Miscellania: Theory, Rock Art and Heritage 9781407313016, 9781407342658

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Table of Contents
List of Figures and Tables
Introduction
THE PHOENICIAN HERITAGE IN THE GUADALQUIVIR VALLEY: ANCIENT EGYPTIAN MATERIAL CULTURE, RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND SCIENCE
BOQUEIRÃO OF JATOBÁ GROSSO, CAMPO FORMOSO – BA, BRAZIL: COGNITIVE ARCHAEOLOGY AND ROCK ART
ANALYSIS AND CHARACTERIZATION OF THE MICRO-BIOLOGICAL COLONIZATION OF ROCK SHELTERS WITH PREHISTORIC PAINTINGS IN PORTUGAL
SITES WITH ROCK ART IN THE SERRA DE S. MAMEDE, IN THE MEGALITHIC LANDSCAPES OF THE NORTHERN ALENTEJO
IMAGES AND MEMORY: THE CASE OF THE FIELD OF ENGRAVINGS OF GUANCHINCITO (CA. 1250-1400 AD, CATAMARCA, ARGENTINA)
CATALOGACIÓN, RESTAURACIÓN Y CONSERVACIÓN DE LOS MATERIALES ARQUEOLÓGICOS RUPESTRES DEL PARQUE ARQUEOLÓGICO DE FACATATIVÁ
HISTORY OF THE EMERGENCE AND DEVELOPMENT NEW ARCHAEOLOGY, CONTEMPORARY THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL LEGACY FOR THE MODERN RUSSIAN SCIENCE
URBAN ARCHAEOLOGY IN SÃO CRISTÓVÃO CITY, NE-BRAZIL
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE OF THE BLACK OCCUPANCY IN SÃO FRANCISCO DO SUL – SANTA CATARINA, BRAZIL
PERSPECTIVES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURATION: A CASE STUDY ON THE LABORATORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY PETER HILBERT
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES AT CÓRDOBA’S PROVINCE, ARGENTINA. A COOPERATIVE CONSTRUCTION OF A GEOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION SYSTEM (GIS) FOR MANAGEMENT
SEARCHING FOR MULTIVOCALITY: PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY IN URBAN CENTRAL BRAZIL

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UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION OF PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XVI WORLD CONGRESS (FLORIANÓPOLIS, 4-10 SEPTEMBER 2011) ACTES DU XVI CONGRÈS MONDIAL (FLORIANÓPOLIS, 4-10 SEPTEMBRE 2011) VOL. 11

Miscellania Theory, Rock Art and Heritage

Edited by

Luiz Oosterbeek Cláudia Fidalgo

BAR International Series 2659 2014

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2659 Proceedings of the XVI World Congress of the International Union of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences Actes du XVI Congrès mondial de l’Union Internationale des Sciences Préhistoriques et Protohistoriques Secretary of the Congress: Rossano Lopes Bastos President of the Congress National Commission: Erika Robrhan-Gonzalez Elected President: Jean Bourgeois Elected Secretary General: Luiz Oosterbeek Elected Treasurer: François Djindjian Series Editors: Luiz Oosterbeek, Erika Robrhan-Gonzalez Volume title: Miscellania: Theory, Rock Art and Heritage Volume editors: Luiz Oosterbeek and Cláudia Fidalgo Miscellania © The editors and contributors severally and the Publisher 2014 The signed papers are the sole responsibility of their authors. Les textes signés sont de la seule responsabilité de leurs auteurs. Contacts: General Secretariat of the U.I.S.P.P. – International Union of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, Av. Dr. Cândido Madureira 13, 2300 TOMAR Email: [email protected] The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407313016 paperback ISBN 9781407342658 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407313016 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2014. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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Table of Contents The Phoenician Heritage in the Guadalquivir Valley: ancient egyptian material culture, religious thought and science .............................................................................. 1

Alicia MEZA Boqueirão of Jatobá Grosso, Campo Formoso – BA, Brazil: cognitive archaeology and rock art ................................................................................. 11 Cleberson Carlos Xavier de ALBUQUERQUE;Anne Grazielle Azevedo de ALMEIDA Analysis and Characterization of the Micro-biological Colonization of Rock Shelters with Prehistoric Paintings in Portugal ..................................................... 19 H. GOMES; P. ROSINA; L. SANTOS Sites with Rock Art in the Serra de S. Mamede, in the Megalithic Landscapes of the Northern Alentejo ................................................................................................. 25 Clara OLIVEIRA; Jorge de OLIVEIRA Images and Memory: the case of the field of engravings of Guanchincito (ca. 1250-1400 ad, Catamarca, Argentina) ..................................................................... 31 Mara BASILE; Norma RATTO Catalogación, Restauracióny Conservación de los Materiales Arqueológicos Rupestres del Parque Arqueológico de Facatativá.......................................................... 39 Guillermo MUÑOZ CASTILBLANCO History of the emergence and development New Archaeology, contemporary theoretical and methodological legacy for the modern Russian science ............................................................................................ 53 I. SHUTELEVA Urban Archaeology in São Cristóvão City, Ne-Brazil ......................................................... 55 Diogo M. COSTA The archaeological heritage of the blackoccupancy in São Fancisco do Sul – Santa Catarina, Brazil ..................................................................................................... 61 Fernanda Mara BORBA; Dione da Rocha BANDEIRA i

Perspectives of archaeological curation: a case study on the laboratory of archaeology Peter Hilbert ........................................................................................... 69 Daiane PEREIRA Archaeological sites at Córdoba’s province, Argentina. A cooperative construction of a geographical information system (GIS) for management ........................................ 77 Thiago COSTA Searching for multivocality: public archaeology in urban central Brazil ............................. 83 Renata de GODOY

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List of Figures and Tables A. MEZA: The Phoenician Heritage in the Guadalquivir Valley: ancient egyptian material culture, religious thought and science Figure 1. Astarte Front ........................................................................................................... 2 Figure 2. Phoenician Expansion in theMediterranean ............................................................ 2 Figure 3. Phoenician Inscription ............................................................................................ 3 Figure 4. Astarte side ............................................................................................................. 3 Figure 5. Astarte profile ......................................................................................................... 3 Figure 6. Astarte back ............................................................................................................ 4 Figure 7. Isis with Phoenician inscription .............................................................................. 4 Figure 8. Amenirdis I ............................................................................................................. 5 Figure 9. Princess Ankhnesneferibre...................................................................................... 6 Figure 10. Lyre Players. Left from Beirut. Right from Kamid el-Loz ................................... 7 Figure 11. Astarte depicted at Khargah .................................................................................. 7 Figure 12. Astarte with cow’s feet ......................................................................................... 7 Figure 13. Egyptian temple at Gebelein ................................................................................. 8

C.C.X.DEALBUQUERQUE&A.G.A. DE ALMEIDA: BoqueirãoofJatobá Grosso, CampoFormoso – BA, Brazil: cognitivearchaeologyandrockart Figure 1. Edges of the perimeter at area for protection at archaeological heritage .............. 12 Figure 2. Scene where we see concentric circles that spread through various panels and in this particular scene we see a kind of cult of the circles ........................... 16 Figure 3. Figurations see in particular geometrical shapes of the concentric circle exposed in the previous figure .............................................................................. 16 Diagram 1.Representation of Mithen’s cathedral stages. The mind see under a cathedral....................................................................................................................... 14 Diagram 2. Diagram of the result of bibliography study and dialogues behind the inference ideas, born a new base to research ................................................ 15

H.GOMES et al.: Analysis and Characterization of the Micro-biological Colonization of Rock Shelters with Prehistoric Paintings in Portugal Figure 1. Simplified geologic map of the Iberian Peninsula ................................................ 20 Figure 2.The most frequent lichens of this site are the following species ............................ 21 iii

C. OLIVEIRA & J. de OLIVEIRA: Sites with Rock Art in the Serra de S. Mamede, in the Megalithic Landscapes of the Northern Alentejo Figure 1. Location of the rock art of Serra de S. Mamede ................................................... 26 Figure 2. Rock art of Gaivões Shelter .................................................................................. 27 Table 1. Sample APM2, taken from a strip of charcoal and ash around 40 cm from the surface, gave the historical date of 960 ± 40 BP .............................................. 28

M. BASILE & N. RATTO: Images and Memory: the case of the field of engravings of Guanchincito (ca. 1250-1400 ad, Catamarca, Argentina) Figure 1. Locational map forsites of Bolsón de Fiambaláand principal valleysand provinces mentioned in the text .................................................................... 32 Figure 2. Spatial distribution of engraved blocks, agricultural fields and burials at Guanchincito site ............................................................................................................ 33 Figure 3. Left: view of engraved blocks in Guanchincito landscape. Right: view of one of the engraved blocks with agricultural fields walls behind .............................. 34 Figure 4. Examples of imagesrepertoires typical of (a) late periods and (b) first millennium societies displayed on Guanchincito engraved blocks................................. 35 Table 1. Summary of residential and funerary archaeological sites with radiocarbon dates associated to Guanchincito site ................................................. 34

D.M. COSTA: Urban Archaeology in São Cristóvão City, Ne-Brazil Map 1. Locationofthe São Cristóvão City ............................................................................ 55 Map 2. Small red circles central plazas, large blue circle High City.................................... 56 Map 3. Worked places in the city ......................................................................................... 56 Map 4. Ceramic concentration area...................................................................................... 57 Map 5. Glass concentration area .......................................................................................... 57 Map 6. Pottery concentration area........................................................................................ 58 Map 7. Metal concentration area .......................................................................................... 58 Map 8. Bone concentration area ........................................................................................... 58

F.M. BORBA & D. DA R. BANDEIRA: The archaeological heritage of the blackoccupancy in São Fancisco do Sul – Santa Catarina, Brazil Figure 1. Location map of the Babitonga Bay ..................................................................... 62 Figure 2. Context of slavery in the territory of the State in the nineteenth century..................................................................................................... 63 Figure 3. Colonial house in São Francisco do Sul. Private property .................................... 66 Figure 4. Structure of a colonial ruin in São Francisco do Sul. Private property ................. 66 Figure 5. Bowls of pipes fond in São Francisco do Sul. Private property ............................ 66

D. PEREIRA: Perspectives of archaeological curation: a case study on the laboratory of archaeology Peter Hilbert Figure 1. Peter Hilbert Storage Room, first floor ................................................................. 71 Figure 2. Peter Hilbert Storage Room, second floor ............................................................ 71 Figure 3. Peter Hilbert Storage Room, collection of entire pieces ....................................... 72

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T. COSTA: Archaeological sites at Córdoba’s province, Argentina. A cooperative construction of a geographical information system (GIS) for management Figure 1. Location of Cordoba’s Province in South America .............................................. 78 Figure 2. Archaeological sites known during the first attempt of data systematization ................................................................................................... 79 Figure 3. Archaeological sites known at the present ............................................................ 80 Figure 4, 5 and 6. Fieldwork in collaboration with local actors ........................................... 81

R. de GODOY: Searching for multivocality: public archaeology in urban central Brazil Figure 1. Location of the case study site in the Brazilian Federal District ........................... 84 Figure 2. Location of archaeological sites inside ARIE JK, also referred as the Park.................................................................................................. 85

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Introduction This volume brings together several papers delivered in different sessions that, for various reasons, were not completely published. Four major themes are involved: cultural interactions, rock art, theory and heritage. Papers by A. Meza and F. Vergara discuss intercultural issues, in archaeological and ethnoarchaeological contexts. The paper by Albuquerque and Almeida on cognitive archaeology opens a sequece of five papers dedicated to rock art issues, including pigments studies (Gomes, Rosina and Santos), landscape analysis (Oliveira and Oliveira; Basille and Ratto) and methodology (G. Muñoz). The relations between New Archaeology and modern Russian research are the focus of discussion by I. Shucteleva. Urban and modern archaeology in the context of heritage management of contact are discussed in the papers by D. Costa, F. Borba and D. Bandeira, D. Pereiosta and R. Godoy. Luiz Oosterbeek

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THE PHOENICIAN HERITAGE IN THE GUADALQUIVIR VALLEY: ANCIENT EGYPTIAN MATERIAL CULTURE, RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AND SCIENCE Alicia I. MEZA Metropolitan College of New York, NY, USA

Abstract: As the Phoenician trade routes extended towards the Western Mediterranean Sea, new colonies and centers developed along its coasts. The center of Ancient Gadir was of paramount significance in this new commercial exchange. The Phoenician exchange extended far inland along the Guadalquivir River and its valley. Phoenician temples dedicated to their gods were erected, and religious cults were established in the whole area overlooking the Mediterranean Sea. Along with trade the Phoenician passed on the religious rituals and artifacts that were revealing not only their believes, but also the tenements of Egyptian religion, art and Science. Today the Archaeological Museum of Cadiz seats on a street called “Calle del Tinte” or “Dye Street”. Numerous Egyptian statuettes and other Egyptianized objects are in exhibition in the Museum and Museum’s vaults. One of the most beautiful of these statuettes- and the most revealing -is the Carambolo statuette, which is in the Archaeological Museum in Seville. An investigation at these objects will be attempted here, although not an extensive- one (but a rather interesting!), highlighting the relations between Ancient Egyptian religion and Science in their Punic context.

On the other hand, Phoenicia was an important trading partner of Egypt and the Egyptians coveted not only the purple dye textiles of the Phoenicians, but also their famous cedar wood from Byblos, as is attested in the Ancient Egyptian literature. As commerce intensified and Egyptian influence in the region increased, their religious ideas, rituals and artifacts became part of the Phoenician cargo abroad. The Phoenician main objective, when searching for new ports of call, was to find sites that could yield valuable raw materials, such as gold, silver and tin used in the manufacture of their prestigious objects. These ports of call eventually developed into permanent settlements and towns, which adopted Phoenician culture and language. Some of those sites became large cities, like Gadir in Spain. Following the Phoenician trade routes and the trail of Egyptian cultural remains left behind by these mariners, one can trace the extent of Egyptian influence over the whole Mediterranean region, from Tyre in Phoenicia to Gadir, the modern city of Cadiz, in Spain. This important center had a large temple dedicated to the cult of the Phoenician god Melkart. Numerous Egyptian and Egyptianized objects have been found in the region of Cadiz and the Guadalquivir River. The Archaeological Museum of Cadiz seats in a very old area of the ancient city near the shore, probably the beginning of the ancient settlement. A very narrow and old street, running by the main door of

INTRODUCTION Although the real name of the Phoenicians has never been established, Phoenician is a word of Greek origin meaning “red or purple”, perhaps they were called so referring to the purple dye, made of a marine mollusc the murex, which they used to color wools and fabrics. The Egyptians called the Phoenicians Retenu, but the Phoenicians called themselves Canaanites a word of Eastern Semitic origin. This word in Hebrew means merchant and Canaan the land of merchants. These names account for a description of what distinguished the Phoenicians best, since they were excellent mariners and merchants. Peddling their wares they took over the Greeks’ marine trade routes in the Mediterranean Sea, expanding their commerce to the far shores of Morocco, on the Atlantic Ocean, England and Portugal, where they established important settlements. Several distinctive aspects of their culture individualized them as a paramount civilization in the Levant. They were credited by the Greeks as the inventors of the alphabet, “the Phoinikeia Grammata” and they were responsible for carrying with them the culture and religion of Ancient Egypt, which was intrinsically related to Science. For the Ancient Egyptians religion, writing and art, was all part of the practice of the Science of Medicine and Magic.1. 1 I want to acknowledge: La Junta de Andalucia, Consejeria de Cultura, Delegacion Provincial de Cultura, Museo Arqueologico de Sevilla, Directora Dra Concepcion San Martin Montilla for kindly providing me with the photographs of the statuette (Diosa Astarte REP 11136) and to Dr Fernando Fernandez Gomez, Curator of the Archaeological Museum of Seville for his valuable information and patience with my numerous enquiries. My thanks to Dr Nicholas Vella, Senior Lecturer, Department of Classics and Archaeology, University of Malta, for his advice and information; to Ms Deidre Lawrence, Librarian, Ms Mary Gow and Mr Carl Olson, Assistant Librarians at The Wilbour Library of Egyptology, Brooklyn

Museum, for their great assistance with my research. To Mr Gregory Lewis, Manager for Library Services and Dr Holger Henke Assistant Professor from The Metropolitan College, NY, for their kind help with my research. I must acknowledge Dr John Lund, Assistant Keeper, Senior Researcher of Classical and Near Eastern Antiquities at the National Museum of Denmark, for his important information. Finally to Ms Maria Ellul for reading this manuscript. I should like to thank warmly Dr A-A Maravelia for her editing, proposed amendments, bibliographical additions and her offered photos for my paper.

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the museum, is named “Calle del Tinte” or “Street of the Dye”, where probably, given its proximity to the coast, was the site of the ancient town’s market. The ancient population of the region of Cadiz, the Tartessians, assimilated Phoenician religion and language, which was spoken there, until the Christian era was well advanced. Although it is believed that Gadir or Cadiz was founded during 1100 BC, some scholars dispute this dating as being too high. The proven dating of excavated areas in other sites around the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea are mostly 8th century BC. A possible explanation for this discrepancy is that before this date Phoenician settlements were just temporary shelters and not yet established sites. The intensive Phoenician exchange in the area of the Guadalquivir Valley, during the 8th-7th centuries BC, resulted in the local Tartessian elite acquiring quantities of luxury items in return for gold, silver and other raw materials. The Phoenician settlements provided a large field of opportunity for selling new Egyptian religious ideas and rituals to the local masses. Many religious items introduced in the area by Phoenician merchants have been traced to workshops in the Phoenician mainland, however some may have been produced in local workshops run by Phoenicians or Phoenician trained local craft men. Numerous bronze Egyptian and Egyptianized statuettes have been found in the area of the ancient isles of Cadiz. It seems the authentic Egyptian artifacts were brought by the Phoenicians directly from Egypt. Other artifacts were manufactured in carefully Egyptian artistic tradition. Usually these artifact were located in tombs or among the remains of the temple to Melkart in Cadiz. One particular statuette, now in the deposit of the Archaeological Museum of Cadiz, represents a striding king wearing a kilt and a headdress representing the white crown of Egypt. In his hand he has a staff similar to the representation of King Tutankhmun on one of his statuettes found in his tomb. A trace of a hieroglyph can be seen carved on the back of this statuette. Other artifacts are of mixed iconography, Egyptian and Mesopotamian, one may represent the bearded god Reshep.2

important enclave of the Phoenician cult to Astarte, a lotus flower was engraved on part of a column indicating the Astarte connection with Hathor, whose symbol was the lotus flower.4

Figure 1. Astarte Front. Courtesy Archaeological Museum of Seville

An important find in the Guadalquivir Valley area was the statuette of the goddess Astarte, REP 11136 in the Seville Archaeological Museum, which presents a unique glimpse to the mixed religious iconography of the 8th millennium BC. The statuette was discovered at the hill of El Carambolo, near the modern city of Seville, however its real origin or context has never been clearly determined.3 The cult of the goddess Astarte, as that of Isis, was geographically extensive and it was not only limited to Phoenician enclaves in the Mediterranean world, but it also expanded to other regions, such as Memphis in Egypt and Ugarit in Syria. In order to appeal to both, Phoenician and Egyptian worshipers, Astarte was usually depicted in the iconography of Isis or Hathor. For instance in Malta in the temple of Tas-Silg, which was an

Figure 2. Phoenician Expansion in the Mediterranean 4 See Sola-Sole, 1966: 97, footnote 3: “According to the Director of the Museum Dra Fernandez-Chicarro the statuette was found in El Carambolo in 1960 or 1962 under unknown circumstances and given to the Museum in 1963”.

2

Ghalioungui, 1973: 1-25. Estes, 1989: 14-26. Wilkinson, 1994: 148191. 3 See Aubet, 2001: 1-9; 70-75; 113-116;162-173; 202-291.

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Since its acquisition by the museum, the votive statuette has been the focus of much scrutiny and controversy concerning its Egyptianized style and Phoenician inscription. The importance of this inscription is, that it is by far, the most complete surviving Phoenician inscription ever found. It states that “the worshiper gives his unending gratitude to Astarte and proclaims the goddess’ wonderful powers of healing and protection”.5 As to confirm this claim, the serene, almost smiling face of the statuette expresses a kind and compassionate nature, inasmuch as her overall appearance gives no definite information about its identity. In spite of being identified as an Asiatic goddess, her enigmatic dark completion and African features suggest a high-ranking position within the pantheon of African deities. On the other hand, her Egyptianized style and pose contrast with the statuette’s voluptuous nude body; a form of representation seldom found in Ancient Egyptian standard portraiture.

Figure 4. Astarte side. Courtesy Archaeological Museum of Seville

Figure 3. Phoenician Inscription. Courtesy Archaeological Museum of Seville

Figure 5. Astarte profile. Courtesy Archaeological Museum of Seville

THE EGYPTIANIZED ASTARTE

wrist. This arm is flexed upright as if it had been holding something on its hand. The statuette has a Hathorianringletedwig, that reaches the mid-back in a central angle. The front tresses go behind her quite large ears and then rest on her breasts. Her ears are pierced and she wears round flat earrings, perhaps simulating a rosette. Observed from the front, the statuette’s body is in disproportion to its legs which are quite long. Her feet and toes are also elongated and flat, as represented in Egyptian statuary of the New Kingdom. The face, tilted a little to its left side, is round and full. The nose is flat and wide, as seen in African people; however her lips are thin and elongated. The forefront is covered by a rectangular

The Carambolo statuette obviously presents a typically Ancient Egyptian iconography. Her legs and feet are positioned together in Egyptian art style. The feet rest on a hollow stool made of bronze, which is engraved in its front side (4.1 cm width x 2.80 cm height) with a five line Phoenician inscription. The statuette (16.5 cm height and 4.1 cm. width) was made of solid bronze, using the lostwax process. The arms have been attached to her body, as shown by a hollow, where her missing left arm was attached. The right arm, still preserved, is truncated at the 5

See Meza, 2003: 99-105.

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fringe and the painted line of the eyebrows extend beyond the corner of the eyes, almost reaching her temples. The eyes, almost covered by the eyelids, are almond shape and they have an inner epicanthic fold. The eyes are delineated with an upper and lower cosmetic line. The cosmetic lines unite at the corner of the eye and continue, exceeding the length of the line of the eyebrows. The upper and lower cosmetic lines also are united at the eye’s inner canthus. The cheeks are high, making a fold near the nose and mouth. The breasts are round and erect and the area of the navel presents a distinctive “donut shape”.6 The back of the statuette shows a stout body, straight, without marking the waist. The buttocks are as voluminous and round as the breasts. Part of an attachment seen below, would have fastened the statuette to the missing seat.

Astarte and “hbrytnt k” are translated: “I’shtarHrrbtn k, for Astarte Hr our lady, because she heard the voice of our words”. According to Cross and Wippert, who follow the citation in the Ugaritic texts and in the Egyptian texts from the New Kingdom, theword Hr means Hurrian or Hurrite.8 Based on the style of the inscription, these scholars dated the statuette as 750 BC. Not all scholars agree with the particulars of the Seville statuette.9 Therefore, there are three main issues to be addressed here: The identification of the statuette, which according to the inscription is the goddess Astarte. However, the word “Hr” following her name, has not been definitively translated. Adding to this discrepancy is its nudity, which has been considered more Phoenician than Egyptian, in spite of its Egyptianized style. The manufacture’s date of the statuette has been given as mid-8th century BC. This date, also disputed, is based on the type of “calligraphy” of the inscription. The provenance of the statuette is also argued, because some scholars think the statuette may have been crafted in local workshops, under the direction of Phoenicians living in the area. So far, there is no specific evidence to support that idea. Most scholars believe that the statuette was an import from Phoenicia or another Phoenician center in the Mediterranean Sea.

Figure 6. Astarte back. Courtesy Archaeological Museum of Seville

THE INSCRIPTION The Phoenician inscription consists of five lines (Fig. 3). It was first translated and published by J.M. Sola-Sole as: “Offering made by Blytn, son of Dmlk and ‘Bdbl son of Dmlk, oracle priests, for Ishtr “friend of Tanit”?, because she heard the voice of their words”. The line where is the name of the goddess is not clear and the word “hbry” translated as “a friend” was later disputed by another translation by Javier Teixidor.7 Here the words “Ishtr”, 6 However, the first two translations do not agree as to the interpretation of the whole inscription, see Sola-Sole, 1966: 97-108 and also Teixidor, 1975: 197-98. These words of the inscription also recall us of the mysterious healing powers of the Egyptian goddesses Isis and Sekhmet, see Lurker, 1995: 105-106. 7 According to Bothmer, 1989 Classes, this distinctive shape of bellybutton was a predominant treat in the representation of the Ptolemaic Period. However according to Russmann, 2008: personal communication, this shape was already developing in representation of the Late Period.

Figure 7. Isis with Phoenician inscription. Courtesy National Archaeological Museum Malta 8 See Sola-Sole, 1966:98, translates “Ishtar hry” as “...companion or friend of Astarte”. Teixidor, 1975: 197, Footnote 3, 4, translates “I’strt hr” as “Astarte Hurrite”. 9 See Cross, 1971: 189-95 and Wippert, 1971: 493-494, where Hurrian Ishtar is considered to be identical with Ishtar of Nineveth, the statue sent to Amenophis III by Tusharatta, in order to cure his illness.

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and Hathor were sometimes portrayed, in paintings and carvings, as the goddess Isis. Similarly, other depictions of Astarte in the Mediterranean world showed her as Isis. For instance in Malta, an amulet found in a Phoenician tomb had a scrap of papyrus rolled inside depicting a goddess with an Isis headdress, dressed in a 18th Dynasty costume and sash. Next to the goddess, a Phoenician inscription exhorts the dead “to have a safe and good voyage through the Netherworld”.11 Her headdress, dress and sash agree with the depiction of Isis as a royal female of the 18th Dynasty. However, the distorted features of Isis indicates that the papyrus, or the amulet, were not made in Egypt or by an Egyptian crafter. Equally, the cult to Astarte was well rooted in Egypt, in the city of Memphis, where the goddess was represented in an Astarteon, part of the Serapeum. At Khargah, in the temple of Hibis, there are three representations of Astarte, which date from the 5th century BC. Other representations of Astarte as Isis date from the 6th and 7th centuries BC.12 The name Astarte in Greek, “Astronoe” is a variant of the word “Astron”, star, constellation, which is a Hellenization of the name Phoenicio-Punic of “Astarny”. This term is attested in Rhodes and Carthage and in an inscription from Tyre, which mentions the goddess as the “Mother of the Gods”.13 Her cult was transported overseas, to Mediterranean centers in Cyprus, Sicily, Malta, Spain and the coast of Africa. As mentioned above, Hathor, Ht-Hr, had similar stellar connotations. The meaning of her name, “Mansion of Horus”, refers to her husband Horus. An annual festival in Egypt celebrated the conjugal visit of Horus from his temple at Edfu to the temple of the goddess Hathor at Denderah. The name “IshtrHr” in this particular inscription at the foot of the statuette in Seville, could indicate her dual connotation: Astarte and Hathor.14 This is also a possible explanation for the Hathor style wig seen on the statuette. Although we do not know for certain, her raised hand might have held a lotus flower, symbol of Hathor.

Figure 8. Amenirdis I. Photo provided by the author

IDENTITY One of the details in the artistic style of the Seville statuette, that has puzzled scholars, is her nudity, which sets her apart from other examples in Egyptian sculpture. The only Egyptian goddess systematically depicted nude is Nut, who as a sky goddess is seen among the stars covering the ceilings of the royal tombs and the underlids of sarcophagi. Although this goddess presents different iconography from other Egyptian goddesses, she was in effect linked by synchretism to Isis, Hathor and Sekhmet. These goddesses were depicted wearing the solar disc, the horns or the stars of the celestial cow, symbol of Hathor represented at Denderah. Although these goddesses were different in the Egyptian pantheon, with different personalities and roles, they could assume the same representation, by showing each other’s symbols, since they were all the daughters of the sun god Re and had an unequaled power over the other gods and also humans. The personality of Astarte as that of Ishtar, the Mesopotamian goddess, had also diverse aspects, such as that of “the warrior goddess” depicted with armor and riding a horse. This Astarte’s aspect would be the equivalent of the Egyptian goddess Sekhmet, who as the daughter of Re, was set out to punish humanity for their sins. Sekhmet was also equivalent to the goddess Mut, the warrior goddess of Egypt, defending the land against its enemies.10 Perhaps the most revealing aspect of Sakhmet that may be linked to the statuette of Astarte is that of the “healer”, since Sakhmet was the goddess of healing and medicine. Another aspect of Astarte was as the goddess of love and fecundity, perhaps the reason for being depicted nude. This aspect would correspond to the Egyptian goddess Hathor, the goddess of carnal love, merriment, beauty and fecundity. Hathor’s symbols were the sistrum, to make music, and the lotus flower. Sekhmet 10

DATE The statuette has been dated as 750 BC mostly relying on the stylistic details of the inscription on the stool. However, the African features with flat nose, the fold extending from her nostrils, her thin and almost smiling lips, as well as her nudity, are all aspects found in representations of goddesses and royal women during the Kushite Period of Egypt.15 At about 715 BC Piankhi, King of Kush became the ruler of most of Egypt, the beginning of the 25th Dynasty. In 11 See Fazzini, 1996: 128-29; 134-136; 138-9; Estes, 1989:129; 162. 12 See Meza, 2002: 790-801. 13 See De Garis Davis, 1938-1956: 6; 8; 10; 12; Pl. 2; 4 and Quaegebeur, 1988: 159. 14 See Lipinski, 1995: 131-132; 137-139; 142; 152. 15 See Bonnet, 1988: 159-163 and Footnote 42, where there are interpretations of Ishtar Hr as Astarte-Horus.

See Jimenez-Avila, 2002: 290-293.

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MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

order to legalize his rule, Piankhi’s sister Amenardis I was adopted by the Divine Adoratrice Shepenwepet I. Two statuettes of Amenardis I one in Cairo and another in Nebraska, show the princess with Nubian features, broad nose and the famous “Kushite fold” extending at the sides of her nostrils; her wig is parted, with two tresses behind her ears.

represented with broad Nubian features.19 She has a wig with the tresses behind her ears and the eyebrows and cosmetic lines extended to her temples. This type of cosmetic lines were the style of the 18th Dynasty and continued during the Late Period. The statue of Amenirdis I and the figurine from Cambridge of Ankhnesneferibre, both resemble the statuette of Seville, which could be dated at the end of the 25th and the beginning of the 26th Dynasties of Egypt (650-589 BC). This date would be about a hundred years, or more, later than the given date of 750 BC of the Phoenician inscription. A plausible explanation could be that the manufacture of the statuette was of a later date using the Egyptian style of the period, but using an earlier style of inscription for a closer identification with their Astarte cult.20

Already at the end of the rule of the Libyan kings women statuary consisted of full and voluptuous forms.16 In addition, during the Late Period, Egyptian bronzes were sculpted usually either as vases or as votive statuettes offered to divinities by pilgrims, either seeking special favors or giving thanks for them.17 The arms were manufactured separately and affixed to the body. These are all features observed in the Seville statuette. While the patroness of the Libyan kings was the goddess Bastet from the Delta the pharaohs of the South were closer to the Hathor cult.18

PROVENANCE Although there is the possibility that the statuette was manufactured in the Guadalquivir region, evidence may indicate that the statuette was an import. Comparative figurines and statuettes manufactured in Phoenician cities or in islands in the Aegean resemble the iconography of El Carambolo statuette. For instance, a figurine made of bronze in a brownish patina, today in the Copenhagen National Museum, has similar Egyptian style.21 It is 4.3 cm high and represents a seated man playing a typically Western Asiatic five string lyre. The musician has a wig similar to the Seville statuette, but bobbed, shorter and straight around the shoulders. His body is more delineated than the statuette in Seville and the features are not African, they resemble more the Mesopotamian type. The player also has elongated arms and legs. His feet are also large. He wears a long, narrow dress and his posture, feet and knees are together in Egyptian style. In general, the manufacture of this figurine is coarser and less attractive than the Seville statuette. The player is seated on a round high stool with a loose spiral ring placed on a rectangular plate. This statuette has been dated 8th century BC. Other statuettes representing musicians of Egyptianized style had been found at Nimrud. A standing figurine of a lyre player, similar to the one in Copenhagen, was found at Kamid el-Loz, in Lebanon. It is made of ivory and has an Egyptianized shoulder length wig, but his hair is straight and curled up at the tips. The long and fittingly tight garment is fastened above the waist with a band. His face is half smiling and the lack of eyes, may indicate that his eyes are closed and listening to the music.22 His face is round and his features are also coarse with a big nose, but his lips, as in the Seville statuette, are thin and long. He is also playing a five string lyre and has large hands and feet, which are

Figure 9. Princess Ankhnesneferibre. Copy by the author

Psamenticus I, the first king of the 26th Dynasty ruled from Sais in the Delta. Although the Saite kings were from the North they also adopted the Kushite style of representation in sculpture in the round. A statue of Ankhnesneferibre, the daughter of Psamenticus II, Great Priestess of Hathor and Divine Adoratrice of Amun, is

19

See Bonnet, 1996: 63-67. See Aubert and Aubert, 2001: 145-146; Pl. 14. 21 See Bonnet, 1996:127. 22 This statuette was brought from Tyre by the Danish Vice-Consul in Beirut, Julius Loytved and it was later acquired by the museum in 1882. See Buhl, 1974: 67; 70 and Buhl, 1992: 139-150. Also Meyer, 1987: 167-180. 20

16 See Aubert and Aubert, 2001: 136-137 and Rieftahl, 1943-1944; Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, 1944: 7-17; Pl. 5-6. 17 See Russmann, 1974: 9-16 and Bothmer, 1960: 1-2, Pl. 1-2; 12-13, Pl. 11; 118-120, Pl. 88, 89. 18 See Hill, 2004: 53-59.

6

A.I. MEZA: THE PHOENICIAN HERITAGE IN THE GUADALQUIVIR VALLEY...

of Lower Egypt is an indication the goddess is recognized as another Egyptian divinity in the North. Also, the goddess is depicted wearing a white crown, riding on a horse and carrying a bow, arrows and a scorpion, an indication that she was also recognized in Upper Egypt. The scorpion was the symbol of the Scorpion goddess of Mesopotamia, but also of the goddess Selket. In another scene, Astarte is shown again in a red crown drawing a bow. In Register VII, several scenes show HT-Hr wearing cow’s horns, the symbol of Hathor, who is mentioned as “Lady of the Sycamore”. Hathor is also represented seven times with different epithets, such as “Queen of Cows”, “Lady of On”, “Lady of Thebes” and “Lady of the Delta”. Plate 4, South Wall, Register I, Astarte wears tall plumes on her head, she has cow’s feet!!. Figure 10. Lyre Players Left from Beirut. Right from Kamid el-Loz positioned together in Egyptian style. The known origin of these statuettes and their similar Egyptianized style may indicate that the site of the workshop of the Seville statuette could be Tyre or a nearby place. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Obviously among the objects found in the area of Cadiz and Seville, the Astarte statuette is the most important and revealing about the double religious connotation Egyptian and Phoenician. Perhaps in order to appeal to both Egyptians and Phoenicians, it was styled in the dual representation of Astarte and Hathor, Ht-Hr, or it was simply done, in order to suggest that both goddesses were really the same deity. This statuette also presents unique evidence of the blended Phoenician and Egyptian beliefs, through its Phoenician inscription. A case also found in Malta. The statuette duality may also be an indication that it was produced in a site in, or near the Phoenician homeland, Mesopotamia or Egypt. These are possible places where this type of duality would have been clearly recognized and meant something to both, the Phoenician and the Egyptian worshiper. For instance, the goddess Astarte was greatly recognized in Egypt, where she was included in the decoration of the sanctuary in the temple of Hibis at Khargah. Astarte here shows not only her diverse iconography, but also the dualism and identification with the Egyptian goddesses Hathor, Sekhmet and Isis. There are three instances in which Astarte is depicted this way.23 In Register I on Plate 3 North wall of the sanctuary,24 “there is a nude woman in full-front view and a goddess wearing the disk, horns and a vulture cap”. In Register II, “a woman accompanied by a lioness and a Lion-headed goddess with a sistrum”, the symbol of Hathor. In Register III, Astarte is represented in a red crown, armed with bow, arrows and quiver, which are the typical elements of Astarte. The red crown 23 24

Figure 11. Astarte depicted at Khargah. Copy by the author

Figure 12. Astarte with cow’s feet. Copy by the author

See Echt, 1985: 81. See Quaegebeur, 1988: 159, Footnote 13.

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MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

She holds a bow and arrows.25 In Register VII she is shown with two heads one of a lioness and the other of the bearded god Reshep. The representation of Astarte with cow’s feet is pretty obvious that she is identified even in Egypt as the goddess Hathor. The other two goddesses shown along are Isis and Sekhmet, which are also identified with Hathor. As to reaffirm this idea, in Phoenicia, the excavations at Gebelein in the Egyptian temple, uncovered a slab stone engraved in low relief representing a votive scene. The slab stone, now in the Beirut Museum, is divided in two vertical, back to back symmetrical scenes showing a king offering to a goddess.

women and goddesses were cast in bronze, using the lost wax process and represented in a similar manner.28 Another association of the statuette with the Egyptian goddess Sekhmet and the healing powers of this goddess, was that Egyptians prayed for healing not only to her but also to the deified architect Imhotep who had built the pyramid of Sakhara and was the physician of Zoser (2800 BC). Later, he was also identified with the Greek god Aesculapius29. Phoenicians knew all these facts and they used to the advantage of their trade and profit all over the Mediterranean, much as today’s globalization of inventions and goods. Egyptians were the champions of creativity in which, exact sciences, such as arithmetic, architecture, chemistry and the arts where concerned, they did used for their daily life and were taken over by the rest of the world as such. Phoenicians exchanged their knowledge of purple dye and maritime expertise with the Egyptians and the synchretism of Astarte with the Egyptian goddesses of beauty, healing and compassion was unavoidable. However, much more information about the statuette’s provenance could be extracted from a chemical analysis of the material used in its manufacture. The elements used in the composition of the bronze could be traced, either to local raw materials, or to sites abroad. However, if local raw materials were part of the commercial exchange and were taken back to workshops in Phoenicia or to other centers in the colonies, it would be difficult to determine with certainty, if the statuette was locally made.

On the first scene the king is on his knees, offering two nwt pots to the seated goddess, who has the face of a lioness and wears the disk and horns of Hathor. On the top left there are two erased cartouches and an inscription: HtHrmrynbKbn, “Beloved of Hathor, the lord of Byblos”. The other tablet shows the seated goddess Hathor giving her back to the other goddess, facing and receiving a king’s offering, who is also on his knees. The inscription is the same but is nbKbnHtHrmry, “The lord of Byblos beloved of Hathor”. In both scenes the goddess is telling the king he is the lord of Byblos and beloved of Hathor. Perhaps the inscriptions were meant to indicate the dual identity of Hathor and Astarte, really reading “The lady of Byblos beloved of Hathor”.26 The alternate representations of Astarte and Hathor in diverse sites in Malta also attest to this idea.27

My conclusion is that the word Hr in the inscription, refers to Hathor, since the Seville statuette is wearing a Hathorian wig and is seated in an Egyptian pose. Astarte was well venerated in Egypt as she was in Phoenicia, even well after the end of the 25th Dynasty, the Kushite type of representation predominated in Egypt and was also followed in other parts of the Middle East. The decorations of the temple of Hibis at Khargah, which was built during the reign of Darius I, indicate this dualism of representing the two goddesses in both Phoenician and Egyptian iconography. Although the temple was built on an earlier construction, the evidence indicates that the Persians found very convenient to continue the older tradition of depicting the two goddesses Astarte and Hathor in alternate manner. Probably the Seville statuette was made in Phoenicia and later transported and inscribed in Spain at the request of the person or persons making the votive presentation in a local shrine. The statuette may be dated between the end of the 25th and the beginning of the 26th Dynasties of Egypt, namely 650-589 BC.

Figure 13. Egyptian temple at Gebelein. Copy by the author

As to the statuette’s date, one can find parallel statuary during the end of the 25th Dynasty, when the Egyptian female representations of the Late Period were depicted nude, with round breasts and buttocks. At the beginning of the 26th Dynasty, sculpture in the round of royal

Bibliography 25

See De Garis Davies, 1938-1956: 5; 6. See De Garis Davis, 1938-1956: 10. 27 See Montet, 1928: 35-38. Although Montet does not clearly identify the first goddess is obvious that she is Sekhmet wearing a Hathor head dress. Moreover, Montet translates,“the lord of Byblos” referring to the kneeling king, but it is possible that the neb sign is missing the “t”, then the goddess is telling the king: “the lady of Byblos beloved of Hathor”. Then, she is Astarte, the lady of Byblos represented here as Sekhmet/ Hathor.

AUBERT, M.E. (2001) – The Phoenicians and the West, Cambridge (Cambridge University Press).

26

AUBERT, J.F. and AUBERT, L. (2001) – Bronzes Et Or Egyptiens, Paris (Cybele). 28 29

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See Meza, 2003: 99-105. See Ghalioungui, 1973: 17-44.

A.I. MEZA: THE PHOENICIAN HERITAGE IN THE GUADALQUIVIR VALLEY...

BONNET, C. (1988) – Egypte, Melqart, Cultes et Mythes de L’Heracles Tyrien en Mediterranee, Studia Phoenicia 8, Leuven (Peeters).

LIPINSKI, J. (1995) – Dieux et Deesses de L’Univers Phenicien et Punique, Studia Phoenicia 14, Orientalia Lovaniensia 64, Leuven (Peeters).

BONNET, C. (1960) – Astarte Dossier Documentaire et Perspectives Historiques, 1 vol, Coll. Studi Fenici, Roma (CNR-Istituto per la civilta Fenicia e Punica) 1996. Bothmer, B.V.: Amenirdas I, The Divine Consort, in Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period, 700 BC.-100 AD., New York (The Brooklyn Museum). BOTHMER, B.V. (1989) – NYU classes, New York (Institute of Fine Arts, NYU).

LUCAS, A. (1962) – Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, Fourth Edition by J.R. Harris, London (Histories & Mysteries of Man). LURKER, M. (1995) – The Gods And Symbols Of Ancient Egypt, New York (Thames and Hudson). MEYER, J.W. (1987) – Die Silberschale VA 14 117Agyptisch Oder Phonizisch?, Phoenicia and The East Mediterranean in the First Millennium BC. Proceedings of the Conference held in Leuven from the 14th to 16th of November 1985, Studia Phoenicia 5, Leuven (Peeters).

BUHL, M.L. (1974) – A Hundred Master pieces from The Ancient Near East in The National Museum of Denmark and the History of its Ancient Near Eastern Collections, Copenhagen (The National Museum of Denmark). BUHL, M.L. (1992) – Some Western-Asiatic Bronze Figurines and a Few Remarks on Julius Loytved as an Antiquarian, Acta Archaeologica 48, Budapest (Akademia Kiado, N.D). CROSS, F.M. (1971) – The Old Phoenician Inscription from Spain Dedicated to Hurrian Astarte, Harvard Theological Review 64, Cambridge (Cambridge University Press).

MEZA, A. (2002) – “The Egyptian Collections of Jordan and Malta”, The Egyptian Museum Collections Around the World, Studies for the Centennial of the Egyptian Museum, vol. 2, Cairo (Supreme Council of Antiquities), 791-801. MEZA, A. (2003) – “Ancient Egyptian Art in Malta”, MA, 16, 99-105. MONTET, P. – Byblos et L’Egypt, Quatre Campagnes de Fouilles a Gebeil, Paris (P. Geuthner) 1928-29. QUAEGEBEUR, J. (1988) – Une Statue Egyptienne Representant Heracles-Melqart, Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean in the First Millennium BC, Studia Phoenicia 5, Orientalia Lovaniensia, Leuven (Peeters).

DE GARIS DAVIS, N. (1956) – The Temple of Hibis in El-Khargeh Oasis III, The Decoration, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expedition, New York, 1938-1956, New York (MMA).

RIEFSTAHL, E. (1944) – Doll, Queen or Goddess?, Brooklyn Museum Journal, 1943-1944, New York (Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences).

ECHT, R. (1985) – Les Ivoires Figures de Kamid El-Loz et L’Art Phenicien du II Millenaire, Phoenicia and its Neighbours, proceedings of the Colloquium held on the 9th and 10th of December 1983 at the “Vrije Universiteit Brussel”, in cooperation with the “Centrum voor Myceense en Archaische-Griekse Cultuur”, Studia Phoenicia III, 81, Leuven, (Peeters).

RUSSMANN, E. (1974) – Representation of the King in the XXVth Dynasty, Bruxelles-Brooklyn (The Fondation Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth and The Brooklyn Museum). RUSSMANN, N. (2008) – Personal Communication.

ESTES, W.J. (1989) – The Medical Skills of Ancient Egypt, Canton (Science History Publication) 1989.

SOLA-SOLE, M. (1966) – Nueva Inscripcion Fenicia de Espana, Hispania 14, Revista Degli Studi Orientali XLI, Roma (Scuola Orientali, Citta Universitaria), 97108.

FAZZINI, R. (1996) – Statuette of the Goddess Mut;Bust from a Statue of the Goddess Sekhmet; Statuette of Lion Headed Goddess, Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, A.K. Capel and G.F. Markoe, eds, Catalogue by A.K. Capel and G.F. Markoe with contributions by R. Fazzini, J. Romano, D.P. Silverman and D. Spanel, New York (Hudson Hills Press in Association with The Cincinnati Museum) 1996.

TAYLOR, J.; CRADDOCK, P. and SHERMAN, F. (1998) – Egyptian Hollow-Cast Bronze Statues of the Early 1st Millennium BC, The Development of a New Technology, New York (Apollo, The International Magazine of the Arts). TEIXIDOR, J. (1975) – A note on the Phoenician Inscription from Spain, Harvard Theological Review 68, Cambridge (Cambridge University Press) 1975.

GHALIOUNGUI, P. (1973) – The House of Life, Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt, Amsterdam (B.M. Israel).

WILKINSON, R.H. (1994) – Symbol and Magic in Egyptian Art, New York (Thames and Hudson).

HILL, M. (2004) – Royal Bronze Statuary From Ancient Egypt, Boston (Brill).

WIPPERT, M. (1971) – Astarte Hurrita, Orientalia 52, Leuven (Peeters), 493-494.

JIMENEZ-AVILA, J. (2002) – La Toreutica Orientalizante en la Peninsula Iberica, Bibliotheca Archaeologica Hispana, 16, Studia Hispano-Phoenicia 2, Madrid (Academia de la Historia).

9

BOQUEIRÃO OF JATOBÁ GROSSO, CAMPO FORMOSO – BA, BRAZIL: COGNITIVE ARCHAEOLOGY AND ROCK ART Cleberson Carlos XAVIER DE ALBUQUERQUE Student of Archaeology and Heritage Preservation for Universidade Federal do Vale do São Francisco [email protected]

Anne Grazielle AZEVEDO DE ALMEIDA Student of Psychology for Universidade Federal do Vale do São Francisco [email protected]

Abstract: To make concise inferences regarding the cognitive archeology at the archaeological site of Boqueirão Jatoba Grosso, in Campo Formoso, Bahia, Brazil. Carried out a literature review and analysis of the question inherent in the psychological study of rock art and interpretation of prehistoric thought. Based on the theories of evolutionary psychology and environmental and archaeological context of a post-procedural nature, becomes liable to the environment likely to help in interpreting the speaker’s thought represented by the cave paintings, as well as develop a scheme of study for such research within the cognitive archeology and rock art, not to mention the particularities of each region. Key-words: cognitive archaeology, Brazilian archaeology, Boqueirão do Jatobá Grosso, rock art, psychology Résumé: Pour faire des inférences et concis concernant l’archéologie cognitive sur le site archéologique de Boqueirão Jatoba Grosso, à Campo Formoso, Bahia, Brésil. Réaliser une revue de la littérature et l’analyse de la question inhérente à l’étude psychologique de l’art rupestre et l’interprétation de la pensée préhistorique. Basé sur les théories de la psychologie évolutionniste et le contexte environnemental et archéologique de nature post-opératoires, devient responsable envers l’environnement susceptible d’aider à l’interprétation de la pensée du locuteur représenté par les peintures rupestres, ainsi que de développer un schéma de l’étude d’une telle la recherche au sein de l’archéologie cognitive et l’art rupestre, pour ne pas mentionner les particularités de chaque région. Mots-clés: archéologie cognitive, archéologie brésilienne, Boqueirão do Jatobá Grosso, l’art rupestre, psychologie

INTRODUCTION

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE

In developing interpretations of the rock records found at the archaeological site of Jatoba Boqueirão Grosso, located in the municipality of Bahia de Campo Formoso, a region of low population density and difficult access times, and being characterized by a location where it dominates the practice landlord, and predominantly caatinga1 vegetation throughout the city with many trees with thorns, a survey was made throughout the area of context related to the site, like the search space of geological features similar context, raising the idea of a region where the Boqueirão do Jatobá Grosso stands as central in relation to three other sites in direct context.

The archaeological site of Boqueirão do Jatobá Grosso is in the relevant unit known as the Sierra Grutilhão belonging to the group’s geological Chapada Diamantina, the geological unit known as Tombador. Its conservation is mainly characterized by its difficult access, making the input factor of greater depredation of archaeological sites: the man, however, in the vicinity of the site, actually in the “front door”, there was a plantation which was used to coivara2 as a way of clearing land, and the paintings that stood on the ledge of the rock formation were damaged by the action of modern man, but the site seemed holed up inside, though, eaves inside the site has a cacimba,3 which served as a supply water for irrigation of the plantation, a fact that there are still traces of the pumping of water and the pipes used in the activity, this also serves as the local hydration of the animals in the region.

When we realize this strategic position in relation to others, try to understand through the lens of a cognitive archeology as would the formation of the site based on their material culture found by looking at the layout, shapes and scenes represented by the paintings of the walls that make up the site, it was necessary to develop acognitive map as possible in a probable logic of painting and the environment, because that site did not seem like housing, possibly local ritual.

Within the site there is little presence of rocky material decomposed, and the same is characterized by the floor formed mostly by the rock matrix, where only points of 2

1

Caatinga: Bush vegetation, don’t have leafs witch arid station, of Northwest region of Brazil.

3

11

Coivara: Burn the native vegetation for implantation of the farm. Cacimba: Natural hole in the soil witch bud mineral water.

MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROC CK ART AND HERITAGE

Figure 1. Edges of th he perimeter aat area for pro otection at arcchaeological hheritage. Font: G Google Maps software s

stud died books an nd articles thhemselves fro om cognitivee psycchology in order o to maake inferencees about thee mateerial collected d in the form m of imagess, and try too deveelop a contex xtual archeoloogy to see th he context inn whicch they are training sitee and the sites s in theirr surro oundings, as well as reseaarch based on n data miningg coulld be structureed as dialoguees on the site.

the topograpphy is lower sediment accu umulation, is also seen in the ppresence of tyypical plants caatinga slop e, ie, plants that arre rooted in thhe rock. We found the followinng archaeological sites: cave painting, rocck fragments, pottery and traces of hisstoric structures. Inn short, it iss a semi-arid d area withinn the municipality of Campo Foormoso, Bahia, in the regioon of a settlement known as Old O Corral, where w the reseearch team led by Professor Ceelito Kesterin ng headed intoo the forest to makke such reseaarch following g the plans oof the Project Description and Diagnosis of o Archaeoloogical Heritage of L Lower Basin São S Francisco.

In th he cognitive field research ch based on the t theory off Stev ven Mithen, about a the studdy of the catthedral of thee mind d, in dialoguee with the ideeas of Steven Pinker, aboutt the study s of langu uage developm ment and comm munication. EVO OLUTIVE PS SYCHOLOG GY

MATERIAL LS, METHOD DS AND RES SEARCH Evolutionary psy ychology assuumes the ex xistence of a univ versal human nature. Thiis nature is made up off which are consideredd psycchological mechanisms m adju ustments resulting from a pprocess of nattural selectionn overr evolutionary time (Mouura, 2006). This processs conssists of thrree divisionss didactic phylogenesis,, onto ogenesis and culture, c as bothh work enviro onment pickerr for the t prevalent characteristiccs of each species and aree direcctly linked to the identtity that eacch individuall posssesses.

For this studdy we used high-definition h n digital cam meras, semi-professsionals, and GPS G tripods 1 m high. Studdents matic along with the teachher developeed a system prospecting iin the vicinityy until we learrn the place w where it stood at 155 km walk by foot from the nearest road. Was taken aas a guide Srr. Domingos Jorge Sobrinhho, a farmer in thhe region andd also a huntter. Followingg his information, the researchhers followed d the eaves of a temporary ccreek, where it was in itss dry seasonn. On arrival at the site the groupp was faced with w the destruuction of weatherinng through tim me and events, and additioon of human actioon in the paaintings that border the gulf. Following, inn the gulf is faced f with thee paintings, w where all were recoorded for subssequent projecct report, wherre all images havee scale “IFRA AO”, where it is internattional standard.

Wheen referring to t human chaaracteristics common c to a grou up or commu unity we reffer also to th he normativee proccesses studied by evolutionnary psycholog gy, which aree the evolutionary y transitionss and the developmentt proccesses. When you think off these chang ges in humann grou ups that lived in prehistoryy, evolutionarry psychologyy can assess categorizing the wayy of life that society s on thee basis of regulatorry processes, ie, through facts (events)) we can infer thaat culture andd thought, co ommunicated,, interracted, ate, am mong others. These traits, which evolvee overr time and som me features arre still preserv ved (selected)) and end up creatin ng the behavioor of human beings. b

For researchh on cognittion were sttudied bookss on cognition ass a whole, but b also abro oad establishhed a thorough biibliographic research on the materiaal of cognitive arrcheology, where w the saame survey were

12

C.C.X. DE ALBUQUERQUE & A.G.A. DE ALMEIDA: BOQUEIRÃO OF JATOBÁ GROSSO, CAMPO FORMOSO – BA, BRAZIL…

culture expressing symbolic example of the brain prehistoric we can understand the words of Renfrew (1998):

The changes analyzed by this psychological approach are directly linked to the period of human life in which the subject is located, and a study of possible identity of ancient peoples or prehistoric groups as well as some behaviors influence today. It should be clear that each stage of human development (childhood, adolescence, old age) has its regulatory processes, so also when studying the customs of cultures past and present. Through archaeological findings can corroborate the thought of this area of psychology, noting that human groups have their own cultural practices, so as technology development and acquisition of language are distinct from each nation. These changes are associated with developmental maturity biological species, they possessed a different development of muscle, neural connections composition and central nervous system, especially of cognitive functions.

It should be borne in mind, in the present context, that monuments are built for remembrance. They are often memorials. It is the role of a memorial to serve the memory, often the collective memory. Even in the modern literate age, most memorials do this most effectively without relying very heavily upon means by which memories are preserved which would otherwise be lost. All of this is very relevant to our central theme of ‘external symbolic storage’. Based on this assumption from the study of mental development can expose the idea of the architecture of the mind proposed by Mithen, expressed as a model known as “Mithen’s cathedral” that can be defined in three distinct phases:

It is clear that many of these features are selected by the environment, the system of selection by consequences or by natural selection, however we will not delve into a Darwinian conception nor in experimental psychology (behavioral).

Phase 1: Minds with a nave of general intelligence. The “gates” represent the passage of information from the modules related to the perception.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the cognitive paintings found in the Boqueirão do Jatobá Grosso, based on a deepening of the theories of consciousness and communication of archeology and current cognitive psychology with regard to the evolution of mind.

Phase 2: Minds with a “craft” of general intelligence and “chapels” multiple specialized intelligences. Still not sure how the mastery of language is related to other cognitive domains. To the extent that we can assume that all minds of this phase belonged to hunters-gatherers, the three “chapels” correspond to intelligence social, technical and naturalist.

ROCK ART AND INTERPRETATIONS Phase 3: Two possible architectural plans for the minds of Phase 3 – The drawings represent the minds of people living from hunting and gathering. For others with different lifestyles, it is possible that other negligence specialist will develop, although the social and language are probably universal. (Mithen, 2002).

To develop an interpretation with greater foundation of the rock paintings and the context to which they belong, we can use the concepts raised by evolutionary psychology as well as the concepts dictated by Steve Mithen in his book Prehistory of Mind and David LewisWilliams in The Mind in the basement, where the actors resort to neo-Darwinian theories and behaviorists for the evolution of mind in parallel with evolutionary psychology, so try a search of cognitive archeology “more balanced” between archeology and psychology as a whole, because there the defect in the old science where the ego becomes the key problem, because each researcher is trying to develop your search more focused in their field of knowledge, and, in our case we seek a truly multidisciplinary research that meets the science involved as equal, and trying to lay a new foundation study for cognitive archeology, and the same dialogue between archeology and psychology in favor of both.

Still following the logic proposed by Mithen have a graphical representation of his theory in a graph, where the basis for launching a new proposal for a study of the human mind in prehistory can be referenced in this research in order to propose a new approach to cathedral, however, without standardizing and making room for the particularities of each region in particular. Moura (2006), by presenting the mind in an evolutionary perspective, seeking to clarify that Mithen ... Uses the metaphor of the cathedral to understand the path of evolution of the mind of our species. The nave gives access to multiple chapels, multiple intelligences with communication between the different fields. The mind has both a cognitive fluidity as increased specialization and modularization. The central processing capacity enabled the members of the species to develop complex instruments, creating art, believe in religious ideologies and develop science. Specialized intelligences seem to work together under the umbrella of a general intelligence.

Basis for Interpretation First we do not seek to obtain technical phases or cultural traditions of material culture left by man, where only seek to use these terms as designs dating and find that place in time, therefore, in looking to study each site individually and give an identity to it, looking so a study respecting the particular record in the same, and at the end of the research, yes, could try to trace a network of similarities in features of each site, where each has a storage material 13

MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

Diagram 1. Representation of Mithen’s cathedral stages

Perceptions and concerns generated by the human mind, the same in the past and nowadays seek to “calm her down” with abstractions that can occupy the perception of the mind, these abstractions, which are also the result of a restless mind always seeking answers to doubts, without being answered and these heat the mind, being a leak valve for the ongoing activity in mind. How is the mind of every particular activities that occur within the same cannot be described upon the study of a single subject and standardize them, but we can infer a similar basis but within the mind of every being that it can be studied at its minimum of information, and science as a whole, one can say at least the starting point of some issues inherent in the mind as an example we have the memory function and its subdivisions teaching.

Willing these data, we can ask what comes to the mind, as Lewis-Williams (2002) looks for a definition, however comes to the philosophical exchanges that ...mind is a projection, an abstraction; it cannot be placed on a table and dissected as can a brain. Nor, it seems, can mind be placed on a philosophical table and defined and described. Indeed, the age-old mind/body problem continues to niggle despite the ingenuity of generations of philosophers. Following this thought, we can find more questions than answers to questions relating to mind, however, to delve more only in this paragraph have that apparatus not having a physical characteristic is the product of abstraction of our brain, and this can cause abstractions themselves, influencing the physical ability that is the storage of the brain, our biological supercomputer, so we have a part of our body more developed, as a cause of its development, because the brain had to grow in order to support the mind's ability to influence on the physical body.

Considering the idea that men in their mental abstractions, or not caused by the action of hallucinogens, could actually be displayed in a “physical” to other group members, but also could be perpetuated for others things to come to see the environment ritual, or even of pure communication, communication in this case we see, the

14

C.C.X. DE ALBUQUERQUE & A.G.A. DE ALMEIDA: BOQUEIRÃO OF JATOBÁ GROSSO, CAMPO FORMOSO – BA, BRAZIL…

Diagram 2. Diagram of the result of bibliography study and dialogues behind the inference ideas, born a new base to research

 Material culture – every artifact found around the site in line with the same, must be taken into account when interpreting the site, because the material culture presents the technological level and that this group had to help understand the way of life that population, because some artifacts had different functions for use primarily for domestic use or hunting.

purpose and durability that the cave painting had in relation to any other form of communication, expressed in the temporal case, time paintings, communication was given by basically spoken language, which has long been a form of communication of our species, we have 120,000 years BP (our oldest fossil) and cave painting came to appear in the archaeological record around 32,500 and 30,500 years BP, ie, we spent much time talking to the emergence of the paintings on rocks, but researchers are trying to find out why this practice started, and honestly did not try to find the beginning of March of the paintings on rocks, but a way of trying to interpret them, so do not go into details about this great milestone for the history of Homo sapiens.

 Context – the sum of the information contained in the material culture and rock art, which enter into agreements with the environment and the archaeological record also contained in the excavation, it is possible to establish a paleofaunapaleoflora and studies of sedimentology, and you can help establish the convivial atmosphere of that group.  Art or communication? – Is a question, then, depending on the site and the interpretation of the inscriptions can to convey information, facts or events to the population, like religious representations, the historical record (why not?), Or purely art, in which the authors show how prized was the environment he lived to the other without passing a really useful information to the population at that time.

In the search to theoretical reasons to these, create a study method that respects the particularities of each site, only integrating basic questions to cave painting, so try to enter large groups attached to the questions that we would develop an individual interpretation of each site that reality:  Rock art4 – graphical representation of man-made rock walls that is likely to denote some information;

 What thinking? What is the intention? – Issues to be reflected and which need more attention and care to be inferred. According to every human reality there is an implicit subjectivity, because man is a being endowed

4

Some researchers in Brazil called the rock record, but we use a nomenclature that is world standard for more information: http://www.ab-arterupestre.org.br/arterupestre.asp

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MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

Figure 2. Scene where we see concentric circles that spread through various panels and in this particular scene we see a kind of cult of the circles. Photo: Cleberson Carlos

Figure 3. Figurations see in particular geometrical shapes of the concentric circle exposed in the previous figure. Photo: Cleberson Carlos

with its own meanings, so it is difficult for the researcher to identify the intention of some painting represented on the panel.

millennia after appearing in the land species has developed the practice.  Overview of the world of yesterday and today – the researcher cannot make their inferences based solely on what you see on the panel, but must base their inferences on information collected in the archaeological context.

 Concept art – the art is generally understood as human activity linked to manifestations of aesthetic or communicative, held from the perception, emotions and ideas in order to stimulate these instances of consciousness and giving a unique meaning and different for each work. (Wikipedia).

 Code lost? – Does the information in the cave painting is really inexplicable?

 It is part of human instinct? – This question comes to question whether art is instinctive human, or a practice developed after the onset of culture, since, for a long time to develop the species was not only rock art and

The method described above for Figure 2, can be exemplified in the interpretation of the images provided above. 16

C.C.X. DE ALBUQUERQUE & A.G.A. DE ALMEIDA: BOQUEIRÃO OF JATOBÁ GROSSO, CAMPO FORMOSO – BA, BRAZIL…

Entendendo as relações do homem com seu meio ambiente. Campinas: Editora Alínea.

CONCLUSIONS In preparing the survey based on a contextual archeology and find a vein in cognitive context, drawn out a diagram containing the key points made in the study. Thus, we could draw inferences about the site studied.

KESTERING, Celito (2008) – Grafismos Rupestres de Sobradinho e Região. Tese. Recife: UFPE. LEWIS-WILLIAMS, David (2002) – The Mind in the Cave.London: Thames & Hudson. MARTIN, Gabriela (1997) – Pré-história do Nordeste do Brasil. 2ª ed. Recife: Editora Universitária da UFPE.

Thus we have a result, the idea of a local ritual, because the dominant theme in the artwork are geometric figures and scenes of worship to something that could be the Sun, where the same site could serve as a haven in times of war by having a narrow passage at the entrance of big mouth, which can be seen in the relative heights. With this site so we have a specific painting located above a height of 10 m, which is the far sighted, as a way to communicate that there may be something, someone, a shelter, a kind of prehistoric fortress, where the familiar with those symbols could know what was going on. Yet we see that this issue could express a possible dominant religion for that particular site.

MITHEN, Steven (2002) – A Pré-história da Mente. Uma busca das origens da arte religião e da ciência. São Paulo: Editora UNESP. MONTEIRO, Ivandro Soares; BARRIAS, José (2002) – Cognição espacial, tempo e ambiente. 1º Colóquio Psicologia Espaço e Ambiente, Universidade de Évora 9-10. MOURA, Maria Lúcia Seidl de (2006) – A mente em uma perspectiva evolucionista: a modularidade e a fluidez. Anais da 58ª Reunião Anual da SBPC – Florianópolis, SC.

The process of creating and occupation is evidenced by the inferences of how life could have been in the Boqueirão do Jatobá Grosso, because by not showing signs of occupation or even setting up camps, discovered during prospecting, is likely to reflect that there could have been a possible castle or cathedral of prehistory, where it could serve both the local religion, as a shelter or a military structure.

PALACIOS, Jesús (2004) – Psicologia evolutiva: conceito, enfoques, controvérsias e métodos. Coll, César; Marchesi, Álvaro; Palácios, Jesús, et all. Desenvolvimento psicológico e da educação. Volume 1. Porto Alegre: Artmed, 14-52, 3v. PINKER, Steven (2004) – O Instinto da linguagem. São Paulo: Martins Fontes. PINKER, Steven (2007) – Como a mente funciona. 2ª ed. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.

When looking at the paintings that were not characterized mostly naturalists, impossible to interpret more accurately yet to see the location and access is possible to imagine how it could be life in this region and what purpose would this big mouth.

PINKER, Steven – Tábula Rasa. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. RENFREW, Colin (1998) – Mind and matter: Cognitive archaeology and external symbolic storage. In Renfrew, Colin; Scarre, Christopher. Cognition and material culture: The archaeology of symbolic storage. Cambridge: McDonald Institute of Archaeological Research, 1-6, 187 pags.

References BENZON, William L. (2003) – Rock Art in Darwin’s Cathedral.Article. Evolutionary Psychology, humannature.com/ep. 1: 28-41.

RIEG, Denise Luciana; ANDREATO, Ana Carolina (2006) – Mapas cognitivos como ferramenta de estruturação e compreensão de situações problemáticas: estudo de caso em uma escola municipal de ensino fundamental de Araras-SP. XII SIMPEP – Bauru, SP, 06 a 08 de Novembro.

ENSSLIN, Leonardo; DUTRA, Ademar; ENSSLIN, Sandra Rolim – O uso de mapas cognitivos como instrumento de apoio ao processo decisório: um estudo de caso. ENEGEP.

VARGENS, Emiliana da Costa – Utilizando mapas cognitivos para compreender interorganizações: O mapeamento nos postos de emissão de identidade.

GRALHA, Julio Cesar Mendonça (2009) – A legitimidade do poder no egito ptolomaico: cultura material e práticas mágico-religiosas. Tese. Campinas: UNICAMP.

WRIGHT, Robert (2006) – O animal moral: por que somos como somos: a nova ciência da psicologia evolucionista. Rio de Janeiro: Elsevier.

GÜNTHER, Hartmut; PINHEIRO, José Q.; GUZZO, Raquel Souza Lobo (2004) – Psicologia ambiental:

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ANALYSIS AND CHARACTERIZATION OF THE MICRO-BIOLOGICAL COLONIZATION OF ROCK SHELTERS WITH PREHISTORIC PAINTINGS IN PORTUGAL H. GOMES Polytechnic Institute of Tomar. Quaternary and Prehistory Group (Geociences Centre, uI&D 73 – FCT, Portugal) Earth and Memory Institute

P. ROSINA; L. SANTOS Polytechnic Institute of Tomar. Quaternary and Prehistory Group (Geociences Centre, uI&D 73 – FCT, Portugal)

Abstract: Research on the interface between the lichens and substrates suggests that the weathering of minerals can be accelerated by the growth of some species of lichens. Under the Project Rup Science (PTDC/HIS-ARQ/101299/2008) – “Review of operational chains, Archaeometry and Chronology of rock art paintings. A technological approach to material in contexts of Portugal, Spain and Colombia”, the identification and description of species of lichens in rock shelters with different lithologies associated to rock art in Portugal was carried out. The micro-bio-mineralogy damage reveals that lichens are the main agents of weathering associated with the paintings. The field work in rock-shelters with pre-historic paintings in Portugal, allowed the establishment of some correlations between the frequency, diversity, species distribution, climatic conditions, and forms of deterioration, in particular slope and sun exposure of the rock art panels. The methodology implemented in the identification and description of the lichen species in rock shelters with rock art in Portugal, involved the use of non invasive or destructive techniques in archaeological sites (macrophotography and microscope identification), and followed by laboratory chemical tests. The interface between the lichens and substrate suggests that the weathering of minerals can be accelerated by the growth of some lichen species, in particular fungal hyphae. Preliminary observations indicate a greater representation of crustose species, representing higher penetration into the substrate, resulting in a remarkable acceleration of the fragmentation of rock art panel and consequent destruction of paintings. Key words: Lichenology, Rock art, Micro-Biological Colonization, Prehistoric Paintings

was selected because of it “non-destructively” analyzes small samples, and/or, in situ organic materials. This technique was also used by Edwards et al., (1993) to examine deterioration induced by lichens on 16th century Renaissance frescoes at the Palazzo Farnese located in Caprarola, Italy.

INTRODUCTION Research has been carried out in western Iberia (Oosterbeek 2008) with the purpose of characterizing the existing bio-colonization in archaeological rock art sites; Developed in the scope of Rup Science project (PTDC/HIS-ARQ/101299/2008) – “Review of operational chains, Archaeometry and Chronology of rock art paintings. A technological approach to material in contexts of Portugal, Spain and Colombia”.

Research on the interface between the lichens and substrates suggests that the weathering of minerals can be accelerated by the growth of some species of lichens. The 1st step’s processing of rock by lichens is evidenced by the increasing physical disintegration, by penetration of hyphae of lichens and through chemical decomposition of the complex (Dandridge and Meen, 2003).

Lichens already cover some parts of the rock paintings and other parts will be covered during the future decades and centuries, a characterization of the rock art painting panels was carried out in order to recognize the type of bio-mineralogy damage in the pre-historic paintings, this diagnosis of establishment enables the definition of measures and policies for the conservation of rock art murals (Seawards, 1999).

Morphologically, lichens are formed by a few distinct characters, the most obvious kind of lichens that form (thallus) followed by shape is that the ranks several families. Lichens survive in very different environmental conditions, due to its adaptability to different habitats and substrates; they are pioneers colonizers of rocks exhibiting colours of lichens depending on their location in the panel.

Prieto et al., (1998) studied the biodeterioration of granite monuments using Fourier transform Raman (FTR) spectroscopy to analyze the effects of lichens on 20 churches around Galicia, Spain. FT Raman spectroscopy 19

MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

Variations in humidity, light and natural competition between lichens influences the micro-bio-mineralogy development (Clarke, 1976).

mainly in colluvial deposits, and Megalithic monuments tend to be located in metamorphic bedrock areas.

Lichens are symbiosis between algae and fungi, if the association is made with a cyanobacterium, the lichen can fix atmospheric nitrogen. For this reason, some scientists admit that lichens have been the first multicellular forms to colonize terrestrial environments, producing nitrogen compounds that have become part of the soil (Dandridge and Meen, 2003).

Karstic cavities in the limestones of the Estremenho Massif include the oldest dated occupation in the Almonda cave system (240 ka: Trinkaus et al., 2003), and various Middle and Upper Palaeolithic layers as well as important records of the Holocene cultural phases (mostly burials) (e.g. Oosterbeek, 1994; 1997, 2008). Some rock art engravings attributed stylistically to the Gravetian (Upper Palaeolithic) have been identified in the region (Batista, 2001).

REGIONAL SETTING The selection of sites resultsfrom the intensive research in the Iberian Peninsula.Some of the studied paintings are part of the Tejo valley rock art complex, reported since 1971. (Abreu, 1990). The rock art shelter of Pego da Rainha is the located in the Municipality of Mação (Alto Ribatejo, Central Portugal. Others are located in the Extremadura region, Spain (La Calderita) (Collado, 2000, 2005, 2007, among others).

The region is an area where three main geomorphological landscape units of western Iberia meet: the Portuguese Central Cordillera (Hesperian massif), the Estremenho Limestone Massif and the Cenozoic Lower Tejo basin.

METHODOLOGY The implemented methodology involved the use of non invasive techniques in archaeological sites. The identification and description of species of lichens in rock shelters with different lithologies associated to rock art in Portugal was carried out. The bio-colonization samples were macro-photographed in situ and ulteriorly identified with a binocular microscope and taxonomic manuals Samples of lichens identified in quartzite, schist’s, granites and limestone were analysed. When it was not possible to identify to the higher possible taxonomic level. Figure 1. Simplified geologic map of the Iberian Peninsula (modified from Gutierrez-Elorza, 1994)

Lichens are informally classified by growth form into (Dandridge and Meen 2003): crustose (paint-like, flat), (e.g., Caloplaca); filamentous (hair-like); foliose (leafy); fruticose (branched); leprose (powdery); squamulose (lacking a lower cortex), gelatinous lichens, (the cyanobacteria produce a polysaccharide that absorbs and retains water).

Although these landscape units are well characterized, they do not allow an in-depth understanding of the relationships between the landscape and human settling mechanisms (Oosterbeek 2008).

Crustose lichens – a type of lichen species that adheres tightly to the substrate and does not have a lower cortex attaching itself to the substrate by hyphae from the medulla (Jahns 1973).

Regional geomorphological features are strongly controlled by the lithology and structure of the substrate (Martins et al., 2009). Crests and gorges are linked with synclinal structures and resistant quartzite lithologies; deeply entrenched valleys are associated with a metamorphic and granite basement; small plateaus, fluvial terraces and alluvial plains occur in areas with a soft Cenozoic soft substratum; and karstic morphologies can be found in limestone areas located to the west of the study area. Lower and Middle Palaeolithic sites are mainly associated with fluvial terraces and less commonly with limestone cave infillings. Upper Palaeolithic sites are found mainly in karstic cave contexts. Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites are found

Hyphae – fungal filaments which help secure the lichen body to a substrate; and which may or may not serve as a conduit for nutrients and/or water (after Jahns 1973 and St. Clair 1999). Squamulose lichens – intermediate form between crustose and foliose lichens. Elongated lobes can be attached to the substrate by the entire lower surface or the margin may be free and ascending (Jahns 1973). 20

H. GOMES ET AL.: ANALYSIS AND CHARACTERIZATION OF THE MICRO-BIOLOGICAL COLONIZATION OF ROCK SHELTERS...

Fig. 2. The most frequent lichens of this site are the following species. Legend: Xanthoparmelia sp.; Parmeliasaxatilis; Lecanoramuralis Lasalliapostulate and Leprarianivalis; Crysoteix sp.; Candelariella sp.; Aspiciliacalcarea; Placynthinnigrum Limonacea sp.; Strigula sp.; Crysoteix sp.; Bacideaegenula; Crysoteix sp.; Psilochia lucida mechanical method. The foliose lichen such as Lasalliapustulata and species were easily removed, not so easy was the removable of the crustose lichen.

RESULTS Lichen growth is extremely common on the quartzite rock outcrops in this area.

No fruticose lichens were identified in this research. Identification of lichen species was attempted but not possible for all.

The microscopical hyphae of most crustose lichens are firmly attached to their substrate and in many cases penetrating between the mineral crystals. When the thallus of a crustose lichen is growing over a rock painting, it is impossible to remove the crustose lichen mechanically (by erasing) without causing a severe damage to the underlying painting (Vanska, 2002).

Preliminary observations indicate a greater representation of crustose species, with higher penetration into the substrate, resulting in a remarkable acceleration of the fragmentation of rock art panels and consequent destruction of paintings. The micro-bio-mineralogy damage reveals that lichens are the main agents of weathering associated with the paintings.

Most foliose lichens grow ca. 2-3 mm in a year. The foliose lichen Lasalliapustulata is able to grow still faster in suitable moisture. Most crustose lichens grow a millimetre in a radial direction in a year. In suitable moisture the growth rate of the crustose lichens can reach 1 mm in a year depending on the species (Vanska, 2002).

It was found that identical kinds of lichens proliferate in similar lithologies.

Through many decades, lichens have been removed from rock carved surfaces at various places in Portugal. The few facts available from the first half of the 1900s, indicate that this took place in some places beginning in the 1930s. The motivations for removal of lichens appear to have been multiple and varied over time, but originally the rock surfaces were cleaned in connection with documentation of the carved figures and consideration of the public’s understanding and experience. At a later point problems associated with preservation of rock surfaces came into the picture. These were based on general knowledge about the acid producing attributes of lichens that lead to selective disintegration of minerals and therefore the disappearance of harder minerals, and about the ability of lichen hyphae for expansion and contraction in the rock resulting in additional weakening of the weathering surface (see Haugen, 1994 and Dandridge and Meen 2003).

All exposed quartzite outcroppings demonstrated an abundance of live lichens

observed,

In quartzite panels the micro-biological colonization is similar; lichens identified are the same species, showing different stages of development, dependent on sunlight and humidity. (Cardoso 2003, Collado 2000, 2005, 2007). DISCUSSION It is possible to establish some correlations between the abundancy, diversity, species distribution, climate conditions, and forms of deterioration, slope and sun exposure of the panels. Preliminary observations indicate that the crustose species are more represented, with greater penetration into the substrate, resulting in remarkable acceleration of the fragmentation and destruction of the panels containing pre-historic rock paintings. The micro-biomineralogy damage reveals lichens as major agents of weathering associated with the paintings.

FINAL REMARKS The field work in archaeological sites with pre-historic paintings in Portugal and Spain, allowed the establishment of some correlations between the frequency, diversity, species distribution & climatic

A small scale experiment was carried out. A foliose and crustose lichen, respectively, were removed by using a 21

MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

métodos sobre estilos, valoração estética e cronoestratigrafia figurativa, Arkeos – Perspectivas em diálogo, Tomo II, nº 6, Tomar, pp. 197-277. COLLADO, H.; GARCÍA, A.J.L. (2007) – Arte Rupestre en La Zepa de la Serrana. En: Corpus de Arte Rupestre en Extremadura. Vol. II. Ed. Junta de Extremadura, Consejería de Cultura. DANDRIDGE, D.E., and MEEN, J.K. (2003) The Degradation of Rock Art by Lichen Processes. In American Indian Rock Art, Vol. 29, edited by Alanah Woody and J. T. O’Connor, pp. 43-52.American Rock Art Association, Phoenix, Arizona. EDWARDS, H.G.M.; EDWARDS, K.A.E.; FARWELL, D.W.; LEWIS, I.R. and M.R. ENCRUSTATIONS – Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 25:99-103. HAUGEN, R. (1994) – Low on rock surfaces in Ostfold. A-S. Hygen (ed.): State Registration, conservation and management of rock carvings in Østfold 1994. Publications issued by the Culture Department, Ostfold County No. 2/1994, Part III, 32-35. Sarpsborg. JAHNS, H.M. (1973) – Anatomy, morphology and development. In: Ahmadjian, V. & Hale, M.E. (eds). The lichens. Academic Press, New York. Lindau, G. (1888) Über die Anlage. MARTINS, A.A.; CUNHA, P.P.; HUOT, S.; MURRAY, A.; BUYLAERT, J.P. (2009) – Geomorphological correlation of the tectonically displaced Tejo River terraces (Gavião-Chamusca area, Portugal) supported by luminescence dating. Quaternary International. 199, p. 75-91. OOSTERBEEK, L. (1994) – Echoes from the East: the western network. An insight to unequal and combined development, 7000-2000 BC. Ph.D. Thesis, University of London, 732 pp. OOSTERBEEK, L. (1997) – Echoes from the East: Late Prehistory of the North Ribatejo, Tomar, CEIPHAR – Centro Europeu de Investigação da Pré-História do Alto Ribatejo, 304 p. OOSTERBEEK, L; (2008) – Problems and perspectives of Rock Art in Portugal: a view from the Tagus valley. In: “Man in India”: A Quarterly International Journal of Anthropology Vol. 88. Special Issue Rock Art World Main Problems (Dario Seglie, Editor). pp. 173-180. PRIETO, B., M.R.D.; SEAWARD, H.G.M.; EDWARDS, T.; RIVAS, and SILVA, B. SEAWARD, H.G.M. (1993) – An approach to stone and fresco lichen biodeterioration through fourier transform raman microscopic investigation of thallussubstratum. 1998/1999 – Biodeterioration of Granite Monuments by Ochrolechiaparella (L.) St. CLAIR, Larry L. (1999) – A Color Guidebook to Common Rocky Mountain Lichens. M.L. Bean Life Science Museum, Provo, Utah. TRINKAUS, E.; MARKS, A.E.; BRUGAL, J.P.; BAILEY, S.E.; RINKE, W.J.; RICHTERE, D. (2003)

conditions, and forms of deterioration, slope and sun exposure of the rock art panels. This work intends to investigate the contribution of “lichenic” substances in the degradation of the rocks, adding several factors: climate, topography, biological action, among other parameters that contribute to the maintenance and preservation of rock art murals. In quartzite panels (Pêgo da Rainha and La Calderita) the micro-biological colonization is similar); theidentified lichens are the same kind (crustose and foliose), showing different stages of development, dependent on sunlight and moisture. E.g. Xanthoparmelia Sp.; Parmeliasaxatilis; Lecanoramuralis and others… This study allowed determining that the mostly representative lichens are crustose and pulverous species; Investigations on the interface between the lichens and rocky substrates suggest that the weathering of minerals can be accelerated by the growth of some species (crustose) of lichens. The biggest representation of crustose species, with higher penetration into the substrate, resulting in a remarkable acceleration of the fragmentation of rock art panels and consequent destruction of paintings. These results help us to generate conservation policies and measures to apply in rock art sites.

References ABREU, M.S. de; FOSSATI, A.; JAFFE, L., (1990) – Rupestrian Archaeology: Techniques and Terminology: a methodological approach: Petroglyphs Valcamonica, Brescia: Cooperativa Archeologica “Le Ormedell’Uomo”. BAPTISTA, A.M. (2001) – The Quaternary Rock Art oftheCôa Valley. In Carvalho, A.F., ed. – Les premiers homes modernes de la péninsule ibérique (Actes du COlloque de Ia Commission VIII de I’UISPP. Vila Nova de Foz Côa, 22-24 Octobre 1998). Lisboa: IrA, p. 237-252. CARDOSO, D. (2003) – Pego da Rainha (Mação), Arkeos – Perspectivas em Diálogo, nº 14, CEIPHAR, Tomar, pp. 59-72. CLARKE, J. (1976) – A Lichen Control Experiment at an Aboriginal Rock Engraving Site, Bolgart, Western Australia. ICCM Bulletin 2(3):15-17. COLLADO, H. (2000) – Reflexión crítica y conclusiones sobre la interpretación y el encuadre cronológico de la pintura rupestre esquemática en la Extremadura española. Arkeos, nº 7, p. 103-144. COLLADO, H.; GARCÍA, A.J.L. (2005) – Arte rupestre en el Parque Natural del Monfragüe: El sector oriental. En: Corpus de Arte Rupestre en Extremadura. Vol I. Ed. Junta de Extremadura, Consejería de Cultura. Algumas considerações de 22

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– Later Middle Pleistocene human remains from the AlmondaKarstic system, Torres Novas, Portugal. Journal of Human Evolution 45, 219-226.

VANSKA, H. (2002) – A Report to the Nervanderinkatu 13, National Board of Antiquities, Department of Ecology and Systematics, Division of Systematic Biology, Helsinki University, Finland.

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SITES WITH ROCK ART IN THE SERRA DE S. MAMEDE, IN THE MEGALITHIC LANDSCAPES OF THE NORTHERN ALENTEJO Clara Oliveira CHAIA [email protected]

Jorge de OLIVEIRA [email protected]

Abstract: Identifying and studying sites with evidence of rock art in the area of the S. Mamede mountain range (Serra de S. Mamede) in Portugal has been the focus of research projects in the region carried out by students at the University of Évora and supervised by the authors of this paper since 2009. Until this project began, it was believed that the areas and sites for this type of pre-historic artistic expression was almost limited to the four small shelters which had been discovered to date. By identifying new, different sites, the number of places with rock art being studied has been increased considerably. This paper, therefore, aims to reflect on some of the these sites’ characteristics and to identify some possible premises which can be used to create a study and ground-level investigation method, through knowledge about constant and divergent aspects which each site presents. Key words: Rock Art, Serra de S. Mamede, Megalithic Landscape

already discovered shelters, an urgent search began for new sites which not only had pictograms but which would also allow us to gradually unveil and understand the secrets and messages which these first human communities wished to convey and leave as their legacy.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT The northern Alentejo is recognised for its singular but diverse natural landscape and is remarkable for its almost six hundred megalithic structures. Some are more ostensible, such as the majestic funerary granite architecture in the flatter areas to the south, or the more discreet structures in schist, hidden among the uneven hills further north. Menhirs, distributed throughout the landscape, remind us of the first farming activities carried out by the first communities who searched for a place to settle in the area.

By prospecting the area, which at the beginning systematically covered the whole area but became gradually more focused on specific parts, we began to distinguish and select the sites which, according to some possibly more intuitive than scientific criteria, allowed us to identify new sites with art and new and different types of pictures. Although rather eclectic, the landscape and orography of the Serra de S. Mamede have some well defined features. One of the most identifiable is the relief, which reaches 1,025 m in height, and is the highest point south of the River Tagus in Portugal. It is worth noting that the peak of S. Mamede is in the relatively flat landscape to the south and west of the district of Portalegre, where the minimum altitude is around 300 m, and this variation in altitude is a factor which makes this quartzite hill range all the more impressive.

The megalithic menhirs and tombs have been relatively well known for some centuries and are part of everyday life for inhabitants of this part of the “Alem-Tejo” (the land the other side of the River Tagus). Another universe – definitely contemporary with and perhaps fruit of the same hands which dragged and worked on these great rocks to either mark their territory or bury their dead – was only discovered a few years ago: schematic, painted rock art. Since 2008, we have studied schematic rock paintings in the northern Alentejo, specifically in the Serra de S. Mamede. These paintings fill up the walls and ceilings of some shelters and quartzite outcrops thorughout the enormous geo-monument which is the S. Mamede mountain range.

This geo-monument lies roughly NW-SE, stretching almost 40 km in length and 10 km in width, in Portuguese territory, and carrying on in the extreme south-east into the Spanish region of Alburquerque, province of Badajoz, where we find similar schematic rock paintings with similar characteristics, both in terms of the landscape itself and the type of pictures and the way they are set out on the rock.

After the first projects, characterised by the enthusiasm and excitement about studying the graphics found in 25

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already covered some ground and found new data – to analyse and consider future strategies and work methods related to archaeological prospecting for identifying sites with rock art. Of the first shelters to be discovered and studied, mainly those located in the parish of Esperança, in the county of Arronches, we found that the tendency is for nearly all to be located on slopes facing south and south-west. Such a phenomenon is certainly determined by the orientation of the range of quartzite hills in the Serra de S. Mamede itself, and also taking advantage of and seeking more sunlight. We were therefore able, throughout the prospecting process, to identify some exceptions, such as the example of a quite rather shelter located on an eastfacing slope, on a low point, with little exposure to sunlight and – partly and depending on the season – submerged by the floodplain of the Abrilongo. This is the shelter known as Pego do Inferno in the parish of Esperança.

Figure 1. Location of the rock art of Serra de S. Mamede

It would have been the discovery of these paintings in Alburquerque in 1914 which led to finding the first rock art in Portugal south of the River Tagus in the same year, a discovery made by two Spaniards – Aurélio Cabrera and Eduardo Hernández-Pacheco (Hernández-Pacheco, 1916) – and studied for the first time in 1916 by Henri Breuil (Breuil, 1917, pp. 17-26).

Nearby this shelter, located at a site where two singular quartzite formations came apart to give way to a crossing, with a particularly evocative name, the Pedra Torta (Crooked Stone), we found a set of paintings on an eastfacing wall. This discovery showed that painted rock art in the Serra de S. Mamede area is not restricted to shelters, grottoes or caves, or any other kind of semisheltered place, protected by the rock joint or quartzite fissures.

This is the Serra de S. Mamede, occasionally marked by some water courses – the seasonality of the flows allowing us to cross escarpments, following the paths which transhumance still makes use of today. The range of hills has rock formations and cuttings on its slopes which catch our attention by the comparisons to be made with silhouettes, which help us to orientate and organise the landscape. It would not be difficult to say, for example “over there, by the man's head”, referring to a small rock joint, or a shelter in the hard quartzite rock, on whose walls we find millennial paintings.

Some paintings are on vertical walls which are completely open and exposed to the elements, in highly visible places, at heights easily accessible to even the most average observer. The paintings, in these cases, are mainly representations in the form of bars, lines, normally vertical and, most often, some appear like finger prints. In this situation, the presence of anthropomorphic or other figures, which are most common, for example, on the walls of shelters, are almost non-existent here. However, a recurrent phenomenon on this area is that they appear at sites located in areas where the passage or circulation between hills was easiest, ie. passing points or ports.

Since April 2009, in harmony with the detailed study of shelters and rock art, we have tried to understand this landscape which remains natural, although quite humanised in its interpretation and appropriation.

Let us now examine the main sites already studied as part of the current research project:

The archaeological prospecting carried out as part of the ARA project, with the aim of identifying new shelters and sites with rock art, made us question from the very beginning the motives which led the first artists to choose certain sites or specific types of shelter or wall over others which, to our eyes, could have been more propitious or “deserving” of art. These doubts, which remain and will certainly continue while there are no precise and conclusive answers, made us attempt, with this project, to reflect on different perspectives for observing and understanding painted rock art of the schematic type found in the area of the Serra de S. Mamede.

COUNTY OF ARRONCHES – PARISH OF ESPERANÇA Gaivões Shelter The Gaivões Shelter was the main object of study at an early stage. All the paintings were recorded, using direct tracing. At the same time, a complete photographic record was made, above all for indirect tracing, to complement the tracing already carried out. Using the new system for image processing available through computers, it was possible to identify new pictograms which until now had not been revealed, and also to notice

Although the prospecting of the geographical area which is the object of our study has not yet been fully completed, perhaps we should take a moment – having 26

C. OLIVEIRA & J. DE OLIVEIRA: SITES WITH ROCK ART IN THE SERRA DE S. MAMEDE...

Figure 2. Rock art of Gaivões Shelter

In the context of schematic rock paintings in the Serra de S. Mamede, we have only found, until now, one other example of white painting. It is a small anthropomorphic figure, found at the Ninho do Bufo site, in the county of Marvão.

the disappearance or much lower frequency of others. (Oliveira, 2010, pp. 60-78). For a long time we have seen that under the wooden walkway which currently provides access to the Gaivões Shelter, there seem to be some structured sets which could be culturally associated with the shelter between the blocks of quartzite. While the paintings were studied and after cleaning and generally recording the blocks of quartzite, two 2 x 2 m side surveys were made, in an attempt to understand these structures. The surveys were marked in order to include part of the walls of the two structures and their inside surfaces. Within the survey area only two small quartz crystal were found, one used as the centre for blade production and another with signs of wear on one of the edges. In Survey A, a possible structured post hole was identified on the inside surface of the wall. Because of the scarce materials identified, it was not possible to establish a direct relationship with the shelter. Nevertheless, the size of these structures – made with dry stone – means we can put forward the hypothesis that the largest one could have been used for keeping cattle and the other as a shepherd’s hut.

In this shelter we also drew up a plan and cut plan showing the location of artwork. Louções Shelter In the area of the Serra dos Louções, where the Gaivões and Mouros Church shelters are located, we know of another small shelter, with the same name as the Serra. It is a rock joint where we can found a set of scalariform, ramiform and one pectiniform shape which cover practically all of the small shelter’s ceiling. Next to this insignificant cave rises an enormous quartzite formation which takes the shape, in profile, of a human face. This inspiring formation, which rises at great altitude, seems to dominate the plains which stretch to the south. The closeness of this natural sculpture to the Louções Shelter and the settlement with the same name would not have been missed by the communities who lived or passed through the area in pre-historic times. The direct and indirect tracing of the panels in this shelter was carried out by us in the summer of 2010.

Mouros Church Also in 2009, the rock art found in the shelter at the Igreja dos Mouros (Mouros Church) was recorded. At this shelter – as well as schematic figures painted in red – we found a low-lying sculpture with a recognisable anthropomorphic quality and a rare white painting situated on the most hidden wall of the shelter, on the socalled altar table.

Pinho Monteiro Shelter In 1982, archaeological excavations carried out at the Pinho Monteiro shelter, directed by Mário Varela Gomes, discovered a strong wall next to the entrance to the 27

MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

Table 1. Sample APM2, taken from a strip of charcoal and ash around 40 cm from the surface, gave the historical date of 960 ± 40 BP Lab & Ref.

Typeof Sample

Context

Date Conventional BP

Date cal. BC (1st)

Date cal. BC (2nd)

Beta – 296433

Charcoal

Sample APM1, onthe rock insidethe cave

9640 ± 50 BP

Cal BC 9220 to 9130 and Cal BC 8990 to 8920

Cal BC 9250 to 9100 and Cal BC 9090 to 8830

Beta – 296434

Charcoal

Sample APM3, next to the cave wallon rock

8390 ± 40 BP

Cal BC 7530 to 7480

Cal BC 7570 to 7460

Note: During this project, several earth samples were collected by colleagues from the University of Extremadura for pollen and anthracology tests whose results are not yet available

shelter. Following these studies, MVG published a summary of what was found, including the tracings of the main panels and the archaeological materials identified in the excavation.

COUNTY OF PORTALEGRE – PARISH OF ALEGRETE

Nearly 30 years after the first research, and with new technology to help us, we carried out a small survey of 1.5 x 1 metre on the area left as evidence by MVG. At the same time we carried out a full survey on all the panels and marked their location on the plan.

Although at the moment the greatest amount of evidence of schematic rock paintings in the Serra of S. Mamede is concentrated in the parish of Esperança, other areas have also begun to reveal signs of rock art as a potentially wider phenomenon, to be found throughout the quartzite areas of the Serra de S. Mamede.

Grotto of our Lady of Lapa

From direct tracings and photographs of the paintings we were able to identify numerous and highly different anthropomorphic forms, as well as the presence of points, lines and bars painted by finger, and the significant central presence in one of the ceiling panels of a small sun-like shape.

Still following on from the ARA project, but within the county of Portalegre, in the parish of Alegrete, the interesting hermitage of Our Lady of Lapa, near Besteiros, was visited and we were alerted to a low, narrow passageway, considered to be secret, which opens under the altar. This hermitage is embedded in a quartzite formation turned towards Spain. After passing through a small passageway under the altar, we encountered a cave around 4 metres in length and 5 metres in width, with a maximum height of three metres. On the floor of the cave there are two levels, one more or less at the same height as the church altar and the other, further in, 60 cm lower. These two floors are separated by a wall which runs across the cave, parallel with the hermitage altar. On the ceiling of the cave, which is still partially and intentionally covered by lime, several paintings are visible, in which finger marks and some very schematic anthropomorphic figures can be found, together with recent paintings using the same colouring.

From the survey came the identification of a set of carved stone artefacts, in flint and quartz crystal, which are part of the microlithic industrial framework, which would fit into mesolithic or early neolithic eras. The absence of pottery and carbon dating which was carried out later confirm the cultural setting of the materials. It is important to note that some of the materials were collected during the cleaning and adjustment of older cuts, making it impossible to place them in a specific stratigraphic context. Pego Do Inferno Shelter In the Serra da Pedra Torta, next to the River Abrilongo, we found a new shelter at the Pego do Inferno site. On the ceiling of this shelter, only visible in summer since it is on the floodplain, some anthropomorphic forms are found which, due to the enormous amount of fungi and black smoke marks, are extremely difficult to identify. We made a plan and traced the panels at the shelter.

From the survey carried out inside the shelter, we were only able to recover fragments of stucco decorated using the sgrafitto technique, perhaps belonging to the earlier hermitage, of which a wall preserved inside the shelter remains. Grotto of our Lady of Pena More recently, on the Serra da Penha facing Portalegre, when reassessing the Cova da Moura, which opens on the east side of the crest, we decided to prospect all of the upper part of the formation. On the south-west escarpment, we were able to find more paintings on the walls of a small shelter. This shelter is part of an area which appears to be a fortified habitat which crowns the highest part of the Penha de S. Paulo, also known as the Serra da Penha. At this site – although it was not possible

Other Shelters Rock pictures in the parish of Esperança are also to be found in other small shelters or grottoes. Therefore in small grottoes which provide some protection we can see signs of painting, mainly in light red. Among these we would include the shelters of Outeiro das Lapas, Pedra Torta, Louções 2, Ti Raposa and Serra da Cabaça. 28

C. OLIVEIRA & J. DE OLIVEIRA: SITES WITH ROCK ART IN THE SERRA DE S. MAMEDE...

BREUIL, Henri (1917) – La roche peinte de Valdejunco à la Esperança, prés de Arronches (Portalegre), Terra Portuguesa, Lisbon, 13-14, Feb.-March, pp. 1726.

to identify artefacts which allowed us to determine an accurate date – as well as the defence structure there is a small platform on the highest part which has been intentionally flattened, accessible by steps shaped in the rock, reminiscent of some proto-historic sanctuaries.

BREUIL, Henri (1919-1920) – La station paléolithique ancienne d’Arronches (Portalegre), O Arqueólogo Português, Lisbon, vol. 24, 1919-1920, p. 47-55.

COUNTIES OF MARVÃO AND VALENCIA DE ALCANTARA

BREUIL, Henri (1920) – La station Paléolithique ancienne d’Arronches (Portalegre), O Arqueólogo Português, Lisbon, série 1, nº24, pp. 47-55.

Ninho Do Bufo and Porto Roque Shelters

BREUIL, Henri (1933) – Les peintures rupestres schématiques de la Péninsule Ibérique, II Bassin du Guadian, Imprimerie de Lagny, Lagny sur Marne.

Margarida Ribeiro identified the Shelter of Ninho do Bujo, in the Penhas da Esparoeira, in Porto-Roque, next to the Spanish border in 2003. At this shelter we proceeded to carry out a summary plan and made direct and indirect tracings of several panels. Of this set of paintings, the presence of one anthropomorphic figure painted in white stands out, as well as several other anthropomorphic shapes painted together in red. On several panels, points and bars painted by finger in quite a vivid red are the most common, compared with the tones of paintings found in the parish of Esperança. At the highest part of the passing point, where the shelter with paintings can be found, there is an artificial platform, stabilised by walls, which appears to correspond with a probable habitat. Throughout this quartzite crest, which stretches from the Ninho do Bufo to the south and Porto Roque on the Spanish side, our friend Juan Carlos Jimenez, from Valencia de Alcantara, has identified new shelters containing rock art. The art present at these new shelters is part of the same style group as the other art which has been discovered to date. Mainly composed of anthropomorphic, scalariform, and serpentiform shapes painted by finger, they were made using mainly red coloured paint although white can also be found. The prospecting carried out by Juan Carlos Jimenez further inland in the Valencia de Alcantara municipality, especially in the quartzite crests which stretch to Santiago de Alcantara, allowed him to find more shelters with paintings, making the Serra of S. Mamede and its main foothills one of the most significant epicentres for schematic art which begs for continued research.

BREUIL, Henri (1940) – Quelques Observations sur les Peintures Schématiques de la Péninsule Ibérique, separata de Actas do I Congresso do Mundo Português, vol. 1, Oporto, 11 p. BUENO RAMIREZ, Primitiva; BALBÍN BEHRMANN, Rodrigo; ALCOLEA GONZÁLEZ, Javier (2003) – Prehistoria del lenguaje en las sociedades cazadoras y productoras del sur de Europa, El Arte Prehistórico desde los inícios del siglo XXI, I Symposium International de Arte Prehistórico de Ribadesella, Asociación Cultural de Amigos de Ribadesella. BUENO RAMIREZ, Primitiva; GONZÁLEZ, A. (1995) – Nuevos datos para la contextualización arqueológica de estatuas-menhir y estelas antropomorfas en Extremadura, Actas dos Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia, Oporto, vol. 35, pp. 95-113. CASTRO, Luís de Albuquerque e; FERREIRA, Octávio da Veiga (1960-61) – As pinturas rupestres esquemáticas da Serra dos Louções, Conímbriga, vol. II-III, 1960-61, pp. 203-229. COLLADO GIRALDO, Hipólito; GARCIA ARRANZ, José Júlio (2006) – El Risco de San Blas, Alburquerque, Guías Arqueológicas de Extremadura, nº 6, Badajoz, Consejería de Cultura, 21 p. COLLADO GIRALDO, Hipólito; GARCIA ARRANZ, José Júlio, coord. (2005) – Corpus de Arte Rupestre en Extremadura, vol. I Arte Rupestre en el Parque Natural de Monfragüe: El sector oriental, Merida, Assembly of Extremadura, 283 p.

References

COLLADO GIRALDO, Hipólito; GARCIA ARRANZ, José Júlio, coord. (2007) – Corpus de Arte Rupestre en Extremadura, vol. II Arte Rupestre en la Zepa de la Serena, Merida, Assembly of Extremadura, 435 p.

ACOSTA MARTINEZ, Pilar (1968) – La pintura rupestre esquemática en España, Salamanca, University of Salamanca. ACOSTA MARTINEZ, Pilar (1983) – Técnicas, estilo, temática y tipologia en la pintura rupestre esquemática hispana, Zephyrus, Salamanca, nº36, pp. 13-25.

CORREIA, Virgílio (1916) – Pinturas Rupestres da Sra da Esperança (Arronches), Terra Portuguesa, nº5, year I, Lisbon, June 1916, pp. 158.

BAPTISTA, António Martinho (1986) – Arte rupestre pós-glaciária, Esquematismo e abstracção, História da Arte em Portugal, vol. 1, Publ. Alfa, pp. 31-55.

CORREIA, Virgílio (1917) – Arte pré-histórica, Terra Portuguesa, Lisboa, Tip. do Anuário Comercial, nº 12, 13 e 14 / January to March 1917.

BECARES PEREZ, Julian (1982) – Hacia nuevas técnicas de trabajo en el estudio de la pintura rupestre esquemática, Zephyrus, Salamanca, nº36, pp. 137148.

FERREIRA, Octávio da Veiga (1965) – Recordação de uma viagem do Padre Henri Breuil ao abrigo de Vale de Junco (Esperança), Revista da Faculdade de Letras de Lisboa, série III, nº 9, Lisbon, p. 275-277. 29

MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

OLIVEIRA, Jorge de (2003) – A arte rupestre no contexto megalítico Norte-Alentejano, Sinais de Pedra, Fundação Eugénio de Almeida, electronic edition.

GOMES, Mário Varela (1985) – Abrigo Pinho Monteiro – 1982, Informação Arqueológica, nº 5, IPPC – Departamento de Arqueologia. GOMES, Mário Varela (1989) – Arte Rupestre e contexto Arqueológico, Almansor Revista de Cultura, nº 7, Câmara Municipal de Montemor-o-Novo, pp. 225247.

OLIVEIRA, Jorge de; BAIRINHAS, António; BALESTEROS, Cármen (1996) – Inventário dos Vestígios Arqueológicos do Parque Natural da Serra de S. Mamede, Ibn Maruán, nº6, C.M. Marvão, pp. 43-61.

HELENO, Manuel (1956) – O professor Henri Breuil, O Arqueólogo Português, Lisbon, 2ªsérie, 3, 1956, p. 239-246.

OLIVEIRA, Jorge de; BORGES, Sofia (1998) – Arte Rupestre no Parque Natural da Serra de S. Mamede, Ibn Maruán, nº8, C.M. Marvão, pp. 193-202.

HERNÁNDEZ-PACHECO Y ESTEBAN, Eduardo (1916) – Pinturas Prehistoricas y dólmenes de la Région de Albuquerque según Datos y Dibujos de Aurélio Cabrera, Boletin de la Real Sociedad Española de História Natural, vol. XVI.

OLIVEIRA, Jorge de; OLIVEIRA, Clara (2000) – A Diversidade dos Menires do Distrito de Portalegre, Ibn Maruán, nº9/10, Câmara Municipal de Marvão, Edições Colibri, 1999-2000, pp. 147-180.

HERNÁNDEZ-PACHECO Y ESTEBAN, Eduardo (1918) – Estudios de arte prehistórico, Notas da Comisión de Investigaciones Paleontológicas y Prehistóricas, Madrid.

OLIVEIRA, Jorge de; OLIVEIRA, Clara (2000) – Continuidade e Descontinuidade do Megalitismo no Distrito de Portalegre, Actas do 3º Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular, Vol. III, Oporto, ADECAP, pp. 459-471.

HERNÁNDEZ-PACHECO Y ESTEBAN, Eduardo (1918) – Estudios de arte prehistórico, Notas da Comisión de Investigaciones Paleontológicas y Prehistóricas, Nota nº 16, Comisión de Investigaciones Paleontológicas Y Prehistóricas, Madrid, 29 p.

OLIVEIRA, Jorge de; OLIVEIRA, Clara (2002) – Menires do Distrito de Portalegre, Extremadura Arqueológica VIII: El Megalitismo en Extremadura, Número Especial de Homenagem a Elías Diéguez Luengo, Merida 2000, Junta de Extremadura – Consejería de Cultura/Dirección General de património Cultural, pp. 105-126.

HERNÁNDEZ-PACHECO Y ESTEBAN, Eduardo; CABRERA, Aurélio (1916) – Pinturas Prehistoricas y dólmenes de la Région de Albuquerque (Extremadura), Boletin de la Real Sociedad Española de História Natural, Tomo XVI, Nota nº8, Comisión de Investigaciones Paleontológicas y Prehistóricas, Madrid, 13 p.

PEIXOTO, Ana (1997) – A Lapa dos Gaivões – Arronches, Ibn Maruán, nº7, C.M. Marvão, pp. 265291. PESTANA, Manuel Inácio (1984) – Arte Rupestre, do conjunto pictórico dos Louções ao da Serra do Cavaleiro, agora descoberto, A Cidade – Revista Cultural de Portalegre, nº3, March.

MOITAS, Emílio; OLIVEIRA, Jorge; OLIVEIRA, Clara (2005) – Megalitismo no Concelho de Arronches, Actas do III Jornadas de Arqueologia do Nordeste Alentejano, Fronteira, (being printed).

PESTANA, Manuel Inácio (1987) – Arte rupestre da freguesia da Esperança (concelho de Arronches), Actas das 1ªs Jornadas de Arqueologia do Nordeste Alentejano, Comissão Regional de Turismo de S. Mamede.

OLIVEIRA, Clara (2008) – Percurso Historiográfico do Complexo de Arte de Arronches, Actas do III Taller Internacional de Arte Rupestre, Havana, Fundación António Núnez Jiménez de la Naturaleza y el Hombre, electronic edition.

PINTO, Rui de Serpa (1932) – O abrigo pré-histórico de Valdejunco (Esperança), Trabalhos da Sociedade Portuguesa de Antropologia e Etnologia, nº5/3, Oporto, pp. 245-246.

OLIVEIRA, Clara (2010) – Percursos da Investigação Arqueológica no Norte Alentejano: o caso do complexo de Arte Rupestre da freguesia da Esperança, dissertação de Mestrado em Arqueologia e Ambiente, University of Évora, (photocopied text).

RAPOSO, Luís (1993-1994) – Do Somme ao Tejo: a vida e obra de Henri Breuil e sua contribuição para a PréHistória portuguesa, O Arqueólogo Português, Lisbon, série IV, 11/12, 1993-1994, pp. 223-290.

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IMAGES AND MEMORY: THE CASE OF THE FIELD OF ENGRAVINGSOF GUANCHINCITO (CA. 1250-1400 AD, CATAMARCA, ARGENTINA) Mara BASILE Conicet, Museo Etnográfico JB Ambrosetti, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA), Argentina [email protected]

Norma RATTO Museo Etnográfico JB Ambrosetti, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA), Argentina [email protected]

Abstract: In this paper, the field of engravings of Guanchincito, placed in western Tinogasta (Catamarca, Argentina) and associated to a vast extension of agricultural fields and burials, was analyzed. The registered images respond to the repertoire and visual resources common of late periods (ca. 1250-1400 AD), with the exception of some referring to the times of the development of the first millennium societies. Nevertheless, this analysis indicates that they were performed synchronically, allowing our discussion on the persistence of ideas and images to shape stories, tales, deals and tensions in the frame of the conditions of the Incan domination. Keywords: Visualization strategies, rock art, landscape, memory, Catamarca-Argentina Résumé: Cette communication analyse les travaux qui ont été réalisés sur les gravures de Guanchincito situées à l’ouest de Tinogasteno (Catamarca, Argentina). Celles-ci sont associées à une grande extension des terrains cultivés et aussi à des sépultures. En général, les images enregistrées répondent à des répertoires et recours visuels qui permettent de les associer aux moments les plus récents de l’occupation (ca. 1250-1400 AD). Cependant, quelques unes peuvent être associées à des sociétés plus anciennes, celles du premier millénaire. Par ailleurs, les analyses indiquent que leurs réalisations ont été synchroniques, ce qui permet de discuter la persistance des idées et images pour former les histoires, les récits, les accords et tensions qui ont fonctionné comme des conditions pour la domination imposée par l’occupation Inca. Mots clé: Stratégies de visualisation; Peintures rupestres; Paysage; Mémoire; Catamarca-Argentina

different from all the othersiteswith rock art. Its engraved blocks are associated to agricultural fields of several hectares with the presence of burials arranged in false vault cist-shaped structures, all of them altered by vandalism (Orgaz and Ratto 2012). Most of the images correspond to the repertoires and visual resources common of late periods, after the year 1250 AD, for the regional sequence of western Tinogasta (Basile 2011, Ratto 1996, Ratto et al. 2000-2002). Nevertheless, other representations corresponding to rock art of the development period of the first millennium productive societies were registered, though in a lesser degree (Basile 2010, Basile and Ratto 2010, Ratto et al. 20002002, among others), being, not withstanding, contemporary (see below). In this context, our aim is to present the peculiarities of the rock art in the blocks of Guanchincito site to discuss its active role as a way of shaping stories, tales, deals and tensions in the frame of the domination conditions imposed by the Incan occupation.

INTRODUCTION A few years ago, the absence of record of rock art in the higher valleys, the pre-cordillera, thepuna and the cordillera of western Tinogasta (Catamarca) was noticeable. Just at the beginning of the twenty-first century, in the frame of the Chaschuil Abaucán Archaeological Project (PACh-A),1 a certain quantity of representations, performed with different techniques and on varied supports,started to be documented (Rattoet al. 2000-2002, Ratto and Basile 2009, Basile and Ratto 2010, among others). The results of the analyses carried out to the present show that, in this region,rock art is situated in specific places of the pre-cordillera and valley, working as spatial markers in the circulation routes made by natural connectors used in the past (Basile 2011, Ratto 2006, Ratto and Basile 2009, among others). Most of them are not related to the dwelling places of both the living and the dead (villages, posts or cemeteries). The only exception is the case of the site of Guanchincito,

We begin this journey stating that the images and their representation supports, as well as the landscape and places, were an integral part of the socialization processes, where the ways of looking and the construction of beliefs and meanings were defined (Gell

1

This is the generic name given to the different projects which have been financed by scientific-academic organisms (Universidad Nacional de Catamarca, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Agencia Nacional de Promoción Científica y Tecnológica, among others) under the direction of Dr N. Ratto.

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Figure 1. Locational map forsites of Bolsón de Fiambaláand principal valleysand provinces mentioned in the text

by the dispersion of its settlements and a low population density. Ratto and Boixadós (2012) suggest that the social process occurs, in great measure, to the rhythm and conditions imposed by the moments of environmental instability causing depopulation and repopulation of the region. These authors argue that by the year 1000 AD the valley bottom did not show habitability conditions due to the presence of intense haulage of pumiceous material of catastrophic characteristics (Montero et al. 2009, Ratto et al. 2012b). This made the agro-pastoral groups move to the higher lands of the western and northern precordillera, as the valley bottom ecosystems were seriously damaged, requiring several decades to be environmentally reconstructed. Just from the year 1250 AD, the valley is repopulated with new groups from the eastern valleys (Belén) and from the southern province of La Rioja, moved by the Inca in the frame of their domination strategy (Figure 1).

1998, Pells et al. 2002, Morphy 2009). Thus, the images and supports had a story, maybe reformulated or reinterpreted, which circulated from mouth to mouth and from place to place. We consider that the images add a quantity of non-material attributes evoking different and distant spaces and times, touching the senses, motivating answers and particular interpretations for those sharing a specific cultural knowledge (Jones 2007). In this way, the engraved rocks and the burials, both integrated to the agricultural landscape of Guanchincito, embody multiple and various temporalities. We believe that they tell of the social dynamics in which their constructors displayed images accounting for different moments of the regional history. Thus, they constitute a mechanism by which experiences, stories and significant associations were incorporated to the construction process of the individual and social memory (Potter 2004). This theoretical posture gains special relevance with the depopulation-repopulation dynamics which characterized western Tinogasta from the eleventh to the fifteenth century (see below).

Thus, the regional social process is made up by the substratum of the local populations of the first millennium, which continued with their lifestyles in the higher lands, and the incorporation of the practices of the moved populations entering the valley after the year 1250 AD in the frame of the Incan conquest. These peculiarities promoted the ways of life of the first millennium societies to last in time, regardless of the time periods established for the archaeology of northwestern Catamarca (Ratto et al. 2004). The result is a socio-

THE REGIONAL CONTEXT: SPATIALTEMPORAL FEATURES OF BOLSÓN DE FIAMBALÁ FROM THE ELEVENTH TO THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY The archaeological landscape of the region of Fiambalá from the eleventh to the fifteenth century is characterized

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M. BASILE & N. RATTO: IMAGES AND MEMORY: THE CASE OF THE FIELD OF ENGRAVINGS OF GUANCHINCITO…

Figure 2. Spatial distribution of engraved blocks, agricultural fields and burials at Guanchincito site. Adapted from Ratto et al. (2010)

arranged in false vault cist-shaped structures (Ratto 2006; Ratto et al. 2010; Orgaz and Ratto 2012). One of the characteristics of these agricultural spaces is their growth and extension through time. Moreover, the dwelling places are placed from 2 to 3 km from these agricultural landscapes, referring to the societies of the first millennium as well as the late ones in contact with the Incan state (Table 1). Therefore, the occupation of this place spans the period from 700 to 1400 AD, approximately, according to the available dating. In this context, we sustain that these agricultural fields sited at the bottom of the Fiambalá valley were used till the year 1000 AD for their later reactivation after the year 1250 AD. This statement is based on the fact that the area was not apt for human occupation for long decades, owing to the processes of environmental instability taking place around the year 1000 of the era. These processes brought about the desertion of the region until it was reactivated with a widened agricultural area, when the necessary environmental conditions were regained after the year 1250 AD (see above).

cultural network characterized by the coexistence of different practices, constituting a new social space where different ways of life are spatial and temporally coetaneous. In summary, between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries, different situations converge and have feedback: (a) the environmental situation, with the deterioration and later reconstruction of the valley bottom ecosystem; and (b) the social situation, marked by the political conflicts ending in the incorporation of the region to the Incan state. GUANCHINCITO: VISUALIZATION STRATEGIES AND ENGRAVED IMAGES The field of engravings of the Guanchincito site (1.756 MASL) is constituted by 22 blocks of red sandstone placed on an ancient flooding plateau of the Guanchín river, tributary of the Abaucán river in the lower area of the Chaschuil valley, and distributed in an area of 36 ha (Figure 2).

Visualization strategies of theengraved blocks We consider that the production of the images does not imply the mere adding of a meaning on an empty or mute surface (Jones 2007), but each supporting structure, its characteristics and dimensions, play a central role in their definitions and configurations (Tilley 2004). Thus, it is e

This site is placed in one of the pathways connecting different altitudinal points in a south-north-south sense inside the Bolsón de Fiambalá. It is associated to: (i) a vast extension of agricultural fields covering an area of about 60 ha with differential preservation, and (ii) burials 33

MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

Table 1. Summary of residential and funerary archaeological sites with radiocarbon dates associated to Guanchincito site

Figure 3. Left: view of engraved blocks in Guanchincito landscape. Right: view of one of the engraved blocks with agricultural fields walls behind

In summary, the Guanchincito landscape consists of an open space, with no relief variations, containing blocks of different sizes and lithologies, only some of which were intervened. The blocks show a scattered distribution in space. All these related aspects limit the perception rendering a low visibility and visibilization (sensu Criado Boado 1999); making it difficult, moreover, the intervisibilization among the blocks. Thus, the representations of Guanchincito are presented as “invisible from the distance” for those ignoring their location (Figure 3).

ssential not only to analyze the images but also the supporting structures where they are. We agree with Criado Boado (1999) on the fact that, in the definition of the different visualization conditions of the images and their supporting structures, different variables take place: the dimensions, the intensity of the intervention, the ground where they are located and the presence or absence of obstacles that may restrict or favour their overall view. In the case of Guanchincito, the place where the engraved blocks are is open, flat and homogeneous. This relief determines the lack of differences between the circulation level of a hypothetical observer and the location level of the blocks, the heights of which are from 40 to 110 cm. However, near the red sandstone selected for visual intervention, there are also others of the same or different lithology and size, functioning as perception obstacles and making it difficult to properly see the engraved blocks.

The engraved images One of the distinctive characteristics of rock art from western Tinogasta is that it requires the implementation of methodological strategies of multiple scales to determine its relative chronological ascription, being Guanchincito not an exception. This site does not show enough sedimentation to rebuild and date the contexts where the blocks were involved, or differences in the tonalities of the patinas, or evidence of conservation and/or recycling that can mark different moments of execution. Neither are their differences in the execution techniques of these images; all of them have been engraved by pecking. Consequently, their relative chronological assignment is carried out by comparing them with other documented images in: (i) sites with

Each block presents a surface available for modification with a median of 10.192 cm2. It was observed that only 5 to 10% of it was visually intervened. All the blocks have only one engraved face, with the exception of two, presenting three faces. In general, the spatial distribution is dispersed, being the blocks groupings minimal. 34

M. BASILE & N. RATTO: IMAGES AND MEMORY: THE CASE OF THE FIELD OF ENGRAVINGS OF GUANCHINCITO…

extra-regional rock art having absolute calibration, and (ii) other supporting materials (ceramic and textile) from sites of the region of Fiambalá and neighboring areas also temporally calibrated. In the 22 blocks of Guanchincito, 256 engraved representations were registered, among which spirals, hooks, circles, rectilinear and waving strokes, tracks, camelids and human figures are noticed (Ratto et al. 2000-2002, Orgaz and Ratto 2012, Basile 2010, 2011). Some of these images offer diagnostic elements that allowed to postulate their relative chronological assignment to certain moments of the regional history of the first millennium societies as well as those entering the region after the year 1250 AD (Basile 2011). It is interesting to notice that of the 26 engraved faces, only 8 show images referring to both moments. The rest of the faces registered images of the late periods, exclusively. a) The 90% of the images from Guanchincito correspond to repertoires of late periods2 (after the year 1250 AD) documented on various regional and extra-regional supports. The characteristic representations are, on the one hand, camelids in strict profile, a tendency towards shape synthesis and noticeable statics.3 On the other hand, hooks and primary and compound spiral strokes are recurrent patterns in ceramic decoration (Ratto et al. 2007, Basile [2005] 2012, 2011) and textile garments (Michieli 1986, 2000, among others) (Figure 4a). b) The remaining 10% consists of representations referring to repertoires typical of the first millennium societies (Ratto et al. 2000-2002, Ratto et al. 2010, Basile 2010). The most emblematic case is that of the feline figures. This type of images is registered on ceramic supports recovered in our region between the years 600 and 1000 of the era, completely disappearing as a unit in later pottery. However, in the ceramic collection of later periods, after the year 1250 AD, certain elements (spots, jaws, coiled tails, claws or prints) “felinizing” some of the representations are registered. These figures of felinized animals (camelids, viscachas, snakes or anthropo-felines) are incorporated, reinterpreted, to the new aesthetic preferences that define the later view (Figure 4b).

Figure 4. Examples of imagesrepertoires typical of (a) late periods and (b) first millennium societies displayed on Guanchincito engraved blocks

(ii) of the moved populations that entered the region in the frame of the Incan conquest, imitating the resolution ways and history of those first times. ACCOUNT OF THE GUANCHINCITO LANDSCAPE THROUGH TIME The landscape of Guanchincito was constructed implementing a visualization strategy for the whole site, with the intention of making invisible the 256 images displayed in the 22 visually intervened blocks. This strategy totally contrasts with others carried out in sites with rock art in the region ascribed to moments previous to the year 1000 AD. In the latter sites, the images are shown giving priority to the selection of highly visible supports, which functioned as signaling structures (Basile 2011, Ratto et al. 2012a). Nevertheless, in Guanchincito the priority was the search for invisibility, as the engraved blocks are mixed in the agricultural landscape with those which are not engraved. In this way, their localization from a distance renders impossible as all the images tend to “hide”, being subtly displayed onlow visibility supports.

In this way, we consider that the Guanchincito engravings are the result of a series of reiterated visual intervention events through time, with the predomination of images typical of periods later than the year 1250 AD over those referring to previous times. These last images, fewer in number but relevant for their significance, suggest alternatives about their gestation indicating that they were engraved by actors: (i) of the first millennium societies or 2 Only one case of an image of possible Incan ascription is also registered (Ratto et al. 2000-2002). 3 This type of camelid representations are similar to those of the H3 pattern outlined for the neighboring region of Antofagasta de la Sierra and ascribed to the stylistic modality Confluencia-Derrumbes between 1000 and 1500 AD (Aschero 1999, 2012).

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On the other hand, the 256 images are characterized by the absence of overlapping, conservation or recycling evidence and differences in the tonalities of the patinas; and the similitude of the execution techniques. However, the mentioned images correspond to theme repertoires typical of the times of the first millennium societies (before 1000 AD) and of those moved by the Inca (after 1250 AD). The articulation of both particularities allows us to sustain that the 256 images refer to a same execution time, this being when the Fiambalá valley was repopulated by groups from the eastern valleys moved by the Incan state.

Acknowledgements We are very grateful to Ana Solari and Jacqueline Rodet for the help on the translation of the abstract and keywords to French. In addition we are indebted to Luis Coll for the time dedicated to the preparation of Figure 1 and to all the PACh-A members who participated in the record activities on the field. We also want to give thanks to the coordinators of the session 43 at UISPP congress, Mila Simões de Abreu and Cris Buco. Any errors or misinterpretations contained herein are solely our responsibility.

Thus, we state that the 256 images were executed after the year 1250 AD, complying with the intention of invisibility that characterizes the visualization strategy of the site.

References ASCHERO, C. (1999) – El arte rupestre del desierto puneño y el Noroeste Argentino. En Arte Rupestre en los Andes de Capricornio, editado por J. Berenguer y F. Gallardo Ibáñez. Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, pp. 97-136, Santiago. ASCHERO, C. (2012) – Arte rupestre, contexto y sociedad en el desierto puneño. Tesis doctoral en preparación. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires. [Manuscrito]. BASILE, M. (2010) – Lugares grabados en la roca. Contrastes y contactos entre los bloques de Guanchincito y Suri Potrero (Fiambalá, Catamarca). En: Arqueología Argentina en el Bicentenario de la Revolución de Mayo, editado por J.R. Bárcena y H. Chiavazza. Tomo II: 863-868, Mendoza. BASILE, M. (2011) – Continuidades y rupturas en las representaciones plásticas del Formativo (ca. 200 AD) a la ocupación incaica (ca. 1480 AD) en la región de Fiambalá (pcia. de Catamarca). Tesis de Doctorado, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires. [Manuscrito]. BASILE, M. ([2005] 2012) – Imágenes en negro sobre rojo. Apuntes para delinear el estilo decorativo Belén (ca 1100-1535 AD, Catamarca, Argentina). ISBN: 978-3-8484-6752-5. Editorial Académica Española. LAP Lambert Academic Publishing GmbH & Co. Alemania. BASILE, M. y RATTO, N. (2010) – Colores y surcos. Contrastes y semejanzas en las representaciones plásticas de la región de Fiambalá entre el 1200 al 1400 DC (Departamento de Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina). Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino. En prensa. CRIADO BOADO, F. (1999) – Del Terreno al Espacio: Planteamientos y perspectivas para la arqueología del paisaje. Capa. Criterios y convenciones en arqueología del paisaje. España, 6, 1-55. GELL, A. (1998) – Art and agency. An anthropological theory. Clarendon Press. Oxford. JONES, A. (2007) – Memory and Material Culture. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. MICHIELI, T. (1986) – Textilería de la Cultura Calingasta (San Juan, Argentina). Comunicación preliminar. Chungara 16-17: 377-380, Arica.

We wonder why in the thirteenth century, certain images emblematic of previous centuries were captured together with those characteristic of their time. We believe that this situation indicates that the ideas which they said images refer to are still in force. In this way, they account for stories that continue circulating and being transmitted from a memory in permanent construction. So, we sustain that all these images result from the relationship between the populations entering the region in the frame of the Incan conquest and the local populations which keep certain previous stories and tales alive in the context of the new political conditions of domination. Thus, we interpret the coexistence of the representations from different moments of the regional history as a symbolic practice, generating a wide range of possible relationships between both groups. These relationships may have been settled by different strategies such as deals, negotiations and/or resistance. Even though, to the present state of the research, we ignore de nuances that these practices may have had, we agree on Orgaz and Ratto’s hypothesis (2012). These authors state that the presence of burials inside the agricultural space is indicating that the deals prevailed over the resistance. To this respect, it must be reminded that the burials correspond to practices of the societies of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, for their architectural configuration as well as the ceramic material and radiocarbon dating. Likewise, though burials of the first millennium were not registered, the presence of ceramic artifacts directly related to burial spaces is revealing; for instance, a pipe tube and a great quantity of decorated bowls. We consider that from the thirteenth century, different stories, ideas and beliefs converge in the Guanchincito site, where the engravings are integrated to the agricultural and burial space. In this way, a meeting place between the living and the dead was created, where the shared use of the productive areas prevailed or was legitimated. It was a landscape in permanent construction, of great significance, and condensing a memory materialized in the combination of images from different moments of the regional history in a political context marked by the Incan domination strategies.

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RATTO, N. y BASILE, M. (2009) – Un recorrido marcado: Los grabados de Suri Potrero (Fiambalá, Dpto. Tinogasta, Catamarca). En Ratto, N. (comp.) Entrelazando Ciencias: Sociedad y ambiente antes de la conquista. Eudeba. Buenos Aires.

MICHIELI, T. (2000) – Telas rectangulares decoradas: Piezas de vestimenta del Período Tardío Preincaico (San Juan, Argentina). Estudios Atacameños N° 20: 77-90. MONTERO LÓPEZ, M.C.; HONGN, F.; SEGGIARO, R.; MARRET, R. y RATTO, N. (2009) – Relación entre el volcanismo y los registros arqueológicos en el bolsón de Fiambalá (Departamento Tinogasta, Catamarca). Entrelazando Ciencias: Sociedad y ambiente antes de la conquista española. Compilado por N. Ratto, pp. 131-158. Eudeba. Buenos Aires.

RATTO, N. y BOIXADOS, R. (2012) – Arqueología y Etnohistoria. La construcción de un problema de investigación (Abaucán, Tinogasta, Catamarca). Revista Memoria 20. En prensa. RATTO, N.; ORGAZ, M. y CALETTI, S. (2000-2002) – Relevamiento arqueológico del Campo de Grabados de Guanchincito (Fiambalá, Dpto. Tinogasta, Catamarca). Cuadernos del Instituto Nacional de Antropología y Pensamiento Latinoamericano 19: 551-572.

MORPHY, H. (2009) – Art as a Mode of Action: Some Problems with Gell’s Art and Agency. Journal of Material Culture 14 (1): 5-27. ORGAZ, M. y RATTO, N. (2012) – Memoria y apropiación en paisajes agrícolas. En: I. Gordillo y J.M. Vaquer (eds.) La espacialidad en Arqueología: enfoques, métodos y aplicaciones. Editorial Abda – Yala, Quito. En prensa.

RATTO, N.; ORGAZ, M. y PLÁ, R. (2004) – La Explotación del Alfar de La Troya en el Tiempo: Casualidad o Memoria (Departamento Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina. Chungara. Revista de Antropología Chilena 36 (2): 349-361.

ORGAZ, M.; FEELY, A. y RATTO, N. (2007) – La Cerámica como expresión de los aspectos sociopolíticos, económicos y rituales de la ocupación Inka en la puna de Chaschuil y el valle de Fiambalá (Departamento Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina), pp. 237-258. En: A. Nielsen, C. Rivolta, V. Seldes, M. Vázquez y P. Mercolli (eds) Procesos Sociales Prehispánicos en el sur andino. La vivienda, la comunidad y el territorio. Editorial Brujas, Córdoba.

RATTO, N.; ORGAZ, M. y COLL, L. (2010) – Paisajes Agrícolas Prehispánicos en el oeste tinogasteño (Catamarca). En Actas del XVII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina, Tº II, pp. 419-424. Mendoza. RATTO, N.; BASILE, M.; FEELY, A.; LANTOS, I.; COLL, L.; CARNIGLIA, D. y MIYANO, J.P. (2012a) – La gente y sus prácticas en las tierras bajas y altas del oeste tinogasteño en los siglos I a XIII (Catamarca, Argentina). Manuscrito presentado para el Taller Arqueología del período formativo en Argentina (coord. A. Konstanje y M. Lazzari), Tafí del Valle. Disponible en página web http://www.ises.org.ar/arqueologia/ (marzo de 2012).

PELLS, D.; HETHERINGTON, K. y VANDENBERGHE, F. (2002) – The Status of the Object. Performances, Mediations, and Techniques, Theory Culture Society, Vol. 19 (5/6): 1-21. POTTER, J. (2004) – The Creation of Person, the Creation of Place: Hunting Landscapes in the American Southwest. American Antiquity, Vol. 69, No. 2: 322-338.

RATTO, N.; KLIGMANN, D.; MONTERO, C.; BONOMO, N.; HONGN, F.; VALERO GARCÉS, B.; OSELLA, A. y RUSSO, N. (2012b) – Historia ambiental, arqueo-geofísica y geo-arqueología del oeste tinogasteño (Catamarca): su impacto y consecuencias en las sociedades del primer milenio. Manuscrito presentado para el Taller Arqueología del período formativo en Argentina (coord. A. Konstanje y M. Lazzari), Tafí del Valle. Disponible en página web http://www.ises.org.ar/arqueologia/ (marzo de 2012).

RATTO, N. (1996) – Relevamiento arqueológico del Campo de petroglifos de Guanchincito (Fiambalá, Tinogasta, Catamarca), Informe manuscrito presentado a la Municipalidad de Fiambalá, Catamarca. RATTO, N. (2006) – Paisajes y rutas prehispánicas, históricas y tradicionales que integraron el valle de Fiambalá y la puna meridional catamarqueña (Tinogasta, Catamarca). Informe Final. Proyecto 6123 CFI y Secretaría de Turismo de la Provincia de Catamarca, Buenos Aires. [Manuscrito].

TILLEY, C. (2004) – The Materiality of Stone: Explorations in Landscape Phenomenology. Berg, Oxford.

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CATALOGACIÓN, RESTAURACIÓN Y CONSERVACIÓN DE LOS MATERIALES ARQUEOLÓGICOS RUPESTRES DEL PARQUE ARQUEOLÓGICO DE FACATATIVÁ Guillermo MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO GIPRI-Colombia Coordinator; Associate Researcher of the “Instituto Terra e Memória – Grupo “Quaternário e Pré-História” do Centro de Geociências (Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia)”; PhD Candidate Universidade de Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro, Portugal; Miembro de la red Iberoamérica de Arqueología [email protected] www.gipri.net

Dos grandes enfoques se encuentran involucrados en este proceso (Rosenfeld y Smith, 1997).2 Uno hace referencia al estudio arqueológico fundamental, que permite recuperar este objeto patrimonial, como ámbito científico y académico, cuyos resultados se refieren a su sentido y función en la historia de la cultura. Sólo desde este tipo particular de enfoques de teoría arqueológica e historia del poblamiento se pueden valorar las peculiaridades de tales monumentos y en aproximaciones sucesivas, -dentro del proceso de investigación,- generar nuevos conocimientos sobre las etnias, que realizaron dichas obras, para observar que dichos vestigios son convertidos en fuente de información en el registro arqueológico.

PLANTEAMIENTO Y JUSTIFICACIÓN: DESCRIPCIÓN DE LA PROPUESTA La preservación y recuperación de los materiales arqueológicos rupestres de un área determinada están constituidos contemporáneamente por el apoyo de diferentes enfoques, de estructuras epistemológicas y técnicas. Esta preservación y recuperación es posible si previamente se ha realizado un tipo especial de trabajos, que organizados como sus antecedentes históricodiagnósticos, puedan dar cuenta tanto de las preguntas arqueológicas y culturales, como del estado de conservación en que se encuentran los objetos de estudio. Las preguntas arqueológicas tendrán que estar ubicadas dentro de la dinámica de la discusión científicouniversitaria, frente a las preocupaciones de la comunidad académica con sus avances, o inercia, y cara a las urgentes inquietudes de la sociedad civil, que observa con inquietud el abandono y deterioro de los sitios patrimoniales.

Un segundo foco de atención se refiere a los estudios sobre su estado y su conservación. Es necesario estructurar diversos procesos de descripción en distintos niveles para producir una imagen general del sitio y sus contextos, trabajos que deben entenderse como el aspecto diagnóstico de sus singulares características. Esta evaluación tiene el objetivo expreso de determinar condiciones del sitio y discriminar secciones o sectores más afectados relativamente. El resultado de este proceso debe llevar a generar fases de investigación que conlleven a su restauración y limpieza. Para acceder a esta información, es necesario realizar descripciones rigurosas y especializadas3 en cada uno de los objetos patrimoniales, que describen la situación inicial, sus procesos de intervención y el resultado final al restaurar su condición hipotética original o su visualización, sin interferencias. El intemperismo, el paso del tiempo y eventualmente la presencia de vandalismo (grafitis) producen cambios en los objetos y la dificultad de que puedan ser observados. Los procesos para musealizar las piezas arqueológicas o los sitios intentan disminuir el impacto de las alteraciones y dar una imagen reconstruida, sin que se observen las intervenciones y factores de alteración de un modo drástico, a pesar de su vejez.

En este mismo contexto, existe una legislación nacional e internacional, que en distintas momentos, ha generado un conjunto puntual de criterios y recomendaciones, que determinan las nociones de monumento cultural, de patrimonio; un conjunto complejo de testimonios (vestigios) de diversas etapas, que son valoradas académica y científicamente para determinar una cultura o civilización particular, bajo consideraciones técnicas y tendencias académicas. Así, la restauración, la conservación y la gestión cultural patrimonial se estructuran como una práctica posterior o simultánea apoyada en las ciencias básicas y en técnicas, que tienen diversos desarrollos (laboratorios físico químicos, nanotecnología), con el objetivo de organizar nuevos registros patrimoniales históricos o arqueológicos y avanzar en las interpretaciones. Con estos instrumentos, es posible documentar y registrar sistemáticamente las características de los objetos patrimoniales con el propósito de contribuir al estudio y salvaguarda de esta herencia cultural. (Carta de Venecia. 1964).1 1

2 Rosenfeld, A., & Smith, C. (1997). Recent Developments in Radiocarbon and Stylistic Methods of Dating Rock Art. Antiquity, 71, 405-411. 3 Mark, R. & Billo, E. (2006). Computer-assisted photographic documentation of Rock Art. Coalition, (11), 10-14.

Carta de Venecia.

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MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

En muchos casos, existen experiencias sobre campos particulares de investigación y los desarrollos de los estudios arqueológicos proveen diversas técnicas y descripciones (ciencias básicas) y vías de estudio, que facilitan hacer trabajos rigurosos sobre las características de los objetos estudiados y condiciones de alteración, proyectados ahora en las investigaciones sobre los sistemas de representación y los vestigios pictóricos. En el artículo 16 de la Carta de Venecia se hace referencia explícita a la necesidad de realizar inicialmente una documentación precisa, constituida por informes analíticos y críticos, que deberán presentarse con dibujos y fotografías. Resulta esencial que este proceso de registro y documentación sea parametrizado en fichas técnicas especializadas, con las cuales se puedan describir detalladamente las características propias del objeto de estudio. Todos estos trabajos auxiliados con análisis producidos en laboratorios, colaboran y discriminan aspectos, que hacen posible responder, tanto a las preguntas arqueológicas formuladas, como a los proyectos de una fase posterior o simultánea de análisis e interpretación cultural y de estudio de las técnicas y de las propiedades de los materiales involucrados en el proceso de preservación y recuperación.

trabajos.6 Las proyecciones académicas y la divulgación social serán temas, que deben ser igualmente contemplados, como resultados objetivos del proceso de trabajo. Lo que actualmente resulta convencional y normal dentro de este proceso de investigación patrimonial es que todos y cada uno de los materiales y documentos producidos dentro de una metodología de trabajo explicita, deberán ser objeto de diversas publicaciones, e informes en las que se registran todos y cada uno de los procesos y actividades. Se espera que no sólo las comunidades científicas tengan información relevante, sino que las autoridades municipales y de salvaguarda puedan hacer balances sobre el tipo de intervenciones que se efectuaron. Los efectos de dichas intervenciones y los aspectos administrativos serán ajustados para el control y manejo del objeto o lugar patrimonial, en referencia a un conjunto de prácticas exitosas conocidas ya en otras latitudes.7 Diversos seminarios realizados por la SIARB han venido insistiendo en la necesidad de generar la formación necesaria para que los equipos de investigación se interesen en los procesos de valoración, gestión y administración de los sitios rupestres. Lo que es cierto es que no basta simplemente en hacer trabajos técnicos que se refieran a actividades relativas a procesos de limpieza y restauración, sino que será indispensable resolver problemas científicos y técnicos, que tengan la preocupación central de ampliar el conocimiento sobre los materiales, sobre sus condiciones químico-físicas, con el objetivo de responder o de discriminar sus características y peculiaridades y afinar las interpretaciones sobre las culturas que crearon estos objetos, cuyos vestigios llegaron al presente. La investigación-diagnóstico-intervención que se hace sobre un objeto patrimonial estudiado, corresponde a las preguntas arqueológicas que deberán formularse para dar sentido y función cultural de los trabajos producidos en el proceso.

Al lado de estas recomendaciones internacionales también existe internamente en el país, con base en algunos lineamientos y en relación a sus peculiaridades, diversos textos oficiales, que guían los problemas científicos y reglamentan el tipo de intervenciones en el patrimonio y regulan los procesos de estudio con la formulación de proyectos ajustados al tipo especial de área en la que la propuesta se dirige. Para el caso particular de los objetos patrimoniales arqueológicos rupestres, es decir de aquellos que se determinan como realizados por comunidades precolombinas (pinturas, grabados y arte mobiliar con tradición rupestre), el Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia ICANH tiene una especial legislación y un conjunto de trámites relativos a su registro, a su peritaje de definición para su filiación patrimonial y de autorización para individuos o entidades que eventualmente proyectan intervenir en el patrimonio arqueológico, para realizar su estudio y (o) su restauración y conservación.4 (Definición de pertenencia al patrimonio y autorización para intervención).5

Estos documentos acopiados en el tiempo, se convierten en archivos que deberán estar consignados obligatoriamente en los ficheros de un organismo público, como material base para futuras investigaciones. Los grupos de trabajo deberán garantizar en lo posible usar las nuevas tecnologías y la calidad y resolución que estos facilitan actualmente. Si estos materiales contemplan desde el comienzo mismo originar documentos de calidad, las posibilidades de divulgación y diseminación de los resultados, en distintos niveles y con distintos grados de interpretación, serán apenas posibles,

Cuando se interviene entonces en el patrimonio arqueológico colombiano se debe tener en cuenta un conjunto de cualidades que van, desde los aspectos teóricos, hasta los contextos en los cuales se hacen los 4

Artículo 1º. Declárense patrimonio histórico y artístico nacional los monumentos, tumbas prehispánicas y demás objetos, ya sean obra de la naturaleza o de la actividad humana, que tengan interés especial para el estudio de las civilizaciones y culturas pasadas, de la historia o del arte, o para las investigaciones paleontológicas, y que se hayan conservado sobre la superficie o en el subsuelo nacional. Los Gobernadores de los Departamentos velarán por el estricto cumplimiento de esta ley. (Ley 163 de 1959 se dictan medidas sobre defensa y conservación del Patrimonio Histórico, Artístico y Monumentos Públicos de la Nación. 5 http://www.icanh.gov.co/?idcategoria=1182, Guía de Presentación de Proyectos (Ft-1-PMPC-GA-1). Guía de Presentación de Informe (Ft-3PMPC-GA-1).

6 Artículo 11º. Toda solicitud de licencia para exploraciones o excavaciones arqueológicas, así en terrenos públicos como de propiedad privada, deberá presentarse al Instituto Colombiano de Antropología, entidad ésta que atenderá a tales solicitudes, teniendo en cuenta la solvencia científica de los interesados y los móviles estrictamente culturales de tales exploraciones. (Ley 163 de 1959 se dictan medidas sobre defensa y conservación del Patrimonio Histórico, Artístico y Monumentos Públicos de la Nación). 7 http://www.gipri.net (zona de publicaciones, Administración de parques, Peter Pilles (US Forest Service, Arizona, USA) Freddy Taboada (SIARB Presidente) Matthias Strecker (SIARB) dos archivos en pdf (bibliografía comentada).

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dada la velocidad con la cual se mejoran año a año los programas y la resolución y capacidad descriptiva de los mismos.

elementos singulares, su conservación y sus alteraciones. Henry Breuil formuló diversos vínculos entre las formas pictóricas, la cronología y desarrolló ciertas temáticas (estilos, cronologías y tipologías11). De igual forma, se ocupó inicialmente en los caminos que abrieron los estudios posteriores sobre técnicas, pigmentos y paleta de colores utilizados. Con esta iniciativa pionera se desarrollaron en el siglo XX estudios más rigurosos en los procesos de conservación y regulación de los sistemas físicos y biológicos, incluso de las condiciones climáticas en las cuevas (Lascaux) (Philippe Malaurent y Brunet2009), en la generación de réplicas (Altamira) y en la organización de criterios cada vez más sofisticados de registro (Norbert Aujoulat, 2005), como antecedentes fundamentales de los trabajos de conservación y monitoreo.

De igual manera, este trabajo contempla dentro de la propuesta la producción de diversos materiales de divulgación, que serán normalmente presentados en ponencias internacionales8 como objetos de difusión universitaria y de circulación masiva en libros, folletos y catálogos, que coadyuven en la interpretación y análisis del sitio arqueológico estudiado y en el proceso de prolongación en el tiempo de políticas de conservación y valoración patrimonial. Los aspectos científicos divulgados serán diseminados igualmente en la comunidad (municipio, de la provincia) y se organizaran diversos espacios para que la comunidad pueda saber el tipo especial de actividades y las proyecciones culturales que competen a su propia cultura. La socialización de los procesos de investigación, estudio, restauración y conservación a la comunidad y por supuesto los resultados obtenidos y también la apropiación, por parte de la comunidad en general, y en especial las nuevas generaciones, del nuevo espacio con esa nueva perspectiva arqueológica.

Esta fórmula pionera de la arqueología científica (siglo XX), es sin duda una base fundamental, sobre la cual es indispensable reflexionar incluso en los temas rupestres en Colombia. Es inevitable establecer un vínculo con este proceso, pues fue allí donde se determinó que estas representaciones tempranas hacían referencia a formas culturales muy desarrolladas, a elaboraciones de lenguaje, a temas metafísicos (rituales, sitios sagrados, religiones primitivas). Si se omite esta parte, incluso cuando se habla de temáticas colombianas, el material estudiado queda sin duda enajenado de las discusiones contemporáneas y de las posibilidades de aproximarse a nuevos horizontes de investigación y muy distante de los debates actuales abiertos por Lorblanchet, Chippindalle, Bednarik, Bhan frente a las tipologías estilísticas y las nuevas concepciones sobre el sentido y función histórica de este patrimonio de la humanidad.

Contextos Universales de Fundamentación: Arqueología y Arte Rupestre A comienzos del siglo XIX se inician las primeras investigaciones en arqueología y arte rupestre en Europa 9 en las cuevas paleolíticas y con ellas, los primeros registros e interpretaciones. Este inicio marca sin duda el comienzo histórico y el fundamento de la relación entre las preocupaciones arqueológicas y los sistemas de representación presentes en las paredes rocosas, fundamentalmente de cuevas europeas. El equipo del IPH (Instituto de Paleontología Humana-París) interesado en el proceso de hominización y poblamiento de Europa creó la arqueología científica (geología y paleontología) para que diera cuenta de la evolución de las capacidades humanas, sus vestigios líticos y sus características peculiares, fundamentalmente relativas a la cronología y su desarrollo técnico. Pero al tiempo, también se produjeron los primeros trabajos sobre pigmentos en arte rupestre y se iniciaron las descripciones de los materiales y técnicas, que fueron utilizados, según las cronologías, en un período, que parecería corresponder fundamentalmente con el Magdaleniense, con el homo sapiens sapiens.10

Por ello, los trabajos sobre patrimonio arqueológico y arte rupestre deben ser coordinados fundamentalmente por arqueólogos, quienes podrán desarrollar actividades de estudio, preservación y recuperación de dichos materiales y reivindicar su valor histórico patrimonial y su valor cultural indiscutible como ejemplos fundamentales de la diversidad humanas. El apoyo de diferentes grupos de investigación científica, mostraran con sus registros las posibilidades de afrontar temas y problemas de interpretación cultural, como los caminos técnicos para resolver los problemas relativos a su dinámica de deterioro y conservación. La preservación y recuperación de estos documentos precolombinos, en el medio latinoamericano requieren de estas perspectivas. Las investigaciones europeas generaron una diseminación y divulgación de sus criterios y en buena parte estas investigaciones modelaron las formas como actualmente se tratan e interpretan las manifestaciones rupestres en

Ya desde el comienzo mismo de la investigación, se generaron preocupaciones sobre la conservación de las pinturas, e inquietudes sobre la etapa prehistórica en la cual fueron realizados los trazos y aplicados los pigmentos, es decir algunas informaciones sobre sus

11

Methods of dating rock-art are based on the notion that ‘style’ is specific to a particular place and time: since different people in different places produce art in different ways, then style can be used as a chronological or geographic marker. Where this is possible, the style and/or subject matter of rock-art are correlated with material culture documented by historical records and/or found in dated archaeological deposits (e.g. Lewis 1988; Carlson 1993; Welsh 1993). In: Andreé Rosenfeld & Claire Smith 1997. Recent developments in radiocarbon and stylistic methods of dating rock-art.

8

XVI International Congress for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences (UISPP) 2011. 9 Arqueologia Científica – Instituto de paleontologia Humana París. 10 Hernanz, A.; Gavira-Vallejo, J.M. & Ruiz-Lopez, J.F. (2007) – Calcium oxalates and prehistoric paintings. The usefulness of these biomaterials. Journal of Optoelectronics and Advanced Materials, 9(3), 512-521.

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América. El homo-sapiens desde etapas muy tempranas originó, si se quiere, una buena parte de las posibilidades de elaboración estética, que para las versiones tradicionales estaban perfectamente divididas en la presencia de las representaciones perfectas de animales en el Magdaleniense y las figuras abstractas y geométricas en el Neolítico. Aunque se continúen divulgando libros en este sentido, hoy se sabe que no es posible argumentar las seguridades de Breuil de la evolución de los estilos. En esta perspectiva, tampoco es posible argumentar que las pinturas presentes en Colombia, y en el altiplano Cundiboyacense, correspondan en su totalidad a los períodos de poblamiento de los Muiscas. Esta es la versión convencional de los cronistas y de algunos historiadores, y no la de la investigación teórica ni arqueológica actual, que se basa en los registros y en las evidencias del trabajo de campo, y que problematiza en cada nivel estas seguridades. Hoy existe en la versión universitaria una gama de opciones de trabajo derivadas de los estudios de cazadores-recolectores, un conjunto de materiales y de temáticas, que abren espacio sobre el antiguo poblamiento de las zonas de estudio del material presentado y que no se limitan simplemente a los grupos indígenas que estaban a la llegada de los españoles. Las evidencias del registro mostrarían tal diversidad y complejidad que por ahora se podría afirmar que estos documentos pictóricos y petrográficos esparcidos en grandes áreas y con concentraciones y densidades muy altas se refieren a procesos de poblamiento y desarrollos de hábitat, que aún no son completamente claros. Al tiempo que se estudian las características del lugar y las condiciones de las representaciones rupestres y se determinan nuevos elementos para su filiación cultural, se hacen igualmente investigaciones sobre su conservación y valoración cultural.

la intervención en el patrimonio. Según este organismo científico regulador, es absolutamente indispensable realizar un catálogo sistematizado de registros, que tengan valor arqueológico, es decir de registros, cuyo rigor permita convertirlos en fuente fundamental de descripción de los objetos o yacimientos estudiados. En este sentido se recomienda que se deban anexar las fichas de registro de Bienes Muebles y de Bienes Inmuebles hallados o intervenidos durante el estudio diligenciadas y en formato digital (guía de presentación de informes ICANH). Los procesos metodológicos dado el objeto de estudio deberán ajustarse a las peculiaridades de los objetos de investigación en diálogo con las pautas organizadas en este sentido por el órgano cultural y científico encargado de tales objetos patrimoniales (ICANH)13 cuyas formulaciones ayudan a organizar y sistematizar la información del inventario valoración del patrimonio, pero también a resolver problemas ajustados a los criterios universitarios y a los debates actuales de investigación en períodos y temas arqueológicos puntuales, que tienen un desarrollo y una historia de debates. Tradiciones internacionales en el registro Los primeros trabajos realizados se hacían fundamentalmente basados en un dibujante (Breuil). Hoy Norbert Aujulat (Cnrs) considera que estas versiones amateur han sido superadas por las reconstrucciones complejas de todo el yacimiento en descripciones 3D que muestran en detalle las sinuosidades del sitio y las particularidades de las cuevas, como los detalles de sus representaciones (Aujulat, 2005). De igual modo, los urgentes retos derivados de la presencia de diferentes materiales biológicos en estas cuevas pintadas han originado el reto a la comunidad científica de Francia y España de desarrollar diversos estudios sobre las alteraciones y comportamiento climático de las cuevas. La cueva de Lascaux es pionera en los estudios (Delporte, Brunet, Vouvé, 1997) muestran aspectos dinámicos en las investigaciones sobre las temperaturas y las ecuaciones del comportamiento del aire, sus dinámicas, su temperatura en su interior y el crecimiento relativo de bacterias (Seminario de Brasil, Capivara 2009). Desde el siglo pasado habían realizado estudios sobre alteraciones sufridas por vandalismo y poco a poco fueron generando modelos de investigación para entender la tendencia en la destrucción o estabilidad de estos sitios patrimoniales. Diversos equipos con enfoques propios de las disciplinas científicas se pusieron al servicio de la conservación de la cueva. Los debates de este proceso han producido un conjunto bibliográfico excepcional que colabora en los estudios en diversas latitudes, pero no sólo para cuevas, sino para sitios a cielo abierto, donde se introducen nuevos factores y dinámicas de alteración y deterioro de las obras patrimoniales.

Así el enfoque del proyecto que se expone en esta propuesta coordinado por una dirección arqueológica permitirá simultáneamente desarrollar trabajos técnicos de registro y documentación y coordinar actividades distintas para salvaguardar los sitios y generar su conocimiento y protección a futuro, cobijado dentro de un contexto científico respaldado por la teoría arqueológica, la historia de la investigación y las técnicas y prácticas científicas de conservación y restauración. Tal y como se expresa en las políticas del Ministerio de Cultura12 y en las recomendaciones de trabajo de los sitios arqueológicos patrimoniales, es indispensable al iniciar este proceso realizar inventarios y valoraciones del patrimonio inmueble en el contexto de la Ley de desarrollo territorial. De igual manera, y siguiendo esta política del Ministerio, el ICANH (Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia) normaliza ciertas etapas para 12 La Ley General de Cultura, 397 de 1997, materializó los mandatos de la Constitución de 1991 en lo relativo al patrimonio cultural. En 1998 se proyectó en el Ministerio para la dependencia de patrimonio el objetivo de realizar los inventarios del patrimonio en departamentos, distritos y municipios. El Plan Nacional de Cultura 2001-2010, “Hacia una ciudadanía democrática cultural permitió la ampliación de fortalecer las bases de la identidad cultural a través del conocimiento de la memoria”.

Diversos equipos con enfoques propios de las disciplinas científicas se pusieron al servicio de la conservación de la 13

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cueva. Los debates de este proceso han producido un conjunto bibliográfico excepcional que colabora en los estudios en diversas latitudes, pero no sólo para cuevas, sino para sitios a cielo abierto, donde se introducen nuevos factores y dinámicas de alteración y deterioro de las obras patrimoniales.

Hoy es posible hacer la reconstrucción de la totalidad de los motivos rupestres y esta dinámica se ha venido ampliando y determinando con mayor precisión y calidad, con las nuevas posibilidades inauguradas de los registros fotográficos de alta resolución, facilitadas por las cámaras digitales, con las posibilidades de ubicar con alta definición los sitios con nuevas herramientas visuales que permiten la geo-referenciación. De igual manera, es posible con los nuevos instrumentos de análisis de la nanotecnología determinar los materiales y condiciones de alteración. Con la fotografía actual es accesible la reconstrucción de los yacimientos haciendo versiones panorámicas ajustadas a nuevas tecnologías (GigaPan EPIC Pro- Panoramic Photography and VR Applications) de alta definición. Los procesos posteriores de manipulación digital y laboratorio digital permiten igualmente determinar y observar, después de un proceso complejo de actividades del laboratorio digital, algunos detalles que no serían visibles fácilmente en condiciones normales. Estos trabajos de manipulación digital colaboran en las primeras etapas de diagnóstico, pues con ellos es posible introducir nuevos aspectos, elementos básicos para la reconstrucción de los murales, de los grupos pictóricos y los trazos de los motivos rupestres presentes, incluso en un área afectada. La amplia gama de herramientas de manipulación igualmente facilitan la saturación de ciertos colores y con ello, la visualización en escalas apropiadas de los sitios exactos, en los cuales se pueden ubicar zonas afectadas. Esta información se procesa y se incluye en las fichas de conservación.

En el comienzo de la arqueología científica en la primera década del siglo XIX las descripciones de los yacimientos rupestres de las cuevas en Europa se veían determinados por las teorías sobre el nivel, el grado y la clase de pensamientos de sus ejecutores o de la ausencia de tales capacidades presentes en las representaciones (pinturas y grabados). Basados en las teorías de la mimesis, derivabas de los aportes del pensamiento aristotélico, se construyó una imagen que invitaba, especialmente, a quienes hacían los registros, a hacer descripciones de los dibujos aislados de los animales presentes en ellas. En el pasado las tradiciones Breulianas y su divulgación produjeron las primeras transcripciones, que desglosaban los motivos y desarticulaban los grupos pictóricos, resaltando uno y otro signo, para acomodarlo a las interpretaciones de los autores. Sólo hasta el debate de Max Raphäel en 1946 se pudo introducir una nueva interpretación desde la historia y la sociología crítica del arte, y sólo hasta la segunda mitad del siglo XX, se generó otro tipo de registros en lo murales, que permitían reconstruir la totalidad de un panel y la reconstrucción de la totalidad del espacio, como una unidad temática, objeto de nuevas interpretaciones, fundamentalmente estructuralistas. Esta es la propuesta precisamente Laming Emperaire Anette y de André Leroi-Gourhan.

Las descripciones producidas por los navegadores, ahora con relativa definición y margen de error pequeño facilitan la organización de un conjunto de capas (layers) con los cuales es posible orientar igualmente nuevas preguntas de investigación sobre las densidades de los yacimientos, su ubicación y sus contextos.

Con las nuevas interpretaciones arqueológicas y con las reflexiones y aportes críticos de la sociología del arte, (Baffier 1988) se estructuraron nuevos sistemas de registro, que han venido desarrollándose a nivel internacional y que han sido formuladas en distintas etapas. En este horizonte de desarrollo de los registros, se han determinado en Colombia algunas actividades que permiten introducir un modelo metodológico de documentación. Quien se ha ocupado fundamentalmente en este trabajo corresponde al grupo de investigación de la pintura rupestre indígena (GIPRI) quien en diversas etapas se ha interesado en sistematizar diversos modelos metodológicos complejos, que distribuidos en fichas especializadas, permiten realizar el registro arqueológico del arte rupestre. En el proceso de estudio de diversas zonas y de yacimientos rupestres se fueron poco a poco construyendo diversos formatos, que determinan con precisión los detalles de la composición de los murales y desarrollan balances diagnósticos sobre su estado de deterioro y alteraciones.14

Los nuevos laboratorios de nanotecnología y la utilización de instrumentos, que incluso ya no requieren de la extracción de muestras, facilitan la confirmación y detalles de los primeros diagnósticos de estado de conservación15 de los murales pictóricos y sus sustratos, monochrome French system. Some similarities in the results of these two independent initiatives seem to imply that the choices of symbols to be used for the various rock surface phenomena can be fairly selfevident. Nevertheless, the Columbian system is significantly more sophisticated, and capable of depicting such detail as differences in the lichen species or fungi present on a panel. The principle of microgeomorphic mapping of rock art panels is simple: whereas traditional recordings are almost universally limited to the perceived rock art motifs, Soleilhavoup and Muñoz include also information on other features of the rock panel, such as areas of exfoliation, lichen presence, taphonomic rock markings, patination, mineral accretions and salt efflorescence. The benefits of this cartography are not limited to those for the scientist, who is likely to refer to such micro-topographical information for a variety of analytical reasons, they are also of great significance to issues of rock art conservation. Indeed, in the latter area it seems self-evident that this form of recording is essential. The neglect hitherto of such an important tool of rock art research is symptomatic of a field dominated by nonscientific, humanistic preoccupations, such as what is depicted and why. It is part of the general pattern that has led to the shortage of empirical information about rock art, and the abundance of meaningless claims about meaning. (Bednarik Robert, 5. The Recording of Rock Art, Rock Art Science) Pág. 60. 15 Bednarik, R.G. (1991). Conservation of Rock Art.

14

Geomorphic cartography This recording method was introduced by François Soleilhavoup (1985) and although he has used it extensively, very few other rock art scientists have adopted it (Delluc et al. 1986; Soleilhavoup 1986, 1994). Independent of Soleilhavoup (Figure 26), and apparently without knowing about his system, Columbian rock art researchers led by Guillermo Muñoz have developed a similar cartographic system of recording rock art. The principal difference between the two is that the Columbian system (by GIPRI, the Grupo de Investigación de Arte Rupestre Indígena) includes the use of colour, which permits a much greater range of symbols than the

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MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

En lo relativo al estudio del parque arqueológico de Facatativá existen los siguientes antecedentes:

incluso ayudan a analizar los factores de alteración y deterioros a los que se ven expuestos los yacimientos, al encontrarse al aire libre.

Tradiciones Nacionales: el Parque y sus Alrededores El Arte Rupestre En la historia del registro en Colombia existen algunos elementos importantes que pueden ser incorporados en esta propuesta. En primer lugar, ya desde el siglo XIX existen excelentes referencias sobre el tratamiento de los murales y su entorno. La conocida Comisión Corográfica trabajó por muchos años (1850-59) en la organización de un material artístico, que diera cuenta de las diversas zonas que tenían monumentos indígenas. Estos consideraron que dichas obras deberían ser resaltadas como obras de arte y por ello, pintores especializados dibujaron las acuarelas, que dieron una nueva versión sobre las culturas y la vida de estos habitantes precolombinos, aspecto que aún hoy se resalta.

Cualquier trabajo de investigación en la historia de la investigación del parque arqueológico de Facatativá muestra en cada uno de sus etapas un interés por el objeto patrimonial, pero en ningún caso, se hacía una reconstrucción de balance de la totalidad de los objetos presentes en los murales, ni la totalidad de los mismos. Tampoco se hicieron diversos ejercicios académicos que con preguntas arqueológicas dieran continuidad al trabajo de investigación. El sitio cambió de ser inicialmente un espacio de arqueología e investigación, para convertirse en un espacio de recreación y esparcimiento masivo. Es necesario poner inicialmente en consideración algunos aspectos involucrados en el área arqueológica del parque denominado “Parque Arqueológico de Facatativá” pues fundamentalmente esta área compete a diversas disciplinas y con ello se sugiere en esta propuesta, que estén vinculados en sus actividades científicas, un equipo interdisciplinario. Se trata sin duda de la recuperación y puesta en valor de un objeto arqueológico, que debe ser asumido por diversas áreas y disciplinas de trabajo. En primer lugar, debe ser asumido por los investigadores arqueólogos que conocen del tema y que han venido trabajando en estos objetos desde hace muchos años. El trabajo científico producido por la disciplina arqueológica deberá dar cuenta, desde su perspectiva, de la importancia y de los diversos registros arqueológicos que componen una unidad de problemas relativos al conjunto de actividades producidas por las etnias precolombinas.

El álbum de Liborio Zerda y los dibujos de Lázaro María Girón relativos a las pinturas de Facatativá, constituyen inequívocamente las primeras obras de arte sobre el arte rupestre colombiano y son igualmente documentos de sus procesos y objetos históricos patrimoniales en sí mismos y registros históricos del patrimonio precolombino. Una segunda etapa la constituye el trabajo de investigación cultural realizado por Jorge Isaacs, quien se trasladó hasta la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta y allí determinó, con preguntas muy interesantes, el desarrollo del mundo estético de las comunidades Arhuacas, como el proceso evolutivo del lenguaje de representación. Una tercera etapa influenciada por las tradiciones de la Expedición Botánica y de la Comisión Corográfica, corresponde al ingeniero Miguel Triana quien construyó un modelo de investigación basado en la valoración de la capacidad intelectual de la cultura Muisca. Sus descripciones hacen siempre referencia a un mundo cultural civilizado, que había llegado a altos niveles de desarrollo intelectual. Dentro de este proceso de trabajo de registro también es importante citar en la historia del parque de Facatativá y sus alrededores a Wenceslao Cabrera Ortiz que en el cuaderno de Cundinamarca (Cabrera O-1970), quien incluyó algunos de los registros realizados por Triana. De allí en adelante, a pesar de la reseña histórica de los trabajos en la zona de la sabana de Bogotá de Mónica Therrien y Braida Enciso, es posible constatar que los trabajos posteriores vuelven a copiar los registros existentes, sin adelantar significativamente. Sólo hasta 1967, con el grupo de trabajo de Lleras y Vargas, se hace la más exhaustiva descripción y registro de buena parte de los yacimientos rupestres presentes en el parque y en las áreas aledañas. Lo básico de este informe es que intenta introducir elementos arqueológicos y preguntas esenciales en la organización del material y desarrollar temáticas de investigación sobre recurrencias de trazos y estructuras formales.

ANTECEDENTES: DOCUMENTACIÓN Y ESTUDIO DE LAS PINTURAS RUPESTRES DE FACATATIVÁ Los antecedentes más remotos de la presencia de arte rupestre en el territorio nacional se deben a los cronistas. En algunas zonas existen referencias precisas sobre sitios donde algunos españoles pudieron observar este tipo de trazos (Pérez de Barradas, 1951). Lo más común en las investigaciones y publicaciones en el altiplano, incluso hasta el presente, corresponde a la investigación en la modalidad de pinturas en el centro oriental del país. La mayoría de las referencias encontradas en la época de la conquista y colonia corresponden a la sabana de Bogotá y a sus alrededores. A finales del siglo XIX y comienzos del XX se inician los primeros trabajos de registro y descripción de algunos sectores en el territorio nacional (Muñoz, 1990). La tendencia en tales trabajos es el estudio de las pinturas y muy excepcionalmente de grabados. Normalmente estos trabajos registran algunos de los murales y en ellos documentan tan sólo algunos de sus trazos. Todo lo anterior quiere decir que existe un trabajo asistemático sobre la presencia de dichos murales, trabajo que al parecer aún no se ha hecho de modo exhaustivo y riguroso.

Etnohistóricos Descripción del cercado por los cronistas. 44

G. MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO: CATALOGACIÓN, RESTAURACIÓN Y CONSERVACIÓN DE LOS MATERIALES ARQUEOLÓGICOS RUPESTRES…

Fueron los cronistas de Indias los primeros que constataron la presencia de estos dibujos realizados en las rocas. La versión que este tema ha generado permite imaginar que en la época colonial existió un gran respeto con las leyendas divulgadas por los españoles. En 1999 se realizó una ponencia sobre el tema donde se ponía de relieve esta circunstancia historia que hacia semejantes los ambientes estéticos entre la percepción de los cronistas y las leyendas indígenas recuperadas por estos (Muñoz 1990).

se hicieron unas acuarelas interesadas en los monumentos indígenas y en las zonas que tienen arte rupestre. Hoy se investiga este álbum, que aparentemente incluyó copias de las versiones de la Comisión, realizadas por Lázaro María Girón a finales del siglo XIX. El álbum fue coleccionado por el investigador Liborio Zerda, como Antigüedades Neogranadinas y se encuentra en el Museo Nacional.18 Así, en el siglo XIX se registran no menos de 15 rocas con sus murales, algunas de las cuales están por fuera del parque actual.

Documentación inicial en Arte rupestre (Parque y alrededores)

En el siglo XX vuelven a aparecer nuevos datos fundamentalmente en las investigaciones de Miguel Triana. En las dos obras de Triana publicadas en 1922 y 1970 se encuentran algunas referencias a las pinturas existentes en el parque y con ello, información general sobre sus características.

1850-59

Comisión Corográfica (Acuarela de la Roca de las Nuñez) 1887-1922 Álbum de Liborio Zerda (Acuarelas de Lázaro María Girón) 1922-70 Triana Miguel (Civilización Chibcha y el jeroglífico Chibcha) 1941 José Pérez de Barradas (Arte Rupestre en Colombia) 1959 Antonio Nuñez Jiménez (Facatativá, Santuario de la Rana) 1976 Grupo Chonto (Vargas y Roberto Lleras) ¿??? Copias heliográficas que están en el Icanh 1980 ? Materiales de la CAR (calcos de las pinturas) 1982 Documentación inicial de Gipri (fotogramas de algunos murales) 1998 Harry Marriner. Trabajo de registro y documentación de las pinturas rupestres del Parque Arqueológico Las Piedras del Tunjo (bajo la administración de la C.A.R.). En colaboración con el grupo GIPRI. 2003-06 Grupo de registro y restauración de las rocas 16, conjuntos pictográficos 19 y 20, los conjuntos pictográficos 20A y 20B (16, 19 y 20).

En 1950 José Pérez de Barradas realizó un trabajo que quería ser exhaustivo, es decir que incluyera el balance general de sitios y denuncios de arte rupestre con sus transcripciones gráficas para todo el territorio nacional. En realidad fue una revisión bibliográfica, que incluía las referencias del álbum de Liborio Zerda sobre los yacimientos pictóricos en el municipio de Facatativá y las versiones de 1924 de Miguel Triana. En esta ocasión se incluyeron las acuarelas y descripciones graficas del material que estaba incluido en el álbum de Liborio Zerda, pero se copiaron exclusivamente los trazos generales y sus ubicaciones en las diversas áreas de Facatativá. Historia de Estudios Generales: Otras Referencias • Referencias de Cronistas (Fray Pedro Simón, “Noticias Historiales”, 1.982. Tomo III, y de historiadores que los citan, como antecedentes. • El Ex-presidente Carlos Holguín, interesado en la conservación de las piedras con pictografías, hizo un homenaje en 1899 al Tisquesuza, ultimo Zipa de los Muiscas. El trató de proteger el sitio y propuso construir una estatua de Tisquesuza, pero finalmente se realizaron algunos dibujos aparentemente en óleo de su rostro, con otros dignatarios encima de las pictografías indígenas.

En lo relativo a la versión entregada por la Comisión Corográfica (1850-59) al gobierno nacional esta acuarela del parque de Facatativá corresponde exclusivamente a la roca que se encuentra en el parque actual, bajo en nombre de Piedra de las Núñez (número 113 del catálogo de la Comisión)16 y aparentemente corresponde a la última expedición, es decir a la novena, donde al parecer se haría una descripción del camino desde Facatativá hasta Beltrán. Los pintores que participaron en la elaboración de dichas láminas son Carmelo Fernández, Manuel María Paz y Henry Price. Probablemente existen otras acuarelas de Facatativá en colecciones privadas, aun no conocidas.17 Esta acuarela se encuentra en la Biblioteca Nacional, dentro de la colección denominada álbum Pintoresco de la Nueva Granada. Igualmente, a finales del siglo pasado

• Miguel Triana, “padre” del estudio del arte rupestre indígena, publicó transcripciones de muchos de los dibujos en “La Civilización Chibcha” en 1922 y en el jeroglífico chibcha. • Harold Sammuli, residente extranjero en Facatativá en 1925, refiere algunos datos sobre ceremonias. Según su reseña este habló con un indígena viejo que estaba viviendo cerca de las piedras (parque). El indígena reveló que sus ancestros usaron el sitio como una

16 Las láminas incluidas de Facatativá en: www.bibliotecanacional. gov.co/?idcategoria=38839. 17 Según algunos autores, el número total era de 177, de las cuales se conservan solamente 151, bajo el cuidado de la Biblioteca Nacional. Los números incluidos en la actual colección parecen no corresponder con el orden cronológico de las expediciones.

18

Un primer informe sobre la presencia de arte rupestre en Facatativá y en otras zonas de Cundinamarca se debe a la reseña hecha por José Pérez de Barradas en su publicación sobre el Arte Rupestre en Colombia.

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MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

informe de tales actividades presentado al ICANH. 2003.

iglesia y un colegio donde celebraron ritos de paso como la pubertad. El comentó que los dibujos representaron mitos, leyendas y rezos tribales. En el túnel de piedra conocido como El Paso Del Zipa jóvenes pasaron después de un baño de purificación. El túnel representa el útero de la madre tierra y los jóvenes “re-nacieron” como adultos después de una ceremonia y explicación de historias pintadas en las piedras.

• María Paula Álvarez restauradora y Diego Martínez Celis diseñador gráfico, en el año 2004 realizaron un trabajo de registro con la colaboración de Margarita Acosta, Helen Jacobsen, Isabel Cristina Quintero, Manuel Ruíz Pichimate, Álvaro Botiva Contreras y Pedro Argüello García en procesos de documentación y conservación en los conjuntos pictográficos 19 y 20 del Parque Arqueológico de Facatativá. Usaron el modelo GIPRI de fichas de 1990.

• Ignacio Ramírez Sánchez en 1946 publicó su estudio “Facatativá, Cercado Fuerte Al Fin De La Llanura” explicando la historia de las piedras y el Zipa Tisquezusa. Se trata fundamentalmente de una reproducción de los materiales de Miguel Triana.

• El Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia (ICANH), en septiembre de 2005 presentó un informe final de los procesos de documentación y conservación en los conjuntos pictográficos 20A y 20B (16, 19 y 20) Parque arqueológico de Facatativá (Cundinamarca) realizado por María Paula Álvarez y Diego Martínez Chelis cuyos colaboradores fueron Margarita Acosta Helen Jacobsen, Isabel Cristina Quintero, Oscar Martínez, Jimmy Obando y Funcionarios CAR. (Usaron el modelo GIPRI de fichas de 1990). El número de murales reseñados hasta 2005 según la versión del mapa anexo realizada poreste grupo es de 33, frente a la versión de 1976 de “Chonto” (Vargas & Lleras) de 154 con 56 rocas.

• Emil Haury y Julio Cesar Cubillos en 1953 investigaron la zona de Facatativá y 1959. Ellos encontraron esqueletos indígenas y cerámica roja. • Antonio Núñez Jiménez profesor Cubano, viceministro de la cultura e investigador de arte rupestre en 1959, realizó un estudio interpretativo general que fue publicado bajo el nombre: “Facatativá, Santuario De La Rana”. El profesor Núñez concluyó que el elemento más común en las pictografías de Facatativá era la rana, símbolo Muisca de un “mensajero” a los dioses para traer lluvia. También el mencionó motivos parecidos en Facatativá, Cueva Del Indio en el norte de Argentina, Cuba, y otros países.

• En el año 2006 se publica un artículo de divulgación restringida efectuado por Pedro Arguello sobre los procesos de restauración de los murales, etc..

• Roberto Lleras & Vargas, bajo el seudónimo de “Chonto”, en 1976 hicieron un estudio extenso de las pictografías en la zona de Facatativá con el título “Las Piedras Pintadas De Facatativá: estudio Detallado de dos zonas.” El resultado son dibujos y mapas de tres áreas y una descripción por murales y motivos. Se trata de uno de los trabajos más exhaustivos de reconstrucción.

La reseña histórica de los trabajos que se incluyen aquí, muestra que objetivamente, hasta la fecha, no se ha hecho una investigación exhaustiva, que registre y catalogue la complejidad del sitio, (murales, contextos, grupos pictóricos y trazos), que documente sistemáticamente los murales, rocas y temas arqueológicos. Se han realizado únicamente algunas descripciones y se han efectuado algunos trabajos técnicos con el objetivo de recuperar y realizar alguna limpieza técnica de los murales de algunas rocas y la adecuación de algunos sectores, para que no sean nuevamente afectados con grafitis.

• Cabrera Ortiz Wenceslao en 1968 (Monumentos Rupestres de Colombia en su publicación dela revista Colombiana de Antropología en Colombia publico igualmente un informe sobre arte rupestre de Cundinamarca donde incluye la trascripción de algunas rocas, incluyendo algunas del parque para un total de 45 pictografías. Este trabajo trae una versión general del mapa de las rocas y de aquellas, que tienen pinturas.

Finalmente, es necesario informar que el trabajo más sistemático de registro de un número importante de rocas y murales en el parque arqueológico y en sus inmediaciones, es efectuado por el equipo de estudiantes con el pseudónimo de “Chonto”19 (Lleras Roberto / Vargas, 1976). Dicho registro se hizo aparentemente a mano alzada y con él se reseñaron un número importante de rocas, se realizaron fotos de los yacimientos, de los murales y de los motivos y se organizaron las zonas con mapas, (cartografía del Codazzi), que permitieran visualizar los lugares, en los cuales se encuentran los yacimientos rupestres. Adicionalmente se realizó una versión de mayor escala a mano alzada donde se incluían los murales, discriminados con el número de la roca y con letras lo grupos pictóricos. Al parecer el conjunto general de fotos no se incluyó en el informe del Banco Popular y

• Guillermo Muñoz, Harry Marriner y Jorge Ruge, miembros del grupo GIPRI, desde los años 1980 documentaron muchas piedras de la zona de Facatativá. GIPRI ha presentado varios proyectos para la documentación y diagnóstico de las pictografías de Facatativá. El último plan se entregó en Mayo 1998 a la Alcaldía del Municipio. • Alfonso E. Bonilla Soto y Carlina Díaz González promulgaron la importancia del parque en 1997 con su estudio “Concientización de la importancia histórica y conservación del Parque ‘Piedras De Tunja’ de Facatativá. • Martínez, Diego (Diseñador Gráfico) y Pedro Argüello (licenciado en ciencias sociales) realizaron la documentación de la roca No. 16 (con las fichas GIPRI). Parque Arqueológico de Facatativá, con un

19

Presentado a un concurso de investigación a la Casa de Marquéz de San Jorge del Banco Popular, sin publicar.

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G. MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO: CATALOGACIÓN, RESTAURACIÓN Y CONSERVACIÓN DE LOS MATERIALES ARQUEOLÓGICOS RUPESTRES…

estas se refundieron posteriormente. Sin embargo, se trata este material del más completo, y si se quiere, riguroso hasta hoy. De igual manera, se intentaron hacer algunas reflexiones sobre la recurrencia de los motivos y se desglosaron los grupos pictóricos, imaginando que de esta manera podrían hacerse análisis posteriores sobre su estructura estética, sus reiteraciones (estadísticas) y las relaciones posibles con otros materiales arqueológicos. Esta perspectiva de trabajo en el parque desapareció y fue remplazada por el olvido durante muchos años, en donde el lugar (parque arqueológico) perdió su sentido y función, acompañado de la omisión del tema, por parte de las autoridades académico-universitarias y de los organismos del estado, que dejaron en manos de la CAR el manejo y la administración.

parque y como resultado de esta prospección20 puede decir:

Según parece ante la urgencia de resolver su deterioro los grupos de trabajo incluidos en los últimos nueve años olvidaron la importancia de trabajar con la coordinación de una pregunta arqueológica y dedicaron su esfuerzo exclusivamente a pensar en los temas de erradicación de grafitis y en la adecuación del lugar, lo cual también resulta importante, pero no suficiente. En estos últimos nueve años se han venido realizando trabajos en el Parque, pero en ningún caso se han realizado las labores de registro sistemáticos y rigurosos, con las nuevas tecnologías ya existentes, que permitan reconstruir las peculiaridades de los motivos y puedan así ser resaltados digitalmente sus trazos, con el propósito de reconstruir sistemáticamente y en forma rigurosa los murales rupestres en su totalidad. Al parecer el trabajo de restauración se ha hecho en un número reducido de rocas, en las cuales igualmente se efectuaron labores de limpieza y restauración, (roca 16, conjuntos pictográficos 20A y 20B (16, 19 y 20), aspecto, que se convirtió en la dinámica esencial del trabajo.

4. Que algunos sitios (sustrato) están amenazados por diferentes factores de alteración, fundamentalmente por la humedad, creando así el sitio de cultivo de diferentes materiales orgánicos y reacciones químicas y físicas. Que sin duda algunas de las rocas y con ello los motivos rupestres se han venido alterando (físico, químicamente y biológicamente) por el intemperismo inevitable.

1. Que actualmente el parque ha sido readecuado en algunas áreas donde se observan senderos, con los cuales se facilita el acceso a los sitios y se organiza la visita. Que los prados ahora son podados y se observa el lugar diligentemente cuidado. 2. Que la mayoría de las rocas, que contienen murales precolombinos han sido encerradas con mallas metálicas, impidiendo así el fácil acceso. 3. Que un número importante de los murales ha sido afectado por vandalismo con diferentes materiales (vinilos, esmaltes) y alteradas y destruidas con diferentes instrumentos.

5. Que no hay una visita guiada que pueda ser informativa y preventiva de los daños de este patrimonio, no renovable. 6. Que aún se conservan los vestigios de las áreas cuando el parque fue un espacio de recreación y esparcimiento masivo. 7. Que se han adecuado algunas vallas informativas que se refieren al sitio, pero que estas son muy generales. Algunas de estas parecen haber sido ubicadas en el lugar hace ya algunos años y no se nota su mantenimiento. Algunas vallas son exageradamente pequeñas y algunas de estas están perdiendo el color y se han hecho azules, con lo cual se da una imagen equivoca del mural, de la administración y se desdibuja la calidad original de la misma y se genera así un mal aspecto de la calidad del parque.

La documentación y el estudio que esta propuesta hace es la de recuperar el carácter arqueológico del sitio y este solo podrá hacerse si el centro de toda la actividad se organiza con preguntas arqueológicas pertinentes, que vuelvan a darle el sentido y función al lugar como un espacio patrimonial, que debe ser investigado e incluido como parte de la historia del poblamiento, como del carácter peculiar de las elaboraciones estéticas producidas por los grupos precolombinos. Se trata de hacer la reivindicación del lenguaje y de los sistemas de representación presentes, como paradigma de la humanidad y modelos de historia de los procesos de la identidad nacional. Este objeto no es patrimonial simplemente por ser adecuado y limpiado de grafitis, sino porque está acompañado de una investigación, que está interesada en construir un discurso arqueológico, cuyos registros sean tan rigurosos, que sean evidencia de la historia peculiar de poblamiento del territorio de Colombia y en particular del municipio de Facatativá.

8. Que no se observa una reconstrucción total de los murales y mucho menos de la totalidad de los murales existentes. No es posible acceder a un catálogo general de las actividades e investigaciones realizadas en el sitio en los años anteriores. Esta prospección de 2011 realizada por el equipo de GIPRI en la zona permite al equipo de trabajo formular algunos aspectos generales: QUE NO ES SUFICIENTE CON HACER LA LIMPIEZA DE LOS MURALES, SINO QUE ES NECESARIO REDISEÑAR SU SENTIDO Y FUNCION a. Que es esencial introducir en la propuesta un trabajo esencialmente arqueológico, apoyado sin duda por expertos en restauración que colaboren en la

Evaluación del Estado del Parque, junio de 2011

20 Se organizó un primer conjunto de fotografías a modo de catálogo que muestra las características actuales del sitio. Este catálogo gráfico y fotográfico permitirá hacer un primer estudio sobre las condiciones de trabajo a futuro.

El equipo de trabajo de GIPRI antes de formular la propuesta que aquí se estructura realizo algunas visitas al 47

MISCELLANIA – THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

organización de evidencias, que puedan asumir las preguntas de carácter científico (pregunta arqueológica) en las dos vías organizadas de la investigación, es decir en la determinación de evidencias para el estudio cultural y en recuperación y limpieza de los murales, como en la determinación de criterios a futuro en la organización de esta área como realmente un parque espacio piloto, sede nacional del arte rupestre, o laboratorio de investigación.21

OBJETIVOS GENERALES • Recuperar y preservar el parque arqueológico de Facatativá. • Resolver problemas relativos al poblamiento, a las técnicas usadas en los murales rupestres e iniciar los estudios de datación y cronología. • Realizar un trabajo sistemático de registro que de información sobre una pregunta arqueológica central.

b. Que las autoridades competentes designen por acuerdo nacional con la gobernación de Cundinamarca y el Ministerio de Cultura darle continuidad y apoyo financiero permanente para que este espacio se convierta en un Museo Nacional de vocación científica donde se formen con el auxilio de las universidades y el ICANH a los futuros investigadores y guías especializados del Parque y del arte rupestre colombiano.

• Cambiar el sentido y función del parque. • Formular recomendaciones que impidan los procesos de alteración, sin controles. • Readecuar el parque, con la ayuda de la arquitectura del paisaje, que deberán rediseñar y generar propuesta de administración y señalización (museología).

c. Que finalmente es indispensable incluir en el proceso de estudio un grupo interdisciplinario que pueda abordar las rocas, los murales y el área general del parque desde diversas perspectivas y enfoques y con ello introducir nuevos caminos para la recuperación del parque, su rediseño.

• Realizar los trabajos preliminares de adecuación del parque como un ambiente científico cultural patrimonial que pueda ser la sede nacional de la investigación arqueológica del arte rupestre colombiano.

d. Que para realizar este proceso de carácter científico es necesario iniciar el trabajo con modelos metodológicos pertinentes y especializados que puedan contribuir en los procesos de registro sistemático de todos y cada uno de los murales, de sus contextos y con ello de las áreas circunvecinas.

Objetivos específicos por grupos de trabajo y disciplinas En el orden previsto de las actividades se describen algunos de los objetivos específicos: – En relación a los trabajos fotográficos, estos están interesados en reconstruir los murales, discriminar con detalle los motivos y generar un material básico para la descripción ordenada de las fichas anexas, que permitirán la ubicación tanto de los grupos pictóricos como de las posibles dinámicas de diagnóstico de su estado y sus alteraciones.

e. Que en este proceso se pone a disposición de esta propuesta la experiencia del Equipo GIPRI Colombia que viene desarrollando este trabajo desde 1970 en el estudio del arte rupestre colombiano. Desde 1980 viene trabajando en el análisis de los sistemas de conservación y para este propósito ha construido un conjunto de formatos técnicos adecuados a los murales para determinar en cuadrículas con la metodología cartesiana, los lugares precisos donde se evalúa diagnósticamente las alteraciones, con sus correspondientes laboratorios.

– En relación a los trabajos de restauración de los murales yla visualización de los motivos rupestres, un objetivo específico es realizar un conjunto complejo y en lo posible exhaustivo de los posibles di-solventes que podrían intervenir en la limpieza de los murales.

f. Que los diagnósticos sobre espacios de alteración serán entregados a los restauradores quienes con esta ayuda y el catálogo general de documentos de registro, podrán hacer balances sobre el tipo de estrategias generales para limpiar los grafitis y realizar una mejor visualización de los murales.

– El objetivo de los trabajos del geólogo será averiguar sobre los materiales que pudieron constituir la materia prima de los pigmentos usados en las pinturas, y suponer la variación de las técnicas (recetas). – El objetivo particular del topógrafo será la reconstrucción detallada del área comprometida en el objeto de estudio en escalas adecuadas que permitan la información sobre el relieve y los diversos accidentes topográficos con equipos refinados de descripción que puedan ser organizados en la versión final en SIG.

g. Que es necesario remover las mallas metálicas para realizar los trabajos de registro (en algunas rocas). h. Y finalmente que este espacio (parque arqueológico) corresponda a su intención originaria, es decir, que sea rediseñado completamente para que se convierta realmente en un sitio arqueológico, en un sitio de recreación científica.

– La actividad del laboratorio de análisis de los pigmentos de los murales y de los materiales del sustrato, que serán objeto de estudio y restauración deberán ser objeto de investigación del arqueómetra, quien dará una descripción detallada de laboratorio en las posibilidades de las descripciones físicas y químicas.

21 Loendorf, L.L. (1994) – Traditional Archaeological Methods and their Application at Rock Art Sites. New Light on Old Art Recent Advances in Hunter Gatherer Rock Art Research (pp. 81-94).

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– El microbiólogo de igual manera, hará un diagnóstico de los organismos que están allí deteriorando los sustratos y alterando los murales. Diversas muestras y tipo de muestras serán colectadas. Este proceso dependerá de los primeros elementos observados en la etapas diagnósticas, producidas por la ficha de conservación.

reflexiones. Los procesos concernientes a la “estética” y sistemas culturales serán sin duda aspectos fundamentales. Este registro de carácter arqueológico se hará en una fase en relación al análisis de los diversos motivos incluidos en la totalidad de los murales del parque y eventualmente de sus posibles vínculos (relaciones y diferencias) con los registros ya existentes en otras áreas del altiplano cundiboyacense23 consideradas de misma filiación cultural.

– Con todos estos aspectos descriptivos temáticos los restauradores y conservadores tendrán elementos básicos para realizar su labor de limpieza y análisis puntual de las alteraciones y de los modelos de impacto y tendencias del deterioro que podrá ser disminuido.

CONCLUSIONES Desde 1970 el equipo de Gipri ha venido generando diversas propuesta para sistematizar los registros y resolver las inconsistencias de los trabajos pioneros. En este proceso se ha generado un conjunto amplio de formatos que describen con precisión y excelente resolución los diversos detalles, que resultan significativos para el análisis cultural, como para dar un primer diagnóstico visual del estado de conservación de los murales. Cada roca tendrá una ficha completa, que incluye la reconstrucción de los motivos, su composición en el sustrato y una evaluación de sus alteraciones. Todas estas formas descriptivas están organizadas en estructuras X, Y con escalas, que permiten ubicar con absoluta precisión las áreas, que deberán ser estudiadas ahora con diversos laboratorios y expresar así los agentes, factores y dinámicas de alteración y deterioro.

Muchos de estos equipos trabajan simultáneamente y en algunos casos las actividades tendrán prerrequisitos, es decir que sólo hasta que se tenga una noción sobre el diagnostico de los sitios, las actividades de los conservadores podrá ser asumida.

METODOLOGÍA22 Para cumplir con los objetivos planteados, es necesario poner en marcha distintos grupos de trabajo y con ello asumir diferentes metodologías que apoyan el objetivo central: la preservación y recuperación del parque arqueológico de Facatativá. En primer lugar la labor de registro y catalogación de los sitios, las rocas, los murales y los motivos rupestres. Un grupo de trabajo dedicara sus esfuerzos a reflexionar sobre los documentos arqueológicos que existen dentro del parque. Los métodos usados son aquellos que corresponden a los criterios de la arqueología científica, es decir a la colección ordenada y rigurosa de sus registros, con el propósito de resolver las preguntas arqueológicas planteadas en los objetivos. El apoyo de las ciencias básicas y de las técnicas que auxilian dichos procesos descriptivos comprometen los estudios arqueológicos y coadyuvan en los procesos de análisis posterior de la conservación del sitio. La calidad de dichos registros y la sistematización de los mismos, deben metodológicamente estar en concordancia con las preguntas arqueológicas formuladas. Las reconstrucciones de los motivos rupestres, la colección de los grupos pictóricos y las reflexiones de las áreas pintadas serán objeto de dichas

Desde el punto de vista de los procesos de diagnóstico, además de los sistemas descriptivos producidos por las fichas existentes, es necesario hacer una descripción completa de las de paredes del yacimiento, usando sistemas de fotografía panorámica, que producirán una descripción adicional de las fichas de conservación. Para la documentación de grandes áreas se subdividirá en grupos que permitan tener una descripción detallada de los motivos y de las alteraciones. Su monitoreo deberá hacerse para proporcionar diversas informaciones, tanto del tipo de pigmentos como para acceder a una documentación, que determine con precisión los elementos químicos y las características del sustrato. Estas descripciones dan información importante en relación a los temas arqueológicos y hacen referencia directa a la información necesaria de un conservador – restaurador. De igual manera es fundamental determinar con precisión la ubicación del yacimiento, determinar los accidentes morfológicos, registrar las grietas, los diversos estratos, determinar el estado de la superficie y la presencia de agentes de alteración, su erosión relativa, su consolidación, las pérdidas de los pigmentos en el material gráfico precolombino, la presencia de microorganismos, su humedad e hidratación, la radiación solar, los flujos de agua- su visualización. Algunos de estos aspectos podrán imaginarse en la formulación de la propuesta. Muchos otros parecerán en la relación misma

22

Metodología. En este punto se describe exactamente cómo se va a realizar la investigación para lograr los objetivos planteados. *Debe escribir el diseño de la estructura lógica del estudio y los pasos definidos para obtener, analizar e interpretar la información, de manera que se resuelva la pregunta de investigación. Se deben describir y justificar las técnicas de recolección de datos, las tareas de laboratorio, el procesamiento de la información y los análisis previstos. Los métodos y técnicas deben ser adecuados a y justificados por los objetivos del estudio y por la escala de análisis de la pregunta de investigación. *Debe explicar claramente el tipo de intervención de bienes arqueológicos que pretende realizar, y las dimensiones de las áreas de intervención. Se debe justificar plenamente la necesidad de las intervenciones. *Debe describir y presentar en mapas temáticos adecuados la zona geográfica y localización del proyecto. Gráficos y mapas deben tener textos legibles y escala gráfica. Los mapas, en tamaño carta, deben presentar norte geográfico y coordenadas a escala acorde con el área de estudio. *Debe delimitar o señalar las áreas a explorar o donde se localiza el proyecto y el patrón e intensidad de muestreo propuestos (Icahn).

23 Ya hace algunos años, el equipo que hace la propuesta viene trabajando en el registro y estudio del arte rupestre. Cuenta con un número importante de registros de otras áreas en la Sabana  de Bogotá y sus alrededores. Ver Hoja de vida del director y reseña del equipo GIPRI Colombia.

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Second Edition, Expanded and Updated. Aryan Books, International, New Delhi, 2007; 220 Pages. ISBN 81-7305-319-7 Chapter 5. The Recording of Rock Art, Rock Art Science) pág. 60.

con el objeto de estudio. Sin embargo las categoríasy situaciones descritas son por lo general lo que se tiene en cuenta para las descripciones de los yacimientos rupestres (Jacques Brunet, Philippe Malaurent, Jean Vouvé, María José Moinhos e João Marques, 2002).

BEDNARIK, R.G. (1991) – ‘The Paroong Cave Preservation Project’, in Rock art and posterity: conserving, managing and recording rock art, eds C Pearson & B.K. Swartz, Jr, Proceedings of Symposium M, Conservation and Site Management’ and Symposium E, Recording and standardisation in rock art studies, Darwin, 1988, Occasional AURA Publication no. 4, Australian Rock Art Research Association, Melbourne pp. 66-70.

En realidad se trata de observar el conjunto complejo de interacciones que podrán ser formalizadas y que constituyen en realidad la primera aproximación, de sus características. Estas dinámicas detectadas serán un aspecto central de la supervisión general de los sitios. Diversas mediciones deberán hacerse sobre las características climáticas generales y con ellas se podrán hacer las diversas recomendaciones, que permitan disminuir el impacto de los factores de alteración y generar científicamente una buena conservación del sitio. El objetivo central es obtener con diversos parámetros la calidad de las condiciones de los yacimientos y con ellos, entender los diversos mecanismos de interacción entre el contexto y los murales. Lo básico es proporcionar un conocimiento especializado del conjunto de perturbaciones de origen diverso y comprender sus mecanismos, para producir si es posible, nuevas condiciones ahora más favorables, para evitar se amplíen las posibilidades de alteración. En relación a los grafitis es necesario hacer un monitoreo de solventes y realizar pruebas diversas para suspenderlos del sustrato.

DELPORTE, Henri; BRUNET, J. et VOUVÉ, J. (1997) – La Conservation des grottes ornées. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française. 1997, tome 94, N. 3. p. 298. http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/ prescript/article/bspf_0249-7638_1997_num_94_3_ 10682. CARTA

INTERNACIONAL SOBRE LA CONSERVACION Y LA RESTAURACION DE MONUMENTOS Y SITIOS (CARTA DE VENECIA 1964) II Congreso Internacional de

Arquitectos y Técnicos de Monumentos Históricos, Venecia 1964. Adoptada por ICOMOS en 1965 http://www.international.icomos.org/charters/venice_ sp.pdf. HERNANZ, A.; GAVIRA-VALLEJO, J.M. & RUIZLOPEZ, J.F. (2007) – Calcium oxalates and prehistoric paintings. The usefulness of these biomaterials. Journal of Optoelectronics and Advanced Materials, 9(3), 512-521.

Para realizar este tipo de trabajos especializados es necesario organizar un SIG (sistema de información geográfica, donde se incluyan en escalas apropiadas, construidas en terreno las diferentes curvas de nivel de la morfología real del sitio. Este sistema de información geográfica debe incluir además de las ubicaciones de los yacimientos, la composición del lugar y la definición de diferentes capas (layers) informativos que generen datos sobre el lugar.

LEROI-GOURHAN, Ariette et ALLAIN, Jacques (1979) – Lascaux inconnu Revue archéologique du Centre de la France, Année 1979, Volume 18, Numéro 3 p. 183183. LOENDORF, L.L. (1994) – Traditional Archaeological Methods and their Application at Rock Art Sites. New Light on Old Art Recent Advances in Hunter Gatherer Rock Art Research, pp. 81-94.

Bibliografía citada AUJOULAT, Norbert; PERAZIO, Guy; FAVERGE, Daniel; PERAL, Francisco (2005) – Contribution de la saisie tridimensionnelle à l’étude de l’art pariétal et de son contexte physique. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française. 2005, tome 102, N. 1. pp. 189-197. doi: 10.3406/bspf.2005.13351 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/articl e/bspf_0249-7638_2005_num_102_1_13351.

MARK, R., & BILLO, E. (2006). Computer-assisted photographic documentation of Rock Art. Coalition, (11), 10-14. MUÑOZ, Guillermo (1990) – Estado actual de las investigaciones en arte rupestre en el altiplano Cundiboyacense. (Colombia-Suramérica). barquisimeto – Venezuela 1990. Ponencia sin publicar.

BAFFIER, Dominique; TROIS, Raphaël M. (1988) – Essais sur la signification et l’art pariétal paléolithique. In: L’Homme, 1988, tome 28 n°106107. pp. 384-385. http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/ home/prescript/article/hom_0439-4216_1988_num _28_106_369035.

PÉREZ DE BARRADAS (1950) – Los Muiscas antes de la Conquista 2 vol. Madrid Consejo de investigaciones cientificas Instituto Bernardino de Sahagún 1950. ROSENFELD, A. & SMITH, C. (1997) – Recent Developments in Radiocarbon and Stylistic Methods of Dating Rock Art. Antiquity, 71, 405-411.

BRUNET, Jacques; MALAURENT, Philippe; VOUVÉ, Jean; MOINHOS, María José e MARQUES, João (2002) – Étude des conditions de conservation de la grotte ornée d’Escoural.

MALAURENT Philippe y Brunet-, (2009) – Curso de Capivara Global Rock Art.

BEDNARIK, Robert (2007) – Rock Art Science: The Scientific Study of Palaeoart. By Robert G. Bednarik,

STRECKER, Matthias y TABOADA, Freddy – Protección y Conservación del Arte Rupestre en 50

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Etnológico de Colombia. Bogotá, Editorial Iquesna 1960. HUMBOLT, Alejandro (1878) – Sitios de Las Cordilleras y Monumentos de los Pueblos Indígenas de América. Madrid, Editorial Gaspar, 1878.

Bolivia. En: M. Strecker y F. Taboada (editores). Administración y Conservación de sitios de Arte Rupestre, Contribuciones al estudio del Arte Rupestre Sudamericano No. 4: 101-111. SIARB, La Paz. ROSENFELD, Andreé & SMITH, Claire (1997) – Recent developments in radiocarbon and stylistic methods of dating rock-art.

ISAACS, Jorge (1967) – Las Tribus Indígenas del Magdalena, Sol y Luna 1967, Bogotá. JIJON, Jacinto y Caamaño. (1974) – Las Culturas Andinas de Colombia. Bogotá, Biblioteca Banco popular, 1974. KRAPF MULLER, Gabriel – Jeroglíficos Milenarios y Jeroglíficos Modernos, Popayán año 27 número 1751939 pags 48-50. KRAPF MULLER, Gabriel – Jeroglíficos Precolombinos, Cromos No 1. 138 Bogotá.

TRIANA, Miguel (1922) – La Civilización Chibcha. Bogotá. Escuela Tipográfica, primera dición. TRIANA, Miguel (1970) – EL Jeroglífico Chibcha. Bogotá, Bco. Popular. THERRIEN, Monika y BRAIDA, Enciso (1991) – Una re-investigación arqueológica en la Sabana de Bogotá. Museo del Oro. Boletín No. 31. Banco de la República. Santafé de Bogotá. Colombia.

LLERAS, VARGAS, (Chonto) (1976) – Las Piedras Pintadas de Facatativá. Estudio detallado de dos zonas, Mimeógrafo. 1976. MARQUEZ YAÑEZ, Francisco (1967) – Las Piedras de Tunja en Facatativá, Mimeógrafo, 1967.

Bibliografia complementaria BARRADAS, José Pérez de (1951) – “Los muiscas – antes de la conquista”, Instituto Bernardino de Sahagún, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid.

MOLANO MARTINEZ OVIDIO (1984) – Saboya: La Tierra de los herederos del gran Cacique Muisca UPN. Tunja, 1984.

BOTERO, Silva y Ostra (1977) – Trabajo sobre Arte Rupestre en Colombia (Lecturas en Teoría práctica de Arqueología Colombiana, I.) Bogotá, Editado por Mary Anne Gómez Fablin y Alvaro Soto Holguín.

MONTOYA, Inés Elvira (1974) – El Arte Rupestre en la Zona de Soacha y su Relación con la Cerámica y la Orfebrería Muisca. Bogotá, 1974, Uniandes. Tesis. MULLER, Karl y BORDA P. Uribe (1938) – Jeroglíficos Colombianos. Revista Cromos No. 1138, septiembre 1938. MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. (director) (1980) – Rescatan 1.000 Dibujos Chibchas. Cromos. MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. (1985) – Historia de la Investigación del Arte Rupestre en Colombia (altiplano cundiboyacense -1a. versión, 1985Congreso de Americanistas). MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. – GIPRI y la Investigación del Arte Rupestre (Propuesta Metodológica). MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. – Mito y Arte Rupestre (Estudios de los Ciclos Temáticos Bochicá- Bachué) realizados por el Profesor José Rozo Gauta. MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. (1988) – El Petroglifo en el Altiplano Cundiboyacense -46 Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, HolandaAmsterdam. MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. (1990) – Estado Actual de las Investigaciones en el Altiplano Cundiboyacense, en el Simposio Administración del Patrimonio Arqueológico, Tema V-Barquisimeto, Venezuela WAC2-1990. MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. (1990) – Sistema de Documentación y Estudio del Arte rupestre. Base de datos de arte rupestre estudiantes Universidad Incca de Colombia, coordinados por Guillermo Muñoz C.Comunicación y Arqueología, Simposio Inteligencia Artificial y Sistemas Expertos, BarquisimetoVenezuela WAC2-1990.

CABRERA ORTIZ, Wenceslao (1946) – Monumentos Rupestres de Colombia. Cuaderno Primero: Generalidades. Algunos Conjuntos Pictóricos de Cundinamarca. Bogotá, Revista Colombiana de Antropología. Imprenta Nacional. Vol. 14. Pictógrafos y Petroglifos. Boletín de Arqueología. Bogotá, 1946. Tomo II. CORREAL, Gonzalo (1946) – Investigaciones Arqueológicas en los Abrigos Rocosos de Tequendama. Bogotá. CORREAL, Gonzalo; VAN DER-HAMMEN y J.C. LERMAN (1970) – Artefactos Líticos de Abrigos Rocosos en el Abra. Colombia: Revista Colombiana de Antropología, 1970. Vol. VI. CUERVO, Luis Augusto (1911) – Los Jeroglíficos de Boyacá. Bogotá, Boletín de Historia y Antiguedades, 1911. Vol. VI. FORERO, Manuel José (1915) – Sobre las Piedras de Facatativá, Bogotá, Boletín de Historia y Antigüedades, 1915. vol. XXII. FORERO, Manuel José (1930) – Inscripciones Precolombianas. Santafé y Bogotá. Año XII, tomo XIII, Bogotá, 1930. GHISLETTI, Louis (1954) – Los Mwiscas. Una Civilización Precolombina. Bogotá, Biblioteca de Autores Colombianos. GONZALEZ CAJIAO, Fernando (1978) – Arte Precolombino en Colombia, Bogotá, Gaceta de Colcultura, 1978. GOSTAUTAS, Estanislao (1960) – Arte Colombiano, Arte Aborigen. Compendio Arqueológico y 51

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MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. (1991) – Estructura Cultural de Conservación del Arte Rupestre en el Altiplano Cundiboyacense-Tercer Simposio Internacional de Arte Rupestre- Santa Cruz de la Sierra Bolívia.

ROZO, Dario (1938) – Mitología y Escritura de los Chibchas. Bogotá, 1938. El Civilizador. Cromos No. 258 mayo 21, 1921.

MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. (1992) – Arte Rupestre: La Conservación y el estudio de un Petroglifo que se rie restauración hoy #3 junio de 1992.

SAENZ DE SANPEL AYO, Peregrino (1962) – Las Piedras de Santa Sofía y Leiva con grabados indígenas. Repertorio Boyacense, año 48, Tunja-1962.

MUÑOZ CASTELBLANCO, C. (1992) – Arte Rupestre (Sitios Sagrados. Colciencias.

SAENZ, Napoleoni (1968) – Villa de Leyva tradiciones y anhelos. Ayudantía general comando ejercito Bogota, 1968.

ROZO, Dario – Iniciación en la Paleografía Chibcha. Cromos 255 abril 30. 1921.

NUÑEZ JIMENEZ, Antonio (1959) – Santuario de la Rana .Andes Orientales de Colombia. La Habana, Taller tip. ed Lex 1959, U. Central de las Villas, Cuba.

SILVACELIS, Eliécer (1961) – Pintura Rupestre Precolombina de Sáchica. Villa de Leiva. Bogotá, Revista Colombiana de Antropología, Vol. 10, 1961.

O’NEIL, Mary & SILLS, Alice (1976) – The Cultural Context of Prehistoric Rock Art in Western Cundinamarca-Colombia. California U. 1973. Tesis.

SUAREZ, C. Juana (1986) – Monografía de Chiriví Hoy Nuevo Colon, Caja popular cooperativa 1986, Tunja Boyacá.

RAMIREZ SANCHEZ I. (1983) – Arqueologia e Historia precolombina de Facatativá (resumen didactico Ed Marca y Editora colombiana 1983.

TOVAR, Ariza y PANDI, R. Piedra de (1946) – Boletín de la Academia de Historia. Vol. XXIII, Bogotá, 1946.

RENDON, Guillermo; GELEMUR, Rendón y TUNEBIA, Anielka (1972) – Reserva Ecológica y Cultural. Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia, 1972.

URBINA, Rafael y DUARTE, Herminda (1989) – Las mesitas del Colegio (De Nuestra Señora del Rosario de Calandaima. Fotomecánica industrial Ltdda. 1989. VELANDIA, Roberto (1971) – Historia Geopolítica de Cundinamarca, 1971, Lotería de Cundinamarca.

ROYO GOMEZ, J. (1950) – Las Piedras de Tunja en Facatativá y el cuaternario de la Sabana de Bogotá, Bogotá, Publicaciones del Instituto Etnológico Nacional, Bogotá, 1950.

ZERDA, Liborio. (1884) – El Dorado. Papel Periódico Ilustrado, 1884. Álbum de Dibujos existentes en el Museo Nacional de Bogotá.

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HISTORY OF THE EMERGENCE AND DEVELOPMENT NEW ARCHAEOLOGY, CONTEMPORARY THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL LEGACY FOR THE MODERN RUSSIAN SCIENCE I. SHUTELEVA Bashkir State Pedagogical University, Laboratory of Methodology and Methods of Humanitarian Research, Russian Federation, Ufa, Oktaybrjskay Revoluciya str., 3A [email protected] www.via-viatoris.com

Abstract: Development of Soviet archeology and new “processual” archeology in the sphere of theoretical notions underwent similar stages. Some Russian and foreign scientists (E.A. Veselkin, 1997, L.B. Vishnyatsky, 1992, V.F. Gening, 1989, N.V. Gogolina, 1997, Trigger B.G., 1989) distinguished similar tendencies. It should be noted that national socio-archeology and “new archeology” have similar theoretical and methodological approaches. Establishing of common sociological concept in Soviet archeology was a regular stage of development of scientific knowledge in the sphere of investigation of ancient cultures by means of archeological sources. This concept integrated the most important achievements of not only Russian (argument of P.N. Tretyakov, adopted by G. Childe, went down in history as Deetz – Longacre argument (Kolesnikov, 1989, p. 5-9)) and first years of Soviet archeology, but also West European archeology of the end of XIX – beginning of XX centuries. Key-words: history of archaeology, theory of archaeology, New Archaeology, Soviet Archaeology

Development of Soviet archeology and new “processual” archeology in the sphere of theoretical notions underwent similar stages. Some Russian and foreign scientists (E.A. Veselkin, 1997, L.B. Vishnyatsky, 1992, V.F. Gening, 1989, N.V. Gogolina, 1997, Trigger B.G., 1989) distinguished similar tendencies. The impact of national archeological science of middle 1920-1930 and processual archeology particularly are united by researchers in one general notion “socio-archeology” (V.I. Gulyaev, 1989). It should be noted that national socio-archeology and “new archeology” have similar theoretical and methodological approaches. Integrated approach concepts are very common, i.e. involvement of materials of linguistics, ethnography, etc. for archeological reconstructions. Reconstructive concept used to connect archeology with sociology that helped to bring archeological data at the level of general tendencies of social development. Establishing of common sociological concept in Soviet archeology was a regular stage of development of scientific knowledge in the sphere of investigation of ancient cultures by means of archeological sources. This concept integrated the most important achievements of not only Russian (argument of P.N. Tretyakov, adopted by G. Childe, went down in history as Deetz – Longacre argument (Kolesnikov, 1989, p. 5-9)) and first years of Soviet archeology, but also West European archeology of the end of XIX – beginning of XX.

Processual archaeology, in its development, had gone through out two periods. The early “critical” (19621970s.), Which in the initial process of forming “new archeology” is not finished formulating their own methods, but was accompanied by folding points in the direction in North America and England. Late (1970 – mid 1980’s.) Characterized by the development of their own theoretical and methodological new framework, the problem situation in post-processualism. In general, throughout the formation and development of “new archeology” traces common trends. Modern archeology has passed the crisis, in which processual archaeology had ceased to exist. Currently, its place was taken by many post-processual, post postprocessual archaeology directions. Post-processualists concluded that the archaeologist can examine human behavior in ancient times through the material remains, involving similar to the data live (modern) cultures (“ethnoarchaeology”, “living archaeology”). The theoretical postulates of the “New Archaeology” consisted of a systematic approach, the theory of catastrophes and calamities to the modern reality. Also, the “new archaeology” in their theoretical constructions based on the sociology, the determinant of environmental conditions. Russian archaeologists V. Gulyaev, S. Lebedev, E. Veselkin, L. Vishnyatsky, V. Gening, N. Gogolina investigated the “new” archeology. In their research, scientists compared the Soviet archaeologists and “new” archaeologists. Basic research on the “new” archeology have publications L. Klejn.

Formation of theory, methodology and research methods of specific archaeological material in the Soviet Union was determined by the peculiarities of editions and documents stored in the USSR. Writing and publication of the documents was hold in time, in accordance with 53

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the approved plan of publications, of course, required reviewing of the documents is the last stage before the publication – this is a test of the manuscript in the censorship committee. Only after This document was published only after such a procedure. Publishers in the USSR state-owned, so to break the procedure of publication of scientific papers had been impossible. All this had led to the formation of a number specific events

L.S. Klejn (1974, 1977, 2001) which were published abroad first (“Kossinna im Abstand von vierzig Jahren”, “A panorama of theoretical archaeology”, “Metaarchaeology”), then in Russia. A considerable part of L.S. Klejn was not published in the Soviet period, and was published after 40-50 years of age: “Archaeological typology” (Klejn, 1991), “New Archaeology” (Klejn, 2009).

The published works on the archeology were not enough; because they were send only to the library of the Academy of Sciences, which branches were not available in all regions and cities of the USSR. Publication of papers on the theory of archeology was particularly not enough for the directions of the theory, which were not associated with Marxism or contradicted it. Legal deposit had hardly changed the situation. Examples are the publication of L.S. Klejn. His rare, publications and monographs on the theory of archeology in these years were turned into “samizdat”, were copied and copied an infinite number of times. This fate befell even those works which were published in the 1990s (Klein, 1991). The paradox of the Soviet system, with the dominance of Marxism in history and archeology, required knowledge of the “bourgeois” approaches in the theory of archeology.

Thus, in theoretical approaches of new and Soviet archeology there is sufficient number of common features that became apparent. References BINFORD, L.R. (1962) – Archaeology as anthropology. American Antiquity. 28: 1, р. 217-225. BINFORD, L.R. (1971) – Archaeology as anthropology / Man’s imprint from the past. Readings in the Methods of Archaeology. Selected by J. Deetz. p. 248-261. CALDWELL, J.R. (1966) – The New American Archaeology. New Roads to Yesterday. Essays in Archaeology. Articles from science. New York, p. 333-347. CLARKE, D.L. (1979) – Models and Paradigm in Contemporary Archaeology / Analytical Archaeologist. Collected Papers of David L. Clarke. Ed. by his Colleagues. London. p. 74-75.

Peculiarity of Soviet «archeological idea» development is a particular part of unpublished documents that had great impact on establishing of archeology in USSR. The most prominent manuscripts became samizdat. Example of this is publications of L.S. Klejn. His rare issued at that time articles and monographs on archeology theory used to become “samizdat”, to be copied and rewritten many times. L.S. Klejn monograph “New archeology”, which manuscript was completed by 1978 represented the first fullest analysis of this archeology branch. Studying 1970s – period of prosperity of “new archeology”, М. Johnson (2010, р. 250) comes to conclusion that among many views on processualism (С. Renfrew, L. Binford, M.P Leone, J. Hawkes), L.S. Klejn valuation (1977) is the most reasonable in their characteristics. From period of 1970s L.S. Klejn “acquires reputation” of independent critic of theoretical archeology that is noted even in discussion works (Renfrew, 2006, 985). The largest part of the documents on the theory of archeology was not published in the USSR (including for ideological reasons). Among this group of distinguished works of

DANIEL, G.A. (1975) – Hundred and Fifty Years of Archaeology. – Duckworth. EMBREE, L. (1989) – Contacting the Theoretical Archaeologist / Tracing archaeology’s past: the historiography of archaeology. Ed. by A.L. Cristenson. Southern Illinois University, p. 62-75. HODDER, I. (2007) – The archaeological process: an introduction. Singapore. KLEJN, L.S. (1977) – A panorama of theoretical archaeology. Current Anthropology (Chicago). 18: 1, p. 1-42. LEONE, M.P. (1978) – Time in American Archaeology / Social Archaeology Beyond Subsistence and Dating. Ed. by Ch.L. Redman. N.-Y., L., р. 25-36. RENFREW, C. (2006) – Brief reply to Leo S. Klejn. Antiquity. 80, p. 985-986.

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URBAN ARCHAEOLOGY IN SÃO CRISTÓVÃO CITY, NE-BRAZIL Diogo M. COSTA SOA/FAFICH/UFMG

Abstract: This text has as objective to present field work activities developed in the ambit of the urban archaeology project entitled: Projeto de Levantamento e Monitoramento do Patrimônio Arqueológico da Área Diretamente Afetada pela Ampliação do Sistema de Esgotos e de Abastecimento de Água, nos Municípios de São Cristóvão e Laranjeiras, Estado de Sergipe. This project was executed by the Federal University of Sergipe, Archaeology Center at the Laranjeiras Campus – UFS/NAR, with financial support of Sewage Company of Sergipe – DESO, and administrative responsibility of the State Research Foundation – FAPESE, developedin the city of São Cristóvão, Sergipe-Brazil [Costa e Mello, 2010]. Key-words: Urban Archaeology, São Cristóvão, Brazilian Northeast Abstrait: Ce textea pour objectif deprésenter les activités de terra indéveloppées dans le cadredu projet d’archéologie urbain eintitulé: Projeto de Levantamento e Monitoramento do Patrimônio Arqueológico da Área Diretamente Afetada pela Ampliação do Sistema de Esgotos e de Abastecimento de Água, nos Municípios de São Cristóvão e Laranjeiras, Estado de Sergipe. Ce projeta été exécuté par l’Université Fédérale de Sergipe, Centre Archéologie de Laranjeiras Campus-UFS/NAR, avec le soutien financier de la Société d’Égoutde Sergipe-DESO et le soutien administratif de Fondation Publique pour le Support de la Recherche – FAPESE, dans la ville de São Cristóvão, Sergipe-Brésil [Costa e Mello, 2010]. Mots-clés: Archéologie Urbaine, São Cristóvão, Nord-est du Brésil

INTRODUCTION Founded in 1590 by Cristóvão de Barros, the city of São Cristóvão de Sergipe d’El Rei became quickly a sixteenth century cluster of Portuguese and Spanish colonization in the Brazilian Northeast. Until the beginning of the seventeenth century the settlement had its location changed numerous times, until it was definitely establishe date margin of Paramopama River, an affluent of Vaza-Barris River. Also in the seventeenth century the city was occupied by the Dutch from 1637 to 1645, and was totally reconstructed after the Portuguese-Dutch war. In the begging of the eighteenth century the city was retaken by the Bahia Province, and was later changed as the capital of Sergipe Province during the period of 1823 to 1855, when it was finally transfer to the city of Aracaju. (Map 1).

Map 1. Locationofthe São Cristóvão City

The city of São Cristóvão is protected by the Federal Law nº 94 of June 22nd of 1938 as a historic heritage of national interest. Its main architectonic nuclei, representing the Brazilian colonial period, are located in three central plazas: the São Francisco Square were is situated the São Francisco convent, the Santa Casa de Misericórdia hospital, and the old Palace of the Province; the Matriz Plaza, in which besides the Mother Church of Nossa Senhora da Vitória there is also a block of relevant historic buildings including public edifications; and finally the Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Homens Pretos and Carmo Conjunct, that together constitutes the last plaza in the north of the historic center. (Map 2).

The urban archaeology project took place in over thirty streets, avenues and plazas, mainly in the historic center of this city. During the field work approximately more than 5.000 archaeological vestiges have been collected including fragments of artifacts in ceramic, glass, pottery, metal, as well as some ecofacts in bone, and vestiges of charcoal and shell. All the material culture is being processed, and shall be analyzed and interpreted in laboratory soon. The present text is only about the initial perceptions in field, also guided by thinking about the spatial distribution and concentration of the dug up material during the salvage activities. (Map 3). 55

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survey seeking to recover any archaeological material present under ground. This first strategy had as goal to understand the urban stratigraphy and composition of the archeological signature in the city, and as guide to the next stage of the field investigation. The second phase was monitoring the open of the ditches to the pipes installation. These ditches were excavated manually and had approximated 50 cm width and 120 cm depth. This activity took over one year, and the field work intended to: to conduct a systematic archaeological identification of the direct impacted areas by the sanitation constructions; to execute an inventory of historic testimonies through registering, mapping and collecting of all possible evidences; and to establish a preliminary typology to the collected archaeological vestiges. Map 2. Small red circles central plazas, large blue circle High City

Another activity conducted in the areas of the pit-tests and ditches intended to observe and describe the archaeological stratigraphy, and in the case of immobile structures to locate them, as well as to establish their category and describe each structure in detail. All these activities had as goal the characterization of the historic groups that lived in that area, and also to correlate the vestiges with the historic information already known about the city of São Cristóvão. At first neither in the preliminary phase or in the secondary field work phase no element directly related to pre-historic occupation of the area has been located; although this information can only be totally disregarded after complete laboratory analysis. Parallel to the archeological monitoring at the sewage company constructions, a previous identification, description and classification of the urban and architectonic elements at the impacted areas was also performed. Conducted by two archaeologists this field activity was had as objective to collect building information and relate it with the recovered vestiges from the study areas. The work occurred during the month of March 2011, and concentrated mainly in the historic center of the city of São Cristóvão.

Map 3. Worked places in the city

The archaeological activities in the field were conducted with the objective of monitoring the interventions in the surface and subsoil by DESO Company in the historic center of São Cristóvão, which conduted renovations in the urban sewage and water pipeline. The UFS/NAR archaeologists were responsible for observation, characterization, and collection of archaeological vestiges impacted in the diggings due to the installation of following ducts. This work has been executed by four to six interns, at that time under graduate students from the UFS archaeology program of the, supervised by two archaeologists and professors who were responsible for the mitigation project.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL VESTIGES FROM THE SÃO CRISTÓVÃO CITY Even though the final laboratory analysis is still ongoing, it is possible to observe some constants in the spatial dispositions and concentrations of the recovered vestiges in the city of São Cristóvão. First, the spatial distribution of ceramic artifacts in the city follows a very well established pattern. In the region delimited by the streets Messias Prado, Memede and Manoel F. Dantas the ceramic concentration represented approximately 80% of the entire recovered sample of all other types of material. This is a relevant demonstration of how this material category occurred in a specific area of the city; in comparison to the rest of the city the ceramic only reaches 50% of the total of others material categories combined. In sequence, the distribution of ceramic artifacts decays at 10% minimum in the area among the

The works in São Cristóvão began in May 17th of 2010, with the execution of surveys with the DESO Company in order to locate the old sewage and water pipelines in the city. In these surveys some exploratory diggings were executed in random order, through small pits of 1 x 1 meter and with depth variating until the evidence of the old ducts. Immediately after the excavations the soil was

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well as in the streets Erundino Prado Neto, Walter P. Franco and José do Prado Franco, which also presented the same concentration of only 20% of glass in its entire recovered sample. In another way, in the region delimited by the streets Messias Prado, Mamede and Manoel F. Dantas the rate of glass vestiges reached 10% of the entire sample. This rate was almost similar with the average of approximately 9% of artifactsin glass to the entire city. Finally, the glass material and percentage decay drastically to only 4% in the region covered by the streets João Bebe Água, Tobias Barreto, Erundino Prado Filho and Floriano Peixoto, same pattern found in the streets Ivo do Prado and Frei Santa Cecília. Another point of interest here was the total absence of glass vestiges in the Getúlio Vargas Plazaand São Francisco Square. (Map 5).

streets João Bebe Água, Tobias Barreto, Erundino Prado Filho and Floriano Peixoto. Thus, this area of the city also presented an accumulation of almost 70% of ceramics in comparison with all the others vestige categories recovered in the same place. Following we have a concentration of 60% of ceramic sample in the region covered by the streets Ivo do Prado, Frei Santa Cecília and the Plaza Getúlio Vargas. This area confirms the same decay of 10% rate in the other sample areas showed before. Similarly, the region restricted by the streets Belo Horizonte, Rosário and Boa Viagem kept the same 10% decrease rate presenting a percentage of 50% of ceramic. It is necessary to note here that the ceramic rate that occurred in this area was the same found to the all ceramic samples in the city in contrast with the other material categories. After this area, the ceramic continued to decrease more than 10% in the region covered by the streets Irmã Gaudência, Nossa Senhora das Fontes and the Plaza Coronel Siqueira. It is also relevant to note that in this last cited area the ceramic only represented 40% of the total of material sample, and that this area is historically known as Cidade Baixa orthe “low city” by the residents. At the end, the lower percentage of ceramic occurrence in the city was in the area restricted by the streets Erundino Prado Neto, Walter P. Franco and José do Prado Franco. This place also presented a concentration of only 30% of the ceramic in the total rescued sample, and also kept the same 10% decrease rate noted before, however in an unexpected place of the city now the Cidade Alta or the “high city”. (Map 4).

Map 5. Glass concentration area

About the spatial distribution of the pottery artifacts, the percentage of the vestiges also reveals its own particularity. First, we found the largest percentage of pottery objects, almost 20%, in the area covered by the streets João Bebe Água, Tobias Barreto, Erundino Prado Filho and Floriano Peixoto, as well as in the area covered by the streets Erundino Prado Neto, Walter P. Franco and José do Prado Franco. It is interesting to note here that these pottery concentrations correspond to the west portion of the city, and that this is the same area that presented the lowest indices to ceramic and glass in the entire sample. On the other hand, in the region covered by the streets Belo Horizonte, Rosário and Boa Viagem it was found only a concentration of 10% of pottery in the total of the recovered sample. Here is also necessary to note that this rate was the same to the entire city, or that this was also the average percentage of pottery occurrence in all the researched urban area. Similar to this last pattern it also was found a percentage of 9% of pottery occurrence to the region delimited by the streets Messias Prado, Mamede and Manoel F. Dantas, as well as to the streets Ivo do Prado, Frei Santa Cecília and the Plaza Getúlio Vargas. Finally, the region covered by the streets Irmã Gaudência, Nossa Senhora das Fontes and the Plaza Coronel Siqueira presented the lowest rate to the pottery occurrence in the entire city, or 5%, a place known as the low city. (Map 6).

Map 4. Ceramic concentration area

About the glass artifacts occurrence in the city the percentage and distribution of this material category was quite different from the one showed before related to ceramic vestiges. The place that presented the major concentration of glass material in the city was covered by the streets Irmã Gaudência, Nossa Senhora das Fontes and the Plaza Coronel Siqueira, with 30% of glass from the total of recovered vestiges, all located in the low city region. In one way, in the region restricted by the streets Belo Horizonte, Rosário and Boa Viagem the glass concentration in the total sample was only of 20%, as

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of the all recovered vestiges occurred in the streets Erundino Prado Neto, Walter P. Franco and José do Prado Franco, as well as in the streets Irmã Gaudência, Nossa Senhora das Fontes and the Plaza Coronel Siqueira. This was also an instigating fact, because for the first time a region in the high city and another in the low city shared the same rate concentration of a material category. In sequence, the archaeological vestiges in bone also presented a percentage of 40% in the streets Ivo do Prado, Frei Santa Cecília and the Plaza Getúlio Vargas, as well as in the São Francisco Square and its surroundings. In the same way, in the area covered by the streets João Bebe Água, Tobias Barreto, Erundino Prado Filho and Floriano Peixoto the bone vestiges dropped to 10%, presenting a percentage of 30% in comparison to the other material categories. However, in the sequence the bone material drop to only 10% of the total of the sample in the region covered by the streets Belo Horizonte, Rosário and Boa Viagem. The bone material closes its occurrence with a rate of 5% in the region delimited by the streets Messias Prado, Mamede and Manoel F. Dantas. (Map 8).

Map 6. Pottery concentration area

About the spatial distribution of the recovered metal artifacts in São Cristóvão we can observe another interesting pattern. The major concentration of metallic objects with a percentage to approximately 6% of all the vestiges collected in the field work occurred in the streets Ivo do Prado, Frei Santa Cecília and the Plaza Getúlio Vargas. In sequence, the percentage decay to 5% of metallic objects in the area formed by the streets Messias Prado, Mamede and Manoel F. Dantas. On the other way, in the area covered by the streets Belo Horizonte, Rosário and Boa Viagem, as well as in the streets Erundino Prado Neto, Walter P. Franco and José do Prado Franco the occurrence was 4% of metal in correspondence with the other material categories collected. Finally, the area covered by the streets João Bebe Água, Tobias Barreto, Erundino Prado Filho and Floriano Peixoto presented only 3% of metal artifacts in the all recovered sample. It is also necessary to relate that this last percentage was the most similar to the metal average for the entire city, which was of approximately 2%. Another interesting factor was the entire absence of metal objects in large portions of the town, such as the streets Irmã Gaudência, Nossa Senhora das Fontes and in the Plaza Coronel Siqueira, or else in the largest portion of the low city. (Map 7).

Map 8. Bone concentration area

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS Here are presented some ideas and reflections about the spatial distribution and concentration of the recovered vestiges in the ambit of the urban archaeology field work in the city of São Cristóvão/SE. We can observe, for instance, that the ceramic artifacts are concentrated in an isolated area in the center-south of the high city, while its dispersion occurs in a more homogeneous form first in the northwest portion, and later in the northeast portion of the high city. In one way, it is necessary also to observe that the lowest distribution of ceramic artifacts occurs in the southwest extreme of the high city, and toward the river. On the other way, the glass artifacts have their major concentration in the region located at the centernorth of the low city, and presented some similarity as for the quantity collected in the east and west boundaries of the high city. The glass artifacts presented the lowest distribution in the center-north of the high city, which was also the major point of concentration of the ceramics in the entire São Cristóvão.

Map 7. Metal concentration area

Lastly we have the distribution of the second largest material category in the all samples recovered in the entire field work: the bones. The major concentration of bone materials, with a percentage of approximately 50%

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In contrast the ceramic artifacts appeared in an almost homogenous form in the entire city; this material category has its major concentration in the west region of the high city, and a regular distribution first in the center and later in the extreme west of the same area. The lowest area of concentration of the ceramic vestiges was found in the center-south region of the low city. On the other hand, the metal artifacts distribution has a concentrated distribution on the center region of the high city, and a balanced distribution in the west, east and north quarters of the same area. However, a strong indicator of the metal distribution in the entire city was its almost complete absence in the low city. In conclusion, the bone distribution has its major concentration in the northeast region of the entire city, including high and low cities. This distribution can also be related to the proximity of the river, while in contrast the bone distribution decays in west bound, mainly concentrated in north direction of the high city.

At the end, there is an intersection area between these two axes, which is the Plaza Getúlio Vargas, which is the oldest historic block in the high city, or else it can be described as an epicenter of the material distribution to the entire city. From this plaza we have the increase of distribution of ceramic artifacts in the southeast direction, the increase of bone vestiges distribution in the northeast direction, the increase of glass objects in the northeast direction, and in its surroundings the concentration and the dispersion of the pottery and metal. As previously stated, this analysis is not complete because numerous other elements need to be included as variables in these constants, such as the date and function of each vestige, and also its socioeconomic and probable symbolic attributes. The urban archaeology work in the city of São Cristóvão is yet incipient, but the idea of understanding this urban space as an entire archaeological site is a goal to be achieved. However, the analysis of the spatial distribution and concentration of the recovery vestiges in the city was not only limited to observation of patterns and clusters formations, but also to looking for a logic in the space construction of a historically living place. The São Cristóvão urban archaeology project intended to provide a singular contribution in the knowledge about the formation and dynamic of Brazilian Northeast cities mainly from the colonial period.

In conclusion we can interpret that the distribution and concentration patterns of the material categories in São Cristóvão occurs as a formation of some combined clusters of artifacts:  First, in the highest occurrence of ceramic artifacts region it was also identified the lowest occurrence of bones vestiges. While in the area of lowest occurrence of ceramic artifacts it also occurs the highest incidence of pottery artifacts and bones vestiges.

Acknowledgements

 Second, the highest glass concentration area was also the region of totally absence of metal objects, and the lowest incidence of ceramic artifacts. In the same way, the area with the lowest occurrences of glass vestiges was the area with the highest occurrence of metal objects.

Thank you the professor Dr. Paulo Mello by dividing with me the coordination of the project, to the archaeology undergraduate students Cristiano Jesus, Isaac Santos, Isaac Rodrigues and Sálvio Costa for their exhaustive and crucial work in the project, and to Dr. Renata Godoy for the architectonic and urban surveys of the city of São Cristóvão.

 Third, the region with most occurrences of ceramic artifacts was also the area with major incidence of bones vestiges. However the area with less ceramic artifacts was also the area with high incidence of bones vestiges.

References COSTA, D.M. e MELLO, P.J.C. (2010) – Projeto de levantamento e monitoramento do patrimônio arqueológico da área diretamente afetada pela ampliação do sistema de esgoto e de abastecimento de água, realizado pelo DESO, nos municípios de São Cristóvão e Laranjeiras, estado de Sergipe. UFS/FAPESE, Aracaju.

In this way, we can establish two direct correlations in the spatial distributions and concentrations of the São Cristóvão’s archaeological material:  First is the ceramic-bone axis, where inversely proportional to the increase of one occurs the decrease of other.  Second is the glass-metal/ceramic axis, where inversely proportional to the increase of glass occurs the decrease of metal and ceramic artifacts, and vice versa.

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THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE OF THE BLACK OCCUPANCY IN SÃO FRANCISCO DO SUL – SANTA CATARINA, BRAZIL1 Fernanda Mara BORBA; Dione da Rocha BANDEIRA Universidade da Região de Joinville, Brazil

Abstract: In order to discuss the Black occupancy in São Francisco do Sul (Santa Catarina, Brazil) with the admission of slavery in the seventeenth century, the preliminary results of an archaeological survey will be presented, relating the historical and cultural formation of the city with the cultural heritage. The study of the material culture along with other research sources reveal unexplored stories and experiences, helping the understanding of cultural goods connected to cultural groups. This paper is linked to a study sponsoredby CAPES of the Master’s Program in Cultural Heritage and Society at Universidade da Região de Joinville – UNIVILLE. Key-words: Archeology; Black Communities; Cultural Heritage Resumé: Dans le but de discuter l’occupation noire à São Francisco do Sul (Santa Catarina, Brésil) avec le debut de l’esclavage dans le XVII siècle, les résultats préliminaires d’une étude archéologique seront présentés, liant la formation historique et culturel de la ville au patrimoine culturel. L’étude de la culture matérielle ainsi que les sources de recherche d’autres révèlent des histoires et des expériences inexplorées, pour aider à la compréhension des biens culturels liés aux groupes noirs. Ce travail est associé à une étude commanditée par le programme de maîtrise CAPES en patrimoine culturel et par l’Université de la Région de Joinville – UNIVILLE. Most-clés: Archéologie; Des communautés noires; Patrimoine culturel

in the use of these documents and traces due to the various origins and temporalities. This study originally had an important sample of written documents, collected from various institutions of São Francisco do Sul as: post-mortem inventories, records of baptisms and deaths, Sesmaria requirements and property records, present in the collections of the Municipal Forum, Churches and Registry Offices. Also, the historiography and new academic papers were checked, as well as records of travelers who bring important information about the region. However, in relation to the historiography and official documents, there are few analyses that refer to black occupancy in the city, prioritizing a list or classification of slaves and their owners. It is necessary to emphasize the difficulty of accessing the existing documentation from the second half of the nineteenth century, often found in poor storage conditions or inaccessible to research. However, other sources are used: paintings and old photographs of the city to address the properties and diverse groups, festivals and other recreational activities, collected from private and institutional collections, noting again the analysis of the information built with different purposes over the years. The oral testimonies are collected according to the methodology of the Oral History (Ferreira, 1996, Meihy, 1996 and Portelli, 1997) and in accordance with approaches linked to Africans and African descendants, showing lines of former residentes of the region. And finally, from a methodology chosen from the perspective of the Historical Archeology (Funari, 1999, Hills, 2008 and Orser, 1992), there is the identification of artifacts and structures located in different spaces of the city, as colonial houses and ancient ruins, pottery and

INTRODUCTION1 This article aims to expose the results of an archaeological research on the slavery in São Francisco do Sul (Santa Catarina, Brazil) began in the seventeenth century, from various research sources and issues on cultural heritage, identity and memory. There are many issues to be studied regarding the slaves in the city, such as the world of work and family life, the everyday practices in public and private spaces. In addition to written documents, photographs and maps, these elements can be verified from the material culture, bringing other city looks against these possibilities. At the same time, oral testimonies assist in the identification of areas and verification of the representations of the material goods of those who still live in São Francisco do Sul. In the development of the research, it was necessary: 1) to study how the occupancy of the city was, its historical and cultural aspects from the seventeenth century, noting the admission of slavery. 2) From an archaeological perspective, oral reports and other documentary sources, identify the material culture related to Africans and African descendants in the city. 3) Discuss the cultural heritage, identities and memories considering the current and everyday experiences of these groups in the city. In this process, a careful analysis of the research sources was extremely important, involving specific approaches 1 Paper presented to the Communication Bureau – Archaelogy of Identities and Archaelogy of Symbolic (1) at the XVI UISPP World Congress and XVI SAB Congress (Florianópolis – SC, September 2011).

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Figure 1. Location map of the Babitonga Bay. Source: Atlas Project – UNIVILLE, 2008

The history of the city is marked by the presence of different travelers and settlers who left records and information that differ with respect to the foundation of that place. The arrival in São Francisco do Sul in 1504 and the colonization of the coast by the French traveler Binot Palmier de Gonneville, is still strongly rooted in the mentality of the population. The Déclaration du Voyage from 1663 (Araripe, 1886) describes the trajectory of this explorer and his companions who arrived in the “great land” accross the river that is “almost like Orne’s” on January 5th, 1504 and returned to France on July 3rd of the same year. Many writers and intellectuals wrote later criticism and analysis in an attempt of discussing the exact place where the traveler arrived, but the arrival in the south coast of Brazil is still an open question nowadays. According to Carlos da Costa Pereira, one could hardly accept the hypothesis that this place would be “the river of São Francisco do Sul”, since the Orne is an unimportant river, unlike ours, which is a large bay (Pereira, 2004, p. 20-21). This is still ahead:

earthenware. By bringing together all these elements, localities that have preserved their old names are located and some black traditional communities are still found. Also, there are the living spaces and possible punishment and burial places, bringing new stories and practices. In parallel, the lines have also aided in the identification of other spaces, besides allowing verification of the community representations from these traces as cultural goods. Finally, this study is related to a research funded by the Coordination for Higher Personnel Education –CAPES of the Master’s Program in Cultural Heritage and Society at Universidade da Região de Joinville – UNIVILLE. That is in line with the discussions held by the Research Group “Interdisciplinary Studies of Cultural Heritage” of the Institution, given the importance of the different papers related to the history, culture and cultural heritage of the region. THE CITY AND SLAVERY

The only existing document on this expedition is the alluded Déclaration, and what is found there, written by Gonneville, is that the Espoir, leaving Honfleur and sailing bound for East India, was caught by a big storm and lost the way (Pereira, 2004, p. 25).

Surrounding the Babitonga Bay, along with other municipalities, São Francisco do Sul is located on the northern coast of Santa Catarina (Figure 1). The city has a very dynamic occupancy, referring the seventeenth century to the early European settlers. But it is important to note that there were already groups of Guarani Indians, also called Carijó there, who were most likely related to the Indians of the Ge linguist family (Bandeira, 2004). It is also possible to see traces of an older occupancy: the sambaquianos, people who lived thousands of years ago on the beaches, river and lake banks, leaving more than 150 archaeological sites around the region.

Discussions aside, the possible coming of the traveler to São Francisco do Sul and consequently a story linked to France, still reflects in the culture of the city. This fact was designed when it hypothetically completed 500 years in 2004, winning numerous touristic events and various publications (eg, the one from the Institute of Binot Paulmier de Gonneville), besides a significant visibility

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Figure 2. Context of slavery in the territory of the State in the nineteenth century. Source: Piazza, 1999, p. 16

Sul, the pioneer settler Manoel Lourenço de Andrade established himself “[...] probably, in 1658, he moved with all his family, slaves and households to the river São Francisco, [...] supported by the government of São Vicente, [that] was able to ensure the progress of the place” (Pereira, 2004, p. 41). In order to allocate land to the ones set herein, this explorer also guaranteed the possession of this region, upgraded from a village to a town in 1660.

in the national media. Although dealing specifically with the Lusitanian occupancy of the seventeenth century, connected to the slavery in the city, it is needed to be aware of these issues, especially when working with the cultural heritage and the representations of a certain place. With respect to the colonization of São Francisco do Sul, it is important to mention that until the nineteenth century, the city was called

In the region from the beginning, he was concerned about installing a system of large farms for agriculture, with slave labor and households. In contrast, factors contributed to prevent such action: difficulties in consolidating the occupancy, depopulation and abandonment because of the border wars and devaluation of the traditional crops over the commercial value of the agro-export model – adopting the agriculture destined to the local commerce and self-consumption. In this context, “slavery did not develop on a large scale, as in other parts of the State. The farms originating from the grant [of sesmarias] did not get to use, in most cases, a significant number of slaves” (S. Thiago, 2004, p. 79-81). Even with a documentary deficiency relating to earlier periods, some studies claim that in 1810 the city had 623 slaves, reaching in 1856 the number of 2736 people, declining to 385 in 1887 (Piazza, 1999, p. 16), located especially in the urban space (Figure 2). When reviewing the reports of travelers related to the Province, there is a predominance of speeches on the Village of Nossa Senhora do Desterro, current Capital Florianópolis and main harbour. The French traveler Saint-Hilaire passed through the region in the early nineteenth century and described it as a poor and sparsely populated place, with a small contingent of slaves (one slave for five free) (Saint-Hilaire, 1978. p. 149).2 With respect to Francisco do Sul, he pointed out a

[...] Vila de Nossa Senhora da Graça de São Francisco [and its] vast territorybroke up, corresponding today, among others, the municipalities of Porto Belo, Itajai, Joinville, Araquari, Garuva, Barra Velha, Piçarras, Penha, Barra do Sul and Itapoa. On the mainland, across the Bay, there is Vila da Glória, in the district of Saí, still owned by São Francisco. [...] With the Independence, the town became a Municipality (S. Thiago, 2004, p. 79). With regard to its official founding, the city appears in the Spanish document La Historia Documental y Critica – Exámen de la “Historia del Puerto de Buenos Aires” by D. Eduardo Madero in a section of the Summa of Geography printed in Seville in 1519, as el puerto de Sant Francisco (Pereira, 2004, p. 33-35). However, it was founded by Portuguese initiative, which after looking at the south shores with more interest, started its settlement founding Paranagua, São Francisco, Santa Catarina and Laguna. Actually, it was a “Sao Paulo movement rather than a Portuguese one, it was the pioneer expansionism that threw the interior of Brazil in the conquest of Indians and the consequent conquest of land” (Pereira, 2004, p. 40-41). Apart from the land and mines, São Vicente had been suffering from economic and rural problems with a significant number of free workers with housing difficulties who migrated to the south with all the family, slaves, animals and working tools. In São Francisco do

2 Other reports on the Province of Santa Catarina can be seen in: HARO, Martim Afonso Palma de (organizer). Santa Catarina Island:

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small number of Africans at the harbours, thus defined as Creole: “[...] in the absence of an economy designed to serve the European market, no great market slave arose. Most of the slaves who came to Santa Catarina were born in Brazil” (Santos, 1977 apud Silva, 2004, p. 14). Besides the reports of the travelers, we make an analysis from the reports of authorities present at the Public Archives of the State of Santa Catarina, tabulated by Piazza (Figure 2).

dealing with official documents and literature. In these, there is a strong reference to history (and studies coming from her) based mainly on travel literature, focusing extensively on the captivity and slavery. In this sense, the lack of understanding those records results in fragmented and stereotypical reading of the family or the slave community. In contrast, other sciences have been thinking about new approaches and with different sources, have helped to build other looks on the representation of the Black people (both slave and free) in the south.

You can see the dropin the number of slaves as of 1850, because ofthe legal measures of abolition of slavery, but also because of the development of the official combattrafficking, explained by the “law of supply and demand”, when the same element that previously brought a slave to sell in Santa Catarina, then “bought” him/her to negotiate the new absorption centers. That is, there were now the internal slave trafficking and recruitment of people in the escravarias of Santa Catarina (Piazza, 1999, p. 18 and Silva, 2004, p. 15). The escravarias in São Francisco do Sul were relatively small, with slaveholders closely involved in the internal trafficking of slaves, possibly giving slaves to other regions. From the postmortem inventories (before present in the Municipal Forum Archive and currently in the Judiciary Archive in Florianópolis) it is possible to check the ratio and the number of slaves of each master, standing out as a large owner the one responsible for over 20 slaves, exerting influence and power over other owners of the region. There is no possibility of distinguishing the numbers of Creoles and Africans, but it is known that the latter were especially from the Atlantic Central Africa. The lack of further studies relating the slaves in the region is embedded in a larger context, as Leite says: In Santa Catarina, the compared with other generally considered as terms of populationand (Leite, 1996, p. 37).

In this sense, archeology has been widely used in different studies involving the slavery and the groups that were out of official discourse for a long time (as workers, women and indigenous people). In this work, it has contributed to the problematization of the black presence in São Francisco do Sul, seeking structures and artifacts and bringing a different story.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE AND THE BLACK OCCUPANCY Although many jobs currently think slavery from the material culture at the national level in relation to the archaeological site, studies that show the material culture of this occupation in São Francisco do Sul were nonexistent. The tracescan reveal unique existences and experiences little explored, contributing to think new ways of understanding how the cultural heritage is related to groups that sometimes do not see themselves represented. This concept, which was associated to different meanings over the years, in the contemporary world is increasingly linked to issues of identity and citizenship. The notions of home and belonging can occur through historical memory and also reflect the tangible and intangible culture. And there in lies the importance of heritage preservation. Therefore,

African descendants, when ethnic groups have been a minority group, both in the political point of view

the cultural heritage expresses the solidarity that unites those who share a set of goods and practices that identify them. [...] The activities intended to define it, preserve it and spread it, supported by the historical and symbolic prestige of the property almost always incur in a certain simulation to underlie that society is not divided in classes, ethnicities and groups, when they say that the grandiosity and prestige accumulated by these goods transcend these social fractions (Canclini, 1994, p. 96).

In reviewing papers on slavery and African descendants in the south of the country, there are several points which point out the low number of Blacks in these regions, “attributing this fact to the lack of a large slave system targeted for export, as observed in other regions of the country” (Leite, 1996, p. 40). Or that relationships between slaves and owners were more “democratic” and “egalitarian” considering the model introduced here. Thus, the issues surrounding the role or participation of these groups in the State in the past occur in a very simplified way, or as Leite says, invisibly. The policy of whitening also contributed to the maintenance of this Idea when it valued the “white” settlement that ensured the economic “success” and progress of this place. Disregarding other factors such as territory or even the failures and difficulties in the implementation of various settlements. As mentioned above, problems like these are recurrent in São Francisco do Sul records and a more thorough handcareful analysis should be done when

In the cityin question, there is evidence in the official discourse of the city on its Historic Center, listed by IPHAN in 1987 as the greatest representation of its heritage. Promoting the preservation of those cultural goods, with use of the infrastructure of the central area and the increase of the tourism industry. (Funari and Pelegrini, 2009, p. 29). However, tangible and intangible goods linked to other groups still need to be thought, as well as the variety of cultural events that, “value and establish themselves in a cultural heritage” (Le Goff, 1994, p. 542). Therefore, it is also necessary to remember

reports of travelers from the XVIII and XIX centuries. Florianópolis: UFSC, 1990.

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research in São Francisco do Sul seeks to identify spaces, structures and objects belonging to the experiences of black groups, promoting the emergence of cultural heritage “to understand their transformations and conflicts” (Orser, 1992, p. 10). So, it works with the recognition of a space from a context and period, aided by historical documentation and especially by oral testimony. Trying to understand the events surrounding this occupancy in the city, considering all the elements of this science, artifacts and structures, architecture, written documents, oral information and pictorial images. It may contribute to a fuller understanding of this history, reconstructing, through artifacts, muffled voices, forgotten practices, repressed cultures (Orser, 1992, p. 11), indicating a slightly different reality from the one issued by officers and allowing to review some interpretations of the past.

the importance of the whole society to value and extend these discussions. Allowing visibility of diversity and recognition of citizenship, because it implies recognition of the “cultural rights” of different groups that make up a society, including the right to the memory, the access to culture and the freedom to create. Also, the recognition that producing and consuming culture are key factors for the development of the personality and the sociability (Fonseca, 2009, p. 74). In this perspective, the dialogue must be present in the policies that concern the property, giving voice to the diverse groups that make up the city and the cultural events which they are inserted. In contrast to the official discourse present in the heritage policies that are generally conservative and elitist, since the criteria for preservation and protectionend upfocusing on the groups identified with the dominant classes (Fonseca, 2009, p. 61-62). Access to discussions and construction of new approaches that involve groups of a given place and their property should be thought, enabling new processes of representation and identification. These are constantly changing:

From the historical research that provided a variety of information about the occupancy of São Francisco do Sul and the admission of slavery, it was possible to compare data from different public collections of the states of Santa Catarina, Parana and Sao Paulo, Historical Archive of Joinville and Historical Museum of São Francisco do Sul, besides the Registry Offices and the County Forum. The documents have been relevant to identify several áreas, considering that many localities still keep their old names and the permanence of different Black groups, bringing new stories and practices. In the city, the incorporation of land to the notarial system occurred selectively and spaces considered marginal were occupied by African descendants, at least residual and interstitial (Labale, 1996 apud S. Thiago, 2004, p. 80). In the 1970s, the processes of upgrading these areas resulted in the displacement of different black territories, situated in hills or quarries. Years before, places such as Figueira, Ribeira, Linguado and Tapera, occupied by these groups had also been impacted by these developments. Despite the constant movement of the black population, unlike other parts of the country, where there was preservation of the original locations, there are still many traditional communities consisted of small territorial groups with formal and informal parental ties.

the identity is something formed, over time, through unconscious processes, and not something innate, existing in the consciousness at the moment of birth. There is always something imaginary or fantasized about its unit. It is always incomplete, always in process, always being formed (Hall, 2006, p. 12-13). And the “displacement has positive features”, it dismantles the stable identities of the past, opening possibilities for new connections, creating new identities, producing new subjects (Laclau, 1990 apud Hall, 2006, p. 17). Accordingly, the information coming from the Historical Archaeology can contribute to the discussion of the continuities and absences of the heritage and their meanings in the city. Such perspective is defined as la arqueología que se ocupa de todas aquellas sociedades sobre las que existen fuentes escritas, incluyendo aquellas sociedades iletradas sobre las que sí escribieron. Algunos autores definen el campo de forma más estrecha, como la arqueología que trata del estúdio de los últimos 500 años, centrándose especialmente en la expansion colonial europea y su impacto (Hills, 2008, p. 100-101).

When making the recognition of spaces indicated in the surveys with potential physical evidences related to the old black occupancies, it was possible to observe some structures and artifacts. With the aid of maps, photographs and drawings, the field showed significant results. Apart from the Historical Center and the whole tipping policy, it is also common in the city the existence of colonial houses of lusa occupancy preserved in different localities (Figure 3). When walking in areas farther from the Center and less disturbed, ruins are also preserved with great visibility and easy access (Figure 4) which facilitated mapping of these structures. Present both in urban and industrialized areas as well as in rural areas and with little structural change, many old roads still bear their primary characteristics. We also found the permanence of well-preserved millsand brickyards with structured kilns. Records of properties, both public and private, that the sestructures bring, contribute to providea

It was also considered essential this approach that “[...] is particularly fitted to the study of class divisions and exploitation (Saitta 1992: 889, 1994), providing direct access to the everyday lives of all members of society, not only elites, but also peasants, merchants, slaves and poor people” (Funari, 1999, p. 57). These studies have helped by now worry about the problems related to the different groups that make up the society. Unlike a positivist approach that has deployed a speech about the noble origins of the colonial power, in which subordinate individuals were out. With the expansion of their actions,

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Figure 5. Bowls of pipes fond in São Francisco do Sul. Private property. Source: Fernanda Mara Borba, 2011

Figure 3. Colonial house in São Francisco do Sul. Private property. Source: Fernanda Mara Borba, 2011

Not only traces, but also the spaces in which they were found are considered very relevant, since the distribution of parts can be seen as a strategy of symbolic appropriation of these spaces according to their own perceptions, imbuing them with memories and representations (Symanski, 2010, p. 294). Apart from the field, the interviews, which are consistent with the methodology of Oral History and in accordance with the procedures adopted by the Laboratory of Oral History – UNIVILLE’s LHO, are contributing to other views and experiences related to the black materiality. They also assist inidentifying other spaces: “[...] finding in the woods the remains of houses where the flour mills were from Acaraí Park... There is a cemetery inside Acaraí Park which is where the descendants of blacks who live there are buried. I’ve already been there, they have a chapel that has photos and everything. And a series of traces... [...]”.3

Figure 4. Structure of a colonial ruin in São Francisco do Sul. Private property. Source: Fernanda Mara Borba, 2011

“And we have that concern to find out how the houses were, make sure that there were slaves who lived there, the ones who worked in farming, who worked in houses. Who were the wet nurses of São Francisco? Who were the cangueiros? They were the men who carried the water and sold it. The banqueteiras (caterers) were Black women who cooked for the society. [...] There is all this concern to learn and even know it. We have some limited knowledge and have the concern to make it complete and of everyone, not just of certain people, but of all community”.4

history of previous owners and possible modifications done over the years. By crossing these data with other research documents (such as post-mortem inventories and other records), it is possible to check not only that it comes to slave owners, but also the number of workers that they had (important data for the analysis of a structure, for example). In these spaces, it is possible to find small traces of bowls of pipes, some pottery and ceramics (Figure 5) which are constantly identified as black elements. In this sense, Agostini’s (1997 and 1998) and Symanski’s (2007 and 2010) studies help in Brazil to discuss analyzes of slaves from an archaeological perspective. While working with material culture, along with written documents and oral sources, stories of resistance and other aspects of daily life of the slave are evidenced. The decoration and the form of these elements tell a lot about redesigning the sense of identity from the symbolic, aiming to claim differentiated identities.

The speeches are necessary because the memories “bear marks, life trajectories, reveal singularities and subjecti3

Nascimento, Aldair Carvalho. Archaelogy of a forgotten occupancy: black groups in São Francisco do Sul – Santa Catarina: testimony [November, 2011]. Interviewer: Fernanda Mara Borba. Digital Recorder. São Francisco do Sul: 2011. 4 Pinheiro, Soraia das Neves. Archaelogy of a forgotten occupancy: black groups in São Francisco do Sul – Santa Catarina: testimony [February, 2012]. Interviewer: Fernanda Mara Borba. Digital Recorder. São Francisco do Sul: 2012.

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HALL, S. (2005) – A identidade cultural na pósmodernidade. Rio de Janeiro: DPLA.

veties, redo, rebuild and rethink with images and ideas of the present, the experiences of the past” (Bosi, 2001, p. 55). And, “implies a perception of the past as something that continues today and whose historical process is not finished” (Meihy, 1996, p. 10). These stories highlight the black experience in the city with practices related to the cultural heritage and the vestiges of slavery.

HARO, M.A.P. de (org.). (1990) – Ilha de Santa Catarina: relatos de viajantes do século XVIII e XIX. Florianópolis: UFSC. HILLS, Catherine (2008) – Arqueología histórica y textual. In: Renfrew, C. & Bahn. In: Arqueología Conceptos Clave. Madri: Akal. p. 100-105.

In this discussion, considering the historical and cultural context of São Francisco do Sul and the social tensions, identity conflicts and plural readings that involve the cultural heritage, archaeological studies bring new insights on the importance of the material culture of these groups. And a greater understanding of complex spaces and periods, contradictory and multiple, fill in remaining gaps, valuing the cultural diversity and the recognition of the heritage of black people.

INSTITUTO BINOT PAULMIER DE GONNEVILLE. (2004) – São Francisco do Sul 500 anos: Construções Históricas. Joinville: SPA. LE GOFF, J. (1994) – História e memória. Tradução Bernardo Leitão. São Paulo: UNICAMP. LEITE, I.B. (org.) (1996) – Negros no Sul do Brasil. Invisibilidade e Territorialidade. Florianópolis: Letras Contemporâneas. MEIHY, J.C.S.B. (1996) – Manual de História Oral. São Paulo: Loyola.

References

NASCIMENTO, Aldair Carvalho (2011) – Arqueologia de uma ocupação esquecida: grupos negros em São Francisco do Sul – Santa Catarina: depoimento [nov. 2011]. Entrevistadora: Fernanda Mara Borba. Gravador Digital. São Francisco do Sul: 2011.

AGOSTINI, C. (1997) – Cachimbos de escravos e a reconstrução de identidades africanas no Rio de Janeiro, século XIX. Monografia (Bacharelado em Arqueologia). Rio de Janeiro: Universidade Estácio de Sá.

ORSER, C.E. (1992) – Introdução à Arqueologia Histórica. Belo Horizonte: Oficina dos Livros.

AGOSTINI, C. (1998) – Resistência cultural e reconstrução de identidades: um olhar sobre a cultura material de escravos do século XIX. Revista de História Regional, UEPG: Ponta Grossa.

PEREIRA, C. da C. (2004) – História de São Francisco do Sul. Florianópolis: UFSC. PIAZZA, W.F. (1999) – A escravidão negra numa província periférica. Florianópolis: Garapuvu.

ARARIPE, A. (1886) – Primeiro Navio Francez no Brazil. Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro, v. 49, p. 315-369.

PINHEIRO, Soraia das Neves. (2012) – Arqueologia de uma ocupação esquecida: grupos negros em São Francisco do Sul – Santa Catarina: depoimento [fev. 2012]. Entrevistadora: Fernanda Mara Borba. Gravador Digital. São Francisco do Sul.

BANDEIRA, D. da R. (2004) – Ceramistas Pré-coloniais da Baía da Babitonga – Arqueologia e Etnicidade. Tese (Doutorado em História). Campinas: UNICAMP.

PORTELLI, A. (1997) – Tentando aprender um pouquinho. Algumas reflexões sobre a ética na História Oral. Projeto História. São Paulo, n. 15, abr.p. 13-49.

BOSI, E. (2001) – Memória e sociedade: lembranças de velhos. São Paulo: Cia. das Letras. CANCLINI, N.G. (1994) – O patrimônio cultural e a construção imaginária do Nacional. Revista do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional. Brasília: Iphan, n° 23.p. 94-115.

SAINT-HILAIRE, A. de. (1978) – Viagem a Curitiba e Província de Santa Catarina. São Paulo: Itatiaia. p. 149.

FERREIRA, M. de M.; AMADO, J. (1996) – Usos e abusos da história oral. Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Getúlio Vargas.

SANTOS, S.C. [et al.] (2004) – São Francisco do Sul – muito além da viagem de Gonneville. Florianópolis: UFSC.

FONSECA, M.C.L. (2009) – Para além da pedra e cal: por uma concepção ampla de patrimônio cultural. In: Abreu, R.; Chagas, M. Memória e patrimônio. Ensaios Contemporâneos. Rio de Janeiro: Lamparina. p. 56-76.

SILVA, D. A.da. (2004) – “PLANTADORES DE RAIZ”: Escravidão e compadrio nas freguesias de Nossa Senhora da Graça de São Francisco do Sul e de São Francisco Xavier de Joinville. 1845/1888. Dissertação (Mestrado em História). Curitiba: UFPR.

FUNARI, P.P.; PELEGRINI, S. de C.A. (1999) – Historical archaeology from a world perspective. Historical Archaeology, Back from the Edge. Londres: Routledge, p. 37-66.

S. THIAGO, R. (2004) – As múltiplas histórias da Ilha e arredores. In: Santos, S.C. [et al.]São Francisco do Sul – muito além da viagem de Gonneville. Florianópolis: UFSC. p. 75-103.

FUNARI, P.P.; PELEGRINI, S. de C.A. (2009) – Patrimônio histórico e cultural. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar.

SYMANSKI, L.C.P. (2007) – O registro arqueológico de grupos escravos.Questões de visibilidade e preservação. Revista do Patrimônio Histórico e 67

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Artístico Nacional. Brasília: Iphan, n° 33. p. 215243.

Guimarães (MT). História Unisinos. São Leopoldo, set./dez. p. 294-310.

SYMANSKI, L.C.P. (2010) – Cerâmicas, identidades escravas e crioulização nos engenhos de Chapada dos

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PERSPECTIVES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURATION: A CASE STUDY ON THE LABORATORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY PETER HILBERT Daiane PEREIRA Technician – IEPA [email protected]

Abstract: The present study is the result of curatorial work which has been developed during the last 18 months at the Laboratory of Archaeology Peter Hilbert, at the Instituto de Pesquisas Científicas e Tecnológicas do Estado do Amapá (IEPA), Northern Brazil. Aiming to contribute to discussions about the management of archaeology heritage at Amapá State, this work is based on transdisciplinary conjectures on archaeological storage rooms as well as in the practical experience of organizing the current collection. The union between the theoretical approaches and the developed curatorial methodologies resulted on a proposal of a curatorial plan. Keywords: Archaeology; Archaeological Collections; Archaeological storage room Résumé: La présente étude est le résultat de travaux de conservation qui a été développé pour les 18 derniers mois au Laboratoire d’archéologie Peter Hilbert, qui fait partie des Instituto de Pesquisas Científicas e Tecnológicas do Estado do Amapá (IEPA). Visant à contribuer aux discussions au sujet de la gestion du patrimoine d’archéologie à l’État d’Amapá, ce travail est basé sur la transdisciplinaires conjectures sur les aires de stockage archéologiques ainsi que dans l’expérience pratique de l’organisation de la collection actuelle. La jonction entre les approches théoriques et les méthodologies développés conservateurs entraîné sur une proposition d’un plan de conservation. Mots-clés: Archéologie; Curation archéologique; Chambre storage

To make such a challenge, we tried to understand the storage room in a broader context, perceiving our object of study, at the same time, as material culture and heritage. We have seen it as living, multidisciplinary, memorable object, preserved and systematized through the management. After mapping theoretical elements for archaeological curation, we turned to our reality, and made a diagnosis of the Laboratory of Archaeology Peter Hilbert.

INTRODUCTION In recent years archeology in Amapá State assumed an important position, both for public managers as to the general population of Amapá. This scenario is seen as positive for the field of archeology, with increase in research and archaeological data and museum collections. However, the need for reflection on the management and preservation of archaeological collections in the region is latent. Although incipient, this work aims to contribute to discussions of the local archaeological heritage under the scope of curatorship, using a concrete experience to evoke such a reflection.

While doing this diagnosis based in a transdisciplinary framework, it was possible to apply, in practice, the precepts studied, thus making an analysis of the positive aspects and points to be improved, taking into account the peculiarities of the laboratory itself, which culminated in a “curatorial plan proposal”. The curatorial plan is perceived by us as the standardization of the storage room activities, functioning as continuous and renewable maintenance of preservation solutions to the archaeological collection.

This article is the synthesis of the curatorial work developed at the Laboratory of Archaeology Peter Hilbert, part of the Núcleo de Pesquisas Arqueológicasat the Instituto de Pesquisas Cientificas e Tecnológicas do Estado do Amapá (IEPA). In its process, the project sought to join the curatorial needs of the Laboratory with the different perspectives on storage rooms, thus creating a curatorial plan and its mechanisms of applicability.

A DIALOGUE BETWEEN DISCIPLINES The storage room of an archaeological collection is, in essence, a place for safeguarding all material culture and for being “culture transformed into matter” (Hilbert, 2008:78), it is no longer just an object of archeological study.

Throughout the project realization, it saw it self in the center of a difficulty not yet discussed in Brazil, the curating of the archiological heritage. By welcoming different perspectives, the archeological curating opens space for multiple dialogues, and a multidisciplinary reflection becomes necessary. With disciplines reflection such as the archeology, the anthropology, the curating, the museology and the conservation.

We started from the understanding of the amplitude of archaeological curation, which involves an extensive set 69

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A curatorial work concerned with the multiple views and the possibilities of material culture may not exist without the dialogue from different disciplines. This understanding is a stage of awareness of professionals in different areas, undestanding the preservation of archaeological heritage as an action in social engagement. According to Cristina Bruno (1999:333), this is much required in the current scenario of Brazilian archeology, which is a multifaceted field, with a wide visibility.

of actions, which includes realizing and guiding systematization activities in the collections, such as packing, preservation, restoration, documentation, information and socialization of material culture. On such activities, Marilia Cury (2006) writes of the curatorial process as an operational chain in which the archaeological object passes along during its existence in a collection, and the engagement of professionals from different areas is necessary. If we were to define an overall goal of archeology, we can see it as the science that studies human behavior by the interpretation of the relationship between people and material culture in all times and places, through the information that the archaeological record provides us (Trigger, 2004:19; Funari, 2006:15).

FROM PROPOSE TO PRACTICE A proposal to work in a storage room of an archaeological institution is, first and foremost, to understand what it represents. We believe that more than a deposit, the storage room is a living environment, which allows the life of an archaeological research center, and therefore is compared to a lung, allowing respiration for the flow of life, a flow into and out of objects (LES Reserves, 2010:04).

If we perform the same exercise with the conservation, trying to define an objective for this discipline, we can see it as the science that seeks to ensure the permanence of material culture and its information through time (Tenreiro, 2000:06). Jeffrey Levin (2003:11) conceives archeology as a science that investigates and interprets the past, while conservation protects and preserves the past. As such, the practice of protecting and preserving archaeological heritage is named, within the discipline of conservation, archaeological conservation.

Although fulfilling the function of safeguarding the archaeological collections, each storage room and every collection have distinct characteristics and contexts, as well as the vision of how it is perceived. Methodologies used in each storage room go beyond theoretical knowledge, raising from specificities of each collection, and must take into account functional and structural aspects, case by case.

The foundations of archaeological conservation allowed the construction of a curatorial project that appreciates firstly the preservation of archaeological heritage, making collections more accessible without sacrificing its conservation.

Being aware of this, we tried to find local examples of collections, in order to build parameters for planning our approachto the Laboratory of Archaeology Peter Hilbert. We visited four archaeological storage rooms, two in the Amapá State, one in Pará State and one in French Guyana. Our aim was not to expose or diagnose those institutions, but to understand the curatorial experiences used to help us find our own way. This experience was perceived by us as essential to get adequate methodologies for the Amazonian reality.

For thinking about the systematization and the socialization of material culture, it is necessary dialogue and understanding of the role of each heritage manager in a storage room. This may lead to establishing a clear transdisciplinary relationship, following a perspective that is concerned with the dissemination and discussion of the knowledge with the participation of society (Vasconcellos, 2006:28).

In order to unite the previous studies with the observation of other curatorial realities, and aware of the importance of knowing the specificities of each curatorial process, we propose for the case-study of the Laboratory Peter Hilbert the building of a diagnosis. The diagnosis is an interesting way to evaluate and observe the characteristics of a storage room. In the diagnosis we point out the following aspects: contextualization, general description, accessibility, security, organization, registration and conservation. These items were based on issues presented in the diagnosis of storage rooms of several places in the world, and may be classified as a quantitative diagnostic for identifying hazards and propose possible strategies to mitigate these risks (Braga, 2003:40).

Searching other curatorial examples, we have used the experience of museology, trying to identify a range of projects that are also aimed to thesystematization and socialization of storage rooms. It was through museological science that we foundcase-studies of archaeological collections which combined preservation and socialization, maximizing the access to archaeological heritage in the face of restrictive conditions (Instituto, 2010). With anthropology it was possible to dive into the signs of material culture, realizing that it is viewed in different ways and that it covers a broad universe of meanings. The objects, seen though the perspective of their agency (Gell, 1992b), may be linked to the attribution of meaning in human relationships, perceived in some cases even as a person (Barreto, 2008), establishing itself as “a perishable, creative, versatile, flexible and above all social product” (Hilbert, 2006:99).

Identifying the characteristics of the storage room by means of a diagnosis is essential for any curatorial work. In the specific case of the Laboratory Peter Hilbert the diagnosis became a document to drive the actions to be performed and an indicative of improvements to be achieved. 70

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We begin the diagnosis bringing the history and characteristics of work at the Núcleo de Pesquisas Arqueológicasat IEPA, noting aspects that directly influence on the storage room, as the running time of the research center, the methodologies employed in excavations and laboaratory and modifications in structure of the building, tracing the outline of a storage room that is still very young but which already contains a large amount of material and research flow. The Núcloe de Pesquisas Arqueológicas was founded in 2005 and now has projects in all regions of the state, contributing to the broader panorama of Amazonian archeology. The rapid growth of the research center is noticeable by studying its history. In that short time its physical structure has been expanded and has a team of fourteen people among archaeologists, technicians, students and volunteers.

Figure 2. Peter Hilbert Storage Room, second floor. Photo by Daniel Nec

presents stable conditions, the diagnosis indicated the need for the acquisition of temperature control systems, as much humidity and lighting, which could maximize the control of the environment, ensuring a higher level of security to the collection. Also regarding the safety of the collection, the installation of a robbery and fire prevention system was indicated by the diagnosis, being these measures to be implemented in the short term, due to their importance for the security of the archaeological heritage. In the medium and long term recommendations, it was suggested the training of local professionals in curatorial work as a way to streng then this area and ensure the continuity of the curatorial process. Figure 1. Peter Hilbert Storage Room, first floor. Photo by Daiane Pereira

Although all items presented in the diagnosis are also equally important for the functioning of a storage room, we will give greater attention to three items: the organization, registration and conservation of the collection. We highlight these items because they served as support to the creation of a curatorial guide for members of the Laboratory of Archaeology Peter Hilbert.

When we turn specifically to the storage room, we have a total area of 175.5 square meters which are divided into two floors. The first floor contains part of the collection of ceramic fragments, the collection of entire pieces, the Human bones collection and samples of charcoal and soil. On the first floor we have access to the second floor, which is built on a gridded structure, this structure was designed to maintain a higher ventilation from one floor to another, given the hich humidity of the Amazonian environmetn.

The organization of the collection includes the systematization and preparation of collections, being largely responsible for the dynamics of the storage room. Mechanisms to systematize the collections will ensure the effectiveness of the storage room concerning research, conservation and socialization matters. At this moment, it is essential to observe the dynamics of the laboratory and be able to propose changes that will make the collections more preserved and available.

On the environmental conditions of the storage room, it maintains natural temperature, and ventilation system are not in use. Its lighting basically is done by electric energy, with the exception of two glass windows and a panoramic grass wall to an inside part of the building. The windows are sealed, and do not contribute to ventilation, and have no direct action in the collection. The panoramic wall, although increases the light exposure in the collection, serves to socialize the storage room with visitors, offering a great view of the archaeological assemblage. Although the environment

The packaging in use at the Laboratory Peter Hilbert, although simple, was effective, with the materials stored in plastic boxes ordered by site and method of excavation. During the diagnosis, we found that the organizational system was effective. However, it needed greater attention to aspects such as individual packaging, storage and material flow. 71

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changes, we also suggested creative alternatives, that would be less expensive and more appropriate to the reality of the research center. Simple actions, when applied bythe entire staff, assist in the curatorial process.

The biggest problem of the packaging was the lack of attention to the conservation of the collection, with materials stacked in boxes, with excessive amount of material per box, and different materials housed in the same box. Still concerning the packaging, problems with the quality of registration associated to the archaeological materials has put at risk the security of that information. As cause of these failures we can appoint the absence of a curatorial planning, and thus the lack of a better supervision of the flow and handling of material.

EXTENDING THE PRACTICE The elaboration of the diagnosis was essential to perceive the positive aspects of the Núcleo de Pesquisa Arqueológica, especially those that, at some point, show that improvements are applicable. When we thought about aspects to be improved the proposal of the curatorial plan was drafted. Thus, we direct our work towards its goal, create and execute a curatorial plan that was tuned to the specifics of the Laboratory Peter Hilbert, strengthening positive traits and seeking solutions to the failures.

In assessing the packaging of the collections it was also possible to provide an estimate of the store capacity. The results are impressive, as today it has 70% of its total capacity occupied.

Part of the contact with the technical reserve and the diagnosis came from practical experience of the collections organization. The system used before was based on the organization made by the laboratory team, being necessary to reconcile the development of other projects with curatorial actions. The increase in research actions of the center led to increased collections and material flow. With this increase, the system began to present fail and limitations which were perceived by the archaeologists in charge and culminated on the demand for a project dedicated exclusively to archaeological curation. From this demand, the project was created aiming to organize its functionality without compromising the safety of their material, besides being based on a flexible methodology which takes advantage of advances and constant participation of the whole laboratory team.

Figure 3. Peter Hilbert Storage Room, collection of entirepieces. Photo by Daiane Pereira

With the collections organized, the need for greater control by means of registration is perceived and this should follow a similar order with the systematization of the collections, and an association between both of them was stressed. With regard to the quality of the record, a joint effort between curation and laboratory team was made, because the record is a permanent step in every archaeological research.

For the systematization of the storage room on a curatorial plan, we start from the subdivision of the collections, in order to turn our attention to the specificities existing. Thus, we create a planning and perform actions both in the material and digital collections of documents, which together consist in all material derived from archaeological actions undertaken by the research center, together with donations of community and record of these proceedings.

Referring to the aspects of conservation discussed during the diagnosis, we proposed same basic principles for handling and caring due to the fragility of the pieces, as well as issues involving the chemical and biological conservation of the material, pointing to the risks of degradation by light, temperature, humidity, pollutants, biological agents, negligence and lack of knowledge (Güths & Carvalho, 2007:27).

The collection of documents was the first to be systematized, it was organized by archaeological sites and subdivided according to the nomenclature of each document. To safeguard the collection of documents, we created a digital archive that provides all the information from the documents, in addition to its digital copy, which is an important aspect for the conservation of paper based documents.

In each item diagnosed we sought to make an accurate description of the conditions found, as well as indicate possibilities for improvement. Our criteria, grounded on the theoretical background, aims parameters of high quality. Although, given some restrains it is not always possible to reach the best standards, but we keep our goals very high. As such, as we proposed some important

The archaeological material collections are undoubtedly our main focus of attention, precisely because of its magnitude. In six years of existence, the research center now has material collections from 60 archaeological sites, derived from excavations and prospections, and a collection of 140 entire pieces. To the material collection,

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All activities developed by the Núcleo de Pesquisa Arqueológica, in all its stages, should be committed to the management of collections, as well as every member of the laboratory is responsible for proper maintenance. Thus ensuring the security and stability of the assemblages in a continuous process and being committed to the preservation of archaeological heritage.

it was necessary to implement a new system of packaging, as well as of organization of sites, which were systematized according to the method of excavation and geographic location. With the union of the informations of the documentary and material collections, we have the digital archive as a mean of preserving the collections and their information, and facilitate research. The creation of digital collections through banks of digital information is a movement that has been occurring in archaeological collections from around the world, presenting good results supporting the conservation and preservation of collections and information (Sayão, 2007: 200).

Designed as a normative facilitator of the curatorial practices, the guide seeks to be clear and didactic, punctuating each archaeological action and describing in detail the appropriate action, considering multiple and unforeseen situations. Thus, serving also as a training mechanism. Presented and discussed for and with members of the laboratory, the guide provides a helpful description of all stages of an archaeological project, going through planning, implementing and curating. Aiming thus draw attention to the actions listed in each of them, and emphasizing the participation of all members of the laboratory in the management of collections.

Undergoing the process of recognition, diagnosis, organization and systematization of each collection, the next step towards the implementation of the curatorial plan was to extend curatorial practice for all the laboratory team. Only with the socialization of the curatorial practices with all members of the Laboratory Peter Hilbert it would be possible to realize a shared and more effective management. Like any socialization, it had to pass through group collaboration and dialogue in the team.

After having divided the archaeological project in stages and highlighted the importance in considering the collection in each one, the guide provides the operation, step by step, of the documental, material and digital collections of the Laboratory Peter Hilbert. This step-bystep systematization of the laboratory operation has the intention to function as a mechanism of regulation of activities related to the collections, making possible the integration of the laboratory members in the curatorial process.

EXTENDING THE PROSE As a result of this process, of intersection between the theoretical background and practical activities developed within the Laboratory, one sees the birth of a curatorial plan proposal. A curatorial plan is nothing more than careful planning of the whole process of curating a laboratory. A process which in turn starts when the archaeological action is just an idea and extends infinitely, since the responsibility for archaeological heritage is eternal.

In the documental collections, beyond useful guidelines when elaborating the documents, the guide explains all the curation process, in which the documents pass, and establishes rules to safeguard the documents through the establishment of delivery of the documentation produced and backups of digital documents.

The curatorial plan of the Laboratory Peter Hilbert was developed from the daily anxieties that arose during the reorganization of the collection. Seeking the junction between the transdisciplinary theoretical foundations that permeate the storage room and the peculiarities of the research center, beyond the execution of the plan, we propose to standardize its operation.

Referring to the material collections, the guide specifies the actions taken since the first contact at the time of excavation until the procedures at the time of analysis. In all items presented, attention to the preservation of the material and information associated with it is always the focus, hoping that by reading it, the student or researcher, watch out for details that may go unnoticed.

In fact for the normalization of this process to occur, it is required the involvement of all the team Laboratory, and for that there is the need that each point in the process is very clear not only to those responsible for curation, but for everyone. To make this a collective and effective plan, it was presented in the form of a guide for curatorial plan.

It is also to describe the actions related to the material collections that will be explained ideal methods of packing, cleaning, transportation and registration, in addition to teaching the procedure of loan materials from the technical reserve. Although it is not focused on the transmission of theoretical concepts of conservation, the Guide for Good Practice, turns out to be a small handbook of archaeological conservation.

The Guide for Good Practice of the Laboratory Peter Hilbert has the function of standardize and establish contact between the curatorial plan and the team. This guide was thought with the aim of uniting the different activities that occur at the laboratory in a systematization that aims the creation and maintenance of a stable collection, ordered and accessible. For this, we set some fundamental principles.

Passing to the digital collection, we see that it is a mechanism of the archaeological collection both documentary and material, as it helps in organizing and sharing the informations, as well as ensures the safeguard 73

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curating archaeological assemblages, searching for turn it more present in the planning and actions of archeology, being valued inside and outside the archaeological science. We want to see more and more the heritage managers looking for the archaeological curation, and furthermore, turning it into an important part of Brazilian archeology.

of some informations. Documenting these cultural assets in a digital information network facilitates research and creates a way of safeguarding information. Four points are relevant to the creation of this collection, the first is to turn the access of the information more accessible and practical, the second is the ability to search data without necessarily using the original documentation, the third is to preserve the original documents through the decreased that handling provides, and the fourth is the inter-relationship created between the documental and material collections which we find in the digital collection. It is this responsibility with preservation that description of digital collection sets on the guide, making the members of the research center perform the function of managers of maintenance and update of this collections.

Thus, we look forward to many future conversations about archeology, curatorship, collections, storage rooms and wharever unites them. Because we believe in the social power of archaeological heritage and in the role that archaeological curation has in its preservation and socialization. References BARRETO, C.N.G.B (2008) – Meios Místicos de Reprodução Social: Arte e Estilo na Cerâmica Funerária da Amazônia Antiga. São Paulo: USP. 232 p. BRAGA, G.D. (2003) – Conservação Preventiva: acondicionamento e armazenamento de acervos complexos em Reserva Técnica – o caso do MAE/USP. São Paulo: USP. 161 p.

With a range of information availableat the bank of digital information it is possible to join the material and documental collections in easily accessible information, being systematised and preserved in digital media. What we try to build with the elaboration of this Guide for Good Practice Guide is a reflection on the curation of archaeological collections, using the experience we are developing at the Laboratory of Archaeology Peter Hilbert. Thus, we think of the archaeological collections as something dynamic, following a model of sustainable curation that is accessible to all.

BRUNO, M.C.O. (1999) – A importância dos processos museológicos para a preservação do Patrimônio. Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia. São Paulo: USP. 3, p. 333-337. FUNARI, P.P.P. (2006) – Arqueologia. São Paulo: Contexto. 125 p.

FUTURE CONVERSATIONS

GELL, A. (1992b) – The Technology of Enchantment and the Enchantment of Technology. In: Anthropology, Art and Aesthetics. Oxford: Clarendon. p. 40-66.

The curatorial plan of the Laboratory Peter Hilbert, as well as the Guide for Good Practice, are mechanisms in constantly improvement. We aim with this curatorial plan to start the discussion on the subject, and that throughout its development it can enhance the participation of members of the Núcleo de Pesquisa Arqueológica of the IEPA and dialogue with other institutions.

GÜTHS, S.; CARVALHO, C.S.R. (2007) – Conservação Preventiva: Ambientes próprios para coleções. Conservação de Acervos. Museu de Astronomia e Ciências Afins. Rio de Janeiro: MAST. 9, p. 23-43. HILBERT, K. (2006) – Qual o compromisso social do arqueólogo brasileiro? Revista de Arqueologia. Sociedade de Arqueologia Brasileira. 19, p. 89-102.

This positioning of flexibility for modifications is essential for us to be truly prepared to work with the management of archaeological heritage over time. For admitting its unfinished character is to recognize the need for improvement and constant search of it in the archaeological curation process.

HILBERT, K. (2008) – “Só achei algumas pedrinhas!”: uma sátira sobre o valor de um sítio arqueológico. Arqueología Suramericana / Arqueologia Sulamericana. Catamarca. 4: 1, p. 76-87.

The presentation of this paper is not intended to indicate a definite point for curators at the Laboratory of Archaeology Peter Hilbert, but to continue a path that already has built in search for improvements in the curatorial process, and to which we wish to continue to track.

LES RESERVES DES MUSEES: MODE D’EMPLOI (2010) – Service Régional de l’Archéologie. Institut National du Patrimoine. 45 p. LEVIN, J. [et. al.] (2003) – Closingthe Divide: A Discussion about Archaeology and Conservation. Conservation. Los Angeles: The GCI Newsletter. 18: 1, p. 11-17. INSTITUTO Brasileiro de Museus (2010) – Reserva Técnica Viva. Museália, revista de cultura e museus. 1: 1, p. 48-57. SAYÃO, L.F. (2007) – Conservação de Documentos Eletrônicos. Conservação de Acervos. Museu de

Hopefully, with this dialogue we are trying to build, we may assist in the appreciation of the archaeological curation, showing a work that has often been left in the background of archeology. We end our conversation with a feeling of unfinished prose, because there is still a long way to think about 74

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Astronomia e Ciências Afins. Rio de Janeiro: MAST. 9, p. 181-204.

TRIGGER, B.G. (2004) – História do Pensamento Arqueológico. São Paulo: Odysseus Editora. 477 p.

TENREIRO, Y.P. (2000) – Medidas Urgentes de Conservción em Intervenciones Arqueológicas. Santiago de Compostela: USC. 41 p.

VASCONCELLOS, C.M. (2006) – O papel dos museus na divulgação da arqueologia no Brasil. In: Terra Brasilis: pré-história e arqueologia da psique. São Paulo: Paulus. p. 21-33.

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES AT CÓRDOBA’S PROVINCE, ARGENTINA. A COOPERATIVE CONSTRUCTION OF A GEOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION SYSTEM (GIS) FOR MANAGEMENT Thiago COSTA FONCYT-Museo de Antropología, Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Av. H. Yrigoyen 174, 5000, Córdoba, Argentina [email protected]

Abstract: The present study arises from a project of territorial management at Cordoba’s province (Argentina); it started from the necessity to recognize the condition of the archaeological resources in the province on a precise and concrete manner. Since national and provincial laws demands the conservation of these resources, developing a database of the cultural heritage is a necessity, in order to start the quantification of the resources adding more information related to the archaeological heritage of Cordoba’s province. According to the previous, it is presented the preliminary results related to approximately 700 archaeological sites, which had been systematized in a database. The information gathered were previously available in publications, besides that it has been recovered data available in museums, the Dirección de Patrimonio de la Provincia (entity responsible for the management of the sites) and other research institutes. Apart from the methodology explained above, it is important to clarify that the participation of the actors from different departments of the province was vital in order to access the onsite information, following this principle the following paper is based in a postcolonial perspective which values multivocality in the concern of the defense of the cultural heritage of Cordoba’s province. Finally it is demonstrated the importance of the management of these sites through the creation of a Geographical Information System (GIS, ArcView 3.2) database which integrates all the information and modernize the visualization and data treatment of the archaeological resources. Keywords: Archaeological sites, Poscolonialism, Management, GIS, Cordoba’s province Résumé: La présente étude se pose d’un projet de gestion territoriale à la province de Cordoue (Argentine); il a commencé à partir de la nécessité de reconnaître l’état des ressources archéologiques dans la province d’une manière précise et concrète. Depuis nationale et les lois provinciales de l’exige la conservation de ces ressources, l’élaboration d’une base de données du patrimoine culturel est une nécessité, afin de commencer à la quantification des ressources en ajoutant plus d’information sur le patrimoine archéologique de la province de Cordoue. Selon le précédent, il est présenté les résultats préliminaires relatifs à environ 700 sites archéologiques, qui avaient été systématisés dans une base de données. Les informations recueillies étaient auparavant disponibles dans les publications, outre qu’il a été récupéré des données disponibles dans les musées, la Dirección de Patrimonio de la Provincia (entité responsable de la gestion des sites) et autres instituts de recherche. En dehors de la méthodologie expliquée ci-dessus, iles important de préciser que la participation des acteurs provenant de différents départements de la province était indispensable pour accéder à l’information sur place, suivant ce principe le papier qui suit est basé dans une perspective postcoloniale qui valorise multiplicité des voix dans le souci de la défense du patrimoine culturel de la province de Cordoue. Enfin, il est démontré l’importance de la gestion de ces sites à travers la création d’un Système d’Information Géographique (SIG, ArcView 3.2) base de données qui intègre toutes les informations et de moderniser le traitement des données de visualisation et des ressources archéologiques. Mots-clés: sites archéologiques, Poscolonialism, de gestion, SIG, dans la province de Cordoue

sites with human activity, structures and the traces left of any kind, on the surface, as well as buried or under water, and materials related with them (ICOMOS, 1990).

INTRODUCTION The necessity of knowing the conditions of the archaeological resources in Cordoba’s province in a precise manner is the main goal that driven the work project which generated the present paper. In Argentina the national and provincial laws (Ley Nº 25.743/03, Decreto Reglamentario Nº 1.022/04 y Ley Provincial 5543 de protección de bienes culturales) demands the conservation of the cultural heritage. In order to follow the Nation’s laws it is necessary to develop an inventory of the cultural resources, in other words, start to quantify

To achieve the proposed goal the methodology chosen includes the community in the discussion related to their heritage as well as the utilization of modern tools such as GIS (geographical information systems), which allows to aggregate large quantities of information in one database. According to our goal what we expect is to obtain new information which will allow new approaches related to the archaeological resources in the province through the: 77

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a. Quantification: register sites (known and new ones) aggregation new data to the province database.

ARCHAEOLOGY AND COLONIALISM

b. Composition: the characteristics of the resources (associated material, physical characteristics, chronology, etc.).

It is now well known and accepted that the beginnings of anthropology and archaeology have their roots on colonialism. Gosden (1999) believes that the disciplines are an academic reflex of physical attempts to understand and control. According to the author the early history of both disciplines is intimately bound up with colonial expansion and a mass of encounters between widely different cultures (Gosden 1999:16). Viveiros de Castro (2010) criticizes the groups in anthropology that still represents the “other” according to the interests of the West. To Said (1977) the West sustains a simplified and inferior vision of the East, even though, sometimes, without any intention of doing it. According to Gosden (2007) much of the postcolonial thinker’s effort was focused on discovering the roots and effects of colonial forms of discourses and representations. In order to stop with the reproduction of this colonial thought, it is important that archaeologists make a reflection of the social effects of their activities (for an Argentinean approach of the theme: Haber 1999 y 2011).

c. Spatial location: the closest possible location of the site in relation to global geographic positioning system. d. Conservation: verify the status of maintenance of archaeological sites in the province. Besides the above and from a social context of the archaeological practice, we recognize the need for a multivocal approach involving communities in the construction and discussion about their heritage (ICOMOS 1990). Since the archaeological practice has, inevitably, social and political consequences (Endere and Curtoni 2006). Our working approach is through a social perspective, in other words, including the voices of the local actors in the construction of their cultural heritage database (for more see the works of Gosden 1999:199205, Haber 1999, Wharton 2005, Hernando 2006, Endere 2007, Jofré et al. 2007 y Atalay 2008).

Hernando (2006) affirms that every group of people in the world has ethnocentric characteristics since “the others” are never like “us” because different people perceive the world in different ways. The main problem in this kind of relation is when one cosmology (way of seeing/perceiving the world) affects in a negative way the different one creating a marginal vision of the other (Hernando 2006:224). Proceed as if all Western discourse on people of other traditions has no other function than to illuminate our “representations of the other”, is to make postcolonial theory the last stage of our ethnocentrism (Viveiros de Castro 2010:15).

Finally, our expectation is to obtain a better knowledge in relation to the provincial heritage and to be able to access data through the use of modern tools (such as GIS) allowing a better management and conservation of the archaeological sites. Besides it is important to let the possibility of a better assessment of the occupational history of the territory that is currently known as Cordoba’s province. It is important to remark that the information is going to be accessible to all the different actors, the provincial and municipal organisms, even though in different scales, for a more efficient management of these resources.

According to the same perspective, and trying to solve the issue of “representing the other” it seems even more important to include the claims of the communities, which are constantly demonstrating the multiplicity of actors interested in rebuilding their own history, recognizing and valuing the different perceptions in relation to the cultural heritage (Endere 2009, Gnecco and Ayala 2010). Even though these claims are being discussed for more than ten years now, it seems that there is still a long way of discussion ahead and most of all, of inclusion. In Latin America the relation between archaeology and communities is ambivalent (Gnecco and Ayala 2010). According to the authors, the interaction between archaeologists and communities can be a “battlefield” or an “intercultural” meeting place. The growing interest of indigenous communities in archaeology and the orders for repatriation have been a legal battlefield, however, it may be the opportunity to produce cooperation between different worldviews generating a completely new and free from its colonial past archeology (Gnecco and Ayala 2010). Apart from that, the incorporation of indigenous practices which may relate to theory, method, fieldwork and educational/pedagogical strategies, not just add multivocality to archaeological interpretation, but also to all aspects of archaeological practice (Atalay 2008:31).

Figure 1. Location of Cordoba’s Province in South America 78

T. COSTA: ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES AT CÓRDOBA’S PROVINCE, ARGENTINA…

Nowadays multivocality is a key component in archaeological practice. To involve marginalized groups in the construction of archaeological discourse involves more than simply providing space for these persons, involves the exchange of practices and contexts in order to create an opportunity for the disadvantaged people to be heard and answered (Hodder 2008, Sillar 2005 and Wharton 2005). The goal of the multivocal approach is not to substitute Western concepts from indigenous ones but to create a multivocal archaeological practice that benefits and communicates in a broader way to society (Atalay 2008:33). ARCHAEOLOGY IN CORDOBA’S PROVINCE The archaeological evidence left by the human groups that occupied the region encompassing the present territory of the province of Cordoba, from the first settlements for about 11,000 years ago, shows that these populations developed various strategies and adaptations to the environment along time. According to Bonnin (2008), since Florentino Ameghino (1885), Félix Outes (1911), Pablo Cabrera (1931), Francisco de Aparicio (1936), Aníbal Montes (1943, 1957), Alberto Rex González (1943, 1943, 1944, 1947), y Antonio Serrano (1944, 1945), there has been made several attempts of cultural and chronological schemes which tried to explain the pre-Hispanic indigenous development in the region between the ending of the XIX century and beginnings of the 1950’s.

Figure 2. Archaeological sites known during the first attempt of data systematization

whether the goal is to facilitate the management of data collected during an excavation, help predict the probability of archaeological sites in an area under investigation, or even, to model the movement paths of individuals through a field, GIS tools can add important contributions to archaeological research. Baena (2003) affirms that some authors make GIS a tool capable of exploratory hypotheses and lines of research not analyzed until the moment, and rapidly discard other possible variables previously assumed as explanatory. Furthermore, the author suggests the existence of another line, which sees in GIS a tool that generates models of interpretations of the past. García Sanjuán (2003) concludes that the introduction of GIS tools had contributed in several forms to the systematization, rationalization and qualification of the surface prospection in archaeology.

During the 1980’s Berberián and contributors made the first attempt to systematize the archaeological records of Cordoba’s province, at the time they were able to locate 147 sites in twenty departments of Córdoba (Berberián et al. 1984) (Fig. 2). After this first attempt, the only records of the sites in the province are in the important contributions of the researchers like Laguens (Laguens et al. 2003, 2007; Laguens and Bonnin 2009), Rivero (2006), Medina (2008), Rocchietti (1999, 2000, 2001, 2008) among others, who had contributed to the knowledge of new sites.

Regarding the above, and knowing the different applications of GIS in archaeological contexts, what is proposed is to develop an inventory of archaeological sites updated on the basis not only on bibliographic data but locally known data which are not being studied by researchers.

GEOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS IN ARCHAEOLOGY Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are powerful tools that can be worked under different perspectives (Conolly and Lake 2006). Since the introduction of GIS in archaeological research (in the early 1990’s) the extent of their applications has been sustained, especially in areas such as surface prospection, territorial and spatial analysis or the inventory management of sites (García Sanjuán 2003).

METHODS AND RESULTS To achieve the current results, archaeological sites are considered from a wider perspective, in other words, we are considering the archaeological landscape concept (category chosen internationally as heritage management unit) that relates different sites located in an area (Endere and Prado 2009:50, ICOMOS 1990). In this sense, the activities carried out to obtain the inventory of archaeological resources of the province of Córdoba can be divided into three stages:

At present numerous papers and books have been published in an attempt to analyze in depth the theoretical aspects of archeology, related to the use of the tool (Burrough 1986, Goodchild and Gopal 1989, Maguire et al. 1991, etc.). According to Conolly and Lake (2006), 79

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As the third phase consists on integrating and analyzing the data obtained from the other methods we expect that the preliminary results obtained until now is going to be constantly renewed since we do not have stopped quantifying the number of sites that the province contains.

1. Bibliographic inventory of the scientific publications, thesis and reports delivered to the Dirección de Patrimonio de la Provincia (entity responsible of the cultural heritage of Córdoba). 2. Survey in museums and private collections in the departments of Córdoba. The method developed for this stage consists on sending emails, participating on local reunions which allow the interaction and contribution between the archaeologist and the community.

Finally, given that the final product of the project is an open system that manages the information from its database and that it will be under the administration of the Dirección de Patrimonio de la Provincia. It has been generated a numerical code like a “manual” in order to standardize the information available in the attribute table and make it easier to add new sites. Even though the data in the codification is general researchers will be able to access the bibliography in case there is published information.

3. Integration of the data into GIS software (ArcView version 3.2). Regarding the first stage described above, until now we have been able to obtain data from 419 sites that have been published on scientific magazines and PhD or degree thesis. The data collected from reports obtained at the Dirección de Patrimonio de la Provincia include 222 sites that have not been published in scientific magazines (Fig. 3).

CONCLUSIONS The current map from the province of Córdoba, obtained through the methodology developed and explained in this paper, demonstrates that even with the new data recorded and the systematization of published information in the same database, most part of the sites known are concentrated in the western areas of the province, known as Sierras Centrales. The eastern and southern portions of the province have very few data academically known, that does not mean that there are not sites in these areas but that the areas have not been prioritized in previous studies (Fig. 3). We believe that one of the causes for the lack of data relating the human presence in the southeast area of the province is the development of agriculture in these areas, aspect that difficult the research since the landlords are usually fearful of losing “working land” to conservation proposes. The approach in these areas is to work more intensively with the local actors developing the methodology described on the second method of the previous section. However, we recognize that we still have a long way in working with these communities, since the results presented are preliminary and the project is still in development.

Figure 3. Archaeological sites known at the present

Finally and following the declaration of the Laboratorio de Arqueoloxía Paisaxe (2008) which states: “It is only protected what is known: it is necessary to locate, define, document and inventory the cultural heritage. It is only known what is understood: we must evaluate study and understand the historical and current significance of such heritage.” We believe that through the proposed methodology it is going to be possible to reach a closest reality of the human occupation in the past of Cordoba’s province.

Considering the second method, that is directly related to the perception of the different actors regarding their cultural heritage. Our approach is to work more intensively with the community, promoting selfawareness and a “change of roles” since not only the archaeologist will determine what area is important but the locals as well (Verdejo 2006).We have been developing an open dialogue in order to include their opinions and perceptions regarding the provincial cultural heritage. Through this open space we have been able to develop a multivocal approach with the community that until now has resulted on the insertion of almost 100 more sites in the database (some of them are currently being processed and compared with the published data, Fig. 3).

Acknowledgements To all those who contributed (and continue to work) to the project for their valuable assistance among them: Ana M. Rocchietti and collaborators (Laboratoriode Arqueologiay Etnohistoria, UNRC), Carlos Ferreyra and 80

T T. COSTA: ARCH HAEOLOGICAL SITES AT CÓRDOB BA’S PROVINCE, ARGENTINA…

Figure 4, 5 and 6. Fieldw work in collab boration with local actors

all from the Red de Museeos de Ansenu uza, Gaston S Sabre (Huerta Grannde), Alfonso Uribe (Direccción de Patrim monio de la Provinncia), Silvana Urquiza, Hug go (Museo A Anibal Montes, Mirramar), Rubenn Ruedi (Musseo de la Estaancia Yucat), Gasstón Sabre (Museo de Huerta Gran ande), Feliciano S Supaga (Musseo Deodoro Roca), Alffredo Castillo (Paarque Naturaal Ongamira)), Carlos G Gareis (Parador Oriilla del Rio),, Cristina Pose Bras (Estaancia Ongamira), M Marcelo Obreegon (Paradorr Raices), Sillvana Urquiza (Muuseo de Deán Funes), F Beatriiz Casallis (M Museo y Archivo H Historico de San Franciscco), Juan Peiirano (Sec, de Culltura de Devooto), Liliana Piovano (Secc. De Cultura de La Francia)), Claudio Carignano C (U UNC) researchers and collabborators off the Musseode Antropologiaa (FFyH, UN NC) and all the people who allowed me access to theeir properties and receivedd me with great kinndness.

Décadas D de 1940 1 y 1950.. ArqueoWeb b. Revista dee Arqueología A en e Internet 10.. BUR RROUGH, P. (1986) – PPrinciples of Geographicall information i system s for laand resourcess assessment.. Clarendon C Preess, Oxford Unniversity Press. CON NOLLY, J. y LAKE, M M. (2006) – Geographicall Information I Systems in Archaeology y. Cambridgee University U Preess. pp. 31-88.. END DERE, M. y R. R CURTONII (2006) – “En ntre Lonkos y ‘ólogos’: ‘ la paarticipación dde la comunidad ranquelinaa en e la invesstigación arqqueológica”. Revista dee 2(1): 72-92. Arqueología A Suramericana S END DERE, M. (20 007) – Archaaeology, Herittage and “thee others”: o tow wards a theoretical Framework.. Management M of o archaeologgical sites and d the public inn Argentina. A BA AR Internatioonal Series 1708. Oxford:: 19-30. 1 END DERE, M. (2009) – Algunnas Reflexion nes acerca dell Patrimonio. P En n: Patrimonioo, Ciencia y Co omunidad. Suu abordaje a en lo os Partidos dee Azul, Tandil y Olavarría,, editado e por M. Endere y J. Prado,, pp. 17-45.. UNICEN U y Municipalidad M dde Olavarría, Olavarría.

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END DERE, M. y PRADO, JJ. (2009) – Criterios dee selección, s valloración y zoonificación dee yacimientoss arqueológicos a y paleontoológicos. En Patrimonio,, ciencia c y com munidad. Un aabordaje preliiminar en loss partidos p de Azul, Olavarríaa y Tandil, ed ditado por M.. Endere E y J. Prrado, pp. 47-655. INCUAPA A, Universidadd Nacional N del Centro C de la PProvincia de Buenos B Aires,, Olavarría. O

AMEGHINO O, F. (1885)) – Informe sobre el M Museo Antropolóógico y Paleeontológico de d la Universsidad Nacional de Córdoba durante d el año o 1885. Bolettín de la Academia Nacionall de Ciencias de Córdoba VIII: 347-360. BAENA, J. (2003) – Laa Arqueologíaa peninsular y los SIG: pressente y futuroo. ArqueoWeb – Revista ssobre Arqueoloogía en Intternet – IS SSN: 1139-99201. Disponible en: http:///www.ucm.es//info/arqueow web – 5(1) mayoo 2003.

GAR RCÍA SANJUÁN, L. (22003) – La prospecciónn Arqueológica A de superficiee y los SIG. Documento D dee internet i disp ponible en:: http://grup po.us.es/atlas// documentos/ar d rticulos/ponenncia_cordoba_ _2003/ponen cia_cordoba_2 c 2003.pdf.

BERBERIÁN N, Eduardo E.; E ZURITA, Juana A. M Martín de; DORSCH, Elsa Arrgüello de y PILLADO, Estteban r y co odificación dee los L. (19844) – Primer registro yacimienntos arqueolóógicos de la provinciaa de Córdoba. Comechingonia. Serie Mo onografías nº1 .

GOO ODCHILD, M. & GOPPAL, S. (ed d.) (1993) – Environmenta E al modellingg with GIS, G Oxfordd University U Preess. GOS SDEN, C. (19 999) – Anthroopology & Arrchaeology. A changing c relaationship. Capp. 2: Colonial origins, pp.. 15-32. 1 Cap. 3: Institu tuting archaaeology andd

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GOSDEN, C. (2007) – The Past and Foreign Countries: Colonial and Post-Colonial Archaeology and Anthropology. En: Meskell, L. y Preucell, R. 2007. A Companion to Social Archaeology. Part 3: Identities, pp. 161-179. Routledge, Londres.

LEY NACIONAL 25.743. (2003) – De Protección del Patrimonio Arqueológico y Paleontológico. Argentina. LEY PROVINCIAL Nº 5543 de “Protección de los Bienes Culturales”, su Decreto Reglamentario 484/83 y la Resolución Nº 104/03. De Protección de Yacimientos Arqueológicos y Paleontológicos de la Provincia de Córdoba.

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HODDER, I. (2008) – Multivocality and Social Archaeology. En: Habu, J.; Fawcett, C. y Matsunaga, J. (eds.). Evaluating Multiple Narratives Beyond Nationalist, Colonialist, Imperialist Archaeologies. Pp. 196-201. Springer, Nueva York.

ROCCHIETTI, A. (1999) – El Arte Rupestre y La Visibilidad de La Cultura: El Caso Del Cerro Intihuasi. (Dpto. Rio Cuarto, Pcia De Cba). News 95. Centro Studi E Museo D’Arte Preistorica. Pinerolo. Italy. p. 113-114.

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LABORATORIO DE ARQUEOLOXÍA DA PAISAXE (2008) – Patrimonio cultural y patrimonio arqueológico en la actualidad. Sitio web: http://www.lppp.usc.es/ novedades/presentacion.htm

ROCCHIETTI, A. (2001) – Arqueología de Una Frontera. Cronia. ROCCHIETTI, A. (2008) – Sociedad y Cultura en la Frontera del Sur. Bajo Fuego. Universidad Nacional de Río Cuarto Editora.

LAGUENS, A.G.; DEMARCHI, D.A. y FABRA, M. (2003) – Un estudio arqueológico y bioantropológico de la colonización humana el sector sur de las Sierras Pampeanas. V Jornadas de Arqueología y Etnohistoria del Centro del País, Universidad Nacional de Río Cuarto (en prensa).

SAID, E. (1977) – Orientalism. London: Penguin. SILLAR, B. (2005) – Who’s indigenous? Whose archaeology? Public Archaeology 4:71-94. VERDEJO, M.E. (2006) – Diagnostico Rural Participativo um Guia Prático. Revisão e Adaptação: Décio Cotrim e Ladjane Ramos. Secretaria de Agricultura Familiar – MDA. Brasília, Brasil.

LAGUENS, A.G.; DEMARCHI, D.A. y CATTÁNEO, R. (2007a) – Estancia La Suiza: una localidad arqueológica en relación al poblamiento inicial de las Sierras Centrales. Resúmenes ampliados del XVI Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina Tomo 3. San Salvador de Jujuy.

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SEARCHING FOR MULTIVOCALITY: PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY IN URBAN CENTRAL BRAZIL Renata de GODOY University of Florida

Abstract: Cities are characterized by gathering of people with different ethnic, social, and intellectual backgrounds, which besides having the same spaces, also divide tax costs and are expected to participate in the decision-making process as citizens. These communities often present no obvious link with the historical and archeological monuments in the cities, although they are entitled to access these heritages, and should also opine on their management and preservation. This study deals exclusively with on-descendent populations, and discusses methods used to access meanings and values of the archaeological heritage for such actors. Key words: Public Archaeology; Urban Archaeology; Urban Anthropology Résumé: Les communautés urbaines sont caractérisés par un rassemblement de gens de différentes origines ethniques, sociales, intellectuelles, et que d’ailleurs partagent les mêmes espaces, les coûts avec les taxes et que participent dans le processus de prise de décision de leur gouvernement. Ces communautés ne disposent que d’un lien évident avec le site du patrimoine historique et archéologique, alors qu’elles ont droit à l’accès et devrait également se prononcer sur la gestion et la préservation des ses biens culturels. Cette étude traite exclusivement des non-descendants et discute des méthodes utilisées pour accéder à la signification et les valeurs du patrimoine archéologique. Mots clés: Archéologie Publique; Archéologie Urbaine; Anthropologie Urbaine

different data categories: the public’s opinions throughsemi-structured interviewing (which is detailed and discussed in this paper); the press influences by scrutinizing written newspaper reports; and actual land uses around archaeological sites through random visitations(Godoy, 2012). The case study chosen gathered very distinct characteristics in regards to the public and to the heritage: Paleo-Indian quarry sites in a twenty-first century metropolis, in which the entire population comprises over a million inhabitants that started their lives in Brasília as migrants, first attracted by the jobs offered during the construction of the federal capital in the late 1950s.

INTRODUCTION According to the United Nations population growth data, in 2000 approximately 2.9 billion people live in urban areas, comprising 47% of the world population. By 2007 the number of urban inhabitants is larger than rural dwellers worldwide for the first time in history, and by the year 2030 4.9 billion are expected to live in urban areas, or 60% of the global population (UN, 2000). It is definitely about time to pay more attention to urban impacts and changes around the world, which includes cultural heritage management and public participation as stakeholders in decision-making processes.

Although currently it is difficult to be neutral about it, studying various implications of the city life should be a hot topic for anthropological investigations. In quite a few different areas it is possible to find thousands of publications seeking to define, understand, criticize, or just to explain the urban environment. And it is not difficult to realize that controversy is one of its major topics. Not looking to comprehend social disparities or segregation, nor to criticize the unexpected effects of the planned city, the goal by investigating the relationships individuals that live in the Brazilian Federal District have established with the local public space setting in which these sites are located, (referred here as the Park) intended to understand how it influenced their motives to care about archaeological heritages. A situation that mirrors stakeholders’ conflicts elsewhere and that can also serve as a guide to understand similar issues involving preservation of cultural heritage in urban settings worldwide.

While engaging with urban populations in order to find out their opinions and expectations about whatever subject, the use quantitative data is the most popular choice due to evident reasons. However, to understand reactions of diverse communities in urban environments, a number of factors should be looked after given their high potential to influence people’s behaviors. In most western world economy, politics and the media play major roles on changing and/or constructing public opinions. The argument proposed in this paper is to apply qualitative methods in urban settings, specifically the person-centered interview, demonstrating its validation bydiscussing a significant findingfrom a very unique case study in central Brazil. The purpose of the research was to find motivations and perceptions of diverse publics about local archaeological heritages, and the chosen methods involved three 83

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Figure 1. Location of the case study site in the Brazilian Federal District

amount of development and the estate value of those areas is pointed as the major challenge for its stability as an environmentally preserved space. In these settings varied responses towards the local archaeological heritage safeguarding have come up over the years from diverse institutions and stakeholders, with singular discourses towards ownership and civil rights.

THE CASE STUDY – A BRIEF DESCRIPTION As a city planned to be the new marvel of Modern art, Brasília was born to be a cultural heritage, unlike other places. Only 26 years after its dedication Brasília was designated a World Heritage Site, comprising the area planned by Lúcio Costa, with a complex of public buildings designed by Oscar Niemeyer known as the Pilot Plan. It is considered by UNESCO a landmark in the history of urban planning, being the only 20th century city in the world to achieve such recognition. For Brasília, two criteria were cited for its inclusion: criterion (i) – “to represent a masterpiece of human creative genius;” and criterion (iv) – “to be an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in human history” (UNESCO, 2011). It is certainly a place celebrated for Modern architecture and town planning, but somewhat forgotten about local past.

METHODS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH Understanding what a variety of stakeholders think about a cultural heritage so foreign to their everyday lives is definitely a challenge. Using quantitative methods would not be as efficient in exploring peculiar and diverse answers, because the objective was to seek stimulus and meanings in context rather than distribution. Therefore, data collected focused in qualitative methods on three distinct sources of information about the everyday life of ARIE JK and its cultural heritages: people’s opinions, the press and land use.

Since 1993 important archaeological sites have been registered inside ARIE JK, or else referred as the Park, which is an environmentally protected area in the hub of a highly urbanized area outside the Pilot Plan (Figure 1). In different occasions archaeologists have identified Paleoindian and historical archaeological sites within the Park, and at least three of these occurrences were determined to be quarry-based lithic sites, also significant for uncovering the early human presence in South America. The ones which were excavated and have their scientific significance proven were the main focus of this research: sites DF-PA-11 (excavated in two different campaigns), DF-PA-15 and Pedra Velha, all located in Ceilândia and inside the Park (Figure 2). The existence of other sites registered on surveys, all of them similar to those acknowledged as quarry-based enhances even more the scientific importance of this area.

The strategy discussed in this paper is the direct interaction with individuals through semistructured openended interviews. Also known as person-centered interviews, this method is ideal to assess different points of view. According to Bernard and Hollan (1998), there is no manual or more reliable technique for person-centered interviews, and indeed each interview was unique even though following the same basic structure. Semistructured method contributed to broaden the range of themes included, which varied according to each interviewee. Open-ended also widen the opportunity for encouraging the individual to speak up beyond just answering a question, which provided additional and enhanced data since specific choices of subject or even lack of reaction added information to the actual responses.

The Park is surrounded by three satellite-cities: Taguatinga, Ceilândia, and Samambaia, in what is today likely the most prominent urban region in the Brazilian Federal District after Brasília itself. Approximately one million people inhabit the vicinity, and all three cities were developed in different occasions during the last 50 years. However the Park is suffering an overwhelming

The purpose for choosing this method was to understand people’s connection to ARIE JK and then to investigate their opinions regarding archaeological heritage. The questions made during the interviews concerned mostly with their personal experiences and own opinions, treating this person as a respondent, “as an object of study 84

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Figure 2. Location of archaeological sites inside ARIE JK, also referred as the Park

remarks were made to incentive conversation around issues depending on each respondent’s answers and comments between the two major questions.

in him- or herself, it explores what he or she makes of the procedure.” (Bernard and Hollan, 1998: 336). For specific subjects, the experts and other individuals who had information about punctual but important events were also valued as informants.

As the goal of the interviews was to assess and contrast varied opinions the respondents were chosen following two broad classes of stakeholders: residents (Group A) and outsiders (Group B). The ones classified as residents had to fall into one of the categories: to live inside the park; to live surrounding ARIE JK or walking distance from it; or to live in one of the neighboring cities (Taguatinga, Ceilândia or Samambaia). The outsiders are individuals related to the study case for any reason, which included people related to local institutions that deal with cultural heritage and environmental preservation (including government administration and NGOs) and professionals or students working with local tourism and for the local press, as these institutions are classified as those capable of changing public opinion

For the public’s opinions a total of 29 individuals were interviewed in two 2008 field trips, which resulted in almost two dozen hours conversational record. The chosen respondents were divided in two groups, and later in four subgroups according to their place of residence and to their linkage to institutions related to the case study. As for the quantity of individuals interviewed, according to Guest, Bunce and Johnson (2006) six is the actual number of interviews that usually reach data saturation for nonprababilistic sample sizes. With that in mind each subgroup of respondents followed the number six as the one to reach, and the final result is among 29 individuals divided in four subgroups, each one is formed respectively by seven (A1), eight (A2), eight (B1) and six (B2) individuals.

Each interview has its own story, but all followed the same structure, providing different results as to length and content, which was actually the goal of the data collection. All respondents received a copy and signed the Interview Consent Form, and each interview took place within the period authorized by University of Florida Institutional Review Board (UFIRB approval protocol #2008-U-0080). The majority of the interviews happened in calm controlled environments chose by each respondent, and in private. In general the most common environment was the respondent’s work place (58%), followed by public spaces inside ARIE JK (24%) and respondent’s home (18%).

Inquiry explored respondents’ opinions mostly on three case study related subjects: their personal link to the Federal District (excluding one subgroup of specialists that do not live in the DF); the large park ARIE JK; and archaeological heritage in general but focusing on the heritage from the DF and when possible on the Park’s archaeological sites. The interviews focused in two main questions, but also followed a previously designed interview guide, which according to Bernard (2002: 205) is “a written list of questions and topics that need to be covered in a particular order”. Other questions and 85

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data that could not be achieved otherwise. In this situation it demonstrated that the respondents have contrasting opinions in regards to subjects inquired. Generally speaking a discrepancy among discourse and actuality was noticed in relation to both the Park and its archaeological heritage, even though no respondent assumed a discourse against their environmental and cultural protection.

The criteria for reaching each person varied according to convenience, availability to participate and relationship to the case study. The majority of the respondents was contacted before the fieldtrip via internet (41% corresponding of 12 persons), selected by indication or simply for being linked to ARIE JK or to archaeology in the Federal District. Length of interviews varied, on average lasted 50 minutes, and the absolute extent of recorded data is 21 hours, 38 minutes and 16 seconds. The shortest interview is from subgroup B2 and lasted 12 minutes; the longest is from subgroup B1 and lasted over 3 hours.

On the other hand, today archaeological heritage is not part of the everyday life in Brasília, not for the media, and not for the dwellers. Even though the undeniable scientific relevance of the sites acknowledged by most of the respondents, this character was not in people’s minds when inquired exclusively about the Park. While analyzing the criteria of spontaneous mentioning of the sites it became clear that archaeology is not a strong character inside ARIE JK given that less than 30% of the respondents took the initiative to talk about it without any sort of previous remark on my part. No one from the residents’ subgroup with no institutional linkages (A1) mentioned the sites before being questioned, including the one who was aware of my research goals. Excluding the seven archaeologists and the pedagogue due to obvious reason, out of the remaining 21 respondents 10 knew beforehand that my goal was to learn their opinions about local archaeological heritage, and among them only five mentioned the sites before questioning.

As each person disclosed their opinions and/or responded to questions, throughout records examination data was detached and organized into the following topics for later analysis: the Park itself (ARIE JK); archaeology; media; institutional and legal systems; tourism; identity and personal information; religious activities inside the Park; and non-related subjects, also considered a separated category for later respondent’s profiling and interview results’ conclusions. The interviews were not transcribed, since pauses, common expressions, and other sorts of linguistics phenomena were not to interpret as part of response content, therefore they would not be used for investigation. And the responses were not translated but rather interpreted for their meanings, as suggested by Hodder and Hutson the transformation from spoken Portuguese to English text was “a hybridized form of meaning produced by fusing the horizons of the interpreter and the informant” (2003: 161). When necessary the contents were transcribed as is to the analysis subject tables. The identification of themes and creation of analytic categories made the data interpretation less biased, as well the possibility of using direct quotes makes the analytical process more straight forward and comprehensible. The goal during analysis was to understand public’s perceptions for each selected subjects by comparing each person’s response first within subgroups, and later among groups.

This response is not exclusive for Brasília. The nonmonumental character of the archaeological heritage in Brazil, the history of this discipline in this country, and how cultural heritage has played the role of shaping national identity are parts of the explanation for this pattern in Brazil. Barreto (1998: 579) has already pointed out that “unlike in many Latin American countries, archaeology in Brazil is seen neither as a touristic resource nor as a means by which its small Native American population affirms ethnic identity”. What is truly remarkable about the data analyzed from the interviews is the duality among opinions and expectations of local stakeholders versus the very information they have about the archaeological heritage. The respondents aware of archaeological sites inside the Park are also aware the sites are old and prehistoric, but not necessarily what type and what kind of artifacts are in their collections. Nevertheless one matter was unanimously brought up by virtually all the venues analyzed: the creation of a local archaeology museum.

Throughout the interview analysis the content of the information provided by each respondent at first has been confronted between subgroups and groups, and later the content variation has been contrasted among respondents classified according to their link to the subjects proposed, which consisted on any institution connected to the Park, or to archaeology as a whole, including governmental and non-governmental organizations. Therefore the analysis on each subject also considered comparing responses from those classified as experts for that matter, to those that would be neutral, refereed as “unbiased”.

However the Park’s archaeological sites and archaeological collections display potential is questionable. The sites do not present significant above ground structures that could be attractive for visitors, meaning that their cultural remains have no visibility; and the material culture is mostly comprised by lithic instruments with not much aesthetic appeal, which is a serious obstacle even though their undeniable scientific significance. Those strongly advocating for the creation of a local museum indeed have no clear idea on what is to

DISCUSSION In urban environments such as those studied it is a very hard task to perceive multivocality. What is suggested in this paper is that to apply a method that makes possible to reach the issue from different angles ended up revealing

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be displayed, but this fact makes no difference at all in influencing their expectations. This sort of data was only possible to achieve by the application of qualitative methods, which made possible to reach each respondent unbiased acknowledgement about the sites before asking their expectations on management and ownership. These results alone proof the efficacy of this approach.

References

Independently of their expectations being somewhat idealistic, listening to their genuine opinions brought up discussions on the importance of understanding the context in order to think about long-term solutions that could benefit local communities. What became clear while analyzing the answers is that the archaeological heritage at that Park, among those satellite-cities in the Brazilian Federal District is yet intangible; it is an abstract idea that have taken different shapes to different actors, for different purposes due to different reasons.

BERNARD, H.R.; HOLLAN, D.W. (1998) – Personcentered interviewing and observation. In Bernard, H.R. (Ed.), Handbook of methods in cultural anthropology. pp. 333-364. Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press.

BARRETO, C. (1998) – Brazilian archaeology from a Brazilian perspective. Antiquity 72, p. 573-582. BERNARD, H.R. (2002) – Research methods in anthropology: qualitative and quantitative approaches. Walnut Creek: Altamira Press.

GODOY, R.D. (2012) – Assessing Heritage Values: Public Archaeology in Brasília. Saarbrüchen: LAP Lambert Academic Publishing. GUEST, G.; BUNCE, A.; JOHNSON, L. (2006) – How Many Interviews Are Enough?: An Experiment with Data Saturation and Variability. Field Methods, 18, p. 59-82.

Acknowledgments

HODDER, I.; HUTSON, S. (2003) – Reading the past: current approaches to interpretation in archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

The text presented is part of a doctoral dissertation in Anthropology, defended in 2012 at the University of Florida/USA. The Ph.D. studies were fully funded by the Brazilian Ministry of Science and Technology through CNPq, and the field work was partially funded by the Center for Latin America Studies of University of Florida through the Tinker Field Research Fund.

UN (2000) – World Population Growth Will Occur in Urban Areas Of World. Vienna: United Nations [Assessed 15th Feb. 2012]. Available at: http://www.un.org/esa/dsd/agenda21/ UNESCO (2011) – World Heritage List – Brasília [Assessed 20th Aug. 2011]. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/445

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