deir el-Bakhit (G. Lecuyot, ‘Une nécropole de Thèbes-Ouest à l’époque romaine et copte: La Vallée des Reines’, Kyphi 2 [1999], pp. 33–61, at p. 45); see also I. Mon. Phoib. Copt. 128; cf. Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ (cit. n. 106), p. 177; Heurtel, Les inscriptions (cit. n. 339), nos 26, 28, 38, 43, 61, 64. Inscriptions from the Church of St Isidore typically contain more elements than the nomen sacrum alone. 346 Thus, the name of Christ is often used as the name of power in the texts of ritual power. 347 O. Frange 45, ll. 12–15 (from Frange to NN): ⲡⲙⲟⲛⲟⲅⲉⲛⲏⲥ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲧϩⲙⲟⲟⲥ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲉϫⲙ̄ⲡⲉϥⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. 348 O. Frange 376, ll. 5–6 (exercise): ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲛⲥⲱⲧⲏⲣ. 349 O. Frange 381, ll. 8–10; O. Frange 391, ll. 5–6 (both exercises): ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲛⲣ̅ⲣ̅ⲟ. 350 O. Frange 375, ll. 7–9 (exercise): ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲛⲥⲱⲧⲏⲣ ⲡⲉⲛⲣ̄ⲣⲟ ⲡⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. 342

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Earth’,351 ‘Jesus Christ, Son of the Living God’,352 ‘Jesus Christ, son of God’.353 An interesting manner of addressing Christ as king of the Roman Empire can be found in letter O. Frange 379: ‘Our Lord and Saviour of the world from Romania to Antilibanus’.354 In a severely damaged letter, we also find a statement devoid of context ‘[---] He is alive, the Lord Jesus’.355 In the letters from the Topos of Epiphanius, such terms are generally fewer in number, but in P. Mon. Epiph. 109, we find a long list of them. Christ is ‘the physician of those who are sick, the bishop of souls, the helper of the distressed, the protector who heals every sickness and every disease’.356 In another letter, Christ is called simply ‘the lover of men’.357 In yet another piece of correspondence, in a destroyed context, we can read an invocation concerning relations between Christ and God the Father: ‘Christ Jesus, you mercifully intercede for us before God’.358 Formulas such as ‘in the name of Jesus Christ’ also appear, emphasizing the message.359 Much like the Trinitarian formula, the Christological formula was introduced as a mandatory one to the legal documents, which took place O. Frange 385, ll. 13–14 (probably from Frange to NN): ⲡ̣ⲉⲛ̣[ⲥⲱⲧⲏⲣ ⲡⲣ]ⲣⲟ ⲛⲧⲡⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲕⲁϩ. O. Frange 486, ll. 1–3 (prayer?, exercise?): ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅[ⲥ̅ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ] ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩ[ⲧⲉ ⲉⲧ]ⲟⲛϩ. 353 O. Frange 232, l. 7 (end line): ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲑ̅ⲩ̅; O. Frange 487, ll. 1–2 (prayer?, exercise?); O. Frange 561, ll. x+4–5 (end of the letter, from Frange to NN): ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̅ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. 354 O. Frange 379, ll. 10–17 (exercise): ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲥⲱⲧⲏⲣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲓ̅ⲛ̅ⲧⲉϩⲣⲱⲙⲁⲛⲓⲁ ϣⲁⲡⲁⲛⲧⲓⲗⲓⲃⲁⲛⲟⲥ. In the late antique literature, from the fourth century onwards ‘Romania’ often denotes the Empire as a whole in opposition to external lands called Barbaria, see F. Paschoud, Roma aeterna: études sur le patriotisme romain dans l’occident latin à l’époque des grandes invasions, Paris 1967, p. 18. Here, it probably means the core of the empire in Greece and Anatolia. 355 O. Frange 448 (exercise): [---]ϥⲟⲛ̄ϩ ⲛ̄ϭⲓ ⲡϫⲟ̣ⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅; cf. a similar phrase in O. Saint-Marc 285. Boud’hors interprets it as an oath formula. 356 P. Mon. Epiph. 109, ll. 17–21 (from NN to NN): [...]ⲉ̣ⲓ̣ⲛ̣ ⲛⲉⲧϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲡⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲯⲩ[ⲭⲟ] ⲟⲩⲉ ⲡⲃⲟⲏⲑⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲧϩⲏϣ ⲡⲉⲥⲕⲉⲡⲁⲥⲧⲏⲥ ⲉⲧⲣ̄ ⲡⲁϩⲣⲉ ⲉϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ϩⲓⲗⲟϫⲗⲉϫ ⲛⲓⲙ (transl. Crum, modified). The first word is not reconstructed by Crum, but in his translation, he takes it for [ⲥⲁ]ⲉⲓⲛ. The appellation ‘bishop of souls’ is an echo of 1 Peter 2:25. 357 P. Mon. Epiph. 142, l. 3 (from Nonnus to Epiphanius): ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲙⲁⲓ̈ⲣⲱⲙⲉ. 358 P. Mon. Epiph. 164, l. 22 (from Paul to Epiphanius): ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲉⲕⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃ/ ϩⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⲛ̄ⲛⲁ ϩⲛ̄ⲛⲁϩⲣⲙ︥ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. 359 P. Mon. Epiph. 173, ll. 5–6 (from Ananias to brothers): ⲧⲛⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉⲓ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ϩⲙ︥ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲙ̅ⲡⲛⲉϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅, ‘we entreat your love in the name of Jesus Christ’. 351

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during the reign of Maurice.360 However, it does not seem probable that this decision would have any bearing on the way Christ was invoked in letters, as the formulas contained within developed among the grassroots and had already functioned previously. Mary Invocations addressed to Mary are very rare. One can be found at the end of one of Frange’s scribal exercises: ‘Mary, Mother of our Lord, our God, our Saviour’,361 another – more uncertain – in the damaged ending of one of Frange’s letters: ‘Mary, the Virgin’ (O. Frange 578). Moreover, in one of his letters, Frange compares Tsie to ‘my mother Mary, mother of our Lord’, because, just like Mary, she found grace with the Lord (O. Frange 328). To that, the fragmentary letter from the Topos of Epiphanius mentions ‘Holy God-bearer’ (ⲑⲉⲟⲧⲟⲕⲟⲥ) in a passage that looks like a quotation.362 In the area of Western Thebes, Mary is also invoked (among others) in a graffito executed on a rock: ‘Our Lady Mary, the Virgin’.363 Such a poor representation of Marian piety is difficult to explain, as the region was home to a local Marian cult and there were churches dedicated to Mary.364 It seems, however, that the worship of Mary and the saints did not play as great a role in daily piety as it might appear from literary texts. Mary and the saints did not find a place for themselves in the language of monastic correspondence, overflowing with formulae of belief. This might stem from the strong concentration of this type of piety around sites of worship, whereas correspondence, by its very nature, is a space-independent medium. John of Nikiu, Chronicle XCIX 1: ‘And at the outset of his reign he had ordained a law that they should inscribe at the beginning of all their writing the formula: “in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ our God and Saviour”. He wished to profess his faith in Jesus Christ the Saviour of all the world’ (transl. Charles, p. 162); Bagnall & Worp, Chronological Systems (cit. n. 312), p. 99. 361 O. Frange 399, ll. 6–9: ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲧⲙⲱ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲁⲥⲟⲧⲏⲣ. 362 P. Mon. Epiph. 130 (from NN to NN, perhaps Epiphanius). 363 P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 11: ⲧⲉⲛϫⲁⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲧⲓⲡ̣ⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ. 364 A. Delattre, ‘Graffitis de la montagne thébaine. II’, Chronique d’Égypte 78 (2003), pp. 371–380, at pp. 373–374, 376. 360

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The Saints In the Theban area, invocations of saints are found primarily in graffiti,365 while in letters they are rare. In the letter O. Frange 98, we see an invocation of Saint Sergius and Mark. In O. Frange 120 – a call for a blessing from ‘all the saints [mentioned] in the Scriptures’,366 Moses is invoked only four times and is always referred to as a ‘man of God’ (O. Frange 31, 437, 439, 443). It must be noted, however, that three of these cases concern scribal exercises. Another exercise on a limestone chip P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt. 193 (= O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 27/1) also contains, among invocations of Jesus Christ, the name Menas; apparently, we are dealing with a saint here. However, it is not a letter, but rather a devotional text. Although in the Theban there were two monasteries dedicated to Saint Phoebammon,367 we find surprisingly few references to this saint in monastic correspondence.368 In the letter O. Mon. Phoeb. 8, a certain Pheu addresses ‘Apa Isak, the God-fearing anchorite, [who] is a servant to Apa Phoebam[mon], worshipping God and Apa Ph[oebammon]’.369 In a letter found at Sheikh Abd el-Gurna, this saint is called upon by the opening invocation ‘Saint Apa Phoebammon the Martyr’.370 He is mentioned more frequently in legal documents relating to the Monastery of Phoebammon, I. Mon. Phoeb. Copt. 13, 18a–b, 26, 29, 38, 60, 72, 118a, 145, 201. These graffiti invoke mainly St Ezekiel and Phoebammon, so local saints – patrons of monasteries. A lot of these graffiti are emended in Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ (cit. n. 106); see I. Mon. Phoeb. Gr. 8; 17; 21 (to Phoebammon); invocation to all the saints in the graffito in the Monastery Darb Rayayna, see Krueger, ‘Revisiting the first Monastery of Apa Phoibammon’ (cit. n. 106), p. 37. 366 O. Frange 120, ll. 12–13: ⲛⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ [ⲧⲏ]ⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲥⲏϩ ϩⲛ︥ⲧⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ. 367 E. Wipszycka, Moines et communautés monastiques en Égypte (iv e–viii e siècles) [= Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series 11], Warsaw 2009, pp. 178–184. 368 Obviously, this saint appears as the patron of the monastery, but these mentions are not devotional, but merely identifying, specifying people and places. Sometimes the term Apa Phoebammon is a metonymy for a monastery. 369 O. Mon. Phoib. 8, ll. 4–7. The first mention of the name Phoebammon refers to the monastery, the second one probably to its patron. However, some caution should be exercised as only the first letter of the name is preserved. 370 BKU II 258, ll. 1–3. 365

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in which is clearly perceived as the local patron saint.371 In St Phoebammon ‘on the Rock’ Monastery we also have quite a few inscriptions invoking its namesake saint.372 Occasionally, the letters also contain mentions of oaths upon the saints: So, when they, my children and their mother, were come, they adjured me by the oath at the hands of the most godly priest [and] steward and having sworn by St John(...)373

St Phoebammon is expressly invoked in a text of an oath,374 and probably implicitly referred to in another one.375 Its role is undoubtedly linked to his power as a patron saint of the local monastic centre, which contained his relics. In the letters, the mentions of holy figures appear more often as rhetorical device in comparisons of addressees to saints than as invocations. In several cases, Frange emphasized the virtues of specific people by comparing them to the prophet Daniel. Thus, Apa Elias and Isaac were deemed people ‘truly worthy of being loved like Daniel, the prophet of the Lord’.376 Father Paul was also likened to Daniel (O. Frange 16). Further comparisons to Daniel can be found in scribal exercises (O. Frange 383, 384). It is not clear what the exact point of this comparison is. Perhaps it is proficiency in ascetism that matters, as Samuel of Kalamun considered Daniel a paragon of miracle working fasting and prayer.377 P. KRU 112, ll. 3–4: ⲉⲣⲉⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲙⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲓ[..] ⲁⲡⲁⲡⲁ ⲫⲟⲓⲃⲁⲙⲱⲛ ⲧⲉⲃϩ ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ϩⲁⲣⲟⲛ, ‘saint martyr Apa Phoebammon entreats our Lord and our God Jesus Christ for us’. In these documents, esp. so-called Kinderschenkungen the manner of addressing the saint also appears, see A. Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints en Égypte des Byzantins aux Abbassides. L’apport des inscriptions et des papyrus grecs et coptes, Paris 2001, pp. 221–222. 372 Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints (cit. n. 371), p. 225. 373 P. Mon. Epiph. 162, ll. 12–13, transl. Crum (modified). 374 O. Crum ST 111, ll. 1–2: ϣⲉⲧⲇⲩⲛⲁⲙⲓⲥ ⲙⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲫⲟⲓⲃⲁⲙⲙⲱ̣ⲛ. 375 P. KRU 18, ll. 4–5: ⲛϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲛⲧⲁⲡⲙⲁⲣ ⲟⲩⲁⲙⲟⲩ ϩⲏ̣ⲡⲃⲏⲙⲁ. 376 O. Frange 12, ll. 5–6: ⲛⲁⲙ̣ⲉ ⲛ̄ϣⲟⲩⲁϣⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ̣ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲛⲓⲏⲗ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ⲙ̄ⲡϫⲟⲉⲥ. 377 Isaac the Presbyter, The Life of Samuel of Kalamun 29, ed. Alcock, pp. 26 (text), 104 (transl.). 371

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Other monastic letters contain few similar comparative formulas. In a poorly preserved letter from to his pious brother, a certain Isaac compares someone’s (probably the addressee’s) deeds (ⲡⲣⲁⲝⲓⲥ) to those of Elias and John the Baptist (P. Mon. Epiph. 103). Elias appears as an exemplary figure in the lives of Theban saints. Archangel Michael announces to the parents of Elias of Samhūd that the spirit of prophet Elias will descend upon their son.378 Pesynthius is even referred to as Elias: ‘The holy anointed Elias indeed, our father Anba Pisentius, the chief among bishops’.379 References to other Biblical figures are virtually absent. Referring to Epiphanius as ‘the new psalmist’380 is quite special, as it contains an implicit but obvious reference to David. Crum speculates that this might mean that Epiphanius was a writer of hymns.381 From among the monastic heroes of early days in the Theban correspondence, Antony is the one that appears most often. Of course, he likewise occurs as an exemplary model of a monk in monastic hagiography.382 Frange compares an unknown addressee to ‘Apa Antony, the pillar of light’, following the same principle (O. Frange 41). He builds upon the same parallel in his letter to Apa Isaac and Apa Elias, who are holy ‘like my father Antony, the pillar of light, and Apa Macarius of Shiet’.383 In other letter, he compares his relationship with the two fathers to the one which ‘confessor Apa Papnute had to Apa Antony’ (P. Mon. Epiph. 247). Here, Frange reveals his knowledge of the Sayings of the Desert Fathers and compares his Synaxaire arabe jacobite, 13 Kiyahk, ed. Basset, PO 3, p. 437 [361]. The Life of S. Pisentius, ed. De Lacy O’Leary, p. 323; cf. praise of the way of life (πολιτεία) in the image of Elias in the Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 28. 380 P. Mon. Epiph. 163, ll. 20–21: ⲡⲉⲯⲁⲗⲙⲱⲇⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲃⲣⲣⲉ. 381 P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 196. 382 E.g., AP, ed. Chaîne, no. 117; Shenoute elevated Antony above all monks (Life of Shenoute 68, transl. Bell, p. 62) and summoned him (along with other former monks) on his deathbed (Life of Shenoute 185, transl. Bell, p. 91). John Khame’s virtues are equated with Antony’s: Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 30. Interestingly, in the Coptic monastic literature, Antony was known mainly thank to his sayings. His Life by Athanasius was relatively less known, see M. Choat, ‘The Life of Antony in Egypt’, [in:] B. Leyerle & R. D. Young (eds), Ascetic Culture. Essays in Honor of Philip Rousseau, Notre Dame, IN 2013, pp. 50–74. 383 For Macarius as monastic paragon, see, e.g., Life of John Khame, ed. Davis, p. 23. 378

379

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own fathers to the pioneers and heroes of monastic life. However, other great figures of the early monasticism do not appear in the letters.384 SPIRITUAL DIRECTION

As we have seen, textual evidence from the Topos of Epiphanius brings many pieces which express unquestioned belief in the power of Epiphanius’ prayer (pp. 143–146);385 the same idea recurs continually in Frange’s dossier.386 Though, letters which could point to the practice of spiritual direction, well-proven in monastic literature, are still rare. Perhaps this was because such a direction took place mainly through personal contact.387 We do, however, have single examples of letters that might be considered requests for spiritual advice. In P. Mon. Epiph. 194, laywoman Esther, afflicted by tribulations that she recognized as the probable results of her sin, asks an unknown elder for instructing her388 and sending her a commandment (ⲉⲛⲧⲟⲗⲏ) about the conduct.389 This should be understood as binding guidelines pertaining to life and morality.390 In the fragmentarily preserved letter Sounika requests In other sources, the list of monastic heroes can be much longer. Among the models for Samuel’s of Kalamun monastic life, there are mentioned Basil, Gregory, Severus, Antony, Macarius, Pachomius and Shenoute, see Isaac the Presbyter, The Life of Samuel of Kalamun 41, ed. Alcock, pp. 34 (text), 115 (transl.). Samuel himself professes that he imitates the ‘great ascete Antony’, see Isaac the Presbyter, The Life of Samuel of Kalamun 37, ed. and transl. Alcock, pp. 32 (text), 111 (transl.). 385 Rapp, ‘For next to God’ (cit. n. 48), p. 72. 386 E.g., O. Frange 265, 354, 358. 387 Good example in Coptic Palladiana, Evagrius 6, transl. Vivian, p. 83. 388 P. Mon. Epiph. 194, l. 7: [ⲛⲅⲧⲥⲁ]ⲃⲉ ⲉ̣ⲓ̣ⲁⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. 389 P. Mon. Epiph. 194, ll. 11–13: ⲛ̅ⲅ̅ⲧⲛⲛⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲛⲧⲟⲗⲏ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲛⲧⲁⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ; cf. P. Mon. Epiph. 220, a request for receiving ἐντολή. The word ἐντολή in Coptic documentary texts mainly refers to monastic rules, see H. Förster, Wörterbuch der griechischen Wörter in den koptischen dokumentarischen Texten [= Texte und Untersuchungen 148], Berlin – New York 2013, pp. 264–265. In the dossier of Abraham of Hermonthis, ἐντολή often means ecclesiastical canons the clergymen should follow. I thank Renate Dekker for this remark. 390 On commandments given by monastic spiritual directors, there is a massive material in the correspondence of Barsanuphius and John, see esp. Quaestiones et responsiones 226, 239, 384

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Enoch, Epiphanius and Victor: ‘You should enquire of God for me concerning the matter about which I beforehand (?) wrote to you’.391 As such, it is assumed that monks can not only ask God for blessings, but also learn about other people from Him. Developed request for spiritual advice and guidance are scarce. The most unanimous piece of evidence is O. Monastery of Cyriacus 15: I am asking your holy fatherly lordship concerning my brother who fell ill (?) that your holiness explain to me whether it is God’s will that he became ill, or not, and whether my brother comes (back) from the strange places (?)392 and whether if I go to Apa I (will) see the affair, and whether it is God who brings all these tests upon us, or not. I have promised that I do not go (with/to?) the barbarians again. They mocked me and I went […] sick […] Ask God concerning me also that he gives bread to me, and I can eat it. I greet with respect your (pl.) lordship (which is) fatherly (and) [holy]. Pray for me.393

It is reasonable to assume that we are dealing here with what ascetic literature exactly calls spiritual direction. The reference to ‘brother’, in the context of the letter, seems to indicate a fellow monk rather than biological kinship. Perhaps, the author of the letter is asking about the ascetic with whom he shared a cell. It is very possible that at some point in his life he became associated with the Monastery of Cyriacus as a disciple, for in such a situation his elder’s spiritual direction would have been

596. On the binding character of a commandment (ἐντολή) in contrast to opinion (γνώμη), see Quaestiones et responsiones 56, 64, 369 (here ‘commandment’ is contrasted against ‘advice according to God [κατὰ Θεὸν συμβουλή]’). In letters, we often have requests for a canon (κανών). This term can refer to both the order of prayers (see Perrone, ‘L’oratio continua’ [cit. n. 335], p. 160) and ascetic practices, as well as spiritual exercises: Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 23, 87, 92. 391 P. Mon. Epiph. 439, ll. 7–9: ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛϫⲛⲟⲩ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲧⲃ̣ⲉ̣ ⲡ.ⲁⲇ.ⲉ ⲛⲧⲁⲓ..ⲥ̣ϩ̣ⲁ̣ⲓ ⲛⲏⲧ̅ⲛ̅, in the first part I base at conjectures relying on biblical parallels given by Crum, see P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 2, p. 266. 392 Euphemism for ‘Is he dying’ (I thank Renate Dekker for this suggestion). 393 Transl. Hasznos (slightly modified).

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taken for granted.394 We know from other monastic texts that such guidance could also apply to monks who were no longer in the same place as their spiritual father.395 Interestingly, the author is clearly convinced that Cyriacus can recognize God’s will hidden in vicissitudes of life, knows the future and can consult God on the life choices of other people. A similar situation is likely to be found in another letter to Cyriacus, of which only the beginning is preserved: ‘Holy Father, Apa Cyriacus, let your prayers attain unto me, that I may live. I request your fatherhood that you would tell something concerning my portion of [---]’.396 The effects of such spiritual gifts as clairvoyance are mentioned by Archdeacon Joseph in his letter to another distinguished ascetic, Epiphanius. He mentions that ‘the things determined to happen to me, you reported them beforehand [to me]’397 and asks, ‘what God will reveal to you, report it to [me…]’.398 It is quite clear that Joseph relies on Epiphanius’ guidance in his conduct. Hence, we can also speak of spiritual direction in this case. As the content of the letter itself shows, it was not a one-off advice, but a more stable relationship.

Cf. Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon 1, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, p. 41: ‘Do not conceal any of your thoughts, sorrows, or desires, but confess them openly and freely to your elder, and try faithfully to carry out whatever you hear from him’. Isaiah of Scetic (Asceticon 5, transl. Chryssavgis & Penkett, p. 73) even specified the principles according to which one should seek advice from the old man. Since Asceticon was known in Thebes, it is possible that these principles may have influenced the formation of local Theban practice in this respect. 395 See Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Iohannis Hesychastae 20, ed. Schwartz, pp. 216–217, transl. Price, pp. 235–236. Cyril in his youth went to John the Hesychast for advice about spiritual matters and choice of a way of life. John indicated the monastery which Cyril should join; however, Cyril points out that even afterwards he consulted the old man on all matters and asked him for prayer. 396 P. Mon. Epiph. 266, transl. Crum (modified). 397 P. Mon. Epiph. 162, ll. 11–12: ⲛⲉⲧⲧⲏϣ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲓ̈ ⲁⲕϣ̅ⲣ̅ⲡ̅ ⲥⲩⲙⲁⲛⲉ ⲙ̣[ⲙⲟⲟ]ⲩ̣ [ⲛⲁⲓ̈]. 398 P. Mon. Epiph. 162, ll. 18–19: ⲡⲓϩⲱⲃ ⲡⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁϭⲟⲗⲡ̅ϥ̅ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲥⲏⲙⲁⲛⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟϥ ⲛ[ⲁⲓ̈- --]. The verb ϭⲱⲗⲡ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ can mean divine revelation that was given through a vision, see MacCoull, ‘Prophethood’ (cit. n. 70), p. 310. 394

CHAPTER THREE

GLIMPSES OF AN UNEXPRESSED SYSTEM

V

ery rarely do we find more general theological or anthropological reflections in the letters. All we have is a few thoughts scattered here and there, often echoing the Bible. They can be grouped into four areas: first, those referring to the human condition in the world, secondly, those referring to the God, thirdly, reflections on sinfulness, and fourthly, those concerning the status of the monk. MAN AND WORLD

Reflections of a general nature are sparse and maintained in a similar vein. The world is seen as essentially dangerous and full of suffering. Frange asks Father Cyriacus to pray that God would support him ‘at the sea of the world which is full of every toil and every pain within’.1 The threats – physical and spiritual – lurking for the human being have their causes in the spiritual world. In a poorly preserved letter from the Topos of Epiphanius, we can find a reflection on the omnipresence of temptation: ‘every dwelling [a man will] dwell within, there he will find temptation dwelling beside him. But a man will set all [temptation]ns in the balance and weigh them’.2 In the further part of the letter we also have reflections on the role of the dwelling in monastic practice, but specific advice is elusive 1 O. Frange 53, ll. 8–11: ⲛ̄[ⲧⲉ]ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϯⲑⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲡⲉⲗⲁⲅⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲙⲉϩ ⲛ̄ϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ϩⲓⲙ̄ⲕⲁϩ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧ ⲛⲓⲙ; ⲛ̄ϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ϩⲓⲙ̄ⲕⲁϩ is probably an echo of Ps 89:10 (LXX). 2 P. Mon. Epiph. 103, ll. 9–12 (from certain Isaac to ‘God-loving brother’): ⲙⲁ ⲛⲟⲩⲱϩ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉⲡⲣ.[---ⲟⲩ]ⲱϩ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧϥ̄ ϥⲛⲁϭⲛ ⲡⲡⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟ[ⲥ---]ⲉ̣ⲟⲩⲱϩ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲩⲱϥ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲁⲧ̣ⲁ̣ⲗⲟ [---].ⲙ̣ⲟ̣ⲥ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲙⲁϣⲉ ⲛϥⲕⲁⲛⲱⲛⲓⲍⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲟⲩ, transl. Crum (modified).

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for us due to the missing lines. The letter to Epiphanius expresses a sense of sinfulness and fear of punishment: ‘For it is fear and trembling [to fall into the] hands of the living God, most of all for a sinful man such as I’.3 The great absentees of the monastic correspondence are the demons. In a letter to Cyriacus, a certain Panton(ymus?) asked for a blessing for his sick daughter. The demon mentioned in the damaged context is undoubtedly the demon of disease.4 No longer in the letter, but in one of Kinderschenkungen, there are mentions of ‘demonic illness (ⲟⲩϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲛⲇⲁⲓⲙⲱⲛ)’.5 Both Till and Förster understand the term as possession,6 but I find no reason to rule out another disease, as demons could be considered the source of every sickness. And that is pretty much all about demons when it comes to the documentary texts of Theban provenance. The negative vision of the world emerges from Frange’s letters too. According to him, death is the share of every human being (O. Frange 164), and the world itself is changing for the worse, as he wrote to his sister Saneth: ‘In the way according to which the world has gone on in these times, so that multitude of men deal with the things which God does not love’.7 Apart from Frange’s letters, however, such general diagnoses do not occur. In the Theban letters, reflections on the soul are altogether absent, but in Frange’s missives, the concept of the inner man, quite frequent in monastic literature,8 appears twice. To Presbyter Ezekiel, and also to brotherly lord Pelus, he writes ‘I greet you with all my heart in my inner man’ (O. Frange 32, 186). Both letters are kept in a highly cordial tone, but the reason Frange referred to the ‘inner man’ in these two particular cases remains unknown. 3 P. Mon. Epiph. 106, ll. 6–7: ⲟⲩϩⲟⲧⲉ ⲙ̅︤ⲛ̅ⲟⲩⲥⲧⲱⲧ [ⲡⲉ ϩⲉ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲛ]ϭ̣ⲓ̣ϫ̣ ⲧⲥ ⲛ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲱⲛ̅ϩ̅ ⲙⲁⲗⲓⲥⲧⲁ ⲉⲣϥ︥ⲉⲣⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲙⲓⲛⲉ, transl. Crum (modified); there is a quotation from Heb 10:31. 4 P. Mon. Epiph. 250, l. 4, ‘demon’ is a reconstruction by Crum. The text is broken: ϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲁ[---]. 5 KRU 86, ll. 35–36. 6 W. Till, Die koptischen Rechtsurkunden aus Theben, Vienna 1964, p. 163 (‘Besessenheit’); H. Förster, Wörterbuch der griechischen Wörter in den koptischen dokumentarischen Texten [= Texte und Untersuchungen 148], Berlin 2002, p. 159 (‘Besessenheit’). 7 O. Frange 338, ll. 7–14: ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲑⲉ̣ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲡⲱⲛⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓϣ ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲟⲩⲁϣⲏ ⲛ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲧⲱϩ ⲉⲛⲉϩⲃⲏⲩⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲟⲱⲟⲩ ⲁⲛ. 8 A. Solignac, ‘Homme intérieur’, [in:] Dictionnaire de la Spiritualité, vol. 7, Paris 1969, pp. 650–658; Ch. Markschies, ‘Innere Mensch’, [in:] RAC, vol. 18 (1998), pp. 266–312.

GOD

219

Based on the above examples, the general vision of the world could be described as pessimistic, but against the background of the entire Theban dossier, such reflections are scarce, and they seem like commonly shared wisdom rather than individual confessions. GOD

In such a hostile world, only God could save men from danger, although he was sometimes paired with the holy monks or the saints of the past who were able to effectively intercede before Him.9 Frange knew that God would help him even if people should fail (O. Frange 215). According to Peter, it was God’s mercy that was able to save him from bondage.10 It is difficult to say whether ‘bondage’ represented physical captivity or was a metaphorical definition of sin or temptation.11 However, we also have references that indicate that there was a correlation between human effort and God’s reward. Joseph wrote to ‘his beloved lords’: ‘I desire indeed to labour a little, so that the Lord may look upon my labour and may do a kindness unto me. For he gives to each according E.g., the exercise P. Unterricht Kopt. 194 (= O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 22/1), ll. 4–7: ⲁⲛϩⲉⲗⲡⲓⲍⲉ ⲉⲡⲛⲁ̅ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲡⲣ̄ ⲡⲙⲉⲉⲩ̣ⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲧⲉⲛⲯⲩⲭⲏ ⲟⲩⲁϣϥ̄, ‘We have laid hope in God’s mercy and the act of remembrance which our soul desired’. The piece is classified as a religious text. The remembrance was probably expected from Ezekiel who is invoked many times in the text – he might have been a rather a living pious monk rather than a saint of the past. R. Dekker, Episcopal Networks and Authority in Late Antique Egypt: Bishops of the Theban Region at Work [= Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 264], Leuven 2018, p. 206 n. 15, links this piece with Bishop Pesynthius, who might be, however, another saint invoked in the text. 10 P. Mon. Epiph. 190 (from Peter to Psan): ‘Perhaps God [will have] compassion on me and redeem [me from this] captivity (αἰχμαλοσία) [wherein] I am’ (transl. Crum, no Coptic text). 11 PGL, p. 54, s.v. gives the metaphorical meaning first, see AP, Theodore of Enaton 3: ‘If God reproaches us for carelessness in our prayers and infidelities in our psalmody (τὰς αἰχμαλωσίας τὰς ἐν ταῖς ψαλμῳδίαις), we cannot be saved’ (ed. PG 65, col. 197A, transl. Ward, p. 79). In LXX the word has often literal meaning, but in Coptic texts the interpretation of those passages if often spiritual; cf. ThLA lemma no. C8131 (ⲁⲓⲭⲙⲁⲗⲱⲥⲓⲁ), in: Coptic Dictionary Online, ed. by the Koptische/Coptic Electronic Language and Literature International Alliance (KELLIA), https://coptic-dictionary.org/entry.cgi?tla=C8131 (accessed 2021-06-19) and further examples in ANNIS corpus. 9

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to his labour that he accepts’.12 In Coptic, physical labour and suffering are denoted by the same word (ϩⲓⲥⲉ). In the light of the sentence above, it is a burden which should be accepted, and God will reward it. Refusal to undertake the task might result in a penalty as defined in another letter: ‘We testify unto you that our heart is sad on your account, because we have heard that you have renounced God’s work. But take courage and endure, lest you die’.13 We do not know whether the authors were concerned with failure to fulfil the assigned task or with the descent into sin, but it is important to us that it was ‘God’s work’.14 Just as God rewards for perseverance and accepting toil, so does he punish for rejecting it. SIN AND SINNERS

Frange emphasized in many points that he was a sinner. However, it is necessary to pay attention to the context in which this term appears. It accompanies, first of all, the letters whose addressees are held in special high regard by Frange, as can be judged from extended honorific titles: O. Frange 38 (to presbyters Job and Paul), O. Frange 48 (to Sabinus), O. Frange 145 (to mother Sara), O. Frange 186 (to the lord and brother Pelus), O. Frange 329 and 334 (to the lady and sister Tsie), O. Frange 494 (to ‘my brother and lord’), O. Medin. Habu Copt. 139 (to ‘good lord and brother’ Apa Theodore), O. Crum ST 267 (to ‘beloved brother’ Papa). However, Frange calls himself in this way also in very prosaic letters, in which he turns to the addressees with various requests (O. Frange 107, 122, 150, 491). In some cases in which he refers to himself as a sinner, the context is too damaged to judge 12 P. Mon. Epiph. 373, ll. 12–17 (from Joseph to NN ‘his lords’): ⲉⲓⲟⲩⲱϣ.[.] ϩⲱⲱⲧ ⲉϯϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲛⲧⲁⲣⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲁϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲛ̅ϥ̅ⲣ̄ ⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲛⲉⲙⲁⲓ ⲕⲉ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲉϣⲁⲣⲉϥϯ ⲙⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉϥϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲧⲉϥⲛⲁϣⲁⲡ̅ϥ̅ (transl. Crum, modified). 13 P. Mon. Epiph. 384, ll. 1–6 (from NN to NN): ⳨ ⲧⲛ︥ⲣ ⲙ̅︤ⲛ̅ⲧⲣⲉ ⲛⲁⲕ ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲛϩⲏⲧ ⲙⲟⲕ̅ϩ̅ ⲉⲧⲃⲏⲧⲕ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲥⲱⲧⲙ ⲁϫⲉ ⲁⲕⲕⲱ ⲧⲟⲟⲧ̅ⲕ̅ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲙ︥ⲡϩⲱⲃ ⲙ̅ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲧⲱⲕ ⲙ̅ⲙⲟⲕ ⲛ̅ⲅ̅ϩⲩⲡⲟⲙⲓ̈ⲛⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ⲧⲉⲕⲙⲟⲩ (transl. Crum, modified). 14 The phrase ‘Lord’s work’ also appears in P. Mon. Epiph. 439, l. 20 (from Isaac to Zebedee), but its meaning is completely ambiguous. As Crum points out, it is very likely that this is an echo of 1 Cor 15:58.

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their contents.15 Unsurprisingly, he never specifies the nature of the sins he has committed. Self-designation as a sinner never appears in the letters in which Frange reproaches or omits the praise of the addressee. All this proves that the term ‘sinner’ was for him not so much a confession of personal guilt, but an element of an etiquette on a par with the term ‘the humblest one’ (ἐλάχιστος). The letters from the Topos of Epiphanius abound in authors who identify themselves as sinners. Thus, the authors describe themselves as sinners in the letter to Epiphanius and Moses (P. Mon. Epiph. 120, 208), in the letter to Enoch, Epiphanius and Victor,16 in two letters to Apa Isaac and Apa Elias,17 in the letter to Apa Isaac and Apa Ananias,18 to Psan,19 to Moses,20 and to Zebedee.21 In the letter from Kamoul to Tabes with a prayer request, Epiphanius (probably as an already deceased saint) is also called upon. In the address, Kamoul called himself a sinner, but he most probably did so in contrast to the saints, whose intercession he was seeking (P. Mon. Epiph. 205). As in the case of letters from TT 29, we see almost no confession of sins in the Topos of Epiphanius, either. Although it is true that in the letter from David to Isaac, the latter writes ‘I have grown old (?) in sin’,22 but it is only an elaborated periphrasis for ‘the sinner’, and not a confession of any particular transgression. However, we have at least one notable exception, the letter P. Mon. Epiph. 373: This sinner beyond all the world (ⲡⲁⲓ̈ⲣⲉϥⲣ̄ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲁ ⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣϥ) writes unto his beloved lords and pious men: ‘Be so kind and pray for me, that the Lord set me up’; for I am a friendless man, but for God. I have none other except your charity. (Pray) that God would do a kindness unto me, (for) O. Frange 492, 524 – the addressees are ‘beloved and good brothers’; O. Frange 527 – ‘beloved brother’ Apa Samuel. 16 P. Mon. Epiph. 439 (from Sounika). 17 P. Mon. Epiph. 261 (from Joseph), 275 (from Menas). 18 P. Mon. Epiph. 356 (Besamon). 19 P. Mon. Epiph. 199 (from Eudoxia). 20 P. Mon. Epiph. 386 (from two women, Tatre and Katharon). 21 P. Mon. Epiph. 459 (from Isaac). 22 P. Mon. Epiph. 306: ⲁⲓⲣⲛⲟ̣ ϩ̅ⲛ̅ⲡⲛⲟⲃⲉ (transl. Crum). 15

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I am in great need. I desire indeed to labour a little, that the Lord may look upon my labour and may do a kindness unto me. For he gives unto each according to his labour that he does. Be so good, forgive me that I have been a little disobedient (ⲉⲓⲣ̄ ⲁⲧⲥⲱⲧⲙ ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲓ). Be not angry with me. (2½ lines intentionally erased.) Pray for my disobedience (ⲧⲁⲙⲛⲧⲁⲧⲥⲱⲧⲙ). God knows all things; (He knows) that I desire to obey (and) I desire to labour a little. Be so good and pray for me. Send me 2 asses, that I may get fodder with them. Here is the book. I have [?]. What is our bond? It is stretched continually [….]. If mine shall stretch, it will be undone. I have filled your head with words. Forgive me, for I am a babbler and I have sinned against God and against you (ⲁⲉⲓⲣ̄ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲉⲣⲱⲧ̄︤ⲛ̅). Forget me not and you [?]. If my remembrance will enter your heart, you will entreat the Lord for me. Give it unto the pious ones; from this humblest one.23

In this letter, the author directly confessed his disobedience, asked the addressee not only for forgiveness, but also to pray to God for the absolution of this transgression, which was a sin against the addressee, as well as God. A more concise confession of sin, using the words of the Gospel, occurs in P. Mon. Epiph. 114. Pkol wrote to father Hello: ‘I have sinned against heaven (and) in your sight. [For]give me […]’.24 The phrase ‘Forgive us our sins [---]’25 also closes a typical letter dealing with the business affairs between the author / authors and addressee /addressees, whom we do not know, but perhaps it also contained a confession of a particular trespass because the surviving part ends with ϫⲉ, which must have introduced some additional content. Therefore, while we may conclude that epistolary confessions are extremely rare in our data, we have evidence that they were not wholly inconceivable. We also find evidence showing that the misfortune befalling a human being was considered to be the result of sins. This is explicitly stated by P. Mon. Epiph. 373, transl. Crum, modified. P. Mon. Epiph. 114, ll. 4–6 (from Pkol to father Hello): ⲁⲓ̈ⲣ̄ ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲉ̣ⲧⲡ̅ⲉ̅ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲙ̄ⲧⲟ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ [ⲕⲱ ⲛ]ⲁ̣ⲓ̈ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ (transl. Crum, modified); cf. Luke 15:18: ⲁⲓⲣ̅ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲉⲧⲡⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲙ̄ⲧⲟ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ (ed. Horner, vol. 2, p. 300). 25 O. Lips. Copt. II 95, ll. x+16–17: ⲕ̣ⲱ̣ ⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲃ[ⲉ ⲉⲃ]ⲟⲗ ϫⲉ[---]. The date and provenance of the letter are unknown, but it most likely originates from the Theban area. 23 24

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Anastasius in the letter to Epiphanius, referring to the Persian invasion: ‘But all these things have befallen us on account of our sins’.26 Eudoxia wrote to Psan in a similar manner. For I have sinned against him and He will not bring forth the enemy from out me. For my iniquities and my sins are very, very many and they are heavy upon me and He hath given me over into the hand of mine enemies.27

Eudoxia’s trouble is referred to as ⲙⲁⲥⲧⲓⲅⲝ (lit. ‘whip’, but here rather suffering); Crum sees here ‘doubtless a bodily illness’.28 It is a plausible interpretation. If we were to accept it, the enemies would be the demons that cause disease: a belief common in antiquity (cf. p. 218).29 MONASTIC LIFE

In the opening of the letter to Mark, from whom they are expecting a delivery of oil, Frange and Moses wrote, ‘We know well that the heart of a solitary resembles the heart of the beast yoked in a waterwheel’.30 Frange himself appreciated the closeness (not necessarily physical one) of other monks. As he mentioned, he was one in the Lord with a certain monk Paul.31 In one exercise, Frange wrote, ‘pray for me so that God would give me my final years among the brothers since I am a stranger’.32 According P. Mon. Epiph. 200, ll. 8–9 (from Anastasius to Epiphanius): ⲧⲏⲣ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲗⲏⲛ ⲉⲣⲉⲛⲁⲓ̈ ϣⲱⲡ ⲙ̅ⲙⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲛ̅ⲛ̅ⲛⲟⲃⲉ (transl. Crum, modified). 27 P. Mon. Epiph. 199, ll. 10–13 (from Eudoxia to Psan): ⲁⲓ̈ⲣ ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲙ̅ϥ̅ⲛ ⲡⲓϫⲁϫⲉ ⲃⲟⲗ ⲛϩⲏⲧ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲁⲁⲛⲟⲙⲓ ⲙⲛⲛⲁⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲁϣⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲁⲩϩⲣⲟϣ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲉϫⲱⲓ̈ ⲁϥⲧⲁⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲧϥ ⲛⲛⲁϫⲁϫⲉ (transl. Crum). 28 P. Mon. Epiph. 70; it is a badly damaged literary piece containing a set of questions. We can read (ll. 11–12): ⲙⲙⲁⲥⲧⲓⲝ ⲅⲁⲣ [ⲙⲛ]ⲛⲕⲉⲁⲛⲁⲛⲅⲉ ⲙⲡⲥⲱⲙⲁ (‘plagues and other straits of the body’, transl. Crum). 29 It is also possible that the issues of the enemies and of the suffering are unrelated, and that the division is not clearly marked by the syntax. 30 O. Frange 84, ll. 1–5: ⳨ ⲁⲛⲉⲓⲙⲉ ⲛⲁⲙⲉ ϫⲉ ⲕⲉⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧ ⲙ̄ⲡⲣ̅ⲙ̅ⲟⲩⲗ ⲉⲕⲉⲣⲟⲡϩⲏⲧ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲧⲃ̄ⲛⲏ ⲉϥⲛⲁϩⲃ ⲉⲫⲁⲓ.̈ 31 O. Frange 327, there is probably an echo of John 10:30. 32 O. Frange 439, ll. 9–10: ϣ̣ⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲓ̈ ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧ̣ⲁϩⲁⲏ ⲉ̣ⲃ̣ⲟ̣ⲗ̣ ϩⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲟⲩϣ̣ⲙ̣. 26

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to Frange, monks, at least some of them, were beloved by God.33 In another letter, O. Frange 233, the fact that had he received – unexpectedly – grapes was attributed to the Lord (without any additional titles, so it probably refers to God), which is the proof of his belief in God’s vigilant Providence. As we already know (pp. 160–162), crops in particular were considered to be divine blessing. We find a unique reflection on the nature of the anchorite’s life and the need for, or even the duty to, maintain contact in a letter from an unknown sender to Moses (O. Frange 773): […] humble […] brotherhood salutes sweetness of your (sing.) brotherly [Lordship?] and I greet you (sing.) much. Thanks to my beloved brother whom I have sent to you, I have come to know that you are in good health (lit. I have found your good health: PP). Now, I have rejoiced greatly, since the good health of your (sing.) Love-towards-God is what I always seek after. Believe me, my beloved brother, that when I came to know that you are in good health through the mouth of my brother, it was as if I had seen you. Anyway, God has established the ordinance that everyone should salute his brother or whomever he loves (?). For the monasteries (lit. places) are separated from one another, so a man does not always meet his beloved, but the letter gives them a resemblance of each other. Have pity, if Jesus gives you (sing.) grace of recovery, (and) let your Brotherhood make us worthy of your (sing.) salutation. For this is how we comfort one another. Behold, this humble souvenir I have sent you through my brother. Since he informed me that you desire some fish sauce, I blamed you for not letting me know about it. For my brother Moses, the beginning of the month, humble [---].

I presented a detailed analysis of this letter in another publication.34 Suffice to say here, it contains references to both the Bible and the topoi in the Christian epistolography which are applied to express the tension P. Mon. Epiph. 462 (from NN, son of Mena, to Cyriacus): ⲡⲙⲉⲣⲓⲧ ⲛⲧⲉⲡ[ⲛⲡⲩⲧⲉ]; also found in Rom 1:7. Note that, in this Paul’s epistle, the ‘beloved by God’ are simultaneously ‘the holy called ones’ (ⲛⲉⲧⲧⲁϩⲙ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ). 34 P. Piwowarczyk, ‘O. Frange 773 as a micro-discourse on a solitary life in Western Thebes’, [in:] R. Matuszewski (ed.), Being Alone in Antiquity: Greco-Roman Ideas and Experiences of Misanthropy, Isolation and Solitude, Berlin 2021, pp. 101–117. 33

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between the ideal of solitude and desire of intimacy. This letter also shows the means, letters and gifts, by which the monks were able at the same time to stay in their cells and maintain lively communication. THEOLOGY PETRIFIED IN LANGUAGE

There is no doubt that religious beliefs affect language, but it is also important that the language itself – also the burdened with long tradition and formulaic one – may create and foster theological concepts. As a matter of fact, we have no other sources from which to discover the ideas and convictions of the past generations about God other than expressions formulated by them, in this case, recorded in writing. Although one could risk the claim that what people think of God is one thing and what they say about him is yet another, we do not have access to the thoughts, and the only reasonable approach is to have trust in the words. Below, I present several formulaic expressions found in the Theban letters. It is not just a list of formulae, because I believe that we can abstract a coherent theological worldview from them. I also believe that they contain something that I would call an implicit and petrified theology. ‘I swear by God’ –– ϯⲱⲣⲕ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ: ‘I swear by God’35 –– ϯⲱⲣⲕ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲡⲁⲛⲧⲟⲕⲣⲁⲧⲱⲣ: ‘I swear by God Almighty’.36 This phrase has analogy in the Bible, in Mark 5:7, ‘I swear you by God the Most High’, where we are dealing with a spell.37 Furthermore, it is often O. Lips. Copt. II 200, l. x+15 (from NN to NN). O. Lips. Copt. II 58, ll. 9–10 (from NN to Andrew of Hermonthis); P. Mon. Epiph. 179, ll. 5–6 (from Tachel, ‘your’ mother’, to Enoch); P. Mon. Epiph. 357 (from Besamon to Enoch). 37 Mark 5:7: ϯⲱⲣⲕ̄ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧϫⲟⲥⲉ (ed. Horner, vol. 1, p. 412). These are the words of a demon directed to Jesus. 35

36

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a formula in the text of ritual power (magical texts).38 However, there is a grammatical difference between Mark and magical texts, and the use of the phrase ‘I swear by God’ in the Theban correspondence: the target of the spell is rarely indicated in the letters explicitly. However, even if the addressee of the oath is not indicated,39 but remains only implicit, the purpose of the adjuration remains the same – God is called upon to enforce obedience in the addressee. We know that such a formula was used in informal communication.40 Such an oath enforced obedience through the power of God’s name. We see an example of its effectiveness in the Life of Pesynthius. A disciple of Pesynthius, John, explains his disobedience to his elder as follows: ‘Forgive me, O my father. When I had thrown him (i.e., shepherd: PP) out of the door, he swore mighty oaths to me (ⲁϥⲱⲣ︤ⲕ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲛ̄ϩⲉⲛⲛⲟϭ ⲛ̅ⲁⲛⲁϣ), and I was afraid of the oath which he swore in God (ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲓⲣ̄ϩⲟⲧⲉ ϩⲏⲧϥ̄ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁⲛⲁϣ ⲙ̄ⲡϫ̅ⲥ̅)’.41 In the Theban letters, first of all, we primarily deal with a precise such application of this phrase – as an adjuration by God. The phrase using the verb ⲧⲁⲣⲕⲟ, which clearly indicates adjuration, has a very similar meaning.42 Nevertheless, the phrase ϯⲱⲣⲕ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ is also a formula of a formal oath; such an opening was recorded in the letter O. Lips. Copt. II 349: ‘I swear to you by God that [---]’.43 Here, the purport of the phrase is different from the one above. God is called upon to witness the veracity of the words. Such a juridical context, however, seems to be of secondary importance in the letters.

E.g., PGM IV, l. 1240. However, what sometimes happens, e.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 190 (from Peter to Psan, no Coptic text). 40 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 59b, ed. Budge, pp. 107 (text), 300 (transl., modified): ϯⲱⲣⲕ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲡⲁⲛⲧⲱⲕⲣⲁⲧⲱⲣ, ‘I swear you by God Almighty’. 41 John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, fol. 61a, ed. Budge, pp. 108–109 (text), 302 (transl.). 42 P. Mon. Epiph. 473, l. 5 (from Cyriacus of Qus to Epiphanius): [ⲧⲁⲣ]ⲕⲟ ⲙ̄ⲙⲱⲧⲛ︥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲙ̅ⲡⲛ[ⲟⲩⲧⲉ]. 43 O. Lips. Copt. II 349: Ϯⲱ̣ⲣ̄[ⲕ] ⲛⲁⲕ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϫⲉ̣ [---ⲑⲉ]ⲟⲧⲟⲥⲓⲟⲥ [---]. 38

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God’s will and God’s orders –– ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉ: ‘If it is God’s will’44 –– ⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲟⲩⲱϣ: ‘If God wishes’45 –– ϩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ: ‘according to God’s will’ or ‘by God’s will’46 –– ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲱϣ: ‘If God desires’47 –– ϩⲓⲧⲙ̅ⲡⲟⲩⲱϣⲉ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ,48 ϩⲓⲧⲙ̄ⲡⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ:49 ‘by God’s will’ –– ϩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲭ̣(ⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟ)ⲥ̣: ‘by Christ’s will’.50 The Coptic phrases correspond to a well-known Greek formula present in both pagan and Christian texts: ἐὰν (or ἄν) θέλῃ ὁ θεός, or εἰ θέλημα θεοῦ.51 Even if the phrase was used in a conditional clause, its purport is identical to the phrase ‘according to God’s will’. The phrase ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϯⲑⲉ52 (‘If God give means’) has a rhetorically identical aim, but here the stress is shifted to God’s active help in fulfilling a given task. Another similar phrase is ⲥⲩⲛ ⲑⲱ: lit. ‘with God’, but with the meaning ‘according to God’s will’, as in the address ‘Moses, with God, the overseer’.53 P. Mon. Epiph. 236, ll. 11–12. The phrase is attested in the literary compositions, e.g., Life of Aaron 71, ed. Dijkstra & van der Vliet, p. 106, l. 25: ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉ, ‘(…) if it is God’s will’. 45 P. Mon. Epiph. 457, ll. 15–16: ⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲟⲩⲱϣ [ϯⲛⲏⲩ ⲉⲣⲏ]ⲥ, ‘if the Lord will, [I will come] south’ (transl. Crum). 46 O. Frange 223, ll. 4–5; O. Frange 664, l. 4; O. Lips. Copt. II 58, l. 14; O. Lips. Copt. II 73, l. 4 (restored); DRI 81A–C, ll. 10–11; P. Mon. Epiph. 133, l. 1 (partially restored); P. Mon. Epiph. 146, l. 5; P. Mon. Epiph. 216, ll. 9–10; P. Mon. Epiph. 451, l. 6 (partially restored). 47 O. Frange 449, l. x+7; O. Frange 629, l. 11; T. Markiewicz, ‘Five Coptic ostraca from Deir el-Bahri’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 29 (1999), pp. 79–84, at p. 80. 48 P. Mon. Epiph. 299, ll. 1–2. 49 O. Frange 454, l. 1. 50 O. Saint-Marc 4, ll. 18–19 (from Mark to NN). 51 G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C. Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo, Milan 1979, p. 110. 52 P. Mon. Epiph. 105, l. 6; P. Mon. Epiph. 382, ll. 6–7: ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϯ ⲧⲉϩⲓⲏ; probably similar idea in P. Mon. Epiph. 299: ‘that God would give me means to do his will’ (transl. Crum, no original text); cf. O. Frange 779, ll. 21–22 (from Mark to Moses): ⲉⲣϣⲁ(ⲛ)ⲡϫⲟⲓ̈ⲥ ϯⲑⲉ, ‘If the Lord gives means’. 53 P. Mon. Epiph. 360, ll. 8–9: ⲙⲱⲩ̈ⲥⲏⲥ ⲥ(ⲩ)ⲛ ⲑ(ⲱ) ⲡⲇⲓⲟⲓⲕ(ⲏⲧⲏⲥ); cf. P. Mon. Epiph. 151, l. 10. 44

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The expression σὺν θεῷ, was retained in Greek. In Christian letters, it is recorded already in the fourth century, but was also used by pagans.54 It rarely appears in the Theban area and never occurs at the beginning, but in Coptic letters it is generally well-attested,55 as well as in tax receipts.56 In the Theban correspondence, submission to God’s will is also expressed by the phrase ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ (lit. ‘according to God’),57 as in the phrase ‘I examined according to God, what is against justice’,58 or ‘[---] profitable to him according to God’.59 Here, the emphasis is not so much on God’s activity, but rather on the use of God as a measure, whatever that may mean: passages of the Scriptures, ecclesiastical norms, directions from the elder. Regardless of the specific source of the preferred attituded or behaviour, God is presented as a focal point of reference in each situation. The same idea is expressed through the phrase ‘[---] according to the law of God’.60 The conviction that future events are dependent on God’s will is reflected in the belief that the events which have already took place are manifestations of God’s rule over the Universe. They are referred to as divine ordinances by using the verbs ⲧⲱϣ (‘ordain’), ⲥⲟⲃⲧⲉ (‘prepare’, ‘set’), and a few more. –– ⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲱϣ: ‘God ordained’;61 ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲱϣ: ‘if God ordains’;62 ⲕⲁⲓ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲓ̈ⲥ ⲧⲱϣ: ‘since Jesus ordains’63 Tibiletti, Le lettere private (cit. n. 51), p. 110; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, Turnhout 2006, p. 105. 55 E.g., in CPR XXXIV: in the Fayumic dialect, see CPR XXXIV 58v, 61–62, 67, 73; in the Sahidic dialect, see CPR XXXIV 57, 64, 77. 56 Förster, Wörterbuch (cit. n. 6), p. 778, s.v. 57 Crum translates ‘with God’s guidance’. 58 P. Mon. Epiph. 264, ll. 4–5 (from NN to NN): ⲁⲓ̈ⲙⲁϣ̅ⲧ̅ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲡⲁⲣⲁ ⲡⲇⲓⲕⲉⲱⲛ ⲡⲉ. 59 P. Mon. Epiph. 140, l. 25 (from NN to NN): ⲉⲧⲱⲫⲉⲗⲉⲓ̣ ⲛⲁϥ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ; P. Mon. Epiph. 258, l. 17. 60 P. Mon. Epiph. 153. There is no original text given. The context is not completely clear, but most probably tantamount to ‘according to God’s will’. 61 O. Frange 58, l. 7; O. Lips. Copt. II 154, ll. 3–4. 62 O. Crum 94, l. 10; O. Frange 163, l .15; O. Frange 235, ll. 5–6; O. Frange 238, l. 2; P. Mon. Epiph. 221, l. 3; P. Mon. Epiph. 262, l. 5; P. Mon. Epiph. 304, l. 11. 63 P. Mon. Epiph. 221, l. 7. 54

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–– ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ: ‘if God ordains’64 –– ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲧⲱϣ ⲡϩⲱⲃ [---]: ‘[---] Lord settles the issue [---]’;65 ⲡⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉⲛⲁⲥⲃ︥ⲧⲱⲧϥ︥: ‘That which God will prepare’;66 ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲣ̅ϩⲛⲁϥ: ‘If it pleases God’67 –– ϩⲙ̄ⲧⲱϣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ: ‘according to God’s order’.68 These phrases express the accord between a given person’s actions and God’s intention. At the same time, they show that success of one’s action exclusively hinges on God. They do not belong exclusively to the monastic or ecclesiastical repertoire, for we also find them in the letters exchanged between laypersons.69 In some situations, however, reference to God’s will may actually indicate the will of the ecclesiastical authority. This could be the case of P. Mon. Epiph. 216, where ‘by God’s will’, Shenoute, lashane of Jeme, announces the summoning of the clergy to the church for a meeting with an ecclesiastical authority whose name is not stated. It can be safely assumed that this is an implementation of the will of the addressee. The omnipresent belief that the things which happen are a manifestation of God’s will can be found in Frange’s dossier. Frange’s profound theological assumptions included not only the conviction that he was driven by the will of God but also his characteristic confidence of the essential conformity of his views and knowledge – also in the field of business – with exactly God’s plan. Frange announces that he will come soon if such is the will of God (O. Frange 223). If God orders him, he will repay his debt to his brother Theodore (O. Frange 235). These phrases express the conviction that the results of human actions are uncertain, and their outcome is dependent on the will of God, which cannot be fathomed in any way. God may both help and hinder human actions. The latter is expressed with a letter written by the hand of Apa Aaron P. Mon. Epiph. 471, ll. 10–11. P. Mon. Epiph. 285, l. 12. 66 P. Mon. Epiph. 282, ll. 14–15. 67 O. Frange 778, ll. 2–3 68 O. Frange 263, ll. 14–15. 69 O. Crum 122 (from Azarias to Stratige, the lashane; Theban provenance probable). 64 65

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to a certain ‘brother’, ‘I believe that God will not bring you any trouble / labour this time’.70 God can also give an order or an instruction, ‘Perhaps God will give direction, for never have I gone alone in a matter such as this’.71 One of the examples of the idea that God determines the course of events is the expression ‘God has sent you’.72 For even the success of a journey depends on God’s will, who makes it possible, as expressed in the phrase ‘if the Lord eases (ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛⲧⲛ︥) your ways’.73 Thello emphasizes the nature of the obligations incumbent on the monastic or ecclesiastical authority: ‘as for you, God have given you an order that you care for the case of the poor’.74 Not only obligations but also specific circumstances were interpreted as God’s decisions. In a letter to Victor and Jeremias, some brothers mentioned a certain Andrew: ‘[R]egarding brother Andrew, behold, God fixed him to the place that he had received’.75 Andrew might have bought some property, or he inherited it; we do not know, but we do know that it was considered a divinely inspired act. Unknown authors of P. Mon. Epiph. 299 explained that they had no money but assure that they will send some ‘if God ordains some’.76 This does not mean, of course, that a direct intervention of God was expected, but rather, that they would receive some donation or would have an opportunity to earn some money. Another promise, made by a certain Phoebammon in the letter to Presbyter Apa John, should be understood in a similar manner: ‘But if O. Lips. Copt. II 66, ll. 9–11: ⲧⲉⲓⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϫⲉ ⲛⲁϯ ϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲛ̣ⲁⲕ ⲁⲛ ⲛ̄{ϣ}ⲡⲓⲥⲟⲡ. O. Crum VC 53, ll. 6–7 (from Athanasius to Presbyter Mark): ⲁⲣⲏⲩ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲣ ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲟⲓⲕⲏⲥⲓⲥ ϫⲉ ⲃⲱⲕ ϩⲛ̄ϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲧⲉⲓ̈ⲙⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁⲧ ⲉⲛⲉϩ, transl. Crum, reedition and commentary A. Boud’hors, ‘Athanasios, diacre de Tarau: un nouveau membre du réseau miaphysite autour du monastère d’Épiphane?’, Chronique d’Égypte 92 (2017), pp. 200–208. 72 O. Lond. Copt. I 36/3, ll. 13–14 (from NN to NN): ⲁ̣ⲡ̣ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲧⲛⲛⲟⲟⲩⲧⲕ. 73 P. Mon. Epiph. 462 (transl. Crum, modified); cf. P. Mon. Epiph. 324 with uncertain reading. Crum sees here an echo of Gen 24:42 and Jos 1:8; perhaps the phrase is an echo of Isa 42:16: ‘I will turn the darkness into light for them and the crooked places into a straight path (ⲉⲩⲥⲟⲟⲩⲧⲛ̄)’ (ed. and transl. Bąk). 74 P. Mon. Epiph. 300, l. 8 (from woman Thello to NN ‘fatherhood’): ⲛ̄ⲧⲟⲕ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲓⲕ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲛ̄ⲥⲁⲡϩⲱⲃ ⲛ̅ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲕⲉ. 75 P. Mon. Epiph. 218, ll. 5–7: ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲥⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲇⲣⲉⲁⲥ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁϥⲧⲁϭⲥ̣ϥ︥ ⲉⲡⲙⲁ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁϥϫⲓⲧϥ︥ (transl. Crum, modified). 76 P. Mon. Epiph. 299, ll. 15–16: ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲱϣ ⲟⲩⲟⲛ. 70 71

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God ordain, by the 5th, or the 1st (of the month), whatsoever I shall find, I will buy it and will send it you’.77 Similarly, when Frange explained why he cannot donate more grain, he excused that he was fllowing the order of things established by God: ‘As God ordains in heavens and on the earth, I do not owe you more grain than another made of grain’.78 Since it is God who urges to act, the actions themselves fulfil God’s will, or – as the texts put it – God’s justice, even if it concerns banal activities. Isaac wrote to a certain Thello: ‘[D]o (pl.) God’s justice with the brothers regarding the chattels that are with you (pl.)’.79 Abraham, in his letter to Presbyter Ananias and Isaac (also presbyter?), instructed the addressees to make some unknown division: ‘[M]ake such a division for them according to the justice of God, not showing favour to either one of them and not allowing them to influence you before you made the division’.80 God’s justice is not the implementation of any specific law but rather the general idea of equality, the guardian of which is God, who acts through bishop and monks. Abraham’s successor, Victor, appealed to divine justice when he wrote to the lashanes, asking for a fair distribution of burdens on the peasants who had turned to him for his protection.81 It seems, however, that not only the monks and bishops had to determine what was considered to be just according to God. A letter written by the headman and a ‘great man’ of Tche to Kyrios Phoebammon is apparently a petition to secular authorities, who were expected to give judgment according to God’s justice.82 77 P. Mon. Epiph. 471, ll. 10–15: ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ ϣⲁⲥⲟⲩϯⲟⲩ ⲏ ⲥⲟⲩⲙⲏⲧ ⲡⲉϯⲛⲁϩ̣ⲉ̣ ⲉⲣⲟϥ̣ (transl. Crum). 78 O. Frange 238, ll. 2–7: ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲱϣ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲡⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲓϫⲙ̅ⲡⲕⲁϩ ⲙⲛⲧⲁⲕ ⲕⲉⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲛ̄ⲥⲟⲩⲟ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ̈ ϣⲁⲕⲉⲙⲁϫⲉ ⲛ̄ⲥⲟⲩⲟ. 79 P. Mon. Epiph. 407, ll. 3–5: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧ̅ⲛ̅ⲣ̄ ⲡⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ⲛⲓⲥ̣[ⲛ]ⲏ̣ⲩ ϩⲁⲛ̄ⲥⲕⲉⲩⲉ ⲥⲧⲛ̄ⲧⲟⲧⲧⲏⲩⲧ̅ⲛ̅ (transl. Crum, modified). 80 O. Crum 62 (M. Krause, Apa Abraham von Hermonthis: Ein oberägyptischer Bischof um 600. Texte und Kommentare, vols 1–2, PhD thesis, Berlin, Humboldt-Universität 1956, no. 56), ll. 9–16: ⲛ̣ⲧ̣ⲉ̣ⲧⲛⲛⲟⲩ ⲡⲧⲟϣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲇ̣ⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲧⲙ︥ⲁⲣⲉⲥ̣ⲕⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ ⲙⲡⲥⲛⲁⲩ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲙⲡⲣⲕⲁⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲁ̣ⲣⲁⲅⲉ ⲙⲙⲱⲧⲛ︥ ϣⲁⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛ︥ⲛⲟϩ̅ϥ̅ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ (transl. Crum, modified). 81 O. Crum ad. 60. Victor writes ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛϣⲁϣⲟⲩ ⲙⲛⲛⲉⲩⲉⲣⲏⲩ ⲡⲣⲟⲥ ⲡⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲓⲛ ⲙⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ (ll. 12–13: ‘make them equal one with another according to the justice of God’, transl. Crum) and ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲙⲡⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲛϣⲁϣⲟⲩ ⲙⲛⲛⲉⲩⲉⲣⲏⲩ (ll. 16–17, ‘do God’s justice and make them equal one with another’, transl. Crum). 82 O. Crum ad. 25 (from Karnak).

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‘God knows’ –– ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ: ‘God knows’; ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ: ‘God, the one who knows’; ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ: ‘the Lord knows’.83 These expressions have an equivalent in Greek οἶδεν (γὰρ) ὁ θεός and is also well attested in the Coptic documentary letters from the fourth century ad. They may echo biblical passage 2 Cor 11:11: ὁ θεὸς οἶδεν,84 but are attested even earlier, in Septuagint and in Philo.85 I have not, however, been able to find any examples in ‘pagan’ literature or in non-Christian papyri. ‘God knows’ phrase was applied in multiple ways. It was sometimes used as a form of calling upon God as a witness; such understanding could be demonstrated by the invocative form ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲕⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ, ‘God, you know’, employed in one of the letters.86 In general, however, the addressee of the phrase ‘God knows’ is not God himself but the addressee of the letter. The expression can be a simple invocation of God as a witness to the sincerity of words and intentions, especially as an assurance of the honesty in economic transactions, especially in terms of measures and prices.87 O. Col. inv. 583, ed. R. Dekker, ‘Coptic ostraca relating to Bishop Abraham of Hermonthis at Columbia University’, Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 57 (2020), pp. 75–115, no. 10; O. Crum ST 196 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 4); O. Frange 51, 172, 213, 237, 321, 345, 762, 768; O. Ifao. inv. OC 246 (C1880), ed. Ch. Heurtel, ‘Une nouvelle rencontre avec le prêtre Marc’, [in:] A. Boud’hors & C. Louis (eds), Études coptes XIV: Seizième journée d’études (Genève, 19–21 juin 2013) [= Cahiers de la Bibliothèque copte 21], Paris 2016, pp. 143–152, at p. 144; O. Theb. 28; O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 33 (= O. Vind. Copt. 238); O. Lips. Copt. II 66; O. Ramesseum no. 44, ed. Ch. Heurtel, ‘Les ostraca coptes du Ramesseum (suite III)’, Memnonia 23 (2012), pp. 71–80, at p. 57; O. Saint-Marc 224; P. Dezaunay, ed. H. Sottas, ‘Une nouvelle pièce de la correspondance de Saint Pesunthios’, [in:] Recueil d’études égyptologiques dédiées à la mémoire de Jean-François Champollion, Paris 1922, pp. 494–502; P. Hoogendijk 45; P. Mon. Epiph. 140, 178, 200, 214, 217, 236, 238, 242, 298, 301, 339, 344, 455, 457–459, 471. 84 Choat, Belief and Cult (cit. n. 54), p. 78 n. 330 and p. 106. 85 Prov 4:27a: ὁδοὺς γὰρ τὰς ἐκ δεξιῶν οἶδεν ὁ θεός, ‘[F]or God knows the ways on the right’, transl. Pietersma & Wright, p. 627; Philo, De decalogo 18.2: τὰς γὰρ ἀληθεῖς οἶδεν ὁ θεὸς μόνος. 86 P. Mon. Epiph. 433, l. 6 (from Tagape to NN, perhaps Epiphanius). 87 The phrase ‘God knows’ also reinforces the assurances about the reliability of completed economic transactions, especially in terms of measures and prices. 83

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Nevertheless, ‘God knows’ can be a rhetorical reinforcement of a threat, which is prominent in Frange’s dossier. Frange threatened David with God’s wrath in case he would not heed his request: ‘God knows that if you do not send them to me in haste, your heart will suffer. And I believe that God will disperse you this year’.88 In this way, Frange reinforced his threat of estrangement in the event of further disfavour shown to him by his correspondents.89 Elsewhere, these words are intended to bolster up the threat of inevitable negative consequences if the addressees will not follow the sender’s wishes: ‘Lord knows that if you will not send (it) all together there will be a split between us. As for me, I will observe never to pass you by’.90 Only rarely does this phrase refer to divine knowledge about hidden things or about the future, but the confession ‘God knows that I am a wretched man’,91 or ‘God knows that I am sad’92 may be viewed as recognition of God’s knowledge about the true nature of the human heart (that is, about human sinful nature, cf. pp. 220–223). The phrase ‘God knows’ was also used with a direct object, which is a rare case, as in the sentence: ‘God knows my proclivity toward you and my love’.93 God’s knowledge was believed to be based on his knowledge of the unexpressed of a human being – ‘their heart’.94 God also knows human suffering and disease, as O. Frange 51, ll. 7–15: ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲕϫⲟⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ϩⲛ̄ ⲟⲩϭⲉⲡⲏ ⲡⲉⲕϩⲏⲧⲛⲁϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ϯⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ϫⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉⲛⲁϫⲁⲣⲉⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ. We might have here an echo of Ps 52:6; cf. very similar threat in O. Frange 177. 89 O. Frange 345, ll. 7–8, 12–13: ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ϫⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ϯϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁϩⲏⲧ (...) ϣⲁⲓ̈ⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲡϣⲙ̄ⲙⲟ ϣⲁⲛⲧⲁⲙⲟⲩ, ‘God knows that if you (pl.) make my hear suffer (…) I (will) go abroad until I die’. 90 O. Frange 768, ll. 28–33 (from NN to NN): ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲧⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ϫⲉ ⲉⲕⲧⲙ̅ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲁⲛⲧⲱⲥ ⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲁⲫⲟⲣⲁ ⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲟⲩⲧⲱⲛ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ϩⲱ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲓⲉⲥ ⲉⲧⲙ̅ϫⲱⲃⲉ ⲙ̅ⲙⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲉⲛⲉϩ; for the meaning of ⲇⲓⲁⲫⲟⲣⲁ, see O. Frange, p. 409. 91 P. Mon. Epiph. 178, ll. 15–16: ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲟ̣ⲕ̣ ⲟⲩϩⲏⲕⲉ. 92 O. Frange 779, ll. 4–6: ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ϫⲉ ⲁⲓ̈ⲣⲭ︥ⲟⲗⲏ ⲧⲟⲛⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲙ̅ⲡⲓⲁⲡⲁⲛⲧⲁ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲛ̄ⲥⲁϥ, ‘God knows that I am very sad since I did not meet you’. 93 P. Mon. Epiph. 459, ll. 16–17 (from Isaac to Zebedee): [---ⲡ]ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲧⲁⲡⲣⲟϩⲉⲣⲉⲓⲥⲓⲥ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲙⲛⲡⲁⲟⲩⲱϣ. 94 P. Mon. Epiph. 298, ll. 22–23: ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲙ̄ⲡⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁϩⲏⲧ, ‘The Lord knows my heart’s desire…’ (transl. Crum). 88

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GLIMPSES OF AN UNEXPRESSED SYSTEM

O. Theb. 28 states.95 The reference to this aspect of divine knowledge in the letter did not serve to emphasize God’s omniscience as an abstract category, but to persuade the addressee to support the ones who are in need. It is far more challenging to find evidence of an appeal to divine foreknowledge. It is, however, undoubtedly presupposed by the sentence ‘I speak with you, and we confirm the matter unless trouble afflict us, God knows’.96 The phrase ‘God knows’ could be understood here like ‘what God knows as the only one who knows the future events’. This is how one may interpret the letter from Anastasius to Epiphanius dealing with military actions in the Theban region: ‘And God knows, if they should seize Ne, the whole district will be in great danger’.97 However, we cannot unequivocally state the author’s intention here. Although Anastasius ostensibly refers here to divine foreknowledge, he does not provide any sources of his conviction (personal revelations, dreams, sources etc.), but merely rhetorically enhances his own diagnosis of the situation by taking God as a witness.98 ‘For the sake of the Lord’ and similar expressions This phrase appears in many variants, but all of them are expansions of a basic form which is given as the first one below: –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ: ‘for the sake of God’99 –– [ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛ]ⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲧⲁⲙ̣[ⲛⲧϭⲱⲃ]: ‘for the sake of God an my weakness’100 O. Theb. 28, ll. 12–15: ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲛ̄ⲧⲟⲥ ⲙⲛ̄ⲛⲉϣⲉⲣⲉ ⲉ̣ⲙ̄ⲛ̣ⲧⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ⲣ̄ϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲁϩⲃ, ‘God knows that she and her children each one of them have pains in the neck’ (transl. Thompson). 96 P. Mon. Epiph. 214, ll. 12–14: ⲛⲧⲁϣⲁϫⲉ ⲛⲙⲙⲏⲧⲛ ⲛⲧⲛⲱⲣϫ ⲡϩⲱⲃ ϫⲉⲛⲛⲉⲡⲓ[ⲣⲁ]ⲥ̣ⲙⲟⲥ ⲧⲁϩⲟⲛ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲥⲟⲩⲛ; see Crum’s commentary in P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 210. 97 P. Mon. Epiph. 200, ll. 6–7: ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲩϣⲁⲛϫⲓ ⲛⲏ ϣ[ⲁ]ⲣⲉⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲧⲏⲣⲥ︥ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩⲁⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛ̄ⲕⲓⲛⲇⲩⲛⲟⲥ (transl. Crum, modified). 98 Similarly, e.g., P. Mon. Epiph. 117. 99 O. Frange 89, 100, 106, 164, 165, 177, 201; O. Saint-Marc 185, 194; P. Mon. Epiph. 185, 217, 257, 336, 458. 100 O. Crum ST 287 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 9). 95

THEOLOGY PETRIFIED IN LANGUAGE

235

–– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲯⲩⲭⲏ: ‘for the sake of God and salvation of your souls’ (O. Frange 110) –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ̈ ⲛⲧⲉⲕⲯⲩⲭⲏ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲕϣⲏⲣⲉ: ‘for the sake of God, the salvation of your soul and salvation of your children’ (O. Frange 120) –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ: ‘for the sake of God and monastery’101 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡϩⲁⲅ[?] ⲓⲱϩⲁⲛⲛⲏⲥ: ‘for the sake of God and saint John’102 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲁ̣ⲙⲛⲧⲉⲗⲁⲭⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥ: ‘for the sake of God and for the sake of my humility’ 103 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲁ̣ⲙⲛⲧⲉⲗⲁⲭ(ⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥ): ‘for the sake of God and also for the sake of my humility’104 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲱⲥ ⲥ̣ⲟ̣ⲛ̣[---]: ‘for the sake of God and like a brother [---]’105 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩ̣ⲧ̣ⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲧⲁ̣ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲧⲧⲁⲗⲉⲡⲟⲣⲟⲥ: ‘for the sake of God and my miserability’106 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲉϩⲙⲉ ⲛ̄ϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣϥ̅ ⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧϥ̅: ‘for the sake of forty days because of which the whole universe stood’107 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ: ‘for the sake of the Lord’108 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ: ‘for the sake ok the Son of God’109 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲙ[ⲙⲛ]ⲧϣⲁⲛϩⲧⲏϥ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ: ‘for the sake of God’s mercy’110 –– ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅: ‘For the sake of the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ’.111 P. Mon. Epiph. 332, l. 5. O. Frange 768 (from NN to NN, Moses). 103 O. Lips. Copt. II 164, ll. x+4–8. 104 O. Frange 53, ll. 21–22 (from Frange to Cyricus). 105 O. Frange 158, l. 11; the reading of the last word remains tentative. 106 O. Lips. Copt. II 80, ll. 13–17: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲁⲡⲏ ⲛⲅ︥ⲁ̣ⲁ̣ⲥ̣ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩ̣ⲧ̣ⲉ ⲙⲛ︥ ⲧⲁ̣ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲧⲧⲁⲗⲉⲡⲟⲣⲟⲥ ⲛ̣̄ⲅϫ̣ⲁ̣ⲩ̣ [ⲛⲁ]ⲓ̣̈ [---]. 107 O. Frange 45, ll. 15–17. Forty days probably means Lent. 108 Ostracon TT 85/92, ed. H. Behlmer, ‘Christian use of pharaonic sacred space in Western Thebes: the case of TT 85 and 87’, [in:] P. F. Dorman & B. M. Bryan (eds), Sacred Space and Sacred Function in Ancient Thebes, Chicago 2007, pp. 163–175, at p. 166. 109 O. Frange 212; P. Mon. Epiph. 295. 110 O. Frange 585, ll. x+2–3. 111 P. Mon. Epiph. 498, ll. 1–3. 101

102

236

GLIMPSES OF AN UNEXPRESSED SYSTEM

All these phrases are primarily intended to induce the addressee to act in a specific manner or to adopt the attitude desired by the author: ‘I request you to do it for God’s sake’,112 or more precisely, ‘Let your compassion be with him for God’s sake’.113 It also expresses an action for the sake of something, aiming at some specific good. Very similar meaning has also the formula ϩⲁⲡⲛⲟⲟⲩⲧⲉ114 and ϩⲁⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ,115 ‘for the love of God’, which expresses amazement with negative overtones.

P. Mon. Epiph. 458, l. 10: ⲉⲓⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉⲓ ⲛ̄ⲙⲟⲕ ⲛ̅ⲅ̅ⲁⲥ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. P. Mon. Epiph. 185 (from Joseph to John and Enoch, transl. Crum). 114 O. Frange 259, l. 32; P. Mon. Epiph. 407, l. 3: ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲁⲁⲥ ϩⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ, ‘and do it for God’s sake’. 115 O. Frange 85, ll. 9–10; SB Kopt. V 2164, ll. 8–9, editio princeps and commentary K. Blouin, ‘Frange and Moses to Matthaios (O. Col. inv. 100): Another piece of the Frange dossier’, Archiv für Papyrusforschung 57 (2011), pp. 73–78. 112

113

CONCLUSIONS

I

n the light of the available evidence, the monks of the wider Theban area formed a close-knit and relatively homogeneous group in sixth–eighth centuries. If the pro-Chalcedonian monks were active in this area at that time (and they probably were, at least in the towns), then their presence has left no clear traces in our sources. Perhaps, it might be explained by the fact that letters were neither a medium used in expounding, nor in discussions on theological issues, which is evident in the material collected in the present book. The doctrinal texts in Thebes were not only read and transcribed in codices, but also exhibited on the premises of monasteries, like dipinti on the walls of the Topos of Epiphanius. Nevertheless, in the letters exchanged between the Theban monks, doctrinal debates are of no importance. Personal piety is also expressed to a limited extent in the letters. Again, the numerous graffiti scattered across the walls of monastic dwellings and rocks in the inner desert were the more common medium of personal religious expression in writing. Invocations to saints and prayers for their mediation were executed in specific locations. These places must have been associated with a specific presence of a given saint, his tomb (as in the Topos of Epiphanius) or a church or monastery dedicated to him. By their very nature, letters were not tied to a place, although they may be related to a person: hence, they were capable of carrying a monk’s blessing and sometimes even constitute a blessing themselves. Most likely, the expression of religious content took place in the sphere of the spoken word, volatile by nature; primarily, by participating in the liturgy. Of course, both liturgical books and convenient aids on papyri and ostraca were used, but most liturgical activity did not leave any traces in writing.

238

CONCLUSIONS

Religious issues were also discussed during personal meetings. The Sayings of the Desert Fathers regularly encouraged monks to conduct discussions on the subject of piety. This does not mean, however, that religious speculation and matters relating to individual piety were not allowed to be included in the letters. The fact that the letters of Barsanuphius and John were quoted many times in this book proves that not only was this possible, but also far from exceptional, at least in Palestine. In the monastic letters from Western Thebes, as in the letters from Egypt in general, there are few traces of such practice. Letters of this kind must have been a drop in the ocean of everyday correspondence. However, we do find these drops here and there: such as O. Monastery of Cyriacus 15 – a request for specific spiritual directions – or O. Frange 773 with the reflections on monastic asceticism. Still, these are isolated cases. Perhaps, this should not surprise us so much. After all, even the letters by the hermits of Gaza are a deliberately prepared and edited selection from what was probably a much more extensive body of correspondence. The epistolary dossiers of Epiphanius and Cyriacus have not been edited by their successors in a similar way. The letters of Bishop Pesynthius of Coptus testify to the degree of incompleteness in reconstructing an individual’s religious life from the correspondence. Pesynthius’s papyrus dossier contains scarce religious content, of which there is a lot less than in the correspondence of Bishop Abraham or Frange, not to mention Epiphanius. Meanwhile, when we reach for the Life of Pesynthius, it turns out that we are looking at a man who was recognized as worthy of hagiographical account shortly after his death, which means that he must have already enjoyed the aura of holiness during his lifetime. We have strong grounds to argue that Epiphanius was the object of a local cult as well, although it did not survive long. In the letters addressed to him, we can sense the conviction of his sanctity on the part of their authors, while in the letters to Pesynthius, it is not discernible. Monastic microtheologies expressed in the letters represent primarily implicit theology, petrified in the language and very often of formulaic character. Greeting formulas, religiously meaningful titles of the addresses, request for prayer and blessing, invocations: all these elements were subject to considerable standardization. This does not mean, however, that

CONCLUSIONS

239

religious beliefs cannot be discerned in them. Quite the contrary is true. They are valuable precisely because certain religious concepts were internalized in such a way that their use was self-explanatory, and they were not subject to problematization. The belief in the special sanctity of monks, the value of their prayers, ubiquitous human sinfulness, and the importance of divine providence – repeated many times over – became obvious and gives us an insight into the supra-individual dimension of the religious worldview in Western Thebes. This is crucial because even if the author of the letter and the scribe who wrote it were two different persons, we can safely assume that they both shared the beliefs expressed therein – even if the latter wrote them down partly in his own words. Someone might object, however, that these are only formulas with the content of which their authors did not have to identify: handy instruments for expressing an attitude of humbleness or praise of the addressee. The far-reaching variability that affects even formulaic phrases such as ‘God knows’ or ‘according to God’s will’, not to mention asking for prayers or assurances of blessing, seems to disprove such objections. We can clearly see that the same idea could be conveyed in different words, something could be added or subtracted, which already implies deliberate elaboration, and not pure repetitiveness. Thus, the language of religious expression in the Theban letters presents a tension between the formula expressing what is general and unreflective and relative freedom in expressing what is individual and deliberate. However, there also are forms of expressing religious issues which are frequent and highly individualized, namely, biblical references of a very different nature, ranging from echoes and allusions to verbal citations, preceded by introductory formulas of the ‘it is written’ type. The biblical references are extremely diverse and although their use varies in intensity among authors (with a clearly visible predilection in Frange’s correspondence), they appear in the letters by authors from all sites. Such references demonstrate two important issues. Firstly, they show extensive knowledge of the Bible among the Theban monks. Certainly, not mastered to the same degree by all of them, but at least the Psalms seem to belong to the lingua franca of this milieu. The number of citations from other religious literature (Shenoute, apophthegms, liturgical texts)

240

CONCLUSIONS

is very low (although some may remain unrecognized), which proves that they were not deeply internalized texts, although they were read in at least some monastic cells. Secondly, however, we can see that the interiorization of these texts proceeded so far that they have been used in completely non-religious contexts as rhetorical tools serving to praise or issue a threat. At the same time, the biblical text was often trimmed or modified according to the specific needs. Here, we probably have an insight into the everyday language of Theban monks, who created their own idiolect in which biblical phrases served even mundane needs. Finally, one must ask to what extent the microtheologies of Theban monks, as we see them in the light of their letters, were specific to this area. It is not actually possible to answer this question. We simply do not have a comparable corpus of letters from other parts of Egypt. In the light of what we have, however, many linguistic phenomena appear widespread. Some of them functioned in epistolary practice as early as in the fourth century (the largest group of letters of comparable character are in fact the fourth-century monastic dossiers), also in Greek. Certain characteristics seem to be specific to the local community – e.g., the use of angelic titles in relation to the addressee – but since we have only isolated letters from outside the Theban region, the impression of being characteristic may only be a source bias. It seems that it is safe to assume that the Theban correspondence gives us an example of theological linguistic expression typical of Egyptian monks with an average cultural background (neither are we dealing with Evagrius nor with illiterates). Perhaps the language and religious imagery display some characteristic features here, but caution needs to be exercised when identifying them. Since locality can be seen in epigraphy and in invocations to local saints, therefore, it can be assumed that it also looms from the letters. For example, the repeated use of certain biblical quotations in similar contexts by different authors may be viewed as an indication that the Theban letters had their own local religious language as well.

INDICES 1. SCRIPTURAL INDEX quoted passages given in bold

Gen – 30 3:19 – 121 15:5 – 125 22:12–16 – 98 24:42 – 230 28:13 – 98 28:20 – 98 34:1–37 – 125 37:28 – 98 Exod – 98 15:1–21 – 98 Lev – 31, 98, 56 Num – 31, 98, 168 Deut – 31, 98 28 – 121 34:1–3 – 98 1 Kgs (= 1 Sam) 4:4 – 86 5:2 – 118 15:22 – 119 16:17 – 119 2 Kgs (= 2 Sam) – 98 24:23 – 165

3 Kgs (= 1 Kgs) 17:14 – 65 21:31 – 119 4 Kgs (= 2 Kgs) 5:27 – 149 1 Ezra (= Ezra) 9:22–23 – 99 Job – 98 7:6 – 121 7:16 – 121 19:14 – 119 29:23 – 119 Ps – 98–100 1 – 103, 165 1:1 – 101–102, 119 1:1–2 – 102 1:1–3 – 99 7:11 – 101 8 – 102 14:2 – 99 16:3–4 – 103 18:18 – 98 19:1–3 – 100

242



21:23–29 – 98 30:2–8 – 112 31 – 165 33:2–5 – 99 33:13–15 – 102 33:16 – 119 33:22 – 98 34:1 – 98 37:12 – 119 38:5 – 122 38:7 – 122 38:14 – 122 38:16 – 122 39:1 – 102 40 – 165 40:1–2 – 98 41:2 – 119 43:2 – 119 45:2 – 119 45:10–11 – 99 46 – 170 50:1–2 – 98 50:12 – 99 52:6 – 233 57:36 – 100 60:8 – 103 65:10–15 – 102 67:31–33 – 119 69:2 – 206 72:17 – 59 72:26 – 111 73:12 – 102 75:4 – 119 76:14–16 – 103 80:14–15 – 119

INDICES



81:6 – 91 83: 3–6 – 102 87:2–3 – 1–2 88:4–5 – 99 89:10 – 218 90 – 171 90:3 – 113 91:1 – 98, 113 94:3 – 102 98:6 – 119 100:2 – 103 101:12 – 122 101:22 – 101 103:1–6 – 99 104 – 102 106:22 – 119 109:1–4 – 103 11 – 165 112:5–6 – 119 117:7 – 113 117:11 – 113 118 – 102, 165 118:26–27 – 99 127 – 165 127:5 – 165 132 – 103 133:3 – 165 135:5–24 – 98 142:2 – 122 142:6 – 119 144:20–21 – 103 145 – 103 145:9–10 – 103 148:3–9 – 112 148:6 – 102

SCRIPTURAL INDEX

149:1–6 – 103 Prov 1:7 – 107–108 4:27 – 232 13:7 – 98 13:13 – 98, 119, 127 14:29 – 119 19:14 – 119 Eccles 2:14 – 122 8:8 – 122 Wis 65:1 – 122 Sir 28:16 – 188 Isa – 98 1:1–4 – 100 5:18–24 – 98 23:1 – 98 41:28–29 – 99 42:16 – 230 59:11–16 – 99 66:23 – 99 66:34 – 99 90:9–17 – 99 Jer – 30, 31, 99 9:24 – 120 39:8 – 99 Lam 3:39–52 – 99 Ezek 3:4–18 – 99 37:1–14 – 99 Dan – 30 3:57 – 99

Joel 1:1–2 – 99 Hab 1:1–2 – 99 Matt – 30, 99, 125 4:23 – 119 5:14 – 109, 119 5:32 – 119 5:37 – 119 6:24 – 119 7:2 – 119, 127 12:50 – 119 18:6 – 119 18:20 – 72 22:37 – 119 24:42 – 122 25:13 – 122 25:40 – 125 25:46 – 122 26:24 – 119 26:67 – 119 27:4 – 120 27:25 – 120 28:13 – 120 28:18 – 120 Mark – 99, 102, 125 1:24 – 59 5:7 – 225 10:12 – 120 12:41–44 – 122 14:7 – 120 14:21 – 120 Luke – 125 1:28 – 99 1:42 – 99 2:25 – 95

243

244

4:34 – 59 6 – 102 6:37 – 120 10:16 – 120, 127 10:21 – 120 10:27 – 119 12:32–33 – 100 15:18 – 222 16:13 – 119 16:18 – 120 18:2 – 120 21:2–4 – 122 John – 30–31, 125–126 1:1 – 120 8:32 – 120 10:30 – 120, 127, 223 13:18 – 120 21:18 – 103 21:21–22 – 103 Acts – 29, 31, 56, 123 1:18 – 122 3:25 – 63 5:1 – 122 6:15 – 88 8:20 – 149 8:26–29 – 100 9:40 – 102 27:9–11 – 99 Rom – 125 1:1–4 – 99 1:7 – 56, 224 14:5–6 – 103 14:10–13 – 102 15:4 – 120 1 Cor – 125

INDICES

1:2 – 56 1:31 – 120 7:32 – 120, 126 13:4 – 120 13:8 – 122 15:6–7 – 102 15:58 – 220 2 Cor 9:5–12 – 186 11:11 – 232 11:12 – 20 Gal 1:20–2:2 – 100 2:6 – 120 2:11–12 – 100 2:14–16 – 100 3:5–8 – 100 Eph 1:1–3 – 99 4:13 – 145 6:24 – 120 Phil – 125 2:7–8 – 120 2:12 – 121 3:13 – 120, 126 4:12 – 120 1 Thess – 125 3:10 – 120 4:9 – 120 5:1 – 120 5:14 – 120 2 Thess 1:3 – 109, 120 2 Tim – 125 1:1 – 100

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS

2:3–4 – 102 4:5 – 121 4:6 – 121 4:19 – 100 4:19–20 – 100 4:19–22 – 100 Tit 1:2 – 100 Philemon 12 – 121 Heb – 102 10:31 – 121, 218 12:29 – 121 1 Peter 1:16 – 56 2:25 – 121, 209

245

1 John 2:17 – 121 3:17 – 121 5:17 – 121 2 John 8 – 121 Jas 1:12 – 121 1:25 – 121 2:13 – 122 5:16 – 121–122, 142, 144 Rev – 81, 105 Apocrypha 4 Ezra 4:36 – 93 2. INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS quoted passages given in bold

Papyri and ostraca BKU I 110 – 56, 68 I 151 – 201, 208 I 180 – 34 II 258 – 211 II 290 – 118 II 318 – 118, 151 CPR XXXIV 57 – 228 XXXIV 58v – 228



XXXIV 61–62 – 228 XXXIV 64 – 228 XXXIV 67 – 228 XXXIV 73 – 228 XXXIV 77 – 228

O. Ashm. Copt. 18 – 154, 168 19 (= O. Crum VC 81) – 167, 168, 207 O. Bachit 30 – 100

246

INDICES

61 – 100 124 – 101 133 – 101 216 – 101 231 – 101 245+404+405+406+407 – 101 277 – 101 457+458+459+460+550+562+660+ 910+1100 – 101 652+658 – 101 757+758+759+760 – 101 775 – 101 825 – 101 1005 – 101 1055 – 101 1080 – 39–40 1090 – 101 1350+1366 – 101 1428 – 101 1502+1507 – 101 1508+1548 – 101 1576 – 101 1577+1578+1579+1580+1581 – 101 1589 – 101 1597+1598+1599+1600 – 101 2002+2009 – 101 2015 – 101 2314 – 101 O./P. Berlin inv. 708 (= BKU I 151) – 201, 208 936 + 971 – 112 10580 – 205 11346 – 20–21, 63, 77, 121 12486 – 114 12489 – 114

12491 – 22, 118–119, 125, 164 12495 – 164 12497 – 164 12498 – 188 12501 – 151, 161 O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 22/1 – 219 I 26/1 – 99 I 27/1 – 211 I 35/2 – 55 I 46/4 – 164 I 53/4 – 149 I 54/1 – 171, 197 I 56/1 – 99 I 57/2 – 110, 154 I 59/1 – 118, 121 I 62/2 – 118, 120 I 63/3 – 83–84, 166 I 65/4 – 155, 194 I 66/1 – 152 I 80/1 – 169 I ad. 23 – 187–188 II 5 – 152, 172 II 6 – 62, 93 II 7 – 114 II 30 – 164 II 31 – 164 II 43 – 168 II 47 – 74 II ad. 6 – 78 O. Chicago, Haskell Oriental Institute inv. MH 1269 – 112 O. Col. inv. 292 – 68

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS

371 – 32, 164 538 – 164 583 – 232 591 – 151, 168 693 – 192 766 – 33 932 – 118–119, 207 947 – 114 970 – 164 O. Crum 1 – 99 2 – 99 3 – 99 13 – 34 29 – 114 30 – 59 31 – 114 32 – 59 34 – 114 35 – 114 36 – 59 37 – 110, 114 39 – 114 50 – 68 52 – 118-119 53 – 164 54 – 164 59 – 164 61 – 164 62 – 164, 231 64 – 164 66 – 190 67 – 155, 164 69 – 165, 169 71 – 118, 120



72 – 118–119 73 – 118–121 74 – 118–119 75 – 165, 168 76 – 164 80 – 164 84 – 118, 121 85 – 33 90 – 62, 192–193 94 – 228 104 – 130, 136 105 – 164 108 – 157 122 – 229 126 – 155, 164 138 – 160 184 – 164 209 – 89 246 – 39 250 – 32, 39 251 – 30 252 – 32, 39 258 – 118, 120–121 282 – 194 286 – 68, 95 293 – 151 317 – 58 371 – 104, 118–119 383 – 84 384 – 77–78, 164 394 – 138 396 – 60 401 – 153, 180 484 – 118 485 – 118, 120

247

248

INDICES

487 – 112 494 – 188 512 – 99 513 – 99 514 – 99 515 – 99 520 – 111 ad. 1 – 118 ad. 6 – 20 ad. 7 – 114 ad. 23 (= O. Lips. Copt. I 35) – 31–32, 39 ad. 25 – 231 ad. 45 – 94, 165, 169 ad. 48 – 197 ad. 53 – 164 ad. 59 (= O. Lips. Copt. I 10) – 14, 17, 164 ad. 60 – 231 O. Crum ST 16 – 20 17 – 150 18 – 170 37 (= O. Vind. Copt. 42) – 160 111 – 212 165 – 123 174 – 68 176 – 62, 77 196 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 4) – 140, 232 197 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 5) – 57 202 – 57 203–209 (= O. Vind. Copt. 158–165) – 57 212–213 – 57

215 (= O. Vind. Copt. 253) – 58 225 (= O. Vind. Copt. 188) – 184 236 (= O. Vind. Copt. 288 = O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 35) – 156, 169 250 – 21 266 – 150 267 – 208, 220 274 – 163 283 – 168 287 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 9) – 234 299 (= O. Vind. Copt. 281) – 205 300 (= O. Vind. Copt. 258) – 58 305 (= O. Vind. Copt. 189) – 58, 62 308 (= O. Vind. Copt. 274) – 167 309 (= O. Vind. Copt. 173) – 58 310 (= O. Vind. Copt. 287) – 55, 58 320 – 208 321 – 68 342 (= O. Vind. Copt. 233) – 57 346 (= O. Vind. Copt. 201) – 169 373 (= O. Vind. Copt. 177) – 68 374 (= O. Vind. Copt. 183) – 58 377 (= O. Vind. Copt. 211) – 167 383 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 18) – 137 447 – 57 O. Crum VC 1 – 112 34 – 197 37 – 164 39 – 77–78, 82 40 – 84 43 – 68 53 – 62, 202, 230 54 – 118–119 62 – 155, 166

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS

69 – 115 76 – 56 81 (= O. Ashm. Copt. 19) – 167–168 82 – 71 86 – 154 101 – 152 O. DAN kopt. 52+54 – 29 300 – 101 302 – 101 339 – 101 340 – 101 389 – 101 O. Deir el-Bahari 1 – 164 2 – 166 3 – 58, 166 19 – 21 O. Deir el-Gizaz 1 – 103 2 – 102 3 – 103 4 – 103 O. Frange 3 – 138 6 – 138–139 8 – 78, 118, 120, 126 10 – 68, 56, 138 11 – 56, 138 12 – 212 13 – 206 14 – 118–120, 126 15 – 18 16 – 212 18 – 56

249

19 – 18 20 – 38 24 – 35, 39 25 – 152 30 – 172 31 – 138, 211 32 – 218 34 – 201 35 – 139 38 – 67–68, 78, 81, 93, 118, 120, 126, 208, 220 40 – 67–68, 138 41 – 213 42 – 60, 138 45 – 118–119, 126–127, 208, 235 47 – 201 48 – 220 50 – 158 51 – 38, 232–233 53 – 138, 217, 235 56 – 78 57 – 207 58 – 138, 228 59 – 159 66 – 158, 165 73 – 30 74 – 30 75 – 172 76 – 201 83 – 165 84 – 137, 158–159, 223 85 – 236 88 – 155 89 – 172, 201, 234 90 – 201

250

INDICES

91 – 139 93 – 207 98 – 155, 158, 165, 207, 211 100 – 234 106 – 234 107 – 139, 220 108 – 172 110 – 158, 165, 172, 235 116 – 139, 207 120 – 118, 120, 126, 128, 165, 207, 211, 235 122 – 220 126 – 201 127 – 165 141 – 138 142 – 138 145 – 220 150 – 220 152 – 201, 207 157 – 172 158 – 235 162 – 118, 120, 126–127, 159 163 – 207, 228 164 – 118, 218, 234 165 – 118, 121, 234 168 – 118–119, 126–127 172 – 232 173 – 118, 125–126 174 – 118, 120, 126, 139 177 – 159, 233–234 179 – 155, 158–159, 165 180 – 139 186 – 118–119, 218, 220 190 – 113, 171 191 – 170



197 – 207 201 – 201, 234 203 – 201 205 – 118, 125, 159 211 – 139, 201 212 – 118, 120, 126, 235 213 – 59, 232 215 – 34–35, 39, 219 216 – 35 216–217 – 33 217 – 36 218 – 102 219 – 102 220 – 102 222 – 27 223 – 227, 229 232 – 139, 209 233 – 224 235 – 228-229 237 – 139, 232 238 – 228, 231 259 – 236 260 – 57 263 – 229 265 – 137, 214 266 – 138 291 – 208 319 – 137 320 – 76, 201 321 – 232 323 – 67–68, 138, 139 326 – 139, 164 327 – 139, 223 328 – 210 329 – 139, 220

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS



330 – 139 238 – 118, 120 332 – 139 334 – 220 338 – 218 345 – 207, 232–233 346 – 137 347 – 189 349 – 118, 121, 201 351 – 155 352 – 143, 188 353 – 137, 201 354 – 137, 214 355 – 201 356 – 201 357 – 67–68, 138 358 – 214 363 – 138 373 – 67–68 374 – 139, 201 375 – 208 376 – 208 377 – 94 379 – 209 380 – 139 381 – 208 382 – 139 383 – 212 384 – 212 385+485 – 118–119, 209 386 – 94, 139 387 – 95, 209 392 – 68 399 – 210 402 – 118, 121



433 – 118–119 434 – 118–119 437 – 211 439 – 211, 223 440 – 118–119 442 – 118–119 443 – 138, 211 448 – 209 449 – 227 454 – 227 486 – 207, 209 487 – 205 491 – 220 492 – 221 493 – 118–119, 126 494 – 220 506 – 56 507 – 56 524 – 221 527 – 221 530 – 57 536 – 94–95 560 – 180 561 – 139, 207, 209 565 – 139 568 – 118–119 570 – 139 572 – 139 578 – 210 581 – 118, 120 585 – 235 591 – 167–168 603 – 118, 121, 126 615 – 108 628 – 183

251

252

629 – 227 632 – 57, 140, 201 635 – 69, 140 636 – 118–119, 140 640 – 69, 140 643 – 201 646 – 57 548 – 102, 188 652 – 118, 128 653 – 57 664 – 227 666 – 94 668 – 118, 120 747 – 102 748 – 102 751 – 107–108 752 – 118, 120, 202 758 – 36 762 – 232 766 – 57 768 – 32, 233, 235 773 – 224, 238 774 – 118, 120 778 – 229 779 – 227, 233 785 – 202 792 – 69 792–794 – 46 795 – 201 841 – 102 O. Gurna Górecki 3 – 28, 32 4 – 32 5 – 166–167 6 – 28, 57

INDICES

11 – 69 16 – 32 22 – 69 23 – 118–119 26 – 161 97 – 102 98 – 102 99 – 102 100 – 102 101 – 102 102 – 102 103 – 102 104 – 102 105 – 102 106 – 102 107 – 102, 116 108 – 34 119–122 – 36 O. Ifao inv. 13315 (= SB Kopt. I 12) – 29 OC 181 – 104 OC 216 – 104 OC 246 – 201, 232 O. Leiden Gr. 335 – 111 O. Lips. Copt. I 1 – 43, 99 I 2 – 34 I 9 – 193 I 10 (= O. Crum ad. 59) – 14, 17 I 12 (= O. Crum ad. 7) – 114 I 16 – 167 I 35 (= O. Crum ad. 23) – 31–32 II 10 – 84 II 58 – 204, 225, 227

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS

II 66 – 230, 232 II 73 – 227 II 80 – 235 II 83 – 84, 156, 166 II 95 – 222 II 97 – 156 II 100 – 156, 165 II 148 – 91 II 154 – 228 II 164 – 235 II 172 – 156 II 194 – 157–158 II 196 – 165 II 197 – 165 II 199 – 168 II 200 – 225 II 325 – 94, 153, 156, 169 II 334 – 160 II 349 – 226 II 353 – 166, 182 II 378 – 94 II 380–381 – 142 II 415 – 165, 169 II ad. 4 (= O. Crum ST 196) – 140, 232 II ad. 5 (= O. Crum ST 197) – 57 II ad. 9 (= O. Crum ST 287) – 234 II ad. 18 (= O. Crum ST 383) – 137 II ad. 33 (= O. Vind. Copt. 238) – 232 II ad. 35 (= O. Crum ST 236 = O. Vind. Copt. 288) – 156, 169 II ad. 47 (= O. Crum ad. 53) – 164 II ad. 48 – 164 O. Medin. Habu Copt. 137 – 57, 137 138 – 201

139 – 173, 220 141 – 152, 166 145 – 165 O. Mich. Copt. 1 – 129 10 – 77, 79 O. Monastery of Cyriacus 2 – 103 3 – 33 5 – 57 12 – 57 13 – 61, 72–73 14 – 57 15 – 57, 61, 215, 238 29 – 57 30 – 57 O. Mon. Phoib. 1 – 100 2 – 100 3 – 100 7 – 31, 115 8 – 118–119, 211 17 – 156, 167 22 – 167 49 – 167 O. NMEC inv. (ed. Eissa) 107 – 62 O. Ramesseum, no (ed. Heurtel) 26 – 61, 140 44 – 232 O. Saint-Marc 4 – 227 7 – 201 8 – 201 9 – 201

253

254

13 – 201 41 (= SB Kopt. IV 1803) – 163 45 – 118, 120 185 – 234 188 – 157 194 – 234 206 – 118, 120 224 – 232 236 – 62 285 – 209 311 – 167 361 – 118–119 387 – 100 388 – 100 389 – 100 390 – 100 391 – 100 392 – 100 393 – 100 394 – 100 395 – 100 396 – 100 397 – 100 398 – 33 401 – 100 439 – 46 O. ‘South Asasif ’, ed. Müller FN 2008.51 – 207 FN 2012.2733 – 112 FN 2012.2798 – 32 O. Theb. 27 – 166 28 – 58, 232, 234 32 – 156, 169 35 – 58

INDICES

36 – 169 41 – 156 O. Theb. Ifao (ed. Calament) 28 – 34 O. TT 95, ed. Behlmer FN 919 – 33 FN 33 + 508 – 103 O. Vind. Copt. 3 (= P. Unterricht Kopt. 188) – 108 42 (= O. Crum ST 37) – 160 158–165 (= O. Crum ST 203–209) – 57 168 (= O. Crum ST 212) – 57 173 (= O. Crum ST 309) – 58 177 (= O. Crum ST 373) – 68 183 (= O. Crum ST 374) – 58 188 (= O. Crum ST 225) – 184 189 (= O. Crum ST 305) – 58, 62 195 – 58 201 (= O. Crum ST 346) – 169 211 (= O. Crum ST 377) – 167 233 (= O. Crum ST 342) – 57 238 (= O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 33) – 232 253 (= O. Crum ST 215) – 58 258 (= O. Crum ST 310) – 58 261 – 197 274 (= O. Crum ST 308) – 167 277 – 55 280 – 157 281 (= O. Crum ST 299) – 205 287 (= O. Crum ST 310) – 55, 58 288 (= O. Crum ST 236 = O. Lips. Copt. II ad. 35) – 156, 169 291 – 58 395 – 58, 143

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS

P. Alex. inv. 689 – 203 P. Cair. Masp. I 67112 – 56 II 67182 – 87 II 67176r – 203 II 67177 – 205 III 67317 – 205 P. Clackson 34 – 139 44 – 189, 197 P. CLT 1 – 16 3 – 20–21 5 – 112 P. Heid. inv. G 3850 – 60 Lat. 5 (= Suppl. Mag. I 36) – 92 P. Heid. Kopt. 9 – 194 P. Herm. 8 – 147 P. Hoogendijk 45 – 232 49 – 12, 55, 57 50 – 56 P. KRU 13 – 122 17 – 122 18 – 122, 212 65 (= P. Mon. Phoib. Test. 4) – 121– 122, 190 66 – 121–122, 160 67 – 20 68 – 121

255

69 – 121 70 – 121 71 – 121 73 – 122 74 – 122 75 – 29 76 – 121–122 77 – 85 78 – 121 79 – 121 81 – 121 84 – 85 85 – 121 87 – 121 88 – 122 89 – 121 90 – 122 94 – 122 95 – 121 98 – 122 100 – 74, 121 105 – 14 106 – 121–122 107 – 61 112 – 212 P. Leid. Inst. 13 – 40 P. Lond. V 1708 – 112 VI 1917 – 146 VI 1920 (= SB Kopt. III 1311) – 88 VI 1925 – 60 VI 1926 – 70, 141, 146 VI 1927 – 144 VI 1928 – 141, 197

256

P. Lond. Copt. I 1121 – 77, 79 I 1123 – 146 P. Mon. Epiph. 1 – 98 2a – 98 3 – 98 4 – 98 5 – 98 6 – 98 7 – 98 9 – 98 10 – 98 11 – 98 12 – 98 13+18 – 98 14 – 98 15 – 98 16 – 98, 104 17v – 98 19 – 98 20 – 98 21 – 31 22 – 98 23 – 98 24 – 98 25 – 98 26 – 98 27 – 98 28 – 98 29 – 99 30 – 99 31 – 99 32 – 99 33 – 99

INDICES

34 – 99 35 – 99 36 – 99 37 – 99 38 – 99 43–49 – 36 46 – 33 47 – 33 48 – 33 50 – 33 51 – 33 52 – 33, 98 53 – 33 54 – 33 55 – 33 56 – 33 57 – 33, 99 58 – 33 59 – 33 65 – 33 66 – 33 78 – 48 84 – 162 87 – 62 103 – 213, 217 105 – 95, 130, 137, 143, 227 106 – 57, 73, 118–119, 121, 130, 143, 218 108 – 118–119 109 – 118–119, 121, 209 110 – 57, 94, 109, 118–119 111 – 57, 118 113 – 55, 61 114 – 57, 222 115 – 118–119, 121

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS

116 – 130 117 – 234 118 – 79, 93 120 – 130, 221 121 – 61 123 – 57, 69 125 – 131 128 – 96, 131 129 – 131, 143 130 – 145, 210 131 – 17, 55, 57, 94 132 – 21 133 – 56, 62, 69, 74, 143, 227 134 – 61, 74 137 – 69 140 – 32, 55, 59, 61, 129, 131, 228, 232 142 – 57, 69, 209 143 – 71, 118–120 144 – 57, 67, 69, 131 145 – 57–58, 69, 208 146 – 57, 227 147 – 131 151 – 60, 74, 227 152 – 56 153 – 56, 228 154 – 46, 165 162 – 57, 59, 62–63, 91, 131, 144, 212, 216 163 – 57, 69, 73, 76, 148, 213 164 – 57, 71, 209 165 – 57 169 – 71 172 – 56–57 173 – 209 174 – 157

257

175 – 129, 131, 157, 207 178 – 72, 148, 232–233 179 – 225 180 – 70, 173 184 – 71 185 – 234, 236 186 – 173 187 – 70 188 – 57, 79 190 – 219, 226 192 – 135, 144 193 – 57, 70 194 – 214 198 – 57, 63, 93, 131, 144, 202 199 – 57–58, 131, 143, 221, 223 200 – 57–58, 73, 131, 223, 232, 234 201 – 57–58, 118, 121, 131, 142, 144– 145 202 – 95, 131 203 – 58, 70, 79, 93, 129, 132 204 – 144 205 – 145, 202, 221 206 – 57 207 – 132, 141 208 – 57, 132, 221 209 – 132 210 – 132 210a – 118–119 211 – 132 212 – 132 213 – 137, 183 214 – 232, 234 216 – 94, 227, 229 217 – 58, 232, 234 218 – 230

258



220 – 120, 130, 132, 214 221 – 157, 228 223 – 57 227 – 56 228 – 132 236 – 58, 227, 232 238 – 202, 232 239 – 79 241 – 79 242 – 232 244 – 132, 201 245 – 189 246 – 132, 148, 189 247 – 25, 60, 213 249 – 132 250 – 218 253 – 58 254 – 62 255 – 57 257 – 234 258 – 228 261 – 70, 133, 221 262 – 228 264 – 228 266 – 58, 133, 216 268 – 55 271 – 62, 144, 148 273 – 133, 226 275 – 221 277 – 57 279 – 55, 57, 62, 133, 201 281 – 57–58 282 – 207, 229 285 – 57, 133, 229 292 – 202

INDICES



294 – 207 295 – 235 296 – 57, 133 298 – 232–233 299 – 133, 137, 227, 230 300 – 230 301 – 232 304 – 228 305 – 221 306 – 70, 133, 201 307 – 118, 120 312 – 57 315 – 58, 70, 130, 133 318 – 57 319 – 145 324 – 143, 230 326 – 134 327 – 58 328 – 134 329 – 70, 134 330 – 134 332 – 235 336 – 134, 234 339 – 232 341 – 129, 134 342 – 95 344 – 232 348 – 118, 121, 157, 220 350 – 134 351 – 25, 134, 138 354 – 58 355 – 134 356 – 221 357 – 134, 225, 232 359 – 134

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS



360 – 57, 227 363 – 129–130, 134 366 – 134 373 – 95, 134–135, 143, 220–222 375 – 30, 32, 134 376 – 30–31, 135, 138 378 – 30, 115, 135, 150 379 – 207 381 – 32 382 – 227 385 – 135 386 – 221 389 – 59, 70 390 – 135 395 – 31 396 – 135 399 – 46 406 – 95 407 – 231, 236 411 – 79, 93 415 – 57 416 – 61, 74 422 – 58 426 – 56 428 – 62, 70 429 – 60 431 – 57, 80, 88, 93, 143, 201 432 – 57, 94 433 – 135, 232 434 – 109, 118–120 435 – 61 436 – 135 439 – 220–221 447 – 56–57 451 – 227



455 – 232 457 – 19, 57, 70, 227, 232 458 – 232, 234, 236 459 – 118, 221, 232–233 461 – 63 462 – 57, 208, 224, 230 463 – 70 465 – 67 466 – 112 468 I – 135 471 – 58, 229, 231–232 473 – 19, 70–71 476 – 58, 135 483 – 57, 59, 71 486 – 58 492 – 135 493 – 215 498 – 135, 235 516 – 70 554 – 40 579 – 99 580 – 99 581 – 99 582 – 99 583 – 103 585 – 34 586 – 34 592+49 – 39 593 – 36 595–605 – 36 602 – 150 606 – 99 607–609 – 36 608 – 107 615 – 108

259

260

635 – 34 640 – 59 644 – 59 647 – 59 680 – 59 P. Mon. Phoib. Test. 1 – 21, 26 4 (= P. KRU 65) – 190 P. Moscow Copt. 45 – 114 77 – 192 80 – 118–120 P. Neph. 2 – 136, 146 4 – 146 10 – 146 P. Palau Rib. inv. 412 – 171 P. Paramone 14 – 65 P. Pisentius 3 – 70, 74 7 – 62, 74 10 – 17 11 – 112 15 – 62, 77 16 – 62 20 – 62 22 – 17, 30, 184, 192 29 – 62 44 – 62 45 – 74 52 – 62, 57 76 – 31 79 – 31

INDICES

P. Rain. Unterricht Kopt. 174 – 22 177 (= O. Deir el-Bahari 3) = 166 183–216 – 107 188 (= O. Vind. Copt. 3) – 108 193 (= O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 27/1) – 207, 211 194 (= O. Brit. Mus. Copt. I 22/1) – 219 196 – 206 197 – 162 240 (= O. Crum 512) – 99 P. Ryl. Copt. 288v – 71 P. Sorb. inv. 2.308 (= SB X 10522) – 80 P. Yale inv. 1773 (= SB X 10269) – 80 SB I 643 – 20 I 4319 – 85 III 7240 – 16 IV 7449 – 61 X 10269 – 80 X 10522 – 80 XVIII 13612 – 147 XX 14354 – 20 SB Kopt. I 12 – 29, 38–39 I 292 – 77, 80, 94 I 295 – 94 I 374 – 72 II 861 – 118–119 II 895 – 84

INDEX OF PAPYRI, OSTRACA, AND INSCRIPTIONS



II 906 – 118–119 II 1238 – 15 II 1240 – 85 III 1311 (= P. Lond. VI 1920) – 88 III 1353 – 84 IV 1759 – 31 IV 1803 (= O. Saint-Marc 41) – 163

261

IV 1953 – 89 V 2164 – 236 V 2169 – 95 Suppl. Mag. I 36 – 92 II 58 – 112

Inscriptions I. Baouit, ed. Maspero 59 – 84 60 – 84 195 – 85 203 – 84 244 – 84 296 – 84, 90 I. Deir al-Médîna, ed. Heurtel 26 – 208 28 – 207–208 38 – 208 43 – 208 61 – 208 64 – 208 I. Lefebvre 800 – 37 I. Mon. Phoib. Copt. 128 – 208 I. Mon. Phoib. Gr. 11 – 96 I. Saqqara, ed. Thompson 3 – 91

118 – 91 190 – 91 192 – 91 202 – 91 206 – 91 208 – 91 224 – 91 229 – 91 232 – 91 234 – 91 242 – 91 247 – 91 249 – 91 256 – 91 258 – 91 280 – 91 281 – 91 293 – 91 Inscription in P. Mon. Epiph., vol. 1, p. 11 – 210

262

INDICES

3. INDEX OF LITERARY SOURCES quoted passages given in bold

Anaphora Sancti Baisilii, ed. Budde p. 173 – 162 Apophthegmata patrum Collectio alphabetica Ammun 2 – 117 Antony 1 – 117 Antony 30 – 75–76 Arsenius 16 – 196 Arsenius 28 – 66 Arsenius 42 – 185 Arsenius 48 – 87, 117 Cassian 1 – 38 Cassian 5 – 145 Epiphanius 2 – 30 Epiphanius 9 – 113 Eulogius the Priest 1 – 144 Euprepius 7 – 178–179 Isaac the Theban 2 – 195 John the Theban 1 – 88, 90 Kopres 3 – 117 Macarius of Egypt 19 – 206–207 Macarius of Egypt 32 – 90 Macarius the Great 39 – 75 Matoes 9 – 167 Pambo 9 – 117 Paul the Simple 1 – 83 Poemen 8 – 117 Poemen 109 – 123 Serapion 2 – 30 Silvanus 5 – 30 Silvanus 12 – 87 Sisoes 17 – 117

Sisoes 18 – 176, 182 Theodore of Enaton 3 – 219 Theodore of Pherme 1 – 30 Theodore of Pherme 29 – 30 Collectio systematica X 14 – 136 XV 111 – 66 XIX 17 – 182 Collectio anonyma, ed. Wortley N. 25 – 136 N. 66 – 136 N. 385 – 110 N. 449 – 142 N. 592, 52 – 138 N. 592, 28 – 136 Coptic collection, ed. Chaîne no. 103 – 167 no. 107 – 207 no. 117 – 213 no. 129 – 136 no. 138 – 179 no. 155 – 66 no. 156 – 182 no. 167 – 199 no. 181 – 113 no. 191 – 83 no. 196 – 83 no. 226 – 75 no. 232 – 182 no. 247 – 66 no. 254 – 185 no. 268 – 178

INDEX OF LITERARY SOURCES

Archelaus of Neapolis, In Gabrielem – 39 Athanasius of Alexandria Ad Marcellinum 15 – 165 Vita Antonii VI 4–5 – 113 Barsanuphius and John, Quaestiones et responsiones 1 – 185 23 – 215 27 – 147 30–31 – 38 42 – 38 55 – 38, 141 56 – 215 60 – 153 64 – 215 69 – 60 70 – 203 78 – 190 87 – 207, 215 92 – 215 107 – 147 109 – 90–91 119 – 91 139 – 147 141 – 196 169 – 203 175 – 207 210 – 174, 185 215 – 104 218 – 144 220 – 144

263

226 – 214 228 – 111 239 – 214 249 – 207 251 – 195 270 – 144 318–319 – 40 329 – 143 353 – 144 361 – 60 369 – 181, 215 429 – 111 450 – 206 510 – 61 578 – 176 583 – 153 596 – 214 600 – 117 604 – 117 607 – 117 643 – 198 647 – 147 684 – 198 689 – 35 711 – 111 715 – 180 717 – 181 718 – 181 745 – 140 752 – 190 753 – 197–198 792 – 80 794 – 90 824 – 80 Basil the Great, Asceticon Magnum.

264

INDICES

Regulae brevius tractatae 122 – 195 Benjamin of Alexandria, De nuptiis apud Canam, ed. Mikhail 23v – 95 19v–20r – 85 Canones Athanasii Intr. – 86 7 – 85–86 59 – 104 64 – 193 Canones ecclesiastici, ed. Lagarde 47 – 187 54 – 187 Canones Laodiceani 14 – 187 Constantine of Siout, In Claudium Miracle 2 – 178–179 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vitae Vita Abramii 8 – 66 Vita Cyriaci 11 – 46 Vita Euthymii 24 – 184 Vita Iohannis Hesychastae 20 – 216 Vita Sabae 16 – 67 28 – 104 58 – 90 75 – 104, 176 Vita Theodosii 1 – 104

Daniel of Scetis’ hagiographic dossier, ed. Dahlman Anastasia Patrikia – 173 Andronikos, the Money-Dealer – 184, 196 Eulogios the Stone-Cutter – 144 The Blind Man – 174 Euchologium Sarapionis IX 3 – 162 XI 1 – 150 Evagrius Kephalaia gnostica, transl. Ramelli III 65 – 83 Practicus, transl. Sinkiewicz 100 – 81 Gerontius, Vita Melaniae Iunioris 13 – 200 23 – 36 26 – 110 34 – 197 39 – 182 44 – 35 Gnomai of the Council of Nicaea, ed. Stewart I 11–12 – 88 Historia Cypriani Magi, ed. Bilabel fol. 89r – 81 Historia monachorum in Aegypto prol. 5 – 65, 87 prol. 9 – 65 prol. 10 – 147 I 1–2, 11 – 65

INDEX OF LITERARY SOURCES



I 5 – 175 I 6 – 65 I 8 – 65 I 12 – 197 I 13 – 129, 178 I 58 – 195 I 64 – 191, 195 II 1 – 87 II 7 – 129 IV 1 – 88 VI 1 – 65, 87, 174 VIII 8 – 65 VIII 37 – 65 VIII 46 – 65 VIII 49 – 178 VIII 62 – 165 X 2 – 178 X 6 – 103 X 19 – 87 X 29 – 174, 199 XIII 9 – 195, 199 XIV 15 – 165, 178 Versio Rufini, ed. Schulz-Flügel I 1, 25 – 197 I 2, 1 – 178 I 6, 24 – 195 I 7, 12 – 191 VI 1–2 – 174 XV 2, 11 – 195 XVI 2, 9 – 165

Ignatius of Antioch, Ad Ephesios IX 2 – 67 Instruction Concerning a Spiteful Monk I 9 – 113

265

Isaac the Presbyter, The Life of Samuel of Kalamun, ed. Alcock 23 – 170 29 – 212 30 – 170 37 – 214 41 – 214 Isaiah of Scetis, Asceticon – 34, 39 1 – 216 3 – 30, 191 5 – 114, 216 25 – 109 26 – 96 27 – 36 28 – 203 29 – 109 Jerome, Epistulae XXV 11 – 104 John Cassian Collationes patrum IX 6, 5 – 89 X 10 – 206 XVI 5, 1 – 89 De institutis coenobiorum II 4 – 124 John Climacus, Scala paradisi PG 88, 1112D – 90 John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 80 – 162 85 – 191 152 – 113 John of Nikiu, Chronicle, transl. Charles XCIX 1 – 162

266

INDICES

John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi, ed. Horn & Phenix Jr – 40 68 – 66 75 – 66 81 – 90 91 – 60 104 – 38 118 – 67 119 – 175 127 – 145 132 – 175 137 – 66, 162 138 – 66 140 – 67 163 – 166 167 – 66 179 – 36 181 – 175, 184 182 – 175 183 – 66, 90 189 – 185 Life and Miracles of St Andrew (Arabic) – 53 Life of Aaron, ed. Dijkstra & van der Vliet 5 – 123 12 – 123 27 – 179 58 – 61 66 – 179 71 – 227 89 – 104 91 – 177 93 – 182

99 – 199 101 – 142 106 – 199 107 – 149 116 – 185 118 – 199 128 – 203 136 – 198 Life of Daniel (Coptic), transl. Vivian & Mikhail p. 118 – 64 Life of John Khame, ed. Davis p. 8 – 30 p. 9 – 77 p. 12 – 61 p. 21 – 61, 89, 150 p. 22 – 89 p. 23 – 213 p. 26 – 89 p. 27 – 173 p. 28 – 213 p. 30 – 213 p. 31 – 77 p. 33 – 83 p. 34 – 176, 199 p. 35 – 64 p. 37 – 133 p. 51 – 110 Life of Longinus, ed. Orlandi 12 – 184 Life of Macarius the Great, transl. Vivian 11 – 187 32 – 149 Life of Macrobius of Tkoou, ed. Ten Hacken

INDEX OF LITERARY SOURCES

p. 107 – 148 p. 108 – 64 p. 109 – 61 p. 111 – 73 Life of Matthew the Poor, ed. Amélineau p. 708 – 64 p. 721 – 149 Life of Moses of Abydus, ed. Moussa p. 19 – 64 Life of Paisius (Arabic), transl. Pirone p. 207 – 108 p. 208 – 105 Life of Patape, ed. Gabra – 18 p. 122 – 182 p. 125 – 182 Life of Paul of Tammah (Arabic), transl. Pirone p. 170 – 110 p. 171 – 177 Life of Pesynthius of Coptus Arabic (The Arabic Life of S. Pisen tius, ed. De Lacy O’Leary) – 52 p. 323 [11] – 213 p. 330 [18] – 114 p. 336 [24] – 114 p. 340 [28] – 177 p. 351 [39] – 114 p. 365 [53] – 114 p. 452 [140] – 114 p. 462 [150] – 114 Boahiric (Éloge de Pisentios, ed. Amélineau) – 52 p. 75 – 114 pp. 83–84 – 114

267

Sahidic (John the Elder, The Life of Bishop Pisentius, ed. Budge) – 51–52 fol. 23b – 105 fols. 23b–24a – 114 fol. 24a – 177 fol. 25b – 177 fol. 37a – 75 fol. 38a – 74 fol. 39a–b – 183 fol. 51a – 75 fol. 53a – 75 fol. 54a – 75 fol. 59b – 226 fol. 61a – 226 fol. 67b – 198 fol. 74a – 82 fol. 78a – 64 fols. 80b–81a – 177 Life of Shenoute (by Pseudo-Besa) 1 – 64 2 – 64–65 11 – 72 13 – 76 16 – 142 20 – 64 22 – 64 25 – 179 36 – 154 53 – 64, 73 55 – 180 57 – 180 60 – 173 66 – 163–164 68 – 213

268



INDICES

80 – 175 92 – 182 94 – 105 106 – 184 116 – 175 139 – 176 185 – 213

Martyrdom of James the Persian – 40 Martyrdom of Panine and Panew – 108 Miracula Mercurii, ed. Budge p. 273 – 199 Palladius, Historia Lausiaca – 39 X 2 – 173 XI 5 – 77 XIII 1 – 110 XVIII 11 – 197 XVIII 22 – 197 XVIII 25 – 85 XXV 2–3 – 196 XXXVI – 38 XXXVII 6 – 112 Coptic Palladiana, ed. Amélineau, transl. Vivian – 39 Evagrius 6 – 214 Evagrius 7 – 112 Evagrius 25 – 88 Macarius of Alexandria 5 – 197 Macarius of Alexandria 7 – 64 Macarius of Alexandria 9 – 197 Macarius of Alexandria 10 – 197 Pambo 2 – 103 Pambo 5 – 173 Paralipomena (Pachomii)

21 – 37 Pesynthius of Coptus, A Discourse on Saint Onnophrius, ed. Crum – 52 pp. 48–49 – 154 Praecepta (Pachomiana) 49 – 104 89 – 179 139 – 104 Regulae Horsiesi 16 – 104 Severus of Antioch, Epistulae (Syriac), ed. Brooks vol. 1, no. 55 – 38 Severus of Antioch (Pseudo-), In Michaelem, ed. Budge p. 174 – 29 Shenoute Acephalous Work A1, ed. Young p. 154 – 121 Acephalous Work A13, ed. Young pp. 169–170 – 83 Acephalous Work A14, ed. Young p. 39 – 121 Canon IV p. 76 – 121 Canon VIII 1: I Have Been Reading the Holy Gospels, ed. Coquin p. 5 – 150 Discourses: A Priest Will Never Cease, ed. Young p. 163 – 82 Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica VI 32 – 38, 82

INDEX OF LITERARY SOURCES

Stephen of Hnes, In Apollinem Archimandritam, transl. Kuhn p. 27 – 185 Synaxary of the Coptic Church, ed. Basset – 47–48 PO 3, pp. 394–396 [318–320] – 50 PO 3, pp. 436–441 [360–365] – 49 PO 3, p. 437 [361] – 213 PO 3, p. 440 [364] – 37 PO 3, pp. 461–462 [385–386] – 50 PO 3, p. 475 [399] – 109 PO 3, pp. 475–482 [399–406] – 48 PO 3, p. 476 [400] – 104, 114 PO 3, pp. 479–481 [403–405] – 49 PO 3, p. 480 [404] – 30 PO 3, p. 481 [405] – 49 PO 3, p. 490 [414] – 17 PO 3, pp. 490–491 [414–415] – 49 PO 3, p. 523 [447] – 50, 105 PO 11, pp. 515–525 [481–491] – 50 PO 11, p. 518 [484] – 108, 114 PO 11, p. 520 [486] – 20 PO 11, p. 521 [487] – 76 PO 11, p. 524 [490] – 199 PO 11, p. 672 [638] – 176 PO 11, pp. 674–675 [640–641] – 37 PO 11, pp. 666–680 [632–646] – 50 PO 11, p. 677 [643] – 37

269

Theodore of Antioch (Pseudo-), In Theodorem Anatolium, ed. Budge fol. 11r – 107 fol. 18b – 203 Theodotus of Ancyra (Pseudo-), In Georgium, ed. Budge 167 – 93 Traditio apostolica, ed. Bradshaw 5–6 – 187 23 – 186 32 – 187 Virtues of Saint Macarius, ed. Amélineau 2 – 90 55 – 89 70 – 73, 76 83 – 76 Vita Pachomii G1, ed. Halkin  24 – 103 98 – 64 134 – 37 Vita Pachomii G3, ed. Halkin 186 – 37 Vita Pachomii S10, ed. Lefort – 104 Vita Pachomii SBo, ed. Lefort 186 – 113 Zachariah Rhetor, The Life of Isaiah, transl. Brook p. 3 – 38 p. 7 – 38

270

INDICES

4. INDEX OF SELECTED HISTORICAL AND BIBLICAL NAMES Among the names attested in ostraca and inscriptions only more significant and easily identifiable figures are listed; some historical figures marginal to the main topic have also been left aside; names from source references are not included here, but see index of sources.

Aaron (abbot of the Monastery of Ezekiel) – 11, 57, 83, 140, 156, 164, 167, 169, 230 Aaron (prominent monk on Philae) – 149, 198–199 Abraham (of Farshut) – 49 Abraham of Hermonthis – 8, 12–15, 17, 21–23, 26, 28, 45–46, 51, 56, 62– 63, 68–69, 78, 82, 84, 94, 110, 114, 125, 151–152, 155, 161, 164–169, 188, 190, 192–194, 207, 214, 231, 238 Aelianus (abbot of the Monastery of Seridus) – 176 Ammoes – 90 Andrew (abbot and bishop of Hermonthis) – 11, 23–25, 94, 140, 152– 153, 156, 164, 166, 169, 225 Antony – 60, 75, 213–214 Arsenius – 66, 87, 90, 185 Athanasius of Alexandria – 32–34, 61, 86, 164, 213 Barsanuphius – 38, 40–41, 60–61, 63, 67, 80–82, 84, 90, 111, 174, 176, 181, 185, 189, 196, 198, 203, 207, 214, 238 Basil of Caesarea – 33, 36, 40, 162, 214

Constantine (bishop of Siout) – 17, 48 Cyriacus (prominent monk from the so-called Monastery of Cyriacus) – 23, 25, 46, 57, 60–61, 72, 74, 137, 216, 238 Cyril of Alexandria – 34, 187 Cyril of Scythopolis – 66–67, 90, 104, 216 Daniel of Scetis – 64, 174–174, 184, 196 Damian (patriarch of Alexandria) – 12, 14, 17, 21, 23, 33–34 Dioscorus of Aphrodito – 87, 205 Elias of Bishwāw – 30, 48–49, 104, 109, 114 Elias of Samhud – 37, 49, 213 Epiphanius (prominent monk from the so-called Topos of Epiphanius) – 16, 23, 25, 46, 56–57, 59–64, 66, 69–71, 73–75, 88, 91, 94–95, 130–132, 134–135, 137, 143–146, 148, 173, 202, 209–210, 213–218, 221, 223, 226, 232, 234, 238 Epiphanius of Salamis – 66 Euthymius (Palestinian monk) – 60, 184

INDEX OF SELECTED HISTORICAL AND BIBLICAL NAMES

Frange – 16, 18, 25, 27, 30, 34–36, 38– 39, 42, 46, 51, 56–57, 59–60, 68–69, 76–78, 81, 94–95, 109, 120, 125– 128, 134–135, 137–140, 143, 152, 155, 158–159, 164–165, 167–168, 170–172, 188–189, 201–202, 205, 207–210, 212–214, 217–221, 223–224, 229, 231, 233, 236, 238–239 Hilarion (Palestinian monk) – 66 Isaiah (prophet) – 66 Isaiah of Esna – 51 Isaiah of Scetis – 30–32, 34, 36, 38– 39, 66, 96, 109, 191, 203, 216 Jeremiah of Saqqara – 91-92 John (also John of Gaza) – 40–41, 60, 67, 174, 176, 180–181, 214, 238 John (bishop of Hermonthis) – 50 John (dux) – 205 John the Baptist – 213 John Cassian – 89, 124, 206 John Chrysostom – 32, 170 John Climacus – 90 John the Elder (disciple of Pesynthius) – 226 John the Hesychast – 216 John Khame – 61, 64, 89, 173, 176, 213 John of Lycopolis – 39, 59, 65, 129, 146–148, 175, 178, 191, 195 John Moschus – 162, 191 John Rufus – 66–67, 90, 162, 166, 184 John the Theban – 88, 90–91

271

Macarius the Great (known also as Macarius of Egypt and Macarius of Scetis) – 29, 60, 75–76, 90–91, 187, 213–214 Macrobius of Tkoou – 61, 64, 73, 148 Maurice (emperor) – 210 Moses of Abydus – 61, 64, 73, 148 Nepherus – 146 Pachomius – 37, 64, 214 Paphnutius (alleged author of the Life of Aaron) – 179, 198 Paphnutius (monk in Historia monachorum) – 165, 178 Paphnutius (prominent monk known from papyri dossier) – 146 Pesynthius of Coptus – 17–18, 23, 30, 42, 45, 49, 51–53, 55–56, 62–64, 68–70, 74–75, 77, 82, 94–95, 112, 114, 123–124, 154, 166, 177, 179, 183, 200–201, 213, 219, 226, 238 Pesynthius of Hermonthis (bishop active in the 4th c.) – 51 Pesynthius of Hermonthis (bishop active in the 7th c.) – 49, 114 Peter IV (patriarch of Alexandria) – 12, 23 Peter the Iberian – 36, 38, 66, 90, 162, 166, 174–175, 184–185 Phocas (emperor) – 202–203 Pisreal (bishop of Qus) – 23, 56, 62, 74 Poemen – 76 Sabas – 67, 90

INDICES

272

Severus of Antioch – 23, 33–34, 38, 214 Shenoute – 28–29, 32–36, 38, 64–65, 72, 76, 82, 121, 154, 163, 173, 175– 176, 179–180, 182, 184, 213–214, 239 Shenoute (dux) – 95 Shenoute of Antinou – 17

Theodosius (from the Monastery of Scopelus) – 162 Theodosius (patriarch) – 23 Zeno (hermit) – 66

5. INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS bibliographic references not included

Addessi, Marta – 31, 97 Ballet, Pascal – 10 Basset, René – 48, 199 Boud’hors, Anne – 26, 70, 138, 161, 194, 201, 209 Boutros, Ramez – 9 Burchfield, Richard – 19 Camplani, Alberto – 77 Caner, Daniel – 186 Choat, Malcolm – 7 Coquin, René-Georges – 47 Crum, Walter E. – 9, 21, 36, 59, 63, 71, 88, 131, 133, 136, 143, 150, 163, 190–191, 194, 204, 209, 213, 215, 218, 220, 223, 228, 230, 234 De Bruyn, Theodore – 111 Décobert, Christian – 9 Dekker, Renate – 13, 15–16, 22–23, 52, 192, 214–215 Delattre, Alain – 104 Doresse, Jean – 47, 49

Förster, Hans – 218 Frankfurter, David – 5 Gabra, Gawdat – 50 Garel, Esther – 190 Grossmann, Peter – 27 Krueger, Frederic – 9, 11–12, 24, 86, 156, 158, 167 Hall, Harry R. – 83, 149 Hasznos, Andrea – 112 Heurtel, Chantal – 26 Hiebert, Paul – 4 Krause, Martin – 22, 188, 191, 194 MacCoull, Leslie M. B. – 146 Mihálykó, Ágnes T. – 28, 36, 116 O’Connell, Elizabeth – 31 Orlandi, Tito – 29 Primiano, Leonard N. – 4

INDEX OF TOPONYMS

Quecke, Hans – 124 Rapp, Claudia – 142, 146 Revillout, Eugène – 51 Richter, Tonio S. – 43, 192

273

Thirard, Catherine – 16 Till, Walter – 60, 205, 218 Wegner, Joanna – 7 Winlock, Herbert E. – 9, 204 Wipszycka, Ewa – 7, 24

6. INDEX OF TOPONYMS

Al-Asas – 8, 37, 50 Al-Ballās – 8–9 Alexandria – 38–39, 55, 66 Antioch – 66 Antinou – 17 Ape – 8, 18, 22 Aphrodito – 67 Ascalon – 175

Deir el-Medina – 26, 43 DeM 1437 – 26 Deir el-Rumi – 11–12, 14, 16, 22, 26, 208 Deir el-Sanad – 47 Deir e-Nuseirat – 40 Dendera – 9 Draʿ Abu el-Naga – 13

Banhadab (mountain) – 8, 37, 47, 49–50 Bawit – 7, 80, 84, 90, 105 Bishwāw (mountain) – 8, 21, 37, 50

Egypt – 5, 8, 10, 18, 21, 23, 29, 38–40, 48, 66, 82, 113, 123, 127, 147, 178, 184, 186, 238, 240 Lower Egypt – 47, 124 Upper Egypt – 24, 47–48, 116, 202 Ermont, see Hermonthis Esna – 9, 20, 155

Constantinople – 23 Coptus – 9, 17–20, 24, 37, 47–49, 51–52, 62, 182 Coptite nome – 19–20 Cynopolis – 19 Deir Abu Hinnis 127 Deir el-Bahari, see Monastery of Phoebammon Deir el-Bakhit – 14, 16–17, 20, 26, 30–31, 40, 57, 100–102, 204, 208 Deir el-Gizaz – 8, 47, 103

Fayum – 20, 49 Gaza – 38, 40, 140, 162, 185, 238 Gurna (Temple of Seti I) – 11, 27 Hermitage of Frange, see TT 29 Hermonthis – 8–9, 11–13, 17–19, 24, 33, 37, 47, 49–50, 63, 84, 89, 160, 166, 203

274

INDICES

Hermonthis (mountain) – 9–11, 13, 20, 25 Hermonthite nome – 19, 84 Hou – 9 Iskhīm – 48 Jeme (mountain) – 18, 30, 37, 48–49, 132 Jeme (town) – 11, 13, 15, 19, 26, 58, 69, 73, 85, 94, 148, 150, 161, 202–203, 229 Jerusalem – 38, 66, 80 Karnak – 8, 29, 58, 129, 171, 197, 231 Koeis – 19 Kos, see Qus Luxor – 8, 21–22, 29, 42, 48–50, 121 Madeba – 67 Majuma – 185 Medinet Habu, see Jeme Monastery of Antony – 72 Monastery of Cyriacus – 25, 33, 43, 46, 57, 103, 133 Monastery of Elias – 29, 48, 57 Monastery of Epiphanius, see Topos of Epiphanius Monastery of Ezekiel – 8, 10, 12–13, 18, 83, 86, 108, 114, 140, 156, 166, 182, 192–193 Monastery ‘of the holy Christ-bearing Apostles’ – 67 Monastery of Jeremiah – 91

Monastery of Macarius – 112 Monastery of Paul, see Deir el-Bakhit Monastery of Philotheus – 160 Monastery of Phoebammon (Deir el-Bahari) – 13–14, 17, 21, 25–29, 33, 43, 77–78, 85, 99–100, 105, 164, 166, 168–169, 172, 211 Monastery of Phoebammon “in the Rock” (Phoebammon I, “Little” Phoebammon) – 8, 10–11, 13, 96, 100 Monastery of Posidonius – 10, 18, 156 Monastery of Romanus – 38 Monastery of Samuel – 47 Monastery of Scopelus – 162 Monastery of Seridus – 40–41 Monastery of Shenoute (White Monastery) – 105, 180 Monastery of the Syrians – 206 Naqada – 18, 47 Naqlun – 7, 116 hermitage 25 – 116 Ne – 60, 234 Nile – 8, 13–14, 20, 81, 162 Qift, see Coptus Qurnet Murra’i – 26 Qus – 18–20, 47–48, 202 Palestine – 38–39, 46, 66, 82, 90, 104, 162, 178, 203, 238 Patemout – 18

INDEX OF TOPONYMS

Patoubaste – 167 Pbow – 49 Pigash (mountain) – 67 Pshamer – 18 Pshoueb, see Bishwāw Qena Bend – 7 Ramesseum – 17, 27, 140 Rome – 56, 66 Saqqara – 7, 91, 105 Scetis – 38, 67 Sheikh Abd el-Gurna – 12, 15, 23, 27, 52, 154, 203, 211 Shiet, see Scetis Siout (Asyut) – 47 Šāmah, see Jeme (mountain) Tarau – 19 Tche (village) – 231 Timamen – 22 Thebaid – 24, 124, 147 Theban Tombs MMA 1152 – 34, 57, 102–103, 167 TT 29 – 16, 33, 46, 57, 77, 102, 125, 140, 201, 221 TT 65–66, see Monastery of Cyr iacus TT 85 – 12–13, 23, 57, 95 TT 87 – 12–13, 23, 57, 95 TT 95 – 34, 103 TT 97 – 27, 33 TT 99 – 33

275

TT 157 – 13 TT 233 – 103, 112, 140 TT 378 – 18, 26 Thebes – 9, 20–22, 30, 31, 37, 39, 41– 42, 55, 62, 70, 72, 74, 80–82, 84–85, 108, 111, 115, 142, 146, 180–181, 216, 237 Eastern Thebes – 8 Western Thebes – 7–9, 11, 13–16, 19, 21–23, 25–26, 30–31, 37, 39, 45, 48, 50, 66, 77–80, 89, 91, 96–97, 123, 162, 180, 210, 238– 239 Topos of Apa John – 162 Topos Eleamon – 84 Topos of Epiphanius – 6, 15–16, 20, 25, 27, 29–30, 33–34, 36, 40, 42–43, 46, 57, 62, 77, 86, 95, 98–99, 105, 107, 130–138, 141, 145, 167, 173, 201–202, 204, 209–210, 214, 217, 221, 237 Cell B – 107, 141 Topos of Mark – 15–16, 20, 26, 28, 33, 100, 125, 167, 201 Topos of St Apa Victor – 59 Topos of St George – 59 Tsenti (mountain) – 8, 18 Valley of the Kings – 204 Valley of the Queens – 12 Wadi el-Natrun – 29 White Monastery, see Monastery of Shenoute

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