Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism: A Cross-Cultural Perspective 0824826515, 2002154602

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Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism

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M ONASTIC L IFE IN

M EDIEVAL D AOISM A Cross-Cultural Perspective ♦

♦

♦

Livia Kohn

University of Hawai‘i Press honolulu

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©2003 University of Hawai‘i Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 08 07 06 05 04 03 654321 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kohn, Livia Monastic life in medieval Daoism : a cross-cultural perspective / Livia Kohn. p. cm. ISBN 0-8248-2651-5 1. Monasticism and religious orders, Taoist. 2. Taoism—China. 3. China—History—Tang dynasty, 618–910. I. Title. BL1941 .K64 2003 299'.514657—dc21

2002154602

University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources. Designed by Josie Herr Printed by The Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group

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The monastic life is not a rejection of the world; it is a decision to engage with this world from a diªerent dimension. —wayne teasdale

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Contents

Acknowledgments Introduction

ix

xi

1

♦

Understanding Monasticism

2

♦

Origins and History

3

♦

The Monastic Vision

4

♦

Relation to Society

5

♦

Buildings and Compounds

6

♦

Daily Discipline

7

♦

Implements and Vestments

8

♦

The Liturgy

Conclusion

Glossary

43 64 87

112 140

172

203

227 249

Bibliography Index

19

197

Appendix: The Sources Notes

1

257

285

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Acknowledgments

This book has been in the making for the last ten years. I first became interested in questions of Daoist precepts and monastic life when working on the translation of the Xiaodao lun (Laughing at the Dao) in Japan in 1991–1993. The text, a polemic against Daoism, makes much use of actual Daoist practices in its criticism and cites many texts on rules and precepts. Intrigued by the materials, I began looking into them and found much to fascinate and engage me. My first article on the precepts was written at the time, based on the Taishang laojun jiejing (Precepts of the Highest Lord Lao) and published in 1994 (Monumenta Serica 42). I also completed my first raw translation of the Fengdao kejie (Rules and precepts for worshiping the Dao), the central monastic manual of the early Tang dynasty, scheduled to appear in 2003. After returning to Boston in 1993, I had to fulfill other research obligations and spent several years working on Lord Lao. I only returned to questions of monastic life in 1996, when Boston University generously granted me a sabbatical leave to work on the Fengdao kejie and its contents. I revised and expanded my original translation and then wrote an analysis of the date and compilation of the text, which appeared in 1997 (East Asian History 13/14). Following this, I moved on to work on the understanding of karma and retribution and other topics of medieval monastic life, also expanding my range of sources beyond the Fengdao kejie to include further contemporaneous texts that specified more concrete, conceptual, and behavioral details. Four articles resulted over several years, all of which played an important role in this volume: “Steal Holy Food and Come Back as a Viper: Conceptions of Karma and Rebirth in Medieval Daoism” (1998); “Counting Good Deeds and Days of Life: The Quantification of Fate in Medieval China” (1998); “A Home for the Immortals: The Layout and Development of Medieval Daoist Monasteries” (2000); and “Daoist Monastic Discipline: Hygiene, Meals, and

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x

Acknowledgments

Etiquette” (2001). With these materials as background, eventually the time came to put it all together in a comprehensive volume. I am most grateful to Boston University for granting me another leave of absence and to the National Endowment for the Humanities for generously supporting this project. I am also deeply indebted to Robert Sharf and Harold D. Roth, who kindly agreed to write letters of recommendation on the project and who have supported it with great enthusiasm. In the course of research and writing, I have also received many benefits from other colleagues. In Japan, Yoshikawa Tadao was very generous with his time and books in the early stages of the project, while Horio Tsutomu helped me gain access to the libraries of Òtani University, which contained numerous useful works. Antonino Forte was most helpful in providing references, oªprints, and opportunities for discussion on medieval Chinese monasteries, allowing me to gain a sense of comparable Buddhist institutions; Hubert Durt was supportive in discussing the subject and sharing his engaging thoughts on monastic life and organization; Tsuzuki Masako gave a wonderful presentation on monasteries in the Tang, just as I was visiting Kyoto in June 1999, alerting me to her work that appeared in the following years; and Mugitani Kunio kindly sent me his new book just in time to be included in this work. In the West, I am grateful to Erik Zürcher and the anonymous readers for T ’oung Pao for their critical support and helpful suggestions on my work on daily discipline; to Imre Hamar and the readers for Acta Orientalia for their evaluation and support of the study on monastic architecture; to Monica Esposito for her generous help on late imperial Chinese sources; to Jim Skypeck at the Boston University library for his help in finding and obtaining unusual works and interlibrary loan books. I am also very much indebted to Nancy Steinhardt and Stephan-Peter Bumbacher, who read the manuscript in great detail and provided invaluable comments, feedback, and suggestions. My gratitude further extends to the two readers for University of Hawai‘i Press, who supplied valuable new perspectives on many issues, to Patricia Crosby of the press who moved the publishing process along with all due speed, and to Patricia Ebrey and Stephen Little for providing the slide for the book jacket. Above all, I wish to thank my husband for his unending patience with my writing schedule and his kind toleration of the many obscure monastic questions raised over the dinner table.

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Introduction

This book has two main focal points. First, it aims to provide an overview of Daoist monastic institutions, buildings, rules, and behavior in the Chinese middle ages, from the late sixth to the mid-eighth centuries. This is the time when the monastic endeavor came into its own and when the key sources appear (described in detail in the appendix). Although formulated as rules and normative in orientation, they present a rich body of information on the living quarters, communal organization, material culture, ritual practice, and daily behavior of medieval Daoists—which, when information is available, tends to be borne out by other records such as biographies and ritual descriptions. Not found easily in other texts and often ignored in favor of the study of more philosophical, ritual, or historical issues, this material lets the medieval practitioner come to life and appear as a real person—not just an abstraction who engages in visualizations and ecstatic journeys, meets with emperors and nobles, and pursues theoretical speculation. Instead we can see the engaged medieval Daoist in his or her concrete environment, wearing certain clothes, handling specific utensils, eating various types of food in a more or less formal setting, having relationships with the community, the family, and diªerent types of outsiders, and fulfilling all sorts of practical needs from daily hygiene to divine aspirations. The study limits itself intentionally to materials of the late Six Dynasties and early Tang in an eªort to keep it centered in this well-defined period where sources match the time under examination. There are numerous valuable and fascinating documents dealing with diªerent aspects of Daoist monasticism from later periods—the late Tang and Song dynasties and the school of Complete Perfection. They have, with minor exceptions, been excluded because they do not immediately contribute to the essential focus of the work. Details on later developments and the

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xii

Introduction

exact format of Daoist monastic life in the centuries after the Tang, therefore, still have to be explored. The second focal point of this study is the comparative and theoretical placement of medieval Daoist monasticism. To this end, almost every chapter presents cross-cultural information from Christianity and Buddhism (both Indian and Chinese) with occasional recourse to Hindu monastic patterns. And in an eªort to convey what monasticism in general entails, the entire first chapter and the beginning of the second discuss the nature and history of the phenomenon, predominantly from the Christian, Hindu, and Buddhist perspectives. Such comparative sections help to develop a broader perspective; they enhance the importance of the Daoist tradition by providing a sense of classification, theoretical evaluation, and cross-cultural perspective. This comparative eªort, as it turns out, works in two directions. By examining Daoist monastic practices in a cross-cultural perspective, certain typical features of monasticism become obvious and a detailed definition of the phenomenon as a whole comes into focus. But the comparison also helps us to better understand many specific features of the Daoist situation. It helps to clarify to what extent Buddhist influence pervaded it, how much traditional Chinese models of behavior remained active in the tradition, and which features are common among monastic traditions and which are specific to Daoism. Placing the various specifics into a cross-cultural context allows a clearer vision of the whole. And it is amazing just to what extent not only various items of monastic organization and behavior but even the translation of technical terms are greatly aided by an attentive look across the border. The broader framework gives us a clearer understanding of monasticism as a whole and explains why details of buildings, vestments, schedule, and behavior were so immensely important. With this in mind, the book begins with a general chapter on “Understanding Monasticism” that examines the nature and scope of monastic studies in the modern West, the general characteristics of monasticism, the elementary urge toward self-cultivation and otherworldly fulfillment, its manifestation in communal organization, and the concept of liminality, which best summarizes the monastic endeavor. Chapter 2 focuses on “Origins and History.” It begins with an examination of protomonastic types in Hinduism and Christianity, dividing them into ascetics who practice self-denial for the sake of magical powers and social influence (suprasocial), hermits who leave society for the sake of a higher, often ethically defined goal (antisocial), and renouncers who combine the char-

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Introduction

acteristics of ascetics and hermits and actively create a lifestyle distanced from, yet confronting, normative society. The three types appear in China in the magical practitioners ( fangshi) and immortals of the Han and earlier dynasties as well as the Daoist recluses of the middle ages who combine the two earlier ideals and inherit the renunciation tradition of Buddhism. The first beginnings of the monastic endeavor are then found among the early Celestial Masters, who created millenarian communities that were in many ways forerunners of later monasteries. Chinese Buddhism, finally, added institutional organization, so that by the fifth century the first semimonastic communities appear. Chapter 3 discusses “The Monastic Vision,” focusing predominantly on Daoism. It presents the three central motives—karma and retribution, Great Peace, and family values— and then moves on to examine some key metaphors associated with the monastic enterprise, adducing comparative materials from Buddhism and Christianity. The “Relation to Society” of monasteries and recluses is the subject of Chapter 4. It begins with a discussion of the role of the state, which in the Tang appears both as key sponsor and major controlling force, and then moves on to the monks’ rules for interaction with society, including ways to prevent defilement, purification exercises, and the maintenance of a proper distance to laypeople. The chapter also examines the motivation and social background of Daoist monks and concludes with a discussion of women recluses who, in contrast to other traditions, were considered equal. Still, they had their own reasons for joining and their own ways of being Daoist. Moving further into the concrete details of the monastic life, Chapter 5 considers “Buildings and Compounds.” It discusses first the central structures and overall layout of monasteries in general and then the classical Daoist institution, including its surrounding facilities such as orchards and gardens, agricultural estates, and water mills. The chapter also examines issues of location and patronage in comparative perspective, finding that Daoist monasteries, like institutions of other traditions, were typically sponsored by aristocrats and preferably located close to cities— making them easier to maintain, as they were expensive both in money and in the eªort needed for their upkeep. The chapter concludes by tracing the historical forerunners of the layout and buildings of Daoist monasteries, finding precursors not only in traditional Chinese palace and temple architecture but also among the community hall and oratory of the Celestial Masters. “Daily Discipline” is the subject of Chapter 6. It deals with issues of personal hygiene, abstinence from intoxication and sexual contact, meal

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xiii

xiv

Introduction

regulations and food taboos, the procedures of the ceremonial noon meal, and the various forms in which monastics interacted among themselves, notably masters with disciples. Daily life in the monastery, moreover, requires various “Implements and Vestments,” the subject of Chapter 7. It examines cells and furnishings and the various utensils used in daily and ritual life—writing utensils, bookcases, dishes, clothes, and other objects of daily necessity, as well as statues, scriptures, incense burners, gongs, bells, banners, curtains, draperies, and so on. Most important among them are the vestments. In contrast to comparative traditions, Daoist vestments are not plain and humble or made from rags but consist of intricate pieces of precious clothing inhabited and guarded by divine attendants— vestments that had to be treated with great care and could, for example, only be discarded by burning them in a ritual fire. Equally essential, and understood uniquely, were the scriptures and statues: vessels of the sacred teaching and the earthly home of divinities. It is in the treatment of physical utensils, the relation to material culture, that the Daoist tradition stands out most clearly among the various forms of monasticism. The way these various sacred objects were activated, finally, is the topic of Chapter 8, “The Liturgy.” Maintaining a strict control of time, typical for all monastic institutions, the daily and annual round of prayers and divine o‹ces involves various ritual activities—daily services, rites to activate the scriptures, annual festivals or purgations, formal ordinations, and the various rituals surrounding death, burial, and mourning. The chapter discusses aspects of Daoist practice often overlooked and finds patterns that echo other traditions and can be traced back to both ancient Chinese practice and Chinese Buddhism— and yet they stand unique and are unmistakably Daoist. Following this, there is a brief conclusion that revisits the question of monasticism as a cross-cultural phenomenon. The volume ends with an appendix that presents the main sources I have used: editions, studies, translations, and a brief summary of their contents.

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1

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Understanding Monasticism

M

onasticism is the institution of separate yet communal living geared toward the individual attainment of a higher, spiritual state while at the same time playing a certain role in the world. It is the endeavor of creating a social organization particularly fitted for the ascetic life. As such it forms a part of all major world religions—most obviously Hinduism, Buddhism, and Christianity but to a lesser degree also Islam and Judaism— and has seen a rise in popular American awareness in recent years (see Henry 2001; Barnhart and Wong 2001; Teasdale 2002). Historically monasticism developed from eremitic tendencies within the great religions. These led first to loose assemblies of hermits, then to organized and often large communities. Eventually an increased involvement in the world and its pleasures arose, which in turn gave rise to new waves of eremitism and reform movements. As an institution, moreover, monasticism is always located between the need to provide optimal conditions for the individual’s attainment of holiness and the necessity to keep order and control within the monastic community and in its interaction with normative society. Due to these conflicting goals and interests, as well as the dynamic relationship between eremitism and institutionalization, monasticism has been a rather volatile phenomenon. While following a clearly definable ideal in the abstract, it has never maintained this ideal in reality for any prolonged period of time, moving always either away from ascetic eremitism or toward it. The inherently contradictory and unstable nature of monasticism, however, far from being deplorable, renders it a most fascinating subject of academic inquiry, one that can throw light on both the experiential and sociological understanding of religion. In terms of religious experience, monasticism illuminates the modes and methods used for the individual attainment of holiness, especially in an organized and communal setting. In terms of the sociology of religion, it provides an exemplary

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Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism

case for the organization of the supernatural and its manifold interactions with secular society and politics. Both angles have to be taken equally into account to render a study of monasticism complete and relevant. In fact, it is in the interrelation between these two that the phenomenon of monasticism truly comes into its own.

Monastic Studies Surprisingly little comparative and analytical research has appeared on the subject of monasticism. This does not mean there are not numerous books that deal with it. But most tend to be partial to one aspect or the other, so that they typically fall into one of three categories: historical studies, spiritual justifications, and sociological analyses. The first and most common among these is the informational and historical study, usually presenting a description of what occurred when and where. Studies of this kind are important because they present valuable information and detailed examinations of monasticism in specific times and places. They are limited, though, because they do not raise the issue of the phenomenon in general or relate its features to comparative items in other times and cultures.1 The second group of works on monasticism tends to discuss it in terms of religious experience and spiritual development. Here we have works by contemporary Christian monks outlining the monastic ideal from the perspective of the individual seeker and describing its path of attainment. Again the tendency is to leave the phenomenon as such unquestioned and not examine it cross-culturally. Rather, monks in their modern justifications tend to make a case for the intrinsic value and high power of the monastic life, focusing on personal discipline, the benefits of seclusion, and the spiritual vision to be attained. They allude only vaguely to monasticism as an institution or its role in the wider culture. Still they make an important contribution to the understanding of the phenomenon in that they convey the flavor and internal feeling of what it means to commit to the monastic life.2 The third type of work on monasticism concentrates on its communal dimension and consists of sociological studies. Here works tend to focus on contemporary institutions, but they also include historical studies and some comparative, cross-cultural examinations. Like the other categories of works on the subject, they make an important contribution and supplement the information presented in historical studies and spiritual justifications. Yet they also exhibit a certain one-sidedness. They see

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Understanding Monasticism

monasticism as an institution or organization to the exclusion of all else, often following Max Weber and modern, critical analyses of social organizations. Their authors commonly enter monastic organizations or groups as participant observers and pursue research with the help of questionnaires, interviews, and personal observation. Their goal is to pinpoint trends, organizational principles, and social patterns. Some also apply advanced theories to the understanding of the monastic phenomenon and present it—either in its modern or historical manifestation— as a case study of the theoretical exploration of human social forms.3 Among all the diªerent works published on the subject to date, only two focus on monasticism as a whole and as a cross-cultural phenomenon. And both are—certainly not by coincidence—multi-authored studies. The first, and most important, is the volume based on the NEHsponsored conference on “Monastic Life in the Christian and Hindu Traditions” (Creel and Narayanan 1990); the other is the series of articles on the subject in the Encyclopedia of Religion (Weckman 1987; McGinn 1987; Collcutt 1987). Taken together, they provide an excellent starting point for a preliminary definition of monasticism to which materials from spiritual, sociological, and historical presentations can then be added.

Characteristics of Monasticism In his concluding summary of the conference on “Monastic Life in the Christian and Hindu Traditions,” Mark Juergensmeyer presents the first comprehensive and cross-cultural definition of monasticism. He says that monasticism is “a religious calling to undertake an intense personal spiritual activity that separates those involved in it from ordinary society and binds them together in same-sex kindred fellowships that provide ideal alternatives to the ordinary world” (1990: 556). He goes on to raise the issue whether the term “monasticism,” based on the Western, Christian heritage, is suitable to serve as a general designation for this cross-cultural phenomenon or whether we should not speak of “comparative ashramas” or find some other generic term (p. 557). Examining various alternatives, he concludes that since we have to call it something, the term “monasticism” does as well as any other—provided it is recognized as an abstract, cross-cultural designation. In this sense, it is understood that by “monasticism” we mean an overarching pattern or general religious phenomenon that is then shaped and defined in more detail through various cultural specifications. Its essence is a “purer, more lonely vision of the

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Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism

religious life” (p. 558), which can be found in various expressions in diªerent areas, cultures, and periods. Within this basic definition, then, Juergensmeyer presents four key characteristics to distinguish monasticism from other forms of the religious life. First, he says, monasticism is characterized as a “portable and personal spiritual practice” (p. 544). That is to say, all monastic events and endeavors depend on an inherently individual impulse that leads men or women to dedicate their lives to a quest of higher truth, an attainment of holiness, and a search for the perfect life. This inner urge is personal in that it cannot be instilled or eradicated; it is portable in that it does not depend on specific locations or social circumstances but often is actualized through the departure from a known environment. It is, moreover, not merely an impulse that would evaporate if left on its own but must take on form in spiritual practice, often of an ascetic and renunciatory nature, such as prayer and meditation (p. 546). The individual, then, with his or her urge toward holiness and perfection and the practical manifestation of this urge, stands at the center of the monastic phenomenon. Second, monasticism is characterized by the “separation from ordinary life” (p. 548). This means that anyone giving in to the urge for perfection cannot maintain the same old patterns and boundaries as before but must adopt a new lifestyle. The budding monastic must die to the old and be reborn to a new, divinely based identity—a feature that is commonly emphasized in initiation and ordination rites the world over. Consciously and actively choosing the divine over the mundane, the seeker moves away from society to a state of separateness and isolation where traditional values count for nothing and emptiness and purity are the highest good. Although the key aspect of this characteristic is the individual, a social dimension begins to appear in that he or she can define the quest only in contrast to normative society. The inherent dualism in all monastic thinking and organization first becomes apparent at this point: there is always a dichotomy between holy and profane, pure and impure, divine and ordinary.4 Third, monasticism involves “the evolution of a same-sex kindred community,” which Juergensmeyer describes as a kind of “spiritual factory” or “project,” a “Los Alamos of spiritual technology” (p. 550). Likeminded individuals come together, bound by their common urge toward holiness and their joint love for the project, to create a family-type bond among themselves while rejecting common family ties and feelings (p. 551). In this characteristic, then, monasticism appears predominantly as an organization in which the social patterns of the ordinary world are re-

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Understanding Monasticism

jected and transformed and yet, in some odd ways, are also maintained and developed. Monks and nuns are not sexless, homeless, or kinless beings; they are people who have redirected their inherent needs toward a spiritual goal and the community of the divine. Their organizations are like families and yet not families at all; their lifestyle is like those of other humans yet not ordinary in the least. Fourth and finally, Juergensmeyer characterizes monasticism by its role as an “alternative to ordinary society” (p. 553). This involves the creation of specific religious rules, patterns, schedules, and hierarchies and sees the full-scale unfolding of monasticism as an institution that “by the very fact of its existence controls human conduct by setting up predefined patterns” of behavior (Berger and Luckmann 1966: 52). As is the case with family patterns, so the institutional structures of the world are not simply forgone or eradicated in the monastic setting but are transformed and redirected. The complex monastic organization strives to be more than counterculture. It wants to hold up a mirror to society at large and show the way to an ideal, perfect form of the communal life. The relation between monastics and the ordinary world is crucial. Monastics cannot avoid defining themselves through contrast—whether to show the shortcomings of normative society or to present an ideal model of community. This need to be diªerent and perfect, however, as history has shown repeatedly, tends to encourage first the objectification of the institutions (Berger and Luckmann 1966: 57) and then the growth of total institutions which stifle and strangulate the spiritual urge that lay at their root originally. It may also allow for the rise of a comfort zone and complacency, which is similarly detrimental to ascetic undertakings. Once practicing monastics begin to feel this change, they initiate reform movements placing a renewed focus on personal, spiritual practice. Juergensmeyer’s insightful, comprehensive, cross-cultural definition of monasticism is suitably supplemented with concrete facts and details by George Weckman in the Encyclopedia of Religion. His fourfold scheme of analysis asks diªerent questions. First, he questions what monasticism is and defines it as a specific organization whose members are characterized by their separate social status and relationship, controlled by fixed sets of discipline and rules, and marked by special garb and utensils (1987: 36). Second, he asks how one recognizes monastics and points to their specific buildings and cells, the permanent nature of their calling, their strict obedience to the abbot or master, life in poverty and simplicity, and the practice of asceticism (p. 37). Third, what do monastics do? Typically they engage in religious activities, such as liturgy, ritual, prayer, and

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meditation, but a large portion of their time is taken up by self-cultivation practices, community interaction, and physical labor. Some also serve society through aiding the poor, caring for the sick, and educating children (p. 38). Fourth and finally, what is the motivation behind the monastic endeavor? Many people, Weckman finds, have rather worldly reasons to join a monastic community: escape from being weak and unwanted, retreat from persecution or a frustrating environment, protest against society, the wish to overcome death. The search for mystical transcendence and the desire for penance and sacrifice, which Juergensmeyer placed at the core of the monastic quest, are mentioned last (if not least) here, reflecting a practical and realistic rather than abstract and general evaluation of the monastic phenomenon.

The Monastic Urge One of the key aspects of monasticism, and quite possibly its deepest root, is the inner constituency of its followers: the inherent attitudes and tendencies of monks and nuns. To understand what monasticism is in its very essence, we must therefore ask: What do the religious seekers who engage in monastic practice hope for in their endeavor? How do they view themselves? And why do they find the particular means of communal life and organization so useful for reaching their goal? The literature on this aspect of the phenomenon comes predominantly from the Christian context. There are, of course, works on the benefit and delights of spiritual liberation in Hinduism and Buddhism. But they tend to consist more of general statements than of direct personal intent or justifications. This has to do with the fact that they rest on the fundamental presupposition—common to all Indic worldviews— that the world is illusory and full of defilement. As a result, the quest for liberation and enlightenment is naturally given and does not need any special explanation. On the contrary, as Indic thought understands it, working their way up through the cycles of karmic rebirth, all people will eventually move toward liberation, which is the ultimate goal and inevitable end of existence in general. Monasticism, therefore, does not need a specific justification. Western religions, by contrast, begin with the premise that the world was created by the deity according to his will and was therefore originally good and harmonious, at least until the arising of original sin. Still, despite the fall from grace, the Old Testament prefers people to work for God’s glory and their salvation in the world— and so do, in their pre-

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Understanding Monasticism

dominant forms, all Western religions. Becoming a monk or nun, then, carries with it a much stronger negation of the world and a much greater rejection of dominant cultural values than in the Indic East. Justifications and explanations of the monastic quest are accordingly more numerous and more outspoken. They tend to appear, moreover, especially in times when the monastic institution faces opposition—that is, in the early phases before it was established as a key force in medieval society and in the contemporary world when modernity calls it into question.5 In these discussions, two dominant tenets stand out: the monastic life is unthinkable without ordinary and worldly life as a backdrop and contrast; and its deepest motivation and ultimate goal are the attainment of inner unity and peace. The contemporary Benedictine monk Raimondo Panikkar, who presents a highly sophisticated justification of monasticism and proposes a “universal archetype” of monkhood, emphasizes both, equally and often jointly. Thus he says that “the monk is a person who aspires to reach the ultimate goal of life with all his being by renouncing all that is not necessary to it, i.e., by concentrating on this single and unique goal” (Panikkar 1982: 10; see also Moon 1998: 9–12). The “single and unique goal” is most commonly defined as the search for God (Bouyer 1955: 7–8) or the salvation of the soul ( Merton 1992: 13), but Panikkar (p. 15) explains it more specifically as the attainment of oneness and wholeness, of unity with the center. This center, a key concept in his system, is a transcendental core deep within everyone and at the root of the cosmos at large. It is central in all ways—geometrical, gravitational, and motivational—yet it is also formless, without dimension, and void (p. 17). To attain this center one must renounce all that is extraneous and superfluous, withdraw from multiplicity, diversity, and complexity, abandon all things common, normal, secure, and reasonable (pp. 34, 41). In its pursuit, monastics strive to attain the quasi-mystical state of “blessed simplicity,” an utterly new way of perception outside of time and space, in total unification and peace, intuitive wisdom, and all-pervasive love (pp. 36, 64). “Monastic spirituality,” Panikkar says, “is directly concerned with changing awareness, with transforming our very selves” (p. 38; see also Teasdale 2002: 22–23). This transformation of the self alone, however, while essential to the monastic enterprise, is not su‹cient for its definition. In fact, it also lies at the root of the extensive eªorts of mystics and ascetics over the millennia and the equally exhaustive labors of modern self-help seekers and clients of psychotherapy. They all strive for self-realization, personal centeredness, and inner peace. What makes monastic spirituality diªerent

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is the institutional component and its specific discipline. Panikkar emphasizes that the monk as an archetype “both needs and shuns institutionalization,” so that monasticism inevitably turns into “a particular form of organized life” (pp. 11, 15). Its institutions, moreover, are not ordinary organizations but essential manifestations of the absolute that represent the ideal of renunciation in a tangible way (p. 89). They allow monastics to take their rightful place as practitioners of the angelic life, a “heavenly life in the presence of God, wholly consecrated to the glorifying of that presence” (Bouyer 1955: 38). More practically, institutions are necessary to curb those personality aspects not subsumed under the monastic urge— as, for example, “the treacherous flesh” manifest in sexuality and the desire for intimacy (Panikkar 1982: 74). Institutions also provide a suitable framework to express one’s dedication to the quest for the center and funnel it into disciplined and orderly activities such as prayer, contemplation, and work (Teasdale 2002: 53). Thereby a new, more sacred person begins to grow, who is rather than has or does, and who becomes so open in his centered oneness that he and the community merge into one. The monk at the center of all embraces all and has no limits in his cosmic actions (Panikkar 1982: 69–70; Merton 1992: 44).6 Panikkar’s understanding, therefore, stresses the dualistic worldview at the core of the monastic quest: the pursuit of centeredness and peace with its accompanying rejection of diversity and agitation. Beginning monastics feel oppressed or distressed by the ordinary world, see a divine power beyond it that calls out to them, and find their way to deliverance in renouncing the world. Then, however, since their very physical makeup contains worldly aspects, they need the organized setting to become free from the menial tasks of everyday life as well as the control and discipline oªered by the institution. They surrender themselves completely to it and the divinity it represents—to the point of full identification and oneness. The necessity of surrender and the core values of inner centeredness and peace are also essential for the monastic quest in the understanding of Thomas Merton (1915–1968), the prolific Trappist writer who has contributed much to the contemporary understanding of monastic values (see McInery 1974). For Merton, monasticism begins with the individual seeker who “sees himself and all men together in the light of great and solemn facts which no one can evade,” that is, death, sin, conflict, disease, the obscurity of life’s meaning, and the elusive nature of happiness ( Merton 1992: 4). Rather than accepting them as given and making the best

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Understanding Monasticism

of life under their shadow, monastics long for something else—something total, divine, ultimate (see also Bouyer 1955: 28–29).7 They strive for utter purity of heart, in peace, self-forgetfulness, humility, and unconcern with ordinary life—through gentleness, faith, and simplicity ( Merton 1992: 7; see also Keating 1986: 29). To attain this they surrender to God and the institution, seeing “the monastic community as Christ, living visible and present in the midst of this creation, and blessing all the surrounding country and all the things which the monks touch and use, leading all things to unity with us in praising God” (p. 18). Through the classical disciplines of poverty, chastity, and obedience, as well as the renunciation of all outside possessions, their body, and self-will, monastics eventually attain inner peace and a sense of joy, freedom, and truth, a life without conflict, anguish, dissension, division, change, sorrow, need, and deprivation ( Merton 1992: 62–68; 1971: 117– 128). Giving up the comforts of the world, they find harmony and wellbeing on a new and divine level; renouncing what people value most, they reach out for something higher and better. This reaching out, however, is not easy. It comes with a process of serious reorientation that involves the radical control of both the physical and the mental in an eªort of stripping the self (Bouyer 1955: 120). Traditional Benedictine discipline, following and expanding the Rule of St. Benedict, distinguishes ten features of monastic discipline that form the focus of the reclusive life and characterize much of monastic thinking and psychology. Formulated in diªerent terms, they are also present in the monastic traditions of other orders and cultures. They are: 1. Solitude: separation from the world and renunciation of ordinary life, the preference of silence over speech (see also Teasdale 2002: 29–35) 2. Discretion: moderation in everything and proper discernment of good and evil, excess and deficiency 3. Compunction: profound grief and sorrow at the state of one’s self and the world, the realization of one’s own misery and repentance for past deeds 4. Humility: the ability to see reality as it is and renunciation of all personal pride, including twelve characteristics: fear of God, conformity to the rule, patience, perseverance, conscientiousness, obedience, simplicity, aloneness, seriousness, taciturnity, a grave manner, and overall humbleness (see Chittister 1992: 63–74) 5. Asceticism: mortification of those inner tendencies that lead

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away from the divine, detachment from external goods and riches, from one’s own vices and passions, and from everything visible and palpable, the renunciation of comfort, food, sleep, and companionship 6. Poverty: abandoning of material goods and total dependence on the charity of others and the monastic community in good faith and trust in the deity 7. Virginity (chastity or continence): sublimation of sexual faculties to a higher end expressed in proper modesty and avoidance of temptation 8. Obedience: crucifixion of self-will and complete surrender to the will of the abbot and the institution 9. Stability: perseverance in the quest and establishment of a permanent abode and lasting relationships 10. Work: undertaking community tasks with humility and dignity (Peifer 1966: 193–308)8 All these various forms of discipline serve the purpose outlined by Panikkar: to transform the life and consciousness of the individual from multiplicity and complexity to unity and simplicity. This transformation, however, is not only personal but also communal and manifests as a conscious, active countermove against ordinary society through the creation of new and diªerent forms of joint living. Repeatedly monastics of diªerent traditions emphasize that their work is not only to attain personal liberation but to hold up a mirror to society: a mirror of perfection that shows both the shortcomings of society and the ideal state to be reached.9 Monasticism, although predicated on the individual and serving the personal transformation of specific people, is therefore a social and sociological phenomenon, as well, geared toward creating new, alternative, and potentially perfect forms of celestial living on earth.

Communal Organization The communal aspects of monasticism, as opposed to the personal and spiritual, are studied from a completely diªerent angle and by a completely diªerent group of people. Not believers themselves, students of sociology are fascinated by the phenomenon and observe it from the outside, bringing certain analytical tools and theories to bear. Two modes of study prevail: field studies are undertaken by participant observers with the help of interviews, questionnaires, and statistical analyses; theoreti-

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Understanding Monasticism

cal and historical examinations, by contrast, aim to present a comprehensive and theoretical understanding of the institution in social terms. Key concerns involve the original social status of monastics, their motivation, material standing, physical activities, daily schedule, personal freedom, and patterns of deviance. Findings lead to a more concrete understanding of monastic communities and throw light on their function in society at large. Among Indian sâdhus, for example, 73 percent were found to come from the higher castes, while 41 percent joined the renunciants due to economic hardships in ordinary life. Some 95 percent eat vegetarian food, and 40 percent take some form of intoxicant (tobacco, marijuana) to relieve the monotony of the ascetic life. Only 5 percent are avowedly celibate; 73 percent refuse to divulge any information on the subject (Tripathi 1978: 85, 96, 138–142). Similarly, American Cistercians tend to decide on a vocation in their twenties, have higher educational degrees, and are less drawn to monasteries now than in the past, so that institutions lose rather than gain in membership ( Moon 1998: 146–153; see also Hillery 1992).10 Still, even in dwindling numbers American monks tend to be highly respected by ordinary society—unlike their Korean counterparts who suªer a social stigma since they are considered traitors to the family and the nation ( Moon 1998: 80). Data on the everyday life and practical attitudes of monastics are essential to assess the monastic situation correctly. They put the institution into a wider framework and modify the idealized vision presented by spiritual defenders. They also reveal the intricacy of the interaction between monasteries and ordinary society and illuminate essential diªerences in the religions of diªerent cultures. Moreover, sociological research provides general models of the institution and its functioning. Two such studies are of special interest: a Weber-based examination of the distinctive features of monasteries as a specific type of religious organization (Silber 1995) and a study of the dynamics of closed, utopian groups in terms of “commitment and community” (Kanter 1972). The first, by Ilana Silber, begins with the Weberian concept of the “religious virtuoso” who is separate from ordinary society and creates a diªerent social order. He does so either by inspiring the growth of new religious movements with his charisma or by devoting himself exclusively to the attainment of a spiritual goal.11 Virtuosity is characterized by individual choice and intense personal commitment, a search for perfection that leads beyond everyday life, a sustained and systematic discipline to enhance this perfection, a normative double standard that reserves the endeavor for a heroic minority, and a conservative and pro-institutional

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attitude (Silber 1995: 190–192). It can lead to the establishment of monasticism—defined as “a social formation with its own internal demands and dynamics, but standing in a close dialectical relation to the social and cultural environment in which it sustained itself over time” (p. 47). As Silber points out, a key sociological aspect in this context is the dual nature of monasticism as both an individual endeavor and a major social organization. She says (p. 39): It is remarkable that religious opting-out, while essentially motivated by a purely individual search for salvation, was able to spawn a communal framework characterized by a tighter, “greedier” structure than most ordinary social frameworks. In a paradox worth underlining, radically asocial and even antisocial orientations gave rise to a remarkably powerful form of social organization. This powerful social organization, then, is one of the key features of monasticism: it is a total institution with complete control over all aspects of its members’ time, space, and activity. Other features, as evident both in ancient Theravâda Buddhism and in medieval Catholicism, include: 1. Its marginal, even antithetical, position in relation to society at large, that is, the utter negation of all primary social values such as sex, food, kinship, and property 2. Its conservative nature, expressed in its active preservation of religious ideals 3. Its overall fragility and precariousness, manifest in a set of inherent tensions: insulation versus involvement, autonomization versus incorporation, acceptance versus refusal of power, ascetic denial versus wealth accumulation, celibacy versus the need for heirs, and generally perfection versus daily, physical reality [Silber 1995: 38–42] These contradictory tendencies are both incorporated in and essential to the monastic institution, and in light of their powerful pull it is astonishing that it could survive as long as it has. One explanation, aside from Panikkar’s universal archetype, is the benefit monasteries created for normative society. Monks in early Christianity, for example, became successful as social mediators who, because they were dissociated from

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Understanding Monasticism

all social ties, gained “the objectivity and certainty men desperately needed in a society marked by the erosion of institutions at every level of life” (Silber 1995: 45–46; Brown 1982: 117). Indeed, in much of human history monasteries served as bastions of stability when unrest and war prevailed in the world. They provided a safety valve for society by creating “a permanent niche for the transcendent without posing a threat to everyday life,” both maintaining and neutralizing potentially subversive tendencies (Silber 1995: 47). Monastics also entered into a distinct relationship of give and take with society— supporters providing gifts and donations while recluses granted merit and spiritual protection; supporters supplying human and material resources while recluses fed the poor, tended the sick, and educated children. Far from being an utterly separate and otherworldly realm, monasteries played an important role in society, not despite their segregative tendencies, but because of them (Silber 1995: 195).12 Internally the same segregative tendencies, coupled with the demand for perfection, both personal and communal, put strong pressure on the monastic institution. Striving to create a celestial community on earth, each monastery is an attempt to establish a utopia—defined in a pathbreaking study by Rosabeth Kanter (1972) as the realization of an “imaginary society in which humankind’s deepest yearnings, noblest dreams, and highest aspirations come to fulfillment, where all physical, social, and spiritual forces work together in harmony, to permit the attainment of everything people find necessary and desirable” (p. 1).13 Working toward ideal communal harmony, cooperation, mutuality, and love, monasteries are utopian communities that promise the realization of happiness and the possibility of heaven on earth (p. 34). Both subsume the individual and his needs under the greater demands of the community and proceed to transform people to fit the new image. To this end they insist on a high degree of order and control, centralizing and coordinating all activities, and planning every aspect of life, however personal. Labor, property, personal items, kin, food, and sex—the core values and markers of rank in normative society— are all shared and managed by the group as a whole. This leads to the practice of communal kitchens, dormitories, and childcare, as well as to the control of sexuality through either celibacy, communal sex, or arranged marriages (p. 44). Social distinctions and special relationships are replaced by an overall uniformity and commonality, yet the community as a whole provides a level of care and intimacy that often contrasts positively with the isolation, loneliness, and alienation perceived to rule in ordinary society (Kanter 1972: 46). Regular rituals, moreover,

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compulsory for the entire group, reinforce the common values, just as the confession of sins—in public or before an elder—cleanses any bad feelings a member might harbor (p. 47). Unity, group cohesion, and commitment are valued above all else (Kanter 1972: 65). They are achieved by three major means— as much in monasteries as in American utopias, military training camps, inpatient institutions, penitentiaries, totalitarian countries, and other total institutions (Goªman 1961: 4–5). These three means are abstinence, austerity, and investment. Abstinence is fourfold: abstinence from intoxicants and rich foods, from sexuality, from personal adornments, and from entertainment such as theater, dancing, and fiction. It increases the individual’s commitment to the group and frees time and energy for work and community chores. Austerity means the practice of poverty, physical simplicity (no heat in winter), and hard work while forgoing all luxuries, comforts, and easy ways. It provides a sense of a shared struggle and common purpose for the community. Investment means that the individual comes to have a personal stake in the community through a feeling of irreversibility, an increased sense of diªerence and insulation visà-vis the outside world, harsh initiatory tests and binding procedures, and threats of shame and punishment for straying from the fold (Kanter 1972: 77–92; see also Gerlach and Hine 1970: 105–117). Such measures—described here as the means used by closed, utopian communities to achieve group cohesion and control—closely echo the discipline outlined by traditional monastic rules and contemporary monks as the best way to find self-realization. In both cases the assumption is that members join voluntarily, but perspectives on their lifestyle and activities diªer. What is described as a method of personal liberation in the spiritual presentations of the monastic life appears in the sociological evaluation of utopian communities as a form of restriction and imprisonment—the kind of treatment one associates with total institutions, such as bootcamps and asylums, where all aspects of life are conducted in the same place, in the immediate company of others, and all activities are regulated by a tight schedule and the demands of the institutional goal (Goªman 1961: 6; Berger and Luckmann 1966: 81–82). As studies have shown, total institutions and religious cults employ very similar methods to achieve mind control over their subjects. This control can extend to the point where followers accept harsh conditions, punishment, and even torture as part of their training. Especially in cult situations, the hardships of the communal life often are not perceived as

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Understanding Monasticism

an imposition but seen as positive, encouraging aspects. Members of such closed organizations may actually feel more committed when treated badly rather than developing the desire to leave.14 In terms of monasticism this means that while the individual in search of perfection may gain his or her best opportunities by being locked up in an isolated, same-sex community, the institution tends to take on a dynamic of its own—both externally, in its relation to normative society, and internally in the totalitarian tendencies of overarching control and the intentional creation of harsh conditions. The tension mentioned earlier, between the monastery’s need to provide optimal conditions for the individual’s liberation and the necessity to keep order and control within the community, takes on a renewed sharpness and intensity under the sociological perspective. Not merely two diªerent aspects of the same pattern or two modes of centering the self, personally and communally, the two dimensions of monasticism appear in a state of conflict and antagonism. The overbearing institution with its totalitarian dynamics may actually come to erase the benefits gained by individual austerity and dedication. It is therefore essential to distinguish closely between monasticism as an ideal or personal experience and monasticism as a social, potentially total institution.15

Liminality In either aspect, monasticism can be described as an acute manifestation of liminality, “a sojourn outside the boundaries of normal human and religious life” (Barnhart and Wong 2001: 8). Liminality, the state of ritual transition, was defined first in 1909 by Arnold van Gennep in his study of the rites of passage (Gennep 1960). The concept was later developed by Victor Turner in his work The Ritual Process (1969). Turner describes it as the “threshold” phase when a person, undergoing a passage from one social or religious status to another, is no longer in one and has not yet reached the next. In other words: the bride going down the aisle is no longer a daughter and not yet a wife; the woman in labor is no longer pregnant and not yet a mother; the boy at initiation is no longer a child and not yet a man. In all cases, the liminal state means that the person is “neither here nor there” but “between positions assigned by law, custom, convention, and ceremonial” (Turner 1969: 95; 1977: 37). He is without status, property, insignia, clothing of rank, or position in a kinship system—stripped of all the values and symbols of ordinary society. As a result, his behav-

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ior is passive and humble, he must obey instructions implicitly, and he must accept arbitrary punishment without complaint. As Turner puts it: “It is as though they [people in a liminal state] are being reduced or ground down to a uniform condition to be fashioned anew and endowed with additional powers to enable them to cope with their new station in life” (1969: 95). Among themselves, however, comradeship and egalitarianism prevail. All these characteristics apply to monastics who are liminal in that they have left ordinary society behind but have not yet reached their new state in complete oneness with the deity or utmost cosmic liberation. As St. Francis put it, they live in passage to the unchanging state of heaven (Turner 1969: 143)—without rank, property, or position, in humility and obedience. Monastics then create a liminal community in a new form of organization characterized by egalitarianism and undiªerentiation. Turner calls this “communitas” and contrasts it with “structure,” the patterns and rules of normative society (pp. 96–97). Communitas is a total institution where there are no distinctions, no favoritism, and no ranks; through it the liminal state of “transition has become a permanent condition,” which is nowhere “more clearly marked than in the monastic and mendicant states of the great world religions” (p. 107). Opposites between ordinary society and communitas accordingly include all the classic characteristics of monasticism: transition versus stability, poverty versus property, equality versus ranks, anonymity versus names, plainness versus beauty, celibacy versus sexuality, humility versus pride and position, silence versus speech, aloneness versus kinship, acceptance of suªering versus avoidance of pain, and so on (pp. 106–107). As liminal institutions and striking manifestations of communitas, moreover, monastic organizations have a great deal in common with millenarian movements: homogeneity, equality, anonymity, humility, unselfishness; the absence of property, status, kinship rights and duties; sexual continence (or sexual community), disregard for personal appearance, total obedience to the leader; maximization of religious attitudes and behavior; and acceptance of pain and suªering (pp. 111–112). Both, in addition, are forms of open society that cut across ethnic, caste, and national divisions. Still they are open only on the inside. On the outside they define themselves through being on the margins of or beyond ordinary social structure—whose existence they need as a counterpoint to their own place and in whose juxtaposition they define themselves (p. 127). Communitas, although essentially egalitarian and antistructure, is not

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Understanding Monasticism

static, however. Instead it manifests on three diªerent levels of organization: the existential or spontaneous, characterized by a joining of liminal beings in an easy and pleasurable togetherness; the normative, which sees elementary communitas organized into a system; and the ideological, when communitas gives rise to models and ideals and grows into a total institution (Turner 1969: 132). Typically the latter results in the development of new impulses for spontaneous communitas, setting forth a cyclical pattern of development. As Turner puts it: “Communitas cannot stand alone if the material and organizational needs of human beings are to be adequately met. Maximization of communitas provokes maximization of structure, which in its turn produces revolutionary striving for renewed communitas” (p. 129).16 Among all the diªerent analyses of monasticism, understanding the phenomenon in the light of liminality oªers the most comprehensive and yet simplest interpretation. It accounts for the specific behavior and attitude of monastics, for the particular patterns of their organizations, and for the necessity of both the personal and communal aspects. It also sheds light on the relationship and inner dynamics between the diªerent phenomena of eremitism, asceticism, and monasticism and explains the inherent instability of monasticism and its oscillation between individual pursuits and the formation of total organizations. As liminality means essentially “transition,” it is not surprising that all monastic enterprises are in constant flux and need continued eªorts at renewal, both internally and organizationally, to remain valid and viable. Monasticism, therefore, is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that has to be understood as one expression of the essential human experience of liminality, both personal and communal. Monastics, standing between humanity and the divine, between their own bodily and sensory nature and the spiritual perfection of the beyond, are liminal in their very being. They are driven by the urge to attain the perfection of divinity and reject worldly life for it; yet while still alive they will always have to confront the material and worldly nature of themselves and their surroundings. Seeking control and discipline, as well as release from the need to provide for themselves, they surrender to an organized institution and community of like-minded seekers. The institution creates an ideal counterpart to normative society and is designed to form a replica of heavenly life on earth. But it, too, is still in the world—indeed it often grows to be also of the world— and must struggle with the same contradictory tendencies as the individual. It has to work a compromise between the need to accommodate the material,

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physical, and sensory realities of life and the urge to transcend all in favor of celestial perfection. From the various diªerent perspectives of investigation and in all the various historical periods and cultures, monasticism can thus be seen as a religious phenomenon with a conflicting and contradictory inner dynamic: both the individual and the institution are striving for a heavenly ideal while working with worldly realities.

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Origins and History

D

aoist monasticism began in the late fifth century c.e. at a time when the religion had been established for several hundred years and existed in a variety of diªerent schools in both organized and eremitic forms (Ozaki 1984; Schipper 1984: 200). Its most obvious model was Chinese Buddhism, which had made major inroads into the society since Huiyuan (334–417) in the south and Kumârajîva (d. 416) in the north (see Tsukamoto and Hurvitz 1985; Zürcher 1959). While Huiyuan and his community, especially with their refusal to bow to the emperor, put monastic independence forward, Kumârajîva and his big translation project provided the scriptural foundation for the sophisticated grasp of doctrines and proper monastic discipline. Inspired by these developments, Daoists picked up on the monastic mode of the religious life and began to create institutions of their own. But they also continued the communal organization and structures of the Celestial Masters—the millennial movement of the second century that grew into the most widespread form of Daoism in the early middle ages (Schipper 1984: 199). Rules for lay priests were adapted to suit monks and nuns, meditation chambers were integrated into monastic compounds, and ritual patterns were taken over into the daily routine. The two factors of Buddhism and the Celestial Masters alone, however, do not explain the deeper origins and complex development of the Daoist monastic movement. One must also look to ascetics and hermits of old—the fangshi and immortals—who practiced solitary seclusion long before either organized Daoism or Chinese Buddhism made their appearance. To understand, furthermore, how these diªerent factors worked together and created Daoist monasticism, it is helpful to begin by examining comparative phenomena in the other great world religions.

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Ascetics, Hermits, and Renouncers The earliest beginnings of monasticism and the renunciatory impulse are found in India. As the word “monasticism” derives from “monachos,” which literally means “living alone” (Knowles 1969: 9; McGinn 1987: 44; Elder 1990: 1), so the historical origins of the phenomenon go back to the solitary isolation of individual seekers. This solitariness tends to be found mainly in societies that have already developed the concept of separate religious salvation—that is, where the divine and the secular have been clearly marked (Elder 1990: 8) and tribal consciousness has been replaced by inward thinking (Cousins 1990: 86).1 In ancient India, the Upanishadic age signifies such a shift toward personal salvation. While asceticism and eremitism first come to the foreground at this time, both existed in India prior to the Upanishads and the idea of the personal quest. Asceticism, the denial of comforts and practice of bodily austerities (tapas) for the sake of a higher good,2 had been used even in Vedic times to obtain a boon (varadâna) from the gods (Elder 1990: 13). It was a form of personalized sacrifice, such as ritual exposure for rainmaking or the prolonged abstention from comforts or food to gain long life or invulnerability. The goal of this type of archaic asceticism, however, in contrast to later monastic traditions, was prosocial. Its practitioners were either shamans who developed communications with the gods, magical abilities, and control over spirits and evil forces (Kaelber 1987: 441) or holy men who embodied power that could benefit society and help people. Their position was originally neither reclusive nor withdrawn but separate and special— a place above society (suprasocial) rather than against it or away from it (Dumont 1970: 43). Similarly, Indian eremitism—the renunciation of social life in favor of moral perfection and personal religious experience (Lozano 1987: 137)—did not arise with the Upanishads but was present earlier. Hermits in Aryan times were marginal figures who lived in the wilderness (the original meaning of the word “eremos”) to avoid civilization or persecution and find peace in solitude. Hermits may or may not have engaged in ascetic practices; even if they did, it was not primarily to attain power for self and society. Their purpose, rather, was to live in seclusion at a safe distance from civilization. They were therefore not special in society, but separate and independent, and can be described as nonsocial or ultrasocial (Dumont 1970: 43–44). With the Upanishads, these two tendencies merged in India and the hermit became the holy man who practiced ascetic disciplines with the

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Origins and History

avowed goal of attaining the power of samâdhi, or “suspension of being,” which in turn would lead to mokùa or “complete release from this world” (Elder 1990: 15, 18; Lozano 1987: 138) accompanied by feelings of bliss and the attainment of supernatural powers (Ghurye 1964: 16–17). Getting away from society was a key factor in this eªort. The ascetic hermit would give up all products of culture and live in the wilderness, not even “stepping on ploughed land,” the symbol of human domination over nature (Olivelle 1990: 133). He—very few if any female ascetics are mentioned for the early stages (Ghurye 1964: 40)—would eat only uncultivated foods such as fruits, berries, roots, and herbs; wear bark, leaves, and animal skins; leave his hair unkempt and his nails growing; and imitate animals in his behavior—notably deer, cows, pigeons, fish, pythons, and dogs (Olivelle 1990: 134).3 Returning to a state of primal origins, before the plow and before social hierarchies, he would find paradise for himself in utter independence from society (Olivelle 1990: 135). Thus he could attain the freedom of mind and body necessary for ultimate release. Typically such ascetics undertook a variety of practices that are still familiar among the yogis of today: There are those who squatted on their heels, others who lay on beds of thorns, ashes or grass, others who rested on a pestle. . . . One was avowedly following the vow of exposing himself to the elements, especially to the sun and the rain. Another with the help of a long staª was carrying out the austerity of standing on one leg. [Ghurye 1964: 39–40] This hermit-ascetic trend of ancient India later developed in two directions. In mainstream Hinduism it was rendered socially acceptable through the system of the four stages of life (âshramas), which culminated in the fourth: the sannyâsi, the wandering ascetic. This stage represented the liminal phase: after having fulfilled one’s duty to society but before leaving the world through death (Elder 1990: 25–26; Dumont 1970: 44). In sectarian developments—notably among the Buddhists (founded by Gautama), the Jains ( Mahâvira), and the Ajivikas ( Maskarin; see Ghurye 1964: 28–29)—it became the predominant mode of being and was seen as the only way to deliverance. In both, however, hermit-asceticism was organized further—carrying legal consequences for the end-of-life recluse in mainstream Hinduism (Olivelle 1984; 1990: 136) and giving rise to group practices and monas-

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tic institutions among the sects. In the latter, moreover, the nonsocial hermit was transformed into the antisocial renouncer who did not just live away from society, in closeness to nature, but broke social taboos and confronted society with radical otherness. Renouncers (sâdhus, bhikkhus) are actively celibate (a feature that did not matter much among the hermits of old), rejecting marriage and procreation as part of their refusal to participate in the social network (Olivelle 1990: 137; Thurman 1994: 124). Also, unlike hermits who still maintained the cooking of food, renouncers give up the sacred fire and thus cut the sacrificial link to the world. As a result, they are not cremated like the majority of Indians but buried like infants or criminals (Olivelle 1990: 138). Renouncers, furthermore, do not engage in economic activity, not even foraging in the woods for food, but like scavengers live on the leftovers of others. Nor do they set up shelter in the wilderness; instead they roam about the countryside without roots. Renouncers do not dress, even in bark and skins, but reject all clothing and go about naked or wear the discarded, dirty rags of others. Thus Jain monks and Hindu sâdhus are often “sky-clad,” while Buddhists wear the kâsâya, a patchwork of rags in an ochre or dirty color that leaves one shoulder bare as an indication of its makeshift nature (Olivelle 1990: 140). Unlike hermits, renouncers violate the holy language of Sanskrit by using the vernacular Pâli instead; they ignore distinctions of caste and gender and admit outcasts and women into their ranks (Olivelle 1990: 141). Even in their monastic manifestation, their institutions, whether temporary huts or settled compounds,4 are essentially antisocial and make no eªort to serve society or support it— although over the centuries this tendency has undergone modifications as society adapted to the presence of renouncers in its midst. The Indian monastic, therefore, can be described as a renouncer made socially acceptable; he is heir to both the ascetics and hermits of old, yet he also stands in active contrast to them.

Holy Men and Desert Fathers A similar pattern of monastic development can be observed in the West. Here the earliest Christian recluses appear in the late third and early fourth centuries in the Near East, especially Egypt and Syria. First are the holy men who, in the wake of ascetic practices found in Greek mystery cults and ancient Egyptian priesthood ( Mackean 1920: 64), take on bodily hardships and swear oª worldly comforts in favor of attaining a higher goal. This goal is defined primarily as purity of heart and close-

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Origins and History

ness to God; it can only be reached in poverty and through the subjugation of ordinary drives. Thus St. Anthony (251–356), the great desert father and first monk of Christendom, in 271 left a flourishing business behind after hearing a sermon invoking the words of the gospel according to Matthew: “If you will be perfect, go, sell all you have, and give to the poor, and come, follow me” (xix.21; Knowles 1969: 12). He withdrew to the desert, lived in a simple hut, ate a meager diet, and dedicated his life to prayer.5 Soon, however, his fame spread and he “was mobbed: he became ‘a doctor to all Egypt’ ” (Brown 1982: 126) lending his power to the greater good of all. His austerities had made him pure and empowered him with divine wisdom, and his words were regarded as the answers of God. Thus the story goes: “When someone was faced with an insoluble di‹culty, his friends would say to him: ‘The great [St. Anthony] is still alive, go to him. . . . And whatsoever word he shall say unto thee, thou shalt perform, for God shall speak unto thee through him’ ” (Nigg 1959: 33). Not only in Egypt but in Syria and Palestine too holy men were following ascetic disciplines and garnering high regard as representatives of power (Anson 1964: 31; Barnard 1991). Their asceticism, however, was extreme and ostentatious since, as Peter Brown points out, “men constantly in contact with the surrounding society needed to act out a more elaborate and dramatically ‘inhuman’ ritual, if they were to maintain their position as ‘the stranger’ ” (1982: 131). This position as “stranger” was essential to both them and society—for them to be closer to God, for society to avail itself of their powers and objectivity. The early monks of Syria, therefore, came to be venerated as local intermediaries and settlers of disputes, continuing in a diªerent mode the tradition of pagan oracles and divinations (Brown 1982: 134). Ascetic practices in early Christianity, then, as in ancient India, served a distinct social purpose. Rather than to induce the gods to grant a boon, they were used “as a long drawn-out solemn ritual of dissociation—of becoming the total stranger” (Brown 1982: 131). Hermits, the second forerunner of Indian monastics, also flourished in early Christianity, notably in the Egyptian deserts of Nitria and Scete.6 Unlike the ascetic holy men, these eremitic desert fathers did not usually make their powers accessible to society but lived in separate and independent settlements and subsisted on natural resources and the sale of minor handicrafts ( Mackean 1920: 83). They built their huts or dug their cells in the vicinity of a church,7 where mass was celebrated at regular intervals—monks in those days were not yet being routinely ordained

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as priests and thus were unable to perform the sacraments.8 There was no rule or schedule, however, and individual hermits followed their own inclination, spending their lives in isolation and prayer. Their main concern was personal salvation—reached through an inner struggle with the demons of temptation and the flesh. Their records accordingly focus on the evils of anger, judgment, and pride and show little concern for the attainment of powers or social interaction ( Mackean 1920: 82–87; Linge 1990: 53–61; Merton 1960). The shift from the eremitic to the cenobitic life—from clusters of individual hermits to early monastic communities—in the West occurred with St. Pachomius (286–346). Having set out as a hermit in the desert, he received the divine command through an angel to go and build a structure to house hermits. Soon he had several hundred in his monastery at Tabennesis and more in further foundations, including the first convent for women, directed by his sister (Anson 1964: 27–30; Knowles 1969: 13–15). With larger numbers, organization became necessary and St. Pachomius— originally a military man used to hierarchy and discipline—created the first Christian rule and instituted the first monastic regulations (Wynne 1988: 43–45; Nigg 1959: 50–65). They included a period of probation or novitiate of one to three years, a daily schedule that separated periods of work and worship, a division of labor into several departments led by specific o‹cers, and rules regarding cleanliness, personal discipline, and community interaction ( Mackean 1920: 91–105). The communities organized by St. Pachomius were composed of renouncers rather than hermits or ascetics; they had the goal of holding up a mirror to ordinary society and the church at the time, and they actively rejected or replaced current practices and taboos. They were also extremely popular. Thousands heeded the vocation to leave the world, a phenomenon without precedent. Scholars have explained this new development variously. The simplest explanation is by W. H. Mackean, who sees the monastic life as a direct continuation of ascetic and eremitic practices undertaken in the mystery cults and in ancient Egypt and finds the reason for its sudden popularity in the violence and lawlessness of the time (1920: 64, 77). More complex (and also most common) is the explanation that monastic seclusion continued the early Christian lifestyle with other means. That is to say: early Christians had lived on the fringes of society, vibrantly dedicated to their faith, while facing threats and persecution. Now Emperor Constantine (r. 312–337) converted to Christianity and the church changed “from a persecuted and fervent sect into a ruling and rapidly in-

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Origins and History

creasing body, favored and directed by the emperor” (Knowles 1969: 11). Without the original fervor, the feeling of living on the edge was cooling and devout Christians sought to recover it in communities away from society. In other words: the end of martyrdom signaled the beginning of monkhood; the end of persecution meant the beginning of renunciation, which was both antisocial and antichurch in its dynamic.9 While this explanation is entirely plausible, the perspective on monasticism as a liminal movement opens yet another dimension: early Western monasticism as the continuation of millennial Christianity. Both millenarian movements and monastic life, as noted earlier, are forms of communitas or liminal organizations with a membership that cuts across common social divisions and with the goal of creating new forms of communal life. They are both on the fringes of ordinary society, as well, and treated with distrust or hostility. Early Christianity most certainly had all the characteristics of a millennial movement, oªering its members the inner sense of being special and closer to God than ordinary folk. When this impulse was lessened or even lost, when membership in the church became a road toward rank and status within normative society, the millennial momentum continued and led to the creation of antistructure organizations in the form of monasteries that rejected the establishment yet nevertheless used its institutional patterns and belief systems. There are, therefore, four pillars at the root of monasticism: ascetic endeavors for the sake of gaining special power, originally within society; eremitic tendencies to leave society behind in search of solitariness and naturalness; the movement of renunciation that is consciously antisocial and rejects society, renouncing taboos and social patterns; and millenarianism with its liminal dynamic and goal of creating a better form of communal life. All four pillars are clearly present in Christianity and apply to Buddhism, as well, whose monasteries were designed “as a specially protected society within society, in which the seeds of the Buddhaland of the future could mature and which could set an extraordinary standard of ethical, religious, and intellectual life oriented to transcendent individual and social fulfillment” (Thurman 1994: 120–121).10 All four pillars are also prominent in Daoism and contribute significantly to the development of its monastic organization. Here they are found in the magical practitioners ( fangshi) and immortals of the Han dynasty, who represent the successors of the shamans and hermits of old; in the Celestial Masters movement, the first organized Daoist group, characterized by a strong millenarian thrust; and in Chinese Buddhism, which con-

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tributes the notion of active renunciation and the rejection of established authority and social structure.

Fangshi and Immortals Fangshi are magical practitioners or technicians of the supernatural; immortals are people who have gone beyond the limitations of this world and ascended to a higher level. Both are proto-Daoists who play a role in Han society and court life and appear first in texts describing that dynasty. These texts were created by aristocrats and court writers, and very few documents, such as the Shiji (Record of the historian) and the Liexian zhuan (Immortals’ biographies; DZ 294) actually date from the Han.11 Much information on the figures is found in later dynastic histories and devotional hagiographies.12 Information on the fangshi and immortals is thus colored by the interests of court writers and devotees, who tend to focus on their interaction with the emperor and their magical feats. In terms of the distinction between ascetics and hermits, they fit the role of ascetic hermits according to most sources, written at a time when the types were already conflated. Both fangshi and immortals, therefore, are separate from society, engage in techniques of physical and spiritual control, have their minds set on interaction with the spirit world, and in the process of their training acquire magical powers. Still, traces of the earlier models remain and there are diªerences. Fangshi tend to remain in society and interact with the aristocracy whereas immortals withdraw to the mountains or some far-oª paradises, the most prominent of which are known as Penglai (island) and Kunlun (mountain). And while both engage in what is known as longevity techniques— breathing exercises, diet control, gymnastics, sexual hygiene, absorption of solar energies, and meditation (Engelhardt 2000)—fangshi are less focused on bodily cultivation and the return to nature than immortals. The latter are like the hermits of ancient India: they live in the wilderness, make themselves garments of leaves or deerskins, fast by living on pure qi, or eat raw food they find in the woods (Kaltenmark 1988; Eskildsen 1998: 20–21; see Figure 1). They are closely associated with birds in the lightness of their bodies and their ability to fly (Kaltenmark 1988: 10– 15). Being so close to nature, moreover, immortals attain extended old age and continuous vigor and eventually reach the paradises— all goals that emperors were eager to attain and for which they sought out immortals and employed the magical powers of the fangshi.13

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Figure 1. The immortal Chisongzi dressed in bark and leaves. Source: Zengxiang liexian zhuan.

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Both immortals and fangshi interact with society. While fangshi play a marginal yet superior role, however, immortals tend to be immune to human needs and distance themselves from people as far as possible. Like hermits they emerge to serve sporadically and in a detached manner as advisers or by transmitting their teachings. Moreover, although both acquire magical powers in the course of their training, immortals tend to focus on personal control—reaching old age while retaining youthful appearance and vigor—whereas fangshi use their powers to exert control over natural phenomena and divine agents. They use their magic in society for their own greater renown and the benefit of the empire. The very name “fangshi” indicates the emphasis placed on the skills and abilities of these people, who can predict fortunes and perform astrological divinations, analyze weather patterns and make rain, heal diseases and exorcise demons, communicate with the dead and conjure up spirits, advise on military strategy and provide magical weaponry (DeWoskin 1983: 23–35). In this respect, the fangshi are very much like the ascetics of Vedic India who underwent physical hardships for the attainment of extraordinary powers; they also follow the shamans of ancient China—marginal figures with spiritual clout who had a direct link to the divine and the greater workings of the cosmos. Unlike them, immortals have few special skills and hardly any learning; they have left no instruments or technical manuals behind.14 These diªerences indicate that fangshi and immortals continued diªerent roles and ideals of ancient Chinese society: those of the shaman/ ascetic and those of the sage/hermit. The shaman in ancient China was a figure known as wu. Both the character’s pictogram and the word field it belongs to indicate the complex of dancing, fertility, and pacification (Schafer 1951: 152–155). Wu were dominantly female and played a key role in the interaction with ancestors and the influencing of weather patterns. They were especially associated with ritual sacrifices or bodily exposure for rainmaking — a role that was later taken over by imperial o‹cials, Buddhist or Daoist priests, and in some cases the emperor himself.15 This continuity was obvious to the Chinese. As the Ming writer Tang Shunzhi says: “The ancients, to relieve a drought, without fail employed female shamans; now we employ Buddhist and Daoist priests. . . . If a female shaman was not obtainable, they sometimes used Daoist or Buddhist nuns, seeking yin by means of yin” ( Jingchuan baibian; Schafer 1951: 159). He refers to yin-yang cosmology, which associates rain (water) with yin and dryness (sunlight, drought) with yang. He also notes

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Origins and History

that while shamans were considered lowly and of little consequence, Buddhist and Daoist recluses were highly regarded.16 The wu were also known for their technical expertise, which in the Zhuangzi is contrasted with the cosmic insight of the perfected. A sage named Huzi gives in to the urgings of his disciple Liezi and lets himself be analyzed by a shaman versed in face divination (physiognomy). The shaman visits repeatedly, seeing a diªerent personality or mind image each time. Eventually he runs away, spooked by the inconceivable depth of the sage’s expression. The sage explains: “Just now I appeared to him as that which has not yet emerged from the source. I came at him totally empty, wriggling and turning, not knowing anything about who or what, now dipping and bending, now flowing in waves. That’s why he ran away” (chap. 7; Watson 1968a: 97). The story vividly contrasts the technical expertise of the shaman with the cosmic emptiness of the sage—a contrast that is at the center of the distinction between fangshi and immortals.17 Unlike the technique-centered shamans and fangshi, immortals are the successors of ancient hermits and sages in their cosmic depth and their tendency toward seclusion. The very word for immortal, “xian,” whose graph shows a man next to a mountain, associates them with the wilderness, the untamed and threatening parts of the natural world that civilized men shunned but which also oªered refuge to people under political or military pressure.18 Inhabited by wild animals and indigenous tribes, the mountains were the abode of hermits who had given up society in favor of a life of personal integrity, moral sophistication, and oneness with cosmic principles (Vervoorn 1984: 250). Such hermits were considered moral heroes and sage figures in the Confucian tradition— persons of great wisdom and cosmic insight who left society because it forced them into moral compromise but might return when the time was right (Berkowitz 1989: 44–48). A more radical brand of hermits were the paragons of extraordinary conduct who lived only for their own values and never even considered serving (Berkowitz 1989: 79). Best known among these are Boyi and Shuqi, two brothers who left their home state for the mountains to preserve the principles of propriety because their father wanted the younger son to inherit his fief. When the Zhou dynasty came to power, they stayed in seclusion, unable to stomach King Wu’s unfilial conduct and King Wen’s traitorous behavior. Rather than give in to moral depravity, they starved themselves to death (Vervoorn 1983; 1984: 266; Berko-

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witz 1989: 83). Other important hermits include renowned imperial advisers who made great policy because of their selfless detachment but had to be prized away from their secluded and joyful tilling of the soil by the ruler himself, who usually promised them humility and moral goodness—monetary incentives and grants of high rank having no eªect on them.19 The key to the ideal of the hermit in ancient China was, therefore, his moral quality—the personal strength that led him to place his own integrity and peace of mind before the demands of politics and society. This was, in the Zhuangzi, expanded to include the idea of total freedom and independence— of being beyond harm and able to wander wherever one pleased, freely and joyfully (Vervoorn 1984: 280; Berkowitz 1989: 101–103). Described as “free and easy wandering” (chap. 1) or “perfect happiness” (chap. 18), this state could be realized either in the mountains or in society, the emphasis being on the mental detachment that would ensure an inner invulnerability to outer events and demands. This mental freedom was then associated with freedom from bodily harm and decay and linked with longevity (ascetic) and meditative/ecstatic (shamanic) practices to form the ideal of immortality (Berkowitz 1989: 107; see also Yü 1964: 87–88; Wen 1956: 159). Though accepting fangshi techniques, immortals still retained the quality of hermits; they were more concerned with their inner self than with magical powers and dealt with the world in a nonsocial rather than a suprasocial way. Both equally became the forerunners of later Daoist priests and monastics, who also practiced longevity techniques and lived in seclusion, performed feats of magic and exorcism, and interacted with rulers and society. The combination of seclusion–cum–personal integrity and asceticism–cum–magical powers, therefore, proved highly influential and despite its inherent tension—individual cultivation and freedom versus fame through magical powers and technical service in the world—was at the root of the monk’s ideal in China as much as in India and the West.20

The Celestial Masters The Celestial Masters (Tianshi) were founded by Zhang Daoling, a fangshi and alchemist from central China who took up residence on Heming shan in Sichuan. There, in 142 c.e., he had a vision of a deity who introduced himself as Lord Lao, the personified Dao. The god told Zhang that the end of the world was at hand. He was to instruct the people to

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Origins and History

repent and prepare themselves for momentous changes by becoming morally pure so they could serve as the “seed people” (zhongmin) of the new age. Closing the “Covenant of Orthodox Unity” (Zhengyi mengwei) with Zhang, the god then appointed him as his representative on earth with the title “celestial master” and gave him healing powers as a sign of his empowerment. Zhang followed the god’s orders and, in an era characterized by a flagging economy, widespread corruption, and natural disasters, gathered thousands of people around him. As a token for his eªorts, he took the sum of five pecks of rice (wudou mi) from his followers, whom he organized into tight units and controlled with a strict moral code and ritual schedule, creating a semi-independent state on a religious and ritual basis.21 Around the same time a similar organization sprang up in eastern China (Shandong) known as the Great Peace (Taiping) movement. While the Celestial Masters hoped to see the transformation of the world by natural means, the leaders of Great Peace decided to help it along and, in 184, rose in rebellion (Seidel 1984). They were defeated in a civil war that lasted several decades. As a result, the Great Peace movement ceased to exist and its teachings remain only in a fragmentary scripture, the Taiping jing (ed. Wang 1960), while the Celestial Masters continued in a hereditary line of priests in the Zhang family and became a major organized religion of traditional China ( Hendrischke 2000). The earliest information on these early Daoists appears in o‹cial dynastic histories that tend to be sketchy and biased although their data are being increasingly confirmed by archaeological evidence (Wu 2000). The earliest text of the Celestial Masters themselves is the Xianger commentary to the Daode jing, which expresses their cosmology and has a set of twenty-seven rules associated with it (Bokenkamp 1997a). From the fourth century we have several texts on exorcising demons, an account of Celestial Masters history, and cosmology. All other texts are later and allow only partial reconstruction of their life and organization (Nickerson 2000). Nevertheless an intact and functioning community patterned after the Celestial Masters is still found today among the Yao in northern Thailand (Strickmann 1982; Lemoine 1982). According to these sources, the early Celestial Masters were in many respects a classical communitas in the sense of Victor Turner: a liminal organization carried by a utopian vision and millennial outlook. Six distinct characteristics can be described that match the typical features of liminal communitas and carry over into the Daoist monastic organization of later centuries:

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1. Religious determination of organizational structure and disregard of common social distinctions such as class, gender, or ethnicity 2. Ritual determination of the calendar and communal activities— expressed in regular meetings and formal ceremonies 3. Dominance of the community over individual needs and desires— expressed in sets of formal rules 4. Requirement of strict humility and obedience 5. Demand for sexual control 6. Acceptance of pain, suªering, and humiliation as part of community life Specifically, Celestial Masters followers were ranked hierarchically on the basis of ritual attainment. At the top were the so-called libationers ( jijiu). They served as leaders of twenty-four districts established by Zhang Daoling and reported directly to the Celestial Master himself. Beneath them were the demon soldiers ( guizu), meritorious leaders of households who represented smaller units in the organization. Members came from all walks of life and included many non-Chinese—notably Ba and Banshun Man (Kleeman 1998: 74; 2002)— and leadership positions could be filled by either men or women, either Han Chinese or ethnic minorities. At the bottom were the common followers, organized and counted according to households. Ranks were attained through ritual initiations at which followers received lists of spirit generals for protection against demons (Schipper 1984: 205; Kleeman 1998: 68–69). The earliest initiations were given to children at age seven and then continued at regular intervals, depending on the follower’s devotion and community service. The list of spirit generals was called a register (lu) and was carried, together with protective talismans, in a piece of silk around the waist (Levy 1956: 121; Stein 1963: 50–55). Each household paid the “five pecks of rice” tax or its equivalent in silk, paper, brushes, ceramics, and handicrafts. Its exact amount depended on the number of productive members in each family. It was assigned and collected on the three major festival days of the year: the fifteenth day of the first, seventh, and tenth months. These days were called the Three Primes (sanyuan) and celebrated in honor of the celestial administration, which kept records of life and death and consisted of the Three Bureaus (sanguan) of Heaven, Earth, and Water. Festivities involved large community assemblies and major banquets known as kitchen feasts (chu). On regular days the consumption of meat and alcohol was prohibited, but on these occasions wine would flow, animals were slaughtered, and

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Origins and History

everyone celebrated with enthusiasm, leading some critics of the movement to condemn their practices as “orgiastic.” Moreover, each smaller unit or village had a community or parish hall where members would assemble weekly to perform rituals, confess sins, and discuss local aªairs.22 Everybody had to participate in these community events and perform public service on a regular basis: repairing roads and bridges and maintaining so-called lodges of righteousness ( yishe) where travelers could stay on their journeys (Stein 1963: 56). In addition, community life governed the individual through sets of rules instructing followers to behave with obedience to the leaders and with reticence to their fellow members. They should not strive for positions beyond their status and should abstain from sacrifices for popular gods. They must not do evil, engage in warfare, accumulate riches, or praise themselves as great sages. On a more positive note, followers should develop a helpful attitude within the community, controlling their senses and showing humility toward others. Advancing further, they should give active service to the Dao, preserve living things, and live in accord with the patterns of the universe—never cutting down plants unnecessarily. The rewards are commensurate. Those who obey the highest rules become immortals. All others will extend their years and live happily ever after—surviving even the cataclysmic changes to come as the world ends (Bokenkamp 1993; 1997a: 50–51). Similarly, the fifth-century collection Laojun yibai bashi jie (One hundred eighty precepts of Lord Lao; in DZ 786; Hendrischke and Penny 1996) presents rules on practical living and emphasizes personal honesty and community life. The text prohibits theft, adultery, killing, abortion, intoxication, destruction of natural resources, and waste of food. It regulates proper behavior toward community members and outsiders. It prohibits fraternization with brigands and soldiers, punishes cruelty to slaves and animals, and insists upon polite distance when encountering outsiders and o‹cials. Many details of daily life are regulated, and pettiness and rudeness are discouraged as much as the accumulation of personal wealth (Penny 1996b; Schipper 2001; Kohn forthcoming). While the precepts demand humility and obedience and generally encourage submission of the senses, sexual control among the Celestial Masters was exerted in an initiatory practice known as the “harmonization of qi” (heqi). This involved formally choreographed intercourse between selected nonmarried couples in an elaborate ritual. Practitioners underwent this rite when they were promoted from one level of ritual standing to the next, enacting the matching of yin and yang in their bodies and thus contributing to greater cosmic harmony. From the viewpoint

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of religious organization, this rite that goes against common social values and is counterintuitive to people’s sense of shame, requiring that a “man assist in the violation of his wife,” enhances cult cohesion and binds followers strongly to the leader (Stein 1963: 57–68).23 The acceptance of suªering and pain, moreover, appears in the Celestial Masters’ understanding of sickness and sin. Sickness was seen strictly in supernatural terms as attack by a demon who could only gain entry into a person’s body that was weakened by sin. As a result, all healing of the early Celestial Masters was undertaken through ritual and magic; acupuncture, herbs, and other medical treatments were expressly prohibited. First the sick person was isolated in a so-called chamber of tranquility or oratory ( jingshi), an adaptation of a Han institution for punishing wayward o‹cials involving solitary confinement. There they had to think of their sins going all the way back to their birth to try and find an explanation for the illness (Kleeman 1998: 70–71; Schipper 1984: 206). Once certain sins had been identified, a senior master would come to write them down—in triplicate and together with a formal petition for their eradication from the person’s divine record. The three copies would then, in a formal ceremony, be transmitted to the Bureaus of Heaven (by burning), Earth (by burying), and Water (by casting into a river). The divine o‹cials would then set the record straight, expel the demons, and restore the person’s good health. Additional measures of purification involved the ingestion of “talisman water” (the ashes of a talisman dissolved in water; fushui), gymnastic exercises patterned on cosmic energy movements (daoyin), and meditations ( jingsi; see Kobayashi 1992: 22–25; Levy 1956: 217–218; Tsuchiya 2002). These activities of the Celestial Masters closely echo the doctrines and practices of other millenarian and utopian communities, including early Christianity. The sense of being diªerent from and marginal to normative society, the tight community cohesion and strict obedience, the newfound freedom in the equality of the sexes and among diªerent social and ethnic groups, the total orientation of life toward the divine, the expectation of momentous change heralded by the group’s own purificatory practices, the sexual control, the understanding of sickness as sin— all these are present in liminal communities and signify a particular form of communal religious consciousness that sets believers apart and makes them special.24 The very same characteristics, manifest in similar organizational structures and community rules, are present in the Daoist monastic institutions of the middle ages. This shows that Daoist monasticism is not, as Kristofer Schipper has suggested, “an aberration

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Origins and History

of true Daoism” (1984: 214) but a continuation of the earliest Daoist movements under changed circumstances. Just as Christian monkhood began when martyrdom ended and the religion became socially acceptable, so Daoist monasticism first rose in the fifth century when the Celestial Masters turned into a state-supporting organization.

Chinese Buddhism By this time, moreover, China already had a flourishing monastic system in its midst—that of Buddhism—which duly became the model for Daoist monasteries and served as a catalyst that brought the various elements into a coherent structure. Buddhism had reached China through merchants, refugees, envoys, hostages, and mendicant monks as early as the Han dynasty (Zürcher 1959: 23; Tsukamoto and Hurvitz 1985: 8). Its presence was o‹cially acknowledged in the first century c.e. with Emperor Ming’s famous dream of a great sage arising in the west and the first shrines erected by Chinese aristocrats, such as Prince Ying of Chu (Tsukamoto and Hurvitz 1985: 43–44, 60–64). The first monasteries are not documented until the late second century c.e. (Zürcher 1959: 28), when the earliest translations of Buddhist texts appeared. They were for the most part works on doctrine (abhidharma) and meditation (dhyâna) that originated from both major schools of Buddhism: the ancient mainstream and the newly arising Mahâyâna (Zürcher 1959: 32). The translation style, morever, made heavy use of Sanskrit transliterations, so that terms and concepts remained rather obscure. This changed in the third and fourth centuries, when a translation form known as “matching the meanings” ( geyi) arose. This system used native Daoist terms and concepts to express Buddhist ideas so that, for example, nirvâna became nonaction (wuwei) and prajnâ was turned into nonknowledge (wuzhi; Zürcher 1959: 13). Also at this time, native Chinese first obtained the right to become monks— although traditional Confucians strongly objected to the idea of giving up the family, shaving oª one’s hair, and living on the donations of others. The first aristocratic monks emerged, and Chinese Buddhist thought began to develop, notably through figures such as Huiyuan (334–417), Daoan (312–385), and Sengzhao (374–414).25 Still, monastic institutions were small, scattered, and run individually by abbots according to their version of the rules. The big breakthrough came in the fifth century with the northern

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Toba-Wei rulers, who strongly supported Buddhism (Gernet 1995: 233). They sponsored the Kuchan monk Kumârajîva (350–409) in a huge translation project that created a standardized terminology and provided much-needed information on worldview and practice. Authoritative translation of the Vinaya appeared together with major doctrinal scriptures such as the Lotus Sutra, the Vimalakirti Nirdeùa, and the Avatamsaka Sutra.26 The Toba-Wei also sponsored the building of numerous monasteries in the capitals and the carving of the great cave temples at Yungang and Longmen (Caswell 1988). As described in the Luoyang qilan ji (Record of Buddhist monasteries in Luoyang; dated 547), the city had only about forty-two Buddhist institutions in the early fourth century, but under the Toba-Wei it had well over a thousand (Wang 1984: 5–6). Magnificent buildings and imposing structures, the temples were surrounded by beautifully landscaped gardens, connected by lustrous walkways, ornamented with intricate artwork, and equipped with the most exquisite objects and statues. In the troubles of the early 530s, however, when the Toba-Wei dynasty split into an eastern and a western rule and the main capital was moved to Ye, most of them were destroyed and in the 540s only smoldering ruins remained (Wang 1984: 16–17). This flourishing of Buddhism in the north was echoed in South China, as well, where the saΩgha community of Buddhist monks asserted its independence vis-à-vis the state and more and more aristocrats took monastic vows. Here the first apocryphal—that is, Chinese-created—scriptures began to appear (Buswell 1990), including works on worldview as well as monastic rules. As Buddhism became a form of Chinese religion (Sharf 2002), it exerted an impact on Daoist monasticism in worldview and organization (Schipper 1984: 201). In terms of worldview, Buddhism brought the ideal of the renouncer, the notion of a transcendent community dedicated to personal liberation, and the creation of an ideal community that stood opposed to normative society while oªering rulers new models and support. It also brought the doctrines of karma and retribution, which placed the responsibility for all present circumstances and actions (mental, vocal, and physical) squarely on the individual and extended the perspective on human life beyond the present to include past and future forms of existence (Zürcher 1980). This in turn led to an ethics focused on the individual rather than the family or society. This individual morality was, furthermore, formulated in sets of precepts that, unlike the early rules of the Celestial Masters, were geared more toward personal salvation than community cohesion. They included

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Origins and History

the five basic Buddhist precepts— against killing, stealing, lying, sexual misconduct, and intoxication— as well as sets of ten precepts that prohibited other forms of verbal misbehavior and engagement in sensual pleasures, altruistic guidelines for the realization of bodhisattva virtues, and the fully developed monastics’ rules expressed in several hundred precepts, monastic manuals, and detailed behavioral codes. Daoist precepts echo the Buddhist model, where precepts came in three diªerent forms. First was the Pratimok∂a ( Jieben), a list of some 250 transgressions against individual morality and etiquette grouped according to the seriousness of the oªense. This code was chanted in ancient Buddhism by the general assembly of monks on every new and full moon. It was translated in 251 c.e. by Dharmakâla (not extant) and in 416 by Buddhabhadra (Sengqi jieben; T. 1426).27 It had an impact on the first Daoist code, the Laojun yibai bashi jie (Penny 1996b: 11) Second were the various versions of the Vinaya, the fully developed monks’ rules of ancient Buddhism that consisted of several hundred precepts formulated variously in diªerent schools ( Horner 1992; Prebish 1994). They include first the “Great Community Vinaya” of the Mahâsamghikâs, also translated by Dharmakâla in 251 but not extant today (Tso 1991: 73). Following this there are four separate Vinayas translated in the early fifth century: 1. The “Ten-Chapter Vinaya” of the Sarvastivâdins (Shisong lü; T. 1435, 23.1–470), translated under Kumârajîva in 404–409 2. The “Four-Part Vinaya” of the Dharmaguptakas (Sifen lü; T. 1428, 22.567–1072), translated by the Kashmirian Buddhayasas in 410– 412 3. The “Five-Part Vinaya” of the Mahîsâsakas (Wufen lü; T. 1421, 22.1–194), brought to China by Faxian and rendered into Chinese by Buddhajîva in 422–423 4. And a new version of the “Great Community Vinaya” (Mohe sengqi lü; T. 1425, 22.227–549), also imported by Faxian and translated by Buddhabhadra in 416–418 (see Foulk 1991: 9; Hirakawa 1960; Tsuchihashi 1980; Satò 1986) Among these, especially the “Four-Part Vinaya” was used widely and numerous masters wrote commentaries to it. The Vinaya master Zhishou created one such commentary in the late sixth century that— although no longer extant—is believed to lie at the root of several monastic manuals by his disciples as well as a Daoist collection of monastic rules. Sim-

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ilarities exist accordingly between Daoxuan’s Sifen lü shanfan buque xingshi chao (Notes on matters of behavior abridging and supplementing the Four-Part Vinaya; T. 1804, 40.1a–157b) of around the year 650 and the Qianzhen ke (Rules for a thousand perfected; DZ 1401) from around the year 630 (Tsuzuki 2002b: 68). Another Vinaya-related Buddhist text is the Da biqiu sanqian weiyi jing (Great sutra of three thousand dignified observances for the monk; T. 1470, 24.912c–26a), ascribed to An Shigao of the second century but more likely dating from the fifth ( Hirakawa 1960: 193–196). In section division and content it parallels the Daoist Guanxing jing (Scripture of behavioral observation) that was recovered from Dunhuang (P. 2410, S. 3140; Òfuchi 1979a: 242–251) and probably dates from the sixth century. The third form of precepts comprised indigenous Chinese works claimed to be of Indian origin—the so-called apocrypha. Most important here are the Tiwei boli jing (Sutra of Trapusa and Bhallika), which survives in a manuscript from Dunhuang (S. 2051), and the Fanwang jing (Brahmajâla Sutra; T. 1484, 24.997a–1010a), a code of rules. The former was written between 446 and 452 by Tanjing, a follower of Tanyao, who developed the saΩgha-household system under the Toba-Wei. It outlines the five precepts and describes their value for lay followers in conjunction with traditional Chinese cosmology (Lai 1987). The text had a strong impact on the Taishang laojun jiejing (Precepts of the Highest Lord Lao; DZ 784), associated with the northern Celestial Masters and dating from the late fifth century (Kohn 1994). The Fanwang jing similarly goes back to the mid-fifth century; it presents precepts for bodhisattva practitioners and consists of ten major and forty-eight lesser rules (DeGroot 1969). Over the centuries it became dominant in East Asian Buddhism and was also the main collection of rules used in Japanese Tendai (Groner 1990). It has had a strong impact on the formulation of various sets of ten precepts in Daoism ( Yoshioka 1961; Kusuyama 1982; 1992). In terms of organization, the Buddhist model led the way both for the inner structure of Daoist monasteries and for their outside relationship with society and the state. On the most elementary physical level, the Buddhist monastery became the model for the Daoist in terms of the layout and names of buildings, the setting up of statues, and the establishment of endowed lands and properties. On the practical plane, it set the tone for the daily ritual schedule, the routine and discipline of monks, the monthly fast days and annual purgations, as well as the internal ranks and hierarchy of the institution. At the same time, it had little impact on the treatment of women (who were taken much more

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Origins and History

seriously in Daoism than in Buddhism); on the ritual vestments, formal accessories, and hairstyles, in which Daoists followed traditional Chinese rather than foreign models; and on the contents of the liturgy and the essential structure of Daoist ritual. Still, with respect to the monasteries’ interaction with the state, Daoism followed Chinese Buddhism, which depended a great deal more on formal endowments and state support than its Indian counterpart. As begging was looked down upon in China, donations often “took the form of money or farm land given to an individual monk or the saΩgha” (Tso 1991: 75)—which, since monks could control their food source, encouraged the development of a more serious vegetarianism ( Mather 1981). Moreover, monasteries as institutions were often closely connected to the state. In fact, just as the earliest Buddhist monasteries followed in the wake of o‹cial departments for the administration of foreigners and took their name, si, from them (Schipper 1984: 201), so the first Daoist monasteries were guan*, or “abodes,” set up by rulers or local o‹cials to house one or several hermits. Like Chinese Buddhist institutions, Daoist monasteries developed an ideology of serving and supporting the state, a development that intimately linked rulership and the monastic endeavor. Unlike the Buddhists, however, who made several attempts at retaining their independence by refusing to bow to the emperor, monastic Daoists tended to take great pains to express their allegiance and made loyalty a key virtue to be pursued.

Early Monasteries The earliest recorded case of a Daoist living in a quasi-monastic institution was Kou Qianzhi (365–448), founder of the so-called Daoist theocracy under the Toba-Wei. Under this administration, for about twenty-five years, Daoists were installed throughout the empire as ritual masters, o‹cials, and tax collectors replacing the traditional Confucian establishment and serving the foreign rulers. Kou Qianzhi rose to the leadership of this organization after living the life of a hermit-ascetic on Song shan in Henan and receiving two revelations from Lord Lao. The god gave him longevity methods, a set of rules, and the title “New Celestial Master.”28 In 424, Kou interested the prime minister Cui Hao (371–450) in his new visions and became the head theocrat of the new rule, in due course even ordaining the emperor with Daoist rites and scriptures. Kou resided in the capital in an institution called Chongxu si ( Monastery of Venerating Emptiness), using the Buddhist term (Schipper 1984:

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208). He and his Daoists lived a celibate life bound by a regular schedule and community rules. The priests, by contrast, who administered the people throughout the country, were more like libationers, that is, married householders with special ritual rank and accomplishment. This pattern remained valid throughout medieval Daoism. It joined celibate monastics and married priests in one organization under the protection of the state. Recluses, then, served as spiritual models and training guides of priests, and especially larger monasteries functioned also as seminaries for priestly training and as links with the political authorities. This means that in medieval Daoism— as in medieval Chinese Buddhism and in Zen Buddhism even today—there was no radical distinction between priests and monastics. This is significantly diªerent from Christianity, where monks for the longest time were not priests and thus not qualified to administer the sacraments, having to rely on a church authority to serve their needs. The early monastic Daoists under Kou Qianzhi performed rites for the sake of the empire and engaged in personal longevity and meditation techniques. Kou himself received various “methods of nourishing on energy and practicing gymnastics” in his revelations and, following them, gained a physical lightness and radiant complexion like the immortals of old (Weishu 114). His “New Code” of rules, moreover, describes daily, regular, and special rites to be observed, often involving formal banquets and community meetings. While the rules were geared toward the libationers who administered the people, it can be assumed that the monastic leaders in the capital followed a similar regimen (Kohn 2000a: 302–303). Even in this early monastic establishment of medieval Daoism, we can therefore see the various forerunners coming together: the hermitasceticism of the leader, the communal organization of the Celestial Master, and the organizational and doctrinal input of Buddhism. The latter is clearly present not only in the name of the institution but also in the use of Pratimok∂a rules, the concepts of karma and rebirth, the practice of regular daily and monthly devotions, and the recitation of scriptures for the accumulation of merit. The Daoist theocracy came to an end after Kou’s death and with the execution of Cui Hao in 450 ( Mather 1979: 121); it was shortly thereafter replaced by a system of saΩgha-households under the monk Tanyao.29 Daoist country priests were returned to their former status as ordinary citizens and the monastics in the capital left their noble quarters. Many of them made their way to the other key Daoist institution of the time,

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Origins and History

the center at Louguan (Lookout Tower), the first to be known as guan, the generic term for Daoist monastery in later years (Schipper 1984: 212). Louguan, still a flourishing Daoist monastery today, is located in the foothills of the Zhongnan mountains about 60 kilometers (37 miles) southwest of Xi’an (see Hachiya 1990: 1:71–87, 2:73–90). According to legend it was originally the home of Yin Xi, the Guardian of the Pass and first recipient of the Daode jing, who had been given the estate in reward for o‹cial service by King Kang of the Zhou (r. 1078–1052 b.c.e.). The story goes that he set out from here to intercept Laozi on his westward journey, met him on the Hangu Pass, west of Xi’an, and then took him home to Louguan where the Daode jing was finally transmitted (Kohn 1997a). This version of the transmission legend arose in the mid-fifth century through Yin Tong, an alleged descendant of Yin Xi and owner of the Louguan estate, and was used to justify its centrality in the Daoist world. After the theocracy Louguan rose to become the major Daoist center in North China and, in the early sixth century, also served as a refuge for southern Daoists who were persecuted under Emperor Wu of the Liang (Strickmann 1978). Surviving texts from the Louguan group indicate that its members practiced longevity techniques, observed the five precepts adopted from Buddhism, venerated Laozi and the Daode jing, and honored Yin Xi as their first patriarch.30 How far they were a celibate community with a formal organization that could be truly called “monastic” is not clear. At the same time, semimonastic institutions also arose in South China, known as “abodes” ( guan*), a word that describes a hall or a hostel and in Tang o‹cial usage denotes an “academy” (Xiong 2000: 86). Typically sponsored by the emperor, imperial relatives, or aristocrats, such abodes housed one or several Daoists, permitting them to pursue their spiritual interests and allowing the rulers to keep a close eye on their activities—either seen as potentially subversive or as useful to the greater good of the country.31 Abodes were described as “houses of concentration” ( jingshe), an echo of the Celestial Masters’ oratories, and erected on famous mountains (Bumbacher 2000a: 437, 442). They were not monastic in the strict sense but housed the Celestial Master and his family and in some cases were passed on from father to son (Bumbacher 2000a: 438–439). A cluster of abodes located on the southern mountain of Maoshan (near Nanjing) came to flourish greatly under the guidance of Tao Hongjing (456–536). It had several grottoes for individual practice, a

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number of lodges for selected hermits, and some larger imperially sponsored insitutions for major activities of worship and cultivation (Bumbacher 2000b). According to contemporary sources, the actual practices undertaken on Maoshan included Daoist worship as well as the establishment of Buddhist shrines (Funayama 1998), ritual ceremonies to the Dao as well as extensive alchemical experiments (Strickmann 1979). Moreover, the record of the calling and ascension of Zhou Ziliang, the Mingtong ji (Record of exploring the otherworld; DZ 302), notes that he did not come to the mountain alone but brought his mother and aunt along to support him both physically and spiritually during his sojourn there (Doub 1971). As Michel Strickmann emphasizes, it would therefore be “very wrong to think of [the Daoist community at] Maoshan as a truly ‘monastic’ centre” (1978: 471) where celibate monks or nuns lived according to a strict rule in a tightly knit religious community. The transition from abodes to monasteries—paralleled by the ancient shift in Buddhism from small, makeshift “monk-settlements,” known as âvâsas and ârâmas, to fully organized monasteries or vihâras (Dutt 1962: 92–96)— occurred in the late sixth century with the unification of the empire. At this time the state began to sponsor major religious institutions and the various Daoist schools—northern and southern, communal and semimonastic—integated themselves into one systematic organization: the so-called Three Caverns (sandong ). The Celestial Masters and their lay priests came to serve as the foundation, and the various other schools, especially Lingbao (Numinous Treasure) and Shangqing ( Highest Purity), came to occupy higher and more monastic levels (Òfuchi 1979b; 1997: 3–41). It was in this initial phase of integration that the monastic movement came fully into its own.

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♦

3

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The Monastic Vision

A

s the monastic institution of medieval Daoism developed fully in the late sixth to eighth centuries, it gave rise to a variety of sources including Celestial Masters manuals, major codes, specific rules, and systematizations (see Table 1). Most important among them are the major codes Fengdao kejie and Yinyuan jing, dating from the early decades of the seventh century. The Fengdao kejie (Rules and precepts for worshiping the Dao; DZ 1125) is the most detailed work on medieval Daoist monasteries. It outlines the overall conceptual framework and concrete condition of monasteries, discussing karma and retribution, monastic buildings, statues, scriptures, living quarters, daily paraphernalia, ritual garb, and ordination ranks. It also describes daily and annual rituals such as the recitation of scriptures, morning and evening services, mealtime ceremonies, and ordinations (Reiter 1998; Kohn 2003). The Yinyuan jing (Scripture of karmic retribution; DZ 336) is more worldview-centered and focuses on karmic cause and eªect in its various manifestations. It explains the importance of monastic activities both for recluses and lay followers, listing good and bad deeds with their karmic consequences and detailing the good eªects of Daoist practice. Devotees are urged to attend rites of repentance, receive and honor the precepts, hold purgations, recite scriptures, and sponsor Daoist institutions, generally developing a positive attitude and giving amply in charity. Monastics in addition have to swear pledges and vows, and all should nurture compassionate attitudes and pray to the gods (Nakajima 1984; Kohn 1998b). These two major manuals, as well as the other sources on Daoist monasticism, present a vision of the purpose and cosmic role of recluses in medieval China. Monasteries were seen as refuges for individual prac-

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Table 1. Texts on Medieval Daoist Monasticism Title

DZ/DH

Fasc.

Early Forerunners (4th–5th c.) Chisongzi zhong jie jing ™Ql§Ÿg Taizhen ke ”uÏ Zhengyi fawen jing ø@kÂg

185 fragments 1204

876

Celestial Masters Manuals (6th c.) Xuandu lüwen »£fl Zhengyi weiyi jing ø@¬ˆg Zhengyi xiuzhen lueyi ø@◊u§ˆ

188 791 1239

78 564 990

Buddhist-Based Collections (6th c.) Guanxing jing [Êg Qianzhen ke duÏ

P. 2410 1410

S. 3140 1052

336 1125

174 760

P. 2447 1126 792

761 564

1241 788 463

990 563 204

Major Codes (600–630) Yinyuan jing ]tg Fengdao kejie ^DÏŸ Specific Rules (7th c.) Fashi jinjie jing kπTŸg Daoxue keyi D«Ïˆ Shishi weiyi Q∆¬ˆ Systematizations (8th c.) Chuanshou lueshuo «¬§° Fafu kejie wen kAÏŸÂ Yaoxiu keyi n◊ψ

78

Note: For a detailed description of these sources see the appendix.

tice where recluses could perfect their inner nature and communicate with the divine. They were also envisioned as ideal communities of more evolved human beings, as abodes for the immortals during their sojourns on earth, as a springboard of cosmic unfolding. This vision was justified with the help of two main conceptual frameworks: the understanding of karma and retribution, and the notion of Great Peace. In terms of karma and retribution, monasteries and monastics were seen to exist on a higher plane of accelerated and intensified karmic eªect, so that any action executed either by or through a recluse or monastic property was under-

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The Monastic Vision

stood to have a much greater karmic eªect than its equivalent in normative society. Monastics, therefore, had to observe numerous rules and taboos and received much more severe punishments for infractions than their lay counterparts. They were also considered special and holy, and any act toward them or their possessions carried tremendous weight— tortures in the hells and bad rebirth for violations, or ascent to paradise and a life of nobility and wealth for positive support. The notion of Great Peace—the ideal state of complete social and cosmic harmony—formed the second major framework of the monastic vision. Originally a key concept in ancient Chinese political thought, it played an important role in early Daoist millenarianism and was subsequently adopted into mainstream thinking. Under its impact, especially in the Tang dynasty (but also under the theocracy in the Northern Wei), the state itself was seen as a liminal entity on the road to universal harmony. Religious institutions and recluses accordingly became the forerunners of the new age, and monastics became the catalysts of social and political harmony. As a result, their rituals and behavior were interpreted as having a direct impact on the social fabric and the success or failure of governmental politics. The state accordingly found it essential that the actions and attitudes of monastics be pure, and ensured that they followed the rules and behaved properly by instituting various supervisory measures and keeping monastics under tight control. In a diªerent dimension, the monastic vision in medieval China also had to accommodate the dominant morality of its surrounding society: the Confucian ethic that focused on family values. Family values involved the continuation of one’s bloodline, the preservation of the body, and service to the government and community. As monastics were by their very nature antagonistic to these values, they had to develop a selfunderstanding and self-presentation that either superseded conventional morality or replaced it. After a lengthy process of opposition and adaptation, monastics in medieval China came to be seen as focal points for the good fortune and prosperity of lay families. At the same time, they also cast themselves as the representatives of a higher morality that saw benefits more cosmically than personally. Never rejecting the Confucian morality of traditional China, Daoist monastics thereby transformed it toward a higher dimension of ethics and placed themselves at the center of the realization of mainstream values. The family, moreover, became one of the key metaphors of the monastic community—the new or adoptive unit for the monk or nun to grow into. This and other metaphors, such as the death of the monk to his for-

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mer self and life, are common in monastic traditions the world over and find their special use and expression in medieval Daoism.

Karma and Retribution The doctrine of karma and retribution was among the first unusual features the Chinese noticed about Buddhism when it was transmitted in the first and second centuries c.e. They typically reacted either with astonishment and disbelief—“The Buddhists say that after a man dies he will be reborn. I do not believe the truth of these words” ( Jan 1986: 147)— or responded with “a feeling of fright from which there was no escape” (Tsukamoto and Hurvitz 1985: 42). The karma doctrine itself, part of Indian religion since the Upanishads, states that all actions have inevitable consequences and, after a period of maturation, revert to their perpetrator. As the individual’s soul, or âtman, is the carrier of this load, it must continue to be embodied in a physical form to receive the rewards and punishments necessitated by its former actions. Thus the notion of rebirth—including rebirth in nonhuman and hellish states—became a close correlate to the idea of personally created and suªered-through karma ( Mahony 1987: 262). While in Hinduism and Jainism karma was thought to be created predominantly through actions and imagined as an almost physical substance that clung to an eternal soul, in Buddhism it was understood much less physically. Produced mainly through good and bad intentions of the mind, it was transmitted in “consecutive moments of a psychic continuum,” like the light of a candle, without the necessity of an eternal or substantial soul underlying the process of life ( Mizuno 1987: 267). In all cases, however, karma was entirely centered within the individual and could be neither worsened nor improved by the actions of others. This notion was later challenged by the Mahâyâna, whose followers claimed that good karma in the form of merit, accumulated over long periods of time, could not only serve as a positive inspiration to others but also be transferred to improve their lot ( Mitomo 1991: 19). This notion gave rise to devotional cults toward savior figures or bodhisattvas, to rituals that would transfer merits for the sake of one’s ancestors, and to the swearing of so-called bodhisattva vows. The latter placed the practitioner immediately on a high level of karmic attainment and gave him a “karmically protective coding” ( Mizuno 1987: 267), with the help of which he or she could fulfill the spiritual goal of universal salvation and compassion for all that lives. Placing a strong emphasis on the commu-

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The Monastic Vision

nity of all beings, Mahâyâna practitioners believed that the karmic activities of each being had an influence on all and that the country and even the world would benefit from the religious activities of the people. The king, therefore, participated to about one-sixth in the merit or demerit created by all his subjects (p. 268), and society as a whole became a forum for karmic and religious unfolding. The Chinese, finding the intensely personal responsibility of the basic karma doctrine not only surprising but abhorrent, could accept the more socially centered reciprocity dimension inherent in its Mahâyâna developments. Focusing on the latter, they successfully linked the Buddhist vision with indigenous views—thus continuing a development of ethical thinking that can be described as having occurred in three phases (Kohn 1998b). The first of these is the ancient Chinese view. It focused on the notion of reciprocity both within society and in a larger, supernatural context. People’s deeds, if they harmed other beings or natural forces, were thought to be judged by a celestial administration and rebound to cause them suªering. While this notion placed the responsibility for one’s good or bad fortune plainly on one’s own actions, there was also the simultaneous belief that people had certain inborn qualities or “fate” (ming ) that would direct their lives despite its circumstances or the deeds they committed. Human life in ancient China was thus understood as unfolding through a combination of self-induced good and bad fortune and the inborn character or fate one received from heaven at birth.1 In the second phase, early Daoists expanded this understanding to include three further factors: the belief that fate could be inherited from one’s ancestors (cheng fu); the notion that the celestial administration had supervisory and punishing agents deep inside the human body in the forms of the “three corpses” or “deathbringers” (sanshi); and the attachment of numerical values to good and bad deeds that would result in specific additions or subtractions from the lifespan. The individual’s position in the universe was thereby tightened—both in a supernatural family network and through closer interaction with the cosmic bureaucrats— and fate became more calculable as deeds and days were counted with great exactness.2 Buddhism was the key factor in the third phase. With this phase, which occurred in the fifth century, four new factors entered the system: the belief in rebirth and the retribution of sins or good deeds accumulated during one’s own former lives added to those committed by oneself in this life and to those of one’s ancestors; the vision of long-term

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supernatural torture chambers known as “earth prisons” (diyu) or hells, as well as the vision of punishments by being reborn in the body of an animal or hungry ghost; trust in the e‹cacy of various forms of ritual, such as rites of repentance and the giving of oªerings, to alleviate the karmic burden; and increasing faith in savior figures, such as bodhisattvas, gods, and perfected, who would use their unlimited power and compassion to raise people from the worldly mire.3 Daoist monasteries in this context came to be places for the veneration of savior figures, the performance of rituals for ancestors and good fortune, and the expiation of sins of both living and dead family members. Monastics—in their dual roles as recluses and priests— accordingly became karmically powerful representatives of a divine law that pervaded everything but was most tangible in the recluses’ own persons and institutions. They were known as fashen, or “holy persons.” Literally indicating the “body of the divine law” or, in its Buddhist reading, “dharma body,” fashen originally referred to an abstract concept indicating the pure form of existence of a buddha ( Mochizuki 1936: 4396b–4397c). It was adopted in Daoism to indicate the highest gods as embodiments of the pure Dao and also, in its more concrete reading, the “holy persons” of the religious. Monastics were holy persons because they had escaped the two prisons: the inner one of family and social relations, creating emotions of joy and anger, and the outer one of karmic connections over many generations, giving rise to deep-rooted a›ictions and attachments (Daoxue keyi 1.9b).4 Having risen above ordinary karmic involvements, they also had a great impact on the karma of others and held the key to its management. They held a special status and any action or speech performed by or in relation to them was thought to carry intensified karmic power. Thus words spoken by or to monastics were believed to carry a higher karmic impact than those of ordinary people—reverberating through the entire universe and creating all sorts of karma. Careless and harsh words accordingly could cause anything from personal shame to major misfortune (Daoxue keyi 1.2a). This karmically elevated position of monastics is a specifically Daoist trait. Comparison with Buddhist descriptions of deeds and their retribution shows that the deeds and eªects are nearly the same; but where Buddhists apply the rules to everyone in society, Daoists place special emphasis on priests and recluses (Kohn 1998b: 31–34). Closely related to this diªerence is the placement of monks and nuns within the social hierarchy below the imperial family and aristocracy and above those who are long-lived, upright, handsome, and wealthy (Yinyuan

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The Monastic Vision

jing 1.6b). Buddhist texts, too, emphasize that pious actions carry good karma in the form of social advancement, but their monks and nuns are beyond all worldly hierarchies, striving not for rebirth as an aristocrat or emperor but for complete dissolution into nirvâna. Along the same lines, the assurance that the emperor is an immortal registered in heaven is basically Daoist, although Buddhists have used similar stratagems by declaring the ruler a living buddha (Kohn 1998b: 35). In more practical terms, as the Yinyuan jing outlines, crimes committed against the Three Treasures (sanbao)—Dao, scriptures, and masters, a concept adapted from the Buddhist Triple Gem of Buddha, dharma, saΩgha—carry the highest karmic penalties whereas support given to monastic institutions brings maximum good fortune. Desecration of sacred objects, verbal defilement of religious institutions or persons, and disbelief in the teachings, for example, carry punishments of hell and leprosy, blindness, and rebirth among wild beasts (2.4a). Defiling behavior, especially of a sexual nature, leads to physical repulsiveness now and rebirth in filth and excrement later (2.5a). Stealing monastic goods, consecrated food, or holy objects will result in madness or pathological hunger and a later rebirth among slaves, hungry ghosts, or mangy dogs (2.5b). Karmic consequences of harming the holy person of a monk or nun include epilepsy, madness, and imprisonment; breaking the precepts in a wider social setting results in various disasters, deafness, blindness, or being attacked by wild animals (2.4b–5a). The craving for alcohol, more specifically, leads to madness and an a‹nity for burning. The eating of strong-smelling vegetables, such as onions, garlic, and ginger, leads to a smelly body and a rebirth in mud and filth (2.6b).5 On the positive side, rebirth as an emperor, empress, prince, or aristocrat is the reward for erecting monasteries, reciting scriptures, worshiping the Three Treasures, and having faith in the divine law. Honoring the precepts will make one bright and perceptive, trusting in the Three Treasures will bring long life and purity, sponsoring a monastery will create prosperity, and presenting oªerings to the monastics will be beneficial to one’s health (Yinyuan jing 2.1b; Kohn 1998b: 13–14). In the long run, moreover, these and other forms of support of the monastic community lead to a better rebirth and good standing in the heavens. The Yaoxiu keyi of the eighth century, for example, citing the earlier Taizhen ke (Rules of great perfection), says: If one builds a temple or monastery, altar or oratory, scripture hall or purgation facility, kitchen or pavilion [for the religious], or pro-

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vides Daoists with clothing or furniture, one will in all cases receive celestial rewards in due accordance with one’s gift— ascending to the heavenly halls, one will be provided with clothing and food spontaneously. All one ever needs will come about promptly, and whatever proves unnecessary will easily be dispensed with. [12.12b; Tsuzuki 2000a: 275] Supporting the monastic community, moreover, brings the specific benefit of an extended lifespan in the here and now: The Taizhen ke says: Lay followers can give donations in property or cash and help build parish halls and oratories. For the construction of one brick room, they receive 120 days [in additional lifespan]; for three rooms, 360 days. As the merit increases, so does the reckoning. The Dajie jing [Great precepts scripture] has: From the gift of one coin of cash on upward, the karmic reward will be 320,000 times that. From 10,000 cash on upward, the reward will be far beyond any estimation! [Yaoxiu keyi 12.2b] The notion that sins have a direct impact on the length of one’s life is a specifically Chinese twist of the karma doctrine, which arose through the connection of ideas of personal retribution with the concept of a celestial administration under Siming, the Ruler of Fates.6 First formulated in the fourth-century Chisongzi zhong jie jing, the concept was applied to monastic life in the Fengdao kejie, which specifies exact numbers of days to be subtracted for noncompliance with each of its many rules.7 Failure to observe the proper order of rank during rituals, for example, carries a deduction of 3,600 days or ten years from one’s life— as does promoting personal favorites to higher ordination or granting ordination without authority. Seven or eight years of life are taken oª for not holding a thanksgiving rite after ordination, failing to obey the rules, wearing the wrong ritual vestments, and handing out blank scrolls during ordination. Even ordinary shortcomings carry a heavy toll: not keeping the outhouse or the well clean, sleeping in the company of others, protecting one’s privacy with screens or curtains, getting angry, behaving with arrogance, or passing others without greeting each carry four months of reduced lifetime (Kohn 1998c: 856–857). Monks and nuns are therefore punished severely for sins that would be considered easily forgivable in

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The Monastic Vision

ordinary society. Their special status in the karmic universe makes them both more vulnerable in their own lives and more powerful in creating retribution in the lives of others. Their role in this world and the next is seen predominantly in the light of karma and retribution.

Great Peace This enhanced karmic power of recluses translated also into a greater political responsibility for the upholding of universal order, seen in terms of the attainment of Great Peace: the state of utter harmony on earth and the ultimate goal of existence. Great Peace (taiping ) was originally a mainstream Chinese ideal understood as the complete harmony of all cosmic, natural, and social forces in a state that had existed in the remote past and could be restored through perfect government (Eichhorn 1957). In the Han dynasty, it was first taken up by the Huang-Lao school of Daoism and then was integrated into the early, messianic Daoist movements from where it became a dominant theme in medieval Daoism. Great Peace meant that the Dao, as the highest and most fundamental force of creation, ordered both the human world and the universe at large. It pervaded all equally, joining the diªerent levels of existence into one whole: cosmos, nature, state, and body. Cultivation of one plane consequently had reverberations on all others and influenced the entire system. The cosmos was seen as an integrated unity in which the government of the state, the personal cultivation of the self, and the observation of natural and celestial cycles were diªerent aspects of one and the same system. In its ideal functioning, this overarching harmony was universal and pertained to everyone; both government and religious cultivation were essential in its achievement. First seen in messianic terms in the organized Daoist movements of the second century c.e., when the promise of Great Peace led to major uprisings,8 the ideal was later reformulated as achievable through the cooperation of rulers with the Daoist establishment. This in turn provided a place for the sponsoring of monastic and other Daoist institutions— as, for example, during Kou Qianzhi’s theocracy, when Daoists ran the empire and the emperor underwent Daoist ordination ( Mather 1979: 118; Seidel 1983: 356). Great Peace, however, did not always require Daoist government or the initiation of the ruler. It was su‹cient that the emperor undertake certain ritual activities and listen to the inspiration of sages, who rested behind the scenes and made sure both nature and society functioned at their best. These sages—first hermits and ascetics, later monks and

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nuns—were thought essential in the recovery and maintenance of pure original energy ( yuanqi): the material force of the Dao at the root of creation. They would do so by leading a moral life, upholding the precepts and abstaining from sin, and undertaking both cosmic meditations and harmony-enhancing rituals. Establishing perfection within themselves, they would inspire the ruler while also creating a center of harmony in society, from which it could grow to fill the entire cosmos. This understanding of the role of recluses as catalysts of social and political harmony goes back to the vision of the ancient Confucian and Daoist sage as the inspired representative of the cosmos— one whose actions may appear withdrawing and insignificant but whose impact is nonetheless essential. In religious Daoism, the ideal also appears in the figure of the mystic who strives to attain oneness with the Dao, purity in body and mind, and complete harmony of all. The mystic in China, due to the understanding of the Dao as the underlying force of everything, is always seen as a political figure as well, a key factor in social change and political peace. As the Dao pervades all diªerent aspects of life, so the mystic should spread and radiate his oneness throughout the world. His achievement places him at the pinnacle of human society, and his position is close to the ruler’s who himself was a religious figure in ancient China, a central intermediary between the human and divine worlds. The various mystical figures of medieval China—the great man, ruler, shaman, sage, or monastic— all fulfill the ideal of one who is both one with the Dao and at the center of political stability (Kohn 1992: 172– 173). No significant distinction is made between personal cultivation and the attainment of harmony that benefits the empire. Monastic practitioners, who by definition made the quest for inner harmony and oneness with the Dao the central focus of their lives, were accordingly essential in the creation of political stability. This understanding was further enhanced by the Buddhist vision of the saΩgha not only as an alternative form of social community but also as a major force in the creation of political unity and stability. From the very beginning, Buddhists had seen a close link between ruler and renunciant—the Buddha himself being fated to become either. Their earliest organization, moreover, depended on the generosity and protection of worldly rulers— from King Prasenajit who donated greatly to the early communes and paid his respects to the Buddha, through King Aùoka who spread the Buddhist teaching as he conquered large portions of northern India, to the kings of Burma and Sri Lanka who saw themselves as protectors of the saΩgha and holy rulers in the image of Maitreya.9 Notions of polity and

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The Monastic Vision

kingship were an integral part of Buddhism, which had, from its very inception, also a political vision (Orzech 1998: 4, 36). The saΩgha always acted in close cooperation with the king, who was both its chief donor and benefactor yet also its main rival for the resources and property of the empire (Silber 1995: 86). The special standing of the monastic community in medieval China led to the establishment of monasteries in support of the state at locations that were considered of particular impact and would increase holiness in the empire. It also aªorded them special protection of their holdings or permanent assets, so that any gifts made to them remained with them in perpetuity. Violation of monastic property was understood to lead not only to personal karmic punishments but also to major upheavals in the social and political spheres. This understanding held true in Daoism as much as in Chinese Buddhism (Gernet 1995: 43). It was also common in medieval Christianity: “Monastic property was inviolate. . . . Those who usurped or abused the property of monasteries abused God directly and committed sacrilege” (Koziol 1988: 71). By the same token, large donations would ensure greater karmic and political benefits— as manifested, for example, in the enormous amounts of silk, money, and goods presented to the Daoist organization at the ordination of two Tang princesses in 711 (Benn 1991) and the vast expansion of the Taiqing gong (Great purity palace) at Bozhou, the birthplace of Lord Lao (Benn 1987). This political power of monastics and their institutions also meant that they had to fulfill high standards of purity and propriety. Religious masters and organizations were essential in upholding the political order, yet they could do so only if they themselves maintained harmony and perfection. Just as their good behavior and rituals were of eminent benefit to the empire, so their sins and misdemeanors could wreak havoc of unimaginable proportions. As a result, the state had a vested interest in making sure monastics actually lived by the rules they proposed, and irregularities in religious conduct were kept to the minimum. The state, therefore, instituted a formal registration system for monks and nuns— in an eªort to prevent criminal elements and draft dodgers from entering the holy ranks— and took control of the institutions by appointing abbots (especially in the larger monasteries) and supervising ordinations (Ch’en 1973: 86; Gernet 1995: 40). Monks and nuns of both Buddhism and Daoism could undergo ordination only after a thorough background check and at specially appointed training monasteries. They had to carry their ordination certificate at all times, and all serious infractions of the rules were punish-

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able also by worldly authorities (Ch’en 1973: 96). Every so often, a purge was instituted to weed out improper elements from the monastic community— as, for example, in 627 when the Tang emperor Gaozu called for “the defrocking of all those monks and nuns who did not observe the religious discipline” (Ch’en 1973: 92). Similarly, later emperors such as Xuanzong and Wenzong ordered examinations of all monks and nuns to test their scriptural expertise and screen out unqualified elements. The most radical purging in the Tang was the persecution of 845, which followed upon a series of measures intended to secure the purity of the monastic community and ended by decimating its ranks drastically and destroying much of its glory (Ch’en 1973: 94–95). The lack of purity of monks and nuns, then, was the one valid reason for violating the property of holy institutions— and a lasting major concern in state supervision. Still, for the most part, it was secondary to the positive value attached to monastics in their eªorts to create Great Peace.

Family Values Not only essential for Great Peace, monastics were also seen as catalysts for family fortune and integrity. In this respect they related to a diªerent dimension of medieval Chinese worldview: the family-centered ethics of traditional Confucianism. According to this belief, the world functioned best when organized by a system of clearly defined roles for which the family was the prime model and ideal focus. Fathers and sons, husbands and wives, older and younger brothers, all had to interact according to a pattern of care on the side of the elders and obedience and respect on the side of the juniors. By mutually supporting each other while fulfilling separate roles, the organism of the family— and, by extension, the village, county, state, and empire—could grow and flourish. Everybody in this system was believed to have a specific natural role with set responsibilities whose fulfillment would result in the preservation of the body, the continuation of the family line, and the maintenance and advancement of the family fortune—which in turn benefited the community, state, and universe at large. Monastics by their very nature ran contrary to these ideals, since they left the family for a religious organization, put on strange garb and unusual hairdo (in violation of their bodies), lived in celibacy without continuing the family line, and worshiped cosmic gods instead of family ancestors. As documented extensively in the case of Buddhism (Zürcher 1959; Ch’en 1973; Tsukamoto and Hurvitz 1985), the Chinese had grave

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The Monastic Vision

reservations when monastics first appeared, and until the fourth century ethnic Chinese were not permitted to join their orders. Eventually the climate shifted and the monastic life became an acceptable form of existence. The values of traditional China did not evaporate, however, and a way had to be found to explicate the usefulness and responsibility of monastics in the light of Confucian family values. One route the Buddhists took in this context was to create a greater emphasis on the mother/son relationship and place the responsibility for the mother’s salvation on the shoulders of the son. The most filial act one could then perform was to either become a monk oneself or give ample donations in support of monastic institutions (Cole 1998). Daoist monastics adopted a similar line of argument but with a somewhat more cosmic outlook. Already seen as focal points of karmic activity and carriers of the seeds of Great Peace, they became models of an ideal social and cooperative behavior whose goodness had a strong cosmic impact on everybody’s lives. They were seen as responsible for the good fortune and prosperity of families. As the Qianzhen ke notes, for example, “recluses should at all times have a loyal and upright demeanor— whether coming or going, moving or staying, they must strive to set all things and people right” (26a). They must begin by setting themselves right, then expand goodness to their disciples, and eventually lead all people to morality and salvation. By first setting themselves right, moreover, they “serve as a model for others.” But as the text explains: If they are not upright themselves, they will be hated by others and their disciples will have no respect. Younger followers will think badly of their teachers and leaders, and the monastery will be without prohibitions and taboos. Big and small, noble and humble, will be mixed together, and there will be neither truth nor righteousness. In all four distant areas, people will equally hate and despise, cheat and maltreat, each other, ignorantly deceived into thereby increasing their fields of sin. They will be unable to expand and set out any form of dignified kindness. [26a; see also Fengdao kejie 1.11b] Here Daoist monastics are not only centers of karmic activity but appear as the central engine of the world’s transformation into a better place, a realm of goodness and morality. If monastics do not set themselves right, they cause disrespect for themselves and by extension lack of propriety

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among the populace. Responsibility for the moral salvation of the entire world is thus placed on their shoulders. This enormous burden is justified in the Yinyuan jing on the basis of the monastics’ particular karmic standing: Whoever, over seven lives [in the seventh generation], rejoices in the Dao and honors the precepts, recites the scriptures and follows the divine law, gives freely in charity and aids the poor, supports the living and helps save the dead, always acts with compassion and empathy, and presents oªerings to the Three Treasures without being slack or lazy, will be born in the body of an ordained recluse. [2.1b; Fengdao kejie 1.9a] That is to say, only those involved with the Dao over many lifetimes or generations will have the urge to become monks or nuns of the religion. They have reached their status through developing their personal purity for several generations; yet at the same time they have also fulfilled their family obligations. Having such advanced standing, they accordingly should possess the karmic strength and moral mettle to serve as models for the world. These models, moreover, must be carefully chosen, so that only people with a strong Daoist background are considered for ordination. The Fengdao kejie (sec. 7) says: There are twenty-five kinds of people who can be caused to become ordained monks or nuns. For example, the first five are: 1. Those whose families over generations have worshiped the Dao and who believe and delight in the divine law of the scriptures 2. Those who themselves over several lives have worshiped the Dao and who believe and delight in the divine law of the scriptures 3. Those who in this life actively worship the Dao and who believe and delight in the divine law of the scriptures 4. Those whose families over generations have been pure and good and have believed and worshiped right perfection 5. Those who themselves over several lives have been pure and good and have worshiped right perfection [2.7b–8a] As this list shows, the merits accumulated in this life are similar to those gained over several previous lives and match those created by one’s family. The Daoist monk or nun is seen as the carrier of cosmic power

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The Monastic Vision

by virtue of his or her good karmic deeds, which are enhanced by those of former lives and those created by the family. Thus the individual never stands alone but is part of a larger unit by virtue of continuity over lifetimes or connection to family. This connection, moreover, is not severed upon entry into a Daoist monastery. In Buddhism, many stories tell of the complete separation of monks from their families— although historical evidence shows veneration for the parents even from the cloister (Schopen 1997: 62; Gernet 1995: 81). In Christianity, superiors were wary of family contacts and allowed them only on special occasions (Chittister 1992, 144). In Daoism, however, monks did not give up relations with their native families. On the contrary, according to the codes, they were encouraged to love and respect their parents, pay regular visits to them, and honor the graves of their ancestors once in every season if they lived far away and once a month if they lived nearby. But even then they had to maintain proper distance and monastic dignity (Daoxue keyi 2.13ab). As the Qianzhen ke notes, longer visits were possible: if a monk’s mother, sister, or aunt was “sick or in some kind of distress at home, he should go and serve to support her” (11b; Daoxue keyi 2.14a). Chujia, or “leaving the family,” in medieval Daoism therefore did not mean the complete severance of all worldly ties but was a sign of serious dedication to the goals of the Dao. This dedication served the family all the more as it created good karma for everyone. Beyond their inner goodness and basic service, monastics also provided an opportunity to laypeople to accumulate merit that would benefit their family for generations to come. As the Shangpin dajie ( Highest great precepts; DZ 177) of the early Lingbao canon describes it,10 venerating the Three Treasures will create filial sons over many generations and copying the scriptures will cause one’s descendants to be wise and virtuous. Similarly, donating facilities for meditation and retreats creates nobility in later generations, while providing incense and fragrant oils will result in handsome sons and grandsons. Assisting others in becoming Daoist masters will cause one’s descendants to attain rebirth in the Middle Kingdom, and practicing Daoist rites will cause them to flourish and to have ancestors that are well satisfied and bring good fortune (8b–9a). The goodness associated with Daoist monastics found further expression in the encouragement to develop an attitude of helping and serving all families in the world. They should expand the values and beneficial behavior they directed toward their own kin into an awareness of universal interconnections and practice a higher form of filial piety that served all parents, not just their own (Cahill 1990: 38). Family to them

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should become everybody’s family— as formulated in the Guanshen dajie (Great precepts of self-observation; DZ 1364), a set of rules from the sixth century: 251. May I regard the parents of others as my own. 252. May I regard the children of others as more important than my own. 253. May I regard the self of others as more important than my own body. 254. May I regard the wounds and pains of others as more important than my own body. 255. May I regard the shame and evil of others as more important than my own body. [14ab; see Kohn forthcoming] The text then summarizes the goal of this new vision by saying: “May my fate and karma be cut oª at its roots”—propagating a state where all karmic connections and family relations have been dissolved into the greater and higher state of universal salvation. The Qianzhen ke says accordingly: “The law of the Dao is equal. It makes no diªerence between kin and stranger, sees humble and lofty as the same, and protects all equally with goodwill and without prejudice” (5a). The same development of cosmic goodness is described in a section of the Fengdao kejie found in a Dunhuang manuscript and titled “Compassionate Assistance.” The text begins with the fundamental rule: After becoming an ordained monk [or nun], always make compassion foremost. In each aªair, serve with your whole heart and always bring forth loving mindfulness. Whether walking, sitting, lying down, or resting, constantly think of being of assistance in the salvation [of all]. [P. 3682; Òfuchi 1979a: 220–221; lines 1–2]11 On the basis of this general attitude, “all Daoists, whether male or female,” should “develop good intention on behalf of themselves, their parents, siblings, other relatives, lords of the country, princes, emperors, and all living beings. For all of them they should pray that they redeem all life and avoid all death, pain, and sickness” (line 54). By extension, Daoists are further encouraged to develop specific good intentions to build free lodges for travelers, clear roads and bridges from blockages, set up wells for people to drink at their leisure, and plant orchards of fruit trees for people to fill their bellies. Generally they should “create

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The Monastic Vision

fields of compassion and universally pray that those among all living beings who are hungry, cold, old, sick, or otherwise not hale may find satiation and warmth. May they all attain good fortune without measure!” (lines 46–47). This shows clearly how the moral values of the individual monastic form an expanding cycle of compassion: from self, family, and rulers through intentions of social responsibility and good works to the creation of “fields of blessedness” ( futian), that is, good karmic conditions of harmony and merit, for all living beings in the greater universe. Family values in the monastic vision are therefore not lost but transformed into benefits for one’s own family, prosperity for the families of lay devotees, and good fortune and happiness for all. Confucian morality is expanded to become yet another stepping-stone in the quest of Great Peace.

Metaphors Not only a central focus of morality, the family is also one of the key metaphors used for the monastic community. Monastics of all traditions describe their leader as father; monks and nuns become brothers and sisters. In Chinese Buddhism, the family pattern is most explicit as ordained monks were formally adopted into the Buddha’s family and took on his family name Ùâkya (Shi). They were then ranked as “older and younger brothers” on the basis of their date of entry into the order. Their abbot, furthermore, was not only seen as a representative of the Buddha but also as the responsible paterfamilias of the community, one who taught his disciples as his dharma sons (Kieschnick 1997: 119). A similar sentiment has prevailed in Christian communities, where the abbot occupies the “place of Christ” (Symons 1953: xxx) and—true to the original meaning of the word “abba”—is the father of the community ( Merton 1992: 9; Peifer 1966: 277). The relationship to the deity, moreover, is often characterized as a “marriage”—the “most perfect possible realization of human personality on the natural level” (Peifer 1966: 261). Similarly, the family in Christ serves as the ideal expression of human community, where everyone fulfills his or her role to the utmost and all join together in the great endeavor of salvation (Wolter 1962: 237). The Christian community is an organism, a unique yet flexible organic system—not an ordinary institution or organization, a rigid, unchanging structure that consists of replaceable elements and never can be more than the sum of its parts (Panikkar 1982: 19).

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These descriptions and family images emphasize the spontaneous, natural, and dynamic nature of monastic living — and that of cults or radical civic organizations (Gerlach and Hine 1970: 35). They stand in stark contrast to actual reality, in which members of such communities discourage and deny the qualities of natural families. Unlike the family, monastics do not join members of both sexes into one unit but form unisex communities that focus on celibacy rather than procreation. Their membership does not grow biologically through birth but develops on the basis of vocation and through careful screening and testing of applicants. Their main goal, moreover, is not the survival and prosperity of the unit but the realization of an otherworldly aim. As George Hillery (1992: 51) puts it: As a communal organization, the monastery has a wide range of goal-oriented activities, since it does not give primacy to specific goals. Instead of centering on families cooperating in a given space (as in the normal community), monastic activities revolve around a religious ideology. Being Christian, the ideology is based on freedom and agape love.12 Also unlike natural families, monastics have rigid codes of behavior and require a degree of discipline and uniformity that would destroy any household with children in the real world. More than families, monastic communities are in fact total institutions—where everyone is collectively regimented, all activities take place jointly and under the same roof, and all thoughts and deeds are geared to the pursuit of “a single rational plan purportedly designed to fulfill the o‹cial aims of the institutions” (Goªman 1961: 6). In contrast to families, moreover, monasteries have a hierarchy of o‹cers. At the top is the abbot, the head and representative of the deity, who has not grown to his position by natural procreation or selection but who is often appointed by the worldly authorities or at least elected with their consent (Kieschnick 1997: 61; Symons 1953: xxx). Underneath the abbot, monastic o‹ces can be divided into three major sectors: administrators and disciplinarians who manage and control the recluses, making sure everyone is properly registered and does what he or she is supposed to be doing; organizers and property managers who take care of the buildings, lands, supplies, and provisions; and ritualists who supervise the liturgy, spiritual practices, and the novitiate. Every monastic establishment in the world has developed these hierarchies and o‹ces

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The Monastic Vision

together with a specialized terminology for the various duties.13 Interestingly, Christian and Daoist codes do not focus on them until fairly late: they appear prominently only in the Regularis Concordia of 970 (Symons 1953) and the Guiju xuzhi (Rules one must know) of the seventeenth century (Kohn 2002). The Rule of St. Benedict, however, describes the o‹ces of the prior and the cellarer. The Fengdao kejie mentions that there were “o‹ceholders” and names them as “masters of the presentation of oªerings, senior monks of high virtue, artisans who work on the ornamentation of scriptures and sacred images, and o‹cers in the monastery administration” (3.7a). Various early medieval texts as well as the Yaoxiu keyi, moreover, list five o‹cers necessary for the proper performance of purgation rites (8.7a–14a; see Chapter 8). It is, therefore, likely that both administrative and ritual o‹ces existed and were either taken too much for granted or were handled too informally to be mentioned explicitly in the texts until later. In any case, the hierarchical and formally designated organization of a monastery is far removed from a natural family, however strict. The assertion, therefore, that the complex and none-too-flexible organization of monasteries resembles a family—a natural organism that joins the sexes and furthers the personal growth of each individual—may seem rather far-fetched. It makes sense, however, as yet another expression of the claim that monastics create something natural in its perfect state: a higher level of being that transcends ordinary life without abandoning the state of being human. Family and marriage in the monastic context, then, become metaphors for the integrity and dynamic of a community that is both human and divine at the same time. A similar paradox is encountered in the understanding of monastics as “dead.” In India, sâdhus are considered dead to the world—to the point where they lose all legal standing and rights in normative society and are treated as nonpersons (Olivelle 1990: 136). In Christianity, where attainment of eternal life and oneness with the deity are achieved only through the imitation of Christ in death and resurrection (Bouyer 1955: 41), monks and nuns are seen as having died to their personal and social selves in favor of a life in the savior (Peifer 1966: 225; Bouyer 1955: 44). They confront their own mortality as a means of realizing the fragile and transient nature of the body and the evil and destructive powers of the devil (Bouyer 1955: 49), which contrast sharply with the eternity, goodness, and strength of the deity. The death of the self— a metaphor also prominently used in Zen Buddhism—becomes the key breakthrough to the divine core within, opening up a state of detachment and serenity

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(Panikkar 1982: 39). Monasticism thus “institutionalizes the presence of death and the reality of the absolute” (Panikkar 1982: 89). This death, however, is not the physical expiration of the body, just as the monastic community is not the natural family of the ordinary world. Rather, it stands symbolic for the complete abandoning of all worldly attainments and personality and the achievement of a new, heavenly status of monastics (Bouyer 1955: 46). They do what the Bible says is impossible: “See God and live” (p. 41). But even they cannot do it without undergoing a major transformation. As Louis Bouyer puts it (p. 42): The natural creature, defiled by sin, cannot come to God and to the source of life which is in God, without undergoing a total refashioning. He still cannot, will never be able to, see God and live, except now in this sense that it is essential that he die in order to see God and, thus, live no longer with a life in itself mortal, but with the life of the immortals, with the life of the angels in heaven. This new life is forever. It is the life of Christ within the individual monastic, a life that has gone through and overcome death. In a similar way, Daoist monastics are beyond the reach of ordinary death and denizens of the realm of immortals. While explicit death metaphors are not used in Daoist sources, the claim is clearly expressed that monastics by being ordained have “gone beyond” (du) and reached a level of existence usually reserved for otherworldly beings. They no longer live by and through themselves but have become part of the Dao. The Dao lives through them and grants them a life “as long as heaven and earth.” This status as beings of the beyond is expressed in the location of monasteries and hermitages in the wilderness of the mountains, where spirits and demons abide and where the controlling and civilizing eªorts of normative society do not reach. These mountains parallel the desert in early Christianity, which too was considered the ultimate wilderness and seen as the home of the devil and death (Bouyer 1955: 50). Daoist recluses, moreover, used immortality symbols that derive from death markers of ancient China: the evergreen pine tree, originally planted on tombs, became a key signal of immortals; the crane, a soul bird that carried the dead to the otherworld, was turned into the favorite riding animal of celestials; and the abstention from grain and all solid food imitated the state of the dead and of spirits living on pure vapors and refined qi (Takizawa 1969). Like disembodied spirits, Daoist monas-

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The Monastic Vision

tics are free from gross material existence and easily commune with the celestial realm; like dead ancestors, they can strongly aªect human fortunes and must be treated with care and respect.14 The symbolism of death, so clearly expressed in India and the West, in a more subtle way is thus also present in the monasticism of medieval Daoism. To sum up, then, Daoist monastics are seen as occupying a special position: liminal figures between this world and the divine, between life and immortality, between struggle and Great Peace. They have an advanced karmic position, carry the seeds of universal harmony and stability, and are focal points in the good fortune and prosperity of families and communities. Their status gives them power but also invites separation from ordinary society and control through the state. It necessitates strong self-control and discipline in daily life—manifest in their interactions with society, the physical setting of monasteries, the daily routines of monks and nuns, and their liturgical and ritual activities.

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C

hinese monastics, held responsible for ensuring social and political order, are required to express in their role and behavior the higher purity of the realm of immortals. Their institutions accordingly tend to be closely scrutinized by the state, which also serves as their major sponsor. From the Sui onward, the imperial government coopted religious institutions to maintain cosmic and social order and, especially under the Tang Daoist institutions, became a mainstay of the state (Barrett 1996). Even privately funded places required government permission, and all serious transgressions of monastic behavior became punishable according to state codes. Daoists responded to this situation with detailed rules and regulations on how to interact with outsiders and o‹cials, whether they were guests at the institution or contacts in the world. The behavior of monastics was closely controlled, therefore, and they learned to develop techniques of self-eªacement—especially in interaction with o‹cials and state representatives. Another aspect of the social standing of Daoist monastics in medieval China was their social background, motivation, and role in society. Many prominent monks came from families that had been Daoist for generations; often they were literate and highly gifted, writing poetry and conversing with aristocrats on an equal footing. They were received in imperial audiences, fulfilling the ideal of the sage adviser, and contributed to policymaking through the performance of harmony-enhancing rituals and participation in debates with Buddhists. Rather than a refuge from a society conceived of as decadent and defiled, Daoist monasteries represented an oasis of peace that oªered a positive influence on the world. And monks— at least those we know about—predominantly embraced the religious life for spiritual and forward-looking reasons. A slightly diªerent situation holds true for women, who in medieval Daoism, unlike most other monastic traditions, were considered equal

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Relation to Society

and highly honored. To them, taking holy orders was an attractive way to self-realization and religious attainment; but it was also a welcome way out of forced marriage and involvement with social and political intrigue. Moreover, daughters were sometimes given to convents in fulfillment of family duty, ensuring the best celestial fate for their ancestors. Nuns and priestesses came from various levels of society and generally led inspired and peaceful lives, often composing poems that speak of their joys and sorrows. Seen by the men of their generation as representatives of immortal splendor, they were honored and even courted. Then again, taking holy orders for a period could be an expedient means to transfer from one social commitment or status to another—making the holy order of Daoist nuns a variable and exciting aspect of medieval society.

The Role of the State Ever since the first emergence of Daoist monastics under Kou Qianzhi’s theocracy, the state took an active interest in coopting and controlling them in various ways. Beginning with the Sui dynasty, the imperial government sponsored religious temples as state-supporting institutions, first establishing Buddhist temples on the five sacred mountains, in the capitals, and at important holy sites of the state.1 The Tang continued this practice, and in 666 Gaozong established one Buddhist and one Daoist monastery in every prefecture of the empire (Forte 1992: 219). Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–755) expanded the practice further. In 738, he had state temples and monasteries—named Kaiyuan (Opening Prime) after his reign title—erected in all major districts and holy locations of the empire. The role of these institutions was less to spread one or the other religion than to create a sanctified imperial network throughout the country (Benn 1987: 135; Forte 1992: 235–237). Under the Tang, certain mountains where a state-supporting miracle had occurred—such as the find of a marvelous stone or statue or the appearance of a divine vision—were transformed into divine locations by having their names changed and Daoist monasteries established there. To mention just a few: Yangjiao shan ( Mount Ramhorn), where Lord Lao had appeared in 620 to express his support of the rising Tang, was renamed Longjiao shan ( Mount Dragonhorn), and a Daoist temple was built there, the Qingtang guan ( Monastery of Tang blessings). Beishan became the location of annual sacrifices to Lord Lao after the god manifested himself there in 662. Taibai shan had its god honored with the title Lingying gong (Lord of the numinous response) and its district

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renamed Zhenfu (Perfect talisman) after Lord Lao in 746 directed the emperor to a talisman hidden there (Kohn 1998a: 324).2 In the two capitals, moreover, the Tang established central statesponsored monasteries, notably the Taiqing gong (Palace-temple of great purity) in Chang’an and the Taiwei gong (Palace-temple of great subtlety) in Luoyang. Developed from ancestral shrines, they centered on the worship of Lord Lao as the progenitor of the Tang imperial family and active supporter of the dynasty (Benn 1987: 127–130; Xiong 1996; Kohn 1998a: 211–224). They were extensive and grandiose in their layout and architecture—with main halls of as many as twelve bays— and provided not only facilities for ancestor worship but also academies for training in Daoist classics and ritual. As such they became known as Chongxuan guan (Academies for venerating the mystery) and served for the Daoist training of leading monastics and o‹cial candidates in scriptural readings, lectures, and exegesis (Xiong 2000: 44–45; Ding 1980: 178). As academies, Daoist palace-temples were also centers for the collection and preservation of Daoist texts, for which the Taiqing gong alone occupied a staª of twenty-eight copyists (Ding 1980: 180). As locations of worship, they provided the state with regular festivals of purgation (zhai)—ceremonies to ensure seasonal, cosmic, and political harmony and good fortune (Ding 1980: 180). As ancestral halls, they guaranteed the maintenance of regular sacrifices to the dynasty ’s forebears (Ding 1980: 195–197). Their main halls contained statues of Lord Lao, dressed in imperial regalia and flanked by two perfected, plus an image of Emperor Xuanzong. Leading ministers of state and ancient saints were represented as well, including Confucius, Zhuangzi, and Liezi (Benn 1987: 137–138; Liu 2001). Tang emperors visited the Taiqing gong in Chang’an on average once every three years from its formal foundation in 741 to the dynasty ’s end in 906. They would perform both cosmic rites and ancestral worship and would often take the opportunity to bestow new and yet more elaborate titles upon their divine ancestor Lord Lao (Ding 1980: 201–206). Other prominent Daoist monasteries sponsored by the Tang imperial court were the key sanctuaries associated with Lord Lao—notably the Taiqing gong at his birthplace in Bozhou, which grew to enormous proportions in the eighth century and had a guard unit of five hundred troops (Benn 1987: 131), and the Zongsheng guan ( Monastery of the ancestral sage) in the Zhongnan mountains, the o‹cial Tang name for Louguan. Apart from the immediate concern with state support and the worship of Lord Lao as dynastic ancestor, Tang rulers also sponsored a

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Relation to Society

number of Daoist foundations, especially in the capitals. This followed the practice of the Sui emperors, who despite their primary commitment to Buddhism had founded seven Daoist monasteries in Chang’an, presumably to ensure an active connection to the supernatural (Xiong 2000: 243–244). Each succeeding Tang emperor added several more (Xiong 2000: 297–301; Liu 2001). Some monastic foundations were inspired by a miracle or other event of good fortune; others occurred after the death of an imperial relative or because an evil influence had to be exorcised and converted to auspiciousness. Then again, monasteries were initiated as accommodations for renowned Daoist masters or newly ordained members of the imperial family. The latter, moreover, might donate their personal property to the religion, creating the space and support for yet another institution (Xiong 2000: 246–251). When Li Hong was appointed crown prince in 656, for example, the Dongming guan ( Monastery of eastern light) was dedicated as an auspicious sign. And when Princess Changning was ordained in 711, she gave up land to establish the Jinglong guan ( Monastery of radiant dragon; Xiong 2000: 248–249). Beyond the capital, imperial support was granted to monasteries of Highest Purity Daoism—notably on Maoshan, Tiantai shan, and Wangwu shan, temples that often housed senior masters and Daoist leaders.3 Other mountains, as noted earlier, were also graced with imperial pleasure if they experienced miraculous signs or divine visions that legitimized and spiritualized the dynasty. In addition to these prominent state-sponsored centers, the bulk of the 1,687 Daoist institutions (including 550 nunneries) registered in the empire in 739 consisted of smaller hermitages (Benn 1977). Located both in the cities and on mountains, they housed individual recluses or small groups of monks or nuns. These monastics were, for the most part, supported by their native families or by aristocratic sponsors on whose land they erected their huts (Foulk 1993: 164). Since the rule of Emperor Xuanzong, however, even the smallest temple required special permission from the court and had to be o‹cially acknowledged (Xiong 2000: 246). Still, it is likely that some practitioners escaped the o‹cial network and, following the ancient eremitic tradition, kept themselves alive by eating nuts and herbs and other foods oª the land— as they still do today (Porter 1993). In some cases, such hermits or certain small temples would attract followers and grow into formal institutions that would then qualify for extensive support and might receive land grants and other o‹cial help. There was no alternative to receiving sponsorship. Like the monks of

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medieval England and unlike renunciants in India, Tang Daoists were not allowed to beg for their food and had to maintain good behavior to fulfill their state-sanctioned duties.4 Control over the proper fulfillment of these duties and the correct behavior of monastics was further established through a system of o‹cial registration. Once ordained, monks and nuns of both Buddhism and Daoism had to carry their certificate at all times (Gernet 1995: 40). They also had to comply with specific state legislation governing their behavior. This legislation is found in two sets of sources: one is a special code for the clergy known as the Daoseng ke (Rules for Daoists and Buddhists) of the year 637; the other comprises Tang legal codes such as the Tang liudian (Six departments of the Tang) and the Tanglü shuyi (Supplementary interpretations of Tang laws). Although the former is lost, it can be recovered partially from its Japanese counterpart, the Sòni ryò (Regulations for monks and nuns), written soon after its first conception and representing the same basic outlook (Ch’en 1973: 95). According to these sources, monastics were not supposed to ride horses, possess military books, form cliques, solicit donors, or stay for more than three days with the same lay family—unlike earlier practitioners who were known to leave the mountain for extended periods (Bumbacher 2000a: 146, 155). They must not participate in musical or other entertainments or behave in any way rudely or abusively to elders or those of higher rank (Ch’en 1973: 102–103). Punishments for transgressions were harsh, and oªenders had to be handed over to the secular authorities for all serious crimes. For example: if recluses partook of improper foods or liquor, they could be condemned to hard labor; if they wore clothes of silk or aristocratic colors, they could be defrocked and sent to hard labor. Similarly, if they stole or desecrated sacred objects, they could be punished by imprisonment, hard labor, or exile. If they engaged in fortune telling and faith healing, they faced return to lay status— and if they still continued their charlatanry, they were threatened with strangulation (Ch’en 1973: 96–102). Chinese state codes tended to punish oªenses more severely than religious statutes. Where the Vinaya, for example, demanded expulsion from the order, the state insisted on extradition to secular justice and the death penalty; where Buddhist codes considered confessions, expiations, or rites of repentance su‹cient, the state imposed imprisonment and hard labor (Ch’en 1973: 97–98). Moreover, the sources are quite explicit that the same oªense is punished much more harshly in the case of a recluse as opposed to a layman because the recluse should know what he was do-

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Relation to Society

ing and, even worse, “was stealing an object of his own religion” (Ch’en 1973: 100). Daoist sources match this overall picture. The Qianzhen ke states that if a disciple has committed a major transgression, such as engaging in various forms of commerce or committing sexual indiscretions, he should be reprimanded with increasing sharpness culminating in: “While still in the world of the Three Rebirths and Five Realms, I will never speak to you again!” If even this does not work, the oªender should be punished by flogging and expulsion (8b). Then again, the text asserts: Some troublemakers do not follow the divine law but drink alcohol and get intoxicated, then make trouble by ridiculing and insulting those above and below. Such people should be punished by having to pay a fine in money or rice. Some may also accumulate excess goods or wealth, which initially seems to support communal harmony but later entices them to go against the rules. This must not be tolerated, and the goods should be removed, while oªenders should be punished with flogging. Then again, some may steal money or silk from the presented oªerings, while others take control of the land, cut down trees, destroy plants, hoe through plantations, and mow down grass. If one such oªender cannot be controlled, punish the whole group collectively. If even that does not take care of the problem, have them handed over to the worldly authorities for punishment according to state law. [Qianzhen ke 4a]5 Although lengthy and detailed penal codes have not survived from medieval Daoism, there was a keen awareness of what proper behavior entailed and what measures could be taken to correct it.6 Daoist institutions were, in general, very eager to comply with the state-imposed guidelines and supported propriety on all levels, as is clear in the rules on the interaction with outsiders.

Rules for Interaction In general, medieval Daoist monastics did not encourage travel and outside contacts. In this they are similar to medieval Christians who likewise found stabilitas loci, the commitment to one institution, a highly positive value— and diªerent from Buddhists, who never relinquished

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the ideal of the wandering ascetic, even after the creation of extensive settled communities. The Daoist antipathy toward outside travel goes back to the lay communities of the Celestial Masters, whose rules curbed interaction with outsiders.7 Following them, the Shishi weiyi, supplementing the Fengdao kejie, says: “Unless there is an urgent and serious aªair or a necessary quest, one must not come and go repeatedly lest one cause people to assume that one does not take one’s responsibilities seriously” (5a). It also notes that monks and nuns should travel only after being granted a formal leave of absence from their home institution and never go alone. They should always travel in groups or take at least one companion along (Shishi weiyi 4b).8 A venerable master, in particular, should always be accompanied by a disciple who carries his “bench and staª, shoes and slippers” and is able to support him when the road gets dangerous: Should they have to climb a perilous slope or approach a steep cliª, the disciple must personally support the master on his right and left or even pick him up bodily and carry him with his two hands. Under no circumstances is he to drop his hands and leave the master behind. This rule does not apply if the disciple is either an old man or a young boy. [Qianzhen ke 28a] When traveling in the outside world, Daoists should be prepared to face dangerous roads and demon-infested areas. Confronted with such hazards, they can perform a rite of protection: curl the tongue against the palate, swallow the saliva three times, then with the second and third fingers of the left hand press below the nostrils to block the breath. Repeat thirty-six times. The area at the nostrils is called Source of the Mountains, Demon Well, Spirit Pond, or Spirit Soul Terrace. It matches the power of the demons and the spirits of the mountains. To activate its powers further, Daoists clap their teeth forty-nine times and chant a spell to banish all baleful powers that may lurk on their path (Yaoxiu keyi 14.8b–9a). Once protected in this manner, Daoists are advised to guard their eyes constantly lest they see some form of foulness that creates defilement. Such foulness is described in the Daoxue keyi (1.15ab) as follows: 1. Naturally present foulness seen unintentionally— as, for example, blood on people’s hands or feet or pieces of carrion dropped by birds

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Relation to Society

2. Accidentally seen foulness—such as a corpse on the roadside or a man and a woman copulating in an isolated spot 3. Personally sought-out foulness—encountered when the Daoist visits with laypeople who have a death in the family 4. O‹cials’ foulness—willingly met when paying condolences to a local magistrate whose family member has died 5. Household foulness—such as farm animals giving birth—which is pursued actively out of curiosity Any of these is bad for the Daoist’s purity level, more so if sought out intentionally than when encountered purely by accident. Still, in all cases, a proper purification must be performed to disperse the harmful qi. This involves preparing a cauldron of water that has been boiled with bamboo leaves, peach twigs, and locally available fragrances and has had a purifying talisman thrown into it. In severe cases of defilement, the Daoist is to bathe in this water; in less severe cases, a rubdown will su‹ce—in either case accompanied by an e‹cacious incantation (Daoxue keyi 1.15a–16a). To ward oª defilements other than through the eyes, Daoists always have to wear their formal garb and carry something pure to sit or lie down on. As the Zhengyi weiyi jing says: “Daoists should always carry a thick seating mat to rest themselves while warding oª defiled energy” (17b). Similarly, the Qianzhen ke insists that they must “set up separate bedsteads even if they are returning to their native family and have father and mother there” (26b). The most detailed discussion appears in the Shishi weiyi. It says: “During all comings and goings, be they near or far, you must always carry your seat cloth with you. As for the hand cloth, water pitcher, and other utensils, you can obtain them wherever you stay, finding something suitable in the relevant circumstances” (5b). This “seat cloth” (zuoju) or “seating platform” (zuotan), which is still used in Daoism today as well as in Japanese Zen,9 can be traced back to the mat used in ancient China by ministers when in the formal presence of royalty (Liji 11/1.18; Legge 1968: 2:6–7). It is described in the Shishi weiyi as a square piece of fabric or matting that is carried about on the body, either hung from the shoulder or held in the left hand (2b). According to the Fengdao kejie, it should be “four feet square [1.44 square meters] in size and inscribed on both sides with seal script.” Generally the cloth was of a dull acacia-brown color, but senior Daoists could also have one in purple. The fabric might be heavy silk or brocade, but when used for traveling a simpler version would su‹ce (Fengdao kejie 3.8a).

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No matter how ornate or simple, the seat cloth should never be left lying about carelessly: “Even if you have to let it go for a moment, do not put it down abruptly or in a place of foulness or mixed nature, but first wipe the place with a brush or use a clean object to place it” (Shishi weiyi 2b). It is spread for making obeisances within the monastery and for sitting and sleeping outside. Even equipped with this piece of purified fabric, monks who have to spend the night outside the monastery must first purify the bedstead, sprinkle water over it, and wipe it with a clean cloth. This is called “calming the bedstead,” a necessary precaution against defilement (Shishi weiyi 5b). The same sense of segregation also applied when laypeople came to the monastery. Hospitality was a basic rule among Daoist monastics, and all visitors had to be accommodated regardless of rank or status.10 Once visitors had arrived, monks were to give them lodging, provide them with necessities, ask them to join the daily services, teach them monastic rules and prohibitions, and explain which areas were restricted (Qianzhen ke 21a). All guests were housed in strictly separate quarters (Fengdao kejie 1.18b) and had to keep their clothes on even at night, avoiding all nudity (Qianzhen ke 9b, 21a). They had to wear decent garb, as well, and be on their best behavior, arriving on time for the holy o‹ces and bowing to the divinities and elder masters. If women were among them, they should avoid fraternization, extensive chitchat, and laughter (Qianzhen ke 21a). At the same time, the Fengdao kejie section on “Interaction with Ordinary People” notes that Daoists, whenever clad in ritual vestments, must always stand or sit in a completely separate place, even if with important kin or dignitaries, such as their father and mother, emperor and prince. They must not sit together with them but must strictly remain in the isolated position of the ordained. Failure to comply will cause the Five Emperors to punish the soul with a subtraction of 1,200 [days of life]. [P. 3682; Òfuchi 1979a: 220; Tonkò kòza 1983: 174–175; see also Qianzhen ke 11b] In their interaction with the outside world, moreover, monastics had to observe ten prohibitions: 1. Do not solicit benefits and support widely by claiming special abilities.

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Relation to Society

2. Do not show greed and avarice without limit or perform marriage divinations for ordinary people. 3. Do not make a claim to be enlightened or perform astrological prognostications. 4. Do not exploit lay servants to do your tilling and plowing. 5. Do not create disturbances among supporters or develop contacts with bad people. 6. Do not forget about the law of the right path; instead form cliques with local people. 7. Do not sit down and get up without interruption, showing agitation and nervousness. 8. Do not break the rules or sleep together with commoners. 9. Do not leave stealthily at night and without the proper light. 10. Do not steal or commit other worldly crimes. [Qianzhen ke 3ab; Yaoxiu keyi 13.1b–2a] As this passage suggests, monastics should keep a low profile in the world. They must behave properly at all times, obey the law, and abstain from making outrageous claims and falling in with the wrong people. They must also maintain their inherent dignity and perform all actions with the proper formality, keeping a straight posture and appearance at all times (Shishi weiyi 5a; also Zhengyi weiyi jing 17b). They must not speak in a loud voice, engage in laughter or jesting with ordinary people, or behave in other unbecoming ways.Thus the Shishi weiyi has: “Unless there is an urgent aªair, you must not walk about in rain or wind, mud or sleet, icy cold or scorching heat, swishing your gown about in great confusion. This is not what people like to see” (5a). What people do like to see, this implies, is a recluse with dignity, a solemn representative of the great Dao, who knows his own noble position yet honors the rules of the world and, like the Dao, gives his favors to high and low in equal measure (Qianzhen ke 6a). This ideal goes back to ancient Chinese guidelines for proper gentlemanly conduct: The carriage of a man of rank was easy but somewhat slow; grave and reserved when he saw anyone he wished to honor. He did not move his feet lightly, nor his hands irreverently. His eyes looked straight forward, and his mouth was kept quiet and composed. No sound from him broke the stillness, and his head was carried upright. His breath came without panting or stoppage,

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and his standing gave an impression of virtue. [Liji 11/3.28; Legge 1968: 2:25] It is also echoed in the Vinaya, which has detailed rules on how monks should behave on the road (Prebish 1975: 4; Mather 1979: 114) and which influenced Daoism from an early period, first appearing in Kou Qianzhi’s “New Code.” Emulating the ancient model as well as the Buddhist rule, the text orders all Daoists to maintain a “straight body and straight face, going forward in a single direction, never turning to look left or right.” At the homes of supporters, which they should visit without favor, they must never be angry or scolding nor comment on food and drink, accommodations, and company (12a; Mather 1979: 113). In direct continuation of this rule, the anti-Daoist polemic Xiaodao lun (Laughing at the Dao; T. 2103, 52.143c–52c) of the year 570 cites the Xuanzhong jing (Scripture of central mystery), an otherwise unknown text, to the eªect that Daoists, when about to enter someone’s residence, “should stop ten paces before the dwelling to put on their ceremonial cap and robe and take hold of their ritual tablet,” then move forward in a straight line, never approaching sideways or backwards. Once inside, “proper dignity and formality must be observed and the Daoist should sit only when he has the ritual tablet in his hands, at the same time making sure the commoners do not think him strange” (sec. 33, T. 52.151c; Kohn 1995a: 141). The Shishi weiyi reflects the same idea when it insists that Daoists should “never use the main or central gate but always pass through the small gate on one of the sides, turning their bodies sideways as they approach and withdraw” (6a). A Dunhuang fragment of the Fengdao kejie similarly emphasizes that Daoists who meet ordinary folk should be polite and friendly, never getting angry or upset. It also warns against a boastful or arrogant attitude on the side of the Daoists and encourages them always to keep a well-meaning intention in their hearts, wishing that donors and all people “receive good fortune without measure.”11 This attitude of well-wishing should extend even to people who behave rudely to the recluses, who must not pay heed to any bad or unseemly behavior they encounter. As the Shishi weiyi (5b) says: If while coming or going from cities or towns, villages or hamlets, you see people doing indecent or illegitimate things, or if you hear unpleasant and jocular remarks, then lower your head and walk straight on, taking care not to pay them any heed.

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Relation to Society

And the Qianzhen ke (15b) has: If in the outside world you happen to see some evil, such as people beating each other, lacking in filial piety toward their parents, having no love for their brothers, stealing and plundering, engaging in war and killing —then go back to the monastery, take a cleansing bath in fragrant water, and enter the oratory for silent meditation. Do not let it hurt you. Such evil, moreover, apparently was not only observed from a distance but even touched the recluses themselves. Commoners on occasion used “bad words and foul language to express their contempt” or made jokes about them. In these situations, too, Daoists should act as if they “had not heard them at all, never changing their expression” (Shishi weiyi 5b) but harboring a positive attitude and good wishes throughout. Here, as in the other rules regarding outside contacts, aloofness is the key. Daoists are to see themselves as separate from the ordinary world and part of the purity of the Dao. Their demeanor accordingly has to be formal and distant, they have to wear ritual vestments and carry a seat cloth to set themselves apart, and they must stay away from all involvement with outsiders unless necessitated by communal or family needs. The identity revealed here is one of people separate and isolated in their purity; it reflects a sense of reality characterized by the classic monastic dichotomy: us versus them, Dao versus world, purity versus defilement. It reveals a split reality—a world of opposites that necessitates a sense of self as diªerent, measures of caution against involvement, defilement, and evil, and strength in the face of adversity. Daoists in their interaction with the outside world learn to bear the hardship of otherness and fully realize that their path has taken them away from the lives of the majority of people. Their reality and identity, while always special, never appear more clearly diªerent. This sense of diªerence and separation is also evident in the prescriptions for Daoists’ interaction with o‹cials or other high-ranking personages. Generally Daoists were encouraged to behave by withdrawing and cultivating invisibility. As the Shishi weiyi (5a) says: If upon coming and going you meet an o‹cial or elder, withdraw to step out of the way. Never show yourself openly. Should there be no suitable place to withdraw or step out to, stand in the shadow of other people or trees. Even from there, though, give the proper expression of paying your respects.

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If upon coming or going you unexpectedly encounter a noble person riding in a horse-drawn carriage or in a sedan chair, you must immediately give way and lower your body into a posture of great awe. [also Qianzhen ke 28a] This ideal of invisibility in the face of o‹cialdom shows that Daoist monastics were advised to realize a position beyond the world, yet they also had to act within it. Ideally they should never run afoul of worldly rules; but if they did they had to accept the lawful punishment. Once they suªered through this, they could return to their monastic communities but had to undergo purifications. The Xuandu lüwen, as cited in the Yaoxiu keyi, says accordingly: “If a Daoist master or priestess has been imprisoned and tied up by worldly authorities, upon release he or she must take a cleansing bath in fragrant water to dissolve the defilement. After three days he or she can enter the oratory or parish hall and again perform worship” (12.5b). While contact with o‹cialdom should be limited, it could not always be avoided. The local administration or an aristocratic family might find themselves in need of material support, for example, and turn to the monastery for a loan. Generally such loans were prohibited. But “if there is an emergency and someone is sick, a loan can be made. However, it has to be repaid with interest” (Qianzhen ke 10b). Similarly monasteries could support the surrounding countryside with grain and goods in times of famine and civil unrest and turn to lay helpers when it came to keeping their treasures and sacred objects safe (10b). But being a supporter of the world in times of need did not imply getting involved or taking advantage. Thus the Qianzhen ke (13b) says: “Daoist disciples may fear that a time of great cold, a period of political upheaval, or a famine is approaching. In such cases, they may wish to solicit increased contributions of money, silk, linen, and the five grains from their donors to prepare for the time of emergency. This is not permitted” (also Yaoxiu keyi 13.9a). In all these diªerent situations, therefore, medieval Daoists had to juggle their need to survive in the world and among its inhabitants with their status as otherworldly representatives— a status that prohibited them from getting involved and developing worldly desires. Keenly aware of the requirements of their status and the di‹culties it entailed, they did their best to comply with the demands put upon them by the state, the laity, and their own aspirations.

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Relation to Society

Motivation and Social Background These aspirations were lofty and often reflected the goals of their family and community. Not unlike religious seekers in other traditions (see Weckman 1987: 39–40), many Daoists came from devout backgrounds and worked hard to attain even higher levels of purity and spiritual realization while some sought refuge from political or economic circumstances in monastic tranquility. They set up their own hermitages and lived a life of seclusion; some were called upon by local lords or emperors and had an abode or lodge established for them, thus finding acceptance and gaining influence in the society despite their otherworldly calling. The earliest accounts of the lives of Daoist monastics are found in the Daoxue zhuan of the sixth century. Most renunciants described here are said to have had inherent reclusive tendencies, a fundamental desire for immortality even at a young age, and a strong aptitude for Daoist techniques and visions (Bumbacher 2000a: 133, 153, 175, 242). Many continued the ancient hermit ideal: collecting herbs for nourishment, living in caves or thatched huts, making themselves “a bed of leaves” (p. 178). Some, such as Du Jiong or Tao Hongjing, came from devout Daoist families and followed in their forebears’ footsteps by seeking ordination first as a lay priest and then as a recluse (pp. 162, 229). Others could not stomach the idea of marriage and social involvement and preferred to run away into the mountains and live by themselves. Chu Boyu, for example, had been ordered by his father to take a wife, but “as his new wife entered in the front, he fled through the back door and left [for the mountains]” (p. 202). Still others were already established in marriage, family, and career and only then decided to leave and pursue the Dao, finding a more lasting reward in otherworldly activities. For Kong Lingchan, for instance, a turning point came with the death of his mother, when his mourning lead him into prolonged periods of fasting, meditation, and reflection and eventually caused him to leave the world for a life of the spirit. He became well known for his filial devotion and Daoist expertise, and Emperor Ming of the Song erected a hermitage for him that grew into an established monastery (Bumbacher 2000a: 276–278; see also Kirkland 1986: 147). Another example of late renunciation is the famous master Lu Xiujing (406–477), who established monasteries, collected Daoist scriptures, and was received by emperors (Kamitsuka 1999). Still he never

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broke oª his native connection completely, coming back to visit every so often, though he was not very patient with their demands: Once when he passed through his native village and stayed with his family for several days, a daughter unexpectedly fell ill. When her destiny lay within a sundial’s notch, and a member of the family strongly begged him to help her, the Master sighed, saying: “I gave up my wife and children to devote my life to the limits of the mystery. Now I’m passing through and what happens is the same as it was before! How can I come back to have a mind concerned with aªections?” With that, he shook out his clothes and left immediately, not even turning his head. However, within a day of his departure, his daughter was cured. [Bumbacher 2000a: 207–208] This provides a good illustration of the conflicting roles of Daoists in the world. Still connected with their native families, they are open to the demands common society imposes on them. Eventually they do provide the services needed, but not without recognizing that their true path leads in another direction and that life’s duties are a distraction from the Dao. More than the monastics of other traditions, who have completely forsworn society and stay in seclusion, Daoists still interact with the world and take on a responsibility as representatives of the pure Dao. This priestly dimension of early recluses is also apparent in several biographies that emphasize the desire to dispense charity and give service as the motivating force for departure from the world. Especially in times of social upheaval and famine, it seems, people left their homes to become helpers of the poor, cultivating the Dao at the same time (Bumbacher 2000a: 245–250). Similar patterns continue in the Tang dynasty, when many leading Daoists arose. Sun Simiao (601–693), for example, left the world for political reasons: “Civil unrest prompted him to undertake the serious commitment to Daoism which traditionally comes to fruition in a mountain retreat” (Sivin 1968: 96). Sima Chengzhen (646–735), the son of former emperors, entered the Dao because of his family connection to the family of Tao Hongjing and rose to become Shangqing patriarch and a leading master under Xuanzong, who had a major monastery erected for him on Wangwu shan (Kirkland 1986: 44, 266). He was also said to have exhibited extraordinary Daoist powers and inclinations as a child— as did the ordained poet Wu Yun (d. 778; Kirkland 1986: 96; DeMeyer 1999),

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Relation to Society

the thaumaturge Ye Fashan (who was also cast in the image of imperial adviser; Kirkland 1986: 127), and the Louguan patriarch Yin Wencao (Kohn 1997a). Yin Wencao (622–688), who claimed family connections to Yin Xi, the first recipient of the Daode jing, in many ways followed a picture-book Daoist career. A bright child with early Daoist inclinations and family background, he set up his own hermitage at an early age and then entered the monastic community of Louguan in 636 (at age fourteen) to undergo extensive training and obtain ordination. In 644, he withdrew to Taibai shan where he had various visions of immortals; in 656, he was invited to the capital and installed in the imperial Haotian guan ( Monastery of imperial heaven). Serving as ritual master, resident sage, and defender of Daoism, he was appointed abbot of Louguan in 677 and was greatly blessed in 679 by the miracle of Lord Lao appearing with a host of perfected, plainly visible to the entire court. A true functionary of the Dao, Yin Wencao provided blessings and divine acknowledgment for the dynasty while also continuing in his own pursuit of immortality and in various academic projects, such as the creation of a new standardized hagiography of Lord Lao. His monastic calling took him both deeper into the world and to a position of detachment and transcendence; he realized the Daoist ideal of cosmic intermediary and bringer of peace in the world.12 This ideal also inspired other prominent Daoists of the Tang —such as the Shangqing patriarch Li Hanguang (683–769), who came from an obscure family and was first apprenticed with a local arts teacher before joining a Daoist community and undergoing ordination at age twenty-three (Kirkland 1986: 72, 301). And the renunciant He Zhizhang (659 –744), for whom Daoism was a late calling, passed the jinshi examination and had an illustrious o‹cial career for over fifty years before retiring to take ordination in the Dao. At this time, after receiving the proper permits, he also converted his old homestead into a Daoist monastery for perpetuity. Although some of his biographers were critical of this move, he seems to have been well honored in his time: he was seen oª into his new life by Xuanzong and the entire court (Kirkland 1986: 114, 120). Daoist monastics of the middle ages— at least as documented in the literature—in their motivation and career generally match the religious ideal spelled out in the monastic vision—pursuing immortality for themselves while also serving as cosmic intermediaries for their countrymen. The Daoist career, far from world-denying, was accepted as a viable and valuable alternative for aristocrats and commoners alike and to the lat-

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ter especially oªered the promise of personal, academic, and o‹cial development. The special position and training monastics underwent were recognized for their di‹culties and honored accordingly—their discipline and dedication to the Dao a jewel in the crown of the empire.

Nuns and Priestesses Women who decided to pursue the Dao did so for very much the same reasons as men and were treated quite equally by the Daoist establishment. In this respect medieval Daoism is significantly diªerent from other monastic traditions, where women were considered secondary to monks and typically had to obey many more rules. In medieval England, for example, the dominant order of the Cistercians refused to acknowledge any female recluses. And convents— a‹liated with other orders or part of double-houses such as that of the Gilbertines—inevitably were smaller and less wealthy than male houses. Nuns had to allow male priests into their compounds to receive the sacraments and could never attain the same status or the same freedom of movement as monks. The monastic calling, accepted as worthy and noble in men, was seen as a betrayal of their natural function in women, and many had to enter the religious life against their parents’ will (Burton 1994: 86). The twelfth-century merchant’s daughter Christina of Markgate, for example, had to flee in male disguise and remain incognito for many years before rising to the rank of prioress and taking her proper position in the church. Often women waited until after their husbands had died and they came into a small inheritance, which they then made over to an order or used to found a new nunnery. Not only were willing women kept from the monastic life, but unwilling women often were forced to enter it. Whether they were unwanted daughters, unmarriageable relatives, or inconvenient elders, often they were virtually imprisoned in convents, pushed out of a society that had no place for them and did not consider their needs or wishes (Burton 1994: 85–96). In Buddhism, too, the order of nuns was only established against the resistance of the Buddha and his male companions. They had no objection to receiving the help of female supporters and fully acknowledged women’s ability to attain enlightenment. But they shied away from allowing women, especially of childbearing age, to leave home and hearth and follow their calling for transcendence. The Buddha’s aunt had to request the establishment of an order of nuns four times before it was granted— and then only through the intercession of

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Relation to Society

A¯ nanda, who himself asked for it three times (Wijayaratna 1990: 158; Havnevik 1989: 24). Even then, Buddhist nuns in India were made to observe additional rules and restrictions such as having to show deference to any monk no matter how young or inexperienced. They also had to spend the rain retreat under male protection, invite a monk to perform the bimonthly ceremonies, confess their transgressions to both the orders of nuns and monks, and undergo ordination through both. Although they could be admonished and criticized by monks, they had no right to reprimand monks in their turn (Wijayaratna 1990: 159–160; Paul 1985: 85–86; Misra 1969: 130–132). Their Vinaya rules are almost twice the length of those of monks, and the only canonical document authored by them is the Therîgâthâ (Verses of elder nuns), a collection of seventy-three poems (Wijayaratna 1990: 161). Since the tenth century, moreover, when the transmission of the order was interrupted, pious women in Buddhism have had to fake it: taking the same eight precepts as devout lay followers, they live in servitude to monks or form isolated communities that struggle with poverty and social disrespect. They believe that a life of hardship undertaken in the name of Buddhism will grant them rebirth as a man, when they will finally be able to pursue their spirituality.13 Daoist nuns and priestesses were a great deal more fortunate than their Buddhist or Christian counterparts. Medieval Daoist sources make no distinction between male and female ranks, accomplishments, status, or even clothing. Du Guangting in his collection of women’s hagiographies emphasizes that men’s and women’s paths are equal (Cahill 1990: 36), and the Fengdao kejie and related texts continuously use the phrase “daoshi nüguan”—“all Daoists, whether male or female”—to refer to monastic practitioners. They point out that the single diªerence between the two is the fact that women’s ritual vestments include a more elaborate headdress, the “capeline, an uncommon word for a type of woman’s headgear” (Schafer 1978: 11), one reason why they are called nüguan, or “female hats.” The term does not appear until the Sui-Tang, when it was probably coined to replace nüguan, or “female o‹cer,” the standard expression used throughout the Six Dynasties, in order to avoid confusion with the common appellation of female palace attendants (Schafer 1978: 10–11). The more elaborate headdress for women can be traced back to early representations of Xiwang mu, the Queen Mother of the West and goddess of immortals, with her characteristic sheng headdress (Loewe 1979; Cahill 1993). Fanciful headgear was also common among immortal ladies, as is documented in Shangqing and Tang visualization in-

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structions. Daoist nuns and priestesses adopted it in emulation of their illustrious models. Just as the standing of women Daoists was basically equal to men’s, their motivations for joining the religion were also similar. Like men, they left the world because of a deeply felt urge to attain the higher states of transcendence and salvation or because they wished to escape an intolerable social or personal situation. But women’s convents also served socially expedient functions, such as the enhanced worship of ancestors or the transition out of old and into new marriages. This division of motivation matches the classification of women eligible for convents: girls determined to remain unmarried, widows living on their own, and married women who had left their husbands and returned to their native families.14 The proper procedure for entering a convent involved announcing the intention to one’s relatives, who in Daoism as much as in Chinese Buddhism had to agree to the move (Tsai 1994: 70). Next the nun-to-be would set up her own hermitage or go to live with a teacher— who had to be married if he was a lay priest. In either situation, she should avoid contact with ordinary people, gather herbs to sustain herself, and generally remove foulness and confusion to find peace of mind.15 After that, another training period at a larger institution— often organized as a double-house—followed. Then came several levels of ordination that granted personal independence through the ability to perform rituals, set up her own convent, and attain senior rank in an existing institution (Strickmann 1978: 470). Daoist nuns or priestesses—they could function as either— observed strict celibacy and for the most part remained in seclusion, pursuing a life of fasting, meditation, and charity (Cahill 1990: 28–29). They were a great deal more independent than contemporaneous married women and could, if they so wished, lead rather unconventional lives—suiting their schedules to their needs and freely interacting with people of their choosing. This exceptional status created both great admiration and criticism: poets were singing the praises of pure ladies they envisioned as living goddesses, while stern moralists condemned the splendid costumes and free manners of “female hats” (Schafer 1978: 6, 9). A controversial figure who invited both praise and censure is Yu Xuanji (844–868), a girl from a common family who was married as second wife to a young scholar training in Chang’an, only to be expelled by his first wife after he returned home. Returning to the capital, she made a living as a courtesan for a while. She then took holy orders as a Daoist

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Relation to Society

nun and joined the Xianyi guan ( Monastery of universal propriety). Her talents and literary skill garnered her much admiration, but criticism rose far and wide when she was executed for murdering her maid. Her poems make it clear that she was by no means at ease with life in any of its forms and chose the Daoist convent for the security and stability it oªered (Cahill 2002). Security and stability were also at the heart of the ordination of two Tang princesses into the Daoist order. Princesses Jinxian and Yuzhen were daughters of Ruizong’s third consort and the youngest of his children. All his older daughters were married expediently and remained embroiled in the constant scheming and intrigues of the time. The two youngest hoped to escape this fate and, after the downfall of Empress Wu, were permitted to follow the religious path. As Charles Benn says: “The cloister oªered the Princesses a haven which the family could not. As nuns they were less likely to be implicated in the strife, stress, and reprisals that prevailed at court during their youth” (1991: 9). They began their training in 705, soon received the first levels of ordination, then entered the Lingbao rank in a majestic set of rites celebrated in 711, documented in detail in Zhang Wanfu’s Chuanshou lueshuo (Benn 1991). Other women chose the Daoist cloister to escape less dramatic yet equally dangerous situations, such as an unwanted marriage or the hardships of disability. An example of the latter is the Huayang princess, a daughter of Emperor Taizong who joined a convent to live out her years in ease and comfort (Schafer 1978: 7). The earliest reported case of a woman running from an unwanted marriage is that of Song Yuxian, recorded in the Daoxue zhuan: When she was in puberty, her determination was not wholly devoted to herself [unlike ordinary girls]. As the years advanced, she became marriageable, and her parents made arrangements to give her to the Xu clan. But she secretly prepared holy vestments. When the time of her wedding came, she mounted the carriage, went to her husband’s gate, and was apparently getting ready to enter the six [wedding] ceremonies. But in fact she changed into her Daoist clothes— a yellow linen skirt and coarse woolen cloak—took her magpie-tail incense burner, and refused to play the wife’s part of the ceremonies. Guests and hosts were equally startled, but none, not even the

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family of her intended, was able to bend her will. Eventually they let her go back to her native house, from where she became a recluse. [Bumbacher 2000a: 295–296] This strong will toward the Dao, expressed even in childhood, is another dominant motivation for women to join the religion. Most nuns’ biographies in the Daoxue zhuan cite it, as do contemporaneous Buddhist sources (Tsai 1994: 7), and it is also the driving force behind the Daoist careers of two other well-documented nuns: the Flower Maid ( Huagu) Huang Lingwei and the aunt of Zhou Ziliang, the young man who attained immortality under the guidance of Tao Hongjing. Huang Lingwei (ca. 640–721) came from a commoner’s family in Fujian and had her mind set on the Dao from an early age. She was attractive and graceful and received her first level of ordination at age twelve at the Tianbao guan ( Monastery of heavenly treasure). Undergoing further training, she became quite accomplished and experienced advanced states and visions of immortals. She also instigated and managed the restoration of the Linchuan shrine to Wei Huacun, the divine revealer of the Shangqing scriptures, and is famous for her bodily ascension into heaven.16 Ziliang’s aunt, whose personal name has not been recorded, is known mainly through Tao Hongjing’s account of Zhou’s training and ascension, the Mingtong ji (DZ 302). Born in 470 as a daughter of the Zhang family of Hangzhou, she was adopted into the Xu family of Wenzhou when her mother remarried after her father’s death. The Xus were hereditary priests of the Celestial Masters, and the girl took a liking to their practices early on, taking her first vows at age ten. After that, following the proper procedures, she announced that she wished to leave the householder’s life and set up her own hermitage, studying with various local teachers. Her nephew Zhou Ziliang, born in 497, came to stay with her and was in his turn inspired to take up the Dao. In 504, when she was thirty-five, government restrictions on Daoist practice forced her to take a husband, if only in name, and she “fell into the ways of the world” and gave birth to a son. This caused her much shame and distress, and in 505 she left her husband and returned to her family in Wenzhou, where she and Zhou encountered Tao Hongjing a few years later. Eventually they followed him to Maoshan for continued intensive practice and Zhou succeeded in ascending to the immortals (Strickmann 1978: 468–469; Doub 1971). While both these women fulfilled their deep aspirations and attained

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Relation to Society

a secure standing in the Daoist community, for others the Daoist path was not the ideal or served only a temporary purpose. There are two prominent cases for this situation. One involves the Princess Taiping, daughter of Empress Wu, who had no intention of joining a Daoist convent but, in 670, at the tender age of six, was given to one nonetheless “as a means of ensuring her grandmother’s bliss in the afterlife.” She did not stay very long, however, but was married in 681 and continued to engage to conspire for political power until she was executed in 713 (Benn 1991: 10; Schafer 1978: 5). The other case where a Daoist convent served as temporary expedient is that of Yang Guifei, Xuanzong’s great love and consort. As Edward Schafer describes the events, the emperor, disconsolate since the death of his wife . . . on 1 January 738, ultimately came to realize that the only woman who could replace her was already married to his son Li Chang, Prince of Shou. He thought it quite appropriate that the young couple should be separated, and that the divorcee, Yang Yuhuan, should undergo a period of purification and religious instruction in a Daoist convent under the new name of Taizhen, “Grand Realized One.” Later, on 17 September 745, she was released from these disciplines and designated Noble Consort (Guifei). [Schafer 1978: 6; see also Benn 1991: 11–12] Daoist convents in medieval China, therefore, served a variety of purposes— allowing women to fulfill their spiritual urge for transcendence or to escape from di‹cult and unwanted social situations while also opening an opportunity for men to arrange for better ancestral worship for their forebears or to place desired ladies into temporary quarantine. For the most part, women took their vows very seriously and, once ordained, did not return to lay status or engage in worldly aªairs, although, like all inhabitants of religious institutions, they were allowed to engage in trade and commerce so long as the income served the community (Bumbacher 1998; 2000a: 301–303). But in some cases, convent ladies and courtesans were not only neighbors but partners engaging in social and intimate exchanges with men and living a life of comparative freedom and unconventionality. Such examples do not diminish the religious seriousness of the institution but show that, in medieval Daoism as much as in other traditions, monasteries, once established and accepted, came to serve the society in ways not always matching their original intent. Their various secondary functions add color to the reality

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of the religion and bring out the more serious practice in sharper contrast. The fact that Daoism could allow these variations without battles, purges, or reform movements reveals the strength of the religion— as does its exceptional acceptance and honoring of women as equal participants in the creation of Great Peace.

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♦

5

♦

Buildings and Compounds

D

aoist monasteries as sacred institutions in direct contact with the divine need special structures to manifest themselves physically. As in all monastic traditions, the compound’s layout and architecture are an expression of the sacred order, and the entire setting is planned to exude an atmosphere of seriousness, tranquility, and dignity (Braunfels 1969: 11). In this regard, monasteries generally continue indigenous temple architecture, which also enhanced the physical presence of the divine among humanity ( Meister 1987). But they also embody the need for solitude and quiet, as well as the practical demands of the total community of their inhabitants. These requirements were clear from the very beginning. St. Benedict specifies in his rule: “The monastery should, if possible, be so constructed that within it all necessities such as water, mill, and garden are contained and the various crafts are pursued. Then there will be no need for the members to roam outside, because this is not at all good for their souls” (chap. 66; Chittister 1992: 170). To fulfill this charge, monasteries must provide suitable accommodation for five central activities of the recluses: worshiping, eating, sleeping, working, and administration. Typically all these have separate buildings assigned to them—in a Christian context they are the church, kitchen and refectory, dormitory, cloister, and chapter house.1 In early Buddhist monasteries (vihâras), they were the common meeting hall, the kitchen and warehouses, the cells, the walking space, and the shed for special occasions, often adapted from building styles and forms of communal living practiced by indigenous tribes (Prebish 1975: 6–7; Sarkar 1966: 13, 24). Later Buddhist institutions centered on the stupa as the main focus of worship (Sarkar 1966: 6; Dutt 1962: 213), which in due course was replaced by a Buddha hall, while the ancient meeting center became a meditation hall for spiritual practice (Liu 1989: 87). In Western scholarly literature, even Buddhist halls for sleeping and eating are often named after

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their Christian counterparts; the chapter house is usually called the “administrative wing” or “priory” (Foulk 1993: 196), and the cloister is defined according to the kind of work the monks do. Daoist monasteries follow this pattern, too, with the sanctuary and scriptural lecture hall in the center and various practical localities around them (Kohn 2000b).

General Layout In all monastic traditions, the house of worship takes center place. Within this framework, medieval Christian monasteries tended to be abbeys—that is, centered on the abbey church or cathedral and focused on the cloister, the “large square or rectangular piece of ground bounded on one side by the church” (Burton 1994: 141; Kingsley 1987: 32). Ideally the church is to the north of the cloister, built on an east-west axis, so that it does not keep the sun from reaching the central courtyard. To the east of the cloister, there are the dormitory (cells after the thirteenth century) and chapter house, together with a parlor and warming house, where talking is allowed; to the south are kitchen and refectory together with the lavatorium, or washing trough, often built into the wall; to the west, finally, are storage facilities under the o‹ce of the cellarer together with housing for lay brothers and a separate apartment for the abbot (Burton 1994: 142–144; Kingsley 1987). Other buildings near the center but not an essential part of it were the novitiate and the infirmary, which housed members that were either not yet fully active or no longer so (Price 1982: 28; Braunfels 1969: 59; see Figure 2).2 Ancient Buddhist vihâras discovered in archaeological excavations from Taxila (Gandhara), Sanchi ( Madhya Pradesh), and Nâgârjunakonda followed a similar structure. The central area was an open courtyard around which the cells of the monks were placed (Sarkar 1966; Dutt 1962: 126–137). West of this courtyard were the kitchen, refectory, storage areas, and meeting hall (Dutt 1962: 211–213). Later, when worship was added to the monks’ central activity of meditation, a stupa was placed in the center of the courtyard, where it could be easily circumambulated, to be in its turn replaced by a formal Buddha statue and eventually hall (Dutt 1962: 214; Meister and Steinhardt 1987: 373). In China, the layout of religious institutions, whether Confucian, Daoist, or Buddhist, follows a diªerent architectural plan— one that is adopted from the construction of royal palaces and sacred halls such as the ancient Hall of Light (mingtang; see Legge 1968: 2:29–39; Soothill 1952; Forte 1988; Steinhardt 1984: 70–77). Generally the compound is

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Buildings and Compounds

Figure 2. Sherborne Abbey, ca. 1530. Source: Local Plan.

planned as a square or rectangle, representing the square-shaped earth, and enclosed by a wall on all four sides (Steinhardt 1990: 6). Ideally— although not always in fact—it is laid out on a north-south axis, with the approach coming from the south and the more sacred halls being further to the north (Liu 1989: 28; Fu 1984: 14; Steinhardt 1990: 7). This goes back to the imperial tradition of the emperor facing south, the direction of yang, as he governs the world (Boyd 1962: 70). Three models can be distinguished: one has the main hall in the center of the major axis, with other halls located to its front and back and support facilities arranged lengthwise along its sides;3 another has the main hall in the center of two intersecting axes so that the compound becomes square in overall structure; the third has the central axis extended to allow for more halls to be placed before and behind it, creating a longitudinal extension (Liu 1989: 28–29). Monasteries typically follow the first of these models: several key halls in sequence after a central entrance gate, separated by a number of court-

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yards and possibly connected by covered walkways (Steinhardt 1984: 160; 1987a: 380). In a typical Daoist or Buddhist compound, there would be a main sanctuary for worship of the Three Purities (Sanqing ) or the Buddha and a lecture hall for sermons open to the laity. A similar service to the lay community is found in Christian monasteries, as well, which often have a separate section in the monastery church or a chapel on the second floor of the gatehouse (Burton 1994: 137, 146). More meditatively oriented institutions, such as those of the Chan school of Buddhism, might also have a meditation hall behind the sanctuary (Foulk 1993: 169). Schools with a strong patriarchal tradition, such as the Daoist Quanzhen lineage, similarly might have a separate hall to the patriarchs on the central axis ( Yoshioka 1979: 250; Liu 1989: 133). Moreover, Chinese institutions, independent of their a‹liation, often also have a smaller sanctuary to the mountain or local god to protect the site. Having established the main worship halls on the central axis, medieval Chinese monasteries then located the utility buildings on the sides: bathhouses, kitchen, and refectory on one side, administration, dormitories, and lay quarters on the other. Which side was chosen depended on the natural terrain— often, as in the case of palaces, selected according to geomantic, or fengshui, principles (Xiong 2000: 39). Moreover, the kitchen and bathhouses needed a supply of running water, another essential requirement for Chinese palace and city planning in general (Steinhardt 1990: 10–12, 19–26). Residential quarters would commonly be built closer to the mountainside, with work areas distributed according to topography. Overall the Chinese structure is more open in its layout than the Christian monastery— an impression enhanced by the fact that buildings were in wood, not stone, and had only one story instead of two. Typically there was ample greenery between the halls and buildings, creating a sense of open nature rather than an enclosed stone structure that was shielded from the natural world. It is suitable to think of this central part of the monastery as the inner circle (Braunfels 1969: 58). Surrounding it were two further levels of monastic habitation: first there was an area that held gatehouses, outhouses, workshops, servants’ quarters, guest lodges, and facilities for the sick and dying; then there was a wider territory that provided agricultural services including sties, granaries, fields, orchards, vegetable gardens, mills, brew houses, fish ponds, and pastures (Burton 1994: 145–148; Price 1982: 19, 60–77; Kingsley 1987: 32; Braunfels 1969: 59–60). Areas further out were increasingly less sacred and housed larger numbers of servants and lay employees. True recluses might not venture further than

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Buildings and Compounds

the middle circle, leaving the management of the farms and gardens to lay brothers and outside tenants. Then again, as in Chan monasteries, physical labor might be seen as part of spiritual practice and take a high priority, even to the exclusion of lay workers.

The Daoist Institution The medieval Daoist institution follows this overall framework and is described as ideally having about thirty diªerent types of buildings and facilities. The key source for this information is again the Fengdao kejie of the early Tang dynasty, notably its section on “Setting up Monasteries,” found in the first scroll of the text (Reiter 1983; 1998; Kohn 2003). It begins by placing Daoist institutions in a direct connection with “the Three Purity heavens, the ten continents [of the immortals], and the five sacred mountains” of China (1.12b), asserting that all these locations are ultimately of divine origin.4 According to the text, the celestial towers and pavilions are formed from coagulating energy; the palaces and chambers are created from accumulating clouds (1.12b–13a). The perfected residences may emerge from spontaneous transformation or be produced from divine power; they may be embellished over a succession of kalpas or be created in a single moment (1.13a). Examples of such divine residences are the paradises of the immortals, such as Penglai and Yingzhou, and the hanging gardens of Kunlun. “There are twelve-storied jade towers and three thousand golden turrets, and other wondrous constructions with ten thousand appellations and a thousand diªerent names—impossible to count them all!” (1.13a). These, then, created and inhabited by immortals of the various heavens, form the model for the construction of Daoist monasteries as well as Tang imperial palaces (Xiong 2000). As the Fengdao kejie says: “People imitate the structures found in the high heavens to set up numinous monasteries over here, creating auspicious places and residences fit for immortals” (1.13a). The Daolei shixiang (DZ 1132) similarly emphasizes that the centers for Daoist practice on earth match those in the heavens, imitating places where the gods hold their meetings, undergo their training, and have their residences (1.1b–3a). The central focus of this divinely inspired compound is the sanctuary to the Heavenly Worthies (tianzun dian), which can be built in diªerent sizes of “three, five, seven, nine, eleven, or thirteen bays,” one “bay” ( jian) being the space between two pillars in a traditional building, about 4 meters (12 feet) wide (Liu 1989: 27–28; Fu 1984: 13). A small local tem-

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ple might have only three bays; a major sanctuary would have at least seven. In Western measurements, to give one example, the Foguang si on Wutai shan has seven bays and measures 36.27 meters (108 feet) in length and 20.26 meters (60 feet) in depth (Liu 1989: 91; Steinhardt 1984: 36–37). While the size depends on the local circumstances, the sanctuary should “always be surrounded by gardens on all sides,” be erected on a raised foundation of tamped earth or stone, constructed from high-quality wood, and equipped with doorways and windows on all sides. The holy audience hall should further be ornamented with gold and jade carvings, painted with murals using cinnabar and green colors, and be covered with a tiled or thatched roof (1.14a).5 Carvings might include divine creatures such as phoenixes and dragons; murals might show celestial scenes such as clouds and the moon; plants should be rich and verdant; and there might also be lotus ponds and flowery imitation seas (1.14a). All parts and surfaces can be richly ornamented: “There may also be golden niches and silver corners, ridges of rosy mist and beams of cloudy designs. There may be sun openings and moon windows, yin gates and yang sliding doors. Above [the ceiling] may reach out to the vaporous expanse; below [the floor] may be covered with [patterns of ] mysterious mist” (1.14b). Immediately in front of the main sanctuary, a flat area has to remain open for the erection of an altar platform (tan), which is set up for special ceremonies and ordinations. Built on a foundation of tamped earth, layered bricks, or piled stones, it consists of a wooden scaªold that usually rises up three or five layers (1.18a).6 Symbolizing the division of the cosmos into heaven, earth, and humanity, it forms a central vertical axis of communication with the divine (Lagerwey 1987: 25; see also Benn 1991; Hahn 2000: 685). Horizontally, on the same axis as the sanctuary and the altar, Daoist institutions have a scriptural lecture hall ( jiang jing tang ) accessible also to the laity. A lesser hall of teaching reserved for the recluses is called the law explanation building (shuofa yuan); it should be located to the right or left of the sanctuary (1.15a). The terminology for these three types of buildings—dian, tang, and yuan—is distinct and clearly defined. As the text says: “ ‘Sanctuary’ [dian] is what we call a residence of the sagely personages, while ‘hall’ [tang ] refers to a place lived in and used by people” (1.14a). Both terms come from ancestor worship and are used as well in the mainstream, Confucian tradition—the former denoting an audience hall in Tang o‹cial usage (Xiong 2000: 61). Yuan, by contrast, is a courtyard or separate en-

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Buildings and Compounds

closure. The word is here translated by the neutral term “building” because it designates various separate structures for specific purposes, some of which are more secluded than others. The translation “cloister” for yuan, sometimes used in Buddhist studies (as in Foulk 1993: 164), is of limited value because the facility consists of one or several buildings bordering on a courtyard rather than the courtyard itself.7 The rendition “subtemple,” however, is very suitable in a Japanese Buddhist context, where numerous smaller compounds, each inhabited by an abbot and a few monks, populate the area around a central monastic axis (Covell 1974). The central axis in a medieval Daoist compound is not complete without the scripture tower ( jinglou) and the bell pavilion (zhongge), which not only imitate the holy storage spaces and announcement centers of the celestials above (Daolei shixiang 2.2b–3a) but—similar to the arrangement in Chinese Buddhist institutions, where bell and drum towers were often paired (Prip-Møller 1967: 9)—should be placed to the left and right in front of the main sanctuary. They can be high or low but must have a fair amount of open space and rather thin walls. In the former this allows air to circulate around the scriptures; in the latter it ensures that the “sound of the bell can pass without hindrance” (1.15a). Beyond the central axis and ideally on its east, the kitchen (zhaichu) is found together with the refectory or “purgation hall” (zhaitang ), which is described as follows: Wide doors and open windows should allow easy access, but the main entrance should be covered with a curtain and open to a statue of the Heavenly Worthies. To their right and left, benches and seats, rugs and thick mats should be laid out in accordance with the divine law. Immediately in front of the Heavenly Worthies place incense burners, flowery pendants, and clean cloths; then arrange the refectory benches, tables, and mats in proper accordance with the divine law. [1.15b] Next, along the same stream of running water used for the kitchen, or near a well specially dug for the purpose, are the bathhouse ( yutang ) and the scriptorium (xiejing fang ). Baths, as the text insists, must be taken after hard physical labor as well as before any major ceremony. Only when Daoists are “engulfed in the fragrance of a good, clean smell can they perform the services of worship” (1.16b). The scriptorium, too, uses water, because here the paper for copying the sacred texts is being pre-

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pared. For this purpose there have to be “cloth-beating stones with appropriate clubs, sharp cutting knives, fresh benches, tree stumps, and whetting stones” as well as a rack and a hut “to fumigate and spread the scriptures” (1.15b). All utensils must be kept clean with cloths and fabrics rinsed in the washhouse and are not to come in contact with ordinary people. On the other side of the sanctuary and relatively close to it, there should be the masters’ chambers (shifang ) or residence halls of the monks. These fang, defined in the Daolei shixiang as the “chambers where Daoists take in qi,” match the chambers in the celestial palaces above and must always be kept clean and pure (2.4b–5a). As described in the Yaoxiu keyi, in many places they were separate huts built by the Daoists themselves and passed on to junior monks after their death (13.7b). The Fengdao kejie notes that their size and number vary, but mostly they were cells or separate huts rather than dormitories and should be kept “empty and clean, stark and simple” (sec. 10, 3.8b). Permitted furnishings included “a slanted bench, a knee support, a ruyi (scepter), a broom, an incense burner, an incense holder, a scripture stand, a kerchief, a chest of wood or bamboo, a seat coverlet, a rope bed, a scripture repository, a lamp stand, various plates and bowls for food, and a water pitcher” (3.9a). This arrangement reflects Indian Buddhist usage, according to which monks were originally permitted to have only a bed, seat, and spittoon in their cells (Prebish 1975: 5) but later acquired more furniture, including various types of beds and chairs, sitting mats, cushions, rugs, and other elements of comfort (Wijayaratna 1990: 24–27). The same holds true in Chinese Buddhism, where monks’ cells contained a rope bed, a towel, a clothes box, a writing knife, and a water pitcher (Prip-Møller 1967: 73). Moreover, the ritual tablet, scripture stand, and incense utensils were part of the standard equipment of Daoist oratories or chambers of tranquility ( jingshi), the classic meditation place among the Celestial Masters ( Yoshikawa 1987; Lagerwey 1987: 25). Another essential building, which could be erected on any side of the sanctuary but had to be both nearby and relatively isolated, was the meditation hall ( jingsi yuan), a facility requiring purity and tranquility. It should be large enough to allow a group of recluses to practice together and is open to visiting monks upon close questioning and proper purification (Yaoxiu keyi 13.4b). Next to it, yet not too far from the kitchen, should be a smaller edifice for the preparation of ordinations, the socalled transmission building (shoudao yuan), which might have its own special altar.

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Buildings and Compounds

Masters’ Chambers v–

Kitchen NI Law Explanation Building °k|

Masters’ Chambers v–

Refectory NÛ Scriptural Lecture Hall øgÛ

Meditation Building R‰|

Bath House  ¶Û

Sanctuary to the Heavenly Worthies —Lµ Holy Altar »¬ Bell Pavilion È’

Scripture Tower g” Main Gate ˘”

Figure 3. Layout of the inner circle. Source: Author’s drawing.

Such are the buildings found in the inner circle of the medieval Daoist monastery (see Figure 3). Centered on the north-south central axis, they serve primarily for worship and ceremonies but also have utility buildings to one side and quiet places to the other, including residences, a meditation hall, and a building for the preparation of ordinations. There are, at least in the Tang description, no administrative structures or special abbot’s quarters. This arrangement is similar to early Christian usage, where among the Cistercians the abbot would live in the common dormitory and only Benedictines and Augustinians gradually developed separate apartments for their leader (Burton 1994: 144). It stands in sharp contrast to later Chan institutions, where the abbot represented the Buddha and for this reason had quarters, the “square

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yard” ( fangzhang ), right along the central axis, sometimes even behind the sanctuary (Foulk 1993: 169).

Surrounding Facilities The buildings of the second circle can be divided into two types. One is of a more utilitarian nature that included the servants’ quarters ( jingren fang ), the main gatehouse (menlou), the stables (leima fang ) and carriage houses (che’niu fang ), workshops for fashioning and repairing statues, as well as quarters for both lay (suke fang ) and ordained visitors (shifang ke fang; Fengdao kejie 1.17a–18b).8 The other is of a more spiritual nature— important but not essential to the key objective of worship and cultivation. Here we have the ascension building (shengxia yuan) for the dying and the incense-burning building (shaoxiang yuan) for funerals and memorial services (17b). The former, also called the transformation building (qianhua yuan)— or in contemporaneous Buddhist sources the impermance building (wuchang yuan; see Tsuzuki 2002: 69–70)—should be located in the northwestern corner of the monastic compound with its door facing northwest and be about three bays with five pillars in size. Inside a central throne should be erected with a statue of a Daoist in the position of “ascension to emptiness”: sitting cross-legged in the full lotus posture, his left hand pointing upward toward his destination (Qianzhen ke 20ab; Yaoxiu keyi 15.11a). The monastery had a number of special terraces, pavilions, and towers (tai, ge, lou), as well, in imitation of similar structures in the heavens.9 The latter include terraces to search perfection, to refine energy, and to wait for the immortals; pavilions of the wandering immortals, of striding on the clouds, and of meeting the wind; and towers of the nine immortals, of free and easy wandering, and of tranquil mindfulness. All these, as the text says, “are dedicated to the ecstatic excursions of the Daoists” (1.16b). Specifically the buildings allow practitioners to soar up in imagination to the highways of the clouds, ascend in true sincerity to the roadways of the stars. They wander in their minds outside of all known bounds and send their eyes to the center of the universe. . . . They must be built so that wind and dew cannot invade them, while clouds and haze meet no obstacle. Also, one must be able to gaze up into the Milky Way from them, to watch the distant course of the stars. On the outside, the buildings should have doors

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Buildings and Compounds

to the four luminants; on the sides, windows should be open to the eight winds. This will allow the carriages of the immortals to enter and leave freely, the steeds of the perfected to easily come and go. [Fengdao kejie 1.16b–17a] The various terraces and outlying buildings for ecstatic practice bring home the major diªerence between the Daoist institution and its Christian and Buddhist counterparts. Here the name “guan” ( literally “to observe”) for the Daoist monastery comes into its own, indicating the direct link Daoists were eager to establish between practitioners on earth and the immortals and celestials above. Stargazing, observing celestial phenomena, and visualizing planetary palaces and gods in heavenly realms were central activities of the recluses, and their earthly residences not only imitated the wondrous towers and gardens of the other world but their specialized facilities were geared strongly toward the heavens, opening communication in both directions and making specific Daoist practices and attainments possible.10 The third circle of the monastic compound returns to the mundane. It includes the herb garden ( yaopu), orchard ( guoyuan), and vegetable plots (zaitian), as well as agricultural estates (zhuangtian) and water mills (nianwei). The text specifically says that all fruits and flowers to be presented in oªerings as well as all vegetables used in meals, with the exception of the five strong vegetables, should be grown locally in the sacred compound (1.18b–19a). Agricultural estates and water mills are “central to the fixed assets of the institution” (1.19a; Yaoxiu keyi 13.7b–10b; Zhengyi weiyi jing 18b). “Fixed assets” translates the technical term “changzhu,” which was used both in Buddhist and Daoist institutions and could refer either to the permanent residents and staª of the monastery or to its physical establishment (Soothill and Hodous 1937: 349). Assets were considered “permanent” in that they were firmly dedicated to the Triple Gem or the Three Treasures; they included statues, halls, and furnishings of the monastery as well as all the lands and agricultural facilities deeded to it. In its narrow sense, changzhu thus indicates “consecrated property”; a wider reading interprets it as all forms of “church property,” the entirety of material possessions that made the monastery possible (Gernet 1995: 67; see also Twitchett 1956; 1957). Agricultural estates and water mills were an important part of this extensive church property, especially in the Tang. In fact the appearance of this term in the Fengdao kejie has led scholars to date it to the seventh rather than the sixth century (Akizuki 1964: 31–33; 1965: 445–448).

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Agricultural estates can be understood as small villages whose land and income belonged legally to the monastery. They came with serfs who remained hereditarily attached to the monastery and were known as “households held in perpetuity” or “monastery households” (Gernet 1995: 149; Bumbacher 2000a: 312–313). Water mills were hydraulic facilities used in the milling of various grains that belonged to the monasteries and were rented out to lay millers either for a fixed annual income or for a portion of the grain milled. Both agricultural estates and water mills oªered lay followers not only employment but also a chance to accumulate merit and gain a good standing in the Dao (Zhengyi weiyi jing 18b). They served as a major source of income of the institutions, which had considerable expenses in its artworks, regular ceremonies, and feasting of o‹cials (Gernet 1995: 143–145; Ch’en 1973: 151–156).11 Throughout the compound, whether large or small, rich or poor, medieval Daoists wished to create purity and a sense of celestial peace. This was achieved especially through the cultivation of rich greenery and flowery gardens. As the Fengdao kejie says: Within and without the sanctuary and hall to the Heavenly Worthies as well as in and around the various separate buildings and private quarters, greenery should be planted: fruit trees interspersed with blossoming shrubs, green bamboo next to shimmering ponds. Precious herbs and fragrant flowers should divide the areas and separate the buildings. They shed radiance on the sanctuary and halls and shade the living quarters in serenity. Their fragrance rises in a numinous wind, their petals shine with the light of wisdom. Time and again, lovely birds come and sing in them, attracting the perfected from on high. Thus, imitating the jasper terraces above and looking like golden towers below, [the monastery becomes] a place to elevate the heart, a record of [celestial] sojourn [on earth]. [1.19b]

Location and Patronage Medieval English monasteries tended to be first urban, later rural. This had to do with their patronage: royal or aristocratic sponsors wished to have their foundations close at hand and also often secured a burial place for themselves and their families close to the saints honored in the church (Lynch 1976: 31–36). Later monastic institutions, more independent eco-

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Buildings and Compounds

nomically, strove for greater solitude and isolation and deliberately sought out empty stretches of country for their establishment—in some cases even intentionally depopulating certain areas to ensure their separation from the common world (Burton 1994: 131–132). Ancient Buddhist vihâras, unlike âsramas or ascetic retreats in the wilderness, seem to have occupied a middle ground between town and country— often erected in places where monks could practice in relative quietude yet were able to interact easily with the laity (Thurman 1994: 126). The key centers were the holiest sites of the religion, the places of the Buddha’s birth, enlightenment, first sermon, and pari-nirvâna, that is, Lumbinî, Gayâ, Sârnâth, and Kushinagara (Dutt 1962: 214). Chinese Buddhist institutions followed this model but, like medieval Christian monasteries dependent on royal and aristocratic support, often were located in the cities. Thus the eastern capital of Luoyang in the sixth century had a large number of flourishing Buddhist centers both inside and outside its walls (Wang 1984). Only smaller hermitages, lesser temples sponsored by local aristocrats, or residences of famous recluses, such as Huiyuan, were located in the countryside or on sacred mountains, such as Tiantai or Lu. In general the Buddhist institution, however, seems to have striven for a balance between spiritual isolation and lay interaction both in India and in China. In Daoism, the monastic institution inherited a number of nonmonastic forerunners that were located both in cities and in the wilderness, including communal meeting halls of the Celestial Masters and the isolated hermitages of aspiring immortals. The overall move within the Daoist monastic community, however, was the opposite from that of medieval English monks—that is, from the isolation of the mountains to the cities, from individual immortality practice to communal and even political service to the world at large. The earliest Daoist monastery on record was located in the Northern Wei capital—the Chongxu si, residence of Kou Qianzhi during the theocracy (Schipper 1984: 208). Yet even this monastery was secondary to his major place of spiritual attainment, Song shan, the central of the five sacred mountains, where he had revelations of the Dao in 415 and 423. Similarly, Lu Xiujing (406–477) stayed in a Daoist abode in the southern capital in the 450s, but his main spiritual home was Lu shan. Daoists, and with them their residences and institutions, descended from the mountains to serve the community at large and always went back to their isolation when no longer needed or desirous of spiritual replenishing. Both Kou and Lu presumably used small isolated huts or grottoes for

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their practices on the mountain, following the tradition of the ancient immortality seekers. Shortly after them, however, the first major centers of Daoist activity were established in a mountain setting —in Louguan in the north and on Maoshan in the south. Complex monasteries with rules and formal organization did not appear before the Sui and Tang dynasties, when o‹cial records document the erection of numerous establishments and the Fengdao kejie specifies the requirements for their organization. The text sets out six possible locations including mountains, cities and suburbs, palaces and side apartments, villages and towns, solitary spots, and crowded areas (1.13a; Reiter 1998: 76–77). It also emphasizes the need for patronage: In all cases, the institution must be sponsored and protected by an emperor or prince, built and maintained with the help of ministers and o‹cials. Thereby they can help to ordain male and female Daoists and allow them to reside in comfort and present oªerings. This is foremost among all good [karmic] deeds, with eªects unimaginable. [1.13b] Patronage also provided monasteries with materials, human resources, and labor for their erection and upkeep. In England, most monastic buildings were designed and built by professionals— abbots and priors exerting an influence at the planning stage but largely staying out of the execution. Typically cathedrals would be built under the guidance of a master mason, who for the most part remained anonymous. The great institutions needed large contingents of workers.To give an example,Westminster Abbey employed 220 laborers, 56 free masons, 49 marblers, 28 masons, 23 carpenters, 15 polishers, 17 smiths, 14 glaziers, and 4 plumbers, all at an enormous expense (Burton 1994: 150). Materials for building in the English Middle Ages tended to come from local sources; the monastery was given rights to certain quarries, stretches of woodland, and mineral sources. If necessary, special transport facilities, such as roads or canals, would be created to allow the best construction possible (Burton 1994: 152). Elaborate artwork and stonemasonry were required in order to do justice to the holy enterprise (Seidel 1988). All in all, the building of a monastic establishment was a major undertaking available only to people of high rank and outstanding resources. The same is true for monasteries in medieval China, and this certainly explains the extent of imperial and aristocratic sponsorship. Not only were

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Buildings and Compounds

there numerous halls to be built but ideally they were all constructed from the best materials available—always expensive and sometimes hard to find (Gernet 1995: 17). The bulk of the construction material was wood, but certain types of wood, such as the fragrant sandalwood from the Chen River, were preferred over others. Roofs required tiles and walls had to be mixed from various sands and minerals to make them strong, sturdy, and holy enough for the location intended. The monastery needed skilled laborers to do much of the work—not only in construction but also in the sculpting of statues and carvings, the painting of murals and screens, the making of paper and other necessary materials. These laborers were needed at all stages of the monastic development, more so in the beginning than later on, but wooden buildings and statues tended to decay and disintegrate, necessitating a constant stream of repair work to be undertaken (Gernet 1995: 107). As the Fengdao kejie says, the sacred images “as years grow long and time deepens may sustain damage through blowing wind and driving rain. If that happens, repair and restore them in good time, not allowing the perfected countenances to break or collapse” (2.5b; Qianzhen ke 25a). Not only the basic materials for building and ornamentation, then, but also the labor to build and maintain them were costly items in the establishment of medieval monasteries. Numerous sources pertain to the situation in Chinese Buddhism (see Gernet 1995: 17–19, 94–95). In Daoism there is notably a memorial from the Shangqing patriarch Li Hanguang to the local prefect, dated to 749 and recorded in the Maoshan zhi (Gazetteer of Maoshan; DZ 304), on the situation of the Ziyang guan ( Monastery of purple yang). According to this, in the preceding autumn the institution had received a generous imperial grant for renovation and expansion. Some 240 strings and 285 coins of cash remained after the work was done, and Li Hanguang now—in accordance with estimates made by the monastery’s abbot and leading Daoists—petitions the magistrate for permission to use this money for maintenance of the “fixed assets.” He assures the civil authorities that the deeded lands and fields are su‹cient to supply the monastery with ample grain and vegetables. Also, he says, the institution has four slaves,12 six head of cattle, and one carriage, which is all very satisfactory. The families depending on the monastery are very poor, however, and the trees and bamboo in the area have been cut down and need replanting. He proposes to use the money to improve the lot of both people and trees (Maoshan zhi 2.11a; Tsuzuki 2000: 280). Thus even

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provincial institutions relied on state grants and o‹cial support for their maintenance, and monasteries had to manage their assets wisely and in a socially responsible manner. There were three side eªects to this aspect of the institutions and their engagement of state property. First, as noted earlier, their dependence on state support brought about a great degree of state control and a strict circumscription of monastic behavior. Second, the cost of monastic construction and upkeep placed a great burden on the imperial treasury (Gernet 1995: 37) and resulted in criticism. Such criticism, which appeared from an early time, tended to be voiced mainly against Buddhist institutions that were numerous and conspicuous. One example from the early Tang is the memorial by Fu Yi (555–639), who represented the Daoist side in court debates and argues in favor of establishing Daoism as the state religion while abolishing all Buddhist institutions. His criticism, by extension, applied also to Daoist monasteries that were similarly ornate and costly. Specifically his Jiansheng sita sengni yikuo limin shi ( Memorial on reducing Buddhist institutions and recluses to enhance the state and benefit the people; T. 2103, 52.134a–35b)13 harshly criticizes Buddhism and its role in the Chinese state. First he claims that there are 200,000 monks and nuns who do not contribute to the economy but are eating grain and wearing silk, do not reproduce or serve in the army but are supported entirely out of state coªers— altogether nothing but a liability for the state. His second point focuses on religious buildings, including monasteries, temples, and stupas, of which there are 84,000, often executed in fancy styles and with rich ornamentation. Such opulence contrasts with the architecture of antiquity, when rulers built simple structures of pounded earth with thatched roofs and no more than ten or so at a time. Then government was in good shape and nature in harmony—unlike today when extravagant expenses for religious institutions ruin the country. To remedy the situation, Fu Yi suggests defrocking all monastics, getting them to reproduce and work in the fields, while putting their temples and monasteries to excellent use as garrisons for the army or other public facilities (Kohn 1995a: 180–184). This argument is strongly reminiscent of the actual measures taken by Chinese Communists in the early 1950s—showing that a deep-seated unease with religious institutions, especially state-sponsored and costly ones, is still part of the Chinese religious scene. The justification of spiritual merit and divine legitimization created by the institutions tended to carry the day, however, so that monasteries continued to be founded and supported.

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Buildings and Compounds

The third side eªect of the costly nature of monasteries was the danger that monastics would become worldly and engage in pursuits alien to their calling (Gernet 1995: 79, 197). A list of ten evil ways of conduct points out some common faults. To summarize: 1. Monastics use up all their deeded land for ornate halls and cells and do not leave room for livestock, providing neither stables nor pasture. 2. They plant vegetables and fruit trees only to exploit the earth and not to nurture its qi. 3. They procure and accumulate silks, brocades, and other fancy fabrics. 4. They tra‹c in slaves. 5. They become attached to their domestic animals. 6. They grow greedy and accumulate gems and valuables. 7. They go out and enjoy music, theater, and entertainment. 8. They create ornate drapes and hangings. 9. They take to wearing strange and fancy garb. 10. They hoard abundant wealth and valuables. [Qianzhen ke 13ab; Yaoxiu keyi 13.8b] The texts insist that monks must abstain from all these tendencies, since they will cause a›ictions and entanglements, which in turn obstruct the pure mind of the Dao and prevent wisdom from arising. The very fact that these evil ways are listed in several key collections, however, means that they were a present and acknowledged danger in medieval monastic communities.

Historical Unfolding There are four major forerunners of the medieval Daoist monastery, each of which contributed a significant part to shape the institution in its complexity: 1. Mainstream patterns of architecture—responsible for the overall layout of the compound and the specific architectural design of its buildings 2. Buddhist institutions—which formed the basis for the distribution and specification of the various halls and buildings as well as certain technical terms

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3. Celestial Masters’ communal assembly halls—forerunners of the sanctuary and other monastic worship halls 4. Hermitages and oratories—which developed into various separate buildings for individual practice Traditional Chinese architecture had two major characteristics shared equally by Daoist halls and imperial palaces, aristocratic mansions, and Buddhist temples (Steinhardt 2000: 73–74). First, all building activity relied heavily on wood—not because stone was unavailable but because timber was more easily worked and allowed a higher flexibility in design (Boyd 1962: 23; Fu 1984: 13; Liu 1989: 29). Generally a coating of lacquer and a solid base of metal or stone would give the wooden pillars an extended life expectancy while allowing frequent rebuilding and redesigning as well as open spaces and flexible wall construction. Second, all buildings consisted of a threefold structure: a raised platform of beaten earth or stone; a frame made from timber; and a thatched or tiled roof (Boyd 1962: 25; Fu 1984: 11; Steinhardt 1984: 134). The base was higher and multilayered for more important buildings, creating a ziggurat-like pattern not unlike that of Daoist altars; the wooden pillars were protected from damp and termites by stone or metal bases while their tops were connected with each other and to the roof by an intricate construction of blocks and bows known as dougong, or cantilevers (Boyd 1962: 30–31; Fu 1984: 11–13; Liu 1989: 30; Steinhardt 1984: 122–125). This construction allowed maximum versatility in both sizing the building and shaping the roof, supporting the curved roof line so characteristic of Chinese buildings. Wall parts, moreover, were highly flexible— basically screens that could be moved at will, permitting both an openness to the elements outside and the creation of various enclosed spaces within (Boyd 1962: 34).14 Daoist monastic buildings followed the model of Chinese mainstream architecture not only in their design but also in their overall layout. Four distinct planning principles can be distinguished: axiality, a north-south orientation, walled enclosures, and courtyards (Boyd 1962: 49; Liu 1989: 33; Steinhardt 1990: 6–12). Axiality, as noted earlier, meant the focus of the entire construction along a central axis—typically along a north-south line—the main approach coming from the south and the more sacred or important buildings oriented toward the north. The entire complex, moreover, was surrounded by an enclosing wall, and it is thus no accident that the ancient word for “city” is the same as that for “wall” (cheng; Boyd 1962: 49; Steinhardt 1990: 27). Not only was there

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Buildings and Compounds

a large, surrounding wall on the outside, there were further enclosures within. Thus each portion of the city was itself an enclosed whole separated from the next by an open space or courtyard. Typically a traditional palace would therefore be laid out on a central north-south axis and consist of the following: gate—courtyard—first hall—courtyard—middle hall—courtyard—inner hall (Boyd 1962: 70–71; Steinhardt 1990: 13). In each case there would be many buildings, not merely one (Liu 1989: 27). The monumentality and symbolism of the construction lay in its entirety, not in the imposing nature or superb decoration of one single hall (Boyd 1962: 73). Although laid out on one single axis, moreover, the city or palace would not be completely open or even allow one straight vista. Instead it would undulate between open spaces and enclosed yards and specific buildings: a succession of varied spaces in a related sequence (Boyd 1962: 73).15 In the layout of religious complexes, which closely follows this mainstream scheme, the symbolism of the gradual increase and half-hidden movement is intensified, each step of the approach bringing the believer closer to the deity and the teaching. The repetitiveness of the basic pattern ( gate, arch, yard, building, backyard, wall) creates a rhythm in line with the cosmic movement, a punctuation in the graded approach to the sacred (Liu 1989: 149). It also signifies the devotee’s relation to the divinity. Thus in the Yongle gong (Palace-temple of eternal joy) in Shanxi, a major Daoist institution of the Quanzhen (Complete Perfection) school of the Yuan dynasty, there are four halls on a central axis: the main gate followed by sanctuaries to the Three Purities, to Patriarch Lü, and to the Seven Perfected.16 The devotee approaches through the main gate—which is, moreover, presaged by a series of other indicators such as a sign, a landmark, or a lesser gate— and then finds himself facing the Three Purities, representations of the Dao. From there he moves on to the Chunyang dian, the sanctuary of the immortal Lü Dongbin, the personified representative of the Dao who appeared to the founder of Quanzhen and revealed the cosmic teachings. Eventually the devotee reaches the sanctuary of Wang Chongyang and the Seven Perfected who brought the teachings into this world and made them accessible to humanity.17 Rather than moving ever farther away from the world and toward the Dao as a transcendent other, therefore, the practitioner walking along the temple’s axis first meets the Dao and then moves closer to its teaching and practice in the world—both going beyond the secular world and being in it, but in a more refined, more purely Daoist, way. The layout

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of the monastic or temple complex is therefore highly symbolic and creates a transitional, liminal environment that guides the believer from his ordinary self to a purer and more Daoist being.18 The same meaning can be found in the layout of medieval monasteries, where believers first encounter the sanctuary to the Three Purities and the scriptural lecture hall, allowing them to relate first to the Dao in its divine form and then learn of it as accessible in the scriptures. Whereas architecture and overall layout are determined by mainstream patterns, the specific nature, function, and naming of the halls and buildings follow a Buddhist model. Thus a classical Buddhist monastery would have a major sanctuary to the Buddha (dian), various halls for scripture study and meditation (tang ), a number of reclusive side buildings (yuan), a refectory (zhaitang ), a scripture tower ( jinglou), and many others more (Prip-Møller 1967: 36, 52, 92). The technical term for lay servants of monasteries, moreover, is “jingren,” literally “pure people” (Gernet 1995: 70) and that for ordained visitors is “shifang ke,” or “guests of the ten directions” (Prip-Møller 1967: 98)— all terms shared by medieval Daoists. And, similar to the Daoist structure, Buddhist institutions had first the Buddha sanctuary, then the scripture hall, and then a hall to the thousand buddhas venerating all those released souls that went before and now serve as models to living practitioners (Prip-Møller 1967: 65). This reflects the Triple Gem (Buddha, dharma, saΩgha), and—like medieval Daoist institutions and the Yongle gong of Complete Perfection—guides the practitioner first to the transcendent essence of the religion, then to its teachings, and finally to its practice in the world. The Buddhist institution had a similar division into three circles of activities—with the central axis in the middle, the various practice facilities around it, and workshops and fields on the periphery (Prip-Møller 1967: 158)—providing in its arrangement and designation of buildings a feasible model for Daoist monasteries.

Daoist Precursors Two features of the Daoist monastic institution can also be related to earlier Daoist buildings and halls. First, the large main hall with its statues and murals and intense ritual activity resembles in structure and function the “communal hall” (ting ) of ancient China and the Celestial Masters, which appears in later centuries as the “parish center” (zhi). The outer buildings and pavilions for specific cultivation, moreover, can be

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Buildings and Compounds

related to the ancient oratory or chamber of tranquility ( jingshi), which in turn may be linked to the hermitages of immortals. The communal hall was a location for village assemblies, festivals, and petitions to the gods, as well as for the performance of shamanic trances and oracles (Stein 1963: 55). Derived from the earth god altars (she) of high antiquity, which were open-air mounds planted with trees matching the cosmic qi (Chavannes 1910), communal halls served as functional institutions of the Han imperial administration and were set up both in villages as assembly halls and on roadsides as hostels for travelers (tingzhuan; Stein 1963: 59). Membership in the village community or o‹cial status was required for admittance—which in the traveling hostels was monitored with the help of a passport or tally known as fu, the “talisman” of Daoism (Stein 1963: 60). Strict moral rules applied, and those present acted communally in all respects— eating, consulting, sleeping, and performing ceremonies in great togetherness (Stein 1963: 66). The Celestial Masters adopted this institution from the imperial administration; here libationers received the followers’ taxes and joined their parishioners in kitchen feasts and celebrations of the Dao (Stein 1963: 64). The location of these ting halls, moreover, was close to nature, and the traveling hostels were often in isolated spots and on mountainsides. This feature, combined with the ritual activities going on within, associated them with marvels and miracles, gods and demons (Stein 1963: 67). They exerted a civilizing and sacralizing influence on their environment and can be considered “the prototype of the guan (Daoist monastery or temple)” (Stein 1963: 59). Moreover, the ting are sometimes called abodes ( guan*; Stein 1963: 62), a word used for Daoist monastic centers in the sixth century and for o‹cial academies in the Tang (Xiong 2000: 44). In this transformation of reference, the term follows a similar development as the word “si.” Commonly used for a Buddhist temple or monastery, it originally indicated a local administrative hall (Stein 1963: 63). Among later Celestial Masters, the communal hall was also known as the “parish center” (zhi or zhiguan; Stein 1963: 64). Here communal rituals were performed, assemblies held, and petitions oªered to the celestial administration for the pardoning of sins and the healing of diseases ( Yoshikawa 1987: 137–140). According to a description cited in the Yaoxiu keyi, they were wooden structures built in traditional style on a raised foundation of tamped earth and covered by thatched roofs (Tsuzuki 2000; Hahn 2000: 686–687). Originally no more than 20 square meters (180

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square feet) in size, by the fifth century they had grown much larger (Bumbacher 2000a: 484–485). They were built on an east-west axis; incense was oªered in both directions and the main worship began by facing east. In the center would be a large table-style altar containing talismans and other signs of the deities as well as utensils for writing petitions. Later statues and paintings were added, and the rites became more extensive and elaborate ( Yoshikawa 1987: 135–136). The centers remained active in medieval Daoism both as lay meeting places and monastic halls. The other major Daoist precursor of monastic buildings was the chamber of tranquility or oratory.19 A smaller and older version of the community hall ( Yoshikawa 1987: 131), it consisted of a single detached building anywhere from 10 to 20 square meters (90 to 180 square feet) in size, covered by a thatched roof, surrounded by running water, and protected by a wall ( Yoshikawa 1987: 129). Unlike the community hall, it was to be erected well away from human activity and had to be kept in strict simplicity without any ornamentation. As Lu Xiujing says in his Daomen kelue: Its outside should be separate and cut oª, not connected with other buildings. Its interior should be pure and empty, not cluttered with superfluous objects. When opening and closing the door, never bang it recklessly or rush through it. The chamber should be sprinkled, swept, purified, and revered. It should always be thought of as a dwelling of the spirits. [Bumbacher 2000a: 482; see also Nickerson 1996a] The oratory was thus kept extremely simple. It should not have more than four pillars, three rafters, and two beams— all made from the same simple, local wood, not from a variety of fancy imported timbers ( Yoshikawa 1987: 129). It should have windows to allow a maximum control of wind and light and a screen-door entrance that could be easily moved. A wooden bench should be placed in the center— according to one measurement approximately 2.5 by 1.9 meters (7.5 by 5.7 feet) in floor size and 31 centimeters (12.5 inches) high (Zhen’gao 18; Yoshikawa 1987: 129). In addition, the oratory was to contain only four things: an incense burner, incense lamp, table for petitions, and writing knife ( Yoshikawa 1987: 128; Bumbacher 2000a: 481–482). Devotees should enter it very circumspectly and only after undergoing extensive purification. All actions in the oratory should be accompanied by ritual formality and conscious awareness of the spirits ( Yoshikawa 1987: 140–144).

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Buildings and Compounds

The oratory is named variously in the literature as the chamber of tranquility ( jing ), peace ( jing ), concentration ( jing ), or purity ( jing, qing ) or sometimes simply as “chamber of the Dao” (daoshi; Yoshikawa 1987: 125; Bumbacher 2000a: 480). It had four distinct functions in early medieval Daoism: a mountain hermitage of immortals who wished to dedicate themselves entirely to the Dao; a concoction chamber for alchemical elixirs, similarly erected in a remote mountain area by someone aspiring for Daoist release;20 a place for prayer and repentance among the Celestial Masters in imitation of the punishment hut of Han o‹cials; and a hut of retreat and study for aristocrats, set up in a far corner of their estates ( Yoshikawa 1987: 126). In all cases, the key function of the oratory was self-cultivation: a place of retreat and tranquility where the inner self could be confronted and developed (Daolei shixiang 2.4a). The oratory is, moreover, in many ways similar to the hermitages or meditation huts used by Buddhists. They too consisted of a simple room for devotion and contained only an altar and a meditation cushion, maybe a simple bed and desk. Like their Daoist counterparts, they were erected as separate buildings, enclosed by a wall, and located away from towns, estates, or even large monasteries. Highly sacred in function, they had to be specially built and could only be used after proper consecration and formal purifications (Prip-Møller 1967: 152). What is more, in the Buddhist case subtemples of larger monastic compounds have been clearly traced to such meditation huts, often originally grottoes located on extended monastic grounds (Prip-Møller 1967: 72). It is thus a reasonable assumption to link the oratory with the various buildings for personal cultivation that formed an important part of the medieval Daoist monastery. Generally considering the historical unfolding of the medieval Daoist institution, I would argue that it began with the elementary oratory, the personal hermitage or meditation hut of immortality seekers, which then grew into the repentance and prayer room of the Celestial Masters and the elixir chamber of alchemical practitioners. In the fifth century, it became a formal Daoist place of retreat. Combined with the community halls for large assemblies, these oratories formed the backbone of the fully developed monastery—the more public and communal buildings in the center, the more personal and individual hermitages on the periphery. The entire complex was then, following traditional Chinese architecture, built in mainstream temple or palace style and laid out along a central axis. Specific designations for various buildings and related technical terms, finally, were adopted from Buddhist institutions.

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The fully developed Daoist monastery came to flourish in the Sui and Tang dynasties and later served as the basis for institutions of the Complete Perfection school—the main monastic branch of Daoism to the present day. Its institutions, however, not only continue the medieval Daoist ideal but also integrate the Song model of Buddhist Chan monasteries. The Baiyun guan (White cloud monastery) in Beijing, for example, like its Tang predecessors, consists of a series of buildings and courtyards along a central north-south axis surrounded on both sides by various support divisions ( Yoshioka 1979: 250). Unlike earlier monasteries, however, the Baiyun guan has more buildings and several gates and also includes worship halls to popular deities such as the Jade Emperor ( Yuhuang) and the Eight Immortals (Baxian). And, entirely opposite to the medieval model, the sanctuary to the Three Purities is not located right after the main gate but appears as the very last of the series of halls; the ordination platform or outside altar, moreover, is not up front but in the back of the main sanctuary ( Yoshioka 1979: 251; Hachiya 1990). Not only is this diªerent from Tang Daoist arrangements, but it also contravenes Song Buddhist usage, which follows the earlier pattern, setting out halls to Buddha, dharma, and saΩgha in this order (Foulk 1993: 169). The new arrangement reflects a reorientation of the Daoist vision, which now sees the devotee moving from the community of believers through the scriptures to the Dao. It takes followers away from the world toward immortality and oneness with the Dao, rather than leading them first to the Dao and then back into the world. Also diªerent from medieval Daoist monasteries, but similar to Song Buddhist patterns, the Complete Perfection complex arranges the support buildings in four groups along the central axis: first the refectory, kitchen, and burial pagodas are found on the left toward the upper end, facing shrine halls to various individual patriarchs and the earth god on the right; then several lesser cultivation halls, ancestral shrines, and guest quarters for itinerant monks are located on the left toward the lower end of the compound, facing the outhouses, pigsties, sheep pens, business rooms, workshops, and public monks’ hall on the right ( Yoshioka 1979: 250–251). This arrangement mirrors Song Chan and Japanese Zen institutions and reflects a thinking that associates the parts of the monastery with diªerent sections of the human body: the central axis with the main buildings is the torso, the upper support division represents the arms and hands, and the lower support section serves as the legs and feet (Donner and Stevenson 1993: 54). With less land and agricultural facilities than its medieval forerunner, the Baiyun guan is no longer arranged in con-

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Buildings and Compounds

centric circles but places all the diªerent buildings and activities right along the central axis, using an anthropomorphic image as its model. Another major diªerence between the medieval and the later Daoist monastery is the structure of monastic administration and o‹ces. The Fengdao kejie mentions only a few o‹ces and administrative roles, focusing more on a detailed outline of ordination ranks. Complete Perfection, however, has numerous administrative functions, many of which resemble those used in Buddhist institutions but whose nomenclature is significantly diªerent (Welch 1967; Yoshioka 1979; Kohn 2002). Despite this lacuna in our information, we can say that the medieval Daoist monastery was a major institution of traditional China encompassing and developing certain key elements of mainstream and Buddhist culture—and showing remarkable similarity with medieval Christian institutions—whose influence has remained active until the present day.

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Daily Discipline

A

nother dimension in which Daoist monasteries paralleled both Buddhist and Christian institutions was their organizational structure and intense daily discipline.1 Most monasteries regulate every aspect of life and physical activity with the understanding that the creation of an ideal community demands the submission of every individual and the attainment of a celestial state involves the complete transformation of reality. The most concrete and immediate reality, then, is the body and its activities in daily life, and the discipline demanded in monasteries is accordingly central to their goal. In a wider theoretical context, monastic discipline can also be understood as the controlled and structured modification or reconditioning of bodily actions—what Marcel Mauss has called “body techniques,” that is, “ordered, authorized, tested actions,” sanctioned by a society or community, which shape the reality and identity of its members ( Mauss 1979: 102). Ranging from body movements (walking, squatting) through ways of caring for the body (washing, grooming) to consumption techniques (pp. 98–100, 117–118), they include attitudes to food, authority, sexual relations, nakedness, pleasure and pain, medicine and healing, and the use of “body” metaphors (Coakley 1997: 8). Body techniques constitute a sense of culturally and communally determined personhood that is realized in everyday life. Mauss calls this the habitus and distinguishes it from mere habitude, that is, a person’s habits or customs, as involving the “techniques and work of collective and individual practical reason” (1979: 101). This notion of habitus asserts that one “cannot take the body for granted as a natural, fixed, and historically universal datum of human societies” (Turner 1997: 17). Instead it describes the body as “an assemblage of embodied aptitudes” and indicates a form of bodily competence that is learned and “habituated to a certain level of being” (Asad 1997: 47). Pierre Bourdieu, in

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Daily Discipline

his development of this notion, characterizes habitus further as “systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures” (1990: 53). The habitus is “an infinite capacity for generating products—thoughts, perceptions, expressions, and actions—whose limits are set by the historically and socially situated conditions of its production” (Bourdieu 1990: 55; see also Bell 1992: 79–80). The various body techniques, therefore, learned and habituated in a culturally determined and structured manner, create a specific set of feelings, conceptions, and expressions that reflect the culture and society that instilled them and gives them enduring structure. Various practices of the body, then, at all times imply “metaphysical and cultural commitments” (Coakley 1997: 8). As Pierre Bourdieu says: “When the elementary acts of bodily gymnastics (going up or down, forwards or backwards, etc.) . . . are highly charged with social meanings and values, socialization instills a sense of the equivalence between physical space and social space and between movements (rising, falling, etc.) in the two spaces” (1990: 71). Habitus as constituted by body techniques instills what could be called “bodily knowledge,” that is, knowledge realized through active embodiment in physical reality and transmitted through bodily experience (Sullivan 1990: 86–87). Religious experiences then become both the foundation and the result of constructed bodies, reoriented senses, and rearranged bodily perception (Sullivan 1990: 87; Coakley 1997: 8), so that in the end “the inability to ‘enter into communion with God’ becomes a function of untaught bodies” (Asad 1997: 48). Such disciplined formalities of physical behavior are common in all types of monasticism. They can be seen as a conscious eªort at setting the reclusive life apart from ordinary life—reeducating people at the most basic level to create perfection within the limitations of this world (Kingsley 1987: 30). Requiring strict obedience and complete submission to the will of others, the disciplining of daily life forces monks and nuns to subject their basic instincts and physical needs to a higher order and thereby gives concrete expression to the ideal of life as a continuous prayer or act of worship. It can, therefore, be compared to what Christians call “diªuse prayer” ( Hillery 1992: 157) or “transforming mental discipline” (Weckman 1987: 38). In Daoist monasticism, this is where we find the closest parallels with and adaptations from Buddhism. And the two collections of Daoist rules that have most immediate Buddhist counterparts—the Guanxing jing and the Qianzhen ke—focus almost exclusively on the proper behavior of

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monastics. In both cases, the regulation of daily activities is meant to transform life on this earth into a replica of celestial presence—to sublimate the self and person to a higher level. Through their discipline monastics develop for themselves “a lived system of meanings, a more or less unified moral order, which is confined and nuanced in experience to construct a person’s sense of reality and identity” (Bell 1992: 83). They begin by transforming simple ordinary acts, such as washing one’s face and brushing one’s teeth, and then elevate meals to major ceremonial occasions that bless the heavens and all beings. Daoists make sure, moreover, that all interactions both within the community and with members of the opposite sex are tightly controlled so that they maintain constant awareness of their special status and inherently celestial nature.

Hygiene Daoists, like all monastics, place a strong emphasis on physical purity, following the general understanding that “cleanliness is next to godliness.” Thus the Daoxue keyi says that the body is the field of blessedness and must be kept clean with just as much enthusiasm as the mind in spiritual exercises (1.13b). The Fengdao kejie accordingly prescribes that all Daoist institutions have to be built near running water with both an outhouse and a bathhouse in easy reach. The outhouse, placed in a secluded corner, consisted of “a more or less shallow pit [dug out] from the earth with a small hut erected over it” (3.9b–10a). It had to be kept spotlessly clean at all times (Daoxue keyi 2.12a).2 The bathhouse similarly was “located in a separate building” slightly oª the central compound. Here “cauldrons and boiling pans, wells and stoves, benches and mats, fragrances and powders” were to be readied for the community whenever a rite was scheduled or the sweat of hard labor had to be washed oª (Fengdao kejie 1.16a; Daoxue keyi 1.14b).3 Regular baths in hot and fragrant water were taken once every ten days (Qianzhen ke 14b), as well as on certain holy and festival occasions when they were accompanied by special rites and incantations.4 Each bath time, monastics were to enter in the order of rank, strictly avoiding any views of nakedness and keeping men and women separate (Daoxue keyi 1.14b; Qianzhen ke 14b; Guanxing jing, lines 88–98). Use of the outhouse, too, was highly formalized. As the Daoxue keyi specifies, one first leaves one’s long outer robe on a hook outside and then enters the door while chanting an incantation to the gods of virtue and earth that they may assist in cleaning the body of all dead matter.

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Daily Discipline

Using the facilities, one employs proper circumspection and care, honoring the gods in one’s vestments, cultivating the body properly, and avoiding giving oªense. Hands are rinsed in a water basin placed near the door and dried with a clean cloth; then the outer robe is put on again (2.12ab; see also Guanxing jing, lines 354–369, echoing Sanqian weiyi, T. 24.925bc). In addition to these hygienic activities, monastics also performed daily ablutions. Instead of using the bathhouse, however, water was carried to a special washing area in deep bowls or basins. As the Fengdao kejie (3.9b) says: All Daoists, whether male or female, in their residences should be provided with a water pitcher, pouring basin, or any other vessel to collect clear water and carry [it to the house]. This is for rinsing the mouth and washing the hands. The vessel can be made from gold, silver, copper, or earthenware, as the relevant present circumstances permit.5 The container with the water should be kept covered so that the water is not dirtied by dust or insects. Use a clean cloth to put on top. Failure to comply carries a subtraction of eighty [days of life]. Not only should the basin be kept covered to prevent any outside dirt from entering, but the purity of the water should also be protected when using it. As the Shishi weiyi, the most detailed source on daily discipline, has it: When scooping water from the basin, never defile it by using your hands but always employ a wooden ladle to take water from the basin. Also, don’t ever defile the water by putting your chopsticks or personal ladle in the common basin. If you have touched the water by mistake, you must make a formal confession and undergo repentance. In addition, you should of your own volition perform the menial task of changing the water and setting [the basin] back up properly. This way you will not accumulate sin.6 [8ab] Daoists performed their daily ablutions at such communal basins, but they also had personal jugs to carry water to their cells and use whenever a defilement was incurred. These jugs were made from coconuts for men and from pomegranates for women; they were to be kept in a

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safe place and the water in them had to be changed daily in summer and every second day in winter. Only if the jug was made from earthenware and in wintertime could the water be left as long as three days (Shishi weiyi 7a). Formal cleansings were prescribed in the early morning, before reading a scripture, after meals, and before bed (7b; Guanxing jing [S. 3140], line 14). While normally consisting just of washing the hands and face and rinsing the mouth, after meals they included a thorough teeth cleaning —either by chewing on a willow branch or, if this was unavailable, by grinding purified ashes with the teeth (8a; Qianzhen ke 16a; Guanxing jing, line 194; see also Welch 1967: 62). After washing and teeth cleaning, Daoists also had to comb their hair and tie it into a topknot. For this they carried a special comb known as the “comb of mysterious florescence” (xuanhua shu) after the deity residing on the top of the head, near the Niwan Palace or upper Cinnabar Field (dantian). At cock crow each morning, they were to take the comb out of its special box and run it through their hair, facing north and chanting an incantation. Failure to do one’s hair properly will result in a disheveled look that makes one appear like a commoner in grief, a sick or suªering person, someone poor and destitute, or just lazy and wayward. Women, moreover, should avoid putting their hair up in the fashion of the world and not use ornaments from precious metals. And any hair combed out should be kept in a clean place and burned in a secret spot within nine days (Daoxue keyi 1.12a–13a). In terms of etiquette, it was considered extremely rude to face another person while performing these various personal tasks (8a; Guanxing jing [S. 3140], line 18) or to make any unnecessary sounds. As the Shishi weiyi states: “While rinsing the mouth and washing the face, do not contract your mouth to give forth sound. Nor must you make bubbles from either your nose or your mouth. Also, do not bang the water basin, startling everybody” [8b; also Guanxing jing, lines 195–196]. Water in general, like all objects of common use, should be used sparingly. It must be neither squirted about nor stepped in (8b). The formalization of daily hygiene was completed by special chants. One such chant, to be sung when combing the hair, implores diverse deities to take care of the practitioner and give him or her protection. It runs: May the Great Emperor spread numinous power [to me]; May the Five Elders recover spirit [for me]. May the [ gods of ] my Niwan and of Mysterious Florescence

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Daily Discipline

Preserve my essence and [ grant me] long life. On the right I hold the shadow of the moon, On the left I pull the root of the sun. As the six harmonies are pure and refined, May the hundred spirits extend their kindness [to me]. [Daoxue keyi 1.12b]

Another set of chants, applied when cleaning the teeth, is given in the Shishi weiyi, one for the willow branch, the other for the ashes. They are: The great Yang [of the sun] harmonizes its energy To let spring arise and make the willow grow. Breaking it oª, I take one branch, So I can clean my body and my mouth. Studying the Dao and cultivating perfection, May I go beyond the Three Worlds of existence! Swiftly, swiftly, in accord with the statutes and ordinances! [8b; see also Qianzhen ke 30a]

And: Washing with ashes to remove the dirt, Using the ashes as a primary means, May foulness go and perfection arise. Cleansing the heart and cleansing the mouth, Realizing the Dao and saving others, Heaven is great and Earth everlasting! Swiftly, swiftly, in accord with the statutes and ordinances!7 [8b]

In each case the chant verbalizes the specific occasion while also expressing the Daoist’s wish for divine protection and salvation, relating his or her activities to the cosmic deities and the well-being of all. This feature, like many other aspects of Daoist daily hygiene, follows the customs of mainstream Chinese culture and Buddhism. In terms of mainstream culture, they continue the ancient Chinese bathing customs spelled out in the Confucian classics. According to them, “bathing was regularly prescribed before ceremonies and formalities of all kinds” (Schafer 1956: 59, 67), an activity for which a variety of tubs, basins, and pitchers was specially provided. Typically o‹cials washed their hair once in a ten-day period, taking a day oª to do so. Both Chi-

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nese Buddhists and Daoists similarly took baths once every ten days (Welch 1967: 115). Just as in the Daoist bathhouse so in aristocratic mansions bathers used diªerent towels, kerchiefs, and mats and applied a soap made either from purified ashes or from ground-up peas mixed with herbs (Schafer 1956: 63–64). Medieval Buddhist monasteries, moreover, had extensive bathing facilities that “seem to have been freely available to laymen” who, “especially in Tang and Song times . . . , were accustomed to recreate themselves and bathe in the grounds of Buddhist temples” (Schafer 1956: 70). As for the Buddhist background of Daoist ablution practices, the Vinaya considers it a pacittiya (expiation) oªense for monks to “gambol in the water” (Beal 1871: 226) because it is unsuited to the dignity and seriousness of the Buddhist endeavor ( Horner 1992: 2:391). It also places strong emphasis on preventing insects from getting into the water and prohibits using water so defiled.8 In Mahâyâna Buddhism, the Avatamsaka Sutra (Huayan jing; translated in 417) has an entire section on “Purifying Practice” that instructs monks to develop the proper mindset while undertaking daily tasks. Here we also find the first recorded verse to be recited while cleaning the teeth: Taking a tooth stick in hand, They should wish that all beings Attain the wonderful teaching And be ultimately pure. When chewing on the tooth stick, They should wish that all beings Be harmonious and pure in mind, Biting through all a›ictions. [Cleary 1984: 318]

The same verse, in the first person and as a formal ritual chant, reappears in Dògen’s (1200–1253) Shòbò genzò (Eye of the treasury of the right dharma; see Yokoi 1986: 594–595) and is still chanted by Japanese Zen monks today (Kennett 1976: 302). Like the Daoist verses, which were likewise probably patterned on the Huayan jing, these chants raise the performance of common daily activities to acts of benevolence for all beings—not only making the recluse conscious of his physical action but also acknowledging the value of the utensils and intensifying his desire for the liberation of all. The same holds true for verses chanted while donning the robe, shaving, and entering

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Daily Discipline

the bath.9 In all cases, the basic idea of accompanying the activity with good wishes for all beings occurs first in the Huayan jing and is later formalized in verses. Specific regulations about washing and rinsing, as well as a list of various utensils to be used, are moreover found in the Vinaya-related Sanqian weiyi (T. 1470) and the apocryphal Fanwang jing (T. 1484). The pertinent rule in the latter (no. 37; DeGroot 1969: 69–70) is then cited in Dògen’s Shòbò genzò, where he emphasizes that washing and rinsing, and especially brushing the teeth (including rubbing the tongue), are essential daily activities that must under no circumstances be neglected— distinguishing Japanese practitioners positively from their Chinese counterparts who were “not aware of the way of the toothbrush,” so that they “give out such a foul breath that we cannot bear to be within even two or three feet of them” ( Yokoi 1986: 598). Certainly in the early Tang — at least in Daoist institutions—Dògen would not have encountered this di‹culty. The Shòbò genzò, besides documenting the strong continuity of daily practice in Buddhism and the close match of Buddhist and Daoist activities, echoes the fundamental worldview underlying cleansing procedures. To wash and rinse, it says, is to purify not only the body but also the mind, so that, as body and mind are ultimately one with universal enlightenment, to purify oneself means to purify the universe ( Yokoi 1986: 590– 591). In the same vein, Daoist hygiene was done not only for personal cleanliness and community harmony but to create a sense of universal fulfillment and heavenly perfection on earth. The reality of Daoists as documented in their daily routine consisted of much more than their limited selves and surrounding institution. It involved extending care to the deities and feeling compassion for all beings as well as radiating the purity practiced in their lives to the universe at large. Their identity placed them between the greater universe of the celestial realm and the multitude of beings, allowing a self-realization that was both physical and transcendent by placing the ordinary tasks of daily hygiene in a cosmic context and by seeing themselves as realizing a form of celestial purity on earth.

Abstinence The same sense of celestial purity and striving for greater goodness is present also in the prescription of abstinence. Throughout the world, monastic life is predicated upon control of body and mind through ab-

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stention from intoxication and mindless behavior as well as from intimate and sexual contact. In Christianity, wine was consumed in limited amounts and abstention meant a frugal diet and complete control over the senses. The latter is expressed either as “chastity,” which means overcoming the weaknesses of the flesh and living like angels in the image of God’s purity (Wolter 1962: 332), or as “virginity,” which symbolizes the absolute renunciation of this world and total dedication to the world to come (Peifer 1966: 258). In either form, abstention means giving up all external goods and riches, vices and passions, and enjoyment of the senses in favor of an utter dedication to the divine (Peifer 1966: 229). It manifests practically in the proper exercise of modesty and careful avoidance of temptation. Thus the Rule of St. Benedict prescribes that monastics “are to sleep in separate beds” and should “sleep clothed and girded with belts or cords; but they should remove their knives, lest they cut themselves accidentally in their sleep” (Chittister 1992: 93–94). Contact with members of the opposite sex should be avoided or handled with circumspection. Similarly, in Indian Buddhism the first step into the monastic life was to become a renunciant ( pravraj) by leaving the householder’s life, giving up thisworldly involvements, and dedicating oneself fully to the religion (Wijayaratna 1990: 89). Both intoxication and sexual contact were expressly prohibited in all the rules and punished as parajika oªenses with expulsion from the order (Beal 1871: 209; Horner 1992: 1:1). Even lustful thoughts or lewd talk were prohibited and thought to merit temporary suspension and penance in front of a formal assembly ( Horner 1992: 1:192). Monks were not allowed to sit alone with a woman or nun, whether in a secluded place or out in the open (Beal 1871: 214); they must not even speak to a woman or engage in other forms of direct interaction (Beal 1871: 221; Horner 1992: 2:357). Chinese Buddhists obeyed similar rules, guarding themselves carefully against intoxication and potential sexual involvement (Kieschnick 1997: 16–22; Faure 1994: 63–88). Their main rationale for these prohibitions was the lack of compassion for all beings and negative karma they brought about, causing major obstacles on the path to enlightenment. They also meant serious harm to the purity of the saΩgha and its standing among donors and o‹cials, and any violation was punishable by flogging or expulsion (Welch 1967: 116). In reality, however, the rules were not taken quite so literally. As documents from Dunhuang show, Buddhist monks consumed and traded in wine and owned breweries for beer. Their rhetoric notwithstanding, at least in regard to the produc-

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Daily Discipline

tion and consumption of alcohol, they engaged in the ways of the world (Wang-Toutain 2000; Trombert 2000; Kieschnick 1997: 51). Daoist monastics had rules against intoxication and sexual contact, too, although their rationale was somewhat diªerent. In Daoism, abstinence from wine and meat had originally more to do with the flow of cosmic energies and the potential harm inflicted on the gods of nature and the stars than with the creation of negative karma (Strickmann 1978: 473). Similarly celibacy was predicated on the retention, inner circulation, and refinement of sexual energy known as jing, or “essence.” Avoiding sexual intercourse to keep the essence in the body and refine it was an important step in the attainment of long life and immortality (Eskildsen 1998: 67) and had initially little to do with the avoidance of karmic ties and psychological attachments. In the early stages of religious Daoism, therefore, both sexuality and indulgence in wine and meat were regulated but not prohibited. Marriage and procreation were seen as essential, and followers conducted sexual rites to maintain the harmony of yin and yang (Ozaki 1984: 95) as much as they indulged in wine and meat at the time of the great festivals. Still, even among the Celestial Masters, promiscuity was outlawed. Several rules of the Laojun yibai bashi jie prohibit being alone, traveling, or speaking with a member of the opposite sex (nos. 139, 161, 162). It also says: “When in mixed company, do not sit together for a shared meal or touch the hands of a person of the opposite sex” (no. 164; see Hendrischke and Penny 1996: 22). With the emergence of the Shangqing revelations in the mid-fourth century, the intoxication gained from wine was transformed into the higher ecstasy experienced through travel to the gods, and sexuality was sublimated into a more spiritual activity, since “with the perfected, a far purer union could be achieved than that vulgar coupling of the flesh oªered either by secular marriage or by the rites of the Celestial Master” (Strickmann 1978: 471). Soon the first chujia practitioners emerged, having “resolved to take vows” and leave ordinary family life behind (Strickmann 1978: 470; Ozaki 1984: 99), and the Lingbao school created precepts that included strong injunctions against intoxication and lasciviousness (Kohn forthcoming). Here the argument against lasciviousness was at least as much social as it was predicated on the preservation of bodily energies. Rules against intoxication and sexual activity were continued in Daoist monastic codes, where they appear mainly as precautions against the development of uncontrolled behavior. Such behavior includes sloth

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and torpor, violence and killing, eating meat, consuming the five strong vegetables, and disregarding taboos or the ritual schedule. Any of these infractions oªends the celestial o‹cers, sickens the spirit and material souls, brings nightmares and bad fortune, and causes bad karma and rebirth (Daoxue keyi 2.5a).10 Alcohol is blamed for ten kinds of problems or evils, including unfilial, oªensive, and belligerent behavior, sexual hankerings and rule violations, as well as riding accidents and getting lost on the road. Its consumption leads to the creation of bad karma and to the desire to eat meat and kill living beings. It will eventually result in the loss of the goodwill of the masters, family, friends, and companions (Daoxue keyi 1.3b–4a). It harms all forms of social interaction and leads to violence and aggression; moreover, its production is a perfect waste of thousands of pounds of good grain that could feed the people (Yaoxiu keyi 14.1ab). It is, therefore, best to stay away from wine completely and instead create one’s own inner liquor from refined saliva and qi (Qianzhen ke 15a). Similarly, to prevent sensual attachments and sexual activity, men and women should remain separate and avoid all contact or discussion. If they do not even see an attractive person of the opposite sex, their minds will not get agitated (Qianzhen ke 7a). Daoists were seriously segregated, therefore, and had to remain distant whenever they found themselves in the presence of a person of the other sex. Yet even for this rule there were exceptions. Daoists were allowed to lecture laywomen on the scriptures, for example, but they must never be alone with them or develop any lascivious intentions (Guanxing jing, line 122). At the time of ordination, moreover, it was permitted for men and women to enter each other’s quarters after receiving permission from the masters. They were admonished, however, to behave with dignity and were not allowed to go oª individually by themselves or in groups of two, nor must they enter any private quarters (Qianzhen ke 16a). If, furthermore, a monk came across a woman in danger of drowning or burning, he must not “hesitate to reach out a hand to help,” because this contact was not in violation of the rules (Qianzhen ke 11b). Similarly, when his own mother, sister, or aunt was “sick or in some kind of distress at home, he could go and serve to support her” (11b) or, in special cases, bring her to the monastery and set up a hut for her nearby (Bumbacher 2000a: 246). This shows— as does the emphasis on filial piety as a key virtue of human life—that “leaving the family” in medieval Daoism did not mean the complete severance of all worldly ties but rather was a sign of serious dedication to the goals of the Dao (Tsuzuki 2002:

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Daily Discipline

64). These goals were best met in a life of self-control and abstinence, a life conducted closer to the rules of heaven than to those of earth.

Meal Regulations The liminal nature of the Daoist presence in the world is further evident in the daily meals of Daoists. Influenced by Buddhism and parallel to medieval Christian institutions—which served only one meal in winter and two meals in summer consisting of bread, cheese, vegetables, beans, grains, and occasionally a bit of fish or eggs (Symons 1953: xxxv; Burton 1994: 166; Chittister 1992: 118)—Daoist medieval institutions allowed only one major meal per day that was to be taken in the late morning around 10 or 11 am. Before that, around 6 am, a light breakfast consisting of rice gruel and some pickled vegetables was served; after that, in the course of the afternoon, nonsolid food or so-called medicines were acceptable (Daoxue keyi 1.19a). This practice corresponds to the ancient Buddhist ideal where, too, a light breakfast was followed by the main meal, begged for and eaten before 12 noon, and only medicines were permitted after that (Wijayaratna 1990: 68). The medicines in India expressly excluded milk, which was considered a nourishing food, but allowed tea, herbs, and light fruit.11 In China today, as in Japan, ever since the Chan rules of Baizhang were compiled in the Song, an evening meal is permitted.12 Traditionally, however, as Tso Sze-bong points out, Buddhist “monks took a concoction of apricots or dates, fruit juices, and similar foodstuªs to satisfy their hunger in the afternoon” (1991: 76). Daoists matched this tendency and prohibited all grain-based food after noon, allowing only concoctions made from various roots, plants, and minerals.13 Daoists cited a supernatural rationale for their eating schedule. They linked the placement of the main meal right before noon with the cosmology of yin and yang, according to which yang and thus active vital energy rises between midnight and noon, reaching its zenith in the late morning (Fashi jinjie jing, line 22). They also matched it to the feeding schedule of the heavenly host, which decrees that at each hour of the day a certain group of celestial or supernatural beings receive their meal. By eating at a certain time, people establish a connection to the divine that has a direct impact on their health and longevity. Thus the Yinyuan jing states: At midnight, the common beings of heaven have their meal. If people in the world also eat at this time, they receive an additional

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90 days of life and are exempt from 81 diseases. The o‹cers of the earth will pay them respect. . . . At dusk [6 pm], the underworld kings of darkness and their demons have their meal. If people in the world also eat at this time, they receive a reduction of 180 days of life and are subject to 200 diseases. The o‹cers of the earth will come to harm them. [4.12b–13a] Each hour, therefore, is the main mealtime of some supernatural group and has a specific impact on human fortunes. The worst possible time to eat is late evening when the hungry ghosts are fed; the best time is around 10 or 11 am when the perfected and heavenly sages take their food (see Table 2).14 By scheduling monastic mealtimes on the basis of the celestial pattern, Daoists create a replica of heavenly life on earth. They celebrate their main meal accordingly with great formality and ritual—not even calling it a “meal” but rather a “rite of purgation” (zhai). “Zhai” originally indicated the preparatory purification before rituals, which included baths, fasting, sexual abstention, and the avoidance of death, blood, and other forms of defilement. The most generic and most ancient meaning of the term, therefore, is “purification” or “fast.” Later, under the influence of Buddhism, zhai changed from a preparatory to an integral part of the ritual, indicating an imitation of Hindu pûjâ ( gongyang )—the oªering of food to deities and the sharing of food among humans and gods, lay donors, and recluses.15 The food was usually vegetarian— and was commonly given by donors who gained merit through their generosity. Zhai as a result no longer meant “fast” but came to indicate a “vegetarian feast” either oªered to the gods or shared among the religious community.16 In these two basic meanings of the term “zhai,” food plays a key role— again confirming the importance of its intake and control as a means of religious realization as well as the close relation between fast and feast, both already well understood from the study of Western religions (Bynum 1987). Fast and feast typically go together in religious eating — fasting as a form of avoiding certain foods (or all foods) and thereby demonstrating the separation between religious and ordinary life; feasting as a way of creating unity between diªerent groups in the holy enterprise, be they donors and recluses or devotees and gods. In Daoist monasticism, then, zhai can be translated as “ceremonial meal” or “mealtime ceremony,” which leads to the matching translation of zhaishi as “cer-

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Daily Discipline

Table 2. Celestial Mealtimes and Earthly Consequences Time

Eaters

Life days

Diseases

12 am 2 am 4 am 6 am 8 am 10 am 12 pm 2 pm 4 pm 6 pm 8 pm

heavenly beings heavenly o‹cers heavenly counselors heavenly kings heavenly emperors all heavenly sages demon kings of heaven demon kings of earth ghosts and spirits underworld kings hungry ghosts

+90 +100 +120 +140 +180 +400 -90 -100 -120 -180 -5,000

-81 -90 -100 -120 -160 -404 +81 +91 +100 +200 +404

emonial food,” zhaitang as “refectory,” zhaiqi as “ceremonial dishes,” and jianzhai as “meal supervisor.” Zhaiguan, moreover, is the “leader of the ceremony” and zhaizhu the “donor of the feast.” As described in the Shishi weiyi, a typical Daoist mealtime ceremony consisted of four phases: 1. Preparation: donning vestments, cleaning hands and face, picking up dishes, and entering the refectory 2. Initial formalities: rites to the Dao and dedication of the food to the gods, ancestors, and all beings, accompanied by burning incense and chanting invocations, as well as the correct placement of dishes and the taking of seats 3. The actual meal: rice gruel, rice, and several diªerent dishes, each announced and handed around by serving monks as ritual verses are chanted 4. Concluding formalities: repentance of all rule violations during the meal, obeisances to the Three Treasures, stacking of bowls, and exiting the hall [Shishi weiyi 9b–12a]17

The Ceremonial Meal The ceremonial meal begins when the meal supervisor ascertains the correct time and rings the bell. Daoists don their vestments and wash their

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hands (Qianzhen ke 5b; Yaoxiu keyi 9.12b). They pick up their dishes, which are stored in special racks and consist of five items described as matching the “five phases of the divine law and the five tastes of the food we eat.” These dishes can be made from metal, lacquer, or earthenware, depending on the wealth of the institution (Fengdao kejie 3.9a), and seem to have consisted of three bowls of diªerent sizes holding five pints, three, and one respectively (3.5, 2.0, and 0.7 liters), plus chopsticks and a spoon, made from lacquer or copper (Shishi weiyi 9a).18 These utensils form one of two sets— one used in the monastics’ residences or when traveling, the other reserved strictly for refectory use. The latter dishes are, as the Fengdao kejie states, to be kept separate from other ware and must never be used for other purposes, but should be maintained clean and pure at all times. They are called the “refectory set.” After each use, wash and wipe them, then store them on a special dish rack. Never mix them with other dishes. Failure to comply carries a subtraction of 280 [days of life]. [3.9a; see also Zhengyi weiyi jing 17a; Shishi weiyi 8b] Daoists also had two cloths, one wrapped around the bundle of dishes (which were stacked inside one another), the other folded inside it. Both cloths were used during the meal and had to be kept perfectly clean, never used for wiping oª sweat or blowing one’s nose (Shishi weiyi 8b; Guanxing jing, line 218). Once cleaned, garbed, and ready, Daoists file into the refectory and find their proper place. They put their bundle of dishes on the table but remain standing to perform rites to the Dao—burning incense, bowing, and reciting a verse of praise to the Heavenly Worthies (Shishi weiyi 9b).19 They sit down, presumably to kneel at low tables, and open the cloth that wraps their dishes, straightening it to serve as a place mat. They unpack their dishes in the proper order and place the second cloth over their knees to be used as a napkin. They rinse their dishes with clear water that is handed around (Shishi weiyi 9b). Thus readied, they oªer the prayer-atmeals— a sequence of good wishes for the donor’s benefit, the empire, the ancestors, and all beings (Fengdao kejie 6.5ab). Ceremonial Food The meal proper begins with the serving of rice gruel and rice followed by a number of diªerent dishes, usually vegetarian,20 made up of the five food groups defined in the Fashi jinjie jing (Prohibitions and precepts regarding

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Daily Discipline

ceremonial food; P. 2447; Òfuchi 1979a: 689–690). These five are qi, medicines, grain, fruit, and vegetables. And prepared so that they are neither too hot nor too cold, too spicy or too bland, or contain any harmful substances (Yaoxiu keyi 9.14b), together they all “harmonize the blood and body fluids, preserve and nourish the body and spirit, calm the spirit soul and settle the will, and in general expel all wind and dampness, thus greatly enhancing life and extending old age” (Fashi jinjie jing, lines 17–18). The main exception is the so-called five strong vegetables (wuxin): leeks, scallions, onions, garlic, and ginger. Although originally part of the diet of Daoist hermits and immortals ( Yamada 1989), these five were not encouraged in Daoist communities, as is made clear in the Laojun yibai bashi jie (no. 10) and other early codes (Kohn forthcoming). Daoist monastics frowned on them, too, because their consumption leads to a diminishing of purity in the inner organs and thus to bad breath, which impacts on Daoist discipline, community cohesion, and respect among outside supporters. Bad breath is especially harmful when one attends Daoist services, sends a petition to the gods, or lectures to a group of commoners (Daoxue keyi 1.4b–5a). Another dimension of the five vegetables that makes them unsuitable in a monastic setting is their medicinal power, heating the blood and raising the fires of yang, which is associated with an increased tendency to violate the precepts against abstinence (Kohn 1998b; Kieschnick 1997: 24). The five are still forbidden in both Buddhism and Daoism today (Welch 1967; Hackmann 1931: 8). Other foods not allowed in medieval monastic kitchens were materials imported from faraway places as well as those coming from families with a recent birth or death, from robbers, or from lascivious people. Monks and nuns avoided anything that contained wine or meat; anything left behind by birds, beasts, worms, or fish; any food oªered to spirits and demons at altars, shrines, or temples; anything unclean, rotten, moldy, broken, burnt, or defiled by birds; as well as any foodstuªs that children touched and returned to their mothers (Fashi jinjie jing, nos. 14–25). If any donor comes to the monastery oªering food of this type, it is considered feifa (nonritual) and not accepted. Similarly, “if someone among the faithful demands nonritual food, quietly send him away and do not allow him to come again” (Qianzhen ke 14a; Yaoxiu keyi 9.9b). Once accepted into the monastery, the food had to be prepared carefully—measuring the proper amounts, picking grasses, alien seeds, and rat droppings out of the rice, and washing it in a sturdy container with clean water at least five times (Guanxing jing, lines 278–283; following Sanqian weiyi, T. 24.923a). Vegetables similarly had to be care-

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fully selected (if bought with monetary donations), well tended and weeded (if planted in the monastery’s fields), and cleaned with great care, never leaving the green and yellow parts together (Guanxing jing, lines 288–295; Sanqian weiyi 923a). All work in the kitchen, moreover, had to be done with great circumspection, exhibiting tolerance, humility, and obedience (lines 244–246). Workers were instructed to be the first to rise and the last to bed, serving the community with dedication and always striving to avoid disturbances by banging pots and pans, shouting orders, or wasting supplies by cutting the roots oª vegetables or taking firewood from growing trees (Guanxing jing, lines 246–254, 274–276; also Sanqian weiyi, T. 24.922b, 923a). They were also responsible for the communal health and thus strongly advised to ensure the cleanliness of all base materials and utensils (lines 270, 284; T. 24.922c, 923a). Eating Procedures Prepared with such care, the various dishes served at the ceremonial meal are duly announced with their proper name either by the supervisor or by the servers. As the first steaming bowls are oªered to the recluses, they chant an incantation, known as the “Incantation for Receiving Food,” praising the selfless giving of the donor: In all the fields of blessedness, Donating food is by far the best. In the present it spreads pure happiness, After this life it gives rebirth in heaven And a future residence in the pure land Where all food and clothing arrive spontaneously. Therefore we present this oªering today Spreading it equally to the various heavens. [Shishi weiyi 10a; Fengdao kejie 6.6a]

Food here is linked with great merit for everyone who engages in its donation, a charitable act that leads to happiness now and a good rebirth later. Daoists participate in this merit by not keeping the food for themselves but passing it on ritually to the celestials and all beings, ensuring the widest possible spread of merit and rea‹rming their role as key intermediaries between the realms. As more food is passed around, a further chant is sung that again establishes the celestial connection of the meal and oªers it to all beings. It runs:

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Daily Discipline

This fragrant feast and wondrous oªering Above we give to the Heavenly Worthies, In the middle to the perfected and sages, Below to the host of living beings. May all be equally full and satisfied, While good fortune flows to our [ generous] donor Like rivers pouring into the sea. [Shishi weiyi 10a; Fengdao kejie 6.6a]21

As the community eats, each member visualizes the Three Ones and other gods in the body— again raising the mundane activity to a heavenly level (Zhengyi weiyi jing 17a; Fashi jinjie jing, no. 2). Everyone is to eat his or her fill and can get as many as three helpings, but there is to be no overeating and no scorning of dishes as not being fancy enough.22 Whenever a dish is announced, raise your bowl to receive it. If you prefer not to partake, simply raise a finger and let the server pass by. While being served, if you desire more, advance the bowl a little; if you prefer less, withdraw it slightly. There is, however, to be no speech on the subject. Noises in general should be kept to a minimum, avoiding all slurping, sucking, and gulping, and not clattering with bowls and chopsticks. Speech is not prohibited but should be controlled and calm, avoiding all exclamations or shouts. Exceptions to this rule are emergency situations such as a military incident, a flood, a fire, a robbery, or a sudden death (Shishi weiyi 10b–11a; Guanxing jing, lines 234–241).23 The recluses, moreover, should maintain community cohesion, never sitting down, eating, drinking, or rising before their seniors have done so (Guanxing jing, lines 180–183), and always trying to keep up with each other: “Always look around and remain attentive to the others up and down the hall. If you are behind, eat a little faster; if you are ahead, eat a little slower” (Shishi weiyi 10b; Yaoxiu keyi 9.9b). Food that has been defiled in any way (such as being coughed on or dropped) must be rinsed or wiped and returned to the kitchen; it can no longer be served in the refectory (Yinyuan jing 1.14a; Zhengyi weiyi jing 17a). Similarly any recluse or other who has missed the rites to the Dao in the beginning must not take part in the meal. Thus the Qianzhen ke (5a) says: If during a ceremonial meal a commoner arrives to beg for food, the kitchen supervisor must first ask him whether he is willing to join the rites or not. If he is so willing, you can give him food; if

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not, explain to him [the law of ] karmic cause and eªect and let him know [the mechanisms] of sin and good fortune. Never be stingy with the instruction but push him to attain realization and diligently follow the divine law of the Dao.24 The act of eating in a medieval monastery, therefore, is seen less as a way of fulfilling bodily needs than as an active nourishing of the gods and all beings, a way of participating in the Dao. The physical control of food intake, body movements, and speech aids recluses in thinking of compassion and sharing themselves with all beings. Anything touched during the meal is sanctified through it. Even leftovers are not wasted or thrown out but given to servants, beggars, sick people, or local animals— always with the wish: “May all thus giving attain good fortune! May all thus eating be free from suªering!” (Shishi weiyi 11a; Fengdao kejie 6.6b; Fashi jinjie jing, no. 32). Concluding Formalities After everyone has eaten their fill, the concluding formalities begin. Here, too, the pervasive importance of purity is made clear. After the Daoists have finished eating, they fold the cloth on their knees, rinse their dishes with clear water, stack them back into one pile, and wrap them into the place-mat cloth (Shishi weiyi 11a). Then they undergo a rite of repentance (Zhengyi weiyi jing 17a; Shishi weiyi 11b). For this they chant the following verse: To the Highest Worthies of the ten directions! Respectfully see here before you This great crowd of disciples. Today, during the presentation of food, We fear that Our hands were smudgy and not clean, Our garb was not properly purified, Our utensils were not pure, Our rice and millet were not sifted, And all manner of things and acts Were not as prescribed by the divine law. May the Three Treasures spread their mercy upon us And widely give us joy and cheerfulness. [Fengdao kejie 6.6a]

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Daily Discipline

Following this they chant a pledge on behalf of the donor to make further eªorts toward the Dao: We have now concluded the purgation Still I fear That the accumulated merit is not complete And pledge to throw away more pure wealth And give massively to the Three Treasures. [Fengdao kejie 6.6b; Shishi weiyi 11b]

Next all participants formally share the merits of the rite with the donor and all beings by chanting the following two stanzas, echoing those sung at the end of all scriptural lectures and to the emperor and all beings (Fengdao kejie 4.4b): May our generous donor Have a hundred kinds of good fortune, strong and vigorous, And ten thousand good deeds that assemble like clouds! With all my heart I kowtow To the Three Treasures of Right Perfection. Through establishing this purgation May merit and virtue protect and envelop all And the host of living beings be freed from suªering and find liberation! With all my heart I knock my head To the host of sages and those who have attained the Dao! [Fengdao kejie 6.7a; also Shishi weiyi 11b]

This chant concluded, the recluses pick up their bundle of dishes and file out of the refectory in an orderly manner to assemble at the water basin for washing their dishes and cleaning their teeth. The final rule regarding the ceremonial meal, then, is that while leaving and cleaning up, all should maintain strict discipline and return to their quarters silently, not standing about chatting idly (Shishi weiyi 12a). The daily occasion of taking food in the monastery thus raises the necessities of ordinary physical existence to a higher level of spiritual awareness and celestial connection. Not merely giving food to their bodies, Daoists share it with the celestials and all beings, thereby making the

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entire universe holier and purer. The standards of good conduct described in the early Tang manuals express the self-consciousness Daoists are encouraged to acquire—not unlike the handbooks on table manners in medieval Europe that set the standards of “courtesy,” or ideal courtly behavior. Both sources presumably reflect a much wider oral tradition and provide a mirror image of social customs of the time (Elias 1969: 77–79). They throw light on otherwise lost processes and realities of medieval society, showing how the individual was “conditioned and fashioned” to fit into accepted modes of behavior (Elias 1969: 109). In the specific case of monastic Daoists, the way they consume their food reveals their reality as including the vast realm of the cosmos and the entirety of living beings and reveals their identity as located in the middle between humans and celestials, making them mediators between the realms, central channels for the creation and distribution of merit that benefits all.

Obeisances The liminal position of monks and nuns also requires that they behave with proper decorum and humility in all situations of life. Like religious practitioners the world over ( Heng 2001: 95–97), Daoists express their propriety through a variety of body movements, creating what Pierre Bourdieu calls a “space of relations” (1991: 232). Body movements thereby become expressions of complex relationships and interactions, and social values are both created and confirmed. Key among monastic body movements are obeisances performed to express the status of the practitioner within the community and his humble and reverent state of mind. As the Shishi weiyi says: It is hard to know how respectful the mind is, but the formally bent body can be clearly seen. For this reason, we must perform obeisances of the body in a diligent and attentive manner, so as to give expression to the worthiness and sincerity of the mind within. Thus humbling yourself, you express respect. [3a] This perspective is echoed by the modern Daoist master Liu Ming, as well, who says: In the orthodox Daoist tradition, the correct performance of bowing is not treated as an act of subordination to gods or a formality as in Confucianism, but as a priestly form of Qigong whose

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Daily Discipline

purpose is identical to the yogas of the Tantras. Performed correctly, bowing initiates the dissolution of duality, accomplished through synchronized breath and movement. [Liu 2002: 5] All obeisances are thus holy actions and should be performed with dignity and proper posture lest they betray an impious attitude—especially before the sacred statues. When bowing, one should not exhibit a prideful and haughty expression, speak in a loud voice, be lax and undignified, show anger in one’s eyes, or allow the body to droop (Qianzhen ke 25b). Obeisances come in two major types: bows (libai; zuoli) and prostrations ( jishou).25 A bow is performed calmly and meticulously. Standing upright with either the palms joined at chest level (hezhang ) or the ritual tablet held tight, the head and torso bow forward at an angle of about forty-five degrees (Shishi weiyi 3b; Suzuki 1965: 19). The hand position with the tablet goes back to ancient Chinese court ritual, where o‹cials had to hold up gold or jade tablets or scepters not only to identify themselves but also to show that their hands were properly occupied (Laufer 1912). Without the tablet, the joined hands are first formalized in Buddhism as a mudra indicating supplication and adulation. This mudra, as Dale Saunders points out, “may derive from Hindu etiquette, in which it is a gesture of oªering, of adulation, and of salutation. In Hindu dancing, the performer generally forms this mudra at the end of each presentation in order to indicate that his dance has been an oªering intended for the pleasure of the spectator” (1960: 77). A prostration, in contrast, is performed from a kneeling position. Keeping one’s back straight, one places the hands before the knees and lowers the head to the ground between them in the classical formality of kowtow, or “touching the head to the ground” (Yaoxiu keyi 9.4b; Suzuki 1965: 18). The texts describe this as “kneeling straight and putting all five limbs [legs, arms, and head] to the ground without, however, bending the back” (Shishi weiyi 3b). Bows and prostrations are stationary obeisances— as opposed to moving obeisances during which one bows while advancing or retreating (Òfuchi 1983: 219). Both types are further combined in a number of sequences so that, for example, when taking leave of one’s master to travel outside the institution or when expressing formal congratulations or condolences, the monk “always gives three bows, then kneels and kowtows to again pay his respects” (Shishi weiyi 3b, 4a). The Yaoxiu keyi makes the further distinction between bodily and mental obeisances. The former involves obeying the various rules and regulations (zunke) and deals with the proper physical setting of obei-

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sances; the latter indicates that in certain ritual contexts or under special circumstances Daoists may bow in mind (xinli) and not in body (9.5a). Mental obeisances are undertaken, for example, at the six periods of worship, every four hours beginning at cockcrow. To do so: “Sit up straight, facing in the proper direction. Then close your eyes and clap your teeth as if you were in a real audience rite. In your mind imagine yourself turning to the diªerent directions and bowing to the gods while mentally reciting the proper incantation” (Yaoxiu keyi 9.5b). This form of obeisance is also used in formal rituals (Shishi weiyi 6a) and in situations when exhaustion or sickness prevent the physical performance—a case also emphasized in Buddhism (Reinders 1997b: 155). The argument is that while mind and body should always work together, it is much better to remain unmoving on the outside and pay one’s respects internally than the opposite: moving the body while “being lazy and uninterested in the mind” (Yaoxiu keyi 9.6a; Reinders 1997b: 144–150). Ideally all obeisances should be performed on wooden platforms. These must not be too high, open, long, or spacious, and they must not be used as beds. As the Yaoxiu keyi says: One can compare it to the formal reception of a noble lord in the common world. One would certainly not greet him from one’s bed. How much more so, if one is greeting the sages and having audience with the perfected. If one still greets them from one’s bed, then this is in violation of the divine rules and will cause the subtraction of one hundred days of life. [9.5b] The platform must be ascended and descended in the ritually proper way. In accordance with yin-yang cosmology, men move with the left foot first, then the right, whereas women do the opposite. In all cases, they should turn around after ascending to place their shoes in a neat and straight position (Yaoxiu keyi 9.6b–7a; Qianzhen ke 6ab). There are exceptions, however. When one encounters a senior master on the open road, for example, where one does not have a wooden platform or even a mat for one’s prostration, one should “place the hands on the ground but curl the fingers in so that only their backs will touch the earth and the palms will remain unsullied” (9.5b) If one is sick, frightened, or pursued by wild animals, the need for a slow, stately demeanor and formal obeisance is placed in abeyance (Qianzhen ke 14ab). While obeisances serve mainly to express the humble position of the monks, an attitude of respect and apology should also be maintained when

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Daily Discipline

in a higher position. As the Shishi weiyi says: “Whenever receiving an obeisance from someone, stand with hands raised and palms together to express your apologies and regrets for assuming a high position and accepting veneration” (4a). This posture of humility is necessary in twelve situations (Shishi weiyi 3a): 1. To express shame 2. To express repentance 3. To request the divine law 4. To remove pride and haughtiness 5. To venerate virtue 6. To condole or congratulate 7. To expiate guilt

8. To undergo discipline 9. To repay kindness 10. To present oªerings 11. To rejoice with people in the present life 12. To pay respects to the future world

These twelve situations cover three basic contexts: personal repentance, punishment, or shame; interaction with other monks; and formal ceremonies. While personal acts of contrition and repentance may be done privately and are not discussed much in the texts, the formal interaction with other Daoists is presented variously. This includes meeting a senior master, attending upon a master for instruction, encountering a friend who happens to be one’s senior, and meeting a fellow disciple (Shishi weiyi 3b).

Interaction with the Master Anyone wishing to become a member of the monastic community must commit himself to instruction by a master and is obligated to him as if to a parent. Typically, both in Daoism and in Buddhism, masters and disciples are expected to live together in the same compound, the only exceptions being infectious sickness or an emotional entanglement that causes either love or anger between them (Guanxing jing, line 165; Sanqian weiyi, T. 24.920c). Masters are responsible for the behavior of their charges, and every new arrival must be carefully advised on the rules of the house, the location of cells and practice halls, the daily schedule, the seniority patterns, and the required etiquette (line 125; T. 24.919c). Although the relationship is considered both essential and permanent, situations arise when the master must go on a trip or the disciple would benefit from instruction elsewhere (line 167; T. 24.920c). In that case, consultation is made all around and eventually the disciple is sent oª. Ar-

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riving at his new destination, he must perform all the correct obeisances to his new master, who in turn is obliged to instruct him in the scriptures, encourage him to obey the rules, and generally nurture a sense of respect and faith in him (line 177; T. 24.920c). Whenever a disciple goes to attend on his master—to receive instruction at least once in a ten-day period (Qianzhen ke 16b) or for any other reason—he must first don the proper garb, put on the right headdress and shoes, then walk with dignity and elegance up to the master’s residence (3b, 16b). If the master’s door is closed, a soft knock or slight cough may be given three times. Should the master not reply, the same triple knock may be repeated twice; if not admitted after that, the disciple must quietly retreat (27ab). Once in the master’s room, the disciple leaves the door in exactly the position he found it, advances slowly and in a straight line, his eyes never straying to the right or left, his demeanor dignified and serene. He gives a bow and formally announces his name in a clear voice. He remains standing at attention, keeping his hands in his sleeves and his posture straight and erect, “never leaning against a platform, a wall, or anything else,” and only speaking when expressly asked to do so and then in a low voice, quietly, and with circumspection (Daoxue keyi 1.1ab). He sits down only when so ordered, and even then he “waits until the order has been repeated three times” and first “touches his head to the ground, apologizing [for his rudeness].” This submission is not just a formality, since the disciple in fact owes the master absolute obedience: “If the master demands to be handed something, give it to him, bending down if standing and formally kneeling if seated.” Should the master be expecting a guest, the disciple should prepare a suitable mat and seat, clean them thoroughly, tell the master all is ready, and formally invite the guest to enter (Shishi weiyi 6b; Qianzhen ke 26b–28b).26 Most commonly, however, the occasion of contact is one of instruction. Master and disciple engage in mutual question and answer, the master probing his disciple’s progress, the disciple asking questions about areas not well understood (Qianzhen ke 16b–18a). The formality of interaction establishes the proper relationship between the two sides, expressing the humility and veneration of the disciple and the care and concern of the master. Historically admonitions on interaction reflect the prescriptions for service and obedience to the parents as spelled out in the Liji (Book of rites, 10.8–11; Legge 1968: 1:452–454), showing the continuity of Daoist and mainstream Chinese forms of behavior as well as the treatment of the Daoist hierarchy as a

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Daily Discipline

replacement of the native family. In Daoism, such interactive guidelines appear first in the Lingbao “Precepts of the Three Primes” (Sanyuan pinjie, DZ 456; Kohn 1993: 100–106), dated to the early fifth century. According to these precepts, advanced followers of the Dao must not obtain or study the scriptures without proper guidance, and closeness to the master is a keystone of the community. Moreover, general rules about “not refusing the teacher’s kindness and love,” never showing him disloyalty, or “discussing the height of his ability” are part of the integrated and Shangqing-based precepts of the sixth century (Guanshen dajie, nos. 13, 15, 110; Kohn forthcoming) and still play a key role in those of Complete Perfection, notably the Zhong ji jie (Precepts of middle ultimate, ed. Zangwai daoshu 12; Daozang jiyao 24; see Hackmann 1931: 9–10). Similar instructions appear also in Buddhism (Reinders 1997a: 249–250), where they go back to ancient India—the special respect for the master was considered essential and close track was kept of seniority and ranks (Tso 1991: 71).27 Respect for the master is also expressed in the way one treats his mistakes—carefully correcting them if they cannot be overlooked but never raising the issue directly: If the master by mistake commits a transgression or an error, be careful not to speak ill of him or discuss his faults. Rather, be withdrawing about it, then use skillful means to speak about it deferentially, bringing it up repeatedly if necessary, but always in accord with the rule of worshiping the Dao. [Shishi weiyi 14b] This, too, reflects the instructions given in the Liji about parental errors: If the parent has a fault, [the son] should with bated breath, and bland aspect, and gentle voice, admonish him. If the admonition does not take eªect, he will be the more reverential and the more filial; and when the father seems pleased, he will repeat the admonition. [10/1.15; Legge 1968: 1:456] An unusual situation arises when the master has been called away on a journey. At this time, be it near or far, for a short time, a month, or a year, always see him oª with a formal obeisance. Kneel properly and express your feelings and regrets; bend the head to the ground and voice your

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sorrow and gratitude. Then get up and bow again. If the reason for the master’s journey is an auspicious or inauspicious event [in his family or community], express your congratulations or condolences again with a proper bow. . . . Again express your sympathy and emphasize that you will wait for him for a long time. After these words are concluded, bow once more. The same applies if you are the recipient of congratulations or condolences. [Shishi weiyi 4a] Seeing the master go, the disciple must express his feelings of joy or sadness in accord with the reason for the master’s journey while also showing his gratitude for the instruction received and his regret to see the master leave. In the same way, when the master returns, the disciple has to be attentive and considerate but must not get in his way: “If the master is returning from a distant place, escort him to the abbot’s quarters and wait until he is comfortably seated. Only then perform an obeisance to him. Under no circumstances overwhelm him with your attentions at the gate or in the hallway” (Shishi weiyi 4a). Just as untimely bowing at the master’s return would create confusion in the monastery, so too would bowing to a master or senior disciple in the presence of sacred images (Qianzhen ke 16a). Thus it is expressly prohibited, again picking up on a comparable Buddhist rule (Reinders 1997a: 253), and masters who receive an unexpected bow should “explain the situation to the [disciples] and prevent them from continuing.” Similarly, disciples have a formula of apology if encountering a senior recluse in a sacred hall. They are to say: “I do not dare to perform an obeisance to you in the presence of these higher ones” (Shishi weiyi 4b), expressing their reverence without actually giving a bow. All these various bows, prostrations, and rules for personal interaction elevate the monastic life to a sublimated level, the restrictions and control of body movements expressing its social and spiritual reality. Unlike the rules regulating hygiene and meals, those concerned with interaction reveal a reality that is highly structured and hierarchical—a social space determined by rank and seniority and activated in body movements and positions conveying respect and humility. No two members of this community are ever equal; the world is a vertically structured place. No action should be undertaken on its own; life is fully determined by the ritual schedule and the master’s orders. Where the rules on hygiene and meals open the Daoist reality and

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Daily Discipline

identity to include celestials and all living beings, those governing monastic interaction tighten reality to a strictly ordered community and limit identity to a sense of selfless humility and respectful obedience. The reduced, egoless self created here is not an end in itself, however, but the necessary prerequisite of the expanding, other-focused self of the cosmic Dao. True sharing and well-wishing for all beings are only possible when ego-centered instincts and impulses are controlled. The bows and prostrations as much as the other regulations of daily interaction are essential for the monastic enterprise as they instill a sense of egolessness and surrender in the practitioner, which alone can give rise to otherworldy focus and ultimate transcendence.

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7

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Implements and Vestments

T

he same dichotomy between selflessness in regard to the body and worldly possessions versus true self-realization through transcendence to the divine is also present in monastic objects of daily use. Monks and nuns need accommodation, furniture, clothing, and other practical things, as well as ritual implements—statues, scriptures, incense burners, bells, chimes, banners, curtains, and so on. Medieval Daoist texts discuss these objects variously. In general, they make a firm distinction between items of personal use, found in the cells, workshops, and on the body of recluses, and those of ritual application located in the halls and sanctuaries of the compound. The distinction is described in terms of “heavy” and “light” (zhongqing ), more suitably expressed as “dignified” and “practical.” It appears most prominently in the Qianzhen ke (11a), which says: Dignified [heavy] objects include bells and chimes, banners and flowers, incense burners and holders, curtains and canopies, jewels and awnings, silks and brocades, and the like. All these are ritual objects [ fawu] and therefore considered dignified [heavy]. Headdresses and shoes, narrow and wide tablets, coarse robes and cloaks, skirts and jackets, robes and covers, and the like, on the other hand, are miscellaneous objects [shenwu] and therefore considered practical [light]. The distinction further appears in the injunction that practical objects for the monastics’ daily use are to be kept uniform, simple, austere, and made from coarse, ordinary materials, while anything used for ritual purposes is to be special and unique, created from precious substances and heavily ornamented. This rule, as much as the physical and social separation of monastics, again emphasizes their liminal and unusual status.

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Implements and Vestments

Their personal residences and items of daily use are much less elaborate and numerous than those of ordinary people, showing their distance from normative society. Anything ritual, however, is much more elaborate and valuable, indicating the power and superior dimension of the world to come—the heavens to be attained. Another indication of the special standing of ritual objects is their nomenclature. The terms used commonly contain the word “fa” (dharma or divine law; see Zürcher 1980: 114), as in “faju” (ritual implements) and “fafu” (ritual vestments). “Nonritual” ( feifa), in contrast, describes both behavior that goes contrary to the rules and food or objects that may be oªered but must not be accepted. All objects, whether personal or ritual, must be donated by a supporter. The merit of the donation does not depend on whether the object is more or less valuable or more or less ritual, however, but on the intent of the giver. As the Qianzhen ke says: “If the intent of the donor is to give a dignified [heavy] object and he or she ends up presenting something practical [light], this violates the five formal statutes. If, on the other hand, the basic intent is to give something practical and he or she ends up presenting a dignified object, there is no violation” (11a). Donations were not seen as a one-sided aªair that benefited the givers but as a way of interaction among monastics and ordinary people that required close cooperation both in the creation and upkeep of sacred objects. The Qianzhen ke emphasizes that “Daoists and ordinary people should cooperate in the creation of statues and scriptures” (19b) and notes that as the days and months accumulate, worms and rats invade and damage [the artifacts], bird droppings foul and defile them, and oxen and horses chew on them. Eventually they fall into ruin. If you have respect and faith, you can repair and restore them with your own hands; or you can hire a skilled artisan to clean and redecorate them. [25a; also Fengdao kejie 2.5b] It was essential, moreover, that all donations and thus monastic objects be treated with respect and gifts be used to the utmost. Rules regarding objects, in medieval Daoism as much as in Buddhism and Christianity, were to safeguard the value of the properties donated as well as to prevent their abuse, which might lead monastics away from the simple way of life.1 No object other than robes, moreover, even if it was used continuously by the same person, was ever to be regarded as personal property: everything belonged to the community as a whole. Even if a certain

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monk had a special relationship with a certain donor, personal gifts were not allowed. Again, this policy holds true equally in Buddhism and Christianity (Wijayaratna 1990: 26, 41, 48; Chittister 1992: 147); it directs the continuous and ongoing orientation of the monastic mind and life away from the personal and toward the universal.

Cells and Utensils Daoist monastics lived in cells, not dormitories. As the Fengdao kejie says: All Daoists, whether male or female, have residences and sleeping quarters that should be surrounded by four walls and built for single occupancy. There should not be several bunks [in the same room] either in front or behind each other. Whether sitting or sleeping, Daoists should always be alone and one per bed. Failure to comply carries a subtraction of 120 [days of life]. [3.8b; also Zhengyi weiyi jing 15b] Cells were to be kept “empty and clean, simple and stark,” and should not be equipped with heavy curtains, silk fabrics, or screens even if they were drafty or the walls had holes (Fengdao kejie 3.8b; Qianzhen ke 7b). They should be “small and humble dwellings, used to rest the body and nothing else, no lofty halls or expansive chambers and certainly without ornamentation” (Zhengyi weiyi jing 15b). They should, moreover, only contain the bare essentials necessary for simple living and worship: There may be a slanted bench, a knee support, a scepter, a broom, an incense burner, an incense holder, a scripture stand, a kerchief, a chest of wood or bamboo, a seat cloth, a rope bed, a scripture chest, a lamp stand, plates and bowls for food, and a water pitcher. All other objects, especially if nonritual and for pleasure only, must not be kept or used. Failure to comply carries a subtraction of 360 [days of life]. [Fengdao kejie 3.9a; also Zhengyi weiyi jing 15b] None of these objects, moreover, should be made from precious substances or metal; rather, they should consist of wood, lacquer, plain fabrics in somber colors, or matting (Zhengyi weiyi jing 16a). Objects should be placed modestly and not for display, and the rope bed should be located next to a wall and not in the middle of the room (Zhengyi weiyi jing 15b).

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Implements and Vestments

This list of cell furnishings in medieval Daoism is similar to the standard established in Chinese Buddhism as described in the Fanwang jing. Thus monks could possess a willow branch (for cleaning teeth), a set of bath beans (for washing), three robes, a water pitcher, a begging bowl, a seat cloth, an incense burner, a staª, a clothes box, a water filter, a towel, a knife, a mirror, a set of pincers, a rope bed, a collection of sutras, a set of the Vinaya rules, and an image of the Buddha (T. 1484; DeGroot 1969: 69; Prip-Møller 1967: 72–73). This list is an extension of comparative allowances made in Indian Buddhism and Christianity, where monks or nuns were permitted to have a bed, blanket, chair, table, needle case, mat, chest, and various cloths and robes.2 Again, these objects should not be made from superior fabrics or materials, and Indian monks were particularly forbidden to have large cushions, spreads of thick fur, woolen carpets, or brocaded curtains in the cells. Any objects donated that were considered too elaborate had to be modified (Wijayaratna 1990: 25), and precious fabrics were often cut up into little pieces before being sewn into robes in order to diminish their value. Buddhists in India, moreover, preferred the use of hemp and linen over that of silk, which predominated only when the religion was transmitted to China (Prip-Møller 1967: 73). While all monastics shared the injunction toward simplicity and the limitation of their possessions, Chinese Buddhists and Daoists were allowed a larger number of items than their Indian or Western counterparts—reflecting the greater a›uence and established standing of their institution. Within this context, their lists are highly similar, the main diªerence being that Buddhists’ objects were geared explicitly toward traveling and begging whereas Daoists equipped their cells with benches, scripture stands, and lamps that allowed private worship. Cells in medieval Daoism, therefore, were not merely sleeping places but combined the roles of the ancient hermitage and the Celestial Masters’ oratory, serving also as locations of personal veneration and scripture study. As for the objects allowed in Daoist cells, some are described in detail in the literature. As noted earlier, the seat cloth, made from silk or matting, was used mainly when traveling to purify bedsteads before lying down or to shield the monastics’ robes from the soil when performing prostrations outdoors. Dishes included bowls of various sizes plus chopsticks and a spoon; they came in two sets, one of which was kept in the cell and used for traveling, the other reserved for the refectory. The water pitcher was used to carry a private supply of drinking water from the well; it was usually an earthenware jar but could also be made from

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pomegranates for women or from coconuts for men. The rules further stipulate: “Bedding, coverlets, and cushions in the cells, moreover, should be made from coarse linen and dyed a dull yellow or a light acacia brown. Anything blue, green, turquoise, scarlet, or purple, made from brocade, damask, or gobelin, anything that shines brilliantly and is of variegated colors, must not be used” (Fengdao kejie 3.7b). Pillows—not fluªy and filled with down feathers but hard and made from wood or lacquer—were required to have a rectangular shape and be hollow inside. “They should not be slanted, curved, or have any kind of fanciful shape; nor should they have a special groove for the topknot or be adorned with gold and silver” (Fengdao kejie 3.8a). Ideally the wood for the pillow should be cypress cut on the proper ritual day (5/5 or 7/7). Once cut, it had to be measured to the exact size. Especially the height was important: “If the pillow is too high, the liver will be constricted; if the pillow is too low, the lungs will be obstructed” (Yaoxiu keyi 14.11b). The ideal height was 4 cun (Chinese inch), with a total length of 1.2 chi (Chinese foot) and a width of 3.5 cun (approximately 10 x 36 x 9 centimeters). The wood should be cut thin and bent carefully, to leave a hollow, which was to be filled with a pouch of herbs using thirty-two substances: twenty-four herbs matching the twenty-four solar periods of the year plus eight simples to ward oª the eight winds (Yaoxiu keyi 14.12a; Daoxue keyi 2.6b–7a). Herbs included ginseng, dry ginger, persimmon, hibiscus, magnolia flowers, cypress nuts, and diªerent kinds of peppers (Stuart 1976: 301– 304, 465–466, 255, 432, 462–463); as well as danggui (honeywort), shu (atractylis), duheng ( pollia japonica), feilian (carduus coripis), and other special plant substances (Stuart 1976: 133–134, 57–58, 338, 92). The eight simples were things like aconite, both tubes and seeds, penellia, and acacia seeds.3 These various substances had to be gathered in due season, dried, mixed together into a potpourri, and placed in the center of the pillow. Sleeping on this powerful mixture was claimed to strengthen the bones and muscles and provide a radiant complexion; if used for extended periods, it granted natural body fragrance and overall rejuvenation. The herbs and simples had to be replaced once a year, however, to keep their potency (Yaoxiu keyi 14.12ab; Daoxue keyi 2.7ab). Among more ritually oriented objects, incense burners were used both in cells and in sanctuaries, the latter holding larger and more ornate ones. The Fengdao kejie describes them as being made of jade, gold, silver, stone, copper, iron, lacquer, wood, bamboo, porcelain, or brick, with suitable ornaments or carvings (3.2b–3a). Their shape was usually round and they

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Implements and Vestments

were filled with ashes to allow the incense to smolder slowly—incense was not formed into sticks, as is common today, but ground to a powder in the mortar provided in the monastery’s workshops.4 The scripture chest was a large box for storing the monastics’ personal scriptures. They received the scriptures according to rank at the time of ordination and had to create their own personal copy within a few days for study, recitation, and ritual work, returning the original to the institution for safekeeping. Eventually it would be buried with them (Fengdao kejie 5.3ab). To maintain their personal copy properly, they were instructed to wrap it carefully, scroll by scroll, into silk cloths that were often ornate brocades with paintings or embroidery. These were tied and marked with the proper title of the text and placed in small, handy boxes made from precious substances such as jade, gold, or silver. These boxes could also be made of wood, lacquer, stone, or iron with suitable engravings in precious metals. They were in turn placed in the scripture chest, which was typically created from high-quality wood and could be studded with jewels, inlaid with gold or silver, or ornamented in other ways (Fengdao kejie 3.3b–4a). Among the personal possessions, the Fengdao kejie specifies that kerchiefs could be made from brocade, gauze, plain silk, or other fabrics; they could be embroidered, painted, multicolored, or monochrome. They varied in size depending on the wealth of the institution or ordinand: “They may be short and highly functional or [adorned with] engraved gold, suspended [pieces of ] jade, strings of pearls, or bands of flowers. There can be many diªerent kinds of ornaments, but in all cases the kerchiefs should be carefully folded and stored safely in boxes and caskets” (3.3a). As we learn from later sources, kerchiefs were worn in a variety of diªerent styles, knotted and folded, and placed on the head in one way or another, often combined with more formal headdresses or crowns. Thus the Qinggui xuanmiao (Pure rules, mysterious and marvelous), a collection of Quanzhen rules from the eighteenth century, describes nine diªerent styles—explaining, for example, that “older monks often use the ‘perfect harmony’ style for their headgear” while “ ‘purple yang’ and ‘character one’ styles are worn by upper-level practitioners” (Zangwai daoshu 10.597). Besides kerchiefs, Daoists also possessed a staª—used, like its Buddhist equivalent (Wijayaratna 1990: 54) and the earlier Daoist immortals’ staª (Campany 2002: 69), as a sign of sacrality and authority. Part of the equipment especially of senior monks, the staª was the cosmic alter ego of its possessor and placed the Daoist into a cosmic connection

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Figure 4. A Daoist of great pervasion in full ritual garb. Source: Fengdao kejie (5.5a).

(Stein 1990: 99–102). In the monastic texts, it is described as made from bamboo with nine knots named after planets, lunar stations, and starry constellations: Every student of the Dao must know of the staª of nine knots. It is useful in supporting the old and serves as protection in danger. Each knot has its own name. Remember them well: The first is the Great Imperial Star [Uranus?]. The second is called the Fiery Star [ Mars]. The third is the Horn Star [1st lunar station]. The fourth is the Equalizer [in the Northern Dipper]. The fifth is the

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Implements and Vestments

Bow Star [26th lunar station]. The sixth is the Housebuilder Star [13th lunar station]. The seventh is known as the Village Star [Saturn]. The eighth is the East Well Star [22nd lunar station, constellation], and the ninth is the Dog Star [constellation].5 [Daoxue keyi 2.9b–10a] A final item of personal possession is the ritual tablet— an indispensable accessory of the formally clad Daoist and depicted frequently (see Figure 4). TheWushang biyao emphasizes its importance: “When attending a ritual, a Daoist must wear his headdress, belt, and ceremonial vestments. He must hold the ritual tablet and clearly state his name” (43.6a). The ritual tablet goes back to the formal court regalia of ancient China when it was made from jade or other precious substances and symbolized the power vested in the individual (Laufer 1912: 114). Daoists were aware of this historical connection— as is pointed out in the Xuanzhong jing cited in the Xiaodao lun: The ritual tablet held by Daoists was originally made of gold and jade. It is one cun wide and 5.5 cun long (2.5 x 13.9 centimeters). It is used as a symbol of power. In Middle Antiquity, kings held it when giving audience to their lords and generals. In Lower Antiquity, however, gold and jade became scarce, and people used various kinds of wood to make the tablets. Since then they have been nine cun (about 25 centimeters) long and called hand tablets. The purpose of holding them is to ward oª other people’s scorn. They serve as protection for Daoists. [sec. 33; Kohn 1995a: 141–142]

Vestments Like the ritual tablet, the formal vestments of Daoists go back to the court robes and regalia of ancient China. This is made clear in Lu Xiujing’s (406–477) Daomen kelue (Abbreviated rules for Daoist followers; DZ 1127), which says that “the ritual vestments of the Daoists are like the court clothing of the secular world,” that is, indicating the individual’s rank in the ritual order (5a; Nickerson 1996a: 355). The same is also evident in Fa Shilin’s polemic Bianzheng lun of the year 622, which notes that “Daoists’ cap and gown are just like those worn by the followers of Confucius and Mozi in the old days” (T. 2110, 52.526b). But the robes did not remain mere imitations. As the Bianzheng lun says, the specific

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Figure 5. A classic qun. Source: Sancai tuhui, “Yifu,” 2.24b.

ritual fashion of Daoists developed in the late sixth century when “they started to wrap their robes horizontally and pull them together in twentyfour folds, patterned on the twenty-four energies of yin and yang” (529a) and adapted aspects of Tang aristocratic and court fashion (Zhou 1984: 185–200). Daoist robes were mostly of yellow coloring, and women wore gowns with a light green rim (Fengdao kejie 3.6b). The full set of vestments consisted of a lower garment described as a “skirt” (qun), usually a wraparound cloth sewn from three or five panels and tied at the waist (see Figure 5); a gown (he), which covered most of the body and was tied with a sash;6 and a cloak or cape ( pei), a large covering garment of translucent silk with open front and long sleeves that often contained multiple folds and intricate ornamentation. The cloak measured 4.9 chi (1.6 meters) in width to match the four seasons and 5.5 chi (1.8 meters) in length to follow the pattern of the five phases and was divided into a varying number of folds, both in its main body and its sleeves, depending on the rank of the wearer (Yaoxiu keyi 9.2a).7 On all ritual and formal occasions Daoists, furthermore, wore a headdress ( guan)— a word also translated as “cap” or “crown” and carrying connotations of our “mitre,” “tiara,” or “diadem” (Schafer 1978: 11). On their feet they wore stockings of plain silk and shoes showing the design of yin and yang. The same pattern was visible in their sashes, as well, from which they hung various pendants containing sections of scriptures, precepts, talismans, or registers (Fengdao kejie 3.7b). Aside from showing patterns of yin and yang, each of these items of clothing also carried its own symbolism. As the Fafu kejie wen points out,

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Implements and Vestments

guan for “headdress” indicates guan, “to observe” or “insight,” and refers to the inward observation of one’s own self while outwardly looking at all beings with detachment. Wearing a headdress, therefore, meant that the Daoist was free from inner desires and outward attachments, leading a life of heavenly dimensions. The lotus flower often depicted in the headdress, moreover, shows the purity of the Daoist in the world; emblems depicting stars represent his or her standing among the divine (5b–6a). Similarly, pei (cape) is related to pei* (to open). It indicates that the Daoist opens his liver and heart to utmost purity on the inside while expanding the Dao and its virtue to reach everyone in the world. He or she opens enlightenment for all beings (6a). He ( gown) connects with e (restraint) and symbolizes the Daoist’s utter control over all inner passions and desires as well as all outer attractions and a›ictions. Complete restraint of the senses, moreover, means twofold forgetfulness and total dedication to the Dao (6a). Finally qun (skirt) is linked with qun* (multitude) and indicates that the Daoist has cut oª the multitude of errors within and the host of entanglements without, thus attaining complete liberation (6b). The three garments—skirt, gown, and cape, often called “upper, middle, and lower” or “inner, middle, and outer” (Fengdao kejie 3.7a; Daoxue keyi 1.6a, 1.8a)—plus the headdress, therefore, stood for the Daoist’s purity, cosmic attainment, and elevated status. They connected their wearer with the universe at large: the headdress with its lotus or planetary imagery and dark (xuan) color symbolized heaven; the skirt with its five panels in imitation of the five phases and five sacred mountains represented earth; and the gown with its 36 chi of cloth matched the 360 days of the year. The cape, finally, with its twenty-four, twenty-eight, or thirty-two folds—divided equally (in sets of six, seven, or eight folds) among the two sides of the main body and the two sleeves—symbolized the continued interaction of yin and yang. The folds, moreover, gave the garment a majestic flow and dignified appearance.8 Beyond this overall symbolism, Daoist ritual vestments were inhabited by various protective deities and imitated the fashion of the gods above. As the Fafu kejie wen describes, there were nine celestial ranks, each with its own distinct garb. On the third level: The Law King of Highest Purity, the Heavenly Worthy of No-Name, wears A precious headdress of one hundred transformations and five colors,

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A flowing empyrean cape of ten kinds of meeting and separating, A misty skirt of yellow brocade, eight revolutions and five transformations, A brocade robe of flying brilliance, sevenfold light and fourfold radiance, Jasper slippers of spontaneity and transformations of the five colors. [2a; Kohn 1993: 338]

Other divinities were similarly attired—from the highest ruler of the Heaven of Grand Veil (Daluo tian) above to the various immortals, perfected, and sages below. In all cases they tend to be “made from flying clouds and floating mists, pure spontaneity and wondrous energy, brought forth from the precious radiance of the nine colors” (Fafu kejie wen 2b). They are thickly embroidered with dragons and phoenixes and often show the flowing shapes of mountains and rivers. Rather than fixed and constant, these celestial robes are “changing a thousand times and transforming ten thousand times” (2b), remaining forever beyond description in their splendor and pure representation of the cosmic power of the Dao. Matching outlines of divine garments and related celestial articles appear in Daoist canonical scriptures, as well, especially in Highest Purity visualization instructions. Here the gods are commonly described as “dressed in damask capes and vermilion petticoats and capped with purple-flowering lotus numinous crowns,” while Wei Huacun “wears a robe of auroral feathers and is crowned with a lotus crown” (Zhen’gao 2; Schafer 1978: 27). The Queen Mother of the West similarly, in her appearance to the Han emperor Wu, is clad in “a long, lined jacket of yellow damask whose bright patterns and colors glowed purely and majestically. She also wore the broad ribbon of flying spirits and carried a phosphor-splitting sword.” Her assistant, Lady Shangyuan, appears in “a red-frost robe the mingled color of clouds—neither brocade nor embroidery, no name could describe it. Her hair was done up in a tricornered bun, with the rest spreading freely down her waist.” 9 All celestials, moreover, wore pendants of jade and numinous power as well as formal headdresses—from the Crown of the Nine Spirits Who Shine at Night to the Headdress of the Most Perfected Children of Dawn (Smith 1992: 484, 501). Typically the headgear included starry symbolism and showed representations of the sun, moon, and planets, identifying its wearer as a high lord who presided over the whole of the cosmos (Schafer 1978: 28). It might also contain horns, lobes, flower petals, and

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Implements and Vestments

Table 3. Daoist Vestments According to Ritual Rank Rank

Cap

Skirt

Gown

Cape

Folds

Orthodox Unity Eminent Mystery Spirit Cavern Mystery Cavern Perfection Cavern Great Profundity Three Caverns

dark dark dark hibiscus hunyuan hunyuan hunyuan

yellow yellow yellow yellow green yellow yellow

scarlet yellow green yellow purple purple purple

scarlet yellow yellow purple purple/green five-color nine-color

24 28 32 32 24/15

Note: The Fafu kejie wen combines the last two levels into one and adds an initial level at the beginning, noting that newly ordained Daoists wear a flat cap and yellow cape (4b) It also describes the hunyuan headdress as yuanshi and gives the number of folds in Perfection Cavern as 25/14 (5a). Another description of the ritual ranks is found in the Chuanshou lueshuo (DZ 1241; see Benn 1991)

feathers and was usually an elaborate aªair—following Tang fashion, which placed great emphasis on topknots and headgear worn in highly varied designs (Zhou 1984: 186, 222–229). Medieval Daoist garb imitated the clothing of the gods and connected its wearer to the divine. Beyond this, ritual vestments also distinguished among the diªerent ordination ranks and levels in the Daoist priesthood. Thus the Qianzhen ke says: “The vestments used in the rites match the ritual rank. Those of Highest Purity wear a purple sash with pendants; those of Numinous Treasure wear all yellow; those of Three and Five wear all scarlet” (7a). The Fengdao kejie (5.4a–8a) and Fafu kejie wen (4b– 5b) present a somewhat more sophisticated picture that divides the vestments according to seven major ritual ranks matching the overall ordination system of medieval Daoism: the Celestial Masters or Orthodox Unity were at the base, and the combined power over the Three Caverns was at the top—Spirit, Mystery, and Perfection Caverns, matching the schools of Three Sovereigns, Numinous Treasure, and Highest Purity. (See Table 3.) The form and color of the headdress symbolizes heaven, a hunyuan or “Chaos Prime” shape consisting of a lotus flower with three leaves on each side (Fafu kejie wen 5a). The coloring of the skirt and gown, largely yellow for the undergarment and increasingly purple as the rank increases, shows the heightened power of their wearer. The numbers of folds symbolize the twenty-four annual energetic phases of the sun, the

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Table 4. Protective Deities of Daoist Vestments Rank

Orthodox Unity Eminent Mystery Spirit Cavern Mystery Cavern Perfection Cavern Great Profundity Three Caverns

Protective deities

five generals and eight demigods two spirit lads and two spirit maidens three celestial lads and three celestial maidens eight jade lads and eight jade maidens twelve jade lads and twelve jade maidens twelve jade lads and twelve jade maidens twelve jade lads and twelve jade maidens

twenty-eight lunar mansions, and the thirty-two heavens below the Three Purity heavens. The combined numbers 24 and 15 make 39— indicating the number of deities in the Dadong zhenjing (Perfect scripture of great profundity; DZ 6; see Robinet 1983), the first and foremost text of Highest Purity (Fafu kejie wen 4b). In addition, each set of vestments was equipped with a specific number and type of protective deities (Table 4). Both men and women wore the same kinds of vestments at these various elevated ranks. The main diªerence lay in the more elaborate, distinctive headdress for women. As the Fengdao kejie (5.6b) says: Female Daoists have ritual vestments that are basically the same as those of their male counterparts. Only the headdress is diªerent in its structure and pattern as it has parts of dark gauze in front and back as well as to the right and left sides. On three sides these leaves of gauze are not firmly attached but flap freely in the wind. Female Daoists of Highest Purity and Great Profundity [ranks] wear a headdress of flying clouds and phoenix energy. For details, see the enclosed illustration [Figure 6]. Apart from these elevated, ordained ranks, Daoists also included ordinary practitioners described as mountain recluses or plain Daoists. With their yellow skirts and gowns, capes with eighteen to twenty-four folds, and flat headdresses, they were generally less ornate and less conspicuous (Fengdao kejie 5.7ab).

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Implements and Vestments

Figure 6. Lady Daoist with distinctive headdress. Source: Fengdao kejie (5.6b).

Care of Vestments Vestments had to be used with great care and utmost circumspection. As the Fafu kejie wen specifies in a list of forty-six rules (7b–9b)— also recouped in the seventeenth-century Chuzhen jie (Precepts of initial perfection) of the Complete Perfection school (Zangwai daoshu 10; Hackmann 1920)— and as described in the Guanxing jing found at Dunhuang (P. 2410), Daoists had to be very careful to avoid any soiling or harm to their clothes and never give oªense to their protective deities. And despite the celestial splendor and divine power of the robes, Daoists had

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to keep things simple and never develop greed or attachment (Yaoxiu keyi 9.1b). Instead Daoists should remain content with the garb suitable for their rank and, especially when not ritually active, stick to robes of “plain silk in yellow or brownish coloring and without any embroidery or ornamentation” (Qianzhen ke 7a; Guanxing jing line 55). Similarly, all undergarments should have a nondescript, dusty color (huangxie se): “All Daoists, whether male or female, must wear breeches and leggings, tunics and shirts of dusty yellow. They must not use any other color, including white. Failure to comply carries a subtraction of 360 [days of life]” (Fengdao kejie 3.7a; also Qianzhen ke 7a). Daoists, moreover, should own no more than three sets of clothes to cover all eventualities; any extras should be passed on to the institution (Fafu kejie wen 9a). When having them made, they should stick to monochrome fabrics befitting their rank— avoiding all fancy brocades, nonritual materials, damask, and embroidery (Fafu kejie wen 8b; Zhengyi weiyi jing 5b; Guanxing jing, line 54). Fabrics colored in blue and green, violet and pink, turquoise and dark (xuan), should be avoided (Fafu kejie wen 10b).10 The reason behind these prohibitions was clear: although vestments should be special and indicate a high rank, they must never encroach upon the garments of the gods. Thus the Fengdao kejie says: “The various robes in their adornments with landscape patterns, swirling mists, luminous paintings, and so on must not imitate the appearance of the nine-colored variegated gauze worn by the figures of the Heavenly Worthies” (3.6a). A similar requirement for simplicity applied to other paraphernalia. Headdresses, for example, could be created from grain husks or the shell of bamboo shoots, from birds’ down or lacquer, but should not be made of deerskin or adorned with pearls, jade, or damask. Similarly, hairpins could be made from ivory, jade, bone, and horn but not from precious metals or adorned materials (Fengdao kejie 3.7ab; 5.7b). Shoes, moreover, should contain a certain degree of cosmic symbolism but must never be ornate—not only in contrast to the jasper slippers of the gods but also to distinguish religious footwear from the luxurious shoes aªorded by laypeople (5.7b). And Daoists’ shoes had protective talismans on their soles, which had to be maintained in purity and with care. The Fengdao kejie says: All Daoists, whether male or female, have shoes with a round tip or representations of yin and yang. They should be made from leather, cloth, or raw silk and adorned with yellow and black. They

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Implements and Vestments

must not be made from gauze, damask, brocade, or embroidery; nor should they be painted or decorated, studded with fake pearls, or contain hidden pouches. Daoists’ shoes must in no way be like the shoes of ordinary people, who use green and purple brocade and often embroider them. [3.7b] On the soles of all shoes should be depictions of dragon and tiger talismans. At night they should be placed on top of a board, bedmat, bed, or bench. [5.7b] Not only shoes but all vestments had to be consecrated by being oªered to the Three Treasures, immortals, sages, and perfected before they could first be worn (Fafu kejie wen 9a). During active ownership, Daoists had to treat them with special care, keeping them safe in a special clothes chest located in their cell and regularly washed and purified (Fafu kejie wen 9a; Daxue keyi 1.7b, 8a). If worn out and torn, they could not be discarded or made into rags— as could comparable Buddhist robes—but had to be “transformed by burning” in a sacred spot and unobserved by outsiders. They could also, if their wearer was a mountain recluse, be buried on a lonely mountainside—in either case accompanied by a formal ceremony that would send oª their protective deities (Daoxue keyi 1.8a, 9a; Fafu kejie wen 9a). All ritual vestments, moreover, had to be preserved in purity and should never be placed anywhere lightly or where they might come into contact with defiling objects such as dirty hands, unclean dishes, soiled beds and mats, dusty carriages, outsiders, and animals (Fafu kejie wen 8ab; Zhengyi weiyi jing 5b; Yaoxiu keyi 9.1a; Guanxing jing, line 62). They had to be taken oª when sleeping or resting, bathing, using the outhouse, or moving about in mud and rain (Fafu kejie wen 7b–8a; Guanxing jing, lines 70–72). And they could not be put on unless all other garments—such as the suits worn for daily labor—were taken oª completely (Fengdao kejie 3.7a). Vestments, moreover, were not fit to be used as bedspreads or seat cushions (Fafu kejie wen 10b; Yaoxiu keyi 10b; Guanxing jing, lines 79 –80) and could never be mixed with commoners’ garb or washed like ordinary clothes—by being trampled underfoot, beaten with sticks, or wrung out tightly with both hands (Fafu kejie wen 9a; Guanxing jing, lines 78–79). Nor should they be dried in high winds, over several days, or in plain view of ordinary people—rules also found in Buddhist collections (Guanxing jing, lines 74–76; Sanqian weiyi, T. 1470, 24.918b). Never must they be lent out to others, whether fellow monastics or outsiders.11

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Vestments were worn every day for audience rites, the ceremonial meal, and other ritual occasions involving contact with the gods, the scriptures, or the masters. As the Fengdao kejie says: “For purgation announcements, ordination ceremonies, and formal farewells, Daoists must wear the [full regalia including] headdress, sash, cape, and ritual gown. Holding their ritual tablets, they state their rank and position, bow to the master, and perform the audience rites to the Highest Lords” (3.6ab; 5.6a). According to the Fafu kejie wen, Daoists must wear vestments when approaching the altar, entering the oratory, bowing in prayer, making ritual announcements and requests, confessing transgressions, and seeking kindness from the gods. They must also be properly garbed to chant or lecture on the scriptures and precepts, perform purgations, partake in a ceremonial meal, and accept obeisances from juniors or outsiders. “Unless attired in ceremonial robe, no Daoist shall enter or leave a dwelling, walk in public, or be seen by the common people”; nor must he or she attend on the country ’s o‹cials, their parents, or faithful donors (7b). While the injunction to wear ritual garb in the sanctuaries and at formal monastic occasions is meant to honor the gods and scriptures, the rule about wearing vestments in the outside world implies that Daoists should be clearly recognizable and never go undercover or incognito (Fafu kejie wen 9b)—placing them clearly in the liminal space between this world and the next. Wearing and caring for vestments has a number of benefits: it ensures the continued protection of the deities that reside in them and adds to the resonance of the body gods with their celestial counterparts. Keeping the head covered with a kerchief or headdress similarly maintains the two deities at the top of the head, the gods Niwan and Xuanhua (Daoxue keyi 1.6b). On a more practical level, wearing proper robes ensures that Daoists are taken seriously and venerated by the people around them, thus avoiding transgressions in contact with outsiders (1.7a; Qianzhen ke 10a). Daoists in full regalia do not bow to commoners but are greeted with obeisances wherever they go and invited to share food and lodging. In their splendor, furthermore, they create a sense of celestial delight, goodness, and the presence of Dao in the world, making people happy and encouraging them to eschew all evil (Daxue keyi 1.8ab). This causes Daoists to receive the veneration and respect of all kinds of beings— celestials, demon kings, gods, rulers, nobles, parents, brothers, sisters, other relatives, and all ordinary people (Fafu kejie wen 9b–10a). The danger is that Daoists may become complacent and remiss in their attire and

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Implements and Vestments

duly lose their positive standing and good fortune both in this world and in the other. The Importance of Vestments Vestments in medieval Daoism were pivotal in defining the Daoists’ status among both gods and people. They expressed liminality, not only by diªering from the multicolored brocades of the gods and the richly ornamented garb of Tang aristocrats, but also through the contrast between the simple, coarse undergarments and everyday wear and the splendor and majestic dignity of the ritual robes. This tendency has held true in the tradition. For their ordinary daily activities, Complete Perfection Daoists today wear plain-cut robes of a simple dark blue symbolizing the wood phase and the direction of the east that represents their Daoists’ lineage descent from the deity Donghua dijun (Imperial Lord of Eastern Florescence). Like their forebears in the middle ages, they wear their hair in a topknot held by a hairpin of wood or jade and covered by a flat cap—now known as the “cap of chaos prime” (hunyuan mao) or the “cap of southern florescence” (nanhua mao). When involved in ritual ceremonies, moreover, they continue the medieval tradition and wear gowns of yellow and purple joined by various headdresses that carry symbols of the moon, the five sacred mountains, a lotus blossom, and various starry constellations. Their shoes are no longer slippers, however, but boots known as “cloud shoes” ( Yoshioka 1979: 237). While the Daoist tradition shows a high degree of internal continuity in regard to ritual vestments, it is also unique when compared with the other great monastic traditions of Christianity and Buddhism. Among Christian monks the key objective in clothing is simplicity. Robes are there to clothe, neither to adorn nor to diminish the human person; they express the monastic belief in humility, su‹ciency, and propriety. Thus in St. Pachomius’ monastery, “each monk wore a linen [or goatskin] tunic without sleeves, secured by a girdle, which came down to the knees” ( Mackean 1920: 100). He also had a thin, hooded cape to wear around the shoulders; it was embroidered with the insignia of his monastery and house. Other than that, early Christian monks had staªs for traveling and sandals for journeys (at home they usually went barefoot); they kept the linen tunic in their cell but borrowed all other garments from a central place and the community as a whole ( Mackean 1920: 101). In the Middle Ages, the Rule of St. Benedict prescribes a plain cowl and tunic plus a

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woolen cloak in winter and states that “monastics must not complain about the color or coarseness of these articles, but use what is available in the vicinity at reasonable cost” (Chittister 1992: 145).Two sets of clothing were deemed su‹cient, and there was no private ownership. Any old and worn cowls, moreover, “should be returned to the monastery and stored in a wardrobe for the poor” (Chittister 1992: 146). In Buddhism, the dominant function of dress was and is to demonstrate the outsider status of the religious.12 Monks were clad in rags— the worn-out and rejected fabrics of ordinary people recovered from garbage dumps and roadsides or donated by lay followers. Any goodquality or precious material had to be cut into strips and patches before it could be made into a robe to ensure there was no value attached to the fabric (Wijayaratna 1990: 33–35). Usually the robes left the right shoulder bare, showing the wearer’s poverty and separate status. Monks commonly had three robes that they owned personally: the sanghâti ( yi, jiasa), or heavy outer robe, used for special rituals; the uttarâsangha (haiqing, changpao), or light robe, worn in regular ceremonies; and the antarâvâsaka (changshan, dagua), or light robe, for daily activities. Rank was indicated by the number of strips: novices and lay fellows wore five and abbots as many as twenty-five (Welch 1967: 114). The usual fabric was linen, hemp, or wool; the most common color was a dirty brown or ocher; dyes were made from roots, tree bark, leaves, flowers, and stalks (Wijayaratna 1990: 37). In China, however, monks’ robes were made from plain silk and tended to be black, although there were also deep red and dark blue robes, depending on the order (Kieschnick 1997: 29, 32). Purple robes, bestowed on special monks by imperial edict, became common in the Tang, but later monks refused to wear them in hope of recovering the ascetic impulse (Kieschnick 1997: 31). Numerous rules governed the donation, making, and treatment of robes.13 They had to be treated with respect and it was essential that no piece of material go to waste. Even worn-out garments were still used as seat cloths or coverlets; smaller pieces were made into towels; even lesser remnants were used as mops and rags (Wijayaratna 1990: 47). This shows the utilitarian nature of clothing and the transient quality of all material things— a treatment of holy garb utterly impossible in a Daoist context. And although Buddhist monks owned their garments personally, “monks were in the habit of exchanging robes,” passing them on when newer robes were being distributed or accepting a robe from a venerable elder (Wijayaratna 1990: 48–49), a feature that in Chan Buddhism even symbolized the transmission of the teaching. This practice is strictly pro-

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Implements and Vestments

hibited in Daoism, where robes are accompanied by divine protectors and tuned specifically to the qi of their wearers. Shoes, too, were treated diªerently, since Buddhist monks went barefoot unless there was injury or sickness—especially when seeing a master, going begging, or attending meditation (Mahâvagga 5). Sandals were the preferred footwear—ideally obtained from commoners’ castoªs, not made to order as in Daoist communities, and never from animal skins, wood, or rustling leaves that disturbed the meditative quiet. Under no circumstances were sandals to be strong in color or contain any ornamentation (Dutt 1960: 23; Wijayaratna 1990: 52–53; Misra 1969: 125). Again, as in the case of robes in general, the emphasis in Buddhism is on poverty and outsider status. In Christianity, it is on simplicity and humility. In Daoism, on the contrary, the key emphasis is on the imitation and presence of the gods, the formal engagement in o‹cial contact with the divine, and the protection through talismans and sacred signs. All these elements make Daoist ritual vestments unique among the world’s monastic traditions.

The Scriptures Another key element of Daoist monastic life, with certain unique elements, is the scriptures. Both Buddhism and Christianity rely heavily on sacred texts—the words of the Buddha in the sutras and the gospel of Christ in the Bible—but Daoist scriptures are unique because they are originally created and stored in heaven. As the Fengdao kejie says: Combined from flying mysterious energy, scattered in verses of great purple [characters], the scriptures appear in phoenix seals or dragon scripts, in jasper texts or jeweled registers. Their characters are 10 square chi in size, their eight corners suspended in empty vastness. Their sacred texts consist of ten sections and contain the secret instructions of the Three Vehicles. Enveloped in cloudy wrappers, they are hidden behind banks of morning mist. [2.5b; see also Yaoxiu keyi 1.2a; 2.6b–7a] Scriptures “originally exist together with primordial energy, the source of all life; they were produced at the grand initiation of the universe” (Suling jing 6b; Robinet 1993: 35; Bumbacher 1995: 141). Formed through the coagulation of original breath, they existed before the world came into being and are identical with the underlying force of all cre-

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ation: uncreated, direct, primordial. The sound of their recitation gave the gods, equally primordial, the power to furnish being from emptiness (Bokenkamp 1997a: 385). Not only catalysts of creation, the scriptures are also the forces of survival. When the world comes to an end, as it does periodically, the highest scriptures alone survive. The word “jing” is thus imbued with a new and more powerful meaning: the “going through” of the original graph becomes the “eternally surviving” of the religion. These powerful galactic writings stored in the highest heavens are made known to human beings through the active transmission of gods and immortals. They are transmitted either in translation, as scriptural texts, or directly as sacred words and incantations to be repeated in the heavenly language itself (Bumbacher 1995: 142–143). In either case, the scriptures contain enormous power and must be handled with great care. Recitation of the inner names of the heavens, as much as recitation of the scriptures themselves, conveys immortal status on the believer. The scriptures thus become passwords of the divine: passports to a higher sphere, tokens of immortality, truth incarnate. In this sense, sacred scriptures in Daoism are more than containers of divine truth. They are powerful means of magic like the talismans of old—precious gems, strangely shaped stones, mysterious charts that guaranteed easy access to the realms beyond. Like talismans, scriptures are powerful means to subjugate demons, control natural phenomena, and journey to the otherworld. Accordingly they must be copied carefully, stored with great circumspection, and handled with proper respect (Bumbacher 1995: 148). In medieval Daoism the scriptures of the various schools were organized in a system known as the Three Caverns, which was determined by their period of origin and celestial status and which in turn determined the ranks of the ordination hierarchy. Thus the texts of Highest Purity, contained in the Perfection Cavern, were created first—in the first universal era or kalpa known as Dragon Han (longhan)— and accordingly ranked highest and transmitted only to top-level ordinands. Those of Numinous Treasure, the Mystery Cavern, came second, as they were created in the kalpa Red Radiance (chiming ). Those of the Three Sovereigns, the Spirit Cavern, were created last, in the kalpa Opening Sovereign (kaihuang ), and accordingly ranked lowest (see Zuigen pinjie; DZ 457, 2a–3a; Kohn forthcoming). Also known as the Three Vehicles (sansheng ), the Three Caverns collected all ritual and spiritual materials of the Daoist religion. They were further expanded by the Four Supplements (sifu), which contained prac-

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Implements and Vestments

tical materials of the three major schools plus the Daode jing and related works and the texts of the Celestial Masters. These, too, were part of the ordination system, determining ranks that had to be entered before one could obtain the texts of the Three Caverns proper (see Fengdao kejie 4.4b–5.2b; Benn 1991: 78–97; Reiter 1998: 135–158). Within this system, texts were further subdivided into twelve sections for each of the Three Caverns—making a total of thirty-six sections (Òfuchi 1979b; Thompson 1985).14 Each monastery had to have proper facilities to store and take care of the scriptures. The Fengdao kejie allows for two basic organizational systems in storage and copying: the “comprehensive” (zong ) and the “particular” (bie). Comprehensive means that “one treats the entire precious repository of the Three Caverns and all the mysterious writings of the Four Supplements” as one big entity (2.6b); particular describes a method by which “one concentrates on each character, each sentence, each scroll, and each wrapper” in the arrangement of the texts. Whichever method an institution decides to use, the scriptures should be placed on special shelves and spread out with the Three Caverns to the left and the Four Supplements to the right. Each collection should have its own shelf and be set up properly so it does not fall to the ground or get its wrappers and scrolls broken and confused. Also, in accord with the divine law, set up benches and lecterns with incense burners and dragon seals so that you can burn incense and light lamps to visualize and be mindful of them. [Fengdao kejie 2.7a] The shelves for storing the scriptures could be placed in the sanctuary to the Heavenly Worthies, but ideally they had their own building known as the scripture tower. Located parallel to the bell pavilion, to the side and in front of the sanctuary to the Heavenly Worthies, it should allow easy access to the scriptures and ensure that “wind and sunlight flow through freely, while rain and dew are kept out completely” (Fengdao kejie 1.15a). Within the building, the shelves were often combined into elaborate racks that could be made from precious substances, such as jade, gold, or silver, or from high-quality woods such as sandalwood. They could be placed either along the walls of the building or free standing inside but should always be elevated and not immediately on the floor (3.4b). “Repositories,” the text says, “can be built [vertically] in seven layers, one above the next; they can also [be horizontal and] have three sec-

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tions beside each other” (3.4a).15 In some cases they were bookcases, with locks and keys, guarded by diamond gods and divine kings. A yet more complex version was the so-called revolving bookcase, known mainly from Buddhist institutions. Made from pear or plum wood, it was apparently first invented in the sixth century, used more frequently in the Tang, and grew to great popularity in the Song and Ming. Often it was set up in a building of its own where monks could turn or circumambulate the entire canon at one time (Prip-Møller 1967: 52; Goodrich 1942). Scriptures in the Tang dynasty consisted of scrolls made from paper or plain silk. Woodblock printing did not appear until the ninth century, so that even the Dunhuang library, which was closed in 1008 and contained some thirty thousand scrolls, had only four printed books.16 But in imitation of their celestial originals, Daoist texts could also be created in other media: engraved on gold tablets, sealed on silver plaques, chiseled on flat stone, carved in wood or bamboo, written in lacquer, gold, or silver, as well as on walls and leaves (Fengdao kejie 2.6ab). Most of these materials were precious and costly and had to be provided in proper quantities—requiring heavy gifts from patrons and ordinands. Thus it is not surprising that the two imperial princesses who were ordained to the rank of Numinous Treasure in 711 furnished staggering amounts of precious metal, silk fabric, incense, and other utensils (Benn 1991: 32–38). These were not extravagances to be squandered among the rich but materials necessary for the proper functioning of a major monastery and teaching institution. To maintain the scriptures properly, they had to be opened and aired out at regular intervals, for which monastics had to set up a special rack (Fengdao kejie 1.15b). In comparable Buddhist institutions, this rack grew into a formal “platform for drying the scriptures” (shaijing tai). Over several days in the summer, the holy texts were taken out, dried by having their pages turned with a bamboo stick or their scrolls unrolled, then put back into boxes and placed on their proper racks (Prip-Møller 1967: 60). To prevent disintegration, the scriptures had to be recopied every so often, which was done in the scriptorium, complete with “a hall for editing the scriptures, a washing facility, and a stove” (Fengdao kejie 1.15b). The place where the paper is being prepared has to have clothbeating stones, sharp cutting knives, fresh benches, tree stumps, and whetting stones that are kept clean with cloth and fabric rinsed in the wash house. . . . All mortars, clubs, and other necessary utensils should also be stored in the scriptorium.

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Implements and Vestments

Under all circumstances they must be maintained in pristine purity and must never be allowed to come in contact with ordinary people, be defiled by worldly confusion, or be deficient for even a short time. [Fengdao kejie 1.15b–16a] Copying was considered a most holy activity and formed the essential act of transmission—establishing a link to the powers of creation and imitating the first revelation of the sacred texts from the gods. It was also seen as the foundation for salvation and the spread of the Dao and formed the link between the wisdom of ancient sages and contemporary practitioners. Thus every scripture copied and every donation given created immeasurable merit (Yaoxiu keyi 2.1ab). To honor the scriptures properly, copying was not to be undertaken lightly. One had to prepare by fasting and bathing, then don proper ritual garb, light incense, and mentally invoke the deities for guidance and protection. Only after purity and concentration were achieved should one dip the brush in the high-quality ink and set characters on paper or silk (Zhengyi xiuzhen lueyi [DZ 1239], 19ab). The paper size and line arrangements, moreover, had to meet cosmic standards: a 9–fen (Chinese millimeter) border executed in vermilion ink symbolized the nine heavens and powers of yang; the four sides of the border stood for the four seasons; the seven lines across showed the seven stars of the Dipper; and the 5 fen between them represented the five phases (Zhengyi xiuzhen lueyi 19b–20a). The copied scriptures—unless they were handed over to a donor who sponsored them for his or her own salvific purposes—were ready for study and recitation, but again with proper care. As the Shishi weiyi (14a) says: When practitioners study and read the scriptures, they must not unroll them more than three times in a row. Once they are done, they should use the handy hand to roll the scripture back up. Even if the scroll has not been read completely, never leave it unrolled even for an instant. Should there be an urgent aªair [interrupting the reading], then start the scroll again later from the very beginning while uttering the proper expressions of repentance.

Statues and Ritual Implements Similar care had also to be taken with the statues and the various other objects of ritual import used in the monastery. Main worship centered

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on the statues of the Heavenly Worthies, the representative gods of the Three Caverns, and their attendants. But there were also a host of immortals, sages, and perfected, as well as important local saints and patriarchs, whose representations had their place either in the sanctuaries or in the outlying buildings of the monastic compound. The Qianzhen ke says “there are three levels of images; the highest are the Heavenly Worthies; the medium are the perfected; and the lowest are the immortals and masters” (11a). The Fengdao kejie similarly divides the diªerent statues into six categories: the Heavenly Worthies; the sages, perfected, and immortals of the Three Purity heavens; the sages of past, present, and future; the immortals of the stars; the divine beings with rank of sage, perfected, or immortal; and the sages or masters of the karmic chain (2.1ab). Besides the higher Daoist deities, sanctuaries also held images of jade lads and jade maidens oªering incense, dragon and tiger lords delivering messages, as well as a flurry of divine beasts: “lions and demon-eaters, dragons and unicorns, fierce beasts and flying pythons, divine tigers, phoenixes and peacocks, gold-winged birds and scarlet sparrows, the four heraldic animals, and the eight dignified creatures” (Fengdao kejie 2.3a).17 There were several Buddhist-inspired deities as well—including diamond gods or vajras ( jingang ) showing the might and power of the divine;18 demigods or vîras (lishi) representing the warrior dimension of the gods; and divine kings or râjas (shenwang ) indicating their royal majesty.19 Statues of divinities were not originally part of Daoist practice but became popular by being adopted from Buddhism. In its early stages Daoism centered on the doctrine that the Dao was “invisible, inaudible, and intangible” (Daode jing 14)—an idea still echoed in the Fengdao kejie, which states that “great images do not have form, the fully perfected is free from physical aspects” (2.1a). This notion initially prevented the creation of representative artwork, and in tombs of the Later Han only a few paintings and mirrors remain that show Daoist gods or immortals such as the Queen Mother of the West (Wu 1986; Kominami 1991; 1997). The early Celestial Masters, moreover, created aniconic depictions of Lord Lao represented not by a human figure but by an empty throne or a space under a canopy (Wu 2000: 87–88). Later texts appeared with talismans and drawings of gods used as aids to visualization ( Yamada 1995), but it was not until the fifth and sixth centuries that Daoist statuary developed.20 Even then, remaining artworks number only about fifty, as compared to thousands of Buddhist objects. The earliest example is the Buddho-Daoist

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Implements and Vestments

stele of Wei Wenlang of the year 424, which shows a Daoist figure on one face and has Buddhist text and images on the other three (Kamitsuka 1998: 66–67); the one with the longest and most detailed inscription is the “Highest Lord Lao of Yao Boduo,” dated to 496 (Bokenkamp 1997b). In the design and construction of statues as they survive today, the Buddhist influence is obvious. Indeed, often Buddhist and Daoist images are hard to distinguish. They both share the predominant characteristics of Buddhist sculpture, including “one or two dragons arched across the top; the lotus blossom pedestal; the flame-shaped mandorla, sometimes including the flame pattern on its surface; two attendants; celestial figures above the niche; lions to guard the throne; and patrons in lieu of attendants” ( James 1986: 72). More uniquely, Daoist images also show a rectangular headdress, o‹cial-style robes, a beard, and a fly whisk. But often they are not clearly discernible and frequently only the inscription— again composed in the same standard formula as Buddhist texts—makes the identity of the deity clear ( James 1986: 72; Abe 1997: 71). Surviving stone stelae and statues were usually oªered by lay donor families or devotional societies ( yishe). They were dedicated to Lord Lao or the Heavenly Worthy and came with inscriptions that prayed for the creation of peace and political stability, the salvation of the donor’s ancestors, and the lasting good fortune of living relatives. Only statues surviving from the late sixth century depict the gods of the Three Caverns, joined together into one group known as the Three Purities and representing the Three Treasures of the religion: the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning as the creative power at the root of all existence (Dao); the Lord of the Dao as the revealer of scriptures and presenter of revelations (scriptures); and Lord Lao as the practical teacher who provides instruction in various techniques and communicates most closely with humanity (masters). (See Kohn 1998a: 122–125.) Statues were not, however, most commonly made of stone—which seems to have been used mostly in funerary art—but tended to be created from jade, wood, lacquer, or bronze (Caswell 1988: 97). Stone is accordingly listed among the least preferred materials for artistic creation in the Fengdao kejie. According to this text, images of gods should be made only from high-quality and precious substances—including gemstones such as jade, jasper, carnelian, lapis lazuli, and crystal; metals such as gold, silver, bronze, iron, tin, and pewter; fragrant wood such as sandalwood or aloeswood; or precious fabrics such as silk, gauze, damask, or other richly embroidered cloth. Only if nothing better was available were lesser

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substances acceptable, including clay, hemp, stone, and wood pulp (2.1b; see Reiter 1988; 1998: 84–86). In order to fashion a sacred image, then, the proper characteristics of the deity had to be correctly represented and his garb depicted in just the right manner. Again the Fengdao kejie: The Heavenly Worthies should be fashioned wearing capes of nine-colored loose gauze or five-colored cloudy mist over long robes of yellow variegated brocade with mountain-and-river patterns. Their gold or jade headdresses should have tassels and pendants to the right and left; these gold and jade headdresses can also be inlaid in multiple colors. Their upper capes must never be executed [one-colored] in purple, cinnabar, blue, or turquoise; nor must the perfected be depicted with loose hair, long ears, or a single horn. Although they may wear headdresses showing [patterns of ] hibiscus flowers, flying clouds, primordial beginning, or the like, they must never wear flat headdresses showing the two forces [yin and yang] or caps of the young deer type. The two perfected [acolytes] to their left and right should be shown presenting oªerings, holding scriptures, grasping audience tablets, or with fragrant flowers in their hands. They should be referential and dignified, their hands and feet not too far extended, or their garments hanging oddly to one side. The Heavenly Worthies themselves sit upright, their fingers entwined in the hand sign Great Nonbeing, never holding even a scepter or a deer-tail whisk. Their hands are simply empty, that is all. [2.2b–3a] While the gods’ iconography was fixed, there were no rules for the size of the statues or their number—they could measure anywhere from one to five inches, or even a foot or more, and they could be created single or in groups of ten, a hundred, or a thousand. “In each case, follow your inclination and resources, and use the images to present oªerings, pay obeisance, and burn incense” (Fengdao kejie 2.2b). They should not, however, stand in blank isolation. Instead the statues were placed on altars, seated on thrones, and surrounded by canopies, draperies, screens, flowers, and pennants, which likewise had to be fashioned from top-quality materials. The Heavenly Worthies, in particular, set up in the central sanctuary of the institution, had to have a proper high seat, which could come in a number of diªerent artistic forms: a

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Implements and Vestments

thousand-petaled lotus flower, a five-colored lion, a seven-jeweled golden couch, a nine-layered jade seat, a structure made up of nine crouching dragons, or again one of eight coiled-up snakes,21 making sure that “the Heavenly Worthies, as they manifest physically in accord with the transformations, come to reside for the ceremonies performed” (Fengdao kejie 2.5a). The active presence of the gods during ceremonies was the key purpose of having them available in artistic representation—joined by the role of the statues as models for correct visualization. To activate their power correctly, it was essential to keep them pure and clean. On the fifteenth day of every month, monastics washed them with hot fragrant water or wiped and polished them if the image was “pressed on hemp or carved in wood” (Fengdao kejie 2.5b). Moreover, regular services were held to attain audience with the deities. These were pompous and formal aªairs that used further ritual paraphernalia such as lamps and incense burners, bells and chimes, streamers and banners. Lamps were made from a wooden frame surrounded by a shade of paper or other translucent material. Touched only with clean hands and carefully filled with hemp oil (Guanxing jing, lines 315–316), they should be hung near the scriptures and images, in all buildings, at the doors to the cells, and along the walkways to give radiant light and attract the immortals (Fengdao kejie 3.5a). Distributed in the five directions and symbolically representing diªerent aspects of the universe, lamps “arrested the brilliance of heaven to purify all obstructions” (Daoxue keyi 2.1b). Incense burners, as noted earlier, could be made from various materials and usually were round basins that held ashes where fragrant wood shavings were sprinkled and burned. When used in the sanctuaries, they were larger and came with a brazier that required several other utensils, including “seven-pronged tongs to regulate the fire, bowls to transfer the fire, sieves and holders for the ashes, containers and baskets for the charcoal, nine-layered carriers for the charcoal, covers against [flying] ashes, cloths to wipe the burners, racks for the seven-pronged fire tongs, as well as nine-layered vessels to regulate the fire.” All these “should be produced in accord with local convenience” (Fengdao kejie 3.6a). To invoke the presence of the divinities, the creation of brilliant lights and fragrant smoke was of essential importance. As the Han Wudi neizhuan describes it, in preparation for the Queen Mother’s visit, “the emperor swept out the lateral apartments of the palace. He arranged seating in the grand hall and covered the floor with purple silks. He burned hundred-blend incense, hung tapestries of cloud brocade, lit the Lamp

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of the Nine Lights, set out jujubes from Jade Gate, and poured the wine of grapes” (1b; Smith 1992: 482). Another means to attract the gods and create a cheerful atmosphere was the hanging of colorful streamers or banners. Banners, according to the Fengdao kejie, could be made from interwoven gold, beaded jade, stringed pearls, threaded silver, stitched embroidery, variegated brocade, gauze, various kinds of silk, carved engravings, cloudy mist, or simple threads (3.2a). They could come in any size and number and generally served to “invite good fortune, extend auspiciousness, improve life expectancy, protect long life, and ease old age” (3.2b). Special banners were created for those sick and in peril, helping them to overcome their a›ictions, and for the dead, aiding them in going beyond the world and reaching the nine heavens (3.2b). They were usually suspended from long poles in the courtyard, next to the scriptures and sacred images, as well as near chambers, hallways, and residences. Immortals also liked to have “comfortable sedan chairs and clothcovered carriages” to ease their descent to the human plane as well as “blossomed screens and flowery lanterns” to induce and guide them down. “Every monastery must have these” (Fengdao kejie 3.5b) and activate them in conjunction with the holy services and the presentation of oªerings. To announce the services, moreover, bells and chimes were essential (Daoxue keyi 1.16b). Bells could be made from gold, silver, fivemetal alloy, copper, or iron and shaped either round or with various numbers of corners. But in all cases, bells should have “an engraved inscription stating the reign title and year as well as the name of the district and monastery of their production” (3.1ab). They came in diªerent sizes and were suspended from a bell rack either singly or in groups (see Figure 7). The central set of bells of the institution, moreover, was placed in the bell pavilion, the earliest surviving example of which dates to 731 and is found at a Daoist institution, the Taiping gong, on Lu shan (Prip-Møller 1967: 9). Bells were sounded as a call to worship in accord with the activities of the celestials: “When [the participants of ] the long purgation festival assemble in [the heaven of ] Mystery Metropolis, jade chimes tinkle and jasper bells are rung. At the same time, drums of the divine law call the host of immortals to assemble for numinous song” (Fengdao kejie 3.1b; also Daoxue keyi 1.16b). During the course of worship, moreover, chimes or musical stones (lithophones; qing) were sounded to enhance the celestial connection. These could be made from jade, gold, silver, copper, iron, or stone and be shaped in various ways—“with two corners or four,

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Figure 7. Traditional Chinese bell and rack. Source: Sancai tuhui, “Qiyong,” 3.3b–4a.

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nine corners or none, shaped like hooks or in any other pattern” (3.1b). They, too, came in diªerent sizes and were suspended from racks. The musical instruments—to which drums and flutes might be added, although they are not specifically listed in the Fengdao kejie—matched the sounds made in heaven during major festivities. Musical stones when discovered on earth were considered divine and honored greatly. In 723, for example, a halfmoon-shaped piece of jade that showed a picture of a musician immortal and made a marvelous, clear sound was discovered at Lord Lao’s temple in Bozhou. Transported to the court, it was greatly honored, given the formal name “Halfmoon Lithophone,” and suspended in the garden of the imperial ancestral temple (Kohn 1998a: 314). ♦

♦

♦

The various ritual objects and vestments, statues and scriptures, of the medieval Daoist monastic compound, then, worked together closely to create a bright and vivid environment, a joyful and radiant atmosphere. The central emphasis in their production and use was on the creation of a heavenly setting —both to elevate the monastics to a higher level and to attract the presence of the gods and immortals. In this brightness and forward-looking attitude Daoists diªer from both Buddhists and Christians, whose objects of daily use and ritual tended to be somber and utilitarian, emphasizing the overcoming of the intrinsic obstacles of the human condition more than the rise to the heavenly spheres.22 This contrast is evident in the cultural connection of objects. Although the creation and iconography of statues was clearly adopted from Buddhism, the vestments, daily utensils, and other ritual implements continued traditional Chinese patterns: Daoist clothes followed the model of traditional scholars’ and court robes; lamps and incense burners continued an indigenous usage known from Han-dynasty ritual; banners and streamers served as the paraphernalia of military leaders and o‹cial entourages in ancient China. The same holds true for the musical instruments: bells and chimes were part of traditional Chinese court and ancestral ritual (Boltz 1996; Takimoto and Liu 2000). Again, they created a festive and enthusiastic atmosphere, looking forward to the celestial state. Typical Buddhist instruments, by contrast, such as the wooden fish, the bell-anddrum, the cymbals, and the hand gong (Welch 1967: 56; Suzuki 1965: 155–156), were more rhythm-oriented and plain. And medieval Christians eschewed all kinds of musical support and honored the deity through plainsong or Gregorian chant (Gass 1999: 73–74), expressing a

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Implements and Vestments

greater concern with simplicity and the reduction of mundane pleasures. The contrast highlights the uniqueness of the Daoist tradition, which does not suppress or reject the body, however hard it may strive to control its impulses through daily discipline, but uses the physical in all its manifestations to create a replica of the otherworld on this earth.

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8

♦

The Liturgy

T

he ultimate purpose and fulfillment of the monastic life—the reason for all its features, the separation from society, the special buildings, the rigid discipline, the particular garb and utensils—is the devotional activity of recluses. This is most tangibly expressed in the liturgy: the ritual cycle of days and months and years. Here the monks’ liminal status comes fully into its own—their bodies perform acts that are still physical yet match the rhythm of the heavens and imitate the actions of the immortals; their minds use words and thoughts that are still human yet realize otherwordly modes of mentation. It is for this that monastic life is set apart from the world and equipped with all its special dimensions and monks control or routinize every aspect of their physical and social being. Only in such a setting are they free to develop divinity with full dedication and unbroken continuity. This focus holds true for monastic institutions in all the diªerent traditions. It is commonly expressed as a perpetual state of mind that joins the human to the celestial and brings celestial presence into the human. Christians in this context speak of “prayer”—described as “the development of an attitude that is concentrated and contemplative,” a sense of being blessed by the deity (Chittister 1992: 79; Teasdale 2002: 35). This, as John Cassian puts it in his Conferences, is “the whole purpose of the monk and indeed the perfection of his heart”; it is “the reason for our tireless unshaking practice of both physical work and contrition of heart” (Luibheid 1985: 101). He then goes on to define three conditions and four basic forms of prayer. To be able to pray successfully, he says, “there must be a complete removal of all concern for bodily things,” joined by a deep humility and a firm focus of the soul that “must be restrained from all meandering” (Luibheid 1985: 102). These three conditions summarize the central concern of monastic organization and discipline, again reinforcing the centrality of prayer in the monastic system.

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The Liturgy

Prayers, then, can come as supplications, prayers proper, pleas, and thanksgivings. Supplications are altruistic petitions and requests of pardon made for oneself. Prayers are vows or promises of dedication and service oªered to the deity. Pleas are petitions on behalf of others, such as for peace in the world, prosperity, and good fortune. Thanksgivings are expressions of joy and gratitude for the deity’s kindness (Luibheid 1985: 108–109). Each requires an increasing level of purity and selflessness: supplications are best suited for laypeople and beginners; prayers constitute the basic exercise of monastics; pleas and thanksgivings form the focus of communal rites and represent a higher level of attainment. Thus there is a distinction between personal and communal prayer that has continued actively in the Christian tradition. St. Benedict emphasizes that aside from developing an elementary attitude of continuous prayer as a state of mind—to be undertaken throughout all activities and often helped by short verses such as “Come to my help, O God; Lord, hurry to my rescue!” (Psalm 69:2) recommended by Cassian (Luibheid 1985: 132)—monks are to engage privately in “lectio divina et meditatio,” a formal recitation of psalms and quiet contemplation at appropriate times during the day (Chittister 1992: 90).1 They also participate communally in eight divine o‹ces that involve singing praises to the deity and reading and explaining scripture (see Table 5).2 Beyond this, communal and public prayer occurred at special occasions and festivals throughout the year, honoring the major events in the deity’s life as well as various saints. The greatest festival was Easter, celebrated with major processions and feasts (Burton 1994: 161–162). Modern monastics make the same distinction but clarify it further in a tripartite structure. They distinguish “diªused prayer”—keeping one’s mind continuously on the deity and expressing dedication in all activities; “contemplative prayer”— personal readings of scripture, chanting of psalms, and meditation; and “focused or liturgical prayer”—the communal services of the daily and annual schedule ( Hillery 1992: 154–160). The same division of monastic devotion—continuous, personal, and communal— applies in Buddhism, as well, where the central focus is on the development of mindfulness (smrti), a state of restful observation and detached awareness that is continuous and free from ordinary thinking.3 In China this is expressed with the term “nian” (recollect or intone) and often involves the subvocal chanting of a mantra, as in the Buddhist practice of nianfo (Kiyota 1978; Zeuschner 1983). More formal, personal practice in Buddhism means sitting in meditation or chanting at regular intervals; communal services consist of the joint recitation of scriptures and

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Table 5. Eight Divine O‹ces of Christianity Office

Duration

Winter

Summer

Today

Matins Lauds Prime Terce Sext None Vespers Compline

30 min. 30 min. 40 min. 15 min. 15 min. 15 min. 30 min. 30 min.

3:00 am 6:00 am 6:45 am 8:00 am 12:00 pm 1:30 pm 2:45 pm 6:15 pm

2:00 am 3:30 am 6:00 am 8:00 am 11:30 am 2:30 pm 3:00 pm 8:00 pm

3:30 am 6:30 am 7:00 am 9:00 am 11:45 am 2:00 pm 5:30 am 7:30 am

of praises to the buddhas, bodhisattvas, and patriarchs (Welch 1967: 53–65; Kennett 1976: 273–295). In Daoism, continuous practice is similarly described as a form of nian—typically expressed as niandao (being mindful of the Dao) or nianjing (remembering the scriptures) and joined by exhortations to perpetually remember the divine in all activities (Yaoxiu keyi 12.3b). It is also expressed in the injunction to maintain continuous awareness of the deities residing in the body, keeping their image and essence present at all times.4 Personal practice tends to be described as a private period with the scriptures, reading, chanting, and activating the texts appropriate for one’s rank and thereby enhancing the divine presence and connection. Communal practice, moreover, is the liturgy proper. Here “prayer” plays a key role expressed with the term “ yuan.” Yuan, originally meaning “wish” or “resolve,” was adapted by Chinese Buddhists to translate “pranidhâna” and express the bodhisattva vow to do everything in one’s power to make all beings reach enlightenment and eternal bliss (Pas 1995). In Daoism, too, the term means “vow” or “resolution,”5 but in monastic manuals it appears most frequently to introduce a communal chant on behalf of all beings (Fengdao kejie 6.3a–4a, 5ab)—what Cassian would call pleas and thanksgivings— and occasionally also forms part of a formal rite as in the compound “qiyuan” (announcement and prayer) (see Lagerwey 1987: 146). It is essential to communal Daoist practice in all its diªerent forms: daily services, annual purgations, or rites for special occasions such as ordinations and funerals.

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The Liturgy

Daily Services The liturgical day of Daoists was divided into six periods of worship (liushi): cockcrow, dawn, noon, dusk, early evening, and midnight. These six periods were adapted from Buddhism, where they scheduled hymns chanted to the buddhas (Pas 1987). In Daoist communities, at each period the bell was rung twelve times for several sequences, each beginning slowly and sonorously and moving into increasing speed and intensity (Daoxue keyi 1.16b). Thereby the community was called to the holy o‹ces to manifest their purity, express their collective good intentions, and receive encouragement to practice diligently (Daoxue keyi 1.17a). The day began with a minor rite (xingdao) at cockcrow to move on to the morning audience at dawn (3–5 am). Breakfast was served afterwards, around 6 am, then there was unscheduled time for work or selfcultivation. Around 11 am, as described earlier, the noon purgation was held, followed by more time for work or meditation. At dusk the evening audience was held, followed by lesser rites in midevening and at midnight (Daoxue keyi 1.19a).6 The scheduling of various ritual activities during the nighttime hours matches the continuous religious activities prescribed for Christian and Buddhist monks. It stands in stark contrast to traditional Chinese divisions of time into four periods—morning, day, evening, and night— among which the latter was strictly reserved for sleep and rest. At night the gates were closed, and all moving about was prohibited; any activities during the dark hours were considered frivolous and lascivious, detrimental to social integrity and personal health (Richter 2001: 98–101). The active denial of the civil division of time and refusal to rest as ordinary people is another form in which monastics took control of their lives and again documents their liminal status. Among the six periods of worship, then, the daily services or “regular audiences” (changchao), celebrated at dawn and dusk, were most important. Unlike the other four, they involved the formal assembly of all recluses in the sanctuary, the presentation of oªerings, and the extensive recitation of prayers and scriptures. They can be traced back to the morning and evening audiences with the parents prescribed for filial children in the Liji. According to this text, a devoted son and daughter-in-law had to purify themselves, don formal dress, and go to their parents and parents-in-law. On getting to where they are, with bated breath and gentle voice, they should ask if their

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clothes are (too) warm or (too) cold, whether they are ill or pained, or uncomfortable in any part; and if they be so, they should proceed reverently to stroke and scratch the place. . . . They will ask whether they want anything, and then respectfully bring it. All this they will do with an appearance of pleasure to make their parents feel at ease. (They should bring) gruel, thick or thin, spirits or must, soup with vegetables, beans, wheat, spinach, rice, millet, maize, and glutinous millet—whatever they wish, in fact. [10/1.4; Legge 1968: 1:450–451; Knapp 2002] This inquiry into the parents’ health and the oªering of food and comfort are echoed in the Daoist ceremony, especially in the “presentation of oªerings” ( gongyang ), a term also prominent in Buddhism and here used to translate pûja, the ceremony of hosting the deity. Daoists, who had left their native families for the Dao, regarded the gods of the Dao as their true father and mother ( Mugitani 2002) and venerated them accordingly— at the same time also recognizing their high standing in the celestial administration and paying political homage, as suggested in the term “audience” (chao) for the rites. The services thus join traditional rules of filial piety with ancient court ritual and are of accordingly high formality. Before attending such an audience service, Daoists had to purify themselves by washing their hands and faces and don ritual vestments as well as their insignia of divine standing (tablets, talismans, and the like; Daoxue keyi 1.17b). Assembling in order of ritual rank, they entered the sanctuary through the door closest to their proper place, bowed, and sat down (Shishi weiyi 6a). It was highly improper to assume a seat not one’s own (6b); the only exception to this rule was a case of late arrival: “If you come in late, take the next available seat to sit down. Similarly, coming in after the masters, just take whatever spot is available and do not charge forward, creating clamor and disturbance” (Shishi weiyi 6b). To commence the ceremony, “one o‹ciant should stand up, bow three times, then kneel formally and, placing his palms together over his chest, announce: ‘To commence the such-and-such rites, this humble master so-and-so asks all to be seated’ ” (6a). During the entire ceremony, the assembled Daoists should maintain a sincere and sober expression, formal and restrained demeanor. Nobody was permitted to rise from his or her seat unless there was a major emergency (Shishi weiyi 7a). The services then consisted of a sequence of five ritual dedications to the Dao and the wish for forgiveness of sins. First, Daoists chanted:

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The Liturgy

To study the Dao, I work diligently and painstakingly, To develop faith, I stir up cinnabar sincerity. Burning incense, I surrender to the Highest Lord. As perfect energy mixes with the rising smoke, I only wish that he extend his great forgiveness, So my ancestors of seven generations may be released from the dark underworld. [Fengdao kejie 6.1a; also in Huanglu zhai shi tianzun yi (DZ 512); Yûsa 1989: 32]

Second, they dedicated themselves to the Heavenly Worthies. Standing upright, their ritual tablets held up straight, they bowed to each of the directions with a short chant using the formula: With all my heart I surrender my life To the Heavenly Worthy of the East, the Sovereign Highest Lord of Jade Treasure. [Fengdao kejie 6.1a]

Third, the devotees knelt with straight back and upright tablet to confess all sins committed through body, spirit, and mouth—matching the Buddhist division of the three karmic conditions: body, speech, and mind (trividha-dvâra)— and vis-à-vis beings of all ranks both worldly and otherwordly (Fengdao kejie 6.1b–2b).7 Fourth, they stood up straight and bowed facing north, chanted a set of hymns to the Dao, the scriptures, and the immortals (Three Treasures), and oªered a set of twelve prayers for the well-being of the universe—from the cosmic forces yin and yang on down through the imperial family to all sentient beings and those “suªering in the three deepest hells and five bad rebirths” (6.2b–4a).8 The fifth or closing chant was again short: We study immortality and our practice is most urgent; By honoring the precepts, we control the passionate mind. As we grow empty and serene, good energy comes to reside, And immortality and sagehood are found spontaneously. Without faith in the words of the divine law, How can we ever become recluses in the mountain groves?9 [Fengdao kejie 6.4a]

This sequence of chants is special to Daoism but in its basic structure forms part of all monastic liturgy. Buddhist institutions, too, have

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morning and evening services that involve a series of chants, such as the Xin jing ( Heart Sutra) and the Guanyin jing (Guanyin Sutra), as well as hymns to the buddhas and bodhisattvas at regular intervals (Kennett 1976: 273–295). Benedictine monasteries, as specified in the rule, have the eight divine o‹ces that involve both chants and readings with formally sung responses (Chittister 1992: 77) and whose plainsong places monks in the presence of angelic choirs and gives peace and rhythm to the monastic life (Campbell 1997: 214–215). Like other monastics, Daoists in their daily services dedicate themselves fully to the Dao, oªer their life to the gods, connect actively with all beings by confessing their transgressions against them and extending good wishes to them, and reinforce their commitment to cultivate immortality and observe the precepts while focusing strongly on their goal of perfection and transcendence. The practice of chant is essential to all monastic communities because it has strong powers to balance and harmonize body and spirit. Chanting could be done solo or in chorus, slow and drawn out or short and staccato, as well as in loud, soft, or hardly audible voice (Boltz 1996: 185–186). In terms of spiritual eªect, it has five principal impacts. First, chant anchors people by associating specific mental states and memories with certain sounds, releasing “a flood of feeling and energy whenever we sing or hear those same chants” (Gass 1999: 48). Second, it provides entrainment through repetition, adjusting body and mind to the rhythm and pattern of the sound. Third, chant involves the breath, encouraging people to breathe deeply and thereby be more aware of their inner selves. Fourth, it has sonic eªects as its vibrations impact directly on the energetic patterns of the body. And fifth, chant is a strong carrier of intent, encouraging practitioners to engage their willpower and move toward their goals (Gass 1999: 48–61; Campbell 1997: 64–77). All these characteristics of chant are actively employed in the world’s monastic traditions, centering the minds and intentions of monks and nuns and creating an atmosphere of peace and divine connection. In Daoism, they are also central to the lesser rites to the Dao and the activation of scriptures.

Activating the Scriptures To activate the scriptures, they were chanted, recited, and explained either in private or communally. In all cases, monastics began with formal purifications and the donning of vestments and paraphernalia. Then they would kneel with straight back, burn incense, visualize the gods, and meditate silently to attain a proper state of concentration. After opening the

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The Liturgy

scripture with reverence, chanting would commence in a soft voice, the breath flowing continuously, the mind focused and serene (Zhengyi weiyi jing 6b–7a). This process matched the practice of the sages in the heavens above who chanted “in controlled tones, neither mournful nor anguished, neither slow nor fast . . . in a steady, rustling murmur that reached clearly to a distance” (Taiji yinzhu; DZ 425, 9a; Bokenkamp 1997a: 390). Once every five hundred words, practitioners stopped to clap the teeth and swallow the saliva, allowing them to continue fluidly (Zhengyi weiyi jing 7a). The entire scripture was chanted without interruption and to a melody properly studied with a master. After concluding the recitation, it was rolled up and stored properly to the accompaniment of three bows and the burning of incense (Zhengyi weiyi jing 7ab). While these rules applied to all handling and chanting of scriptures, texts of diªerent ranks required diªerent kinds and degrees of ritual. Thus the chanting of the Daode jing, as described in the fifth-century Daode zhenjing xujue (Introductory explanation to the perfect scripture of the Dao and its virtue),10 involved bowing to the ten directions, visualizing Lord Lao and his major associates ( Yin Xi, Heshang Gong), and a prayer for the descent of the Lord of the Niwan Palace. Clapping the teeth and swallowing the saliva thirty-six times, the practitioner enters a deep meditative state and floats into the purple empyrean to join the divine immortals. He has become a celestial himself (see also Benn 2000: 332): Visualize the green dragon to your left, the white tiger to your right, the red bird in front of you, and the dark warrior at your back. Your feet stand between the eight trigrams, the divine turtle and the thirty-six masters bow to you. In front you see the seventeen stars, while your five inner organs give forth the five energies and a network pattern streams across your body. On three sides you are joined by an attendant, each having a retinue of a thousand carriages and ten thousand horsemen. Eight thousand jade maidens and jade lads of heaven and earth stand guard for you. [sec. 5; Kohn 1993: 174] Only then does the practitioner open the scripture and chant it rhythmically and without interruption. After concluding the exercise, he or she closes the scripture and stores it carefully with bows and proper respect. Burning more incense, he sends the gods oª again and retreats from the altar.

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Personal chantings like this were common in medieval Daoism and played a key role in all major schools (Bokenkamp 1997a: 389; Kohn 1998d). Monastics performed them in their own cells, which were equipped with the necessary incense burners, lamps, benches, scripture stands, and scripture chests. But they also engaged in the communal recitation and explanation of the scriptures, assembling in the scriptural lecture hall, also known as the hall of the divine law ( fatang ). This hall was located immediately behind the sanctuary to the Heavenly Worthies and had room for numerous attendees to kneel and participate with rapt attention. It had two raised platforms or high seats up front: one for lecturing on the scriptures, the other to lead their chanting. The first was higher and larger, 9 chi high and 10 chi square, while the second measured only 5 chi in height and 5 chi in width (approximately 2.7 by 3 by 1.5 meters). Both rested on four pillars that were coated with vermilion lacquer and had paintings of divine guardians such as diamond gods and divine kings (Fengdao kejie 3.4ab). To make the reading of the scriptures easier, the high seats were further equipped with a scripture stand or lectern made from jade, gold, silver, stone, or wood. Its size depended on the institution but typically measured 1 chi 2 cun in width, 1 chi 8 cun in length and 1 chi 5 cun in height (approximately 35 by 50 by 42 centimeters) (3.4b–5a). The high seat also had an incense burner and scripture case and was decorated with banners and flowers, curtains and canopies (Zhengyi weiyi jing 8a). To attend a scripture chanting or explanation, the community would first assemble to enter the lecture hall, performing initial recitations and ablutions. Each one then “oªers incense three times and circumambulates the scripture once, all the way round, and again burns incense three times. Depending on rank, they fold their hands [on their chests] or hold the ritual tablet” (Fengdao kejie 4.1a). Next all chant a formal refuge in the Three Treasures and then fall silent as the o‹ciating priest declares a short verse in praise of the scripture. Placing their tablets on a nearby bench, they kneel with straight backs, make their hands into fists, and clap their teeth thirty-six times to visualize a five-colored cloud completely filling the room and see themselves surrounded by divine animals, immortal lads, jade maidens, and numerous other divinities. Next comes a formal chant that reinforces the immortal standing of each practitioner, and then all invoke the Heavenly Worthies. Following this, a designated community member presents the request for turning the wheel of the divine law, and the o‹ciant opens the scripture, performing further bows in various directions, then be-

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The Liturgy

gins the chanting. In case of a lecture on the scriptures, he interrupts the chant at certain passages, “bows once to the scripture and gives an explanation. . . . Whenever finishing a particular explanation, he recites the formula wishing for peace and harmony” (Fengdao kejie 4.4a). After concluding the recitation or explanation of the scripture, the ritual master closes it and purifies it once more with water and incense and leads the chanting of the scriptural encomium. Further bows, surrenders, and incantations complete the rite, but sometimes a formal memorial is oªered praying for good fortune, merit, and virtue, followed by a final verse of praise.11 The merit created by such recitations was enormous. Chanting the Daode jing daily for three years perfected the Dao of Yin Xi, who was then allowed to accompany Laozi on his travels to the barbarian countries (Kohn 1998a: 267–268). Similarly two members of the Zhou family succeeded in reciting the text ten thousand times and flew oª as celestials. A third member, however, only reached 9,733 times and did not attain immortality but still gained magical powers and an invulnerability to harm (Zhen’gao 5.6a; Kohn 1998d). The Wushang biyao contains an entire section specifying the benefits of scriptural chanting —including the attainment of good fortune, physical youth and radiance, communication with the celestials, and realization of full immortal rank (43.8a–13a). The number of recitations was essential, as was the proper procedure and avoidance of error. Monastics therefore created great benefit for themselves, their families, the country, and all beings by following the daily liturgical discipline and chanting their hymns and scriptures with proper dedication.

Purgation Times Beyond the regular routine of the monastery, a number of purgations or festivals (zhai) occurred every year or on special occasions. At these times, the intensity of worship increased and often lay followers came to join in the monastic services or ordered special rites to be conducted on behalf of their ancestors and families. Daoists of the various schools practiced diªerent kinds of purgations on diªerent dates and using a variety of rituals. But all of them were essentially major audience rites during which the o‹ciating priest became a celestial o‹cer and transmitted prayers and confessions to the immortal administration (Benn 2000: 332–335). And all were based on the rationale that specific deities in the celestial administration used certain days to

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inspect and update the records of life and death. By behaving with particular circumspection, confessing sins, and presenting oªerings, petitions, and memorials, it was hoped that the gods would be merciful in their retributions and send down less lifespan reductions, bad luck, and disease. The actual ceremonies, then, undertaken after a period of purification and preparation, typically involved the taking or reinforcing of precepts, rites of confession and repentance, and prayers for blessings and good fortune. The most important purgations, which can be compared to annual festivals in Christianity and Buddhism,12 were those to the gods of the Three Primes—the celestial bureaus of Heaven, Earth, and Water who exerted most power over human life and destiny and had been central to Daoism since the early Celestial Masters. They updated their records on the fifteenth of the first, seventh, and tenth months and were greatly honored with major ceremonies on those dates (Yaoxiu keyi 8.2a).13 Another important group of zhai were the purgations of the Eight Nodes (bajie), the beginnings and high points of the four seasons, already celebrated in ancient China as made clear in the description of “monthly commandments” ( yueling ) in the Liji and the Huainanzi (Legge 1968: 1:249; Major 1993). A citation of the Fengdao kejie in the Zhaijie lu (Record of purgations and precepts; DZ 464; see Yoshioka 1967 and Malek 1985) describes them as follows: The beginning of spring is the purgation to establish goodness. The spring equinox is the purgation to extend good fortune. The beginning of summer is the purgation to lengthen goodness. The summer solstice is the purgation of vermilion brightness. The beginning of fall is the purgation of advancing old age. The fall equinox is the purgation to repent sins. The beginning of winter is the purgation to venerate goodness. The winter solstice is the purgation of wide blessings. [9a]14

Besides these fundamental and seasonal purgations, there were largescale ceremonies scheduled at special occasions that lasted several days, as well as lesser retreats for just one day that occurred on specific days of the month. Prominent among the larger ceremonies were the Golden Register Purgation ( jinlu zhai) for cosmic and political harmony, the Yellow Register Purgation ( huanglu zhai) for universal salvation, the Purgation of the Luminous Perfected (mingzhen zhai) for learning and scholarly achievement, the Purgation of Spontaneity (ziran zhai) for in-

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The Liturgy

ternal self-cultivation, and the Purgation of Mud and Soot (tutan zhai) for the confession of sins and prevention of bad fortune.15 Lesser, one-day zhai—both in Chinese Buddhism and in Daoism (see Soymié 1977)— occurred in groups of six, eight, or ten per month and centered on the new and full moons. The six zhai days were the first, eighth, fourteenth, fifteenth, twenty-eighth, and twenty-ninth of every month. The eight zhai days added the twenty-third and twenty-fourth; the group of ten days, known as the “ten days of uprightness” (shizhi), involved practice also on the eighteenth and twenty-eighth (Qianzhen ke 22a). Going back to the Indian Buddhist practice of bimonthly confession and chanting of precepts (see Prebish 1975), these lesser zhai were used by lay followers to behave with increased purity and can be described as a form of “temporary renunciation,” or retreat. Practitioners would take additional precepts and oªer prayers to the deities—especially to the Great One (Taiyi), the Northern Dipper (Beidou), and other central cosmic administrators who inspected their earthly charges on those days (Yaoxiu keyi 8.4a). Alternative purgation calendars presented in the Yaoxiu keyi included the “eight liberating days” (bajie), which consisted of the Three Primes plus the five la days (1/1, 5/1, 7/7, 10/1, 12/30), on which heaven, earth, Dao, humanity, and the ruler were honored (8.3b); the five zhai days of the Queen Mother of the West on the third, fifth, ninth, fifteenth, and twenty-fifth of each month except the fifth and tenth months (8.3a); and the purgations of the Three Sovereigns (Sanhuang) who sent emissaries out on various days of the sixty-day cycle to examine people’s sins (8.4b).16

The Performance of Purgations Purgations established a particularly close connection between the worldly and the divine and therefore involved active lay participation and donations. Held either in the monasteries or at a donor’s home, they necessitated the close cooperation of monastics and lay followers and were occasions when the monks’ priestly function came fully into its own— allowing Daoists to fulfill their role as catalysts of good fortune and pioneers of Great Peace. If the rite occurred in the monastery, the donor and his family arrived several days in advance, were housed in the guest quarters, and took instruction in monastic routine and elementary purifications. They also brought numerous oªerings to be placed on the altar and used in a ma-

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jor banquet after the ceremony. On the day of the event, they joined the Daoists in the sanctuary for a formal rite in which the main donor participated actively, cooperating closely with the o‹ciating priest. As in regular audience rites, the priest oªered incense to the Dao, called down the deities to attend, and guided the congregation to take refuge in the Three Treasures (Fengdao kejie 6.7a). Then the priest stated the donating family’s exact name and location and oªered an extensive prayer for the expiation and pardon of all their sins: May you [O gods] take this merit and virtue And return flowingly to so-and-so’s family, Including all his nine mysterious forebears and seven ancestors, All members of his clan, whether present or former! I beg that you pardon completely All violations committed by them, Whether in former lives or present bodies, All their acts of disobedience and ugly deeds of evil, Their millions of sins and billions of transgressions, Them all, I beg, eradicate and purge! [Fengdao kejie 6.7b–8a]

More prayers of this type followed, specifying various sins possibly committed and culminating in further refuges in the Three Treasures. A banquet was held to celebrate the event, and a brief thanksgiving rite was oªered a day or two later. The merit attained by such a rite was enormous; it opened the heavenly spheres to lay access for a period and created a strong bond between the monastics and their worldly supporters. For the successful conclusion of these important rites it was essential that they be performed with absolute accuracy. As a result, the texts describe various shortcomings and errors (Daoxue keyi 1.20ab) and some specify punishments for their commission. Two texts, in particular, deal with this issue: the Jiefa dengzhuyuan yi (Observances for lamps, spells, and vows with appropriate precepts and punishments; DZ 524)— a fifthcentury text on the performance of purgations including preparatory purifications, precepts, and concrete description ascribed to Lu Xiujing (406–477)— and the Jinlu dazhai shuojie yi (Observances for the transmission of precepts through the great Golden Register Purgation; DZ 486), a short text on ordination ceremonies and transmission of precepts based on the rites of Numinous Treasure by the tenth-century court Daoist and ritual master Du Guangting (850–933; see Verellen 1989).

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The Liturgy

Both texts list about thirty problems that will compromise the success of a purgation—including attendance without the proper garb, failure to sit up straight, overturning the incense fire or the lamps (or letting either go out), moving about in haste or outside the ritual order, losing one’s place during a scripture reading, or generally performing oªensive acts near the oªerings. Punishments diªer in the two documents. The fifth-century Jiefa dengzhuyuan yi prescribes fines to be paid in lamp oil, incense powder, or vermilion dye in amounts ranging from half a catty to several pounds (14b–16a). The tenth-century work, by contrast, punishes through the performance of obeisances—from five for minor oªenses, such as slouching in one’s seat, through twenty or thirty for the majority of issues (chattering, letting the lamps go out, dozing, missing a cue) to as many as sixty for seeing a transgression without reporting it or a hundred for obviously leaving the purgation without returning, thus causing shame to the whole establishment (6b–7b). The diªerence reflects the transition of the Daoist institution from a laycentered organization to a monastic establishment—the former involving ordinary people with access to money and material wealth, the latter relying on physical punishments to keep members under control. Still, the lay connection did not evaporate over the centuries, and even in the Tang dynasty purgations would often be celebrated at a donor’s home. In this case, a group of five central monastic o‹cers was appointed: a ritual master of lofty virtue ( gaode fashi), a cantor (dujiang ), a purgation overseer ( jianzhai), an incense attendant (shixiang ), and a lamp attendant (shideng; Yaoxiu keyi, chap. 8).17 The ritual master was the key protagonist and formed the central focus of the purgation; he visualized the gods, commanded the divine presence, and tended to remain in isolated purity to focus on his inner powers (Yaoxiu keyi 8.7a–9a). The cantor was the organizer or MC: he orchestrated the movements of the ritual master, ensured the donor’s intent (to heal a disease, pray for good fortune, or oªer repentance) was clearly expressed in the memorials, scheduled all activities (after carefully examining the good and bad fortune of the calendar),18 and gave cues to the sound, light, and incense crews. He also led the congregation in chanting and responses—hence his appellation “cantor” (Yaoxiu keyi 8.9a). The purgation overseer, next, was the on-site manager of the event. He interacted most closely with the donor or “zhai chief ” (zhaizhu), making sure he and his family were well aware of all the rules. They had to begin purification three days before the scheduled event, needed proper housing set up for the visiting Daoists, were required to use only ritually

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acceptable food for the oªerings, and never turn any visitor away or impose a fee for anyone participating. They also had to wear the right clothes— ornate and formal but not imitating priestly vestments— and give a donation in accord with the family’s wealth to show their devotion: “Even one coin and one thread of silk can su‹ce as a demonstration of their hearts” (Yaoxiu keyi 8.13b–14a).19 The incense and lamp attendants, finally, were in charge of the concrete setup—making sure that the burners were well stoked so that the incense could flow continuously throughout the celebrations and that the lamps were plentiful, distributed widely, and lit in good time to create a festive and brilliant atmosphere for the occasion (8.15a–16b; also Daoxue keyi 21b–22a). Supporting these central o‹cers of the zhai were many others— especially groups of musicians to strike the bells and chimes, sound the gongs, drums, and bamboo clappers, and play the reed pipes and possibly even stringed instruments (Boltz 1996: 185; Schipper 1975b). There would also be staª members to direct people and answer questions. The entire atmosphere and organization must have been similar to the staging of a major theatrical production, and indeed there was a close relationship between ritual and theater in traditional China ( Johnson 1989; Takimoto and Liu 2000). The rites themselves were comparable to those performed in the monastery and like them always involved a major feast—not only for the gods but also for the participants or “zhai folk” (zhairen). In this they followed the kitchen feasts (chu) of the early Celestial Masters (Stein 1971; Mollier 2000) as well as a later rite known as “rice for the wise” ( fanxian). The latter entailed a ritual banquet oªered to religious practitioners in the hope of satisfying the numerous divinities residing in their bodies and thereby attaining health and good fortune.20 A similar rite of feeding the religious was common in Buddhism, as well, where nobles and rulers went to great extremes to provide plentiful foods and ample donations. Most famous among such rites was the pañcavârsika, the great quinquennial purgation— a “frenzy of almsgiving” during which the king invited the entire Buddhist community to a banquet and showered them with gifts. Setting up huts on an open plain, the king gave gold and silver, cloth and utensils, and vast quantities of food to the saΩgha. Stripping himself utterly, he even presented, as Aùoka says in the Aùokavadâna (Legends of King Aùoka), “the whole earth, surrounded by the ocean, to the community of the Buddha’s disciples” (Strong 1983: 92). Chinese rulers followed this example and similarly made ample gifts and set up luscious feasts for the Buddhists.

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The Liturgy

Daoists, thoroughly based in their own tradition of religious rites and banquets, thus found reinforcement among contemporaneous Buddhists and created a great purgation culture of their own. Monks and nuns in their role as priests and priestesses thereby gave visible and public expression to the splendor of the Dao and the active presence of the gods among humanity.

Ordinations Realizing the divine on earth was also the central focus of special rites that were held at formal ordinations into the various levels of the priestly hierarchy. Ordination (duren) literally means “ferrying people over,” and the term is often used in the sense of “salvation.” The idea here was that by undergoing the rites of ordination, the Daoist had already gone across and was saved, having become a being of the celestial realm rather than this world. As the Fengdao kejie documents, initiation into Daoist ranks began very early, as children received registers containing lists of protective, divine generals on the elementary levels of the Celestial Masters (Benn 1991: 73). After that, ten precepts as first formulated in the Lingbao school were administered to candidates of the lower ranks. These precepts consisted of five prohibitions, imitating the five precepts of Buddhism, and five resolutions reflecting Daoist priorities.21 Ordinands for higher ranks received 180 or 300 precepts, and in all cases the precepts came with a set of scriptures and ritual methods as well as empowering talismans, tallies, and spells matching the respective rank.22 Candidates were carefully chosen according to background, motivation, and dedication to the Dao. The Fengdao kejie devotes a lengthy section to “Conditions for Ordination,” providing lists of varying length (from five to thirty items) that specify diªerent aspects of what kind of people should be admitted to intense Daoist training. First it gives twelve desirable social and personal characteristics—being of aristocratic birth or from a long-established Daoist family, for example, and showing enthusiasm for Daoist practice (2.7b). Next it has twenty-five kinds of people who can be ordained—including those sincere and devout and free from hatred and worldly strife (2.8ab). The text then reverses direction and specifies ten undesirable subjects: 1. Fired ministers and rejected sons

2. Descendants of executed criminals

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3. Murderers of their masters and rebels against the Dao 4. Disbelievers in the great divine law 5. Butchers, wine-sellers, and prostitutes 6. Thieves and adulterers

7. Wine-drinkers and meat-eaters 8. Rejecters of fate and karmic retribution 9. Cripples and handicapped people 10. Murderers and lunatics [2.8b]

This is followed by a list of twenty-five kinds of people who should not be ordained—those full of hatred, addictions, worldly aspirations, moral turpitude, and negative feelings toward the Dao. The items thus listed exclude all those who might try to join a convent to escape worldly di‹culties and who lack the proper moral strength and motivation for the strictly controlled life of the Dao. A further list of thirty items focuses on personal characteristics of those getting ready for ordination, such as forthrightness, courage, and compassion, and demands that candidates be free from worldly defilements, actively devoted to the Dao, full of joy and good cheer, and exhibit generosity, altruism, goodwill, and kindness (2.10ab). Additional items reiterate the same pattern, encouraging positive and helpful attitudes. To be a successful Daoist and gain entrance into the holy community, essentially one must be of good family background, high moral caliber, and intense dedication. Once these conditions were met, candidates underwent extended periods of training under the guidance of an ordination master and with the active support of their native families and sponsors from the community. Eventually the time of ordination—set through cosmic calculation and with permission from the imperial court—would come and the candidates would go to the large, teaching monastery that alone would be allowed to hold the ceremony.23 There they were secluded to purify themselves for a set period while the masters made sure everything was perfect and ready. Things had to be in good order, neither lacking nor excessive, and last-minute arrangements or temporary stopgaps were frowned upon. Thus “if the chosen date arrives and the time approaches but the scriptures and methods are not all ready, some masters have their ordinands receive blank sheets of paper or a roll of plain silk. This is an insult to the sacred scriptures and a fraud” (Fengdao kejie in S. 809; Kohn 2003). Once all was properly set, the ordinands lined up in the courtyard of the institution, before the specially constructed three-tiered altar plat-

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The Liturgy

form, and the transmission rites began. Very much like their Buddhist counterpart, the rites consisted of various ritual chants, prostrations, and refuges and culminated in the handing over of the robe and the transmission of precepts and scriptures.24 In each case, they carefully followed the rules appropriate for each rank. But “if there are disciples participating who are not of the same status, that is, some are higher and some are lower [in rank], Numinous Treasure rites should be used. The reason for this is that they can equally apply to higher and lower caverns” (Fengdao kejie in S. 809). First ordinands face west to bid farewell to their parents and give thanks to their ancestors, bowing twelve times. Then they turn to face north and bow to the emperor four times. The reason for this is that, once they have donned the ritual vestments of the Heavenly Worthies, they will never again bow to parents or worldly rulers. Therefore, when anyone joins the Daoist community, he or she must first bid farewell and give thanks. [Fengdao kejie 6.9b; also Daoxue keyi 1.20b–21a] Thus ordinands formally leave their old life behind and get ready to take the irreversible step into the otherworldly community of the Dao. Next they stand erect with their palms joined at chest level. Still facing north, they take refuge three times in the Three Treasures, bowing three times. They say: With all my heart I take refuge with my body in the Great Dao of the Highest Nonultimate. With all my heart I take refuge with my spirit in the Venerable Scriptures in Thirty-Six Sections. With all my heart I take refuge with my life in the Great Preceptors of the Mysterious Center. [Fengdao kejie 6.9b]

After this surrender or taking of refuge ( gui) ordinands were empowered as o‹cers of the Dao and equipped with the insignia of their new status: religious names and titles, vestments and headdresses, scriptures and ritual instructions, as well as talismans, contracts, tallies, and registers appropriate for their new rank. To show their new a‹liation, they would

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tie their hair into a topknot (unlike Buddhists who shaved theirs). Also in contrast to Buddhism, where nuns had to observe many more rules than monks and were given a lower status, women in Daoism were treated equally and underwent the same ceremonies. In exchange for their new status, ordinands then made a solemn declaration to follow the Dao and do everything to uphold it. This declaration involved the pledge of lavish gifts of gold, silk, and precious objects to the master and the institution, as well as the formal oath to follow the rules and work toward the goals of the organization.25 Following this, ordinands bowed to the masters and chanted a set of stanzas on the development of true wisdom, succeeded by taking refuge in the gods of the ten directions. Next they were formally given the precepts and scriptures, bowed once again to the masters and patriarchs, and concluded the rite by chanting the “Hymn to the Precepts,” which ends: Honoring the precepts without a moment’s relapse, Generation after generation we create nothing but good karma. With concentration we are mindful of the Great Vehicle And soon come to embody the perfection of the Dao. [Fengdao kejie 6.10a–11a]26

This concluded the main part of the rite. In the three days following, ordinands made copies of their newly received scriptures. Then they donned their new vestments and performed a thanksgiving ceremony, “presenting oªerings to the great sages, masters, and worthies of the various heavens,” while the masters prepared a detailed record (Fengdao kejie in S. 809).

Last Rites Similarly detailed formalities were also prescribed for the other great transition in the Daoists’ life: death—understood as the transformation of this body and ascent to the immortals. Usually death was preceded by a weakening of the body and an illness, during which Daoists were encouraged to bring forth five beneficial kinds of mind: May I be free from solitariness and abandonment. May I be free from fear and terror. May I be free from hunger and cold. May I be free from longing and despair.

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The Liturgy

May I be free from collapse and defeat. [Daoxue keyi 2.14b]

At this time of trial they had to rely closely on the support of their community, including not only fellow monastics but also local followers and members of their native family. These supporters, in turn, were held to show a helpful attitude and provide the basic necessities such as shelter, bedding, food, clothing, incense, dishes, and servants (Daoxue keyi 2.15a), echoing the Liji instructions on how to care for elderly parents (10/2.2–3; Legge 1968: 1:467–468): “To actively participate in the passing, moreover, they should read the scriptures to the sick person and burn incense without stopping. Beat the chimes of impermanence and prepare to perform the rites of fivefold purification and rebirth. All members of the community should come and take food with him” (Qianzhen ke 20a; Yaoxiu keyi 15.10b). The degree of support received and suªering avoided during the last stages of life were, moreover, directly related to one’s good deeds in a former life: one received back what one had given before. Any good deeds would be rewarded by feeling only minor discomforts and finding oneself in a helpful and secure environment; lack of support and greater pains, by contrast, meant failure in former actions. As a result, sickness was an opportunity for remorse and shame toward all beings: the Heavenly Worthies, perfected and immortals, heaven and earth, sun and moon, patriarchs and aristocrats, faithful followers and parents, brothers and sisters (Daoxue keyi 2.15ab). Thinking of all of them, sick Daoists were to pray for forgiveness by gods and men, asking that they might develop the strength in body, speech, and mind to give praise to the gods every day and bow to all living beings. Thus creating good merit and a good disposition, their suªering was lessened and they were able, to the very end, to extend a mind of goodwill and compassion to all around them (Daoxue keyi 2.15b). As the end approached, if the sick person was strong enough he or she should be moved into the transformation building, which was located in the northwest corner of the monastery and equipped with a statue of the Heavenly Worthy. “Seated on a lotus throne, the god points skyward with his left hand. Make the dying person face the deity and focus on his or her impending transformation” (Qianzhen ke 20b). This procedure echoes practices in Buddhism—where the relevant hall is called the “impermanence building” (Tsuzuki 2002: 68) and where the dying were also encouraged to prepare themselves by putting on clean, formal garb and

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sitting up in meditation posture to consciously experience their passing (Prip-Møller 1967: 163; Foulk and Sharf 1994). It also reflects similar activities in ancient China where, according to the Liji, “the suªerer lay with his head to the east” and his clothes were changed for the arrival of death (19/1.1; Legge 1968: 2:173). Unlike the ancient tradition, however, in Daoism the transformation of death was not to be conceived as a major loss since the dharma body of the individual is eternally part of the Dao and cannot be lost. Either the Daoist ascends to the immortals or, if the merit is not quite complete, will go through another round on the lower levels among the demon o‹cers or on earth (Daoxue keyi 2.16a). But, having lived the good life of the Dao, there is little to worry about. After death, the body should be bathed and combed, dressed in formal vestments and headdress, and laid out on its back to face heaven. The mat for the corpse was especially woven for the occasion, as was the light quilt for cover. The staª and writing tablets of the deceased were placed to his left, a divine sword to his right. The sword—the Yellow Emperor’s ascension sword and scabbard—was there to replace the corpse in case of bodily ascension (Robinet 1979; Campany 2002: 70–72). Overall the goal of the treatment immediately after death was to speed the journey and send off the deceased with good wishes rather than hold him back. Accordingly there was no attempt to call him back by summoning the soul— a ritual commonly practiced in ordinary Chinese funerary rites and first documented in the Chuci (Songs of Chu) of the second century b.c.e. 27 For rites and prayers of passing, fellow monastics lined up on the left of the deceased while faithful followers and family members stood on his right—women separated by a screen. Crying was not encouraged. All mournful feelings of loss should be expressed elsewhere, certainly not near the dead. On the contrary, all speech should be positive, mentioning how the deceased had now successfully fulfilled his destiny (Daoxue keyi 2.16b; Qianzhen ke 20a). After the initial rites, the corpse was wrapped in a shroud of plain, undyed silk and enco‹ned together with his closest talismans and registers. A pit was dug in the monastery’s graveyard or on a suitable mountainside, and a formal burial was held. A separate vault, moreover, was set up nearby to hold a chest of higher-level scriptures as well as items of personal use such as his ink, inkstone, writing knife, handkerchief, and incense burner (Yaoxiu keyi 15.12b–13b; Daoxue keyi 2.16b). The Fengdao kejie describes the distribution as follows:

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The Liturgy

All talismans and registers of Orthodox Unity as well as the various contracts and tallies are collected in a case and buried in a separate pit near the corpse in the mountain valley or graveyard. All other sacred materials must not be put immediately next to the body. The reason for this is that the perfect scriptures are precious and serious, and the numinous o‹cials attend and worship them. The decaying corpse, however, is highly polluting, so how could they ever get close [to the texts next to it]? Be very, very careful about this! If you fail to comply, the spirit soul will be banished and the Three Bureaus will visit calamities on your descendants for seven generations! Always be clear and careful about it! [5.3ab] The practice of burying sacred materials with the deceased has continued well into the twentieth century, when Quanzhen monks were still being buried with their ordination certificates and texts of precepts ( Hackmann 1920: 146). It goes far back to ancient China where tombs often contain textual materials, explained either as the alter ego or symbol (xiang ) of the deceased, whose vital energy had been deeply cued to them, or as the essence of his or her livelihood (Brashier 2002). While the former may explain the presence of longevity manuals and spiritual works in the tomb of the Marchioness of Dai at Mawangdui (see Loewe 1979), examples for the latter include the manuscripts found at Guodian, which constituted the library of the royal tutor buried there ( Henricks 2000: 5) and the contracts found in the tomb of the moneylender Zuo in the Astana graves in Turfan, dated to around 670 c.e.—accompanied by a note encouraging him to vigorously sue his debtors from the underworld and thus conclude his aªairs to satisfaction ( Hansen 1995). The Daoist materials fall into both categories in that the scriptures and talismans were essential to their identities and to their livelihood. Closely tied to the religious practitioner, they had to stay with him or her even beyond death. The various other belongings of the deceased were given to the family or distributed among the monastic’s disciples, depending on his or her prior stated wishes. Some, such as servants or interior furnishings, might also become part of the communal property of the monastery; others, such as the monastic’s personal mat or seat cloth, might be discarded. In all cases, it was important to treat the inheritance with respect or risk creating bad fortune (Daoxue keyi 2.17a, 19a).28

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Although the teacher as the original, pure Dao is not embodied and therefore cannot die— and although his true, inner divine principle has neither ritual vestments, utensils, nor rules—in his embodied form he had all those and for this reason must be mourned properly, especially by all his close disciples and those whose ordination he sponsored. Those still living near him had to wear white robes and kerchiefs and could not take baths or eat any salty or sour food for forty-nine days—combining ancient mourning patterns as described in the Liji (18/2.1; Legge 1968: 2:160) with the standard mourning period in Buddhism (Teiser 1994; Eberhard 1967). After one hundred days, a major requiem service of fivefold purification was held that lasted three days and three nights (Daoxue keyi 2.18b). Following this, mourners could change into a light yellow robe but were not permitted to don ordinary garb or vestments— or perform any major rites—until the classical mourning period of three years had passed (Daoxue keyi 2.17a; Liji 18/2.3; Legge 1968: 2:150). Direct disciples who no longer lived near the master followed the same pattern, but their saltless period was limited to twenty-one days. Those with little connection to the master would have no salt or sour food for a mere three days and not dress in special mourning garb. Should a disciple die, a master similarly had to mourn: seven days of no salt or sour foods, light yellow garb for one hundred days (Daoxue keyi 2.17ab). Similar mourning rules and periods applied if a Daoist’s native father or mother passed on. He had to attend the funeral ceremonies, especially if he lived close by, but was not permitted to go near the corpse, mingle with the mourners, or receive condolences (Daoxue keyi 2.18a). Afterward he remained in mourning for three years during which he could not perform purgation rites or oªer petitions—prevented even from bathing and burning incense for the first thirty days (Yaoxiu keyi 12.15a). For three years, then, an outsider to both his native and monastic communities, a Daoist in mourning—not unlike his Confucian counterpart—would withdraw into the mountains and practice isolated self-cultivation, returning only for the major rituals scheduled in honor of the deceased after one hundred days and on the first anniversary of the passing. The anniversary was marked with a purgation in the course of which the kindness, wisdom, support, and superior dignity of the deceased were consciously recalled but which avoided all festivity and indulgence and accordingly did not include a banquet (Daoxue keyi 2.18b). From their very first initiation through the daily life in the monastery and to well after death, Daoist recluses in medieval China were surrounded by and immersed in ritual. They practiced continuous prayer

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The Liturgy

to orient the mind toward the celestial, joined the daily services, participated or o‹ciated at seasonal and annual purgations, and underwent the special rites of ordination and transformation. Their lives determined by liturgy, Daoists strove to fulfill their calling as beings of the beyond and create a harmonious, stable, and divinely inspired world. Immortals on this earth, they brought heavenly splendor and dignity, wisdom and compassion, to the world, showing the path to Great Peace and aiding all beings to realize the Dao to the best of their ability.

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M

onastic life in medieval Daoism in many ways matches the organizational patterns and lifestyles developed by monastics in other traditions, most prominently Buddhism and Christianity. When we study the diªerent forms together, monasticism emerges as a highly complex and cross-cultural phenomenon. It is not universal but appears in many aspects widely enough to be recognizable as a distinct religious entity that can be described in the abstract and studied in comparative perspective. Not all aspects of this complex phenomenon, though, are equally present or exhibit the same degree of commonality: some are more conspicuous and can be described in generic terms; others are more culturally determined in their expression. At the background of any monastic enterprise, for example, there must be the hermit ideal—the notion that perfection should be achieved individually, in isolation, and away from society— and also the millenarian vision of communal realization: the anticipation of a new age that brings divinity to all. If either of these impulses is lacking, monasticism will not arise. Thus Judaism, despite its strong millenarian outlook, has no major monastic movement; it lacks the hermit dimension and finds salvation predominantly in the community. Shintò, by contrast, has the shamanic hermit and supports personal quests for divine connections—but, with the exception of some of its newer sects, lacks the millenarian dimension that would allow a flourishing monastic movement. Another broadly applicable characteristic of monasticism is the tension between individual and communal eªorts within its own institutions and the complex relationship to the society around them. Every monastery in the world must balance the requirement for community cohesion and the need for individual cultivation—mediating the tension between personal goals and communal purposes. It also must interact with the surrounding society, always maintaining distance yet also acknowl-

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edging its existence, power, and requirements. Monks and nuns are separate yet not eliminated, diªerent yet not alien in relation to their native societies, and in all cases physical boundaries and social formalities maintain the separateness and liminal status of recluses. A third universal theme is the reconditioning of behavior and physical activities—the development of a religious habitus and exhibition of semidivine qualities while still in this body. The main monastic principles of humility, abstinence, and obedience, well known from Christianity, are present everywhere, expressed in highly similar rules regarding bodily functions, food consumption, alcohol avoidance, celibacy, internal hierarchy, obeisances, and formal interaction with other monastics. It is in this area that we find the greatest cross-cultural overlap and the most direct influence of Buddhist rules on the Daoist tradition. These three, then, are at the bottom of all monastic endeavors and can be said to be the fundamental characteristics of monasticism as a crosscultural phenomenon: a worldview that involves both the hermit ideal and a millenarian vision; the liminal quality of monastics and their dualistic position vis-à-vis society; and the pervasive reconditioning of physical activities and communal behavior. These three themes alone, however, do not yet make a monastic organization, since they appear equally in nonmonastic religious cults, utopian communities, political enclaves, and other groups of visionary outsiders. Monasticism comes into sharper focus with the next set of three characteristics, which are less ubiquitous but by no means less elementary: the organization of space, the regulation of time, and the practice of the liturgy. All monastics— and even mendicants who may come to stay in certain locations—must have their own space to fulfill their endeavor. This space is commonly arranged to include five essential areas: a sanctuary to the divine, a facility for prayer or meditation, a refectory plus kitchen, a dormitory plus bath and toilet, and a work area often centered on a courtyard or cloister. But this is as far as the commonality goes. The specific arrangements of the buildings depend on the surrounding culture and reflect local preferences in building materials, general layout, architectural design, and organization. Thus, from the mere looks of it, one would not recognize a Bavarian Christian house as the same kind of institution as an Indian Buddhist vihâra; nor could one immediately distinguish, on purely architectural grounds, a Daoist from a Chinese Buddhist monastery or even a Confucian academy. Culture has a great impact on the common ground, making each monastic tradition special in its own way.

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Conclusion

The same pattern holds true for the regulation of time, which in all monastic traditions is tightly controlled by the daily and annual liturgical schedule—dividing the day according to divine o‹ces (usually in disregard of normal patterns of day and night, waking and sleeping), the month on the basis of feast days, and the year through major and minor festivals and the celebration of saints. Although all monastics believe that their time is entirely sacred and that all time is fully dedicated to the divine enterprise—no weekends, no vacations, no time-out—each culture determines the specific divisions and the activities associated with them. Thus in Buddhism—possibly based on a Greek schedule—the day divides into six periods of divine service; Daoism, too, has six periods but they are understood to match the activities of the divinities above; and the Benedictine division of the day into eight o‹ces follows the changing of the guard in civil life. Annual festivals, too, are determined by the specifics of the religion, although most have some seasonal component such as the winter and summer solstices, the beginning of spring, and so on. Just like the control of space, the organization of time is essential to the monastic endeavor. But its concrete practice is determined by the specific cultural and religious background and diªers in each case. A third characteristic—essentially universal but with specific cultural determination—is the practice of the liturgy. All divine o‹ces, in whatever monastic context, involve expressions of humility, rites of confession and thanksgiving, the sharing of merits, and altruistic prayers for the well-being of all. And all involve chant, the melodic incantation of divine words and scriptures, and the recitation of formal declarations and invocations. The overall purpose here is the expression and reinforcement of the monastic mindset: a sense of being humble in the face of the divine yet special in relation to the world—and always on the path toward greater purity, more profound humility, the creation of universal goodness, and good fortune for all beings. The melodic chanting, moreover, brings about a subtle entrainment of mind and body, causes practitioners to breathe deeply and gain a higher inner awareness, and through its specific vibrations intensifies the message contained in the sacred words. While all monastics engage in these liturgical activities, the specific content of the rites—deities addressed, scriptures recited, melodies used— is culturally determined, as is the degree of musical accompaniment. It would be hard to mistake a Gregorian plainsong for a Buddhist sutra recitation, and it would be impossible to match the words, ideas, and deities in the liturgical documents. Still monastics follow the same basic

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pattern, and the taking of refuge, confession of transgressions, and expression of good wishes for all beings resonate equally among all. These three characteristics—space, time, and liturgy—make up the middle ground of the monastic phenomenon.They are essentially universal but find expression through unique cultural patterns. Closely interwoven with the normative society and culture surrounding the monastic institution, they show how monasticism develops the very cultural features it separates itself from. Thus they bring it into focus as a liminal, borderline phenomenon—diªerent from ordinary society, but not ultimately opposed or alien to it, and thereby diªerent from other religious cults and utopian communities. On yet another level of monasticism, there are three further aspects of the phenomenon almost exclusively determined by culture yet in essence common to all: material culture, religious doctrines, and ritual structure. There is no monastic endeavor without special objects of material culture, notably vestments, daily utensils, and ritual implements, since obviously all monks and nuns have to dress and require material objects for their daily needs and the performance of their rites. A common characteristic here is the uniformity of monastic garb and the requirement of poverty and simplicity—rejecting both worldly rank and the idea of private ownership—but this is as far as it goes. Both the robes used and the way they are understood are vastly diªerent among the traditions—Christians seeking to express humility and simplicity in their homespun, dark brown cowls; Buddhists giving visual reality to their outsider status by wearing patched-up rags of a dirty ochre color; Daoists showing the sanctity of their enterprise and presence of the gods in their ornate, colorful, and richly decorated vestments. The same diªerence applies to other implements, which may be simple and locally made, obtained by begging and donations, or specially manufactured from precious and even imported substances for holy use. The variation reflects fundamental diªerences in religious doctrine regarding the material world and the overall goals of the monastic enterprise. These are familiar enough and need not be spelled out in detail here. Essentially Christians see materiality as a necessary evil in the attainment of divine purity, which consists of the soul’s residence at the side of the deity. Accordingly they clothe and feed the body and make use of material objects in a hesitant and highly cautious manner, understanding the temporality of the world and the ultimate need to relinquish it all. Buddhists, following the Hindu model, understand all material existence to be illusory and a major obstacle to realization; they reject— at

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Conclusion

least ideally— all comfort and support, begging for food, wearing rags, and living in houselessness. Their ultimate goal is the complete dissolution of body and mind in the state of nirvâna— annihilation of all, material, mental, and spiritual— or the eternal performance of selfless service as bodhisattva saviors. Daoists, in contrast to both, see the body and the material world as an essential part of the divine enterprise and envision their ultimate goal as a celestial form of existence complete with divine robes, food, music, and companionship. Accordingly they venerate the material aspects of the world, although they take care not to develop emotional attachment to them because they are fleeting and gross in comparison to the wondrous magnificence of heaven. The same diªerence plays out in the ritual activities of monastics. Daoists become o‹cials of the otherworld, active participants in the divine drama and close partners of gods and immortals. Buddhists, again following the Hindu pattern, are hosts to the buddhas and bodhisattvas, whom they receive with formality in pûja, oªering flowers and incense, service and incantations. Christians, finally, pledge in their rituals to serve the deity and oªer themselves in humility and supplication, acknowledging their own helplessness in the face of God’s universal power. Although all monastics, therefore, engage in rituals, hold religious doctrines, and employ material objects, they do so in vastly diªerent ways in accord with their various background cultures.1 This goes to show once again just how liminal the idea of monasticism itself is: placed between being a cross-cultural phenomenon, one that can be defined in the abstract and equally valid for all situations, and a set of religious activities and doctines entirely unique and properly understood only in the relevant cultural and historical context.

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Appendix: The Sources

This section presents the major texts on medieval Daoist monasticism consulted in this study. They are arranged in chronological order and divided according to six categories: early forerunners (fourth–fifth centuries), Celestial Masters manuals (sixth century), Buddhist-based collections (sixth century), key texts (600–630), specific rules (seventh century), and systematizations (eighth century). Under each entry, there is first the full title, followed by an English translation, and these elements: the length of the text in juan and pages, the (alleged) author if known, an approximate date, extant editions, and references in secondary literature. The ensuing discussion describes the contents and provenance of the text and points out its role in medieval monasticism. Early Forerunners (4th–5th c.) Chisongzi zhongjie jing [Essential Precepts of Master Redpine] Full title: same Length: 11 pages Date: fourth century/Song Eds.: DZ 185, fasc. 78 Refs.: Yoshioka 1960; 1967: 294–299; 1970: 212–227; Ren and Zhong 1991: 135–136; Kohn 1998c

This text consists of a dialogue between Huangdi ( Yellow Emperor) and Chisongzi ( Master Redpine), both classical immortals with hagiographies in the Liexian zhuan (Kaltenmark 1988: 50, 35). The Yellow Emperor is the archetypical student; Master Redpine is an inspiring immortal and master of longevity techniques who has lived extensively and can reliably report on the workings of the universe. The dialogue has nine sets of questions and answers:

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1. Why are people diªerent in their fortunes? Because they are born under specific stars and subject to retribution for good and bad deeds (1ab). 2. How long is a typical human life? Ideally 120 years or 43,800 days, but people receive subtractions for evil deeds (1b). 3. Why are there miscarriages and deaths of infants? Because of the sins of the ancestors, which harm the natural elements and are visited upon descendants. A detailed list of sins follows (1b–3a). 4. How can one improve one’s lot? By doing good, practicing devotion and cultivation. Depending on the number of one’s good deeds (one to a thousand), one will receive specific blessings. Ditto for bad deeds (3a–5b). This list of numbers of deeds and their results also appears in the Xuandu lüwen ( Yoshioka 1967: 294–299). 5. Which sins are punished by subtractions from the lifespan? Many, including egoistic behavior, improper actions, cursing, swearing, exposure of the body, and so on. They are too numerous to list, but all inflict harm on natural elements (5b–7b). 6. Do sins and punishments match one on one? Basically yes, but some are punished more severely than others (7b). 7. How can one dissolve the sins one has already accumulated? By practicing rites of repentance and devotion, giving charity, and remaining free from desires. This ideal state was reached in antiquity when people lived in purity and simplicity (7b–8b). 8. Can one attain the Dao in ordinary human life? Yes, by purifying one’s mind and practicing the Confucian virtues, by eliminating bad thoughts from one’s heart and installing good wishes instead (8b–11a). Some of the latter reflect rules of the sixth-century code Guanshen dajie (DZ 1364). 9. How can we rank the wise ones? There are three levels: those knowing the patterns of heaven and acting accordingly, those engaging in serious study of the scriptures, and those performing good deeds in society. The text concludes with the Yellow Emperor expressing his satisfaction and thanking Master Redpine. Cited in the Baopuzi (6.5a), the Chisongzi zhong jie jing goes back as far as the third or fourth century, when it was available in South China. Its pattern of retribution, limited strictly to natural agencies and the celestial administration, does not show any Buddhist influence. As its lists and some of its ideas were used in late Six Dynasties literature, more-

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Appendix

over, it can be considered representative for indigenous Daoist notions of fate and retribution. The extant edition dates from the Song dynasty, as indicated by the preface featuring the Song o‹cial Xue Yuan interacting with the Daoist master Gongming Zihao. The former has ten sons, all a›icted with various sicknesses, deformities, and disabilities, which no physician can cure. Upon the latter’s advice to change his lifestyle to a more altruistic pattern, all of his children improve dramatically (pref. 1a–2a; Yoshioka 1960: 730). The text is mentioned in various Song catalogs (Loon 1984: 110) and cited in texts of that period and has since formed part of popular retribution culture. Taizhen ke [Rules of Great Perfection] Full title: Taizhen mingke [Illuminated Rules of Great Perfection] Length: 5 pages; various Date: fifth– sixth centuries Eds.: fragments Refs.: Òfuchi 1997: 409–505

This early collection of rules is listed in the catalog Quejing mulu (Catalog of lost scriptures; DZ 1430, 1.12a) as having consisted of twelve juan. Today, as Òfuchi has shown, it remains in various fragments that can be dated to either the fifth or sixth century and seem to be based on two rather diªerent texts. The earliest fragment is found in the Taixiao langshu ( Jade book of the great empyrean; DZ 1352, 5.6a–10b), a Shangqing work of the early fifth century. TheTaizhen ke here consists of nine rules that specify guidelines and procedures of the transmission of scriptures, including the proper secrecy, timing, pledges, rituals, and relation to the master. The text claims to have been revealed by Taizhen wang, the King of Great Perfection, and was named after him. It is placed together with other Shangqing rules, such as the Siji mingke (Illustrious rules of the four quarters; DZ 184), and seems to have been a code specifically for ordination. Later fragments seem to stem from the sixth century; they appear in many diªerent texts and encyclopedias including the Wushang biyao (Esoteric essentials of the most High; DZ 1138; see Lagerwey 1981), Xuandu lü wen (see the next section), Sandong zhunang (A bag of pearls from the Three Caverns; DZ 1139; see Reiter 1990), Daojiao yishu (The pivotal meaning of the Daoist teaching; DZ 1129; see Wang 2001), Yaoxiu keyi

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(see the final section), and Yunji qiqian (Seven tablets in a cloudy satchel; DZ 1032). Fragments here are much more numerous and more complex and, as collected in Òfuchi (1997: 473–505), can be divided into fifteen categories: purgation rites, petitions, scripture transmission, gods, heavens, demons and hells, the Three Treasures, greater and lesser vehicles, the Celestial Master, registers, the Three Assemblies, parishes, food and clothing, mental states, and miscellaneous. As this list shows, the sixth-century Taizhen ke belongs in a Celestial Masters context and covers a broad range of subjects. It places great emphasis on the organization and proper procedures of communal followers and can be considered a lay forerunner of the later monastic codes. Its use of the earlier Shangqing title and reference to its transmission procedures, moreover, shows how the methods of the various schools were integrated to form a more complex organization of the Celestial Masters, which then in its turn inspired the rules and procedures for integrated Daoism under the Tang. Zhengyi fawen jing [Scripture of the Code of Orthodox Unity] Full title: same Length: 8 pages Date: fifth– sixth centuries Eds.: DZ 1204, fasc. 876 Refs.: Kobayashi 1990: 328–356; Ren and Zhong 1991: 950

The Zhengyi fawen jing is set in a dialogue of the Highest Lord (Taishang) with the first Celestial Master Zhang Daoling. Asked first about the causes for people’s misfortunes (1a), the Highest Lord explains that they are due to their lack of faith in the laws of retribution, their contempt for the Dao, their breaking of the precepts, and their indulgence in sensual pleasures. Instead people should pursue devotional activities: performing rites of repentance, burning incense, giving charity, sponsoring monasteries, and making sacred images (1b–2a). These lists, close to items mentioned in the Fengdao kejie, as well as the Buddhist tenor of the text, suggest a sixth-century date. The work then specifies nine states of danger that cause people to be restless and unable to sleep. They are: sickness, imprisonment, war, floods, fires, poisonous creatures, earthquakes, inner terror, and hunger and cold. These nine are distributed among people as punishments for their sins by a group of nine major demons each with nine billion lesser entities at its disposal (2a–3b). In addition, there are five evil emperors, associated

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Appendix

with the five directions and the five colors, who each spread sicknesses, poisons, and disasters matching their colors (3b–4b). And there are five punishing swords that are carried among people by celestial o‹cers and bring them diseases and disasters in a pattern of the five phases—the sword of wood brings hunger and cold, for example, that of fire brings headaches and fevers (4b–5a). The last section of the text focuses on countermeasures, especially those centering on the worship of the Heavenly Worthies of the ten directions. Their names as listed here (7ab) are identical with those found in the Fengdao kejie, but the order is diªerent: instead of bowing first to the cardinal, then to the corner directions, here the practitioner is to follow a consecutive circle moving clockwise and beginning with the east. Their worship, production of statues, and copying and recitation of scriptures, however, closely match similar instructions given in the Fengdao kejie. In a wider context, the Zhengyi fawen jing belongs to a body of texts known as Zhengyi fawen, an extensive collection of the rules and rites of the Celestial Masters that first arose in the fifth century. Over the years it grew to sixty scrolls and then was divided into separate sections and, for the most part, lost. The Harvard-Yenching index lists twenty-five texts with the title “Zhengyi fawen,” nine of which are still extant (Weng 1935: 67). No traces of the compendium were recovered from Dunhuang, but citations begin with the Wushang biyao and continue into the early Song (Yunji qiqian, Taiping yulan; see Òfuchi and Ishii 1988: 592). Celestial Masters Manuals (6th c.) Xuandu lüwen [Statutes of Mystery Metropolis] Full title: same Length: 22 pages Date: sixth century Eds.: DZ 188, fasc. 78; extensive citations in Yaoxiu keyi Refs.: Kobayashi 1990: 206–207; Ren and Zhong 1991: 137; Robinet 1984: 2:280; Kohn (forthcoming)

This text contains six sets of statutes governing Daoist behavior: 1. Statutes of good and evil, emptiness and nonbeing (1a–3a) 2. Statutes of precepts and recitations (3a–5a) 3. Statutes of the hundred remedies (5a–8a) 4. Statutes of the hundred diseases (8a–11a)

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5. Statutes of organization and ritual (11a–18b) 6. Statutes of the presentation of petitions (18b–22a) The first set consists of lists of the good and bad fortune one will experience if one commits good or evil deeds, from one to one thousand. It introduces the list with a definition of thirteen desirable states (such as emptiness, nonbeing, purity, tranquility, subtlety, and simplicity) and thirteen beneficial attitudes or personal characteristics that will lead to immortal perfection, emphasizing that anybody who fails to comply with these will be punished by heaven. The list is first found in the Chisongzi zhong jie jing. Under the Tang it is expanded in the Zhiyan zong (Comprehensive perfect words, DZ 1033; see Yoshioka 1967) and then simplified again in the hagiography of Laozi’s mother in Du Guangting’s (850–933) Yongcheng jixian lu (Record of the assembled immortals in the heavenly walled city; DZ 783; see Kohn 1989a: 88–91).Under the Song the list became part of popular culture and appeared in the Daozang version of the Ganying pian (On impulse and response; DZ 1167, chap. 11). The second set of statutes of the Xuandu lüwen, next, has twelve rules on concrete ritual practices—such as the visualization of gods, the chanting of scriptures, and the eating of sacrificial food— as well as the ritual schedule and attitudes toward teachers and family. It begins with a list of undesirable attitudes of a deceiving nature, such as taking evil for good, crooked for straight, pure for turbid, and so on. Each statute, moreover, is associated with a particular punishment, such as the subtraction of four hundred days or five years from the lifespan. The third and fourth sets each consist of one hundred entries focusing on the idea of sickness and healing. They begin by mentioning the celestial administration, specifying that the Ruler of Transgressions (Siguo) reports all misdeeds while the Ruler of Fates (Siming) shortens the lifespan. Next, virtue is defined as the physician of the human condition and religious practice as the medicine to be applied. All good deeds and devotional attitudes, listed next, are described as one potent remedy each, while all evil actions are defined as sicknesses and the ultimate cause of diseases, sent down as punishments by the supernatural agencies. The fifth section has twenty-seven items of communal and ritual import specifying subtractions of reckoning days (suan) and periods ( ji) from the lifespan for various improper actions—such as not following the inheritance procedures when taking over the teaching from one’s father, squabbling over the transmission after the death of a master, failure to

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Appendix

attend assemblies or pay the right amount of dues, seeking fast promotion, making mistakes in setting out banquets, creating disturbances during the Three Assemblies (sanhui), failing to worship properly, at the right times, in a clear state, and so on. These oªenses describe problems that occur mainly in a communal, nonmonastic organization. Their punishments range from a subtraction of two hundred days to three periods. The last set of statutes consists of sixteen items focusing on the presentation of ritual petitions in the communal worship hall (zhi). They speak about entering the sacred space on the right day and at the right hour, properly purified and attired in ritual vestments, and performing the rite for the sake of the entire community and not for personal gain. In each case, failure to comply with a statute results in a reduction in rank by one or two notches, a subtraction of days from the lifespan, or a visitation by sickness for a given number of days. The Xuandu lüwen is a lay-centered text of the Celestial Masters that originated in South China in the sixth century. Aside from the Fengdao kejie, it is cited in various seventh-century works, beginning with Shi Falin’s Buddhist polemic Bianzheng lun (In defense of what is right; T. 2110, 52.489c–550c), dated to 622. Thereafter the text is mentioned in the Sandong zhunang of the mid-seventh century, the Yaoxiu keyi of the eighth, and the Yunji qiqian of the eleventh. From this we know that the text was extant and actively used in the seventh century and hence is prior to it (Ren and Zhong 1991: 138; Robinet 1984: 2:280). Zhengyi weiyi jing [Scripture of Dignified Observances of Orthodox Unity] Full title: same Length: 20 pages Date: sixth century Eds.: DZ 791, fasc. 564 Refs.: Ren and Zhong 1991: 570

A list of 132 entries under a total of thirty headings, this text contains concrete instructions on the behavior of the followers of the Celestial Masters around or shortly after unification. In a concluding note (19b– 20a), the text claims that it originated from the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning ( Yuanshi tianzun), who transmitted it to the Highest Lord (Taishang), who in turn passed it on to Zhang Daoling. It deals

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with procedures of ordination and daily religious behavior. The section headings are as follows: Receiving the Dao (1a) Ritual vestments (5a) Entering the chamber (6ab) Presenting memorials (6b) Reciting scriptures (6b) Lecturing on the scriptures (8a) Serving the teacher (9ab) Performing purgations (9b) Receiving precepts (10b) Rites of repentance (11a) Obeisances (11b) Burning incense (12a) Lighting lamps (12b) Sounding bells (13a) Sounding gongs (14a)

Presenting petitions (14a) Ritual requests (14b) Ritual implements (15a) Eating utensils (15a) Proper use of utensils (15b) Residences (15b) Sleeping furniture (16a) Shoes (16a) Wells (16a) Proper use of water (16b) Eating and drinking (16b) Activity and rest (17b) Travels (17b) Monasteries (18a) Death (19a)

Much of the text’s content is compatible and even identical with instructions given in the Fengdao kejie. The rules here are less well organized, however, and do not appear in a structured setting of systematic explanation. Moreover, they are limited in sectarian context by their close link to the first Celestial Master. The work, which can be dated to the time of unification, is thus a precursor of the Fengdao kejie. It documents the degree to which monastic rules and organization were inherited from the lay priesthood of the Celestial Masters. Zhengyi xiuzhen lueyi [Summary of Orthodox Unity Observances for the Cultivation of Perfection] Full title: same Length: 20 pages Date: sixth century Eds.: DZ 1239, fasc. 990 Refs.: Yoshioka 1976: 87–89; Ren and Zhong 1991: 980; Kohn 1997b

This work outlines the major ranks of integrated Daoism as it began to emerge in the late Six Dynasties or Sui. It focuses largely on the Celestial Masters practice of registers, which it attributes to the Divine Worthy of Primordial Beginning ( Yuanshi shenzun) and, in its transmitted

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Appendix

form, to Zhang Daoling. This identifies the text as belonging in the environment of the southern Celestial Masters. The system of ranks it presents is a rudimentary form of what becomes standard in the Tang and is described in the Fengdao kejie. It consists of a total of sixty ranks with one or more registers each—twenty-four of Orthodox Unity or the Celestial Masters, six each of Cavern Spirit and Cavern Mystery, and twenty-four more of Cavern Perfection. Each of these comes with specific registers (there are hardly any scriptures mentioned), about half of which are also listed in the Fengdao kejie, but always in a completely diªerent order and often associated with diªerent ritual ranks. The text makes a single reference to a “list of rules for worshiping the Dao of the Three Caverns” (12a), which can be construed as indicating the title of the Fengdao kejie ( Yoshioka 1976: 88) but seems rather to be a generic reference to such rules as circulated at the time. In sum, then, the basic pattern of the various schools is largely the same in both texts but the system of the Fengdao kejie is much better organized and more integrative. It cannot possibly predate the rather limited and preliminary attempt at integration found in the Zhengyi xiuzhen lueyi. The latter has strong sectarian bonds to the southern Celestial Masters and Highest Purity schools— a typical mixture for sixth-century Daoism in South China but one that precedes the fully integrated system of the Fengdao kejie. Buddhist-Based Collections (6th c.) Guanxing jing [Scripture of Behavioral Observation] Full title: Shenren shuo sanyuan weiyi guanxing jing [Scripture of Behavioral Observation Based on the Dignified Observances of the Three Primes Revealed by the Spirit Man] Length: 369 lines Date: seventh century Eds.: P. 2410, S. 3140; Òfuchi 1979a: 242–251 Refs.: Akizuki 1960; Òfuchi 1978: 121–122

The text survives only in fragments, notably of the second juan. It consists of an itemized list of rules regarding monastic conduct, often short and even staccato in style, but covering a wide range of concrete situations and monastic aªairs. The text is subdivided according to specific topics—inquiring about the scriptures, serving the master, caring for dis-

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211

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ciples, donning ritual vestments, entering the bathhouse, sitting in the lecture hall, and so on. Much of it is identical or almost identical with the Buddhist Da biqiu sanqian weiyi jing (Great sutra of three thousand dignified observances for the monk; T. 1470, 24.912c–26a), ascribed to An Shigao of the second century, but more likely dating from the fifth century ( Hirakawa 1960: 193–196). This text remains in its entirety, in two juan, and begins with a lengthy doctrinal presentation on the nature of karma and the role of conduct in the larger scheme of things. It also has a number of sections not apparent in the Daoist version—notably those dealing with the etiquette of begging (24.919a), the proprieties of growing grain and buying meat (920b, 922c), remaining aware of others’ activities (921b), and handling the kitchen stove (923a). The following list of topics and item numbers gives the line of the Dunhuang manuscript, the section heading, the page number of the Buddhist text, the number of items in each case, and an evaluation as to the identical (id) or almost identical (id*) nature of the section. P. 2410 DH

Topic

6 34 53 59 62 68 74 77 85 88 100 112 118 121 125 133 140 150 157

Serving as the master Serving the master Sewing vestments Dyeing vestments How to wear vestments When not to wear vestments Drying vestments Washing vestments Exiting the room Taking baths Entering the study room Entering the hall Asking about the scriptures Explaining the scriptures to a woman Newly arriving Welcoming new arrivals Instructing disciples Attending on the master Conditions for being a master

T. 24

Items

917c22 918a23 — 918b4 918b7 918b16 918b24 918b27 — 918c15 919a1 919a16 919a23 919c8 919c18 919c28 920b10 920b22 920c5

43 vs. 30 33 vs. 25 9 vs. 0 5 vs. 5 7 vs. 5 16 vs. 18 5 vs. 5 13 vs. 15 4 vs. 0 20 vs. 25 21 vs. 25 9 vs. 10 3 vs. 3 3 vs. 5 13 vs. 10 11 vs. 10 15 vs. 15 10 vs. 10 10 vs. 10

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id

id

id id* id* id* id id* id* id* id*

Appendix P. 2410 (continued) DH

Topic

161 165

Disciples’ manners When master and disciples should live apart Dismissing disciples Sending disciples elsewhere Disciples arriving at a new master’s Receiving someone else’s disciple Mealtime etiquette Receiving the meal Rinsing after meals Handling the water basin Using hand cloths Managing communal aªairs Refectory conduct Serving in the kitchen Supplying new arrivals Giving instructions on shopping Giving instructions on drawing water Giving instructions on cutting firewood Giving instructions on selecting rice Giving instructions on washing rice Giving instructions on cleaning pots Giving instructions on planting rice Giving instructions on preparing vegetables Giving instructions on making broth Sweeping the institution Preparing for an assembly Sprinkling the ground Sweeping the ground Lighting lamps Caring for the community Attention to detail Squatting down Living in purity Using the rear facilities

167 169 173 177 180 184 194 203 218 223 234 244 259 264 270 274 278 281 284 288 293 296 299 303 307 310 314 318 326 341 345 354

T. 24

Items

id

920c11 920c15

5 vs. 5 3 vs. 3

id id

920c17 920c19 920c23 920c27 921a1 921a5 921b4 921b29 921c19 922a8 922b1 922b21 922c17 922c21 922c28 923a2 923a5 923a7 923a10 923a16 923a20

3 vs. 3 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 14 vs. 35 12 vs. 20 22 vs. 25 5 vs. 5 12 vs. 15 13 vs. 25 19 vs. 25 7 vs. 7 9 vs. 10 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5

id id id id id

923a23 923b28 923c5 923c11 923c13 — 924b8 924b22 925a4 925b9 925b25

5 vs. 5 7 vs. 5 5 vs. 7 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 5 5 vs. 0 9 vs. 15 20 vs. 25 5 vs. 5 14 vs. 20 25 vs. 25

id* id* id id* id* id id* id id id id id id id id id* id* id id id* id* id id* id*

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214

Appendix S. 3140 DH

8 12 16

Topic

T. 24

Items

id

Eschewing vestments in foreign lands Rising after rest Washing and rinsing

915a18 915a24 915a29

3 vs. 3 5 vs. 5 9 vs. 9

id* id*

Qianzhen ke [Rules for a Thousand Perfected] Full title: Dongxuan lingbao qianzhen ke [Rules for a Thousand Perfected, Contained in the Mystery Cavern of Numinous Treasure] Length: 30 pages Date: seventh century Eds.: DZ 1410, fasc. 1052; extensive citations in Yaoxiu keyi Refs.: Ren and Zhong 1991: 119–120; Tsuzuki 2002b

The text begins with a revelation story describing the descent of the Highest Lord Lao to Ge Xuan, the immortal patriarch of Numinous Treasure, allegedly in 240 c.e. Accompanied by a host of perfected, the deity takes a seat on a formal platform and graciously answers Ge’s questions about rules in Daoist institutions. The text then consists of 109 rules, each introduced with “The Rules say. . . .” They appear in no particular order but can be divided into five general categories: interaction with outsiders, etiquette in the community, treatment of food and resources, prohibitions of disruptive behavior, and proper attitudes. From internal evidence—such as the terms used for provinces and districts, references to a state-sponsored ordination system, and the text’s supplementing of the Fengdao kejie—it can be dated to around the year 630 (Tsuzuki 2002b: 62). It is also heavily influenced by Buddhism, and many of its rules are contained in the Sifen lü shanfan buque xingshi chao (Notes on matters of behavior abridging and supplementing the FourPart Vinaya; T. 1804, 40.1a–157b), especially in secs. 7, 14, and 24–27. Written by the Vinaya master Daoxuan (596–667) and dated to around 650, this text presumably goes back to the sixth-century Vinaya leader Zhishou, who wrote a commentary to the Sifen lü that is no longer extant (see Satò 1986: 88–89). Tsuzuki (2002b, 68) believes that both the Qianzhen ke and the Buddhist work used this commentary as their base. The Qianzhen ke is not, however, a mere imitation of the Buddhist model. For one thing, it is a concise list of specific behavioral rules whereas the comparative Buddhist text is more of a scholastic evaluation and interpretation of proper behavior and includes large sections

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Appendix

on doctines and mental state; it is about five times as long, too. For another, it uses Daoist technical terms, ritual procedures, and the orientation of thought, also making use of ancient patterns found in the Liji (Tsuzuki 2002b: 74). The entire last section of the Qianzhen ke—notably items 81–109 (25b–30b) on the performance of zhai and other liturgical matters—has no match at all in Buddhist sources. Although influenced by the Buddhist model, the text is, therefore, still inalienably Daoist in phrasing and outlook. Key Texts (600–630) Yinyuan jing [Scripture on Karmic Causes] Full title: Taishang dongxuan lingbao yebao yinyuan jing [Scripture on Karma, Retribution, and Karmic Causes of the Mystery Cavern of Highest Numinous Treasure] Length: 10 juan Date: Sui Eds.: DZ 336, fasc. 174–175; Dunhuang manuscripts (Òfuchi 1979a, 147–177) Refs.: Òfuchi 1978: 85–100; Yoshioka 1964; 1976; Nakajima 1984; Kobayashi 1990: 236, 240; Ren and Zhong 1991: 254–255; Kohn 1998b

The Yinyuan jing details the rules of karmic cause and eªect in a total of ten scrolls. Its first two scrolls (secs. 1–4) describe the basic law of karma and retribution, listing good deeds that bring salvation and bad deeds that cause people to go to hell and suªer in terrible ways. The second and third sections, abbreviated and in reversed order, are also found in the Fengdao kejie (secs. 1–2; see Kohn 2003). The central part of the text, the middle six scrolls (secs. 5–17), concentrate on the active practice of the Dao, focusing primarily on lay followers but also including certain items of monastic practice. Everyone is urged to attend rites of repentance, receive and honor the precepts, hold purgations, chant the scriptures, and sponsor or perform rites to the Dao. Monastics are required to swear pledges and take vows; lay followers should develop a cheerful attitude and give amply in charity. All should nurture compassionate attitudes and pray to the Ten Worthies Who Save from Suªering ( Jiuku tianzun). The last three scrolls (secs. 16–27) deal predominantly with cosmology, describing the rules of merit and virtue, impulse and response, and

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the role of human life and the human body in the larger scheme of things. They also discuss the creation of the world, the various kalpas it passed through, the salvific activities of the Daoist gods, and the manifestation and benefits of the Daoist teaching in the world. The twenty-seven sections are as follows: 1. Bringing salvation (1.1a–13b) 2. Rewards for good deeds (2.1a–4a) 3. Retribution for bad deeds (2.4a–14a) 4. Receiving punishment (2.14a–23b) 5. Confession and repentance (3.1a–15b) 6. Upholding the precepts (4.1a–5b) 7. Keeping purgations (4.5b–14b) 8. Reciting and chanting (5.1a–3a) 9. Performing rites to the Dao (5.3a–5b) 10. Extending pledges (5.5b–7b) 11. Swearing vows (5.7b–10a) 12. Singing praises (5.10a–11a) 13. Giving charity (5.11a–16b) 14. Compassionate attitudes (6.1a–3a) 15. Rescue from suªering (6.3a–13a)

16. Merit and virtue (7.1a–8b) 17. Response and impulse (7.9a–11b) 18. Rewards of blessedness (7.12a–13b) 19. The birth of the spirit (8.1a–10b) 20. Encompassing rescue (9.1a–11a) 21. Proof in fact (9.11a–14b) 22. Controlling the causes (9.14b–16b) 23. Creation and transformation (9.16b–18b) 24. The cosmic network (10.1a–1b) 25. Encountering perfection (10.1b–4a) 26. Explaining the teaching (10.4a–6b) 27. Continuous pervasion (10.6b–10a)

In contents and terminology, the Yinyuan jing is heavily influenced by Buddhism, especially by the Lotus Sutra ( Yoshioka 1964: 797) and several texts on rebirth, retribution, and proper worship (see Yoshioka 1976: 134–135; Kohn 1998b). In terms of date, the Yinyuan jing can be placed solidly in the Sui dynasty. It is cited in a fragment of the Sui work Xuanmen dayi (Great meaning of the gate of all wonders; DZ 1124) and has a similar section on rites of purgation ( Yoshioka 1976: 133). It is also very close to the Fengdao kejie, suggesting a dating slightly prior to it. The closeness of the two texts is documented not only in the latter’s citation of secs. 2 and 3 but also in the use of the same expressions and technical terms. Other similarities include a list of items of monastic organization in sec. 7, a survey of classical practices of devotion in sec. 8, and a description of the karmic eªects of the making of images in sec. 10 (see Akizuki 1965: 57, 61–62). Moreover, the Yinyuan jing contains several features of Daoist doc-

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Appendix

trine that begin to flourish in the seventh century—further evidence for a Sui date of the text: 1. The use of a bodhisattva-like figure as main interlocutor, notably Puji zhenren (Perfected of Universal Rescue), an adaptation of the bodhisattva in the last chapter of the Lotus Sutra (T. 262, 9.1a–63b). 2. The prominent mention of the Ten Worthies Who Save from Suªering, a set of figures based on the buddhas of the ten directions ( Mochizuki 1936: 4439). 3. The listing of the so-called ten days of uprightness (shizhi) during which lay devotees visited monasteries for rites and lectures and observed eight precepts instead of the customary five (Soymié 1977: 2; Zürcher 1980: 130). 4. The list of the dates for the festivals of the Three Primes (sanyuan), known by this name only after the Buddhist ghost festival (Ullambana; see Teiser 1988) was integrated with the Three Assemblies of Daoism in the late sixth century (Akizuki 1961; 1965). 5. The use of the expression “throwing all five limbs on the floor as if Mount Tai were collapsing” to indicate a particularly submissive form of penance that does not appear until after the Sui ( Yang 1962: 277). All these points suggest that the Yinyuan jing dates from around the year 600. It is an important classic on Daoist ideas of karma and retribution and the various practices associated with repentance, purgations, and the improvement of good fortune. In worldview and diction close to the Fengdao kejie, it was compiled in the same overall environment and reflects similar concerns. Fengdao kejie [Rules and Precepts for Worshiping the Dao] Full title: Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi [Practical Introduction to the Rules and Precepts for Worshiping the Dao of the Three Caverns Contained in the Mystery Cavern of Numinous Treasure] Length: 6 juan By: Jin Ming Qizhen Date: 620–630 Eds.: DZ 1125, fasc. 760–761; Dunhuang manuscripts (Òfuchi 1979a: 219–242; citations in Miaomen youqi (DZ 1123, 17b–18b), Zhaijie lu (DZ 464, 9a–10a)

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217

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Refs.: Yoshioka 1955: 301–340; 1976: 75–219; Akizuki 1965; Òfuchi 1978: 115–121; Tonkò kòza 1983: 167–176; Liu 1986; Reiter 1988; 1998; Benn 1991: 72–97; 2000: 326; Ren and Zhong 1991: 872– 874; Òfuchi 1997: 557–590; Barrett 1997; Kohn 1997b; 2003

The Fengdao kejie in its preface is ascribed to Jin Ming, also known as Qizhenzi or Master of the Seven Perfected (stars of the Dipper), a Shangqing visionary who flourished around 550 c.e. In addition to this ascription, it mentions the Zhen’gao (Declarations of the perfected; DZ 1016) and the Dengzhen yinjue (Secret instructions on the ascent to the perfected; DZ 421) by Tao Hongjing (456–536) and was therefore written no earlier than the latter’s lifetime. The text itself, moreover, is referred to in a fragment of the Quhuo lun (To remove doubts) by the Louguan master Yin Wencao (622–688) and cited with several clearly identified passages in Zhang Wanfu’s Miaomen youqi (Entrance to the gates of all wonders, DZ 1123), dated to 713.The Fengdao kejie was therefore written between the mid-sixth and mid-seventh centuries. Within this period, scholars originally tended to accept the ascription to Jin Ming as authentic and accordingly dated the text to about 550. Recently, however, philological and historical arguments have shown a dating in the early Tang, around 620–630, to be most likely. About 60 percent of the Fengdao kejie is also found in manuscripts from Dunhuang, with remnants of several additional sections recovered from further manuscripts and citations in Tang works. Textual variants between the Daozang and Dunhuang editions are not substantial; scroll numbers vary considerably, however, giving rise to speculations about a process of early expansion and later condensation of the text (see Kohn 1997b). The Daozang version of the text divides into eighteen sections: 1. Retribution of sins (1.2a–8b) 2. Retribution of good deeds (1.8b–12a) 3. Comprehensive structures (1.12ab) 4. Setting up monasteries (1.12b–19b) 5. Making sacred images (2.1a–5b) 6. Copying scriptures (2.5b–7a) 7. Conditions for ordination (2.7a–15a)

8. Ritual implements (3.1a–6a) 9. Ritual vestments (3.6a–8b) 10. Residences (3.8b–10a) 11. Reciting the scriptures (4.1a–3a) 12. Lecturing on the scriptures (4.3a–4b) 13. The ritual order (4.4b–5.4a) 14. Illustrations of ritual vestments (5.4a–8a) 15. Regular audience services (6.1a–4a)

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Appendix

16. The noon purgation (6.4a–7a) 17. Major assemblies (6.7a–9b)

18. Formal ordinations (6.9b–12a)

Dunhuang manuscripts and citations allow the addition of five more (titles with asterisks were supplied by the translator): 1. Transmission details* (S. 809) 2. Annual purifications* (Zhaijie lu) 3. Levels of Daoists* ( Miaomen youqi)

4. Interaction with ordinary people* (P. 3682) 5. Compassionate assistance (P. 3682)

The Fengdao kejie covers all diªerent aspects and complexities of Daoist monastic life—from the karmic role of Daoist recluses and their institutions through the creation of the physical monastery and the necessary utensils and holy paraphernalia to the details of monastics’ residences, ranks, vestments, and ritual activities. The text is central to understanding medieval Daoist organization and training, and most other texts on monasticism relate to it in one way or another. Specific Rules (7th c.) Fashi jinjie jing [Prohibitions and Precepts Regarding Ceremonial Food] Full title: Laozi shuo fashi jinjie jing [Prohibitions and Precepts Regarding Ceremonial Food, as Revealed by Laozi] Length: 72 lines Date: seventh century Eds.: P. 2447 (Òfuchi 1979a: 689–690) Refs.: Òfuchi 1978: 325; Kohn (forthcoming)

Found among Dunhuang manuscripts, this short text is revealed by Laozi. Judging from the vocabulary used and the rules provided, it dates from the early Tang and is addressed to a monastic Daoist community. It is not cited or edited elsewhere, but its rules are reflected closely in other seventh-century documents on Daoist monastic life. In content the text emphasizes that people cause decay and death for themselves by indulging in eating and drinking without constraint and then sets up five food groups in ranking of benefit: (1) qi; (2) medicines; (3) grain; (4) fruit; (5) vegetables. Each food group has its own properties and advantages, but none comes close to the nourishing of pure qi, which is done through the practice of gymnastics and embryo respiration. Whatever one takes, however, it should be done between midnight

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and noon, during the time of rising yang and under observation of thirtyeight rules specified in the text—including proper ritual observances at meals, proper consideration for one’s fellow beings, and avoidance of all unclean and improper foods. Daoxue keyi [Rules and Observances for Students of the Dao] Full title: Dongxuan lingbao daoxue keyi [Rules and Observances for Students of the Dao, Contained in the Mystery Cavern of Numinous Treasure] Length: 2 juan By: Taiji taixu zhenren Date: seventh century Eds.: DZ 1126, fasc. 761 Refs.: Ren and Zhong 1991: 874–875

Ascribed to a deity of the Lingbao pantheon, this work does not have a mythical introduction or setting. It contains guidelines for Daoist behavior, mostly for chujia or renunciant practitioners, in thirty-five sections. In style and outlook it is close to the Fengdao kejie, which it follows in the Daoist canon. The sections are: 1. Proper speech (1.1a) 2. Lecturing practice (2a) 3. Prohibition of alcohol (3b) 4. Taboos against strong vegetables (4b) 5. Caring for ritual vestments (5a) 6. Kerchiefs and headdresses (6b) 7. Honoring ritual vestments (7b) 8. Opposing the Dao (9b) 9. Mountain living (11a) 10. Grooming the hair (12a) 11. Washing and bathing (13a) 12. Dissolving foulness (15a) 13. Bells and chimes (16a) 14. Essential purgations (17b) 15. Readings and recitations (19a) 16. Punishable oªenses during meditations and purgations (20a)

17. Altar rites (20b) 18. Lighting lamps (2.1a) 19. Spells when drinking water (2a) 20. Memorials and petitions (2b) 21. Oªerings and requests (4a) 22. General prohibitions (5a) 23. Spiritual pillows (6b) 24. Essentials on bright mirrors (7b) 25. The staª of nine knots (9b) 26. Making divine swords (10a) 27. Using the outhouse facilities (12a) 28. Dissolving nightmares (12b) 29. Father and mother (13a) 30. Sickness and old age (14a) 31. Decline and passing (16a) 32. Mourning the master (16b) 33. Mourning the parents (17b) 34. Requiem services (18a) 35. Possessions of the deceased (19a)

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The text is comprehensively written in a legible style and contains wellorganized discussions, numerous lists, and comprehensive coverage of proper Daoist behavior. Many items match information given in the Fengdao kejie, the Shishi weiyi, and the Yaoxiu keyi. Shishi weiyi [ Ten Items of Dignified Observances] Full title: Xuanmen shishi weiyi [ Ten Items of Dignified Observances for the Gate to the Mystery] Length: 17 pages Date: seventh century Eds.: DZ 792, fasc. 564 Refs.: Ren and Zhong 1991: 570–571; Yoshioka 1976: 99–100; Kohn 2001; Kohn (forthcoming)

Transmitted by the Highest Lord Lao (Taishang laojun) to the Perfected of No-Thought (Wuxiang zhenren), this compendium on monastic behavior divides into ten sections and 144 entries: 1. Handling the seat cloth (2a) 2. Obeisances and formal greetings (3a) 3. Coming and going (4b) 4. Sitting and rising (6a) 5. Handling the water pitcher (7a)

6. Washing and rinsing (7b) 7. Dishes and wiping cloths (8b) 8. Ceremonial meals (9a) 9. Requesting the divine law (10a) 10. Safekeeping (13b)

The text supplements the Fengdao kejie. It covers similar ground but focuses on the concrete activities of Daoists rather than their material surroundings. For example, the Shishi weiyi has a detailed section on the performance of obeisances (sec. 2) describing exactly how far, with what body parts, and how many times to bow or knock the head in what situation, a feature taken entirely for granted in the Fengdao kejie. In two places, moreover, the text refers to the Fengdao kejie for the text of an incantation that is part of the rite it describes but does not spell out in full (10a, 11a). The one citation it has from the text is in its last section on “Safekeeping.” It says: scriptures and sacred images are generally of the same kind and [treated] without distinction. As the “Rules for Worshiping the Dao” say: Wherever scriptures and sacred images are housed, the place must be well protected and sparkling clean. They should be surrounded and properly

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separated by bamboo railings. If you leave them even for a short time, always take a clean cloth to cover them. At those times when practitioners study and read the scriptures, they must not unroll them more than three times in a row. Once they are done, they should use the handy hand to roll the scripture back up. If the scroll has not been read completely, never leave it unrolled even for an instant. Should there be an urgent aªair [interrupting the reading], then start the scroll again later from the very beginning while uttering the proper expressions of repentance. [14a]

This citation, which might well fit into sec. 6, “Copying the Scriptures,” together with the two references, as well as the entire tone of the text, shows that the compiler of the Shishi weiyi was aware of the Fengdao kejie and viewed his work as a supplement to it, relying on the information already in the text and focusing largely on the behavioral details it left out. The two texts were thus probably written in close mutual relation, the Fengdao kejie being slightly earlier and more fundamental. This places the Shishi weiyi in the mid-seventh century. This dating is also supported by the appearance of the link between the number ten and the term “xuanmen” in seventh-century Buddhism, where it plays a prominent role in the Huayan school and is found as the “Ten Gates to the Mystery” in Fazang’s (643–712) Jin shizi zhang (Treatise on the golden lion; T. 1880, 45.663–667; Chan 1963: 411). Systematizations (8th c.) Chuanshou lueshuo [Synopsis of Transmission] Full title: Chuanshou sandong jing jie falu lueshuo [Synopsis of the Transmission of the Scriptures, Precepts, Methods, and Registers of the Three Caverns] Length: 2 juan By: Zhang Wanfu Date: 713 Eds.: DZ 1241, fasc. 990 Refs.: Ren and Zhong 1991: 982; Benn 1991; 2000: 322–323; Despeux 2000: 389

A detailed description of the major ordination ranks of the Daoist hierarchy, this text also includes a minute account of the ordination of two Tang princesses into the rank of Numinous Treasure in 711 (2.18a–21a). The text is summarized in Benn 1991 (chap. 4), who bases his discussion of Daoist ordination on the ritual surrounding the princesses. The text’s

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more technical part is closely patterned on the Fengdao kejie, which Benn also uses for his presentation of the major ranks. In each case he supplements the Fengdao kejie account with Zhang Wanfu’s description and notes the variants between the two. Fafu kejie wen [Rules and Precepts Regarding Ritual Vestments] Full title: Sandong fafu kejie wen [Rules and Precepts Regarding Ritual Vestments of the Three Caverns] Length: 10 pages By: Zhang Wanfu Date: 712 Eds.: DZ 788, fasc. 563 Refs.: Benn 1991: 143–144; Kohn 1993: 335–343; (forthcoming)

The text divides into two parts: a dialogue between the Highest Lord and the Celestial Master (1a–7a) and a list of rules on the treatment of vestments given by the Celestial Master (7b–10b). The first part contains a detailed description of the flowing robes of pure transformation worn by the celestials in heaven, dividing them into nine distinct ranks and categories. It then discusses the vestments of the seven major ritual ranks on earth and explains the symbolism of major garments, linking their appellation with relevant homophone characters. This section concludes with the Highest Lord recounting the various robes he wore through his divine career. The second part lists forty-six rules regarding ritual vestments followed by a list of ten groups of beings, both earthly and celestial, that will despise a Daoist who does not treat his or her vestments properly. It ends with two injunctions against wearing the vestments at improper times and using them for improper purposes, each linked with a specific deduction of days from the lifespan. The text provides comprehensive coverage of the styles and proper treatment of ritual vestments that remained standard in later centuries. The forty-six rules, moreover, were integrated into the elementary precepts of the Complete Perfection school, the Chuzhen jie (Precepts of initial perfection). Yaoxiu keyi [Essential Rules and Observances] Full title: Yaoxiu keyi jielü chao [ Notes on Essential Rules and Observances, Precepts, and Statutes] Length: 16 juan By: Zhu Faman

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Date: eighth century Eds.: DZ 463, fasc. 204–207 Refs.: Ren and Zhong 1991: 344–345; Zhu 1992: 111; Òfuchi and Ishii 1988: 188–199; Tsuzuki 2000

This extensive ritual compendium was created by Zhu Faman or Zhu Junxu, a resident of the Yuqing guan ( Monastery of Jade Clarity) in the capital. As described in the twelfth-century hagiographic collection Sandong qunxian lu (Record of the host of immortals of the Three Caverns; DZ 1248, 13.20b–21a), he was a devout recluse of the Dao who immersed himself deeply in spiritual practices and was able to remain in motionless concentration even during severe thunderstorms and to calmly announce his own death. The text is encyclopedic in nature and provides both original descriptions of practices and citations of earlier materials. The latter include, among others, the Taizhen ke, Qianzhen ke, Xuandu lüwen, and Yinyuan jing described here, as well as the Benji jing (Scripture of the genesis point; see Wu 1960), the Benxiang jing (Scripture of the original image; see Yamada 1995), and the Louguan benji (Original record of Louguan; see Kohn 1997a). The Yaoxiu keyi consists of sixteen juan of varying length divided by Ren and Zhong (1991: 344) into ten parts: 1. Scriptures: transmission, recitation, lecturing ( j. 1–2) 2. Relationship of master and disciple ( j. 3) 3. Precepts of various schools and types ( j. 4–6) 4. Retribution of sins ( j. 7) 5. Purgation rites ( j. 8) 6. Vestments and discipline ( j. 9) 7. Ceremonial space and proper memorials ( j. 10–11). 8. Daoist acts and their karmic consequences ( j. 12) 9. Miscellaneous rules and behavioral guidelines ( j. 13–14) 10. Rites for sickness and death ( j. 15–16)

Many of these parts are divided into sections clearly headed in the text itself. For example, the first part on the scriptures has nine sections, dealing with their classification, transmission, presentation, copying, recitation, lecture, reception, and maintenance. Similarly, part five on purgation rites begins by detailing the proper months, days, and hours for their performance and then moves on to describe the roles of the various o‹ciants. Part six, moreover, on vestments and discipline, closely echoes

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the Fengdao kejie and Shishi weiyi in its discussion of vestments, obeisances, sitting and rising, overseeing purgation rites, and food taboos. Part seven focuses on communal organization and community rites, but the last three parts return again to the monastic setting. Part eight in many ways echoes the Yinyuan jing when it details the karmic consequences of various deeds, including: Feeding the religious (12.1a) Building halls and sanctuaries (2b) Remembering the Dao in chanting (3a) Sickness and impurity (5a) Stealing and being greedy (7a) Faults and transgressions (9b) Good deeds and merits (11b) Ordination as a recluse (14a)

This list is followed by a set of “Miscellaneous Rules” regarding the relations among fellow disciples and the proper procedures for setting up altars and commemorative steles. Further rules describe the spiritual eªects of drinking wine, abstaining from grain and taking medicines, reciting incantations, and sleeping in the proper manner. The final part of the text contains more details on the lives of medieval Daoists. It focuses on rites for sickness and death—including o‹ces to be performed immediately after death, during co‹ning, while preparing the shroud, burying the body, as well as for resting the soul, the return of the disciples, and the discarding of mourning garb. The Yaoxiu keyi is a rich resource on the concrete life and practices of medieval Daoists, both communal and monastic. It provides ample citations from earlier sources and gives a comprehensive overview of the religious Daoist life. It shows not only how Daoists were supposed to behave but also how closely the diªerent religious paths—lay and monastic— were integrated in the medieval mind.

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Chapter 1: Understanding Monasticism 1. The best-studied tradition in Western languages is, quite naturally, the Western. Here we have, to give a representative sample, Burton 1994; Butler 1961; Crossley 1936; Decarreaux 1964; Knowles 1963, 1969; Mackean 1920; Nigg 1959; Symons 1953; Vivian 1993; and Wynne 1988. Conference volumes on Christianity, moreover, include Loades 1990, 1991; and MacLeish 1988. Next best studied is the other great monastic tradition: Buddhism. Works include, on the Indian side, Dutt 1960, 1962; Prebish 1975; Rahula 1974; and Wijayaratna 1990; on the East Asian (Zen) side there is Buswell 1992; Sato and Kuzunishi 1972; and Suzuki 1965. For other traditions there is Ghurye 1964 on Indian sâdhus and Trimingham 1971 on the orders of the Sufi tradition in Islam. A presentation of modern American monasticism, representing various diªerent traditions, can be found in Fracchia 1979. 2. Such works include mainly writings by contemporary Benedictines or Cistercians, often written in light of the confrontation of reclusive, monastic discipline with the demands and allure of the modern world and under the pressure of decreasing membership and a decline in the number of novices from 944 in 1955 to 279 in 1970 (Cunningham 1990: 443). Exemplary items are Bouyer 1955, 1968; Merton 1971, 1992; Panikkar 1982; Peifer 1966; Wolter 1962 (orig. 1880); Keating 1986; Teasdale 2002; and the Cistercian symposium, edited by Basil Pennington (1972). 3. Studies of contemporary monastics by participant observers were done in diªerent cultural settings. On Hindu groups we have Tripathi 1978; Yocum 1990; Dazey 1990; and Madan 1990. On Buddhist monasticism there are Gombridge 1971, (Sri Lanka); Spiro 1970, (Burma); Buswell 1992, (Korea); Preston 1988, (California); and Moon 1998, (Korea and U.S.). An in-depth sociological study of American Trappists was undertaken by Hillery (1990; 1992). Other sociologically oriented works focus on historical monasteries. For an examination of medieval Christianity see Lynch 1976; for medieval Chinese Buddhism see Gernet 1995. 4. The opposition and contrast to established social patterns form an essen-

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tial motivation toward the monastic life. The same holds true in religious and civic movements, where “conflict is one of the reasons for the spread of the movement” (Gerlach and Hine 1970: 183, 199). 5. Among early Christian discussions of the monastic life we find most importantly the Conferences of St. Cassian (ca. 365–435), a learned monk from what is today France who traveled widely in Egypt where he visited the desert fathers and their budding communities, engaging in discussion and debate with them. For a translation and study see Luibheid 1985. In addition, all the early rules contain statements on the purpose and value of the monastic life: the Rule of St. Pachomius (ca. 292–346), the Long and Short Rules of St. Basil of Caesarea (ca. 330–379), the Monastic Order of Aloysius, the Rule of St. Augustine of Hippo (354–430), and most importantly, the Rule of St. Benedict of Nursia (480–547). For selected translations of most of these see Fremantle 1953; for a general survey see Pennington 1983: 34; Braunfels 1969: 15–17. For a translation and discussion of the Rule of St. Augustine see Bavel 1996; for that of St. Benedict, see Chittister 1992. On the latter’s role in medieval monasticism see also Knowles 1969; Nigg 1959. 6. Rephrased in sociological terms, the established system undergoes dereification in the monastic endeavor and is replaced by a new pattern, which leads to the total identification of the individual with his or her new role. See Berger and Luckmann 1966: 84–85. Other forms of monastic development include the acceptance of the renouncer as a social option, the integration of renunciation as a possible stage of life, the internalization of renunciation and its practice within ordinary society, and the devotional surrender to a monastic ideal without actual physical separation from the world. See Geary 1990; Michael 1990; Hawley 1990. 7. Formulating the same idea diªerently, it can be said that monastics reject the hypocrisy attendant on ordinary life, where people live in instability but create the illusion of permanence. This rejection is also typical of religious and civic movements, which take their ideals very seriously and do not tolerate any shortcomings. See Gerlach and Hine 1970: 168. 8. A similar, seven-step description of monastic discipline is found in Wolter 1962. For a detailed discussion of asceticism and penance, see also Bouyer 1955: 117–129, 146–159. 9. The monastic life as an ideal model of society is emphasized as a general characteristic in Juergensmeyer 1990: 554. Specifically the monastery is described as a living organism and a full person (Panikkar 1982: 19, 70), as the visible and manifest Christ ( Merton 1992: 9 –10), as the ideal family and the realm of God on earth (Peifer 1966: 251), as the kingdom of God already realized (Wolter 1962: 237), and as the location for the realization of “angelic life” (Bouyer 1955: 23, 38). 10. This situation contrasts sharply with the Middle Ages, when monasteries were popular places where children from poor families could find a home and

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Origins and History

to which many turned in times of illness and impending death. For details on the economic realities created by these conditions see Lynch 1976. 11. The concept of religious virtuosity or “heroic religiosity” (Silber 1995: 25) is based on the works of Max Weber (notably 1964: 162–165; and 1968: 2:399–403). For a discussion of Weber’s views on monasticism see also Elder 1990: 3–6. 12. For another study of the active and positive role of monks in Buddhist society see Spiro 1970. A strong argument for the political involvement of monks, based on traditional patterns of Sri Lankan history, is made in Rahula 1974. The role of the monk’s ideal in the vision of the perfect king in Buddhism is studied in Tambiah 1976. 13. The study does not look at monasteries but focuses on utopian communities in nineteenth- and twentieth-century America, including the Shakers, the Harmony Society, the Hutterian Brethren, Bruderhof, Brook Farm, Oneida, Zoar, and Amana, with an occasional side glance at the Hippy communities of the 1960s. Its findings match monastic patterns to a great degree. 14. There are many relevant studies on religious cults and their members. For example, members of a Tibetan-inspired cult in Maryland stay on despite the hardships of life and irrational demands of their leader and indeed feel encouraged by them (see Sherrill 2000). Similarly, works on the Japanese Aum Shinrikyò cult have shown the increasing power of the cult as its conditions grew more harsh (Lifton 1999; Reader 1997; 1999). Numerous studies on mind-control techniques have documented similar findings—for example, Hassan 1988; Galanti 1993; Tobias and Lalich 1994. 15. The main diªerence from a cult situation is the psychological health and accountability of the leader. Typically the cult leader is all powerful, accountable to no one, and has psychopathic and megalomaniac tendencies (Tobias and Lalich 1994: 68–79). In monasteries, on the contrary, the abbot has to account for his actions to another authority—be it the chapter of monks that elected him in the first place, his superior in the church hierarchy (as in Christianity), or the state as whose representative he was installed (as in medieval China). 16. The relation of communitas to structure is discussed in Turner 1974: 273–287. Berger and Luckmann (1966: 115) make a similar point in terms of deviance and dominant community. See also Olivelle 1990: 142–143. Chapter 2: Origins and History 1. This development is commonly associated with the “axial age,” as pointed out by Ewert Cousins (1990) and originally formulated by Karl Jaspers (1953). The same phenomenon is also described by Paul Ricoeur (1967) with regard to the shift of the vision of evil from cosmic defilement to social sin or shame. For the emergence and role of individual thinking in India see also Dumont 1970: 45. On Buddhism and the axial age see Thurman 1994: 120. 2. Asceticism is usually associated with five distinct kinds of activities: fast-

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ing, sexual continence, poverty, seclusion, and self-inflicted pain. See Kaelber 1987: 442. 3. There were few women hermits in the West, as well, but some female anchoresses stand out—notably Mary of Egypt, Sarah, Thekla, and Theodora. See Lozano 1987: 140; Bumbacher 1998. 4. In Buddhism these early monastic establishments are called avâsas, ârâmas, and vihâras. See Prebish 1975: 5–6; Dutt 1960: 102–109, 152–153; Dutt 1962: 58–63. All the various characteristics of renouncers apply also to Buddhists, as exemplified by the life of the Buddha himself. See Thurman 1994: 124. 5. On St. Anthony, the father of Christian monks, see Linge 1990; Nigg 1959: 19–49; Mackean 1920: 69–76; McGinn 1987: 45; Lozano 1987: 139–140; Merton 1960; Ward 1975; Anson 1964: 13–14; Bouyer 1968: 314–316; Hunt 2001. 6. See Mackean 1920: 81; Knowles 1969: 13; Anson 1964: 17–24. The ideal of eremitism was alien to the Greeks until, apparently, “the conquests of Alexander the Great in the Middle East and his expeditions into India brought the Greek world into contact with Hindu philosophy and religion” (Lozano 1987: 138). Following this the hermit ideal made inroads among Greek, Roman, and Near Eastern thinkers and religious practitioners. Robert Thurman even suggests that the entire monastic complex originated with Buddhism and was then exported to Europe, “lending its institutional style to Manichaeism and Aramaic and Egyptian Christianity” (1994: 121). 7. The earliest Buddhists also lived in self-made huts or caves. See Sarkar 1966: 8. The same holds true for Daoist immortals (Kaltenmark 1988) and early monastics (Bumbacher 2000a). 8. See Wynne 1988: 63–64; Lozano 1987: 141. The combination of monkhood and priesthood became popular in the Middle Ages, so that in the eighth century 20 percent of monks were also ordained, in the ninth 60 percent, and in the tenth 75 percent. Today the numbers are declining again, with currently 65 percent ordained priests among Catholic monks. See Dudley 1991. 9. This scenario is presented in Timko 1990: 109; Wynne 1988: 61; McGinn 1987: 44; Lozano 1987: 139; Knowles 1969: 11–12. The notion that martyrdom and monkhood are ultimately one is also expressed in Bouyer 1955: 54. See also Frank 1983: 35–50. 10. Thurman also described Buddhism as “messianic,” “utopian,” and “full of missionary zeal” (1994: 120–121, 125). Its monasticism aims for “worldtransformation” and the creation of “an entirely new form of community” (pp. 123, 126–127). It places a great emphasis on equality in terms of caste, gender, and ethnicity and most closely realized its world-transforming ideals in the Tibetan institution of the Dalai Lama, through which “social dualisms ended . . . , the monastery taking complete responsibility for the world” (pp. 129, 132). 11. The Shiji was written by Sima Qian and dates to 104 b.c.e.; especially chap. 28 on the “Feng and Shan Sacrifices” details the supernatural exploits of the Qin and early Han rulers and their interaction with the fangshi (see Watson

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Origins and History

1968b: 2:25–39). The Liexian zhuan, by Liu Xiang (77–76 b.c.e.), contains ninety short sketches on immortals and was originally illustrated (see Kaltenmark 1988). Texts in the Daoist canon (Daozang, abbreviated DZ) are given according to Schipper (1975a). 12. Several dynastic histories have fangshi biographies: Hou Hanshu [ History of the Later Han], Sanguo zhi [Record of the Three Kingdoms], and Jinshu [ History of the Jin]; they are all texts written several centuries after the Han (see DeWoskin 1983; Ngo 1976). Hagiographies involve mainly the Shenxian zhuan [Biographies of spirit immortals], by Ge Hong (283–341), an aficionado of immortality who collected alchemical recipes and is also known as Baopuzi or the “Master Who Embraces Simplicity” (see Ware 1966). For translations of the Shenxian zhuan see Güntsch 1988; Campany 2002. For textual studies see Penny 1996a; Bumbacher 2000c. On the ascetic endeavors of immortals in the Shenxian zhuan see Eskildsen 1998: 18–25; Campany 2002. For examples of their magical powers see Kohn 1993: 290–299. 13. Thus Emperor Wu of the Han employed Li Shaojun to establish contact with the immortals and help him prevent old age, Shaoweng to summon the spirits of the dead, and Luan Da to extend his life with alchemy and grant him control over ghosts (Watson 1968b: 2:25, 29, 31). 14. Fangshi created both instruments and technical manuals—notably the diviner’s compass (see Harper 1978; Kalinowski 1983) and the so-called apocrypha (chanwei; see Dull 1966; Seidel 1983). In contrast, immortals are only present secondhand in depictions on Han-dynasty mirrors and later tomb art (see Loewe 1979; Spiro 1990; Campany 2002: 85). 15. For a study on rainmaking in ancient China see Allan 1984; on rainmaking ceremonies and the continuity of shamanic, Daoist, and o‹cial rituals see Schafer 1951. On shamanic interaction with ancestors in the Shang dynasty see Chang 1983; Keightley 1998. Shamanic songs of the late Zhou dynasty are preserved in the Chuci (see Hawkes 1959). 16. An early example of a Buddhist monk stepping into the shoes of the shamans was Fotudeng, who served the northern rulers in the fourth century as fortune-teller, rainmaker, and communicator with spirits. See Wright 1948; Kieschnick 1997: 73–74. Many others described in Buddhist monks’ biographies similarly were expert in fangshi techniques, telling fortunes, casting spells, exorcising demons, making rain, and generally creating miracles. See Kieschnick 1997: 77–101. 17. The contrast continues in the conflict between ordained Daoists and popular priests in the middle ages and between Black Head and Red Head Daoists today. Over the centuries Daoists adopted numerous technical methods into their repertoire and took over the roles of shamans and fangshi. They never stopped despising and denigrating full-time technicians of the supernatural, however, exhibiting a highly ambivalent attitude. See Stein 1979; Saso 1971; Schipper 1985a. In Buddhism a similar contrast existed between monks and Brahmin priests, so

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that monks were not allowed to engage in prognostications or perform civil rites. See Thurman 1994: 128; Mitomo 1991: 21. 18. About half the figures in the Liexian zhuan are explicitly associated with mountains. The number is even greater in the Shenxian zhuan. On mountains and the wilderness as the home of hermits see Berkowitz 1989: 123–128. 19. See Li 1962; Allan 1981; Vervoorn 1984; Bauer 1985; and Berkowitz 1989. Many of these advisers are in fact characterized as immortals and have biographies in the Liexian zhuan: Lü Shang, Wu Guang, Fan Li, Dongfang Shuo (Kaltenmark 1988: 71, 78, 102, 137). Laozi, Yin Xi, and Juanzi, moreover, all wrote books to aid government but stayed in seclusion (Kaltenmark 1988: 60, 65, 68). The Shenxian zhuan adds the figure of Heshang Gong to this group (Güntsch 1988: 93; Campany 2002: 305). 20. Medieval Chinese monks also picked up on the ideal of individualism and utopian community expressed in the lives of eccentric poets and aristocratic religious seekers such as the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove. On the latter see Holzman 1956, 1976. On the ideals of individualism at the time see Mather 1969; Yü 1985. 21. See Levy 1956; Stein 1963; Kobayashi 1990, 1992; Òfuchi 1991; Schipper 1994; Kleeman 1998. 22. On the sanyuan festivals and other community events see Òfuchi 1991: 367–77, 396–400; Kleeman 1998: 72; Stein 1963: 70–71; Schipper 1984: 206. 23. On the sexual practices see also Kobayashi 1992: 27–31; Schipper 1994, 205; Òfuchi 1991: 330–334; Kleeman 1998: 73; Despeux 2000: 404–405. 24. On sickness as caused by sin in Christianity see Bachrach and Kroll 1988, citing Ackerknecht 1982. 25. On Huiyuan see Tsukamoto and Hurvitz 1985: 757–898. On Daoan see Liebenthal 1956. For Sengzhao and his thought see Liebenthal 1968. 26. These texts have all been translated into English. See Murano 1974; Hurvitz 1976; and Watson 1993 for the Lotus Sutra; Luk 1972 on the Vimalakirti; and Cleary 1984 on the Avatamsaka. 27. On the Indian Pratimok∂a and its uses see Dutt 1960; Prebish 1975; Barber 1991. For a history of the Chinese text see Hirakawa 1960: 116; Òno 1964; Foulk 1991: 7. A translation from the Chinese is found in Beal 1871: 204–244. The abbreviation “T.” stands for Taishò daizòkyò, the Japanese edition of the Buddhist canon. For a catalog see Demiéville et al. 1978. The abbreviation is followed by the text’s number, volume, and page. 28. The events are described in detail in the Weishu [ History of the Wei dynasty; chap. 114, trans. Ware 1933; Tsukamoto 1961]. For a discussion see Mather 1979; Tang and Tang 1961; Tsukamoto 1961; Kohn 2000a. Kou’s main text of rules has survived under the title Laojun yinsong jiejing [Scripture of recited precepts of the Venerable Lord; DZ 785). For a description see Ren and Zhong 1991: 565; for a study, see Yang 1956. 29. For details of this method—by which the Buddhist clergy collected grain

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The Monastic Vision

taxes from parts of the populace and received criminals or slaves to do forced labor in the monasteries—see Ch’en 1964: 153; Hurvitz 1956: 73; Sargent 1957; Lai 1986, 1987; Gernet 1995: 100–105. 30. These texts include the Taishang Laojun jiejing (DZ 784) on the five precepts (Kohn 1994); the Xisheng jing [Scripture of Western Ascension; DZ 666, 726] on mystical philosophy (Kohn 1991a); and the Chuanshou jing jie yi zhujue [Annotated explanation of the transmission formalities of scriptures and precepts; DZ 1238], a technical manual on ordination (Kohn 2000a: 291–292). 31. A number of such institutions are mentioned in the Daoxue zhuan [Biographies of students of the Dao], a sixth-century collection by Ma Shu (522–581) which survives in fragments and citations. It is studied and translated in Bumbacher 2000a. For the political agenda in the creation of abodes, see Bumbacher 2000a: 447. Chapter 3: The Monastic Vision 1. For studies of the early system see Yamazaki 1957; Yoshioka 1970: 163–179; Eberhard 1967; Hsü 1975; Yü 1987; Brokaw 1990: 25–30. 2. On inherited evil see Hendrischke 1991; Kamitsuka 1988. On the “three deathbringers” see Kohn 1995c. On Daoist ideas of fate and body gods see Homann 1971; Maspero 1981; Kohn 1991b; Saso 1997. For the modern understanding of fate in China see Chao 1946; Eberhard 1971. 3. On the Buddhist impact see Zürcher 1980; Jan 1986; Nakajima 1981, 1984. For a similar model of developmental stages see Akizuki 1964. The three stages outlined here are not unlike the Western unfolding of ethical thinking from defilement (cosmic) through sin (social) to guilt (individual), as outlined by Paul Ricoeur (1967), applied to China in Lai 1984 and Kohn 1995b. 4. A citation of the Fengdao kejie in the Miaomen youqi (DZ 1123) similarly describes Daoist monks as having “come out of the bars and cages [of worldly life].” Here they are the most common class among six types of Daoists, the others being heavenly perfected, spirit immortals, mountain recluses, devout householders, and libationers (17b). See also Reiter 1998: 146–147; Kohn 2003. 5. The same list of karmic retributions is cited in Fengdao kejie 1.2a–8b Kohn 2003). Other texts of the period assert the same notions, as in Zhengyi weiyi jing 18ab. 6. Already mentioned in the Shujing (Book of history), this divine o‹cer kept “a record of the moral behavior of men and bestowed upon them either a long or a short life” (Eberhard 1971: 179; see also Yü 1987: 383). On the celestial administration see Shahar and Weller 1996. 7. The Qianzhen ke supplements an explanation for the technical terms used. One ji or “period” is three hundred days; one suan or “reckoning” is one day (26b). The same terms are used in the Xuandu lüwen (11a) and the Baopuzi (6.5ab). 8. The Great Peace movement rose in rebellion in 184 c.e. in an attempt to bring about the new age of the Great Peace by violent means. But the early Ce-

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lestial Masters, too, rose up against local rulers, although not so intensely or with as much devastation as their Great Peace counterparts. For an overview see Hendrischke 2000; on the various rebellions see Levy 1956. 9. For the biography of the Buddha and his choice of destiny see Pye 1979. On the interrelation of the roles of “world conqueror” and “world renouncer” see Tambiah 1976. On King Aùoka see Strong 1983. For a study of Buddhism and state in Burma see Spiro 1970; Mendelson 1975. On Sri Lanka see Gombridge 1971. For a collection of studies on the Maitreya myth and its political impact see Sponberg and Hardacre 1988. 10. This text has also survived variously in Dunhuang manuscripts—P. 2861, P. 2256, P. 2461 (Òfuchi 1979a: 30–37). For discussions see Yoshioka 1961: 935–937; Ren and Zhong 1991: 130; Kleeman 1991: 175–176; Yamada 2000: 234; Kohn (forthcoming). 11. A punctuated reprint of the text is found in Tonkò kòza 1983: 175–176. A section of the same title but with more anecdotal rather than regulatory contents is also found in the Yinyuan jing (sec. 14; 6.1a–3a). A similar encouragement to treat everybody with seriousness and care is given in Daoxue keyi 2.5b–6a. The text specifically admonishes Daoists not to make light of anyone, monastic or commoner, healthy or sick, noble or humble, young or old, of high rank or low. 12. Hillery points out eight major diªerences in the organization and economy of monasteries versus families: the former are much larger, include clearer lines of authority, have a more complex division of labor, feel less dependent on a single breadwinner, are more land-centered, focus less on profit than on the balance of profit and security, show a greater concern with charity and donations, and encourage a larger disparity between spenders and earners (1992: 108). 13. For a discussion of Christian ranks and duties see Symons 1953: xxx–xxxi; Crossley 1936: 11–28. On early Buddhism see Dutt 1960: 154–156; for Zen see Buswell 1992. On monastic ranks in Quanzhen Daoism, see Kohn 2002. 14. For a detailed study of the care and understanding of the dead in medieval Daoism see Nickerson 1996b. Chapter 4: Relation to Societ y 1. See Wright 1957: 96–97; Forte 1992: 216–217; Gernet 1995: 44. The practice of designating specific mountains and rivers for imperial sacrifices to protect the empire goes back to ancient times and was undertaken as early as the Han dynasty, notably in connection with the Feng and Shan sacrifices. See Watson 1968b: 2:16–17. 2. For Daoist architecture in the period see Steinhardt 2000: 61–62. On Daoist monasteries associated with Taishan see Forte 1992: 219. Those on Hengshan, the southern sacred mountain, are presented in Nanyue zongzhen ji 3ab. 3. On Maoshan in the Tang see Schafer 1980. Tiantai shan was one of the main residences of Wu Yun (d. 778), a court Daoist and poet of some renown (see Schafer 1981; DeMeyer 1999; 2000). Wangwu shan, close to the capital,

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Notes to Chapter 4

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Relation to Society

served as the residence of Sima Chengzhen (647–735), a leading Daoist master under Xuanzong who had a monastery set up for him (see Engelhardt 1987). 4. Begging was not an accepted means of support for monks in medieval England (Burton 1994: 153). In ancient India, on the contrary, it formed the key means of a monk’s support, and the mendicant, wandering ascetic was the norm (see Rahder 1927; Prebish 1975: 14; Wijayaratna 1990: 58–60). This form of subsistence continued in Buddhism, both ancient and Mahâyâna, but was not applied much in China, where traditional society despised begging. Instead Chinese Buddhists—and in their wake also Daoists—relied on gifts of land and goods from donors and patrons. The rejection of begging, by extension, also furthered the development of vegetarianism in Chinese Buddhism, since monastics could exert more control over their choice of food (see Tso 1991: 74; Gernet 1995: 207; Kieschnick 1997: 33–35; Mather 1981). 5. This and the preceding prescription on how to scold a wayward disciple are similar to Buddhist rules found in the Sifen lü shanfan buque xingshi chao [ Notes on matters of behavior abridging and supplementing the Four-Part Vinaya; T. 1804, 40.33b; 21b] by the Vinaya master Daoxuan (596–667; see Tsuzuki 2002: 64–65). Three main reasons for a disciple’s dismissal are also given in the Guanxing jing (line 167) and the Buddhist Sanqian weiyi (T. 24.920c): violating the precepts without repentance, speaking unholy words, and discussing the qualities of the master. The Fengdao kejie (2.14b) formulates similar sentiments in its single passage on nonsupernatural retribution: Anyone who violates the rules must be punished in accord with the divine law by oªering incense and oil, sounding the bell, and paying obeisance. Anyone who repeats the violation without showing penitence must be controlled more severely by being made to work hard repairing the monastery [buildings] on the inside or strengthening bridges [in the outside world]. Anyone, finally, who still does not comply is judged by the rules of the divine law, expelled from the order, and returned to his or her original [lay] state. 6. Later sources, from the school of Complete Perfection, give more details. Their punishments, along the lines of the Vinaya, include simple prostrations, demotion in rank, suspension of monastery privileges, expulsion from the order, and referral to the civil authorities. See Yoshioka 1979: 240–241; Kohn 2002. 7. Many codes emphasize that recluses should not travel about a lot. Thus the Laojun yibai bashi jie has a number of rules on the subject—for example: “Do not travel crisscross throughout the country” (no. 70) and “Do not travel for fun or without permission, rushing about for days and months” (no. 96). Similarly, the “Precepts of the Three Primes” prohibits “the sin to wander about for pleasure and without salvational purpose,” “the sin to wander about with bad people or get too trusting with strangers,” and “the sin to mix with common folk or pick fights with them” (Kohn 1993: 103).

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8. The Qianzhen ke has ten desirable qualities one should look for in a travel companion (20b–21a). The later Chongyang lijiao shiwu lun [Chongyang’s fifteen articles on establishing the teaching; DZ 1233], a key code of Complete Perfection dated to the twelfth century, similarly demands that Daoists travel in twos, helping each other in sickness and death but without developing great attachment. See Yao 1980: 73–85, 2000: 585–586; Reiter 1985; Kohn 1993: 89. 9. In Daoism today it is “a piece of scarlet cloth about 1.5 meters long by 80 centimeters wide, with a black border approximately 10 centimeters wide,” used for prayer and carried folded over one arm. See Yoshioka 1979: 237–238. In Japanese Zen it is called “zagu” and plays a role in all obeisances. See Suzuki 1965: 12. 10. Thus the Qianzhen ke instructs monastics to provide food and drink, fuel and fire, to any lord or donor who may come to the gate and to equally give food and drink to any brigand or robber who appears. It explains the good treatment of the latter: “As he is not a good person, he can do a lot of damage to the host of the divine law” (10b). The same hospitality applied to visiting monastics in both Daoist and Buddhist institutions. Like their lay counterparts, they had to be provided with necessities and acquainted with the monastery ’s regulations. See Guanxing jing (lines 133, 259, 318); Sanqian weiyi (T. 24.919c, 922c, 924b). 11. P. 3682; Òfuchi 1979a: 219. Friendly and polite behavior is also demanded of Buddhist monks when traveling in the world. Thus the Bodhicaryavatara of Ùantideva of the eighth century says: “One who exerts self-control should always keep a smile [on his face]. Avoid frowning. In the beginning, as a friend of the world, speak words of greeting to people” (V, 71). See Mitomo 1991: 17. 12. The main and earliest source on Yin Wencao’s life is the Da Tang Yin zunshi bei [Inscription for the Venerable Master Yin of the great Tang dynasty], a tomb memorial by Yuan Banqian, dated to 717 and contained in the Gu Louguan ziyun yanqing jing [Abundant blessings of the purple clouds at the old lookout tower; DZ 957] (1.4b–9b). A slightly diªerent version of the inscription is found in Chen et al. 1988: 102–104. See Kohn 1997a. 13. On the contemporary state of Buddhist nuns in Burma see Kawanami 2000; in Sri Lanka see Bartholomeusz 1994. A somewhat diªerent situation prevails in Tibetan Buddhism, where the female principle is highly honored and nuns are more respected. Yet even there they are not on an equal footing and are considered unfit for the more intellectual and philosophical enterprise of monks; see Havnevik 1989. On the positive side, a change in the status of nuns has recently occurred in Japanese Sòtò Zen, where almost complete equality is the norm; see Arai 1999. In medieval China, Buddhist nuns were still very much second-class; see Tsai 1985, 1994. 14. This classification is found in the Zhengyi fawen taishang wailu yi [Ordinances for the transmission of outer registers of the Code of Orthodox Unity; DZ 1243], which also lists other types of women practitioners, notably virgins

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Notes to Chapter 5

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Buildings and Compounds

living at home and married women (1a–4a). See Strickmann 1978: 470; Despeux 1990: 19. 15. The Daoxue keyi (11b–12a) lists ten rules to be observed by hermit Daoists: 1. Do not order others about or try to teach people. 2. Do not engage with nobility in the pursuit of fame and gain. 3. Do not practice heterodox prohibitions or exorcistic acts. 4. Do not heal or divine for money, parading your skills about. 5. Do not share your seat with women and generally stay away from outsiders. 6. Worship the Heavenly Worthies of the ten directions at the six daily periods. 7. Do not eat grain or qi-based food after noon—water, minerals, fungus, and herbs are permitted. 8. When walking through the woods to gather herbs, snap your fingers every three steps and sound your chime every ten steps to remember the local gods and immortals. 9. If you attain some steps in the Dao, don’t praise and exhibit yourself. 10. Remember your parents’ kindness in raising your body. 16. On Huang Lingwei see Kirkland 1991; her ascension is discussed in Cahill 1990: 33–34. On the restoration of Wei Huacun’s sanctuary see Schafer 1977b. Chapter 5: Buildings and Compounds 1. A description of the traditional Christian buildings is found in Burton 1994: 141–142; Symons 1953: xxxi; and Crossley 1936: 37–55. On the same basic buildings in the earliest communities, such as Tabennesis of St. Pachomius see Mackean 1920: 99. For their modern arrangement in a Trappist institution in the United States see Hillery 1992: 67–70. 2. The prototype of the medieval Benedictine monastery, as it was supported by the state under the Carolingian empire, is described in a manuscript known as “The Plan of St. Gall” from the years 820–830. Detailed maps and descriptions have survived providing good access to the ideal vision of medieval monastic architecture. See Horn and Born 1979; Price 1982; Braunfels 1969: 52–65. 3. This is the oldest and predominant model. Even kings of the Shang and Zhou as well as later emperors of China were thereby placed in central positions. See Chang 1976: 51–52; Bilsky 1975: 39–42; Zito 1997: 132–144. 4. For a more extensive presentation of various Daoist buildings as being originally part of the celestial realm of the Dao see Shangqing daolei shixiang [Daoist aªairs of highest purity; DZ 1132; see Reiter 1992]. Here a point is made, for example, that seven halls on earth with doors to all four cardinal directions match the twenty-eight lunar mansions in the sky (1.7a) 5. Surviving Daoist halls still match these specifications, although they only date from the thirteenth century. See Steinhardt 1984: 134.

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6. An altar rising 1,000 feet (305 meters) in the air is described in its mythical splendor in the Benji jing as cited in the Yaoxiu keyi. It was octagonal in shape and consisted of nine layers, each supported with nine golden pillars. A total of eighty-one jade chimes hung from the structure, which sounded spontaneously at the six periods of worship (13.13a). 7. Yuan were originally smaller buildings that faced such a yard (Victor Xiong, pers. comm.). For a discussion of Daoist architectural terms see also Steinhardt 2000: 58–59. 8. The term “fang” used here means “quarters” or “workshop.” It is also used for the milling facilities (nianwei fang ) and for certain areas of the scriptorium, where practical support work is being done. It is diªerent from the word “fang*” (chamber) used for the masters’ residences. 9. In the heavens, terraces are raised edifices that provide room for celestial audiences and always have divine music chiming about them (Daolei shixiang 3.1ab). Pavilions house gods and immortals, sporting vermilion corners and jade turrets (2.2a). Towers are multistoried structures that are used for keeping the life records in jade ledgers and the originals of the sacred scriptures in golden tablets (2.3a). In Tang imperial usage, towers served for informal gatherings whereas pavilions were small entertainment halls. See Xiong 2000: 99–100, 63–64. 10. For the stars and star-related practice in medieval Daoism see Schafer 1977a; Strickmann 1979; Kroll 1985; Robinet 1989. For more on the meaning and derivation of “guan” for Daoist monastery see Reiter 1983: 365; Schipper 1984: 208–212. 11. A similar industrial estate that formed part of Buddhist monastic economy is the establishment of oil presses (Gernet 1995: 150–152). These are not mentioned in the Daoist text. 12. Indentured servants were also common in Buddhist monasteries. See Gernet 1995: 105–112; Twitchett 1956. 13. On this text see Wright 1951, 1990: 112–123; DeGroot 1903: 39–41; Yoshikawa 1984: 535–539; Kohn 1995a: 181; Gernet 1995: 11. 14. A classic example of temple architecture based on these principles is the Foguang si on Wutai shan, dated to 857. For pictures and sketches see Boyd 1962: 34; Liu 1989: 92; Meister and Steinhardt 1987: 377. Another good model is the main hall at Nanchan si, also on Wutai shan. It dates to 782 and is the oldest surviving wooden building in China. See Steinhardt 1984: 102–107. 15. Good examples in mainstream architecture are found in the Altar of Heaven in Beijing and the Confucius Hall in Qufu. See Boyd 1962: 136–142; Steinhardt 1984: 139–150; Steinhardt 1987b: 382. 16. The main sanctuary was of standard temple size, seven by four bays; the two lesser ones measure five by four bays each. They were erected on raised platforms paved with bricks. See Steinhardt 1984: 133–135; Liu 1989: 133. For more on the Yongle gong, its layout, and extensive frescoes see White 1940; Katz 1993, 1994, 1997, 2000.

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Notes to Chapter 6

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Daily Discipline

17. Other classical examples for this layout of Daoist monasteries, still accessible today, include the Baxian an (Temple of the Eight Immortals) in Xi’an and the Qingyang gong (Palace-Temple of the Gray Sheep) in Chengdu (see Hachiya 1990). 18. For a discussion of the transitional nature of sacred space in China see Liu 1989: 149. For an example of the approach to and structure of the Foguang si see Liu 1989: 150–151. A study of sacred space as activated in the approach to Wudang shan, moreover, is found in Lagerwey 1992. 19. Sources on the oratory include Daolei shixiang (4.1a–6b); Daomen kelue (DZ 1127; trans. Nickerson 1996a); Xuandu lüwen; and Zhen’gao (DZ 1016; chap. 18). Among Western studies see Eichhorn 1954; Chen 1975: 330–351; Stein 1963: 38; Bumbacher 2000a: 478–482; Yoshikawa 1987. 20. In this sense the jingshi is like the danfang (elixir chamber) of the alchemists. It is linked to this chamber, both on the worldly and celestial plane, in the Daolei shixiang (2.4b). Chapter 6: Daily Discipline 1. For monastic discipline in medieval Christianity see the Rule of St. Benedict (Chittister 1992) and the Regularis Concordia (Symons 1953). A critical presentation is found in Burton 1994: 159–186. For ancient Buddhist discipline see Wijayaratna 1990; Dutt 1962. Zen Buddhist discipline in Korea is described in Buswell 1992; for Japan see Suzuki 1965 and Kennett 1976. For an earlier version of this chapter see Kohn 2001. 2. The same rules applied also in Buddhism, where a formal ritual accompanied use of the facilities. For details see Prip-Møller 1967: 158; Welch 1967: 62–63. 3. The same was true for Buddhist monasteries, where bathhouses were established in separate buildings and had a separate changing room, a bathing chamber with benches, tubs, and a stove, plus a stokers’ pit and cool basins in yet separate chambers. A special seat was erected for the abbot, and a set of rules was posted on the wall. See Prip-Møller 1967: 131–132. 4. The Daoxue keyi gives the following dates for ritual baths (lunar month/ day): 1/10, 2/8, 3/6, 4/4, 5/1, 6/27, 7/15, 8/22, 9/20, 10/18, 11/15, and 12/20 (1.14a). Similar rules applied in Buddhist institutions. See Sanqian weiyi (T. 1470, 24.918c); see also Prip-Møller 1967: 133. 5. This phrase translates the Chinese “renshi suoyou,” literally “what is available in accordance with the time.” It is a standard phrase in the Fengdao kejie, giving formal leeway to individual institutions in designing their particular buildings and setups. 6. Similar instructions regarding the water basin are found in Guanxing jing (lines 203–209), echoing the Buddhist Sanqian weiyi (T. 24.921b). The evaluation of refilling the water basin as menial, moreover, is also found in Buddhism, notably in the monastic rule compiled by the Vinaya master Daoxuan. See Reinders 1997a: 249.

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7. Both chants reappear in modern times, listed together with many others used to ritualize daily life—chanted when waking up, hearing the bell, combing the hair, washing the hands, putting on clothes, oªering incense, and so on—in the Chuzhen jie [Precepts of initial perfection, ed. Zangwai daoshu 12; Daozang jiyao 24; see Hackmann 1920], the seventeenth-century Quanzhen manual for new initiates. See Kohn (forthcoming). They are still used today ( Min 1990: 107–108). 8. Doing so is a pacittiya oªense (nos. 19, 62). See Beal 1871: 222, 226; Horner 1992: 2:261–262 and 3:3–4. For modern Buddhist rules on bathing see Welch 1967: 115; Suzuki 1965: 154. 9. A similar practice was encouraged in Christian monasteries, where monks had incantations to chant when rising from their beds and going about their work. See Symons 1953: 11–12; Burton 1994: 164. 10. To exorcise nightmares, Daoists are advised to kneel facing north and oªer a prayer to the Lord of the Dao. After presenting the proper incantation, they swallow the saliva and clap their teeth seven times each, then return to their pillow and hopefully have dreams of good fortune. See Daoxue keyi 2.12b–13a. 11. A number of rules regarding food are found in the ancient Vinaya (Wijayaratna 1990: 68–73). Adding an extra meal, eating at a forbidden hour, or consuming spoiled or fancy food were all pacittiya oªenses. See Beal 1871: 223–234; Horner 1992: 2:315–340. The practice is still part of Theravâda Buddhism today. For its concrete circumstances in contemporary Thailand, where chocolates and candy are acceptable as “medicines” in the afternoon, see Ward 1990. 12. On the Baizhang code see Collcutt 1983; Foulk 1993. On meals in Zen Buddhism see Suzuki 1965: 49–50; Kennett 1976: 296–300. For the practices of Chinese Buddhism see Welch 1967. 13. These concoctions included pine products and mixtures based on mica as well as other things typically used in immortality practice. A list is contained in the Yaoxiu keyi (9.12b), citing the sixth-century Shengxuan jing [Scripture of ascension to the mystery], a text that survives in fragments. For a collection see Yamada 1992. 14. Matching celestial activities with ceremonial or formal religious undertakings in general is a typical feature of medieval Daoism, as has been documented by Michel Soymié (1977) in the case of the ten days of uprightness (shizhi). For banquets or “kitchens” among the early Celestial Masters, held at the main ritual events during the year, see Stein 1971. 15. In Chinese Buddhism, “zhai” translates “upavasatha,” a term meaning “fast” and indicating the ritual meal before noon (Soothill and Hodous 1937: 464). Gongyang (literally “oªering nourishment”) originally indicated the feeding and service to one’s parents and as such is described in the Liji (10/1.4; Legge 1968: 1:451; Knapp 2002). By extension the term also refers to the feeding of ancestors and divine beings, who are given various types of food reflecting both their status in the otherworld and their relationship to the living (see McCreery 1990). 16. A third and fourth meaning of “zhai” developed with the increased for-

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Notes to Chapter 6

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malization of the ritual schedule, both in Buddhism and Daoism. One is “temporary renunciation,” an occasion when members of the laity take eight precepts instead of five and participate in the monastic routine on certain days; this is commonly known as zhaijie (see Soymié 1977). The other is “rite of purgation” or “festival,” a major ritual event usually dedicated to the expiation of sins or the blessing of ancestors and the emperor, held at regular intervals throughout the year. See Malek 1985; Yamada 1999; Benn 2000. 17. A similar outline is found in the Fengdao kejie, which also provides the text of formal prayers, chants, and dedications (6.4a–7a). Further details and special arrangements are contained in Zhengyi weiyi jing 16b–17a, Qianzhen ke 19ab, and Yaoxiu keyi 9.9b–14a. A similar pattern of mealtime formalities is practiced in Zen Buddhism. There the Heart Sutra is chanted together with an invocation of the buddhas of the ten directions. See Suzuki 1965: 49–50, 145–156; Kennett 1976: 296–300; Welch 1967: 58–62. 18. This detail is mentioned also in Fengdao kejie 3.9ab and Zhengyi weiyi jing 15b. Although the texts agree that a set of dishes consists of five parts, they do not describe them in detail, mentioning only the items named but in diªerent locations. It is quite possible that there were lesser bowls or a teacup in addition to the three main bowls, with spoon and chopsticks not counted as part of the basic five. For liquid and other measurements of traditional China see Jun and Hargett 1989. 19. See also Fengdao kejie 6.4ab; Yinyuan jing 4.14a; Fashi jinjie jing no. 2; Qianzhen ke 5b. The expression for “rites to the Dao” is “xingdao,” a term meaning “practicing the Way” and referring to the primary ritual audience, which involves burning incense, chanting incantations, and paying one’s respects to the deities (see Lagerwey 1987: 90). The formal way of entering the refectory is similar to that of entering the hall for liturgical purposes or the study room for learning (see Guanxing jing lines 100, 112), adapting Buddhist models (Sanqian weiyi T. 24.919a). Both texts contain similar instructions on receiving the meal (lines 184; T. 24.921a). 20. On this point the Daoist texts diªer from corresponding Buddhist sources that, at least in the early stages, still speak about meat as part of the monastic diet. The Sanqian weiyi accordingly has a section on the proper way to purchase meat— make sure the meat is whole and not in pieces, is not left over by someone else, is weighed correctly, and is only bought in necessary quantities (T. 24.922c). 21. A diªerent set of verses with similar content is found in Qianzhen ke 29b; Yaoxiu keyi 9.12ab. The need for prayers of this sort without full texts is mentioned in Zhengyi weiyi jing 16b. 22. Shishi weiyi 10b; Zhengyi weiyi jing 16b; Fashi jinjie jing nos. 8, 20, 31; Qianzhen ke 5b; Yaoxiu keyi 9.9b, 9.14a. The last two sources emphasize that taking more than one’s share amounts to breaking the precept against theft. The Yinyuan jing supplements this admonition by describing the severe karmic consequences of stealing consecrated food (see Kohn 1998b). Donors, moreover,

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although they have brought the food, are not entitled to special privileges of any sort (Yaoxiu keyi 9.14a). On not demanding special food in Quanzhen Daoism see Hackmann 1931: 13. 23. The rule of silence was also common in Buddhist and Christian institutions. See Prip-Møller 1967; Symons 1953: xxxviii; Burton 1994: 165. 24. The Qianzhen ke also states that anyone taking food without having undergone the rites is a “food thief ” (5b). According to the Zhengyi weiyi jing, nothing must ever be given away while a ceremonial meal is in progress, not even to feed the dogs or chickens (17a). The Fashi jinjie jing, by contrast, suggests that before the meal monastics should bring out “the various foods in a separate set of dishes to scatter bits to feed the various birds and beasts, worms and fish” (no. 3). 25. This distinction is basic in Buddhism as well, which has further subdivisions of formalities, mainly according to the type of actions necessary and the mental attitude to be expressed. See Reinders 1997b: 130–131, 137–140, 144–150. 26. Similar instructions on how to attend on the master also appear in Guanxing jing (line 150), closely echoing the Buddhist Sanqian weiyi (T. 24.920b). The disciple also had to sweep the master’s rooms, handling the broom with respect and making sure the dust is disposed of properly. See Qianzhen ke 27a. In Buddhist formalities, the disciple also bares the right shoulder as a sign of humility, and in both traditions often a seat cloth is spread for kneeling. See Shishi weiyi 2b–3a; Reinders 1997b: 137; Suzuki 1965: 12. 27. Both in Daoism and Chinese Buddhism, masters were required to be upstanding and conscientious models for observing the precepts and representing the teaching. They should have great expertise in all diªerent aspects of the practice and be fully dedicated to educating their disciple—pure personifications of wisdom and goodness (Guanxing jing, lines 8–33, 157–160; Sanqian weiyi, T. 24.918a, 920c). Chapter 7: Implements and Vestments 1. The proper treatment of communal property in medieval Daoism is described in the Guanxing jing (line 223), similar in outlook to its Buddhist counterpart, the Sanqian weiyi (T. 24.922a). For guidelines used in Indian Buddhism see Wijayaratna 1990: 24. Among Christian codes, the Rule of St. Benedict states emphatically that all objects are “goods of the monastery” to be used but not owned by individual monks and that they must never fail “to keep things belonging to the monastery clean nor treat them carelessly” (Chittister 1992, 107). 2. For Buddhism see Beal 1871: 230–231; Misra 1969: 125; Horner 1992: 3:92; Wijayaratna 1990: 25, 51–52. Among Benedictine Christians, mainly a bed, mat, woolen blanket, light covering, and pillow were allowed together with items of personal and technical necessity such as garments, sandals, belt, knife, needle, handkerchief, stylus, and writing tablets. See Chittister 1992: 146–147. 3. Most herbs prescribed here are indigenous to western or northwestern

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China, notably Sichuan and Shaanxi. The simples tend to be emetics. For specifics see Stuart 1976: 7–12, 188, 352. 4. On the pestle and mortar see Zhengyi weiyi jing 15b. The text also lists basins for dish washing, bathtubs, and a boiler and earthenware pan for medicine preparation among utensils available to all monastics. 5. For identifying the lunar stations mentioned here see Eberhard 1970: 71. 6. According to the Daoxue keyi, this gown ended a foot below the knee (1.5b). The Fafu kejie wen specifies that it consisted of 36 feet (11 meters) of cloth for men and 24 feet (7.3 meters) for women (4b). 7. As Edward Schafer (1978: 30) points out, use of the cape is documented first in the Qin dynasty; it tended to be made from fine silk. Descriptions from the fourth century tell of a yellow-red nimbus—presumably concentric gradations of red and yellow. By the eighth century, all priestesses and male divinities wore a cape, as did all court ladies from the rank of consort on down. Very often they were colored in pink, pale orange, or yellow hues and were made of intricate gauze (luo) or plain-weave fine silk (sha). 8. Fafu kejie wen 5b. See also Wushang biyao 43.1a (Lagerwey 1981: 140); Ziran jing, cited in Xiaodao lun, sec. 33 (Kohn 1995a: 143–144). 9. Han Wudi neizhuan [Esoteric biography of the Han emperor Wu; DZ 292] 2b, 10a; Smith 1992: 484, 501; Schipper 1965: 73, 94. For further descriptions see Schafer 1978: 31. 10. Colors to be avoided were often of the blue-green category—including bi, a dark oscillating blue; lü, green; qing, blue; and cui, turquoise or kingfisher blue. For details on colors and their terminology see Schafer 1978: 21–22. 11. The rule against lending is emphasized frequently; Fafu kejie wen 8b; Zhengyi weiyi jing 5b; Daoxue keyi 1.8a; and Yaoxiu keyi 9.1a, 9.3a (citing the Dengzhen yinjue). It does not appear in comparative Buddhist sources or in the Guanxing jing. 12. See Wijayaratna 1990: 36; Kieschnick 1997: 30; Welch 1967: 114; PripMøller 1967: 375; Misra 1969: 124; Òfuchi 1997: 459; Nakamura 1975: 455c. 13. See Beal 1871: 215–218; Horner 1992: 2:145–159; Prebish 1975: 13; Wijayaratna 1990: 44–48. In contrast to Daoism, Buddhist nuns had to wear an extra vest to cover their upper body and use a thin robe when bathing (Wijayaratna 1990: 45, 50). 14. The modern system, which still follows the Three Caverns division and is fully evident in the tenth century, has the same twelve categories for each cavern: 1. Fundamental texts 2. Divine talismans 3. Secret instructions 4. Numinous charts 5. Genealogies and registers 6. Precepts and regulations

7. Rituals and observances 8. Techniques and methods 9. Various arts 10. Records and biographies 11. Eulogies and encomia 12. Lists and memoranda

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In the medieval system, several diªerent divisions into thirty-six sections existed. For example, the Yaoxiu keyi lists twelve diªerent key texts for each cavern, noting that they are stored in the heavens of Jade Purity, Highest Purity, and Great Purity respectively (1.1b). It also cites the Taizhen ke with a division of scriptures into ten diªerent types from heavenly through earthly, sagely, and lucky texts to texts of life and of death (1.2a). 15. A special place for the scriptures is also recorded in devotional literature. Thus Emperor Wu of the Han, according to the Han Wudi neizhuan, kept his sacred writings in cabinets specially built for them, made of yellow gold and containing boxes of white jade, with rollers made of coral and satchels of purple brocade (27b; Smith 1992: 530). 16. Here the oldest printed book was discovered: the Diamond Sutra, dated to 868. See Prip-Møller 1967: 60. For more on the history of printing in China see Goodrich 1925. 17. The four heraldic animals (siling ) are the black (snake and) turtle, the green dragon, the white tiger, and the red bird, all matching constellations in the sky. See Major 1986; Staal 1984. The eight dignified creatures (bawei) are the poisonous dragon, the fierce tiger, the flying python, the beast of lightning, the long tooth [beast], the rampaging bull, the heavenly ape, and the piercing thunder. Nasty creatures originally due to their accumulation of bad karma, they were saved by the Heavenly Worthy and became protectors of the religion (Fengdao kejie 2.5a). 18. The Fengdao kejie states that vajras “have the power to kill demons” and hence should be guardians at all gates and sanctuaries. They are to be depicted as very tall and equipped with swords and staªs, wearing headdresses of flying cloud, and with their feet stepping on mountains, divine beasts, boulders, or demons (2.3b–4a). 19. Buddhist institutions, too, had a similarly wide range of divine beings to represent: buddhas, bodhisattvas, arhats, devas, vajras, apsaras, yakshas, and nâgas. See Prip-Møller 1967: 36–48. 20. On surviving Daoist statues and stelae see Kamitsuka 1993, 1998; Pontynen 1980a, 1980b; James 1986; Abe 1997; Bokenkamp 1997b; Little and Eichman 2000. For a study of texts relating to Daoist art, see Reiter 1988. 21. The canopies suspended above the Heavenly Worthies similarly could show flying clouds, soaring or dancing phoenixes, lotus blossoms, immortal fungi, the seven treasures, and various animal patterns. They could be round, square, or octagonal (Fengdao kejie 3.5ab). 22. In Christianity, the richness of “gorgeous vestments and costly altar vessels” was actively rejected, especially in the twelfth-century reform movement of the Cistercians. See Burton 1994: 163. Chapter 8: The Liturgy 1. The same practice is emphasized in the formal English adaptation of St. Benedict’s Rule, the Regularis Concordia (Monastic Agreement), compiled by St.

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Notes to Chapter 8

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Dunstan of Glastonbury and presented in 970. See Symons 1953: xxxiii–xxxiv. Contemplation remained centrally important throughout monasticism in medieval England. See Burton 1994: 162–164. 2. The basic list of o‹ces is first found in the Rule of St. Benedict. Their times here coincide with the changing of the Roman imperial guard to emphasize that monastics pay homage to God as the world honored its ruler (Chittister 1992: 84). The schedule is further formulated in the Regularis Concordia of 970 (Symons 1953: xxxi) and was maintained throughout the Middle Ages (Burton 1994: 160). The modern adaptation follows the schedule of an American Trappist institution ( Hillery 1992: 155). 3. The classic description of the practice and state of mindfulness is found in the Satipatthâna Sutra (translated in Soni 1980). For a concrete and insightful modern presentation see Nhat Hanh 1975. 4. Meditation manuals often emphasize the need to maintain constant awareness of the deities. Among gods so remembered are especially the Great One (Taiyi)— as in the practice of shouyi ( guarding the One)— and the Three Ones (Sanyi). See Kohn 1989b; Andersen 1980. 5. The term appears first in the early Lingbao scriptures, which list twelve “resolutions” in addition to the ten basic precepts in the Chishu yujue (DZ 352; see Bokenkamp 1989) and fifty-eight “vows” to strive for the salvation of all beings. The latter are found in the Benyuan dajie [Great precepts of original vow; DZ 344] and the Taiqing wushiba yuanwen [Fifty-eight prayers of great purity; DZ 187]. See Kohn (forthcoming). 6. This system closely matches the schedule used by monastics of Complete Perfection and is still actively followed in Daoist institutions today (see Yao 2000: 589; Yoshioka 1979). 7. The formulas used here appear in Buddhism as well, as does the rite of confession and repentance. See Kuo 1994. 8. The first hymn is adapted from the early Lingbao corpus of the fifth century, where it appears in Benyuan dajie (DZ 344), 7b–8a. It also occurs in the sixth-century collection of Louguan precepts Taishang laojun jiejing (DZ 784; see Kohn 1994: 198–201). The entire sequence of three hymns is still being sung today as part of the jiao ritual. See Òfuchi 1983: 257a; Lagerwey 1987: 137, 139, 141–142. The twelve prayers, too, are highly similar to the fayuan section of the modern rite. See Lagerwey 1987: 146. 9. This hymn, like much of monastic ritual, goes back to Lingbao sources, where it is found in Benyuan dajie 16b–17a. It is later picked up again in Lingbao rites and appears in Jidu jinshu [Golden book on rescue and salvation; DZ 466], 10.10b. See Reiter 1998: 168. 10. The text survives in Dunhuang manuscripts S. 75 and P. 2370. For a detailed discussion of its Daode jing ritual see Kohn 1998d. A similar description appears in Yaoxiu keyi 2.3a. 11. This procedure is especially used in recitations of the scriptures of Mys-

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tery Cavern (Lingbao); unlike earlier Lingbao recitations (see Bokenkamp 1997a: 390), it is connected to a memorial (Fengdao kejie 4.2ab). A generic outline of scripture lectures is contained in Zhengyi weiyi jing 8b. The Yaoxiu keyi presents the essential rites for all the various ranks (2.2a–5b). More details on the presentation of memorials, petitions, and announcements are found in Daoxue keyi 2.2b–4b. For a description of these diªerent modes of written communication with the gods see Daoxue keyi 2.2b–4b. A discussion is found in Benn 2000: 335. 12. In the West these include Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and the feast days of various saints; in Buddhism they were the days of the Buddha’s birth (4/8), enlightenment (12/8), and nirvâna (2/15), plus the purgation of the dead (seventh month) and celebrations of other saintly people (such as Bodhidharma, 10/5). See Kennett 1976: 306–313. 13. In the Lingbao school these were the times when the greatest connection to the otherworld was established and the Duren jing [Scripture of salvation; DZ 1] was recited (Bokenkamp 1997a: 390). For a full list of important zhai dates in the Lingbao system see the Taiji zhenren shuo ershisi menjie jing [ Twenty-four precepts for followers spoken by the Perfected of Great Ultimate; DZ 183], 2ab. See also Yamada 2000: 248–250; Stein 1979. 14. The same passage is found in Yunji qiqian 37.10ab and, with minor variants, in Zhiyan zong [Comprehensive perfect words; DZ 1033], 1.4b–5b. For a punctuated reprint see Yoshioka 1976: 97–99. 15. All these ceremonies are based on the Lingbao calendar of purgations and were also part of Daoist state ritual. As such, they were prominently celebrated at the Taiqing gong in the capital but also occurred locally and on a smaller scale. For a discussion of early Lingbao zhai see Yamada 2000: 248–250. For details on their practice see Benn 2000: 319–320 For their celebration at the Taiqing gong see Ding 1980: 180, 198. 16. The Fengdao kejie as cited in the Zhaijie lu, moreover, has a list of thirteen annual zhai that seem to follow no specific system and are not explained in the text. They include New Year’s celebrations (12/28, 1/1, 1/7), rites on doublenumbered days (5/5, 6/6, 7/7, 9/9), seasonal purgations (8/1, 10/1, 11/15, 12/5), and other, maybe Buddhist-inspired times (2/8, 4/8). See Zhaijie lu 9ab; see also Yinyuan jing 4.11a. 17. Prior to the Yaoxiu keyi, the list of o‹cers appears in the same fifth-century text as the purgation punishments (DZ 524, 13ab). Du Guangting, too, presents it in the same context (DZ 486, 1a–2a). After this they are described in the Huanglu dazhai yi [Observances for the the Great Yellow Register Purgation; DZ 508, 16.17ab], a text dated to 1223 and a key source for the modern practice, which still involves the same o‹cers (see Lagerwey 1987: 33; Boltz 1996: 184–185). 18. A detailed list of hours to be selected for zhai is found in Yaoxiu keyi 8.5b–7a. There is also a text by Zhang Wanfu especially dedicated to this issue: the Zeri li [Calendar for selecting the days; DZ 1240; Benn 1991: 146–148].

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19. A brief outline of the events and the rules for lay donors is also found in Qianzhen ke 22b–23a—in a section not matching Buddhist models. The text mentions that the house of the zhai should be marked with a tall pole and ten streamers (25b). Further details regarding purity during zhai are listed in the Zhaijie lu citation of the Fengdao kejie: at all cost avoid men in mourning, women after parturition or during menstruation, and the various domestic animals; if sick, maimed, or disabled, do not rush forward to the central altar area; never behave boisterously, pushing and shoving—all these prevent the gods from descending (10a). 20. The “rice for the wise” rite involved inviting a group of Daoists to fill the house—10, 24, 30, 50, 100— and setting out a formal banquet of pure food for them. Daoists were admonished to come in proper garb and sparkling clean and to eat only a morsel here and there, not filling themselves up fully. The event, like the zhai, was preceded by three days of purification and required a formal thanksgiving to the gods three days after. It created enormous merit ( Yaoxiu keyi 12.1ab, citing the Taizhen ke). 21. The ten precepts are classically found in the Shijie jing (DZ 459), which also appears in Dunhuang manuscripts S. 645, P. 2347, P. 2350, P. 3770 (Òfuchi 1979a: 108). They are listed variously as, for example, Taishang Laojun jinglü [Scriptural statutes of the Highest Lord Lao; DZ 787], 13b. The role of the ten precepts in medieval ordination is discussed in Schipper 1985: 135; Yoshioka 1961. For their use today see Òfuchi 1983: 191–201. 22. Some 180 precepts were administered to candidates of the Mystery Cavern (Lingbao) level. They are found in the Sanyuan pinjie (DZ 456), 22a–31a (Kohn 1993: 100–106). Ordinands of Perfection Cavern (Shangqing) received 300 precepts contained in the Guanshen dajie (DZ 1364). See Kohn (forthcoming). 23. Times of ordination were considered very special, since the scriptures were so precious and could only be transmitted at the right moment. See the Fengdao kejie fragment in S. 809 (Òfuchi 1979a: 222; Tonkò kòza 1983: 176). 24. On ordination in Buddhism see Misra 1969: 110–116; Kennett 1976: 322–333; Prip-Møller 1967: 298–331; Matsunaga and Matsunaga 1976: 1:56–58; Buswell 2000: 73–83. 25. Fengdao kejie 6.9b–10a. According to the Yaoxiu keyi, the pledge was divided into three parts: two-tenths were given to the ordination master, two-tenths went to poor hermits, and the remainder was given to the institution (1.7b–8a). The practice of pledge and vow follows ancient practices of forming military alliances (see Lewis 1990) and the transmission of alchemical formulas (see Ware 1966). More details on medieval ordination procedures are found in Benn 2000: 327–331. 26. This hymn is first found in the fifth-century Lingbao shoudu yi [Observances for the transmission of Numinous Treasure; DZ 528], 49b–50a. It later appears in Du Guangting’s Jinlu dazhai shuojie yi (DZ 486, 5b–6a) and in the Jidu jinshu (DZ 466, 10.7a), a Ming-dynasty collection (see Ren and Zhong 1991: 346–348).

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27. These details are found in Daoxue keyi 2.16a. On “summoning the soul” see Hawkes 1959; Yü 1987; Legge 1968: 2:174–175. 28. This, too, matches Buddhist practice. See Prip-Møller 1967: 165; Schopen 1997. For a medieval description of Buddhist funerary and mourning customs see Sanqian weiyi, sec. 26 (T. 1804, 40.143a–45c). Conclusion 1. This cultural divide between monastic traditions is lessening in the current age as interreligious dialogue and the practice of Eastern forms of meditation in Western institutions open a new awareness of the vast common ground that all monastics share. Current practitioners thus speak of a meltdown of boundaries, a collapse of barriers in the light of a new level of monastic existence called “interspirituality” (Teasdale 2002: 173). Wayne Teasdale himself is a good example of the new trend— a Catholic monk who was ordained in a Christian institution in Shatinvanam, South India, with Hindu rites (pp. xviii–xx). He envisions a growing network of institutions based on several traditions practiced in harmonious coexistence and serving to enhance the collective awareness of the divine in compassion, love, kindness, mercy, and sensitivity (p. 174).

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Glossary

An Shigao w@™ Ba ⁄ bai Ù Baiyun guan ’≥[ Baizhang ’V bajie K` bajie K— Banshun man OfiZ Baopuzi ͵l bawei K¬ Baxian An KP⁄ Beidou _Ê Beijing _? Beishan _s Benji jing ª⁄g Benxiang jing ª¤g Benyuan dajie ª@jŸ bi — Bianzheng lun Îø◊ bie O Boyi Bi Bozhou Ω{ Chan I Chang’an ¯w changchao `¬ Changning ˜Á changpao ¯T changshan ¯m

changshi ¯@ changyi ¯Á changzhu `Ì chanhui b¨ chanwei @n cheng ∞ Chengdu ®£ cheng fu ”t cheniu fang Æ˚{ chi ÿ chiming ™˙ Chishu yujue ™—…Z Chisongzi ™Ql Chisongzi zhong jie jing ™Ql§Ÿg Chongxu si RÍx Chongxuan guan R»] Chongyang dian ´ßµ Chongyang lijiao shiwu lun ´ßfl–Q ≠◊ chu p Chu Boyu uB… Chuanshou jing jie yi zhujue «¬gŸ ˆ˘Z Chuanshou lueshuo «¬§° Chuanshou sandong jing jie falu lueshuo «¬T}gŸk¸§° Chuci °„ chujia Xa chumen Ï˘ Chunyang Dian ¬ßµ

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250

Glossary

Chuzhen jie ÏuŸ cui A Cui Hao ZE Da biqiu sanqian weiyi jing jÒCT d¬ˆg Da Tang Yin zunshi bei j®LvO Dadao jialing jie jDaOŸ Dadong zhenjing j}ug dagua jo Daitokuji jwx Daluo Tian jπ— danfang ¶– danggui Ìk dantian ¶– Daoan Dw Daode jing Dwg Daode zhenjing xujue Dwug«Z Daojiao yishu D–qœ Daojun Dg daomen D˘ Daomen kelue D˘Ï§ daomin D¡ Daoseng ke D¨Ï daoshi D« daoshi nüguan Dhka Daoxuan D≈ Daoxue keyi D«Ïˆ Daoxue zhuan D«« daoyin …fi Daozang D√ Daozang jiyao D√Ën Dengzhen yinjue nuÙZ dian µ diyu aª Dògen D∏ Dongfang Shuo FË“ Donghua dijun Fÿ“g Dongming guan F˙[ Dongshen }´ Dongxuan }» Dongxuan lingbao daoxue keyi }»F _D«Ïˆ

Dongxuan lingbao qianzhen ke }»F _duÏ Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi }»F_T}^DÏ ŸÁl Dongzhen }u dougong Ê‚ du ◊ Du Guangting ˘˙x Du Jiong ˘R duheng ˘¡ dujiang £ø Dunhuang ∞◊ duren ◊H Duren jing ◊Hg eK fa k fafu kA Fafu kejie wen kAÏŸÂ faju k„ Fan Li S˘ fang – fang* { fangshi Ëh fangzhang ËV Fanwang jing ÎÙg fanxian ∫ fashen k≠ fashi kh Fashi jinjie jing kπTŸg fatang kÛ fawu k´ Faxian k„ fayuan o@ Fazang k√ feifa Dk feilian ∏G fen ¿ Fengdao kejie ^DÏŸ fengshui ∑Ù Foguang Si Ú˙x

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Glossary

fu ≈ Fu Yi ≈≥ fudi ÷a fushui ≈Ù futian ÷– Ganying pian P≥g gaode fashi ™wkv gaogong ™\ ge ’ Ge Hong Øx Ge Xuan Ø» geyi Êq gong c Gongming Zihao Ω˙l gongyang —i Gu louguan ziyun yanqing jing j”[ µ≥lyg guan a guan [ guan* ] Guanshen dajie [≠jŸ Guanxing jing [Êg Guanyin jing [µg guizu ≠Ú Guodian ¢± guoyuan GÈ haiqing ¸C Han Wudi neizhuan ~Z“∫« Hangu guan Á¶ˆ Hangzhou C{ Hanshu ~— Haotian guan ˛—[ he ≈ He Zhizhang Pæπ Heming shan bÔs Hengshan ≈s heqi X Heshang Gong eWΩ hezhang Xx hong ı Hou Hanshu ·~—

Huagu ÿh Huainanzi anl Huang Lingwei ¿FL Huangdi ¿“ Huanglu dazhai yi ¿¸jNˆ huanglu zhai ¿¸N Huanglu zhai shi tianzun yi ¿¸NQ —Lˆ huangxie se ¿h‚ Huayang gongzhu ÿßΩD huayuan mao V∏U Huiyuan z∑ hunyuan V∏ Huzi ˝l ji ˆ jian ≤ jiang º jiang jing tang øgÛ Jiansheng zida sengni yiguo limin shi ÿ”xWßqÍQ¡° jianzhai ?N jiao Á jiasa [∆ Jidu jinshu Ÿ◊˜— Jieben Ÿª Jiefa dengzhuyuan yi Ÿ@O¨@ˆ jijiu Ωs Jin Ming Qizhen ˜˙Cu Jin shizi zhang ˜‡lπ jing t jing b jing R jing Î jingang ˜˚ Jingchuan baibian t˚s Jinglong guan ∫s[ jinglou g” jingren bH jingren fang bH{ jingshe RŸ jingshi R« jingsi Ή

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251

252

Glossary

jingsi yuan Ή| Jinlu dazhai shuojie yi ˜¸jN° Ÿˆ jinlu zhai ˜¸N jinshi ih Jinshu ?— Jinxian gongzhu ˜PΩD jishou ]∫ Jiuku tianzun œW—L juan ˜ Juanzi ˛l kaihuang }” Kaiyuan }∏ kefang »{ kejie ÏŸ ketou WY Kong Lingchan ’F£ Kou Qianzhi Fæß Kunlun X[ la æ Laojun yibai bashi jie —g@?K QŸ Laojun yinsong jiejing —gµw| g Laozi —l leima fang [ ®{ Li Chang ı® Li Hanguang ıÁ˙ Li Hong ıª Li Shaojun ı÷g libai ßÙ Liexian zhuan CP« Liezi Cl Liji ßO Linchuan {t Lingbao F_ Lingying gong F≥Ω lishi Oh Liu Xiang BV liushi ª… longhan s~

Longjiao shan s§s Longmen s˘ lou ” Louguan ”[ Louguan benji ”[ªˆ lü fl lü Ò lu ¸ Lü Dongbin f}´ Lü Shang f” Lu Xiujing ∞◊R Luan Da ÷j luo π Luoyang •ß Luoyang qielan ji •ß{≈O Lushan fs Ma Shu ®˚ Maoshan Ts Maoshan zhi Ts” Mawangdui ®˝Ô menlou ˘” Miaomen youqi Æ˘—_ ming R mingtang ˙Û Mingtong ji flqO mingzhen zhai ˙uN Mohe sengqi lu ØF¨Èfl Mozi •l Nanchan si nIx nanhua mao nÿU Nanyue zongzhen ji nÆ` uO nian ¿ niandao ¿D nianfo ¿Ú nianjing ¿g nianwei Vƒ Niwan dY Niwan gong dYc nüguan ka nüguan kx

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Glossary

pei n pei* ‹ Penglai ¥‹ Puji zhenren ∂ŸuH qi  qianhua yuan E∆| Qianzhen ke duÏ qibai “’ qing k qing C qing – qing M Qinggui xuanmiao MW»Æ Qingtang guan y[ Qingyang gong Cœc qiyuan “@ Qizhen Cu Quanzhen ˛u Quejing mulu ˆgÿ˝ Quhuo lun Áb◊ qun » qun* s renshi suoyou Ù…“≥ ruyi pN sanbao T_ Sancai tuhui T~œ| sandong T} Sandong fafu kejie wen T}kAÏ ŸÂ Sandong qunxian lu T}sP˝ Sandong zhunang T}]n sanguan Tx sangui T‘ Sanguo zhi TÍ” Sanhuang T” sanhui T| Sanqian weiyi Td¬ˆ sanqing TM sansheng Tº sanshi Tr

Sanyi T@ sanyuan T∏ Sanyuan pinjie T∏~Ÿ Sengzhao ¨F sha Ω shaijing tai Œgx Shangpin dajie W~jŸ Shangqing WM Shangqing daolei shixiang WMD˛ u¤ Shangyuan furen W∏“H Shaoweng ÷Œ shaoxiang yuan Nª| she ¿ sheng ∑ shengxia yuan @I| Shenren shuo sanyuan weiyi guanxing jing ´H°T∏¬ˆ[Êg shenwang ´˝ shenwu ∞´ Shenxian zhuan ´P« Shi ¿ Shi Falin ¿kY shideng ÕO shifang v– shifang ke fang QË»{ Shiji vO Shijie jing QŸg shijing Õg Shishi weiyi Q∆¬ˆ Shisong lü Qwfl shixiang Õª shizhi QΩ shizhu ID Shòbò genzò øk¥√ shoudao yuan ¬D| shouyi u@ shu Ì Shujing —g shuofa yuan °k| Shuqi ˚Ù si x sibei |˙

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253

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Glossary

Sifen lü |¿fl Sifen lü shanfan buque xingshi chao |¿flRc…ˆÊ∆r sifu |≤ Siguo qL Siji mingke |•˙Ï siling |F Sima Chengzhen q®”’ Sima Qian q®E Siming qR Song Yuxian ∫… Songshan Cs Soniryò ¨ßfl suan ‚ suke fang U»{ Suling jing ¿Fg Sun Simiao ]‰‰ tai O Taibai shan ”’s Taiji taixu zhenren ”•”ÍuH Taiji yinzhu ”•Ù` Taiji zhenren ershisi menjie jing ”•u HGQ|˘Ÿg Taiping ”≠ Taiping gong ”≠c Taiping gongzhu ”≠ΩD Taiping jing ”≠g Taiping yulan ”≠s˝ Taiqing gong ”Mc Taiqing wushiba yuanwen ”M≠QK @ Taishan ıs Taishang ”W Taishang dongxuan lingbao yebao yinyuan jing ”W}»F_~¯] tg Taishang laojun ”W—g Taishang laojun jiejing ”W—gŸg Taishang laojun jinglü ”W—ggfl Taishò daizòkyò jøj√g Taiwei gong ”Lc Taixiao langshu ”]w—

Taiyi ”@ Taizhen ke ”uÏ Taizhen mingke ”u˙Ï Taizhen wang ”u˝ tan ¬ tang Û Tang liudian ªÂ Tang Shunzhi ∂ß Tanglü shuyi fl®q Tanjing Ëb Tanyao Ë£ Tao Hongjing ≥∞∫ Tianbao guan —_[ Tianshi —v Tiantai —x Tiantai shan —xs Tianzun —L tianzun dian —Lµ ting F tingzhuan F« Tiwei boli jing £◊iΩg tutan zhai \¥N Wang Chongyang ˝´ß Wangwu shan LŒs Wei Huacun Qÿs Wei Wenlang Q‘ Weishu Q— Wenzhou ≈{ wu ≈ Wu Guang »˙ Wu Yun da Wuchang yuan L`| wudou mi ≠Êà Wufen lü ≠¿fl Wushang biyao LWµn Wutai shan ≠xs Wuxiang zhenren LQuH wuxin ≠Ø Xi’an Ëw xian P xiang H

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Glossary

Xianger Q∏ Xianyi guan wy[ Xiaodao lun ∫D◊ xiejing fang gg{ xingdao ÊD Xinjing flg xinli flß Xisheng jing Ë@g Xiwang mu Ë˝¿ xuan » Xuandu lüwen »£fl Xuanhua »ÿ xuanhua shu »ÿfi xuanmen »˘ Xuanmen dayi »˘jq Xuanmen shishi weiyi »˘Q∆¬ˆ Xuanzhong jing »§g Xue Yuan ß∂ Yang Guifei ®Qm Yang Yuhuan ®…Ù Yangjiao shan œ§s Yao Boduo ¿Bh yaopu ƒE Yaoxiu keyi n◊ψ Yaoxiu keyi jielü chao n◊ψŸ flr Ye Û Ye Fashan ≠kΩ yi Á Yin Tong ®q Yin Wencao ®Âfi Yin Xi ®fl Yingzhou πw yinyuan ]t Yinyuan jing ]tg yishe qŸ Yongcheng jixian lu V∞∞P˝ Yongle gong √÷c Yu Xuanji Ω»˜ yuan | yuan @ Yuan Banqian ˚bd

yuanqi ∏ Yuanshi shenzun ∏l´L Yuanshi tianzun ∏l—L Yueling ÎO Yuhuang …” Yungang ≥£ Yunji qiqian ≥DC“ Yuqing guan …M[ yutang DÛ Yuxian gongzhu …PΩD zagu §„ zaitian Ê– Zangwai daoshu √~D— Zengxian liexian zhuan WHCP« Zerili ‹È‰ zhai N zhaichu Np zhaiguan Nx zhaijie NŸ Zhaijie lu NŸ˝ zhaiqi Nπ zhairen NH zhaishi Nπ zhaitang NÛ zhaizhu ND Zhang Daoling iDÆ Zhang Wanfu iU÷ Zhenfu u≈ Zhen’gao u¢ zhengdao øD Zhengyi ø@ Zhengyi fawen jing ø@kÂg Zhengyi fawen taishang wailu yi ø@ k”W~¸ˆ Zhengyi mengwei ø@˘¬ Zhengyi weiyi jing ø@¬ˆg Zhengyi xiuzhen lueyi ø@◊u§ˆ zhi v zhiguan v[ Zhishou º∫ Zhiyan zong ‹•` zhongge È’

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255

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Glossary

Zhong ji jie §•Ÿ zhongmin ÿ¡ Zhongnan shan ◊ns zhongqing ´¥ Zhou Ziliang Pl} Zhu Faman ∂k° Zhu Fonian «Ú¿ Zhu Junxu ∂g¸ zhuangtian ¯– Zhuangzi ¯l

ziran zhai ¤MN Ziyang guan µß[ zong ` Zongsheng guan vt[ zui o Zuigen pinjie o⁄~Ÿ zunke ÌÏ zuoju §„ zuoli @ß zuotan §¬

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Index

abbot, 53, 59–60, 88, 95, 138, 229n15 abodes, 39, 41–42, 77, 107 abstinence, 14, 54, 119–123 administration: celestial, 47, 122, 233n6; of monasteries, 111 agricultural estates, 90, 97–98, 101–102, 110 alchemy: chamber of, 109; on Maoshan, 42; transmission in, 247n25 alcohol: abstinence from, 120; among Celestial Masters, 32–33; and karma, 49; problems with, 122; prohibition of, 69; and qi, 121 altar, 92, 95, 104, 166; erection of, 183–184; layers of, 238n6; mythical, 238n6; for ordination, 94; in parish centers, 108 ancestors: and monasteries, 48, 54, 63, 110; sins of, 47, 184; of Tang, 66; worship of, 45, 57, 64 animals: avoidance of, 247n19; among Celestial Masters, 32–33; and defilement, 71; and as design, 92; divine, 164, 244n17; feeding of, 242n24; as food, 127, 130; imitation of, 21; and karma, 49; in monasteries, 90, 96, 98, 101, 103, 110; visualization of, 179 architecture: Chinese, 238nn14–15; comparison of, 90; Daoist, 234n2;

monastic, 87–111, 198; of oratory, 108–109; planning of, 100–101 aristocracy, 76–77; infringements on, 68; and karma, 48–49; and monastics, 58, 64 aristocrats, 26, 33, 35–36, 41, 67, 98–99, 237n15. See also rulers art, 100, 164–165 ascension, 42, 84, 96 asceticism, 1, 7, 9–10, 14, 20–30, 70, 229n2; and immortals, 26–30 Aùoka, 52, 186, 234n9 âshrama, 3, 21 attendants: during purgation, 185; statues of, 164–166 audience rites, 175–176; and purgations, 181, 184. See also services Avatamsaka Sutra, 36, 118, 232n26 axis, central, 90–95, 104–105, 108; in Buddhism, 110; to heaven, 92; in layout, 88, 89 banners. See streamers bath: beans for, 143; house, 88, 90, 93, 95; for purification, 71, 75; and scriptures, 163 bathing: in Buddhism, 239n3; facilities for, 114–115; modern rules on, 240n8; times for, 239n4; in traditional China, 117–118; tubs for, 243n4

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286

Index bay, 91–92, 96 begging, 39, 201, 235n4; bowl for, 143; in Buddhism, 212; in Daoism, 235n4; and food, 129–130; and monastic support, 68; and vestments, 158–159 behavior: control of, 5, 64; irregular, 185; upright, 55–56; in world, 73 Beidou, 146, 183 bell, 93, 95, 168–169, 175 Benedictines, 227n2; discipline of, 9– 10; institutions of, 237n2; services of, 178 Bianzheng lun, 147, 209 bodhisattva, 37, 46–47, 174 body: control of, 112–139; at death, 192; death of, 62; gods in, 129, 233n2; gymnastics of, 34, 132; and karma, 46; and master, 136; nourishment of, 45, 127; subjugation of, 28; techniques of, 112–114; violation of, 54; vision of, 200 Bourdieu, Pierre, 112–113, 132 Bozhou, 53, 66, 170 breath, bad, 119, 127 Brown, Peter, 13, 23 Buddha: family of, 59; and holiness, 48; image of, 143; life of, 234n9; and monastic location, 99; prayers to, 174; as ruler, 5 Buddhism: abstinence in, 120–121; assets in, 97; bathing in, 117–118; begging in, 235n4; buildings in, 93; cell furnishings in, 94, 143; Chinese, 35–39; and Chinese fate, 47–48; criticism of, 102; and Daoist art, 164–165; death in, 61, 191, 194; debates with, 64; discipline in, 112, 113–114; doctrinal input of, 40; donations in, 141–142; and family, 54–55, 59; family in, 57, 82; festivals in, 182; food in, 123, 127; hand positions in, 133; implements in,

170–171; influence of, 19, 103, 214– 215; institutions of, 230n7; justifications in, 6; karma in, 46–48; liturgy in, 178; on Maoshan, 42; masters in, 135; meditation huts in, 109; millenarianism in, 25–26; as model, 110; monasteries in, 87–90, 98–99, 101, 106; monasticism in, 1, 197–201, 227n1, 227n3, 229n12; nuns in, 236n13; origin of, 21; property in, 53; ritual in, 176; scriptures in, 159, 162, 232n27; and shamans, 28–29; shift in, 42; staª in, 145; and state, 52–53, 65, 68–69, 99; texts of, 35–38; terminology of, 39, 106– 107; Theravâda, 12, 240n11; travel in, 69–70, 74; vestments in, 22, 155, 158–159; women in, 80–81 buildings, 87–111; in Buddhism, 36; and Buddhist influence, 38; as celestial replicas, 237n4; in Christianity, 237n1; comparison of, 198; construction of, 100–101; fang, 238n8; flexibility of, 104; guan, 238n10; in Tang palaces, 238n9; today, 237n5; yuan, 238n7 burial, 192–193; of scriptures, 145 cape, 148–149, 151, 243n7 Cassian, 172–173 celestial life, 8, 114, 124, 131 Celestial Master: function of, 206; title, 31, 39 Celestial Masters: and abodes, 41; art in, 164; celestial administration in, 182; codes of, 36, 43–44, 206– 211; early movement of, 233n8; as forerunners, 19, 25; impact of, 40; kitchen feasts of, 240n14; locations of, 99; and monastic buildings, 94, 104, 106–109, 143; practices of, 30–35; priests of, 84; and purgations, 186; ranks of, 187; scriptures

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Index of, 161; sex and wine in, 121; and Three Caverns, 42; and travel, 70; vestments of, 151 celestials: activities of, 181–182; and meals, 123–125, 128; vestments of, 149–150 celibacy, 22, 40, 54 cells, 94, 142–143; in Buddhism, 242n2; in Christianity, 23–24, 242n2; rituals in, 180 Chan Buddhism. See Zen Buddhism chanting: in Buddhism, 173; in Daoism, 174; eªects of, 178–179, 181; function of, 199; in heaven, 168; at ordination, 189; personal, 180; of scriptures, 208 chants: in Christianity, 240n9; in daily life, 114–116, 175; for hygiene, 116– 118; at meals, 128–132, 241n17, 241n21; at ordination, 190; of precepts, 37; for protection, 70; in purgations, 184; ritual, 245nn8–9, 247n26; at services, 177; text of, 221; today, 240n7 charity, 57, 78, 204; in Daoist monasteries, 236n10; and karma, 49– 50, 128; and purgations, 186; and women, 82 chastity, 9–10, 120. See also abstinence chest: for clothes, 155; for scriptures, 145 chimes, 168, 170, 191 Chisongzi, 27, 203–204 Chisongzi zhong jie jing, 44, 50, 203–205, 208 Christianity: abbot’s quarters in, 95; abstinence in, 120; begging in, 235n4; Catholic, 12; cell furnishings in, 143; charity in, 141–142; death in, 61; discipline in, 112; early monks in, 22–26; experience in, 2, 6–10; and family, 57, 59–60; festivals in, 182; food in, 123; goal of, 60;

implements in, 170–171; millenarianism in, 34; monasteries in, 87–90, 98–99; monasticism in, 1, 3, 197– 201, 227n1, 227n3; o‹cers in, 61; priests in, 40; property in, 53; scriptures in, 159; travel in, 69; vestments in, 157–158, 159; wilderness in, 62; women in, 80 Chuanshou lueshuo, 44, 83, 151, 222–223 chujia, 57, 121–122 Chuzhen jie, 153, 223, 240n7 city layout: and monasteries, 90, 104– 105 cleanliness, 114–115; in cells, 94, 142; and punishments, 50; as requirement, 93–94; and services, 176 cloister, 87–88, 93 clothes: and hermits, 22; of immortals, 26–27; sets of, 154; for visitors, 72. See also vestments codes. See rules colors: to be avoided, 243n10; of Buddhist robes, 158; of capes, 243n7; of celestial garments, 150; of kerchiefs, 145; of robes, 22; of seat cloth, 71; of utensils, 144; of vestments, 148– 149, 151, 154 communal hall, 33, 99, 104, 106–107, 209 Communism, 14, 102 communitas, 16–17, 229n16; and Celestial Masters, 31–35 community: of Celestial Masters, 32; connection with, 57; at death, 191; divine, 5; as family, 58; ideal, 44, 59; and karma, 46–47; at meals, 129; monastic, 1, 10–15; prayer of, 173; and rebirth, 57; service for, 33; state in, 14; transcendent, 36; transformation of, 10; versus family, 60 compassion: for all, 58–59; in Buddhism, 120; and food, 130; as ideal, 9, 48, 57, 78; of master, 137

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287

288

Index Complete Perfection, 127, 137, 145, 153, 193, 223, 235n6, 236n8, 240n7, 241n22, 245n6; architecture in, 90, 105; monastic layout in, 110; o‹cers in, 61, 111; vestments in, 157 confession: in Buddhism, 183, 245n7; as monastic practice, 200; as punishment, 68; and purgations, 182, 184; in services, 177–178 Confucianism: family in, 54–55; fate in, 47; and Great Peace, 52; and monastics, 45; obeisances in, 132; and theocracy, 39 Confucians: and bathing, 117; and Buddhism, 35; and hermits, 29–30; in mourning, 194; temples of, 88 Confucius: hall to, 238n15; robes of, 147; in state temples, 66 construction: criticism of, 102; of monasteries, 100–101 control: of body, 26; of mind, 14–15; and monasticism, 5, 15; over nature, 28; and utopia, 14 convents, 65, 80–85 copying. See scriptures cosmology: in architecture, 91, 96–97; of Celestial Masters, 31–32; of Great Peace, 51–52; in headdresses, 157; and meals, 124–125, 132; and monastic urge, 8; and pillow, 144; and sex, 33–34; and shamans, 28; in staª, 146–147; in vestments, 151–152; of vestments, 149 courtesans: and nuns, 82–83, 85 courtyards, 87–88, 104 cults, 60, 229n15; and Celestial Masters, 33–34; versus monasteries, 14–15 culture: and monasticism, 2–3; opposition to, 21 Da biqiu sanqian weiyi jing. See Sanqian weiyi jing

Dao: and art, 164–165; and Great Peace, 52; prayers to, 125; worship of, 56 Daode jing, 31, 41, 79, 161, 179, 181, 245n10 Daolei shixiang, 91, 93, 94, 109, 237n4, 238n9, 239nn19–20 Daoxuan, 38, 214, 235n5, 239n6 Daoxue keyi, 44, 48, 57, 71, 114, 116, 122, 127, 136, 144, 147, 149, 155– 156, 167–168, 176, 184, 186, 189– 192, 194, 220–221, 234n10, 237n15, 239n4, 240n10, 243n6, 243n11, 246n11, 248n27 Daoxue zhuan, 77–78, 84, 233n31 death, 190–194; banners for, 168; in Buddhism, 248n28; bringers of, 47; building for, 90, 96; conception of, 192; confrontation with, 8–9; in Daoism, 234n14; and defilement, 71; in family, 48; and hermits, 22; as metaphor, 61–63; of monastic, 4; and motivation, 77; rites for, 96, 225 defilement, 75; and karma, 49; through vision, 70–71; vision of, 74 demons, 31–34, 70 descendants, 57, 193 Dipper, 183, 218 disciples: levels of, 194; training of, 135–137; transgressions of, 69; and travel, 70 discipline: ascetic, 20–21; in Buddhism, 239nn1–2; in Christianity, 239n1; description of, 228n8; versus family, 60; monastic, 11, 112–139; and monastic urge, 8; and obeisances, 135; and utopia, 14 disease. See sickness dishes: description of, 130, 142–144, 241n18; served, 125; use of, 126, 129 divine law, 48, 56, 130, 141, 177, 180 donations: of fabric, 143; and food, 128; of implements, 141; and lifespan, 50

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Index donors, 98–99; and meals, 131, 241n22; role of, 184; rules for, 247n19 dormitories, 87–88, 90 dragons, 92, 165, 244n17 Du Guangting, 81, 184, 208, 246n17, 247n26 dualism, 4–8, 12, 15–16 Dunhuang manuscripts, 38, 44, 58, 120, 153, 162, 207, 214–215, 217–219, 234nn10–11, 245n10, 247n21 Earth, among Celestial Masters, 32, 34 earth, as foundation, 92, 104, 107 earth god, 107, 110 emergencies, 73, 129, 133; exceptions for, 122; preparation for, 76; and travel, 70 emperor: bowing to, 39; and monasteries, 99; support of, 101 empire: and family, 54; holiness of, 53; rites for, 40; unification of, 42 Empress Wu, 83, 85 England: begging in, 68; monasteries in, 98–99; monastic construction in, 100; women in, 80 equality: among Celestial Masters, 32; and liminality, 16; in monasticism, 230n10; among sexes, 65; in treatment of people, 73; and utopia, 13; of women, 80–81 evil: abstention from, 33; as danger, 206–207; development of, 229n1, 233n3; inherited, 233n2; observation of, 75; reaction to, 74–75; ways of, 103 experience, monastic, 1, 2, 6–10 Fafu kejie wen, 44, 148–150, 151–156, 223, 243n6, 243n8, 243n11 family: care for, 57; and compassion, 59; Daoist, 56, 77–78; denigration of, 54–55; leaving of, 122; as metaphor, 45–46, 59–61; and

monasticism, 4–5, 12; native, 71, 78, 82–84; natural, 60; and ordination, 83, 188, 189; position in, 15; prayers for, 177; as prison, 48; relation to, 75, 208; replacement of, 137; universal, 57–58; and utopia, 13; as value, 54–59; values, 45 fangshi, 19, 25; description of, 26–30; and Han rulers, 230n11, 231n13; and later Daoists, 231n17; techniques of, 231n16; works of, 231n14 Fanwang jing, 38, 119, 143 Fashi jinjie jing, 44, 123, 126–127, 129– 130, 219–220, 241n19, 241n22, 242n24 fast, 77, 124 fate: Chinese views of, 47–48; in Daoism, 233n2; early system of, 233n1; and karma, 50, 58, 233n3; understanding of, 204 Fengdao kejie, 43–44, 50, 55–56, 58, 61, 70–72, 81, 91–94, 96–98, 100–101, 111, 115, 126, 128–131, 142, 144– 146, 148–149, 151–154, 159, 161– 168, 170, 177, 180–182, 184, 187, 189–190, 192, 206, 207, 209– 211, 214, 216–225, 233n4, 233n5, 234n11, 235n5, 239n5, 241nn17–19, 244nn17–18, 244n21, 246n11, 246n16, 247n19, 247n23, 247n25; dating of, 97–98; description of, 43 festival: annual, 199; in Buddhism, 246n12; among Celestial Masters, 32–33; in Christianity, 173, 246n12; in Daoism, 246n13, 246n15; and purgations, 182; as zhai, 241n16 fields: agricultural, 90, 97, 101; of blessedness, 128; monastic, 128; of sin, 55 filiality, 29–30, 57, 77; lack of, 75; and monastic rites, 175–176; and monastics, 55 five strong vegetables, 49, 122, 127

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290

Index fixed assets, 53, 97, 101–102 food, 123–132; for ancestors, 240n15; attitudes to, 112; care for, 128; and celestial life, 131; classification of, 127; consumption of, 198; control of, 124; and death, 62; defilements of, 129–130; donation of, 50; and donors, 241n22; and fangshi, 26; forbidden, 127; in heaven, 128; and hermits, 21–22, 29–30; and monasticism, 12; and mourning, 194; oªering of, 184; for recluses, 186; restrictions of, 237n15; rules for, 219–220; sacrificial, 208; supplementary, 240n13; taboos for, 225; theft of, 241nn22–24; times of, 240n14; treatment of, 214; types of, 219; and utopia, 13; Vinaya on, 240n11; in Zen, 240n12 formality, 73, 125. See also discipline, obeisances freedom: and eremitism, 21, 30; of monastics, 11; for women, 82 gardens, 36, 91–92, 97–98 gates, 74, 89–90, 96, 105 God: search for, 7; seeing of, 62; surrender to, 9 gods: activation of, 167; in body, 129; in Buddhism, 244n19; bowing to, 133; connection with, 28; and fangshi, 28; garments of, 154; local, 90; martial, 244n18; and monastics, 54; nourishing of, 130; in ritual, 246n11; and salvation, 216; and scriptures, 163; types of, 164; in vestments, 152– 153; worship of, 177 gongyang, 124, 176; in filial piety, 240n15 good deeds, list of, 204, 208 grain: abstention from, 62, 123; production of, 98 Great Peace: and community, 63;

creation of, 86; description of, 45; and family, 55; movement of, 31, 233n8; path to, 195; services for, 183; as state, 44, 51–54 Greece, 22, 199, 230n6 grottoes, 41, 99–100, 109 guan, 41, 97, 107, 148–149 guan*, 39, 41, 107 Guanshen dajie, 58, 137, 204, 247n22 Guanxing jing, 38, 44, 113–116, 122, 126–129, 134, 153–155, 167, 211– 214, 235n5, 236n10, 239n6, 241n19, 242n1, 242nn26–27, 243n11 guardian figures: depictions of, 179– 180, 244n18; in vestments, 152 gymnastics, 113, 220 habitus, 112–113, 198 hagiography, 26, 79 hair, 54, 116; at ordination, 189–190; pins for, 154 Han dynasty: Buddhism in, 35; and halls, 107; institutions of, 34; monastic forerunners in, 25–28; and oratory, 109 hands, 115, 133 harmony: and Great Peace, 51; and institution, 13; and monastics, 9, 45, 53 headdress: in art, 165; in Complete Perfection, 157; description of, 147–149; of gods, 166; kerchiefs, 145; for women, 81–82, 152–154 health: and food, 128; and pillows, 144. See also sickness heaven: among Celestial Masters, 32, 34; chanting in, 179; and donations, 128; rhythm of, 172; scriptures in, 159–160; status in, 49; in vestments, 152; vestments in, 150 Heavenly Worthies: bowing to, 207; canopies of, 244n21; at death, 191; garb of, 154; hall for, 91, 98; list of,

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Index 207; at meals, 126, 129–130; at ordination, 189; and refectory, 93; robes of, 149–150; as saviors, 244n17; and scriptures, 161; statues of, 164, 166; worship of, 180, 237n15 Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning. See Yuanshi tianzun herbs: gathering of, 237n15; for immortality, 240n13; and novitiate, 82; in pillows, 144, 242n3; for purification, 71; and simplicity, 77 hermits: and advisers, 30; in China, 26, 28–30; and death, 62; description of, 20–30; food of, 127; and Great Peace, 51; ideal of, 197; and immortals, 29–30; locations of, 99; on Maoshan, 42; and monastic buildings, 104; and monks, 1, 40; motivation of, 77; residence of, 109; rules of, 237n15; in Tang, 67; and wilderness, 232n18; Yin Wencao among, 79 hierarchy, 5; versus family, 60; and obeisances, 138–139 Highest Lord. See Taishang Highest Purity. See Shangqing Hinduism: etiquette in, 133; hippies in, 229n13; influence of, 230n6; justifications in, 6; karma in, 46; monastic origins in, 20–21; monasticism in, 1, 3, 227n1, 227n3; rites of, 248n1; vision of, 200 holy men, 8, 22–26 holy person, 45, 48 Huangdi, 192, 203–204 Huiyuan, 19, 35, 99, 232n25 humility: among Celestial Masters, 32– 33; and hermits, 30; importance of, 135; in kitchen, 128; and liminality, 16; as monastic virtue, 199; and monasticism, 9–10; and obeisances, 132–133; in prayer, 172–173; and residences, 142; signs of, 242n26

hygiene, 114–119, 125–126, 131 hymns. See chants immortality: as celestial splendor, 201; and death, 62–63; and karma, 49; longing for, 771 prayers for, 177; pursuit of, 79 immortals: abodes of, 44; ascension to, 84, 192; and buildings, 104; and cosmic powers, 29; descent of, 96– 97; description of, 26–30; dwellings of, 230n7; on earth, 195; and fangshi, 26–30; and food, 127; and Great Peace, 51; as hermits, 19; huts of, 99; and monastics, 25, 64; residence of, 109, 238n9; and rules, 33; skills of, 28; visions of, 84; works of, 231n14 implements: in cells, 141; classification of, 140; in comparison, 200; importance of, 170–171; monastic, 140–147 incantations. See chants incense: at meals, 126; during purgations, 185; and recitation, 180; in refectory, 93; and scriptures, 163 incense burner: in cells, 142, 180; materials of, 144–145; in oratory, 109; utensils for, 167 India: ascetics in, 28; begging in, 68, 123; death in, 61; hermits of, 26; karma in, 46; masters in, 137; monasticism in, 11, 20–22; nuns in, 81; sources from, 38; worldview of, 6–7 individual: control of, 33; and hermit ideal, 30; in Hinduism, 20–21; and immortals, 28; and monasticism, 2–4, 7–10; responsibility of, 36; subsummation of, 13; versus community, 1 initiations: among Celestial Masters, 32–34; and utopia, 14 inscriptions, 165, 168

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291

292

Index institution: development of, 5; dynamic of, 15; monastic, 5, 10–15, 25; pressure on, 13; relation to, 8–9 interaction: and Celestial Masters, 33; in Christianity, 24; details of, 11; and family, 54; with master, 135– 139; regulation of, 68; rules for, 69–76; with society, 2, 13, 28; with spirits, 26; with state, 39 intoxicants: abstinence from, 120; and sadhus, 11. See also alcohol jade lads and maidens: images of, 164; in vestments, 152; visualization of, 179–180 Jainism, 21–22, 46 Japan: Buddhism in, 38; food in, 123; nuns in, 236n13; temples in, 93 jianzhai, 125, 185–186 Jiefa dengzhuyuan yi, 184–185 jing, 121, 160 Jiuku tianzun, 215, 217 Judaism, 1, 197 kalpas, 91, 160 karma: and abstinence, 122; in Buddhism, 177; and death, 191–192; description of, 46–51, 215–217; extinction of, 58; and family, 55; introduction of, 36; and meals, 130–131; and monasticism, 6, 40, 43–44, 56; for patronage, 100; as prison, 48; retributions in, 233n5; understanding of, 212 kerchief, 94, 145 kitchen, 13, 87–88, 90, 93, 95, 110, 127–128 kitchen feasts, 32, 107, 186, 240n14 Kou Qianzhi, 39–40, 51, 65, 74, 99–100 kowtow, 131, 133. See also obeisances Kumarâjîva, 19, 36–37 Kunlun, 26, 91

laity: and art, 165; and bathing, 118; and food, 127; and karma, 47; and monastic location, 99; and monastic meals, 129–130; and monastics, 45, 68, 72–74, 183, 225; and nuns, 84; service for, 185; and vestments, 156, 159 lamps, 109, 167, 180, 185 Laojun. See Lord Lao Laojun yibai bashi jie, 33, 37, 121, 127, 235n7 law explanation building, 92, 95 Li Hanguang, 79, 101 libationers, 32, 40 Liexian zhuan, 26, 203, 231n11, 232nn18–19 Liezi, 29, 66 lifespan, subtractions from, 47, 50, 72, 154–155, 204, 208–209, 233n7 Liji, 71, 74, 136–137, 175, 182, 191, 194, 215, 240n15 liminality: description of, 15–17; and monasticism, 25, 198, 201; of monks, 172; and vestments, 156–157 Lingbao: chants in, 247n26; and family, 57; gods of, 220; and ordination, 42, 189; origins of, 214; precepts in, 121, 137, 247n22; purgations in, 246n15; rank of, 187, 222; rites in, 184, 246nn11–13; scriptures of, 160; vestments of, 151; vows in, 245n5 liturgy: administration of, 60–61; and Buddhism, 38; in Daoism, 172–195; in early Christianity, 24; general, 5–6; and masters, 135; practice of, 199–200; timing of, 199, 245n2, 245n6 location, 98–100, 107 longevity: and asceticism, 30; and death, 62; and meal times, 123–125; and sex, 121; techniques for, 26, 39–40 Lord Lao: in art, 164–165; birthplace

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Index of, 53; and Celestial Masters, 30; descent of, 79; revelations of, 39, 214, 221; in Tang, 65–66; temple of, 170; travels of, 181; visualization of, 179 lotus, 150, 166 Lotus Sutra, 36, 216–217, 232n26 Louguan, 41, 66, 79, 100 Lu Xiujing, 77–78, 99–100, 108, 147 Luoyang, 36, 66–67, 99 Lushan, 99, 168 magic, practitioners of. See fangshi Mahayana, 35, 46–47, 118 Maoshan, 41–42, 67, 84, 100, 234n3 marriage: among Celestial Masters, 33– 34; escape from, 48, 54–55, 65, 77, 82–85; as metaphor, 59, 61; rejection of, 22; and sadhus, 11 martyrdom, 25, 35 master: audience with, 136; chambers of, 94, 95; change of, 136; embodiment of, 193–194; humility of, 134; interaction with, 135–139, 208; living with, 82; meeting of, 133; mistakes of, 137, as model, 242n27; service of, 242n26; and travel, 70 materials: accumulation of, 76; for banners, 168; for buildings, 101; for dishes, 126; for scripture storage, 161–162; for statues, 165–166; for utensils, 142 meal: ceremonial, 123–132; and vestments, 156 measurements, 91–92, 107–108, 126, 241n18 medicines: as food, 123, 127; preparation of, 243n4 meditation: Buddhist, 173–174; among Celestial Masters, 34; Christian, 173, 244n1; as daily practice, 175; at death, 191; and hermits, 30; and monastic urge, 4–6; and mourning,

77; practice of, 96–97, 245n4; for purification, 75; for women, 82 meditation hall, 19, 41, 57, 88, 90, 94–95, 106 merit: and lifespan, 50; through meal, 131; monastic, 13; of purgation, 184; transfer of, 46 metaphors, 45, 59–63 military: and Celestial Masters, 33; escape from, 29; and monasticism, 24; and total institutions, 14 millenarianism: among Celestial Masters, 31–32, 34; characteristics of, 16; Daoist, 45; and monasticism, 24–25, 197 mills, 90, 97–98 mind: bows in, 133; before death, 190– 191; and humility, 132 mindfulness, 58, 173, 245n3 Mingtong ji, 42, 84 miracles, 65–67, 79 monasteries: in Buddhism, 230n4; buildings of, 49–50; criticism of, 102; versus families, 234n12; function of, 40; layout of, 87–96, 239n17; as models, 228n9; number of, 67; original form of, 230n7; purgations in, 183–184; sponsoring of, 206 monasticism: and Celestial Masters, 34–35; between cultures, 248n1; definition of, 3–6, 17–18, 197–201; development of, 228n6; versus family, 54–55; and liminality, 16; origins of, 19–42; and politics, 229n12; principles of, 197–201; roots of, 25; studies of, 2–3, 227, 229n11; as term, 3; theory of, 1– 18; in Tibetan Buddhism, 229n14, 230n10 money, 50, 53, 101, 237n15 monks: and martyrs, 230n9; as mediators, 12–13; and priests, 230n8

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293

294

Index morality: Buddhist, 37; and Celestial Masters, 31, 107; Confucian, 45; and Great Peace, 52; and hermits, 29–30; and monasteries, 55 motivation, 11, 64, 82 mountains: in Daoism, 234nn1–3; and hermits, 30, 232n18; and immortals, 29–30; and monasteries, 65, 91, 99–100, 107; and oratory, 109; as political centers, 234n1; protection in, 237n15 mudra, 70, 133 music: divine, 238n9; instruments for, 169–170, 186 nature: control over, 28; disasters of, 31; and hermits, 21; and immortals, 26, 29 New Code, 39–40, 74 nirvâna, 35, 49, 201 Niwan, 116, 156, 179 noon, meals, 123–124, 237n15 normative society. See society Northern Wei dynasty, 36–40, 45, 99 nuns: Buddhist, 236n13; capes of, 243n7; criticism of, 83; texts of, 81; types of, 82 obedience: among Celestial Masters, 32–33; in Christianity, 9–10; and discipline, 113; in kitchen, 128; and liminality, 16; to master, 136 obeisances: at departure, 138; description of, 132–135; at meals, 126; at ordination, 189; as punishment, 185; and scripture recitation, 179; and seat cloth, 72; during services, 176; texts on, 221; types of, 242n25; and vestments, 156 o‹cials: contact with, 71, 75–76; and Daoism, 39; and renunciation, 79 oratory: and alchemy, 239n20; and Buddhism, 99; and cells, 143;

description of, 107–109; as forerunner, 19, 34, 41; and purity, 76; sources on, 239n19; utensils in, 94 orchards, 90, 97 ordination: in Buddhism, 247n24; building for, 94; certificate of, 54, 68; code for, 205; conditions for, 56–57; description of, 187–190; errors in, 50; quest for, 77; ranks of, 211, 246n11; of rulers, 51; and sexes, 122; times for, 247n23; for women, 82, 84 ornamentation: in cells, 92, 142; criticism of, 102–103; of halls, 101; in implements, 140–141; of kerchiefs, 145; in sanctuaries, 244n21; and utopia, 14; on vestments, 154 Orthodox Unity, 31, 192, 236n14 palaces: celestial, 91; females in, 81; and monasteries, 90–91, 94, 100, 103–104 Panikkar, Raimondo, 7–8, 12 parents: care for, 58, 122, 136–137, 176; death of, 194; errors of, 137; relation to, 237n15 pavilions, 91, 96–97 Penglai, 26, 91 perfection: and Great Peace, 52; of naturalness, 61; worship of, 56 periods of subtractions, 50, 208 persecution, 41, 54 petitions: for funds, 101; as prayer, 173; in sickness, 34 plants, 92, 98 platform: for altar, 92; as foundation, 104; for obeisances, 133; for seating, 71; in temples, 92 pledges: division of, 247n25; at ordination, 53, 190; at purgations, 186 politics: and Daoist art, 165; and monastics, 2, 39–41, 51–54, 64–86; and motivation, 77, 78

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Index poverty, 9–10, 14, 77 Pratimok∂a, 37, 40, 232n27, 240n8 prayer: for all beings, 131; in Buddhism, 173–174; in Christianity, 4–6, 23– 24; in Daoism, 174; at death, 192; and discipline, 113; forms of, 172– 173; and karma, 43; at meals, 126; and oratory, 109; in purgations, 184; during services, 175; and vows, 173 precepts: Buddhist, 37–38; codes of, 247n22; Daoist, 37; on food, 127–128; ten, 247n21; and Great Peace, 52 priestesses. See nuns priests: versus monks, 22–24, 40; rules for, 19 princesses, ordination of, 53, 67, 83, 85, 222 prohibitions: of food, 127; of furnishings, 143; for interaction, 72–73 property: and Buddhism, 38, 242n1; burial of, 193; freedom from, 16; inheritance of, 193; managers of, 60–61; monastic, 44, 53, 97–98, 141–142, 241n1; rejection of, 12, 200; and utopia, 13. See also fixed assets propriety, 10, 29–30, 53; in antiquity, 73–74; in Buddhism, 236n11; at ordination, 188; and scriptures, 163 pûja, 124, 176, 201 punishments: for abuse of dishes, 126; in Buddhism, 235nn5–6; among Celestial Masters, 209; as defilement, 76; karmic, 48–49; for lack of abstinence, 120; for lack of hygiene, 115–116; and oratory, 109; for purgation errors, 184–185; through state, 53–54, 68–69. See also lifespan, subtractions from purgations: annual, 182; bells at, 168; and Buddhism, 38; building for, 93; at imperial temples, 66; at meals,

124–132; o‹cers for, 61, 185; overseer of, 185; performance of, 183– 187, 194–195; rules for, 185; times for, 181–183; as zhai, 241n16. See also zhai purification: among Celestial Masters, 34; after defilement, 71, 76; at meals, 124; and oratory, 108; at purgations, 185–186, 247n20; and women, 82 purity: and abstinence, 119–120; and architecture, 98; of buildings, 94; in food, 127–128; as goal, 77; and hygiene, 118; infringement of, 71; in oratory, 108; and rebirth, 56; standards of, 53; states of, 208; striving for, 9; of vestments, 155; and women, 82 qi: and alcohol, 122; and architecture, 91, 107; dispersal of, 71; and fangshi, 26; as food, 127, 219; and Great Peace, 52; harmonization of, 33–34; and scriptures, 159–160 Qianzhen ke, 38, 44, 55, 58, 69–70, 72–73, 76, 96, 103, 113–114, 116, 122, 126–129, 133, 136, 138, 140– 141, 151, 154, 156, 164, 183, 191, 192, 214–215, 224, 233n7, 236n8, 236n10, 241nn17–22, 242n24, 242n26, 247n19 Quanzhen. See Complete Perfection rainmaking, 20, 28, 231nn15–16 rank: loss of, 16; in monasteries, 59; and ordination, 111, 187–190; during services, 176; and vestments, 151, 154; and visitors, 72 rebellion, 13, 31, 51 rebirth: in China, 57; and donations, 128; and karma, 36, 46–48; and monasticism, 6; as monk, 56; for nuns, 81; prayers for, 177; as punishment, 49

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295

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Index reciprocity, 47, 50, 72, 204, 208–209, 233n7. See also lifespan, subtractions from refectory, 87–88, 90, 93, 95, 110, 126, 241n19 refuge: in monasteries, 64–65; at ordination, 189; at recitation, 180–181; triple, 177 renouncers, 20, 22, 36, 220 renunciation: and abstinence, 120; as attitude, 4, 8; in Christianity, 25; late, 79; meaning of, 233n4; psychology of, 9–10; temporary, 85; as zhai, 241n16 repentance: in Buddhism, 235n5; and karma, 43, 48; after meals, 130–131; and obeisances, 135; and oratory, 109; and punishment, 68; and purgations, 182 residences, 5, 22, 26, 94, 141 respect: for donations, 141; for monastics, 79–86 retreat: days for, 183; and oratory, 109 ritual: ancestral, 170; of ascetics, 23; Buddhist, 39; calendar, 32; in comparison, 201; as continuity, 194–195; to Dao, 241n19; death, 66; for deceased, 194; and Great Peace, 51; and healing, 34; at meals, 241n17, 241n19; mental bows in, 133; methods of, 124; as monastic activity, 5–6, 48; obeisances in, 135; at ordination, 189; political benefits of, 53; proper performance of, 209; and state, 45, 64; and utopia, 13– 14; vestments in, 156 ritual tablets: history of, 147; and interaction, 74; and obeisances, 133; use of, 176–177 robes. See vestments rulers: and Buddhism, 52–53; and fangshi, 26–27; and karma, 47, 49; and

monasteries, 99, 186; prayers for, 58; as sponsors, 41. See also state rules: of Celestial Masters, 31, 33, 207– 208; in Christianity, 24, 228n5; for convent entry, 82; and family, 57; for lay priests, 19; for master, 137; monastic, 45, 52, 55, 225; for nuns, 80–81; punishments in, 50; of state, 53–54, 64; texts on, 44; in theocracy, 40; and uprightness, 55; for visitors, 72 sadhus, 11, 22, 227n1 St Benedict, Rule of, 9–10, 61, 87, 120, 157–158, 173, 199, 228n5, 239n1, 242n1, 244n1, 245n2 St Pachomius, 24, 157, 228n5, 237n1 saliva, swallowing of, 70, 179, 240n10 salvation: of all, 58; as ordination, 187; personal, 24, 36; of soul, 7 Sancai tuhui, 148, 169 sanctuary, 90–92, 105–106, 180; size of, 238n16; statues in, 164 Sandong zhunang, 205, 209 saΩgha, 36, 39, 52–53, 120 saΩgha households, 38, 40, 98, 232n29 Sanhuang, 183; scriptures of, 160; vestments of, 151 Sanqian weiyi jing, 38, 115, 119, 127– 128, 134, 155, 211–212, 235n5, 236n10, 239n4, 239n6, 241nn19–20, 242n1, 242nn26–27, 248n28 savior, 48, 61 scriptorium, 93–94, 162–163 scriptural lecture hall, 92, 95, 180 scripture tower, 93, 95, 106 scriptures: activation of, 178–180; care of, 94, 145, 159–163; chanting of, 173–175; copying of, 57, 160, 163; at death, 192–193; in heaven, 238n9; lectures on, 131; powers of, 160; reading of, 222; storage of, 161–162,

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Index 179–180, 244n15; transmission of, 160, 224; veneration of, 56 seat, 125–126, 136 seat cloth: in Buddhism, 143; in cells, 94; description of, 71–72; handling of, 142–143; measurements of, 236n9; and segregation, 75; today, 236n9; and vestments, 155, 158 segregation, 4, 72, 75, 122 servants, 73, 90, 96 service: among Celestial Masters, 33; to society, 13 services: ceremonies of, 176–177; daily, 173–175; rites during, 176–177; vestments in, 156; and visitors, 72 sex: abstinence from, 120; among Celestial Masters, 32–34; and essence, 121; and family, 60; and fangshi, 26; as foulness, 71; and monastic urge, 8; and monasticism, 4–5, 12; practices of, 232n23; and utopia, 13–14 shamanism, 28–30, 107, 197, 231nn15–17 Shangqing: in Caverns, 42; heaven of, 244n14; patriach of, 78–79, 101; precepts in, 137, 247n22; scriptures of, 160; sex in, 121; Tang monasteries of, 67; texts of, 205–206; and vestments, 150–151; women in, 84 Shishi weiyi, 44, 70–75, 115–117, 125– 134, 136, 138, 163, 176, 221–222, 225, 241n22, 242n26 shizhi, 183, 217, 240n14 shoes, 148, 154–155; in Buddhism, 159; in Complete Perfection, 157 sickness: banners for, 168; care for, 13; among Celestial Masters, 34; confrontation with, 8–9; exceptions for, 133; and family, 57; and good deeds, 205; healing of, 185; and karma, 49; last, 190–191; and meal times, 123–135; and monasteries, 88, 90;

obeisances during, 133; and parish centers, 107; power over, 31; and sin, 208, 232n24; and succor, 78 Sifen lü, 37, 214 Sifen lü shanfan buque xingshi chao, 38, 214, 235n5 Siming, 50, 208, 233n6 simplicity, 6–10, 14, 140–142, 200 sin, 8–9, 34, 47–48 size of halls, 91–92, 107–108 slaves, 49, 98, 101, 103, 133, 238n12 sleep: in Christianity, 120; in common world, 71–72; with commoners, 73; and pillows, 144 society: alternative to, 5; contrast with, 12; distance from, 20, 141; duties to, 21; and Great Peace, 52; and hermits, 21; ideal, 10, 13; interactions with, 26; mirror for, 5, 10, 24; and monastics, 1, 45, 64–86, 197–198; normative, 4; as prison, 48; rejection of, 7–8, 22; separation from, 4; transformation of, 55–56; work for, 58–59 sociology, monastic, 1–3, 10–15 solitariness, 9, 13, 20–21, 142 Song dynasty: bookcases in, 162; monasteries in, 110; texts in, 203, 205, 207–208 Songshan, 39, 99 speech: and meals, 129, 131; monastic, 9, 48; of commoners, 75; and master, 136 staª, 145–147; in Buddhism, 143; at death, 192; in temples, 66 state: and Buddhism, 39; codes of, 64; and control, 102; control through, 45, 53, 64, 65–66; and family, 54; and karma, 47; as last resort, 69; and monasteries, 39, 68–69, 84; and punishments, 235n6; ritual of, 246n15; support of, 53. See also rulers

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297

298

Index statues: in ascension building, 96; in Buddhism, 36; bowing to, 133; care of, 141; description of, 163–167, 244n20; discovery of, 65–66; and obeisances, 138; repair of, 101 status: among Celestial Masters, 32; and karma, 49; of monastics, 11, 56, 64; and obeisances, 76, 132; in society, 25, 76; after theocracy, 40; transition of, 15 streamers, 93, 166, 168 structure: of community, 59; of compound, 89–91, 104–105; as normative society, 16–17 stupa, 88, 102 Sui dynasty, 65, 81, 215–216 symbolism: of buildings, 105–106; of layout, 110; of vestments, 157– 159 Taibai shan, 65, 79 taiping, 51, 85 Taiqing gong, 53, 66, 246n15 Taishang, 206, 209, 221, 223 Taizhen ke, 44, 49–50, 205–206, 224, 244n14, 247n20 talismans: among Celestial Masters, 32; at death, 192; in Han, 107; and miracles, 66; at ordination, 187; in parish centers, 108; and scriptures, 160; and services, 176; on shoes, 155; water of, 34 Tang dynasty: academies in, 107; bathing in, 118; chimes in, 170; cleanliness in, 19; fashion in, 148, 151; institutions in, 64, 65–66; manuals of, 132; monasteries in, 110; new monasteries in, 100; numbers of monasteries in, 67; politics in, 45; printing in, 162; women in, 81 Tanyao, 38, 40 Tao Hongjing, 41–42, 77–78, 84, 218 teeth: clapping of, 70, 116–117, 119,

179, 240n10; cleaning of, 117–118, 143 ten days of uprightness. See shizhi Ten Worthies Who Save from Suªering. See Jiuku tianzun terminology: of academic study, 3; and Buddhist influence, 38; for duties, 61; of oratory, 109 theft, 33, 49, 69, 73, 75 theocracy, 39–40, 45, 51, 65, 99 Three Assemblies, 206, 209, 217 Three Bureaus, 32, 182, 193 Three Caverns, 42, 160–161, 164–165, 211 Three Primes, 32, 137, 217 Three Purities, 90–91, 105–106, 110, 164–165 Three Treasures: definition of, 49, 206; mercy of, 130; oªerings to, 56; possessions of, 97; refuge in, 177, 180, 184, 189; veneration of, 57, 131, and vestments, 155 Three Vehicles, 159–160 Tianshi. See Celestial Masters Tiantai shan, 67, 99 time: in Christianity, 174; in Daoism, 175; denial of, 175; of monastics, 11; of mourning, 194; ordering of, 172; for ordination, 188; regulation of, 5, 32, 199 Toba-Wei. See Northern Wei dynasty total institution, 12–14, 24, 60, 107; and communitas, 16–17 towers, 91, 96–98, 238n9 transcendence: as core, 7; and death, 62; monastic, 6; niche for, 13; and world, 76 transformation of self, 7, 10, 13, 15 travel: among Celestial Masters, 33; in Daoism, 235n7, 236n8; hostels for, 107; of master, 135, 137–138; of monastics, 53–54; and seat cloth, 71

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Index Triple Gem, 49, 97, 110 Turner, Victor, 15–17, 31 Unity: as goal, 7–9; and utopia, 14 Upanishads, 20, 46 urge, monastic, 4, 6–10, 77 utopia, 11–14, 229n13; and Buddhism, 230n10; and Celestial Masters, 34; in medieval China, 232n20 vegetables, five, 122, 127 vegetarianism, 11, 39, 124, 126–127, 235n4 vestments: in Buddhism, 39, 158; care of, 153–157; in Christianity, 244n22; in comparison, 200; description of, 147–159; disposal of, 155; donation of, 50; of gods, 166; history of, 147– 148; illustration of, 145; importance of, 157–159; in interaction, 71; lending of, 243n12; in which to see master, 136; at meals, 125–126, 130; during mourning, 194; at ordination, 189; during purgations, 186; rules for, 153–155, 223; at services, 176, 178; symbolism of, 149; three, 143; of women, 81, 243n13 vihâra, 42, 87–88, 99 Vinaya: on bathing, 118–119; copy of, 143; and nuns, 81; punishments in, 235nn5–6; and state rules, 68–69; translations of, 36–37; travel rules in, 74; uses of, 214 visitors, 72–73, 96, 106, 110 visualization: and art, 164, 167; of celestial garb, 150; of gods, 208; at meals, 129; in purgation, 185; and scripture recitation, 179, 180; of women, 81 vows: in Daoism, 174; at ordination, 190, 247n25; as prayer, 173 Wangwu shan, 67, 78, 234n3 washing: basin for, 115, 239n6; celestial

bureau of, 32, 34; daily, 115–116; pitcher for, 71, 94, 115–116, 142– 143; water and buildings, 108. See also hygiene wealth, 69, 103 Weber, Max, 3, 11 Wei Huacun, 84, 150 willow branch, 117–118, 143 women: avoidance of, 247n19; in Christianity, 24, 230n3; classification of, 82; contact with, 120–122; hairstyle of, 116; in India, 21; interaction with, 237n15; in monasteries, 64–65; as nuns, 80–85; obeisances of, 133; at ordination, 190; treatment of, 38–39; vestments of, 148, 152–153, 243n13; as visitors, 72 wood, 91–92, 101, 104 world: Daoists in, 78; end of, 31, 33, 160; interaction with, 64; service in, 6–7; ties to, 57. See also society Wu, Han emperor, 150, 231n13, 243n9, 244n15 Wushang biyao, 147, 181, 205, 207, 243n8 Xianger, 31, 33 Xiaodao lun, 74, 147, 243n8 Xiwang mu, 81, 150, 164, 167–168, 183 Xuandu lüwen, 44, 76, 204, 205, 207– 209, 224, 233n7, 239n19 Xuanmen shishi weiyi. See Shishi weiyi Xuanzhong jing, 74, 147 Xuanzong, Tang emperor, 54, 65, 66, 67, 78, 79, 85 Yaoxiu keyi, 44, 49–50, 61, 70, 73, 76, 94, 96, 97, 103, 107, 122, 126, 127, 129, 133, 134, 144, 154, 163, 174, 182, 183, 185, 194, 205, 207, 209, 221, 223–225, 238n6, 240n13, 241n17, 241n21, 241n22, 243n11, 244n14, 245n10, 246n11, 246n17, 246n18, 247n20, 247n25

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Index Yin Wencao, 79, 218, 236n12 Yin Xi, 41, 79, 179, 181, 232n19 yin-yang: in architecture, 92; and food, 123; and obeisances, 133; prayers for, 177; and rainmaking, 28; and sex, 121; on shoes, 154–155; in vestments, 148–149 Yinyuan jing, 43–44, 48–49, 56, 123– 125, 129, 215–217, 224, 225, 234n11, 241n19, 241n22, 246n16 yuan ( building), 92–93, 174 Yuanshi tianzun, 177, 209, 210 Yunji qiqian, 206–207, 209, 246n14 Zangwai daoshu, 137, 153, 240n7 Zen Buddhism: abbot’s quarters in, 95–96; architecture in, 90; chants in, 118; death in, 61; food in, 123; labor in, 91; layout symbolism in, 110; monasteries in, 40; robes in, 158–159; seat cloth in, 71; studies of, 227n1

zhai: in Buddhism, 240n15; definition of, 124; hours for, 246n18; later meaning of, 240n16; o‹cers in, 246n17; performance of, 215; purity in, 247n19; rules for, 224–225; types of, 182–183. See also purgations Zhaijie lu, 182, 217, 246n16, 247n19 Zhang Daoling, 30–31, 206, 223; receiving texts, 209, 210 Zhang Wanfu, 83, 218, 222–223, 246n18 Zhen’gao, 108, 150, 181, 218, 239n19 Zhengyi fawen jing, 44, 206–207 Zhengyi weiyi jing, 44, 71, 73, 97, 98, 126, 129, 130, 142, 154, 179, 180, 209–210, 233n5, 241n17, 241n18, 241n21, 241n22, 242n24, 243n11, 243n4, 246n11 Zhengyi xiuzhen lueyi, 44, 163, 210–211 Zhishou, 37, 214 Zhongnan shan, 41, 66 Zhou Ziliang, 42; aunt of, 84

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