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Modernism and nation building: Turkish architectural culture in the early republic
 9780295981529, 9780295981109

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Preface (page ix)
Introduction: Modernism on the Margins of Europe (page 3)
1. First Moderns: The Legacy of Ottoman Revivalism (page 16)
2. Inkilap Mimarisi: Architecture of Revolution (page 56)
3. Aesthetic of Progress: Imagining an Industrial Nation (page 106)
4. Yeni Mimari: The Making of a Modernist Profession (page 153)
5. Living Modern: Cubic Houses and Apartments (page 193)
6. Milli Mimari: Nationalizing the Modern (page 240)
Conclusion (page 294)
Notes (page 305)
Bibliography (page 341)
Figure Sources (page 349)
Index (page 357)

Citation preview

STUDIES IN MODERNITY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

Sibel Bozdogan and Resat Kasaba, Series Editors

Studies in Modernity and National Identity examine the relationships among modernity, the nation-state, and nationalism as these have evolved in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Titles in this interdisciplinary and transregional series also illuminate how the nation-state is being undermined by the forces of globalization, international migration, electronic information flows, as well as resurgent ethnic and religious affiliations. These books highlight historical parallels and continuities while documenting the social, cultural, and spatial expressions through which modern national identities have been constructed, contested, and

reinvented.

Sibel Bozdogan | Modernism and Nation Building: Turkish Architectural Culture

in the Early Republic |

SIBEL BOZDOGAN

TURKISH ARCHITECTURAL

CULTURE IN THE EARLY REPUBLIC

University of Washington Press Seattle and London

Publication of Modernism and Nation Building is supported by a grant , ee

from the Graham Foundation for Advanced Studies in the Fine Arts. | Publication is also supported by a grant from

the Institute of Turkish Studies, Washington, D.C. ,

Copyright © 2001 by the University of Washington Press Printed in Singapore Designed by Trina Stahl

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bozdogan, Sibel.

Modernism and nation building : Turkish architectural culture in the early republic / Sibel Bozdogan.

p. cm. — (Studies in modernity and national identity)

Includes index.

ISBN 0-295-98110-S (alk. paper) ISBN 0—295—98152-0 (alk. paper) (pbk.) 1. Architecture—Turkey. 2. Architecture, Modern—20th century—Turkey. 3. Nationalism and architecture—Turkey. 4. Turkey—History—1918-1960. I. Title. IL.

NA1368.B69 2001 | Series.

| 00—069048

720'.9561'09041—dc21

The paper used in this publication is acid-free and recycled from 10 percent post-consumer and at least 50 percent pre-consumer waste. It meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

To my parents, Necla and Mehmet Bozdogan, children of the early republic

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Contents

Preface + ix | Introduction: Modernism on the Margins of Europe . 3

1. First Moderns: The Legacy of Ottoman Revivalism -. 16

2. Inkilap Mimarisi: Architecture of Revolution . 56 3. Aesthetics of Progress: Imagining an Industrial Nation - 106 4. Yeni Mimari: The Making of a Modernist Profession . 153

5. Living Modern: Cubic Houses and Apartments - 193

6. Milli Mimari: Nationalizing the Modern . 240

Conclusion . 294 Notes +» 305 Bibliography ~. 341

Figure Sources - 349

Index +. 357

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Preface

J BEGAN CONTEMPLATING this book more than ten years ago in Turkey when I was doing research on the late Sedad Hakki Eldem. If I had stayed in Turkey as I had always thought I would (one never knows!), I probably would have been intimidated by the immensity of the task and put it aside for other, more focused projects. It was only after I found myself “settled” in the United States (still a tentative concept for me) that the idea became more urgent. First, it became professionally important for me to locate myself in what I saw as an emerging scholarly field encompassing the study of transnational and cross-cultural histories of modern architecture and their relationship to culture and politics. Second, and equally important, was a personal dimension: working on this book became my connection to the country I had left behind and never stopped thinking about since then. Every new development in Turkish culture and politics, every new book on Turkey, and every trip there each summer reflected back on my research material, giving me new interpretive insights and delaying the completion of the book. In the end, the making of the book was spread over many years, many fragmented periods of research, many seminars, conferences, and informal discussions in which the ideas were elaborated, and many moments of doubt over the feasibility of

such an all-encompassing cultural and architectural history. Many people have become part of it in different capacities—as resources, as interlocutors, or simply as

supporters who did not hesitate to place their trust in someone with architectural training who was turning cultural historian. It is impossible for me to list or remember everyone along the way. But with my sincerest apologies for any unintended omissions, I would like to thank the following institutions and individuals.

Most of my research in Turkey was done with a grant from the Social Science

Research Council in New York, and I thank everyone involved for supporting my proposal. Additional funding for research expenses came from a Humanities and Social

Sciences Research Grant and from the Ford International Career Development stipend, both at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In Ankara, at different times between 1994 and 1999, I used the resources of the Middle East Technical University, Ix

——— x - Preface the Chamber of Turkish Architects (with special thanks to Bayar Cimen), the National Library, the Prime Ministry Archives of the Turkish Republic, and the Library of the

Turkish Parliament. In Istanbul, I relied on the resources of Istanbul Technical

University, Mimar Sinan University, and the Atattirk Library of Istanbul Municipality. In the United States, in addition to the Rotch Libraries and Visual Collections at MIT, I consulted the Weidener and Fine Arts Libraries of Harvard University, and I thank the Aga Khan Program for facilitating my access to them. The Department of Architecture at MIT reduced my teaching load for a semester during the writing of the first

tion of the book. , | , , draft, and I thank Stanford Anderson for that. I also thank the Institute of Turkish Studies in Washington, D.C., which provided a subvention grant for the final publica- __

My deepest gratitude goes to Diane Ghirardo, Gilsum Baydar Nalbantoélu,

Gwendolyn Wright, and Yildirim Yavuz for reading the manuscript carefully and critically, making helpful suggestions, and above all encouraging me at the most needed moments. An anonymous reviewer also read the manuscript and gave much-appreciated comments. In addition to them, I want to acknowledge my indebtedness to Inci Aslanoglu not only for reading an initial draft of the first part and sharing her knowl-

edge with me but also for installing in me an interest in the topic many years ago

through her own work. Sarah Shields and Aydan Keskin Balamir also read parts of the first draft and made insightful comments, and I thank them warmly. Among my colleagues in architecture, I am grateful to Roy Landau, Kenneth Frampton, Francesco Passanti, and Akos Moravanszky not only for their general interest in and support of

my work but also for the inspiration their work has given me toward a critical histo- , riography of modern architecture. I also thank Stanford Anderson and Mark Jarzombek for reading the manuscript and for giving “transnational and cross-cultur- , al histories of modernism” an important place in the History, Theory, and Criticism section of the Department of Architecture at MIT during the years I taught there. Some of the ideas in the first chapter of this book were developed during those years at MIT, in a seminar I co-taught with Nasser Rabbat, and I cherish those exchanges. I would also like to express my appreciation to Maristella Casciato, Bernd Nicolai, Vittorio M. Lampugnani, Guiseppe Semerani, Jorge Francisco Liernur, and Augustus Richard Norton for the recognition they gave my work by inviting me to give talks on modern Turkish architecture. Among my friends and colleagues in Turkish studies,

Feroz Ahmad, Ayfer Bartu, Alev Inan Cinar, Haldun Giilalp, CaSlar Keyder, Sevket Pamuk, and Jenny White were particularly supportive over the years. I owe it to them that I was able to present earlier versions of this work to interdisciplinary audiences

as lectures, conference papers, and published articles. OO

Above all, it is the graduate students with whom I have worked or exchanged ideas in seminars and conferences who have given me the greatest enthusiasm and motiva-

tion in writing this book. The larger field within which I have situated my work on Turkish modernism—a field that spans the history of modern architecture outside

Preface »- xi ———— Europe and North America—has been our shared theoretical terrain. It is through the work of these younger scholars that the field is growing rapidly and challenging the traditional conceptions of the discipline of architectural history, theory, and criticism. Among them, I want to express my appreciation for the work of Esra Akcan, Ritu Bhatt, Asia Chowdhury, Ahmet Ersoy, Nathaniel Fuster-Felix, Yehchin Hsu, Brian McLaren, Alona Nitzan-Shiftan, Anoma Pieris, Panaiyota Pyla, Maha Yahya, and Zeynep Kezer. I also wish to thank Aslihan Demirtas, Omer Kanipak, Yael NavaroYasin, Nese Yesilkaya-Guirallar, and Zeynep Ytirekli for sharing their work on different aspects of early republican culture and architecture with me.

Among the people who helped me with the production of this book, I thank

Necati Yurtseven in Turkey and John Cook in Cambridge for responding to my end-

less requests for photographic reproduction over the years. Many others generously ,

allowed me to use individual photographs from their collections; I have acknowledged them separately in the figure sources. My sister, Hande Bozdogan, not only kept me sane and smiling with long overseas phone calls but also was a reliable resource for any material I needed from Turkey. My very special thanks go to Michael Duckworth, the editor of the University of Washington Press without whose commitment and support neither this book nor the larger series in which it appears could have been possible. The same goes to Jane Kepp, the talented copy-editor who did marvels with my manuscript, making it possible for me to finally visualize it as a book rather than the draft of a potential book. As much as this book is indebted to the many people who intersected its path at different points in fruitful ways, the writing of it was ultimately a lonely enterprise.

Most of the time I wrote it “on the side,” during the time left over from full-time

teaching and parenting. It took much longer than it should have, its progress fluctuating with the ups and downs in my life and career, and it was finally finished under circumstances dramatically different from those in which I began writing it. Throughout all this, a few people have been so indispensable to my well-being that I want to single them out, with full knowledge that whatever I write will be insufficient to express how much I appreciated and needed them. First, I thank Feridun Ozgéren for opening up the world of Turkish classical music for me—a world in which I found refuge and relaxation when nothing else worked. Second, I thank Leila Kinney for being the intelligent colleague, great girlfriend, and walking companion that she is. She, too, was trying to write a book between full-time teaching and parenting, and with her there, it was less lonely. Third, I thank Resat Kasaba, my colleague and co-editor, my best friend of nearly thirty years, and the single most important contributor to the con-

ception, elaboration, and realization of this book. In his immense generosity and

kindness, he listened to every idea I ran by him, read and commented on every paper I wrote, invited me to his conferences, and read the manuscript a few times over. Above all he believed in the importance of writing a book of this sort when I myself

had doubts. “Rethinking modernity and national identity in Turkey” became our

————— xil + Preface shared obsession in our separate but parallel lives in the United States. Fourth, I thank Peter Parsons, who listened patiently to my ideas and challenged them in constructive

ways, read my drafts, helped me out on a daily basis, and endured my moments of depression with grace. As colleagues and intellectual companions, we learned, discussed, and taught “the culture and architecture of modernity” together. In addition, I always turned to his capacities for handling practical matters that would have left me helpless and to his overall wisdom in life whenever I seemed to lose my sense of purpose. Finally, I thank our son, Sinan Bozdogan Parsons, who, for the first ten years of his life, grew up with the making of this book and still does not blame it for all the time I would otherwise have given to him. Sibel Bozdogan Brookline, Massachusetts January 2001

MODERNISM AND NATION BUILDING

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Introduction MODERNISM ON THE MARGINS OF EUROPE Some time ago, by the “Sweet Waters of Europe” at the far end of the Golden Horn, | heard the whine of countless gramophones on the caiques plashing the water. And | reckoned that Abdulhamid was dead, the Young Turks had arrived, that the Bazaar was changing its signs and that the West was triumphing. And already today we have Ankara, and the monument to Mustafa Kemal! Events move fast. The die is cast: one more centuries-old civilization goes to ruin. —Le Corbusier, L’art decoratif d’aujourd’hui, 1925

For Le CorsusikER, the making of modern Turkey over the ruins of the Ottoman Empire was just one example of what he saw as the disappearance of balanced, harmonious cultures everywhere with “the arrival of the twentieth centu-

ry.”' He dated “the advent of modern times” in Turkey to the appearance of the Young Turks on the scene, just before his own first visit to Istanbul in 1911.” He observed that what the Young Turks had started then had been carried to its logical conclusion by Mustafa Kemal, the nationalist hero who proclaimed the Turkish republic in Ankara in 1923, dismantling a six-centuries-old Islamic civilization. Indeed, the new republic had recently passed its most radical and, to this day, most contentious decrees, abolishing the Ottoman sultanate and the Islamic caliphate. A series of Westernizing institutional reforms was under way to shape the entire social, cultural, and architectural

fabric of Turkey along European models. It was only a matter of years before Le

Corbusier himself would be hailed as a great visionary and his works and ideas would mobilize a new generation of young Turkish architects. 3

————— 4 . Modernism on the Margins of Europe Why, then, do Le Corbusier’s words have such a melancholy ring? Many Western commentators writing in the 1920s expressed ambivalence toward the new nationalist government in Turkey, if not outright nostalgia for Ottoman culture and society.’ Although Le Corbusier shared the general orientalist nostalgia, his agenda was a different and personal one, little related to the historical events under way in Turkey. While evoking the necessity and historical inevitability of the disappearance of old civiliza-

tions, his nostalgic remarks were intended mainly to draw attention to the loss of “harmonious cultures” everywhere and to justify his own mission to re-create that lost harmony in the modern world. During his first visit to Istanbul in 1911, like other European orientalists before him who went to the East in search of the “exotic” and the “authentic,” Le Corbusier had despised the modernizing agenda of the Young Turks, including the new architecture they sponsored. Instead, he had admired “the simplicity of their fathers” who had built the classic mosques and the wooden houses of old Istanbul—those “architectural masterpieces,” as he called them, the spatial and constructional qualities of which he registered in his mind and in his sketchbooks. As recent scholarship on Le Corbusier confirms, in those formative years he was looking at the cultural artifacts and vernacular architectures of eastern Europe and Turkey as conceptual models for

a possible modern vernacular.* They were his sources of inspiration to begin contemplating the possibility of a similar harmony, this time between twentieth-century culture and its designed objects. Yet in the official modernist polemic of the 1920s. and 1930s (to which Le Corbusier himself significantly contributed), these “nonEuropean” cultural influences became merely anecdotal. Instead, the ocean liners, grain elevators, and airplanes of the industrial West took center stage as the exclusive sources of twentieth-century modernism. The official history of modern architecture was written in the West with Le Corbusier as its main author and protagonist at once. According to this account, which has become a part of the mainstream cultural history of the twentieth century, “modernism,” or the “Modern Movement” as it was then called, encompassed a revolutionary aesthetic canon and a scientific doctrine in architecture originating in Europe during the interwar period. Use of reinforced concrete, steel, and glass, the primacy of cubic forms, geometric shapes, and Cartesian grids, and above all the absence of decoration, stylistic motifs, traditional roofs, and ornamental details have been its defining features in twentieth-century aesthetic consciousness. For most people, the works of masters such as Le Corbusier, Walter Gropius, and Mies van der Rohe epitomize this modernist aesthetic. Its European origins notwithstanding, it is a doctrine that has claimed universal validity and rationality. The new needs, tools, and technologies of complex industrial societies that informed this modernist vision were presented as the needs, tools, and technologies of a rationally progressing universal history—an epochal force that no nation, culture, or geography could escape. The most effective organization working for the dissemination of these ideas was the International Congress of Modern Architecture (CIAM), which inaugurated its

Modernism on the Margins of Europe »- 5 ———— annual meetings in 1928 in Europe. A year before that, a major housing exhibition in Stuttgart, Germany (the Weissenhof Siedlung, 1927), had given a unified image and great publicity to the leading modernist architects of Europe. In 1932 the movement crossed the Atlantic Ocean, and the term “international style” was coined for this

architecture after the famous exhibition by that title at New York’s Museum of

Modern Art. In a very short time during the 1930s, the architectural and urbanistic precepts of the Modern Movement were embraced by an entire generation of architects, planners, and bureaucrats everywhere as the most progressive and thoroughly rational expression of the modern zeitgeist in the making. As we will see later in this book, its arrival in Ankara, the new capital of modern, postimperial, republican Turkey, was celebrated as a historical moment marking the country’s entry into the twentieth century. The greatest ideological appeal of the Modern Movement was its claim to transcend ideology. During the interwar period, many new regimes and diverse political systems, from socialism in Weimar Germany and postrevolutionary Russia to fascism in Italy, Zionism in mandate Palestine, and Kemalism in Turkey, embraced the progressive discourse of the Modern Movement. Republican Ankara in the 1930s was one of the earliest manifestations of the historical alliance of modernism with nation building and state power—an alliance from which the term “high modernism” would be born. By the time high modernism reached its epitome in the post-World War II

period, it designated not so much the particular aesthetic canon of the Modern

Movement (which gave way to new, more monumental, and more sculptural forms after World War II) as its larger political project. Le Corbusier was, without doubt, the mastermind of high modernist vision in architecture and urbanism—“the revolutionary architect par excellence,” as most of his contemporaries and many Turkish architects of the 1930s saw him. The proliferation of the high modernist vision beyond the margins of Europe to other continents and cultures, from postcolonial India to Latin America, shaped much of the history, culture, and built fabric of the twentieth century. The new capitol complexes of Chandigarh and Brasilia are only the most ambitious and famous of its numerous expressions in architecture and urbanism.° As James C. Scott notes in his compelling account of high modernism, the term is not confined to architecture and urbanism. “High Modernism is the most visionary and ultimately devastating ideology of the twentieth century,” Scott explains, “a particularly sweeping vision of how the benefits of technical and scientific progress might be applied, usually through the state, in every field of human activity.”° That high modernism tends to simplify reality, making it legible and ultimately controllable, and that it sees the past as an impediment to the realization of an idealized future are two of Scott’s observations that are particularly pertinent to an analysis of Kemalist Turkey in the 1930s. There are certain conditions, Scott argues, that have particularly favored the blossoming of the high modernist faith. These include “crises of state power, such as wars and economic depressions, and circumstances in which a state’s capacity for relatively unimpeded planning is greatly enhanced, such as the revolutionary conquest

———— 6 + Modernism on the Margins of Europe , of power and colonial rule.”’ The presence of both of these conditions in Turkey at the time modernism “arrived” in Ankara cannot be missed. The country had barely emerged from decades of warfare extending from the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the nationalist War of Independence. The construction of a new nation had to be accomplished in the midst of dire economic conditions, not to mention the impact of the depression of 1929. Finally and most importantly, after the consolidation of single-party rule under Mustafa Kemal’s Republican People’s Party (RPP), there was a new revolutionary regime in power with an all-encompassing project of moderniza-_

tion and civilization at the top of its agenda. ,

With its predilection for social engineering and top-to-bottom modernization and its self-declared revolutionary premises, the Kemalist regime embraced the high modernist faith as one of its founding ideologies. The architectural culture of the early Turkish republic amply illustrates how high modernism as an ideology appealed par-

ticularly to “planners, engineers, architects, scientists and technicians” who “wanted ,

to use state power to bring about huge, utopian changes in people’s work habits, living patterns, moral conduct and worldview.”* Modern architecture was imported as both a visible symbol and an effective instrument of this radical program to create a thoroughly Westernized, modern, and secular new nation dissociated from the country’s own Ottoman and Islamic past. In this respect, architecture in early republican Turkey can be looked at as a literally “concrete” manifestation of the high modernist

vision. ,

In this book I offer evidence for the essentially ideological appropriation of modernism in Turkish architectural culture of the 1930s. At the same time, I address how this imported ideology was interpreted, justified, modified, and contested in ways unique to the Turkish experience. The architectural culture and production of the early republican period bear ample testimony to the ambiguities, complexities, and contradictions resulting from encounters between imported ideas and local realities, not just in Turkey but everywhere. This book is also about these complexities and contradictions, which make it problematic to explain the Turkish case (or any other case,

for that matter) exclusively from the general high modernist blueprint. | The “New Architecture” (Yeni Mimari, as the Modern Movement was called in Turkey) came to Turkey in the 1930s largely through the example of German and Central European architects who worked and taught in Turkey throughout the early

republican period. Their more conservative brand of modernism, which can be

observed in the architecture of Ankara (mostly a stripped-down classicism), bore little resemblance to the canonic aesthetic of “international style” in the 1930s (with its slick, white boxes, transparent walls, and advanced industrial materials). The dis_ course celebrating Turkey’s entry into the heroic world of the Modern Movement notwithstanding, modern architecture in early republican Turkey was conspicuously heavier than the celebrated examples of the Modern Movement in Europe. Buildings

were constructed more traditionally, with smaller openings and, in many cases, |

pitched tile roofs, largely as a result of the poverty and constraints of the building

Modernism on the Margins of Europe »« 7 ———— industry. Modernist Turkish architects were themselves profoundly contradictory in their comments about modernism. Sometimes they privileged its aesthetic component (as is implied by the term “international style”) by celebrating the “harmonious composition of geometric volumes.” More often they rejected the stylistic implications of an aesthetic understanding of modernism in favor of the principles of “rationalism and functionalism,” which, they believed, were the objective and scientific criteria determining modern form. Mostly they tried to reconcile the two. As much as young Turkish architects wanted to embrace the Modern Movement, in the passionately nationalist climate of the early republic the word “international” was even more objectionable to them than the word “style.” In the same way that republican leaders wanted to import the positivism, science, and progress of modernity without its liberal philosophy or its socialist overtones, republican architects

wanted a modernism without its international connotations. As will be evident

throughout this book, the entire architectural culture of the early republic was one big effort to reconcile the “modern” with the “national.” Some argued that because the Modern Movement was the most rational response to site, context, and program, it was, by definition, “national.” As a corollary to this, others argued that traditional Turkish architecture (classical Ottoman monuments and vernacular houses) embraced such rational designs in terms of function and construction that it was already “modern” in concept. Analogous to (and inspired by) the way Italian rationalist architects

elaborated the concepts of “Italianita” and “Mediterraneita” to appropriate mod-

ernism for the Fascist state,? Turkish architects tried to “nationalize the modern” for a better ideological fit with Kemalism. Any study of early republican architecture in Turkey needs to take into account this ambiguous and very particular sense of what “modern” was all about and resist the tendency to read modern Turkish architecture in terms of exclusive binary oppositions between national and international or between tradition and modernity. At a time when any emphasis on either supranational or subnational affiliation was anathema to republican ideology, modernism could not be international in its affiliations, nor could national architecture be truly local, traditional, or regionalist. Both the European modernism of the 1930s and the idea of a “national style” that had been a recurrent obsession in Turkish architectural culture since the late Ottoman period are important backdrops for this book. It was the specific ways in which the two interacted and negotiated in the 1930s, however, that gave early republican architecture its unique character. One central idea informing this book is that a distinction should be made between modern architecture and high modernism, counter to the tendency to collapse the two together. Modern architecture, as it first emerged in Europe around the turn of the century, was before everything else a critical discourse that defied received notions and established canons of architecture. It commenced from the idea of exploring a critical, antistylistic, and continuously self-transforming approach to art and architecture, irreducible to an official style or program in

the same way that modernity is irreducible to the grand political project of high

———— 8 ~. Modernism on the Margins of Europe

modernism. As Scott puts it in the context of social theory, “one of the great paradoxes of social engineering is that it seems at odds with the experience of modernity generally. Trying to jell a social world, the most striking characteristic of which

appears to be flux, seems rather like trying to manage a whirlwind.” !° The same could be said for modern architecture. To turn it into an official style and ideology—simple, legible, and recognizable as such (geometric, undecorated, abstract building forms)— seems very much at odds with its theoretical premises, which emphasize formal inde-

terminacy, response to context, and response to changing needs, materials, and techniques. Therefore, the initial identification of modernism with nation building

under the auspices of an authoritarian state in Turkey is itself problematical—a premise waiting to be questioned rather than taken for granted.

®©©|

THE HISTORY OF modern architecture and urbanism outside Europe and North America is a relatively recent and rapidly growing field of research. Until the last two decades or so of the twentieth century, nineteenth- and twentieth-century architectures in Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America were topics doubly marginalized, not only by historians of modern architecture but also by area specialists. As is widely known and discussed today, the reasons for this had much to do with the ini-

tial constitution of the discipline of art and architectural history on primarily

Eurocentric and orientalist grounds." For many art historians in the so-called area studies, non-Western cultures were interesting mostly insofar as they remained “others” with respect to the West. Thus their attention and scholarly specialization were focused heavily on the classic periods or “golden ages” of Islamic, Indian, Chinese, and other cultures. Modern architecture was regarded as an imported and “alien” discourse not indigenous to these societies—a much-lamented symbol of the “contamination” of their authentic cultural expressions. Little attention, if any, was devoted to the efforts of non-Western cultures to make modern architectural concepts, forms, and techniques originating in Europe their own. “Modern” was assumed to be an exclusively European category that non-Western others could import, adopt, or perhaps resist but not reproduce from within. In the case of Turkey, not only twentiethcentury modernism but also the histories of Ottoman baroque, neoclassic, and other European architectural imports of the nineteenth century were, until recently, little known to an English-speaking readership.” Much of area studies has been predicated on a belief in the essential differences between cultures. Twentieth-century modernism embraced the opposite—a belief in

the essential “sameness” of human beings as the scientific, objective, biological underpinning of what were to be inevitably uniform modern lives. Consequently, neither perspective has helped much to open up a space for the study of modernism outside the industrialized West. Area specialists and orientalists have looked at non-Western

cultures as strictly “bounded domains,” the essences of which were in the past.

Historians of modern architecture, on the other hand, have focused exclusively on the

Modernism on the Margins of Europe . 9 ————

social, technological, and intellectual determinants of modernism, the sources of

which were in the West. Hence they have regarded modern architecture and urbanism in non-Western contexts simply as extensions of Western developments and therefore as of little interest and originality in themselves—unless, of course, a famous European architect or planner happened to be working in some overseas territory. Until the fairly recent appearance of publications on India’s colonial heritage and the work of modern Indian architects, for example, what was known about modern architecture in India was confined to Le Corbusier in Chandigarh.

In the aftermath of the critique of orientalist and Eurocentric perspectives in nearly every discipline, the foregoing picture has been changing dramatically. Orientalist constructions of “other cultures” as timeless and essentialist categories have been radically challenged at least since the publication of Edward Said’s ground-

breaking work in the late 1970s.8 An entire new field of cultural studies has emerged, drawing attention to the hybridity and complexity of non-Western societies, “modern” in their own ways and not necessarily following the patterns delineated by the history of the industrial West. At the same time, critical histories of modern architecture have also been dismantling the idea of modernism as a thoroughly rational and universal doctrine that the architecture of every nation would sooner or later emulate. The scholarly trend now is to expose multiple and heterogeneous trajectories, even within European modernism itself, not to mention hitherto unexplored contexts and countries from Latin America to East Asia. As a result, the last twenty years have seen a boom in scholarship and published literature on the plurality of modern experiences, histories, and cultural transformations of non-Western societies. There is a wealth of new research on colonial architecture and urbanism, modern architecture and national identity, and postcolonial architecture.'* This book is informed by these studies in many ways and was motivated by, among other things, the conviction that such studies of “other modernisms” challenge not only essentialist categories of nonWestern cultures as static but also assumptions of a linear, homogeneous, and universal history of modern architecture. Looking at different experiences in different places and circumstances is the most effective way by which we can ensure that modern architecture, traditionally reified by both its supporters and its opponents, becomes historically situated, contextualized, and, most importantly, politicized. It is not surprising that the categories “power” and “politics” have been at the center of much of the work in this field, because it is through these categories that asymmetries in cultural and architectural history emerge most clearly. The primary reason for the privileging of politics is a simple one. In most countries outside western Europe

and North America, modernization was not a profound societal experience resulting from the nineteenth-century “great transformation” into an industrial, urban, and market-oriented order.’ It was an official program conceived and implemented either by colonial governments or by the modernizing elites of authoritarian nation-states that most of the time placed a high priority on architecture and urbanism as a form of “visible politics.” In Turkey, too, from the reformist bureaucrats of the Ottoman

—————— 10 . Modernism on the Margins of Europe Empire in the nineteenth century to the republican leaders in the 1920s and 1930s, successive generations of modernizers sought to “catch up” with Western civilization and progress by importing Western institutions, forms, and techniques. Architecture, by its very nature, has always been a powerful symbol as well as an effective instrument of

reform and change in the modern world. As a result, modern architecture in nonWestern contexts has often been a representation of modernity without its real mate-

rial and social basis—namely, industrial cities, capitalist production, and an

autonomous bourgeoisie. _ Although one can rightly argue that modern architecture has been a representation of modernity and a foil for modernization everywhere, including the industrialized West, this process has nevertheless been far more evident and transparent outside the West. As a result, the study of modern architecture in non-Western contexts compels us to go beyond traditional categories of art history, formal analysis, or discus-

sion of “origins,” “influences,” and so forth, and to delve into the historical and

political contexts in which forms acquire meaning—which may be different from their

original meanings in the West. Traditional assumptions about the “autonomy” of architectural form (which have been under critical scrutiny everywhere for some time now) are even more conspicuously contested by the example of “other modernisms.” With the proliferation of studies of the latter, the emphasis has been shifting from architecture as an autonomous, self-referential discipline to what we might call the politics of architecture. While the top-to-bottom character of modernization in non-Western contexts inevitably brings the issues of power and politics to the forefront of architectural history, it is also important not to read the history of modern architecture exclusively through the lenses of current critical perspectives focused on power and politics. In this book I hope to make a more nuanced assessment of the modernist vision, discriminating between its critical premises and its ultimately authoritarian implementations, between what it meant to its contemporaries and what it means to us today. Modern architecture in non-Western contexts, or anywhere for that matter, may be seen as a form of cultural and environmental oppression imposed upon people by bureaucrats, architects, and planners—as indeed numerous cultural critics have seen

at least since Jane Jacobs. '* Power, however, is not only about oppression but also and literally about empowerment, and it is the factor of historical agency associated with the modernist vision that has made it so appealing to non-Western nations—nations

that for centuries were cast as “ahistorical.” New nation-states such as Turkey and many postcolonial governments in the twentieth century initially adopted modern architecture and urbanism as what they perceived to be statements of national inde-

pendence, pride, and progress. Whatever our retrospective critical assessments may be, to its contemporaries modernism was an expression of the desire of “other cultures” to contest their “otherness” and to claim subjectivity in making their own history. In this book, my approach to the architectural culture of early republican Turkey is informed by an awareness of the profound ambiguity of the modernist project of

Modernism on the Margins of Europe . 11) ———— the 1930s, including its modern architecture. Perhaps there is a personal and generational explanation for this. Unlike the generation born into the early republic—my

parents, my teachers, and the first generation of historians who studied modern

Turkish architecture and to whom this book is greatly indebted'!’—I can maintain a critical distance from that period in order to see through modernism into the authoritarian politics. I can question the republican modernist vision with the hindsight of all the developments, critical ideas, and scholarship of the last two decades. I can take issue with its larger claims to scientific truth and with its mandate to transform society for the better and to construct a thoroughly transformed future largely dissociated from culture, context, and history. '® At the same time, I am equally distanced from the emerging younger generation

of architectural historians who have been focusing, with much critical force and insight, on the ideological programs and authoritarian politics of early republican architecture.'? Unlike most of these younger scholars, I have caught the tail end of the

republican vision through personal memories—family outings in Youth Park, the Ataturk model farm and forest, and the Cubuk Dam in Ankara—the legacies of

republican public space that I discuss later in the book. I lived my childhood and youth within the lingering legacy of the Kemalist project, just before the dismantling of the ethos of the early republic and the demolition or transformation of its most representative physical spaces after 1980. Perhaps as a result of this relative historical proximity, I still take the optimism, energy, and excitement of the early republican architects to heart. I am fascinated by their heroic feelings of nation building and history making, which come across in contemporaneous documents, testimonies, photographs, and publications. Such evidence suggests to me that, emerging out of a highly popular nationalist war of independence and conceived by the hero of the war, Mustafa Kemal Atattirk, Turkey’s modernist vision was more popular than is typically suggested by other cases of high modernist social engineering “forced upon” traditional societies. Interestingly, James C. Scott did not include Mustafa Kemal in his “Hall of Fame of High Modernism,” which features other famous figures from Saint-Simon and Lenin to Robert Moses and the Shah of Iran. I believe that, without negating the high modernist legacy of Kemalism, there are good historical reasons to justify this exclusion. Deified as a secularist and Westernizer by many Turks, detested for the same reasons by others, but ultimately revered as a soldier and national hero by all, Atattirk left a legacy that continues to be one of the more complex and enduring legacies among twentieth-century modernizers and nation builders. The Modern Movement may have been conspicuously out of place in a war-torn, traditional Muslim society without the industrial infrastructure to justify its aesthetic and constructional precepts. Yet its introduction into Turkey was elevated to epic proportions in the architectural culture of the 1930s. It was hailed as the visible proof that Turkey was a modern European nation with no resemblance to the exotic and orientalist aesthetic tropes by which the Ottoman Empire had typically been represented in the past. Like Salman Rushdie’s Indian immigrant in a Western metropolis who is

———— 12. Modernism on the Margins of Europe “a disguise inventing his own false descriptions to counter the falsehoods invented about him,” the modernist vision of the early republic embodied “as much heroism as pathos.”2° I hope my account conveys these ambiguous and simultaneous feelings of both pathos and heroism, of both state power and popular empowerment, of both alienation and liberation—feelings without which modernism loses its richness and historical complexity.*! That the current cultural climate in Turkey is increasingly more polarized between a staunch, uncritical defense of the republican modernist vision and an indiscriminate condemnation of its Westernizing, secularizing agenda testifies to the importance and urgency of accounts that complicate the picture.

®©©

FINALLY, SOME METHODOLOGICAL notes are necessary to explain the sources and

structure of this book. As is evident from its subtitle, the concept of “architectural

culture” has been central to it.” Very simply, the concept of architectural culture starts from the premise that one should look at architecture not as an autonomous, self-referential discipline interested in forms and form-making alone, but rather as a larger institutional, cultural, and social field with important political implications. The concept of architectural culture implies a cultural historian’s approach to the buildings, projects, and architectural texts that collectively constitute a “discourse” about architecture, in the original sense of this helpful but now clichéd term. The architectural culture of a particular place and time includes all the institutional practices—archi-

tectural schools, publications, exhibitions, competitions, and professional associations—that produce, reproduce, discredit, or lend credibility to discourses about

architecture. A cultural approach does not mean that architecture can be reduced to discourses about architecture or that buildings are unequivocal and transparent expressions of the ideas that are claimed to have informed them. Most of the time the most prolific producers of the discourse (such as Aptullah Ziya, Behcet Sabri, and Bedrettin Hamdi

in the Turkish scene in the 1930s) are not the most prolific or the most interesting designers of the period (such as Seyfettin Arkan or Sevki Balmumcu). In other cases the two functions overlap in the personalities of individual architects (such as Zeki Sayar and Sedad Hakk:i Eldem). Yet even then their published writings, theories, and programs fall short of fully explaining their built work or revealing the tacit agendas, unacknowledged influences, and simply personal aesthetic choices involved in their designs. More specifically, the doctrines of rationalism and functionalism that are at

the center of the official discourse of modernism often prove to be no more than ,

clichés that leave out the complex cultural, aesthetic, and personal considerations that go into the making of the best modernist work. The idea behind the study of architectural culture is not to explain the work through what was said and written about it but to see the ways in which what was said, written, and built collectively confirm, interpret, contest, or negotiate the political and ideological agendas of the time. As the foregoing tenets of the cultural approach suggest, the primary sources for

Modernism on the Margins of Europe .- 13= ——— this study were contemporary publications and visual sources of the early republican period, as well as the surviving buildings and surviving people. I surveyed the most representative official, professional, and popular publications of the “long 1930s.” I took this quintessentially Kemalist “long decade” to span the period from the graduation and professional organization of the first modernist Turkish architects in 1928 to the architectural competition for Mustafa Kemal’s mausoleum in 1942, the symbolic closure of the early republican period. With the utopian modernist vision of the

Kemalist revolution at its height at home and the establishment of the Modern

Movement as the dominant aesthetic and ideological canon abroad, the 1930s constitute a particularly fascinating decade with a strong visual component, to which con-

temporary photographs testify. The historical overlap between modernism and

techniques of reproduction, photography, and advertisement in Europe has been the topic of many recent studies.” The Turkish scene in the 1930s affirms the importance of these new means in disseminating a visual culture of modernity mostly by the agencies and publications of the state. Thus contemporary photographs, postcards, and posters were also consulted, and in many cases they have been as important and informative as published textual material. Although the architectural research for this book was focused on “the long 1930s,” the larger cultural and political framework within which the research is meaningful spans the period from the Young Turk revolution of 1908 to the end of the RPP’s single-party regime in 1950. There are many good reasons why there is a clear definition and coherence to this larger period, not just in architectural history but in the history of modern Turkey in general.** The overarching reason that concerns the structuring of this book is the strong ideological grip of Turkish nationalism on all aspects of politics, life, and culture throughout this period. For this reason, four chapters focusing on modernism as an aesthetic canon of the Kemalist period proper are bracketed by an introductory chapter looking at what came before modernism and a final chapter looking at what followed the rejection of the modernist canon. Taking issue with the common tendency to divide the architectural history of the early republic into stylis-

tically defined periods—that is, a succession of “national” and “international”

styles*—I regard the continuity of the nationalist framework as the defining feature of early republican architectural culture, regardless of stylistic shifts. The thematic ordering of the book follows a loosely chronological structure, but each chapter stands on its own in exploring one component or theme in the architectural culture of the early republic. The first chapter reviews the legacy of the Ottoman revivalist “national style” that preceded modernism in Turkish architecture. The casting of this style as modernism’s academic, stylistic, and anachronistic “other” constituted the first high-modernist gesture that depicted the past as “an impediment, a history that must be transcended” and the present as “the platform for launching plans for a better future.”** The rest of the book offers historical context and evidence for three important and recurrent terms that collectively summarize the aspirations of early republican architectural culture: “architecture of revolution” (inkilap mimarisi),

——— 14 . Modernism on the Margins of Europe “new architecture” (yeni mimari), and “national architecture” (milli mimari). The primary question that preoccupied early republican architects was how to find an architecture that embodied all three attributes at once.

Chapters 2 and 3 address the meaning and implications of the term inkilap

mimarisi (architecture of revolution)—a key term designating an idealized but largely formless quest of the early 1930s. Chapter 2 looks specifically at the official discourse through which modern architecture came to be the primary visual expression of the republican “revolution,” as it was called, and shows how modern forms were mobilized to serve the ideological agenda of the regime. Chapter 3 focuses on the significance of the industrial and technological icons of modernism in the revolutionary consciousness of the republic and in the specific discourses of progress and civilization espoused by Kemalism. It highlights parallels with and divergences from the ways in which the modernist avant-garde in Europe exalted the same technological icons. How the professional discourse of Turkish architects—their struggle for legitimacy and state commissions and their particular readings of modernism to strengthen their professional claims—took shape around the term Yeni Mimari (“the New Architecture”) is discussed in chapter 4. Chapter 5 then looks at images and ideas of the modern house, the most paradigmatic domain claimed by modernist architects everywhere in the 1930s, as well as the symbol of the republican desire to extend the “civilizing mission” of the Kemalist reforms into the private realm. Nowhere is the ambiguity of modernism more evident than in the architecture of the house (mesken mimarisi, as Turkish architects called it). On one hand, it was a theme that symbolized the democratic potential of the New Architecture, whereby architects could claim service to “the people” rather than to wealthy patrons, states, and institutions. On the other hand, the perception of the house as a means for reforming lifestyles epitomized the penetration of the state, through experts, architects, and planners, to the traditionally resistant domain of privacy, family life, and domestic order. — By the late 1930s, nationalist attacks on modernism had already intensified in Turkey, portraying its abstract, geometric forms as the mark of an alienated, individualistic, and cosmopolitan society. Chapter 6 focuses on the intensification of the milli mimari (national architecture) debates in the late 1930s, discussing how vernacular building traditions—especially the timber “Turkish houses”—were appropriated by modernist architects in an effort to “nationalize the modern.” It also looks at how, after the death of Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk in 1938, the more “futuristic” revolutionary spirit declined, giving way to the influences of contemporary German and Italian

nationalist trends in architecture and to the inspiration of Central Asian and pre-

Islamic Turkish monuments. The resulting departure from the modernist aesthetic of the early 1930s toward a more classicized and monumental modern architecture representative of state power and nationalist historiography is covered in this last chapter, bringing this heroic era of modern Turkish history to a close. One of the major difficulties of writing a book of this nature and scope has been the question of the multiple readerships that I wished to engage with it. First and most

Modernism on the Margins of Europe - 15 = ——— obviously, I expect this book to be of interest to my own disciplinary constituency— namely, historians of modern architecture. Second, I expect it also to appeal to area specialists—to those in Turkish and Middle East studies in this case. Third, I hope that an even larger interdisciplinary and nonspecialist audience concerned with questions of modernity and national identity in general will find it interesting and inform-

ative. It was frustrating at times to write with all of these constituencies in mind. (Does one explain who Le Corbusier was for nonspecialist readers outside the field of

architecture? Does one give basic historical information such as the date of the proclamation of the Turkish republic for readers unfamiliar with the history of Turkey and the Middle East?). But what ultimately transcended the fear of compromise on each side was the conviction that something rich and original can come out of a cultural history of this sort—insights that can be gained only by crossing the boundaries between architectural history and area studies everywhere.

First Moderns THE LEGACY OF OTTOMAN REVIVALISM

Since young poets started to compose in the modern meter and since some novelty fans started to conduct Turkish saz music with a baton, a notorious

medrese architecture, which we do not know what to call, has proliferated among our architects. Domes reminiscent of the turban taken off the head of the religious fanatic have started to mushroom under the Turkish sky.

mimari]. ,

Hotel, bank, school, ferry landing, all are now a caricature of a mosque, missing a minaret on the outside and a minber inside. . . . This kind of

return to the past is a degeneration, a reactionary architecture [murteci —Ahmet Hasim, Gurabahane-i Laklakan, 1928!

COMPLETED IN 1909, the Central Post Office in Sirkeci on the tip of Istanbul’s historical peninsula is an impressive monumental building designed by the Turkish architect Vedat Bey (fig. 1.1). It incorporates a number of stylistic references to classical Ottoman architecture (pointed arches, ornate tile work on the spandrels

above the arches, domes over the corner towers) in an otherwise conspicuously European building. The use of the tall Corinthian order on the upper floors of the main facade and the symmetry and axiality of the plan follow a distinctly Ecole des Beaux-Arts parti testifying to the European training and cultural references of its architect, like those of many other educated Ottoman elites of the time. The building’s most spectacular feature is a reinforced concrete and iron truss structural system that allows a large span over a spacious central hall lit by a glass roof. This central space evokes a feeling not unlike that of comparable European buildings of the time, such as Otto Wagner’s Postal Savings Bank in Vienna (1906), one of the canonic buildings of early modern architecture, completed only three years before the Sirkeci post 16

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Fig. 2.5.new’“Old usmodernist new” istin ic i culture at large §- 4.0. versus as part ot the polemic architectura page from F. R. S. Yorke’s The Modern House (1 934).

Architecture of Revolution . 67 ———— trated by the same photographs published in La Turquie Kemaliste. Turkish publications mentioned and quoted the favorable views of these foreign authors on every occasion. The republican need for self-affirmation through Western eyes appears to have been central to the cultural and political consciousness of the period. Conversely, any hint of nostalgia on the part of foreigners for the traditional culture and architecture of the Ottoman Empire was vehemently resented by representatives of the republic and by most educated Turks, underscoring the anti-orientalist premises of Kemalism.!? Modern architecture and urbanism were, by definition, the most potent visible symbols of this desire to create a new and thoroughly modern nation. That Le

Corbusier lost a major urban commission in Turkey when he suggested that the

Turkish government spare the old wooden houses of Istanbul from any modern intervention illustrates the strength of these republican sentiments. In a much later interview, Le Corbusier recollected: “If I had not committed the most strategic mistake of

my life in the letter I wrote to Atattirk, I would be planning the beautiful city of

Istanbul, instead of my competitor Henri Prost. In this notorious letter, I foolishly recommended to the greatest revolutionary hero of a new nation to leave Istanbul as it was, in the dirt and dust of centuries.” !8 Ironically, it was the “dirt and dust” of old Istanbul against which the newness and cleanliness of Ankara were celebrated as a republican icon. The “old versus new” construct was employed extensively in visual and literary representations of Ankara. Istanbul, the city that had been the seat of imperial power and religious authority for five centuries, was delegated to serve as Ankara’s “other” in every respect. Not only in architectural and urban terms but also in terms of less visible qualities, “the purity, moral superiority, and idealism” of the new capital were contrasted with “the imperi-

al and dynastic traditions, the cosmopolitan contamination and decadence” of

Istanbul.!? During the heightened nationalism and anticosmopolitanism of the 1940s, these sentiments grew even stronger, as illustrated by a 1943 issue of La Turquie Kemaliste that proclaimed, “Ankara is a city of the future, Istanbul is a city of the past.” In one passage, addressed to a foreign audience, the negative tone of the references to the ethnic mix of Istanbul is particularly symptomatic of Ankara’s nationalist position at the time:

The average visitor who has spent a few days rushing from Hagia Sophia to the Great Walls and quickly around the old Hippodrome goes home to tell the folks about Turkey. He is no better equipped than the stay-at-homes who get their ideas out of novels about the sultans. For in Istanbul he has probably eaten Russian food, got his views on the government from a Greek porter, been guided by an Armenian courier, and concentrated exclusively on the relics of a past now intentionally forgotten by the average Turk, who looks ahead to better days. He who really wants to know the Turkey of today and tomorrow should take the first train for Ankara.”°

Ankara was declared the capital of the new Turkish republic on 13 October 1923, in a dramatic historical decision to distance the new regime from its Ottoman past.

68. Architecture of Revolution , | : , From the start of the nationalist struggle in 1919 until the abolition of the caliphate

in 1924, Turkey had been, in essence, “a country with two capitals: the center of Islam in Istanbul and the center of the state in Ankara.”?! Until about 1927 there was sub-

stantial opposition to the idea of Ankara as the capital. The urban historian Gontil

Tankut appreciates the soundness of Mustafa Kemal’s intuitions in calculating the importance of a “center of gravity” for the distribution of the services of justice, edu- _ a cation, and health. She challenges the theory that Ankara was not actually “selected”

but that the war government simply stayed in Ankara, making it a de facto capital.” With or without deliberation, the selection and construction of Ankara as a modern capital became a national saga feeding the republican imagination. = References to Ankara in official and popular publications of the time as “the heart

| of the nation” (ulusun kalbi) point to more than the geographical centrality of its location within the boundaries of modern Turkey. It was a powerful metaphor for the organic unity of the nation, as in the other nationalist slogan of becoming “one body, one heart.” Another metaphor for Ankara, derived from the city’s strategic impor-

tance during the nationalist war, was that of a benevolent mother who gave birth to | |

the Turkish republic. The latter, in turn, became “a grateful offspring dutifully caring

- for her: adorning her arid land and poor neighborhoods with beautiful buildings and

glorious institutions, with modern construction, wide boulevards, and public squares with monuments and statues.” 2 Designating it “a European city in Asia,” a 1936 arti- ,

cle proudly stated: “The construction of Ankara has effectively transformed the map

of our revolution” ?24 | OO Oe | of Europe. We can now claim that Europe starts in Ankara. Was not this the purpose

Many scholars writing about the politics of urban design discuss how planned

capitals such as Ankara, Brasilia, and Islamabad are conceived, before everything else, _

, as expressions of the pride and hard work of nation building and thus cannot possi-

bly derive their image and character from an existing city.25 The less there is on site, — _ the greater the pride and glory in making the capital “out of nothing,” as a popular school song about Ankara goes in Turkey. Perhaps the most heroic visual expression of this is an image from La Turquie Kemaliste that depicts a utopian city of abstract,

| - geometric buildings reminiscent of avant-garde constructivist tectonics (fig. 2.6). At — the corner of the image, a rugged and empty mountain site is shown as if to empha-

size the emergence of this utopian city out of the bare land. Ankara’s own insignifi- | a cant past conveniently allowed republican modernizers to perceive and portray it as a :

tabula rasa upon which their grand vision could be implemented. = ae

Ankara was not a tabula rasa, to be sure. The city around the citadel area had

lived through flourishing times, once in the Roman period and again in the seven-

teenth century during the Ottoman Empire. In her poignant critique of the modern- , izers’ disregard for the traditional local population of the city, Zeynep Kezer | emphasizes the “duality” in early republican Ankara that was obscured by the more Oo canonic representations of the modern capital. “Lurking behind its picturesque — _ imagery and legendary conception,” she writes, “behind the strip development of |

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were described in thof Public | f Fig. l |2.10. i ionali ere described in the 1935 issue of Journal Nationalist cult Works (Nafia Isleri Mecmuasi) as follows: of youth and health:

gymnastics and sports .

The lake, with its central spout shooting water up to a height performances In the of 30 meters, the pools, and the artificial waterfalls will pro- ay sports stadium” In 1936), designed vide an attractive view. The rose garden to the north of the Ank nkara ( ), designe lake will be an intimate and enchanting place to stroll and by the Italian architect Vietti Violi. cit relax. To the east of the lake, a spacious area is reserved for adoro Paolo Viet VION. INeThe Cita del of old Ankara is visi popular gatherings and entertainment. A luxurious restau- Cf OF O10 ANKara IS VISI rant-casino with a spectacular view will be constructed on the € in me aistance, ine small island in the lake, accessible by two footbridges. A play- photograph was taken ground, a swimming pool for children, a popular café-tea gar- rom te covered seatin den, and an open amphitheater will adorn the periphery of area, which was protect the lake. An aviary, an English garden, and a large greenhouse ed by a cantilevered,

3-9

Gci May Sports Stadium” ji

, , . hich _ ° ° 37 f d; ble in the dist Th

mami ; from th d seating

will complete the project. reintorcea-concrete .

canopy. Contemporary

Most£ of these builtwere in the 1930s: published by thesejitems Dulltlate in tne late S$;postcard an

leWaS dded d the amusement Park a edhe to initial tne initialsch scneme, an Ministry

of Interior

° we 66 h l TTT TT ° ° e e e « 39 h

the enti k ted on the 19 May holid Press Office, of 1943. Serving as what Zeynep Uludag calls “a schoo

for socializing the people into modern citizens,” the

k t t f kend outi f Ankara families wh Id sit in th

gardens, stroll in the park, or enjoy the artificial lake in small rowboats. Youth Park remains, to this day, one of the most popular legacies of republican spatial practices.

intended, but th id impl

The “luxurious restaurant-casino” on the artificial island t built in Youth Park as intended, but the same idea was implemented at Cubuk Dam outside Ankara,

Architecture of Revolution . 77 ————

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bands, circular windows, cantilevered balconies) in these buildings.** One paradigmatic example that occupies special status as a republican icon of modernity is the Ismet Pasa Girls’ Institute in Ankara, designed by Ernst Egli and inaugurated in 1930 with much publicity and media coverage. It is a four-story building with a balanced composition consisting of a horizontally accentuated facade flanked on the two ends by vertical stair shafts, along with a flat roof, rounded balconies, and continuous window sills—a characteristic expression of the modernist aesthetic as it was adapted in

Architecture of Revolution » 87 = ———— Turkey (see fig. 2.8). Photographs of the front and rear elevations of the building were published in Celal Esat Arseven’s Yeni Mimari in 1931, an important document that

celebrated the switch from Ottoman revivalism to European modernism. Feature essays were devoted to the Ismet Pasa Girls’ Institute in popular magazines, celebrating both its architectural modernism and its new program to educate women well adapted to Western lifestyles, manners, and cuisine. La Turquie Kemaliste published photographs of young girls standing in front of the building in their school uniforms (fig. 2.19), and Yedigiin published interviews with the teachers and students of the institute.’ The two most powerful symbols of the Kemalist inkilap, architecture and women, were thus combined in the aesthetic and programmatic specificity of one

building. While an undecorated and geometric modern aesthetic constituted the formal discourse of the Kemalist revolution, there was also a strong typological component to it

that to this day identifies particular building types or programs as quintessentially republican. Buildings and projects representative of the state and the ideological agen-

da of the RPP constituted an “architecture of revolution” (inkilap mimarisi) in the more literal sense of the term. Of these, government buildings, often inscribed with Atattirk’s words and facing a formal government square (huiktimet meydant) with an Atattirk statue in the middle (bust, equestrian, standing figure), represented the presence of the state in every city and town. So did post offices and railway stations, which symbolized the extension of Ankara into every corner of the nation. The buildings most representative of the RPP’s ideological agenda, however, were those for the education and indoctrination of the people along Kemalist ideals—the spaces in which

the regime sought to make a nation out of a heterogeneous and traditional population. What follows is an overview of how architecture was instrumentalized for this ideological mission.

Educating the Nation THE INSTITUTIONAL AND architectural infrastructure for “educating the nation” had a clear priority on the republic’s ideological agenda. A nationwide literacy campaign in the new Latin alphabet, the closing of religious schools, and the establishment of universal national education (tevhid-i tedrisat kanunu) were among the first acts of the republican regime. Contemporaneous photographs and paintings

testify to the cultural significance of the theme of education: they portray healthy schoolchildren in their uniforms, women being taught how to read and write, and

coeducational village schools where boys and girls were introduced to scientific learning and republican ideals (fig. 2.20). Schools as well as centers for popular education (Halkevleri, or “People’s Houses”) and projects for new villages and agricultural resettlement programs (k6y mimarisi) were the centerpieces of republican building activi-

ty, planned and supervised directly by the RPP. Whereas banks, offices, and



88 - Architecture of Revolution

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Fig. 2.21. A representative example of modernist school design in the 1930s: project for a middle school in Tire by Abidin Mortas, as published in Arkitekt, 1937. Different functions are grouped in different blocks in an L-shaped layout defining an outdoor assembly area. Flat roofs and undecorated cubic volumes reflect a distinctly modernist aesthetic. Different window sizes and forms of windows reflect what is behind them: large windows for the classrooms, narrow horizontal bands for corridors, circular windows and/or vertical slits for stair shafts and double-height spaces such as the gym.

schools for Anatolia (1938-1939) designed by Margarete Schiitte-Lihotzky for the Ministry of Education were of the two-phase kind, in which at its largest the school contained two or three classrooms with separate living quarters and a small kitchen for two teachers. The materials were specified as wood, mud brick—clay, brick, or rough stone. Schiitte-Lihotzky’s perspective drawing of this three-classroom type of village school for 150-180 students depicts an idyllic Anatolian landscape with the school building located atop a hill overlooking the village, in aesthetic harmony with the whitewashed walls and red tile roofs of the village houses below (fig. 2.23).

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Headquarters—People’s House by Sedad Cetintas (1934) and the unbuilt winning

design for the Sivas People’s House by Nazif Asal and Emin Necip Uzman (1938) (fig. 2.25).

In terms of plan arrangement, the larger spaces of the hall-auditorium and gym were typically located in a separate block easily readable in exterior form while the rest of the program—offices, spaces for activity groups, library, and classrooms—constituted the main block. The blocks were arranged so as to define an open space or courtyard for meetings, concerts, public festivals, and weddings. The program also included offices for RPP officials, sometimes designed as a separate building connected to the People’s House by a colonnade, as in Manisa People’s House by Asim Komiirctioglu (1938). In other cases, party offices were located on the upper floor(s), as in the Karamtrsel and Gerede People’s Houses by Leman Tomsu and Munevver Belen (1936).7* In unusual cases such as the Eskisehir People’s House by Izzet Baysal (1936, demolished), the entire program was designed on the upper floor of a long, two-story block, and ground level was reserved for shops to bring revenue to the RPP. Construction of People’s Houses was typically of reinforced concrete for floor slabs and the structural walls and columns, with brick infill. After 1940, however, the use of stone and pitched tile roofs gradually replaced the earlier materials that had produced such pristine geometric forms, launching a new trend in national expression.

Colonizing the Countryside PARALLEL TO THE elaborate organization of popular education

through People’s Houses, the RPP’s program for “colonizing the countryside” through village architecture (ROy mimarisi) represented another major spatial component of republican ideology. Turkey was an overwhelmingly agrarian country, with more than 80 percent of its population living in rural areas in the 1930s. The contribution of villages to the national economy was a strong incentive for modernizing them. The training of peasants (ROycriltik) constituted one of the most important branches of activity in the RPP program. Not only the modernization of existing villages and agricultural lands but also the resettlement of refugees from the Balkans and other lost territories of the empire were major challenges encountered by the republican regime in its first decade. By 1933, sixty-nine model villages had been built by the state,”5 and the “modern and scientific standards” employed in their construction were contrasted with the

“poor and primitive condition of peasants in the old empire,” in the characteristic

manner of “old versus new” (see fig. 2.4). It was after the consolidation of the RPP’s power (1931), however, and under the auspices of the People’s Houses (1932) that villages and peasants became primary

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presented as a distinct area of specialization for archi- Fig, 2.27. Model village tects, legitimating their claims to serve the regime as project based on a uni“agents of civilization.” “Villages are of paramount sig- form grid by the “urbannificance in nation building,” wrote Abidin Mortas in ist architect” Burhan Arif 1935, “and they must be designed and supervised by the (1935).

professional architect, responding to the local tradi- oo tions, building techniques, and materials of the vil- oe

lage.””8 This plea was illustrated by a plan for a model village by the “urbanist

architect” Burhan Arif. A linear shopping street terminating in a small square at each end occupied the village center in a symmetrical arrangement (fig. 2.27). One of the squares was given to state functions and held government buildings; the other was the cultural square containing the school, the museum, the village hall, and the fountain. As the ultimate expression of scientific rationality and efficiency, identical village houses in detached and row-house variants were laid out in a rectangular grid suggestive of a thoroughly flat site. The diagrammatic simplicity and exaggerated rationality of the proposal, like the rubber-stamp designs of most model villages built by the — state, disregarded most traditional rural settlement types in which village houses of

different sizes and qualities typically huddled together in clusters. ,

_ Most conspicuously, the absence of the mosque, the primary landmark of most

Turkish villages, was a strong architectural statement affirming the secularizing agen-

da of the RPP. Architects shared this secular enlightenment ideal, and Aptullah Ziya ,

expressed their suspicion of mosques as follows: |

Architecture of Revolution - 101) ———— Edifying and electrifying the villages never occurred to the rulers of the Ottoman Empire, with the exception of some mosques they built in Anatolian villages. These mosques had no other effect than strengthening the religious loyalty of the peasants to the sultan and thus turning the oppression of the individual to a collective oppression. The worst thing about a village mosque, which has been the only cultural and social center for the village, is that in its four walls it offers a bastion for the reactionaries who are the organizers of oppression and ignorance.”

An even more remarkable example of the idealized diagrammatic approach to planning new villages is a 1933 project attributed to Kazim Dirlik, inspector general of Thrace (fig. 2.28).8° This “ideal republican village” (ideal cumhuriyet kdyti) was laid out in perfect concentric zones for residential units, for health, educational, and sports facilities, and for commerce and light industry, all radiating from the center of the circular plan. According to Gilstim Baydar Nalbantoglu, it was “unmistakably inspired by Ebenezer Howard’s Garden City diagrams.”*! Nalbantoglu argues that “republican

model villages consisted of neatly arranged rows of identical houses reminiscent of the disciplinary environments of nineteenth-century factory towns.” Her evocation of a “disciplinary environment” is appropriate for this plan in light of the fact that the perfectly geometric centralized plan was indeed a symbol of reformist utopia, from Renaissance ideal cities to Jeremy Bentham’s “Panopticon” in the nineteenth century. It was the most symptomatic formal expression of Enlightenment ideals that informed the RPP’s village architecture program. In 1936, Zeki Sayar further elaborated on the civilizing role of the architect and the necessity of imposing the plans and ideas of experts even when they conflicted with traditional settlement patterns and lifestyles: Although we must consider the habits and lifestyles of the peasants when we are constructing the new villages, we should not hesitate to go against these traditions wherever they clash with contemporary social and hygienic standards. The new village plans should also provide the users with the means for civilized living. A revolution in lifestyles is also necessary to teach them to sleep on individual beds rather than together on the earth, to teach them to use chairs and tables rather than sitting and eating on the floor. Kitchens, stoves, and bathrooms should be standardized into a number of different types so as to obtain the most economic and functional results.”

These writings by Zeki Sayar, titled, without any hint of irony, “Interior

Colonization” (/¢ Kolonizasyon), illustrate architects’ more “professional” approach to the building of new villages and resettlement of the land. He criticized the earlier model villages built during the first decade of the republic, the inadequacies of which, he argued, were evident by looking at all the additions and alterations the peasants had made to render them habitable. In order to improve on these early examples, he

emphasized the necessity of resorting to the technical expertise of architects. He

declared it a “civilizational imperative” to eliminate the use of mud bricks (kerpic), “a

primitive material utterly unfit for construction by the state,” and advocated the extensive use of concrete and cement (cimento) in “village buildings, sanitary infra-

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3 — Saghk > 18 — Uziim Kurumu 33 — Sark Sanayi. Turyaé 46 — Luna Park 4 — Parasgtit kulesi 19 — Hava tehlikesi Pamuk mensucat, Yin 47 — Ath spor

5 — Sehir miizesi 20 — Hava gazi mensucat, 48 — Nebatat Bahcesi 6 — Stimerbank 21 — Romanya P. 34 — Polonya pavyonu 49 — Kr kahvesi

7 — italyan paviyonu 22 — Denizli P. 35 — Is. Bankast 50 — Helalar

8-8 Sch > 23 — izmir Ticaret odasi 36 — Sigorta pavyonu 51 — 9 Eyldl antresi

9 — Manisa » 24 — Sergi sarayi 37 — Inhisarlar » 52 — Esas antre

10 — Yunan > 25 — Fuar gaziuosu 38 — Ser 53 — Antre

11 — Eti Bank 26 — Fransiz P. 39 — Giimriik Binasi 54 — Gill bahcesi 12 — Vakiflar paviyonu 27 — Kizilay 40 — Tenis Kuliibti 55 — Sun't gil

13 — Ankara Birasi 28 — D. Demir Yollari 41 — Atig Poligonu 14 — Filistin paviyonu 29 — Telefon kdskti 42 — Acik hava tiyatrosu

15 — Kiitahya Cesmesi 30 — ingiliz P. 48 — Hayvan paviyonlan

Fig. 3.23. Site plan of the completed Kilttirpark (1939) showing the addition of pleasure gardens, pools, recreation spaces, and an amusement park to the more formally arranged original fairgrounds.

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drawing by Suleyman KOokttirk. Bottom: Plans for three-story Zeilenbau-type apartments with two.

and three-bedroom variants by Ulvi Basman. Students were asked to provide detailed specifications

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ne aa tail :OSS Ce ee Jo oe lc “aeHis iSe peer ee— etree eee bie), Pen Cogs ESeee Be rus nocea eePesce oea ae ea eae -= ne BNA 8ar TEM PES og eae ee eee Sais! Taare ee eee Ce emi DRTae Cyr RSee tS Re ee ee Pos os ee ee A,?Baie ee oe oe eemre ee Gee 7a In another essay, “Economic Considerations in School

Design,” he emphasized the lower cost of building, wherever appropriate, more stories than the two-story National Architecture Renaissance schools of the 1920s. He emphasized maximizing the ratio of classroom area to total area, rationally placing auxiliary spaces such as the gym and workshops in basements and on ground floors, and optimizing the area for these purposes on the basis of the number of students. In these essays, Zeki Sayar made frequent references to European, especially German, examples, illustrating the first essay with photographs of an elementary school by Martin Elsaesser in Eschersheim, Germany. A survey of published projects in Mimar and Arkitekt over the 1930s reveals a consistently “technical” language with which projects were described—a privileging _ of programmatic, constructional, and economic criteria as determinants of design.

Dimensions in plans were explained with respect to intensity and nature of use, choices of materials were discussed with reference to factors such as cost, hygiene, and ease of maintenance, and distances between blocks were explained in terms of angles of the sun, in the way Walter Gropius explained them to the CIAM in 1930. Furthermore, like their contemporaries who were shaping CIAM doctrines, Turkish architects’ professional self-definition was not limited to their being experts and tech-

nicians. It entailed a much larger social vision. What is particularly remarkable inthe | professional discourse on the New Architecture is the unequivocal linking of modern

forms to societal transformations unleashed by the industrial age—an age that was , only an idealized potential in Turkey, not an accomplished fact. “Modern technology and the development of mechanization gave us many new means to do our work and many changes in our construction methods,” wrote Samih Saim in a 1931 piece titled

“New Elements.” “To adapt to this new lifestyle, many elements of our buildings , changed their forms or radically renewed their character. Thus hitherto unprecedented forms appeared.”35 These new elements of the New Architecture, adapted from Arseven’s book and partly derived from Le Corbusier’s five principles, were roof terraces, pilotis, horizontal windows (or “logical windows” [manttki pencere], as Samih

Saim called them), color, and electricity. , Evoking the same argument about modernism’s being a universal and thoroughly rational doctrine, Behcet Unsal made a similar correlation between social modern- , ization and architectural form. Addressing the public in a radio program in 1939, he explained architects’ espousal of the New Architecture in civilizational terms: it was a historical necessity, a mark of contemporariness (asrilik), rather than a stylistic

choice or fashion: . }

The Making of a Modernist Profession »~ 173 = ——— These terms [functionalism, rationalism] that have just entered our language and these new modes of living that are beginning to effect us are the reflections in our country of a larger universal and social transformation. In our machine age [my emphasis], with its changes in mentality and lifestyle, our large wooden houses with spacious sofas [halls] are no longer appropriate. That is why the necessity arises for moving to a small home or apartment with corner windows and rounded projections.*°

The message in Unsal’s words was that modern forms and design principles were rational products of the “machine age,” which, although not yet a reality in Turkey, was a universal phenomenon and therefore “our” machine age as much as anybody else’s. Although there was no direct causal relationship between the social and tech-

nological transformations of the twentieth century and the particular forms of

modernism, Behcet Unsal’s rhetorical leap from “changes in mentality and lifestyle”

to corner windows and rounded projections was characteristic of the modernist polemic. So were rhetorical leaps from the definition of the architect as a technical expert (who solves design problems under given circumstances) to the idea of archi-

tect as an agent of civilization (with a larger mission to transform those circum-

stances). The former legitimated the latter; rationality and expertise became compelling grounds for discourses of social engineering and technocracy.

Architects exalted this larger role of agent of social transformation and reconstruction, which elevated their stature in the society at large—something particularly important in a country where architecture was traditionally seen as a lesser vocation associated with the non-Muslims of the empire. In their writings they articulated this self-declared mission to teach the people how to live in civilized and contemporary ways in accordance with the Westernizing reforms of the republic. The technocratic discourse of modernism as articulated by Le Corbusier and the CIAM offered them a model. For example, in an article titled “The Architect in the City” in Yeni Tuirk Mecmuasi (Journal of the New Turk), architect Faruk Galip explained this new defnition of the architect as follows: Today’s architect is no longer the old builder [kalfa] whom people hired to prepare plans and build a four-room house. He is a scientist [ilim adam] who delineates the social and economic politics of the country, organizes her civilizational character, builds her cities, and provides the working people of the nation with comfortable and airy spaces of recreation and work. He is an artist whose reputation will transcend national boundaries and will place the imprint upon history, not so much of his own name, but that of his nation.*”

This dramatically expanded and idealized definition of the profession was the major theme in the inaugural issue of Mimar when it appeared in 1931. In an important editorial titled “The Architect Inside the Building,” Aptullah Ziya articulated this new professional definition of the architect beyond the boundaries of technical knowhow: “The whole world admits today that the architect is not a builder who constructs our houses to shelter us from rain and sun. He is an intellectual leader to guide our

————— 174 «. The Making of a Modernist Profession

social life [ictimai hayatimiza yol gosteren bir miitefekkir], a thinker concerned with our comfort, hygiene, and health. He is concerned with the interior design of our homes, as much as, if not more than, the exterior.” *8 As is evident from this passage, the civilizing mission of the architect was a theme especially relevant for residential architecture in the shaping of a new and modern culture of living—a subject I take up in the next chapter. It was also an important theme in designing model villages, “colonizing the countryside,” and teaching the peasants “how to sleep on beds, how to use chairs and tables,” as covered in chapter 3. In both areas, the quest for professional legitimacy and power was based on a technocratic worldview: it was the rationality of architects, planners, and experts that made them

legitimate authorities in prescribing lifestyles. The technocratic overtones of the Modern Movement were epitomized in Europe by the early career of Le Corbusier,

who was inspired by Taylorist principles of rationality and efficiency and appealed to industrialists, businessmen, and the state for the implementation of these ideas.*” Like the great master before them, Turkish architects repeatedly appealed to the state for commissions and tried to expand their involvement in nation building at every level, from the design of homes and public buildings to factories, silos, and cities. There was no doubt in the minds of Turkish architects that the state was the primary agent of modernization and the primary patron for their expertise, which alone could give built form to the ideals of the republic. They did not hesitate to legitimate the role of the professional architect as an officer of the Kemalist revolution and an agent of its civilizing mission to carry its ideals to the people. Modern architecture was perceived and portrayed as the natural expression of this progressive mission, a powerful instrument of “visible politics,” not unlike the way modernist colonial architecture and urbanism were perceived by French and Italian authorities in North Africa at about the same time. For many Turkish modernizers (bureaucrats, planners, architects), words such as “colonization” and “fascism” had unequivocally positive and progressive connotations in the 1930s. They signified the authoritative but enlightened modernization of peoples and lands by strong states. The assumption was that only through the sponsorship of a strong state could modern architecture flourish in a war-

torn, poor, and backward country like Turkey in the 1930s.

In their quest for broader professional legitimacy and state commissions, Turkish architects competed primarily against their foreign colleagues and teachers. For the most part, they were faced with the paradox of respecting these prominent foreigners, who had introduced the New Architecture to the country, and at the same time feeling blocked by them from access to important public commissions. One consequence of this paradox was that while constructing their argument for professional legitimacy around scientific criteria (education, expertise, rational thinking), Turkish architects also resorted to the extrascientific factor of nationality, which gave them an edge over their foreign competitors. It was claimed that young Turkish architects “who were born and raised in the Kemalist inkilap, living it and loving it,” as Aptullah Ziya put it,*” would be better equipped to give form to the spirit of the revolution. During

The Making of a Modernist Profession .» 175 = ————

the construction of new Ankara in the early 1930s, Arif Hikmet Koyuno$lu, the leading architect of the National Architecture Renaissance in republican Ankara, was reprimanded by RPP leaders for writing an article that criticized the commissioning of the entire government complex to the Austrian architect Clemenz Holzmeister. In the article Arif Hikmet had written: “The new Ankara should be built by Turkish artists who know the heroic spirit of the War of Independence. Only Turkish architects can give this city its identity. Architect Holzmeister is a great man and a talented artist. But he is not someone to understand the revolution in our country in order to produce the works worthy of it.” *! The traditional tendency of Turkish political leaders to prefer foreign architects and planners was a primary grievance of the professional discourse published in the pages of Mimar and Arkitekt. In another essay, titled “Nationalism in Art,” Aptullah Ziya outlined the decline of Turkish art and architecture since the reign of Sultan Abdulaziz in the hands of foreign architects, including the most recent infatuation with foreign experts in the construction of republican Ankara: Nationalist art is not the work of individuals. It is the work of nations. No national art can be born out of individual talent. From the constitutional period (mesrutiyet), we leaped into the republic, thanks to the power of the Gazi. We needed a new art. Yet the new equivalents of Celebi Mehmet Efendi [an eighteenth-century Ottoman ambassador to Paris who brought in French artistic and architectural influences] still carry the same old mentality and still have the last word in matters of art. Once again they brought foreigners who, instead of baroque and empire styles, this time introduced the New Art. However, since [these foreigners] also tried to look “a little native,” their work turned out to be a strange thing, far from reflecting our revolution. These new experts turned out to be no different from the Toma kalfa [alluding to Ottoman minority architects] who built Pera in Istanbul, and with their heavy and bulky hands, they shaped the construction of Ankara. We do not want to give the impression that we are negating their rightful role as teachers. We are not talking about art, but “national art.”

There are two interesting points in Aptullah Ziya’s arguments. The first, also repeated by other Turkish architects, is an acknowledgment of the pedagogical function of the foreign architects in introducing the New Architecture to the country. More interesting is the implication that their modern work was less “revolutionary” than befit the Kemalist ideal. In other words, it was not modern architecture that Turkish architects objected to but the particular modernism of the German-speaking architects. With his admiration for Italian rationalist architects, Aptullah Ziya was particularly vocal in criticizing the heavier modernism of Ankara and casting this in terms of a nationalistic argument to promote the professional power struggle of Turkish architects. Similar sentiments, sometimes bordering on xenophobia, were not uncommon in the generally introverted, nationalistic culture of the early republic.

Making the professional plea for the benefits of a system of competitions that would favor Turkish architects over foreigners, Zeki Sayar, too, cited examples from Italy, where “designers not registered in the Fascist organization of architects were not

————— 176 ~. The Making of a Modernist Profession

allowed to participate in national competitions for state buildings.” In their paradigmatic essay “The Architecture of the Turkish Revolution,” Behcet Sabri and Bedrettin Hamdi also offered a good example of this nationalistic argument, which was at odds with the earlier universalistic and supranational claims of scientific reasoning: We need to learn from the techniques of European experts. However, the spirit and outlook of the Turk is higher than what they can attain. We must turn to the young generation of Turkish architects who, bearing the blood and talent of the Great Sinan, are now walking along a contemporary and logical path. The leaders who wrote nationalism and populism into the principles of the republic must commission the architects of the revolution from which a modern and national architecture will be born [my emphasis].

The weakness of the logic in most of these arguments is obvious. What relevance

could “the blood of the Great Sinan” possibly have for modern architects who, by their own claims, followed “a contemporary and logical path”? If indeed “modern needs [were] the same for everybody in the modern world,” as Behcet Unsal said, paraphrasing Walter Gropius, Hennes Meyer, and other proponents of the Neue Sachlichkeit before him, why would the nationality of the architect matter at all? Many such questions remained unresolved in Turkish architects’ professional discourse in the 1930s, with no clear and fixed conceptual boundary for the determinants of modern form. Sometimes modern architecture was discussed as a logical fact deter-

mined by function, technique, and the universal needs of modern life. Sometimes priority was placed on national expression. Often, republican architects wanted it both ways.

Aesthetic Discourse of the New Architecture It wAs NOT arbitrary choice or pure semantics that from the very start, Turkish architects insisted on the term “New Architecture” and expressed their distaste for the term “international style.” It would be misleading, they argued, to char-

acterize the New Architecture as international. It was simply an anti-academic

architecture and, being the most rational response to site, program, climate, and context, was by definition “national.” Nor was it a new style. On the contrary, its entire

premise was a rejection of stylistic approaches such as the Ottoman revivalist

National Architecture Renaissance before it. Moreover, in spite of occasional statements reminiscent of Neue Sachlichkeit clichés about architecture’s being an antiaesthetic and scientific fact, the radicalism and internationalist spirit of the “new objectivity” was as unpalatable to Turkish architects as the term “international style.” There could be many explanations for this. As already mentioned, the European architects teaching and working in Turkey were more conservative Germans and Austrians, outside the mainstream Bauhaus and CIAM circles, often with a classical

The Making of a Modernist Profession »- 177.) —————

training informing their austere modernism. Equally important was that the socialist and Marxist views upheld by the radical German architects of the Neue Sachlichkeit and the “internationalism” of the left were anathema to the strongly antisocialist, antimaterialist, and nationalist ideological precepts of Kemalism. The prospect of reducing architecture to pure scientific calculation and cold reason meant negating not only aesthetics and taste but also the “national spirit and idealism” that were so dear to republican architects. Finally, it was the aesthetic component of their disci-

pline that legitimated architects as “artists’—-as experts in aesthetic matters that could be handled by no one else. Whatever the reasons, Turkish architects’ emphasis on functionalism, rationalism, and scientific expertise and their rejection of stylistic references to modernism did not go so far as negating their preoccupation with form and aesthetics. Rather, they elaborated the remarkably insightful, albeit polemical, formulation that “if a work of architecture fully conforms to its context and its function, then it is beautiful.”*5 In other words, they proposed that in the New Architecture, modern form was not really formalism—that is, the geometric masses and volumes of the New Architecture were not a stylistic given but a consequence of rational considerations of the problem at hand. Reminiscent of Le Corbusier’s famous statement that “modern decorative art is not decorated,”* this formulation allowed the profession to reject the aesthetics of Ottoman revivalism without rejecting the importance of aesthetic concerns. It meant taking artistic creativity on board while leaving stylistic ornamentation out, thus defining the modern architect as distinct from the old “draftsmen and decorators,” as Arseven had called them, while still maintaining a creative, artistic edge over engineers as a competing professional group. That the term “building art” (yap: sanatt) was widely used in the 1930s interchangeably with “architecture” is indicative of this desire to legitimate the architect as both a construction expert and a creative artist at the same time. To be sure, such binary oppositions between construction and art, science and aesthetics, logic and feeling were themselves modern constructs, and as modern philosophers have contemplated extensively, it was only after the modern separation of these realms that efforts to recombine them had intensified. In an important piece titled “Feelings and Logic in Architecture,” Sami Macaroélu criticized misrepresentations of the New Architecture as pure logic devoid of feeling—as, for example, in terms then circulating such as “logical windows” and “logical plans.” He argued that with the overwhelming domination of social life in the modern world by logical and rational rules,

art was the only domain in which feelings could run free, and everyone should acknowledge the value of that:

Recently we have been repeating the same clichés: “I did this because it is rational. This is the form necessitated by construction. This will respond to such-and-such a need.” Enough! These logical explanations have no other function than masking the feelings that we refuse to confess even to ourselves. Why not say, “I did it because it is beautiful or because I wanted to express

—————— 178 . The Making of a Modernist Profession a certain feeling”? In New Architecture, the building must conform to its function. But is the scientific aspect of architecture enough? No. We are always guided by our feelings. If we think about our decisions, we will see that even in those decisions that we consider the most “logical,” the role of logic has been no more than that of reinforcing our feelings. How many people are ready to admit this? You must have heard of people talking about the New Architecture in such terms: economical, healthy, rationally constructed—in other words, “logical.” An ordinary technician equipped with science can easily make buildings with these qualifications. | Reason can take care of all of them. Are we going to call the resulting machine “a work of

art”?*” ,

This emphasis on the importance of extrascientific factors in design was, in

essence, the basis of an undogmatic approach to modernism that both Ernst Egli and Bruno Taut tried to impart to their students at the academy. On the basis of his own method of working out a design problem, Taut explained in his book: “First you come up with a logical diagram in response to site, orientation, landscape, and other such factors. This is truly a diagram: a scientific document, which has nothing to do yet __ with architecture. It is important to wait until this diagram acquires life and thinking gives way to feeling. Only then is the hand set free to draw.” Although the student

projects for the Directorate of State Monopolies housing mentioned earlier (see fig.

4.4) show no evidence of having gone much beyond the first, diagrammatic stage, it was important for Taut to restore to building construction the artistic component that _ had been obscured by the anti-aesthetic excesses of the Neue Sachlichkeit. That he

published these ideas in Turkish was a particularly important contribution to the

been appreciated.” oo

architectural culture of the early republic, the significance of which has only recently As early as 1929, in his important book Modern Architecture, Taut had been crit-

ical of the tendency to fetishize stripped-down technique and function and had , objected to the reduction of modern rational design to “a stylistic zeitgeist,” as he called the canonic ocean-liner aesthetic of Le Corbusier. The writings and work of

Turkish architects in the 1930s suggest that they had internalized much more of Taut’s teaching than they typically acknowledged. In spite of their “functionalist and rationalist” arguments, which fared well with Kemalist positivism, aesthetics had a strong

presence in the discourse of the Turkish architects gathered around Mimar. They were, however, quite insightfully aware that the best definition of a modernist aesthetic was that it could not be defined beyond generalities such as “geometric,” “abstract,” and “undecorated.” Unlike classical styles, which could be codified into

fixed orders and motifs, a modernist aesthetic was one that you knew only when you ,

saw it. In 1933, Behcet Sabri and Bedrettin Hamdi’s words captured this basic premise of modernism, connecting it, however, to a larger zeitgeist argument: “Souls have changed, life has changed, and a new era has dawned. This new spirit has left the old repertoire of columns, arches, capitals, pedestals, and entablatures behind and has thrust itself into the world of masses and volumes. The architecture of today, which

The Making of a Modernist Profession - 179 ———— we call ‘modern,’ is a harmonious totality of simple, beautiful, geometric shapes dis-

sociated from traditional motifs.” Herein lies the ambiguity of the aesthetic discourse of New Architecture in the

Turkish architectural culture of the 1930s. As was emphasized on every occasion, it was

supposed to be an aesthetic arising out of rational considerations (of site, program, construction, materials, climate, context, etc.) rather than predetermined stylistic choices. This simply meant that modern architecture was formally indeterminate, irreducible to any a priori form. This was a very insightful position for the 1930s. As

architectural historians who have deconstructed the “myths of the Modern

Movement” or the “fictions of function” in European modernism have shown in

recent years, rational considerations of function and technique are always inadequate as determinants of form.*! So how is one to account for the “harmonious composition of simple geometric shapes” or the pervasiveness of “the cantilevers, the rounded corners, the circular windows”? An answer that can be tentatively proposed is that there was a certain aesthetic repertoire of modernism in the 1930s that circulated in architectural culture at large and informed the work of Turkish architects as well. Despite their insistence on talking about buildings in strictly technical and functional terms when they wrote in Mimar, they could not explain the recurrent aesthetic features so common to the work of the 1930s in those terms alone. This does not mean that wherever these aesthetic features were employed, the designs were not functional or technically sound. It simply means that there is always a margin of indeterminacy between aesthetics and functionalist-rationalist explanations of form. In its eagerness to lend credibility and authority to the New Architecture, the discourse of the 1930s rarely, if ever, addressed that margin. Let us look at a few of these aesthetic choices. A most immediately recognizable one was a particular composition that combined a long horizontal block or group of horizontal blocks with a prominent vertical element, a clock tower or a chimney. Rounding one or both ends of the horizontal block was an additional feature that enhanced the perceived modernity of the building, perhaps with distant allusions to a ship or ocean liner. Three important and extensively published buildings of the 1930s

in Ankara illustrate this particular aesthetic at its most refined expression: the

Exhibition Hall (1933), the filter station (su stizgeci) of Cubuk Dam (1936), and the casino-restaurant of the new railway station (1937) (fig. 4.6). Three buildings with vastly different functions shared a common aesthetic idiom that made them distinctly “republican” in their iconography. Possible sources of this aesthetic idiom were the numerous contemporary European buildings reproduced in publications, as well as architects’ “intertextual” references to each other’s recent work. These forms would not have been so successfully imported and circulated, however, if it had not been for their connotations of progress, modernity, and industry (especially through allusions to ships, factory chimneys, and undecorated machine forms) so cherished by republican ideology. Whatever the specific ideas and images in the minds of their

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The Making of a Modernist Profession - 183 —————

architects, these buildings clearly embodied richer references and associations than mere responses to the programmatic requirements of exhibition space, water filtration, and public entertainment, respectively. If the initial sources of some of these aesthetic choices were European, their particular interpretation and repeated use in a particular city or for a particular program suggest that certain formal vocabularies circulated among architects within Turkey as well. For example, a very specific way of entering a building through a rounded corner into a circular space appears to have been a recurring approach for buildings housing official RPP functions and located on corner lots, even with different scales, sites,

and constructional constraints. The Yalova RPP Headquarters and People’s House (1934) by Sedad Cetintas and the winning entry for the Sivas RPP Headquarters and People’s House competition (1939) by Emin Necip Uzman and Nazif Asal shared this particular formal arrangement in spite of their very different sizes, locations, and budgets (see fig. 2.25). Similarly, the rounded corner entrance of the Agricultural School (Ziraat Mektebi) in Izmir (1932), designed by the office of the Ministry of Agriculture, was repeated in almost identical fashion in the Gazi Elementary School (Gazi Ik Mektebi) in the same city (1934) by Necmeddin Emre (fig. 4.7).°

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tions. Tahir Tug designed for the directorate in other cities as well, employing the same style, as in the case of his State Monopolies administration building in Antalya (1934) with Egli’s cubic window projections.

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| fama da) meee ee Be iyuyallecinizlah ctaber Hive Helkeluirasive ‘nevaran daha 7. gabit ye" . : ade ee ae ‘Bip eserdis ijmesitin ta, EE ——E——EEEEE IARI Gerais Gnteg ala) lus a suanik gi girtatyor, | { Bagtn otlymertli, ebPue; Kelimesinit a ee oe } (|Beheswiaeragad ee psinde. idealini bulmiip addedilebiir. Bu ya yinante harict ylelinde Biotk ve ufak mo eee eee read, is Bunn gorenler cert yalnis mitotane) armada ev-yapicdifi hususiinda cihanila mer Dtiflerden eber yoktur. Boyde hacimlarin iler

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o . _a : : . . *., Wes e s .7bd*“l:MldMt: M* ; “l ' :

| | ee _ ft mubtelif telakkilerden, birer misal yermekle geri, agai, yukari dogru siralanmest ile big 7

Fig. 5.4. Introduction of the Modern Movement to Turkey through popular publications and illustrated family magazines. Left: A Corbusean villa featured as “The Contemporary Villa of |

Monsieur Jacques” in Muhit, 1929. Right: “A Cubic-House,” published in the “Practical, ,

_ Economical, and Healthy Houses” pages of the same magazine, 1929. ,

exclusively functionalist and rationalist terms, and its undecorated cubic aesthetic

was presented as a manifestation of the character of concrete and steel, “the only buildin: ials suitable for for today.” ThIheision of “wide windwindows, ple lighample light ullding materials suitable today.” provision of “wide and air, smooth and clean surfaces, [and] the absence of germ- and dust-gathering

;character - ° 39 .of- the : : -building, ° e - : .=°-eSe. .corners and details” was particularly emphasized to explain the healthy and hygienic

“Cubic,” how bymeans no-means the promoted only styl otedpopular in the |~ ubic, however, was by no the only style in these

wlar ,

publications. It was only one among a wide range of examples, from colonial

} American h s and G heimatstyle « . “Mediterranean-style _ American homes and German heimatstyle cottages to editerranean-style villas villas” _

- - . be ~ - verandahs 7 7 . .ands loggias, - . —all featured * . : as. ‘¢ ¢ . healthy, 7 . . functional, - ° - . and ~ ,. ; with : arcaded “modern,

eautiful homes” 5.5).°° About the same time Muhit promoted the “cubic house” | beautiful homes” (fig. 5.5).3? About the(fig. same time Muhit promoted the “cubic house” ited above, above,Ititalso alsopublished published a villa in the “French modern style,” ahwith ith Queen cited a villa in the “French modern style,” a house

eC. : . 99 ° : , e ; . e e . . “even ld styl nodate mode fi d hygiene” (fig. 5.5).22

featu of “American homes” with shingles and wood , AnneAnne features, and da ber number o merican homes” with shingles and wood siding. siding.3! Even “a classic house”—-a Georgian mansion—was published in 1931, showing how

even an Old style can accommodate modern comfort and hygiene” (fig. 5.5).

Living Modern: Cubic Houses and Apartments - 205 —W——

se cee YEDICUN No. 76 ~ Y SAYa BL 4oe as)aah — Re 8 fNEVA le ¥: P ES Jo a ea ae ee VA SE! |

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3 Craig} te?

Bu haftaki planiarimiz Akdeniz tarzi bir | vermig oluyor. Locya tabir ettikleri ; maktadir. Birinci katta ig yatak odasi, villaya aittir, Bu'tarz villalardan mem. | igerlek pencerelerin tegkil ettigi veranda : bir taraga, ve bir banyo salonu mevcutleketimizde henliz inga edilmemigtir, fa- | si ile bu villa bir dag etegine gok yara- ; tur, Bu viffanin ayrica genig bir de bo-

kat Fransada, Italyada, Ispanyada gok gir. ik katta verandaya agilan genig bir durum kati vardir, Bu katta bir garaj,

mebzuldir. Mimarimiz bu modeli gizmek- | yemek odasi ve salon vardir. Bir mutfak : bir gamagirlik, bir depo, bir usak odasi,

Kl ik Bir Ew

le bu tare villlarin nimunesini jik defa | ve bie vestibiil zemin katini tamamla- ve bir de abdeshane meveuttur,

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Fig. 5.5. Stylistic plurality Ww LOETie~ LS feT/TNEE fs ey oole Ie sis ySue Goray m7if"9H bd “De 4 | Kegel CCAIR IRE RPL LTR. SEERA 7 il fa WiSELEIEES _ , cea Si cama a i ae — ar= |- -PP) , (ia4 eeSaeel | i. EES "|Ke eat oO GB |. ARN , jeg RIO) aay ee ‘i.~wi . ae -e“an {ales .: ap : a.rg. ,. :- .:iS . ON tagge, — ; ae tee ot . a _4g 6 eySA ae Be | ; _. _ Caml taragalar: yaz miisaittir. giinierinde gok misafir kabuliine Bu \=\| ;a —— | Ki villakati birolmadigi tek kattan Bodu| |& : -| a; |ae rum icinibarettir. temeli o nisbo an fI bettedir, ve maliyet fiatini wucuzlat"Bat J C) _||k. ; : _ eo tt | en 1 | i maktadir. ~ nan | _ | D i a | , Istimal edilen nevine ; - la spa . . - malzemenin: . so. 7 : : ' . —— ——- (|a :- !_ 7 | -

—— a ZF 7 ee ee - edecegiz. j oe re - ee

gore, vilmal a 3 -olabilir. ila 9-000 — lira‘ arasin . S|_.:| araeeas da bir bu fiata REST roT

_: |» yine Ameri| =p at 9} oa = a a rr | = . kanGelecek tipi villa sayllarrmizda planlarini. nesre devam - | a . empetemmasn , a es

, —— —nnn——ornn—nnn——! BY Villani planina dikkat ediniz: Amerikan mimar: en ufak kodseden istifnde etme-

; ‘sini bilmis, ve kullanishligint harici gitzcl manzarastna feda etmemistir. .

Fig. 5.6. An “American villa” published in Yedigtin (1939). The openness, horizontally spread-out

plan, and lawn suggest an automobile-dependent suburban life.

Living Modern: Cubic Houses and Apartments . 207 ——————

Collectively these examples suggest that in the late 1920s and early 1930s, it was not so much architectural style but more the connotations of modern, Western-style living that were promoted with these “model homes.” Their plurality of styles notwithstanding, they all represented new and Western concepts of family life and domestic culture that the republic idealized. This overt admiration of Western models would become increasingly problematic as nationalist sentiments took over toward the end of the 1930s. Still, the appeal of European and American homes and lifestyles seems

never to have diminished for these popular publications. As late as 1938-1939,

Yedigtin featured a series of “model American villas”—the quintessential suburban type of single-story homes with lawns, patios, and garages (fig. 5.6). Without a hint of irony, cost estimates were given for building them out of brick or wood “in the vicinity of Istanbul.” Such model designs evoke a utopian vision of Turkey with suburban middle-class lives, single-family dwellings, and access to modern amenities such

as cars and household appliances—a vision far removed from the realities of the

country.

The highly popular and perhaps most characteristically “republican” magazine, Yedigiin, consistently published model designs for modern homes throughout the 1930s. Many of these were flat-roofed, boxy designs exhibiting the characteristic features of “cubic style” (Rubik tarz), a term used descriptively and, for the most part, with positive connotations until the late 1930s. They ranged in size from minimal dwellings like “a charming three-room box house” or a compact two-story “city house” to a “large villa for big families with many guests” or a “five-room but very functional villa” to be built within a large garden.* In every case, the estimated cost of the house was given, suggesting that these were indeed intended as models to be emulated by prospective owners. Occasionally, some critical commentary was added, as in the case of a “very modern and cubic villa” that had a large, L-shaped living floor, left open or minimally divided for kitchen, living, dining, study, and music areas (fig. 5.7).35 According to the magazine’s commentary, it “sacrificed the plan to aesthetic considerations,” and “while still beautiful and healthy, ... had too few and rather small rooms.” Such comments, coupled with a closer analysis of the actual built examples in Turkey, suggest that although the flat roofs, wide terraces, balconies, and boxy volumes of the “cubic style” were welcomed as expressions of modernity, this understanding of the “modern” was limited to a formal rather than a spatial definition of modern architecture. New concepts of open plan, open kitchen, continuous space, and transparency between layers of space were still undigested by a Wohnkultur accustomed to thinking in terms of “rooms” and traditional concepts of privacy.

In 1936, Yedigtin stated that from then on, in addition to publishing model designs taken from foreign publications, it would also feature designs by Turkish

architects. Through 1938, model designs were “commissioned” (siparis edildi) to one unnamed architect,*° and later they went to Emin Necip Uzman, a prominent re-

publican architect with a successful career mostly in residential design.” Their model designs incorporated some features familiar to the lives of Turkish families,

——— 208 .« Living Modern: Cubic Houses and Apartments !

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: } Bu vill& son derece modern ve kubiktir. Harici manzaras: cok gosterislidir. © | — y Fakat agrk soylemek lazim gelirse harici manzarasinin giizelligine, dahili tak- 5

| -! -simat: kurban edilmistir. Bu villanin konforu mukemmel olmakla beraber oda- :

| 2 lart pek kiguk ve azdir. Buna mukabil bol hava giren genigs pencerelere ve : , _ | 2 spor yapmiya miusait buyuk bir teragaya maliktir. Bu villanin maliyet fiat: +: — _

. : 3 4000 Jira arasindadir, | at , : Fig. 5.7. A “modern villa” identified as “cubic style” and published in the “Your Dream Houses” _ section of Yedigtin (1937). It was praised for “large windows al lowing ample ventilation” and the , a

-exterior.” - - | | -

| provision of a wide terrace that could be used for “sports and exercise.” It was criticized, however, oe because “there are too few rooms and the interior plan has been sacrificed for the beauty of the _ | :

Living Modern: Cubic Houses and Apartments .- 209 —————

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8.50 goon detince tahayyiil ettikleri biitiin ev modelle- Bu hafta size oldukga _kalabalix bir | igin disiniiimastir, Yukardaki planiars + mek salonuna, mutfaga, ve kiles vatite.

pss: Fini bu aayfalarde bulacablardir takai ediyorut | aba ir ale ne kadar kallanglrne | eel naw ann mit eve Bu villa bahse ortasinda inga edilmek | elverishi oldugunu gériirstiniiz. yatak odalari vardir,

Fig. 5.8. Designs for model homes “commissioned to a Turkish architect” by the popular weekly Yedigtin in 1938. Left: A “mountain house” adapting the traditional central-hall plan type. Right: A “large suburban house with six rooms.”

mitigating the conspicuous “foreignness” of the earlier examples taken from Western publications. Most noticeable are the addition of a Turkish-style toilet (alaturka held) separate from the bathroom and the more rigid internal division of the house into separate rooms along a corridor or around a central hall, or sofa, in the manner of traditional Turkish houses (fig. 5.8).3® While the exteriors still displayed the leitmotifs of cubic—boxy aesthetic, cantilevers, terraces, often a single circular window (corresponding to the entrance or the bathroom)—the interiors addressed cultural priorities such as privacy, separate kitchen and pantry (kiler), and separation of the family living room from the more ceremonial guest room. An interesting aspect of Emin Necip Uzman’s designs for Yedigiin is their programmatic definition for hypothetical but very specific client profiles and imagined lifestyles. “A four-room farm house,” “a five-room mountain retreat,” “a four-room village or resort house,” “a five-room urban house for an artist,” and “a six-room house for those living far from the city” are some examples of these carefully identified designs (fig. 5.9).°° This emphasis on the individuality of the family and the need for custom-designed homes was one of the major devices architects employed in seek-

————— 210 .~ Living Modern: Cubic Houses and Apartments

ing professional legitimacy. The implicit claim was that each modern family was unique in its needs for domestic space, and like the services of a family doctor, the

services of a professional architect could best fulfill those needs. At the same time, the designs published in Yedigiin reveal a lot about the images of modernity in the minds of the architects. With their hypothetical sites and approximate costs carefully specified, these designs are evocative of a happily transformed modern Turkey in which families built weekend retreats or decided “to move out of the city” to the suburbs

(sayfiye). The distaste for dense urban life, the idealization of the single-family © dwelling within a garden, and the conspicuous absence of higher-density residential types such as apartments, row houses, and multifamily blocks are important clues to the prevailing ideological climate, about which more will be said later. The reduction of civilization to “civility” and Western lifestyles and the strong pedagogical function of architecture and interior design in inducing these habits and tastes come across strongly in the “contemporary homes” sections of popular magazines. For example, detailed instructions were given on arranging furniture “in the manner of European and American homes,” with small side tables for tea or coffee, table lamps, curtains color-coordinated with upholstery, and so forth (fig. 5.10). A |

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