Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands [1st ed.] 9783030501037, 9783030501044

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-xxix
Introduction (Natasha S. Ribeiro, Yemi Katerere, Paxie W. Chirwa, Isla M. Grundy)....Pages 1-8
Biogeography and Ecology of Miombo Woodlands (Natasha S. Ribeiro, Pedro L. Silva de Miranda, Jonathan Timberlake)....Pages 9-53
People in the Miombo Woodlands: Socio-Ecological Dynamics (Natasha S. Ribeiro, Isla M. Grundy, Francisco M. P. Gonçalves, Isabel Moura, Maria J. Santos, Judith Kamoto et al.)....Pages 55-100
Managing Miombo: Ecological and Silvicultural Options for Sustainable Socio-Economic Benefits (Stephen Syampungani, Paxie W. Chirwa, Coert J. Geldenhuys, Ferdinand Handavu, Mwale Chishaleshale, Alfan A. Rija et al.)....Pages 101-137
Governance and Institutional Arrangements for Sustainable Management of Miombo Woodlands (Leo C. Zulu, Judith F. M. Kamoto, Ida N. S. Djenontin, Aires A. Mbanze, Cuthbert Kambanje, Yemi Katerere)....Pages 139-189
Scenarios for Just and Sustainable Futures in the Miombo Woodlands (Luthando Dziba, Abel Ramoelo, Casey Ryan, Sam Harrison, Rose Pritchard, Hemant Tripathi et al.)....Pages 191-234
Back Matter ....Pages 235-245

Citation preview

Natasha S. Ribeiro Yemi Katerere Paxie W. Chirwa Isla M. Grundy   Editors

Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands

Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands

Natasha S. Ribeiro Yemi Katerere Paxie W. Chirwa Isla M. Grundy •

•

•

Editors

Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands

123

Editors Natasha S. Ribeiro Faculty of Agronomy and Forest Engineering UEM Maputo, Mozambique Paxie W. Chirwa Department of Plant and Soil Science, Ecology and Biodiversity University of Pretoria Hatfield, South Africa

Yemi Katerere Manicaland Bioenergy Company Harare, Zimbabwe Isla M. Grundy Department of Biological Sciences University of Zimbabwe Harare, Zimbabwe

ISBN 978-3-030-50103-7 ISBN 978-3-030-50104-4 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50104-4

(eBook)

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Vision for the Miombo Woodlands of Southern Africa: A resilient and sustainable miombo ecosystem that provides both tangible and intangible benefits to empowered and thriving communities

Foreword

Most Africans of my generation were born in rural areas, and the connection to the forests was not a romantic one. Forests were places of spiritual significance and a source of many life-supporting goods and services such as water, food, medicine, energy, and building materials. I personally experienced the multiple benefits of forests when, as a young person, I slept in a hut built completely out of materials collected from the forests. The conical roof was skillfully constructed out of long sticks cut from branches of selected trees that resisted attacks by borers. These branches were cut in a sustainable manner so that the trees did not dry up and die. New branches would grow again. The same was true for the wood poles that supported the roof and the wall built out of straw fixed in an upright position between laths made of thin and flexible sticks known in Mozambique as lakalaka. All these components of the house were nicely tied up with fibre extracted from the bark of trees known as mitsondzo (plural of ntsondzo) in Gaza Province. All the materials were collected from forests that were accessible to anyone. Today, it is very difficult to find them at short walking distances because the growth of the population and the lack of discipline in the process of cutting the materials

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destroyed the forests, particularly the resilient materials. The conical roof where I slept during some years of my childhood is still there with its supporting poles. When left to grow, other than fibre, the mitsondzo provide enough bark to make stills to distil cashew wine and also some sort of bee boxes to produce honey. In those forests, during the hot and rainy seasons, we used to harvest large quantities of delicious mushrooms, although the dry leaves of that tree were not the only ones responsible for the preparation of the soils for the sprouting of mushrooms. Nowadays, our young people hardly know where mushrooms come from. In the yard of our countryside residence, we have a very big Ntsondzo that I saw around 70 years ago when it was just a very small shrub. Now, it is above 10 m tall with a big trunk and a large crown that gives us a very refreshing shade and the feeling of breathing fresh air. But this tree had been attacked by a big borer that had created such a large and deep hole that no one would believe that the tree would survive. So, about 1988, my father planted a mango tree under the shade of that Ntsondzo so that when it died, the mango tree would provide us a new shade and fruits, of course. I liked so much that old tree that I decided to save it. With a hard long and flat iron bar, I dug deep into the big hole and searched in every direction until I found the big borer and made sure that it was the only one penetrating the trunk. I killed it to save the tree. The hole closed up completely and the fully recovered tree continues to grow above the mango tree which every year bears many fruits. It is amazing that today no one can see that there was such a big hole on the trunk. Like people, the trees can also live better and longer lives if well taken care of and can live in harmony with other species of trees, each one of them giving to humans varied types of benefits. Furthermore, in that way, the trees can be preserved for the new generations to know and benefit from their usefulness including the fresh air and the stories they can tell. Another example of my personal experience with trees was the scarcity of a tree that was once abundant even in the city of Maputo, I am referring to the tree called goana in Xironga language (Albizia adianthifolia). In 1994 I learned from two Indian “Vadyas” (Ayurvedic doctors), that the bark of the Albizia adianthifolia trunk or branch was good for the treatment of respiratory diseases including asthma, of which my nephew was suffering. I rushed to Magoanini (the place of magoana), a neighbourhood of Maputo city said many years ago to have been almost a forest of magoana (plural of goana) that gave the name to that area. Amazingly, it was not easy to find those trees. However, by a happy coincidence, I found a few of them, three to four near the residence of a traditional healer. I saw scars on the trunks and some roots excavated and cut. I found it prudent to ask for permission from the owners of the nearby residence to extract the bark and cut some new sprouts of new trees from the excavated roots. There I got confirmation from the healer that she used the goana for the treatment of many diseases. But this was not the only reason that led to the devastation of those precious trees. The tree was also used to make brooms sticks, bowls, cooking

Foreword

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spoons, and sculptures. Due to human pressure and urbanisation, this tree has become scarce in its own habitat at Magoanini. My encounter with the diverse benefits of goana, besides being a beautiful tree, inspired me to plant the two sprouts that I brought from Magoanini at my house where they grew big and even now to benefit the people who may need them. In the case of Mozambique, during the war of liberation, the forests would yet again prove vital for the people who survived thanks to food cooked from wild fruits as well as branches of some climbing plants that in some dry areas provided drinking water. It is clear to me that many rural and urban dwellers in southern Africa are directly and indirectly dependent on the forest for essential services including for the provision of construction materials and timber for furniture. The miombo woodlands, occupying more than a third of the total land area of southern Africa, are a resource central to the economic activities of millions of people and must, therefore, be sustainably managed for the resilience of people and its rich biodiversity. My participation in supporting peace efforts in Africa also shows how conflicts can undermine resource management, including forests and ultimately limit economic development opportunities. It is important to understand that the resilience and sustainable management of the miombo woodlands cannot be achieved by leaving behind people mired in poverty or by destroying nature. A key lesson from these stories is the realisation that it is necessary to preserve forests and especially the species that benefit people, which are critical for the maintenance of both the climate and microclimate of the region and to preserve habitats for fauna. Today, the combination of fauna and flora is a big promoter of the tourist industry that is becoming one of the most important sources of income for both states and citizens. Additionally, people’s traditional knowledge needs to be recognised and incorporated into management decisions in order to take advantage of ancestral practices. From the scientific viewpoint, the future of the miombo region has to be shaped and informed by an analysis of the trends and drivers of change and reliable data and information that enlightens the choices we make about development options. I am thus acutely aware that the development of the miombo region cannot rely solely on responding to the challenges of the day. Whilst today’s challenges might be important, we must also think about the future we want. For this to happen, the region must adopt new tools and approaches such as scenarios and futures thinking that allow us to be proactive about the future Whilst addressing pressing and immediate challenges. In the same vein, we must be prepared to explore new governance models and new technologies that are relevant and speak to the context of the miombo woodlands. This book, Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands is, therefore, a welcome contribution to our understanding of the vital importance and nature of the miombo woodlands especially in face of the increasing frequency of extreme weather events, population growth, urbanisation, changing consumption patterns, and land use change. The reader will gain a wider and deeper appreciation of the complexities

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of the miombo woodlands under the influence of a globalised economic model and multilateral governance processes. The chapters in this book combine an in-depth analysis of the original distribution of the miombo woodlands, the changes that have taken place in the past century, the key drivers, the capacity of the miombo woodlands to recover from disturbances using different management interventions, and a range of policies to govern the use and management of this important resource. Most importantly, the book highlights how the inability to make a strong economic case for the miombo woodlands has contributed to its rapid decline with consequences for those directly and indirectly dependent on its goods and services. The chapters should excite thought leaders in the miombo countries to shape future pathways for inclusive and equitable economic growth in the miombo region. I would like to congratulate the Miombo Network, for providing high quality scientific material that will serve as a base for future generations in the decision making process. I also acknowledge the efforts of the authors and editors of this book, who are leading scientists, researchers, and practitioners. They have done a commendable job to elevate the significance of the miombo woodlands using their extensive knowledge and experience in miombo ecology and socio-economy. This book builds on previous information about the miombo woodlands and enhances the conversation about how we can make these unique woodlands a central part of the development efforts of southern Africa.

Maputo, Mozambique January 2020

Joaquim Alberto Chissano Former President of the Republic of Mozambique

Acknowledgements

The miombo woodlands of southern Africa represent a complex interaction of interests, values and beliefs. The interaction of these often competing elements results in differentiated perceptions of how the woodlands should be managed and used. Therefore, the opportunity to collaborate with others in writing about the miombo, a woodland type of immense value covering about 2 million square kilometres in seven countries and supporting over 150 million people, has been an exciting and challenging mission. In 2016, on the occasion of celebrating 20 years since the publication of the first miombo book by Bruce Campbell, the Miombo Network decided it was time to review the status of the miombo in the light of climate change, a growing population, globalised trade, land use change and agricultural expansion. The book is a testimony to the talent, experience and passion of more than 20 scientists, managers and practitioners from around the world who have worked as a team, united by a common desire to develop a book that represents a collective contribution towards the conservation and, critically, the increased visibility of this important resource called the miombo. This book “project” was made possible through the valuable contribution of many organisations and individuals who together brought the vision of a resilient and sustainable miombo ecosystem. First and foremost, the editors would like to acknowledge the participants of the 2016 Miombo Network meeting who discussed in depth the first ideas of a new book about the miombo. These inputs were crucial in shaping a book that reflects the region’s concerns about the contribution of the miombo woodlands to regional socio-economic development. The editors give special acknowledgment to Davison Gumbo for his initial thoughts and inputs to the book and a very special appreciation to Professor Emmanuel Chidumayo, a key authority in miombo, who has added valuable information and thought to the book. The global change System for Analysis, Research and Training (START) has had a crucial role in the history of the Miombo Network, by supporting meetings (including the 2016 meeting) and exposing the networkers to funding opportunities, both research and otherwise. We are particularly thankful to Cheikh Mbow, START’s Executive Director during the initial stages of the book, who was key in xi

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Acknowledgements

linking the editors with Springer. We would also like to acknowledge Eduardo Mondlane University, Mozambique, the University of Pretoria, South Africa, the University of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe and South African National Parks (SANParks), South Africa for inestimable support for this book and miombo woodlands research. We also acknowledge the use of land cover data developed by members of SEOSAW (A Socio-Ecological Observatory for Southern African Woodlands) based at the University of Edinburgh and thank Casey Ryan for his willingness to share the data. The book coordinator, Natasha Ribeiro, received a 9-month Fulbright Visiting Scholar grant to visit the University of Virginia, which was a key step forward in this book “project”. The completion of this project would not have been possible without the valuable financial contribution from the Forest Governance Project (WWF— Mozambique’s country office). We especially thank Anabela Rodrigues, Rito Mabunda and Luis Nhamucho for believing in this project and for their confidence in the book’s potential contribution to improved management and governance of the miombo woodlands. Springer has been very supportive of this book from the outset, and we are grateful for their flexibility and guidance throughout the publication process. Many young people—the generation that will steer action to save the miombo woodlands in the future—were involved in assisting in different ways, ranging from data/information compilation and administrative and financial assistance to helping to ensure that the authors remained focused. In particular, we would like to acknowledge Grace Trojillo, Tendai Chinho, Muzione Christina Mwale, Aniceto Chauque, Guadalupe Kabia, Monica Gondwe and Jesualda Mucache. A special thanks to our “General”, Jone Fernando Junior who steered the final stages of the book in supporting the editing process. A book project such as this one ultimately relies on the support of numerous other scientists, practitioners and research assistants too numerous to mention. To all these, we extend our appreciation for the vital work they undertook. Finally, we acknowledge the contribution of Honourable President Joaquim Chissano for accepting the challenge of writing the Foreword for this book. The Editors

Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Natasha S. Ribeiro, Yemi Katerere, Paxie W. Chirwa, and Isla M. Grundy

1

2 Biogeography and Ecology of Miombo Woodlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Natasha S. Ribeiro, Pedro L. Silva de Miranda, and Jonathan Timberlake

9

3 People in the Miombo Woodlands: Socio-Ecological Dynamics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Natasha S. Ribeiro, Isla M. Grundy, Francisco M. P. Gonçalves, Isabel Moura, Maria J. Santos, Judith Kamoto, Ana I. Ribeiro-Barros, and Edson Gandiwa

55

4 Managing Miombo: Ecological and Silvicultural Options for Sustainable Socio-Economic Benefits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Stephen Syampungani, Paxie W. Chirwa, Coert J. Geldenhuys, Ferdinand Handavu, Mwale Chishaleshale, Alfan A. Rija, Aires A. Mbanze, and Natasha S. Ribeiro 5 Governance and Institutional Arrangements for Sustainable Management of Miombo Woodlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Leo C. Zulu, Judith F. M. Kamoto, Ida N. S. Djenontin, Aires A. Mbanze, Cuthbert Kambanje, and Yemi Katerere

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6 Scenarios for Just and Sustainable Futures in the Miombo Woodlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Luthando Dziba, Abel Ramoelo, Casey Ryan, Sam Harrison, Rose Pritchard, Hemant Tripathi, Nadia Sitas, Odirilwe Selomane, Francois Engelbrecht, Laura Pereira, Yemi Katerere, Paxie W. Chirwa, Natasha S. Ribeiro, and Isla M. Grundy Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243

About the Editors

Natasha S. Ribeiro, Ph.D. Associate Professor in Restoration Ecology, Faculty of Agronomy and Forest Engineering, Eduardo Mondlane University. Av. Julius Nyerere, 3453, Main University Campus, P.O.Box 257, Maputo Mozambique. Natasha S. Ribeiro was born in Maputo, Mozambique. She holds a bachelors degree in Forest Engineering from the Eduardo Mondlane University (UEM) in Mozambique, an M.Sc. in Management and Conservation of Biodiversity from the Centro Agronomico Tropical de Investigación y Enseñanza (CATIE) in Costa Rica and a Ph.D. in Environmental Sciences from the University of Virginia (UVa) in the USA. Natasha has 25 years of professional experience in the field of forest ecology. She lectures Environmental Impact Assessment, Ecosystem Services and Restoration Ecology at UEM. She runs a long-term ecological research programme in the Niassa National Reserve, northern Mozambique and coordinates other research activities. Natasha has been appointed as the coordinator of key missions in the country such as the National Strategy and Action Plan for Biodiversity Conservation (NBSAP) and the design of EU’s Biodiversity Conservation Program. She is the regional coordinator of the Miombo Network of southern Africa since 2011. In 2017, Natasha was a Fulbright Visiting Scholar with the UVa, which she dedicated to progress on the Miombo book. e-mail: [email protected]

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About the Editors

Yemi Katerere Ph.D. Independent Consultant in Forestry and Conservation and Executive Chairman of Manicaland Bioenergy Company. Yemi Katerere is a Zimbabwean forester with experience in commercial and social forest management and research. He has held executive positions in the Zimbabwe Forestry Commission (CEO), IUCN Southern Africa (Director), Centre for International Forestry Research (Deputy Director General) and United Nations REDD+ Programme (Head of Secretariat). Between 2014 and 2019, Yemi held several senior positions with the WWF Africa regional office. Yemi has worked in Africa, South East Asia, Latin America and Europe interacting with national governments, communities, NGOs, academia and the private sector. Yemi has experience managing competing interests between nature conservation and socio-economic objectives at the landscape level. Yemi served on non-profit and private sector boards including chair of the ICRAF Board, non-executive director of the Wattle Company and chair of ZERO a regional Network of environmental experts. Between 2015 and 2018, Yemi was an independent Steering Committee member of the global programme on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry. Currently, Yemi chairs the boards of Manicaland Bioenergy Company and the Accra based UN Institute of Natural Resources in Africa. Yemi holds a Ph.D. in Forest Resources from the University of Idaho and has published extensively. He was awarded the Commonwealth Queen’s Award for forestry in 1993.

About the Editors

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Isla M. Grundy D.Phil. (Oxon) Associate Professor in Ecology, Department of Biological Sciences University of Zimbabwe, PO Box MP 167 Mt Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe. Isla was born and raised in Zimbabwe. She has more than 20 years of professional experience as a teacher and researcher in the central African savannas, as well as in natural resource management in South Africa and Australia. She holds an undergraduate degree from the University of Cape Town, a MSc. in Tropical Resource Ecology from the University of Zimbabwe, a MSc. in Forestry and its Relation to Land Use from the University of Oxford and a doctorate in Forest Ecology and Management from the University of Oxford. Isla was the Coordinator for the Master's programme in Tropical Resource Ecology at the University of Zimbabwe and is an Associate Editor for the journal Southern Forests. In 2018/19 Isla was a Fulbright scholar for five months at the University of Maryland, College Park campus. e-mail: [email protected] Prof. Paxie W. Chirwa Ph.D. SAFCOL Forest Chair and Director of the Forest Science Postgraduate Programme in the Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences at the University of Pretoria. Private bag X20. Hatfield 0028. South Africa. Professor Paxie Wanangwa Chirwa is a Malawian forest scientist with over 30 years experience in forest research and development in southern Africa. He specialises in socio-ecological systems in forests, agroforestry and community forestry. His research group works on a range of projects in remote regions of South Africa and other forest ecosystems in Africa including the miombo dry forest and woodlands of southern Africa. The research aims to understand the link between people and natural resource governance, the use of resources and interventions that will successfully promote sustainable forest management. This includes a focus on the drivers of change in land cover and the modelling of carbon dynamics in natural woodland systems and forest plantations and evaluation of the models used for future engagement in forest lands under claim. He has published

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widely in his field and has recently acted as guest editor for three special issues of forestry journals, namely the International Forestry Review, Agroforestry Systems and Southern Forest: A Journal of Forest Science. e-mail: [email protected]

Abbreviations

ACSA AD ADMADE AEF AfDB AFOLU AFR100 Africa RISING AGB AGRA aka ALAP ANAC AR5-WGII ASM BEAs BI BP C C3S Ca ca. CA CAADP C&I CAMPFIRE CBD CBFM

African Climate Smart Agriculture Anno Domini Administrative Management Design African Ecological Futures African Development Bank Agriculture, Forestry and Other Land Use African Forest Landscape Restoration Initiative Africa Research in Sustainable Intensification for the Next Generation Above-Ground Biomass African Alliance for Green Revolution Also Known As African Landscapes Action Plan Administração Nacional das Áreas de Conservação (Portuguese) Assessment Report 5 - Working Group II Artisanal Small-scale Mining Bilateral Environmental Agreements Bayesian Inference Before Present Carbon Copernicus Climate Service Calcium Circa or about Cellular Automata Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme Criteria and Indicators Communal Areas Management Program for Indigenous Resources Convention on Biological Diversity Community Based Forest Managment

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CBNRM CCI CDM CEC CEC CER CF CF CGA CICES CITES CMIP6 CMS COMESA COMPASS COP CO2 cpDNA CwS dbh DNA DRC EAC ECHAM4 e.g. EIA EITI ENSO ES ESA EUNIS FAO FAOSTAT FCPF FF FLEGT FLR FMG FSC GDPs GEF GEG

Abbreviations

Community Based Natural Resource Management Climate Change Initiative Clean Development Mechanism Cation Exchange Capacity Centro de Educação Comunitária (Portuguese) Certified Emission Reduction Community Forest Clear Felling Carbon Green Africa Common International Classification of Ecosystem Services Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 6 Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals Common Market for East and Southern Africa Community Partnerships for Sustainable Resource Management Conference of Parties Carbon Dioxide Chloroplasts Deoxyribonucleic Acid Coppice-with-Standards System Diameter at Breast Height Deoxyribonucleic Acid Democratic Republic of Congo East Africa Community European Centre Hamburg Model For example Environmental Impact Assessment Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative El Niño Southern Oscillation Ecosystem Services European Space Agency European University Information System Food and Agriculture Organisation Food and Agriculture Organisation Corporate Statistical Database Forest Carbon Facility Fund Fire Frequency Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade Forest Landscape Restoration Forest Management Group Forest Stewardship Council Gross Domestic Products Global Environment Facility Global Environmental Governance

Abbreviations

GIZ GNP GoM HDI IBGE IGF INE IPBES IPCC IQR ITCZ IUCN IVI JFMA K KAZA TFCA LAI LCCS LDBA LDN LPG LVG MAP MDGs MEA MEAs MFNR Mg MICOA MinT MITADER ML N NAMAs NAPAs NAPs NASA NbS NCBs NDCs

xxi

Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Internationale Zusammenarbeit (German) Gorongosa National Park Government of Malawi Human Development Index Instituto Brasileiro Brasileiro de Geografia (Portuguese) Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development Instituto Nacional de Estatistica (Portuguese) Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Interquartile Range Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone International Union for Conservation Nature Importance Value Index Joint Forest Management Areas Potassium Kavango–Zambezi Transfrontier Conservation Area Leaf Area Index Land Cover Classification System Land Degradation, Biodiversity and Adaptation to Climate Change Land Degradation Neutrality Liquid Petroleum Gas LIFE Viva Grass Mean Annual Precipitation Millennium Development Goals Millennium Ecosystem Assessment Multilateral Environmental Agreements Ministry of Foresry and Natural Resources (Malawi) Magnesium Ministério para a Coordenação da Acção Ambiental (Portuguese) Minimum Temperature Ministério da Terra Ambiente e Desenvolvimento Rural (Portuguese) Maximum Likelihood Nitrogen Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions, National Adaptation Programmes of Action, National Adaptation Plans National Aeronautics and Space Administration Nature-based Solutions Non-Carbon Benefits Nationally Determined Contributions

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NGOs NNR NSO NTFP NYDF OECD UNOCHA P PAs PES PET PFM PFTs RDCs REDD+

SAGOT SAI SD SDGs SEOSAW SE4All SEI SFM SLM SOI SR1.5 SSA SSP5-8.5 SST TIMB UN UNCCD UNCED UNDP UNECA UNEP UNFCCC USD VCM VCS WeForum WCED

Abbreviations

Non Governmental Organisations Niassa National Reserve National Statistics Office Non-Timber Forest Products New York Declaration on Forests Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Phosphorus Protected Areas Payment For Ecosystems Services Potential Evapotranspiration Participatory Forest Management Plant Functional Types Rural District Councils Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation and Enhancement of Carbon Stocks through Forest Conservation and Management Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania Sustainable Agriculture Intensification Standard Deviation Sustainable Development Goals Socio-Ecological Observatory for Southern African Woodlands Sustainable Energy for All Stockholm Environment Institute Sustainable Forest Management Sustainable Land Management Southern Oscillation Index IPCC Special Report on Global Warming 1.5°C Sub-Saharan Africa Stared Socio-Economic Pathways 8.5 Sea Surface Temperatures Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board United Nations UN Convention to Combat Desertification United Nations Conference on Environment and Development United Nations Development Programme United Nations Economic Commission for Africa United Nations Environment Programme The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change United States Dollar Voluntary Carbon Market Verified Carbon Standards World Economic Forum World Commission on Environment and Development

Abbreviations

WCMC WHO WMO WOCAT WWF ZRCE

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World Conservation Monitoring Centre World Health Organisation World Meteorological Organisation World Overview of Conservation Approaches and Technologies World Wide Fund for Nature Zambezian Regional Centre of Endemism

Units °C cm cm/ha GtC g/m2 ha km2 m me/100 g mm m2/ha Mg/ha MgC MW PgC pH

Degrees Celsius Centimetres Centimetres per hectare Gigatonnes of Carbon Grams per square metre Hectare Square kilometres Metre Milliequivalent per 100 g of Soil Millimetre Square metres per hectare Megagram per hectare Megagram of Carbon Megawatt Petagram of Carbon Potential of Hydrogen

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 2.1 Fig. 2.2

Fig. 2.3

Fig. 2.4 Fig. 2.5

Fig. 2.6

Fig. 2.1.1 Fig. 2.7 Fig. 2.8 Fig. 2.2.1

Annual population growth in the miombo countries during the last 30 years . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hierarchical cluster of 4,665 plots in southern Africa based on 699 tree species abundance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The southern portion of Africa showing plots classified into vegetation types based on clustering analysis of plant species abundance data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (a) Inter-tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) in January, (b) regional mean annual rainfall, (c) regional mean annual temperature and (d) regional mean daily potential evapotranspiration over the whole miombo woodland region of east and southern Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main river basins and surface water bodies (deep blue) in the miombo woodland region in east and southern Africa . . . . . (a) Evapotranspiration and (b) water-table dynamics under dambo grasslands (filled circles) and miombo woodlands (empty circles) in the Luano catchments, Copperbelt area of Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Geoxylic suffrutices (called Anharas de Ongote in Angola or “underground forests”) in the Bié Plateau, south-central Angola . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phylogenetic diversity of the Leguminosae trees from the miombo. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Average woodland height (m) across the miombo regional precipitation gradient . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aboveground woody biomass in relation to mean annual precipitation in miombo woodlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Individual-based forest model FORMIND simulations of “annual burnings” in miombo woodlands of Niassa National Reserve . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Fig. 2.9 Fig. 2.10

Fig. 2.11

Fig. 2.12

Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 3.3

Fig. 3.4 Fig. 3.5 Fig. 3.6

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2

Fig. 4.3 Fig. 4.4

Fig. 4.5

List of Figures

(a) Grass and (b) woody plant leaf litter fires . . . . . . . . . . . . (a) Production of grass and herbaceous biomass; (b) leaf litter accumulation; (c) changes in moisture content of green grass; and (d) dead grass and leaf litter in miombo at Chakwenga (central Zambia) permanent sample plots with unimodal annual rainfall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (a) Shrubs and saplings with basal resprouts after top kill by fire; (b) a fire scar on a tree recovering from fire damage; (c) fire killed stem lying on the ground next to live fire-scarred twin stem; and (d) fire-killed stump and coppice shoots . . . . Stem mortality in (a) 18-year old regrowth miombo in 1990 at Mwambashi plot and (b) old-growth miombo at Kamatupa plot over a period of 10 years . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bantu migration routes into the miombo woodlands of east and southern Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Progression in woodlands area cleared for tobacco production in Malawi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (a) Clearing miombo woodlands for shifting cultivation by stumping in Mecula district, northern Mozambique; and (b) clearing large trees for shifting cultivation in Mecula district, northern Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miombo woodland degradation caused by charcoal production in central Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Foods from the miombo woodlands categorised according to their role in local livelihoods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Honey cavity (left) and traditional beehive (made from Julbernardia globiflora, right) in Niassa National Reserve, Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Resilience and sustainability as complementary concepts . . . (a) Tree size and fruit production in Isoberlinia angolensis at Chakwenga in central Zambia; (b) seed dispersal patterns in Brachystegia spiciformis in 1989 at Kasama in northern Zambia; and (c) seed dispersal patterns in Julbernardia globiflora (unfilled circles and dashed line) and seedling establishment (filled circles and solid line) in 1988 at Lusaka (based on Chidumayo unpubl.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mature miombo woodlands with low sapling density in central Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes with time since woodland clearing in the average number of shoots per plant for Brachystegia boehmii, Isoberlinia angolensis and Julbernardia globiflora in central Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stem-size class profile of stems  5 cm and  5 cm dbh in stands previously under different disturbances and relatively undisturbed woodland stands in Copperbelt Province, Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Fig. 4.6

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Fig. 4.9 Fig. 4.10 Fig. 4.2.1 Fig. 4.11

Fig. 5.1

Fig. 6.1

Fig. 6.2

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Monthly variations in (a) coppice shoot extension and (b) basal diameter increment in Brachystegia boehmii (empty circles), Isoberlinia angolensis (filled circles) and Julbernardia globiflora (filled triangles) at Chakwenga in central Zambia, and (c) diameter at breast height increments of Brachystegia boehmii (empty circles) and Julbernardia globiflora (filled circles) at Kitulangalo in central Tanzania . (a) Seedling shoot height of Brachystegia spiciformis (empty circles) and Julbernardia globiflora (filled circles); (b) box and whiskers plots for coppice stem height in dry miombo in central Zambia; and (c) annual diameter increment at breast height in B. spiciformis (empty circles), Isoberlinia angolensis (filled circles) and Julbernardia globiflora (filled triangles) at Chakwenga in central Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Farmer-selected stands can be silviculturally managed at different regeneration stages to provide regular, readily available, diverse products of different dimensions, to maintain productive woodlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A cutting guide for better utilisation of trees harvested from timber concessions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miombo woodland protected areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Landscape restoration through agroforestry systems in Gorongosa National Park . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship between (a) fruiting Julbernardia globiflora and annual maximum temperature at Chakwenga, Zambia, and (b) fruit production in Strychnos spinosa and rainfall and minimum temperature, Lusaka, central Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . Hypothetical framework showing the relationship between ecosystem services (services classes), benefit categories, and influences in the miombo woodlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The current distribution of the miombo woodlands, compared to other ecosystems in the Miombo Ecoregion as well as urban areas and water bodies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Projected change in annual average temperature (°C) over the miombo region, for the time period of 2041–2060 relative to pre-industrial conditions using the latest ensemble of the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 6 (CMIP6) under SSP5-8.5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Projected change in annual average rainfall totals (mm) over the miombo region, for the time period of 2041–2060 relative to relative to pre-industrial conditions using the latest ensemble of the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 6 (CMIP6) under SSP5-8.5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Fig. 6.4 Fig. 6.5 Fig. 6.6 Fig. 6.7 Fig. 6.8 Fig. 6.9 Fig. 6.10 Fig. 6.11 Fig. 6.12

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List of Figures

Historical, current and future land cover for Malawi from 1992 to 2050 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical, current and future land cover for Mozambique from 1992 to 2050 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical, current and future land cover for Zambia from 1992 to 2050 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical, current and future land cover for Zimbabwe from 1992 to 2050 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical, current and future land cover for Angola from 1992 to 2050 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical, current and future land cover for Tanzania from 1992 to 2050 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical, current and future land cover for Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) from 1992 to 2050 . . . . . . . . . . . Land cover change statistics (km−2) (Column A) and rate of change (%) (Column B) between 2018 and 2050 . . . . . . . . . Scenarios for decision-making. Different policy and decision contexts require the application of different types of scenarios . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A summary of the process used to co-develop the vision and pathway storylines for the miombo woodlands . . . . . . . . . . . The desired future of miombo woodlands, together with pathways towards achieving the desired future—outcomes of a scenario development process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Table 2.1

Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 4.1

Table 4.2 Table 4.3

Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 6.1 Table 6.2 Table 6.1.1 Table 6.3

Main pan-tropical semi-deciduous/deciduous vegetation formations/ecoregions of the world along with their location, key features, climate and natural drivers of their geographic distribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Soil nutrients and properties in the top 30 cm, compiled from sites in five miombo countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Variations in woodland structure on termite mounds, a specific habitat in miombo landscapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Estimated fuel loads in the miombo woodlands . . . . . . . . . Erosion rates in Zambia and Malawi according to agricultural system and topography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Medicinal properties of miombo plants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Density of saplings in miombo woodlands (plants/ha) enumerated one year after clear-cutting in Chakwenga permanent sample plots, central Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stocking and basal area of miombo woodlands . . . . . . . . . Significant climate factors (mean annual temperature (°C) and annual rainfall (mm) affecting annual radial growth of Brachystegia spiciformis across the miombo woodlands range . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relevant international and regional environmental agreements to which miombo countries are parties . . . . . . Emerging trends in resource governance in the miombo woodlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Land cover statistics for the miombo woodlands . . . . . . . . Miombo woodland fragmentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Land cover classes in the miombo region, modified from global land cover maps of 1992 and 2018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pathways to the 2050 miombo vision. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 1

Introduction Natasha S. Ribeiro, Yemi Katerere, Paxie W. Chirwa, and Isla M. Grundy

Abstract Chapter 1 sets the tone for the book in a manner that can excite and attract interest from a diverse range of audiences. It is a synopsis of the other five chapters of the book. It starts by providing a broad overview of the extent of the miombo woodlands, its biology and its people. Chapter 1 further highlights that in order for us to understand the current status of the miombo woodlands, we must appreciate the socio-economic and political changes that have shaped the miombo woodland countries in the past 25 years. It summarises the direct and indirect drivers of miombo woodland transformation and how weak governance systems have failed to curb biodiversity loss and enable resilient and sustainable development. Despite huge challenges faced by the miombo countries, the chapter points to the opportunities to find harmony between nature and economic development. Nature-based solutions are seen as a critical approach for humanity to remain within its planetary boundaries. Chapter 1 of this second book on the miombo woodlands cautions against a singular focus on profits at the expense of nature. Finally, this chapter introduces the need for planners and practitioners to embrace futures thinking and the application of scenario planning in the management of the miombo woodlands.

N. S. Ribeiro (B) Department of Forest Engineering, Eduardo Mondlane University, Av. Julius Nyerere, 3453, Campus Universitario, Building # 1, Maputo, Mozambique e-mail: [email protected] Y. Katerere Manicaland Bioenergy, Harare, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] P. W. Chirwa Department of Plant and Soil Sciences, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] I. M. Grundy Department of Biological Sciences, University of Zimbabwe, PO Box MP 167 Mt. Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 N. S. Ribeiro et al. (eds.), Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50104-4_1

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1.1 General This chapter sets the tone for the current book by providing an overview of the state of the miombo woodlands in a changing world due to a range of drivers and threats, especially over the past quarter century. The book highlights how the inability to make a strong economic case for forests more generally, and the miombo woodlands specifically, has led to the rapid decline in biodiversity and ecosystem functions of the woodlands with consequences for those dependent directly and indirectly on its provisioning of goods and services. It seeks to excite African thought leaders who can shape future pathways for inclusive and equitable economic growth in the miombo region. Such leaders should not be afraid to challenge the limits of the dominant economic capitalist model that, according to Collier (2018), has lost its moral, political and economic legitimacy. The resilience and sustainable management of the miombo woodlands cannot be achieved by ignoring people mired in poverty or by destroying nature. The future of the miombo woodlands has to be shaped and informed by an analysis of past, present and future trends and drivers of change, using reliable data and information that informs the choices we make about development options. The region must adopt new tools and approaches as well as scenarios and long-term thinking that allow us to be proactive about the future whilst addressing pressing and immediate challenges. The miombo region must embrace change so that we cease ‘business as usual’ approaches to its management. It is essential to explore new governance models, new technologies and practices that are relevant and speak to the context of the miombo woodlands. This book makes a case for tangible non-carbon benefits such as land tenure, employment and livelihoods and avoids a singular focus on the carbon market. Despite a plethora of laws and policies, the miombo region continues to lose biodiversity, whilst its landscapes continue to degrade. Laws alone do not guarantee desired outcomes. There must, therefore, be a renewed commitment to prioritising the miombo woodlands in the planning and budgeting processes of the region and a commitment to implement agreed plans. Africa has significant regional, sub-regional and national variations in biodiversity that reflect climatic and physical differences, as well as the continent’s long and varied history of human interactions with the environment (Folke et al. 2005; MEA 2005; Mung’ong’o 2009; IPBES 2019). This natural richness, accumulated over millions of years, coupled with the wealth of indigenous and local knowledge on the continent, is central to and constitutes a strategic asset for the pursuit of sustainable development in the region (IPBES 2018). More than 62% of the continent’s rural population depends directly on ecosystem services, whilst the urban and peri-urban populations supplement their incomes, as well as their energy, medicine and other essentials, from ecosystem-based resources (IPBES 2018). Tangible and intangible assets such as food, water, medicinal plants, sacred rituals, as well as religious and cultural spaces, underpin nature’s contributions to the economy and are central to a multitude of other livelihood strategies (IPBES 2019). The miombo woodlands of southern Africa represent a key ecosystem, covering an estimated 1.9 million km2 (see Chap. 6) in seven countries (Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo, Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe).

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This new figure of the remaining miombo woodland cover represents a significant shrinkage of at least one third when compared with the previous estimate of 2.7 million km2 (White 1983; Timberlake and Chidumayo 2011). The miombo countries have a combined population of 247 million that is predominantly rural. At 34%, Angola is the only miombo country with less than 50% of its population in rural areas (The World Factbook 2018). Additionally, the woodland supports a high diversity of plant species, including a considerable level of endemism, and is an important habitat for many charismatic animal species including herbivores (e.g. elephant and antelopes), carnivores (e.g. lion and wild dog, amongst others), various species of birds and a diversity of insects. The diversity of the miombo is also observed at the landscape level in which several associated habitats (e.g. riverine forests, dambos, termite mounds) are key to maintaining its animal and plant biodiversity. Given their level of biodiversity, the woodlands support the livelihoods of over 80% of rural and urban dwellers in the region, as well as local and national economies (Kalaba et al. 2013; Ryan et al. 2016). During the last quarter century, profound socio-economic and political changes have been underway in the miombo countries. The weight of these changes, including structural adjustment programmes (Mills 1989; Kingston et al. 2011) and globalisation, resulted in the deterioration of the socio-economic conditions of many rural and urban workers. These changes, within an established capitalist system, disrupted patterns of food production, food and water security, rural–urban linkages, gender relations, as well as land and environmental management. The importance of traditional knowledge and technology became overshadowed by over-reliance on formal science and managerial interventions (Moyo 1995; Moyo and Yeros 2005). In countries like Zimbabwe, land reform changed land ownership, land use patterns and the meaning of productivity (Moyo 1995). Therefore, despite their importance, the miombo woodlands are facing a myriad of threats to their biodiversity, derived from a complex combination of direct and indirect drivers. Exponential human growth and urbanisation have increased the competing demands on land and woodland resources with consequences for the ecosystems’ capacity to provide goods and services. These trends have been exacerbated by the increasing frequency and intensity of extreme weather events (IPCC’s Fifth Assessment Synthesis Report 2014). Globally, the human footprint has affected 83% of the global terrestrial land surface and has degraded 60% of the ecosystem services in the past 50 years (MEA 2005; IPBES 2019). The miombo countries have experienced fast population growth in the last 30 years, averaging 2.76% per year (Fig. 1.1), which has influenced substantial land use changes such as growing urbanisation, agricultural expansion and infrastructural development, amongst others. According to the African Development Bank (AfDB 2019), around 54% of the region’s population lives in rural areas, but the share of the rural population in most southern African countries is declining, indicative of rural–urban migration. For example, Hojas-Gascón et al. (2016) found that to satisfy the demands of Tanzania’s capital city, Dar es Salaam, and of its expanding suburbs, forests and woodlands from further afield were being depleted, and that protected areas nearer to the city were being compromised. The consequence of population growth on ecosystem sustainability includes high levels of poverty in most miombo countries, with slow economic growth stalling

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Fig. 1.1 Annual population growth in the miombo countries during the last 30 years (Source World Bank Group DataBank 2019)

poverty reduction. For example, the poverty headcount ratios for 2010–15 show that 64% of the population in Zambia lived below the national poverty line of 1.90 USD a day, whilst for Malawi it was 71%. On the human development index (HDI) of 2017, Malawi (170) and Mozambique (180) ranked the lowest in the global ranking (AfDB 2019). Economically, southern Africa contributes about 25.6% to the continent’s gross domestic product (GDP), second after West Africa’s 26.3%, with an estimated GDP per capita of 2.9 USD. The miombo countries have different characteristics in terms of economic size, resource potential, economic infrastructure, human capital and political environment (AfDB 2019). Hence, we noticed that in 2018, only Zambia contributed 4% to the regional GDP, whilst the other countries had unstable economic outlooks. The economies of miombo countries are dominated by a few sectors such as services (all countries contributing more than 40% to the regional GDP), mining and quarrying (Zambia with 15% and Angola with 35%) and agriculture (Malawi with 31% and Mozambique with 26%) (AfDB 2019). According to IPBES (2018), miombo countries are developing at a fast pace, with growing investments targeting infrastructure development, including telecommunications, energy, transport, extractive resources and large-scale agro-industrial sectors. Such developments can pose serious threats to biodiversity and its contributions to people. A variety of development and industrial activities, including the building or expansion of roads, dams, hydroelectric projects, petroleum and gas pipelines, mines, oil and gas fields, ports and cities are already causing significant deforestation, land degradation, pollution, soil erosion and biodiversity loss. In addition, most miombo countries are economically unstable and have undergone large external debts that hinder their socio-economic growth and cause large social inequalities. Africa’s development corridors will strongly affect future patterns of mining, land occupation, agriculture and associated development pressures. Many of these

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corridors are linked to extractive industries and are also considered prime locations to expand agriculture with high inputs of water (Laurance et al. 2015). According to these authors, it is likely that no continent has ever changed as rapidly as is presently occurring in Africa. Given this fragile socio-economic situation, the miombo countries are prone to corruption and illegal activities, which intensify the challenges associated with sustaining the woodlands. A recent report on illegal logging, fishing and wildlife trade indicated that these are significant contributors to the observed loss of terrestrial and marine ecosystems worldwide (World Bank 2019). The report highlights illegal activities, including unauthorised deforestation and fishing, that simultaneously deplete valuable resources for local communities; corruption to facilitate transportation of illegally harvested resources; avoidance of any taxes or other regulatory mechanisms and other criminal pursuits often ignored or unnoticed, and therefore unpunished. As a result, the southern African region (including the miombo) foregoes an estimated 7–12 billion USD each year in potential fiscal revenues that are not collected (World Bank 2019) in addition to the loss of Africa’s natural and cultural heritage. This shortfall in revenues hinders economic growth in source countries and increases development risks and vulnerabilities beyond national borders. Despite notable successes in the fight against illegal wildlife trade (261 million USD a year in 67 African and Asian countries; World Bank 2019), global attention and resources appear insufficient to successfully combat the broader criminal activities in the natural resource trade, in many cases linked with international criminal gangs involved in the drug trade, human trafficking and terrorism. Climate change, manifested by a rise in temperature, sea level rise and changes in rainfall pattern, distribution and quantity, exacerbates all the other direct and indirect drivers of biodiversity loss. The increased frequency of natural hazards, in particular drought, floods, hurricanes and earthquakes, further contributes to threats to various species. The direct impact of climate change on miombo biodiversity and associated ecosystem services is yet to be explored. According to an IPBES report (IPBES 2018), climate change is likely to result in significant losses of many African plant species and some animal species and a decline in the productivity of fisheries in inland waters of Africa during the twenty-first century. Future disease trends linked to climate change will have substantial effects on the livestock sector in Africa by impacting the distribution of disease vectors and water availability. Despite the myriad changes challenges faced by the miombo countries, there are still options to reconcile biodiversity conservation with sustainable development. Past efforts include the participatory policies designed to promote local livelihoods highlighted in Chap. 5. The conservation of biodiversity and ecosystems enhances adaptive capacity, strengthens resilience and reduces vulnerability to climate change, thus contributing to sustainable development. This requires, amongst others, an understanding of the interactions between people and ecosystems. These interactions can be understood to exist within socio-ecological systems, whose complexity cannot be perceived if the two systems are approached independently (Figueiredo and Pereira 2011). Socio-ecological systems are integrated complex systems that include social

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(human) and ecological (biophysical) sub-systems in a two-way feedback relationship (Berkes 2011). The system outputs are returned to the system as an input, either to oppose the original input (negative feedback) or to enhance it (positive feedback). In the first miombo book (Campbell 1996), the focus was on change in the miombo woodlands due to peoples’ use patterns. Additionally, the book identified the benefits derived from the woodland resources and analysed productivity in order to optimise use whilst promoting sustainability and equitable distribution of the resources. The book thus focussed on social and ecological dynamics in the miombo woodlands system. The aim of this second book is to further contribute to the analyses of change in the miombo woodlands and the impact on miombo biodiversity, ecosystem services and the livelihoods of those that depend directly and indirectly on it. The transformation and degradation of the miombo woodlands will continue unless there emerges a movement, akin to the agrarian reform, with a vision to seek greater harmony between nature and socio-economic development, and a focus on nature-based solutions (Nesshöver et al. 2017). In the past twenty years or more, many tools have been developed to support informed decision-making and transformative policies. These tools include trends, analyses and scenario planning, of which regrettably, many African countries have not taken advantage (IPBES 2018). This second miombo book will also contribute to a new discourse around global capitalism and national economic development aspirations. The economic case for the miombo woodlands has to be located within this new discourse. At present, a ruthless focus on profits drives the exploitation of the miombo woodlands to provide energy for tobacco curing and other commercial activities, conversion of land to large-scale agriculture and an increasingly unequal distribution of income and opportunities. The use of fuelwood harvested from miombo woodlands for “free” to cure tobacco in countries like Malawi, Tanzania and Zimbabwe must surely raise questions about the profitability of tobacco farming. This book, “Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: securing the resilience and sustainability of people and woodlands” is an initiative of the Miombo Network of Southern Africa, an alliance of more than 100 scientists from around 20 countries, all working in the miombo woodlands. The contributors are researchers and practitioners who have been active exponents of the ecological, biological and socioeconomic importance of the miombo woodlands. Collectively they felt it was time to update our knowledge on the status of the miombo since the last book published by Campbell in 1996. Another stimulus for this book has been the rapid transformation of the miombo woodlands. These trends and their impacts should catalyse a debate around the “nature economy” and the role of the miombo woodlands in this regard. We need to understand how the nature economy relates to the rural–urban economic linkages and be prepared to invest significantly into local communities and transformative policies. As editors, our thoughts have been equally guided by the unprecedented rate of transformation of the miombo without due regard for its socio-economic, environmental and cultural significance to the wellbeing of the miombo countries’ citizens. The questions that have preoccupied us are the capacity or resilience of the miombo woodlands to withstand disturbances and recover, as well as the different forms of

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governance systems found in the miombo countries that determine how the miombo woodlands are managed. Equally important is the need to take a longer term view of the management of the woodlands and the country context. The editors recognise the challenges of accessing accurate and reliable data on the extent of miombo woodlands under the different tenure regimes, particularly protected areas and customary land. The book comprises six chapters. This chapter provides the context, followed by Chap. 2 that describes the distribution and ecology of the miombo woodlands and its main environmental and disturbance-related determinants. Chapter 3 focuses on services provided by the miombo and analyses the relationship between people and the ecosystem. In Chap. 4, options for miombo woodland management are discussed from the point of view of its ecological complexity. The penultimate Chap 5 focusses on enhancing an understanding of the status of governance and institutional arrangements for sustainable management of the miombo woodlands. It explores the governance mechanisms for the key drivers of woodland transformation. The final instalment of the book is Chap. 6, which builds on the analyses of the drivers of miombo woodlands transformation and policy options presented in earlier chapters, to define a vision for the future state of the miombo woodlands and the pathways to achieve it. It includes plausible scenarios for desired futures.

References AfDB (African Development Bank) (2019) The African economic outlook. The African Development Bank, Abidjan. Available via AfDB. https://www.afdb.org/en/documents/regional-eco nomic-outlook-2019-southern-africa. Accessed 16 Jul 2019 Annual Population growth (2019) World Bank Group DataBank, Washington DC. https://data.wor ldbank.org/indicator/. Accessed 21 Jul 2019 Berkes F (2011) Restoring unity: the concept of marine social-ecological systems. In: Ommer RE, Perry RI, Cochrane K, Cury P (eds) World fisheries: a social-ecological analysis. WileyBlackwell, Oxford. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444392241.ch2 Campbell B (1996) The Miombo in Transition: woodlands and welfare in Africa. Centre for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), Bogor Collier P (2018) The future of capitalism: facing the new anxieties. Harper Collins, London Figueiredo J, Pereira H (2011) Regime shifts in a socio-ecological model of farmland abandonment. Landscape Ecol 26(5):737–749. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10980-011-9605-3 Folke C, Hahn T, Olsson P, Norber J (2005) Adaptive governance of social-ecological systems. Annu Rev Environ Resour 30:441–473. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.energy.30.050504.144511 Hojas-Gascón L, Eva HD, Ehrlich D, Pesaresi M, Achard F, Garcia J (2016) Urbanization and forest degradation in east Africa—a case study around Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. IGARSS 2016–2016 IEEE International Geoscience and Remote Sensing Symposium. https://doi.org/10.1109/igarss. 2016.7730902 IPBES (Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services) (2018) Summary for policymakers of the regional assessment report on biodiversity and ecosystem services for Africa of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services. In: Archer E, Dziba LE, Mulongoy KJ, Maoela MA, Walters M, Biggs R, Cormier-Salem M-C, DeClerck F, Diaw MC, Dunham AE, Failler P, Gordon C, Harhash KA, Kasisi R, Kizito F, Nyingi WD, Oguge N, Osman-Elasha B, Stringer LC, Tito de Morais L, Assogbadjo A, Egoh BN, Halmy MW, Heubach K, Mensah A, Pereira L, Sitas N (eds)

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IPBES secretariat, Bonn, Germany, p 49. Available via IPBES. https://ipbes.net/assessment-rep orts/africa. Accessed 15 Jul 2019 IPBES (Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services) (2019) Global assessment report on biodiversity and ecosystem services of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services. In: Brondizio ES, Settele J, Díaz S, Ngo HT (eds). IPBES secretariat, Bonn. Available via IPBES. https:// ipbes.net/assessment-reports/africa. Accessed 15 Nov 2019 IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) (2014) Summary for policymakers. Climate Change 2014: Impacts, Adaptation, and Vulnerability. Part A: Global and Sectoral Aspects. In: Field CB, Barros VR, Dokken DJ, Mach KJ, Mastrandrea MD, Bilir TE, Chatterjee M, Ebi KL, Estrada YO, Genova RC, Girma B, Kissel ES, Levy AN, MacCracken S, Mastrandrea PR, and White LL (eds) Contribution of Working Group II to the Fifth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, and NewYork, p 1–32. Available via IPCC. https://www.ipcc.ch/site/assets/uploads/2018/02/ar5_ wgII_spm_en.pdf. Accessed 20 Jul 2019 Kalaba FK, Quinn CH, Dougill AJ (2013) Contribution of forest provisioning ecosystem services to rural livelihoods in the miombo woodlands of Zambia. Popul Environ 35(2):159–182. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s11111-013-0189-5 Kingston KG, Irikana G, Dienye V, Kingston KG (2011) The impacts of the World Bank and IMF structural adjustment programmes on Africa: the case study of Cote D’Ivoire, Senegal, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. Sacha J Policy Strat Stud 1(2):110–130 Laurance WF, Sloan S, Weng L, Sayer J (2015) Estimating the environmental costs of Africa’s massive development corridors. Curr Biol. 25:3202–3208. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2015. 10.046 MEA (Millennium Ecosystem Assessment) (2005) Ecosystems and human well-being: biodiversity synthesis. World Resources Institute, Washington, DC. Available via MEA. http://www.millen niumassessment.org/documents/document.354.aspx.pdf. Accessed 20 Jul 2019 Mills CA (1989) Structural adjustment in sub-Saharan Africa. Economic Development Institute (EDI) policy seminar report no. 18. The World Bank Group, Washington, DC. Available via World Bank. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/570911468768036645/Structural-adj ustment-in-sub-Saharan-Africa. Accessed 20 Jul 2019 Moyo S (1995) The land question in Zimbabwe. SAPES Books, Harare Moyo S, Yeros P (2005) Land Occupations and Land Report in Zimbabwe: Towards the National Democratic Revolution. In: Moyo S, Yeros P (eds) Reclaiming the land: the resurgence of rural movements in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Zed Books Ltd, London and New York, David Philip, Cape Town, p 165–205 Mung’ong’o CG (2009) Political ecology: a synthesis and search for relevance today’s ecosystems conservation and development. Afr J Ecol 47(S1):192–197 Nesshöver C, Assmuth T, Irvine KN, Rusch GM, Waylen KA, Delbaere B, Haase D, Jones-Walters L, Keune H, Kovacs E, Krauze K, Külvik M, Rey F, van Dijk J, Vistad OI, Wilkinson ME, Wittmer H (2017) The science, policy and practice of nature-based solutions: an interdisciplinary perspective. Sci Total Environ 579:1215–1227. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scitotenv.2016.11.106 Ryan CM, Pritchard R, McNicol I, Owen M, Fisher JA, Lehmann C (2016) Ecosystem services from Southern African woodlands and their future under global change. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B. 371:20150312. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2015.0312 The World Factbook (2018) Central Intelligence Agency. Available at CIA. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/. Accessed 21 Jul 2019 Timberlake J, Chidumayo E (2011) Miombo ecoregion vision report. Report for the WorlWide Fund for Nature, Hararw. Occasional Publications in Biodiversity no. 20. Biodiversity Foundation for Africa, Bulawayo White F (1983) The vegetation of Africa. A descriptive memoir to accompany the UNESCO/AETFAT/UNSO Vegetation map of Africa, UNESCO, Paris World Bank (2019) Illegal logging, fishing, and wildlife trade: the costs and how to combat it. The World Bank Group, Washington DC. Available via World Bank. http://pubdocs.worldbank.org/ en/482771571323560234/WBGReport1017Digital.pdf. Accessed 21 Jul 2019

Chapter 2

Biogeography and Ecology of Miombo Woodlands Natasha S. Ribeiro, Pedro L. Silva de Miranda, and Jonathan Timberlake

Abstract The miombo woodlands form the largest dry forest ecosystem both worldwide and in southern Africa. They have existed since the Tertiary Period following major climatic and topographic changes which shrank the closed evergreen forests. We describe miombo distribution according to the ecological importance of Brachystegia and Julbernardia, the two main genera, and according to the abundance of the main plant species. Analyses indicate that the woodlands cover nearly 2 million km2 . The ecology of the woodlands is driven by climate, soils and disturbances, but given the extent of woodland cover change, the variability in structure and composition across the region is enormous and not always directly related to the determinants. This landscape variability is important for miombo conservation and management. Continued active research is essential to increase knowledge in the current global changing context.

2.1 Introduction Miombo woodlands seem to have first appeared around 14,500 years ago, which roughly coincides with the establishment of other drought-tolerant vegetation types about 11,800 years ago (Morris 1970). However, Brachystegia, one of the most abundant genera in miombo woodlands, has been present in southern Africa— from northern Angola to the northernmost tip of South Africa—for at least the last N. S. Ribeiro (B) Faculty of Agronomy and Forest Engineering, Eduardo Mondlane University, Av. Julius Nyerere, 3453, Campus Universitario, Building #1, Maputo, Mozambique e-mail: [email protected] P. L. Silva de Miranda Département GxABT / Laboratoire de Foresterie des régions tropicales et subtropicales, Bât. G1 Laboratoire de Foresterie des régions trop. et subtropicales, Gembloux 5030, Belgium J. Timberlake Biodiversity Foundation for Africa, 30 Warren Lane, East Dean, E. Sussex BN20 0EW, UK © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 N. S. Ribeiro et al. (eds.), Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50104-4_2

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38,000 years (Scott 1984). The debate about the appearance of the miombo woodlands is varied—according to Ivory et al. (2012), miombo and other dry vegetation types became more dominant when the dry winter season became more pronounced due to the reinforcement of the southeasterly trade winds at ~11,800 years ago. However, what caused the regression of the miombo woodlands from almost all of South Africa, apart from a small portion near the Limpopo River, is unclear. The current miombo area is thought to have once been covered by closed evergreen forest or possibly, where climate and topography precluded this, by a more diverse broad-leaved deciduous woodland (see Morris 1970 for references). Miombo, dominated by the genera Brachystegia and Julbernadia, would then have come into existence under certain climatic conditions, namely a sharply defined wet and dry season (Morris 1970). Another view is that the transition of past vegetation types to miombo woodlands is due to human activities, such as the use of fire and other land-clearing practices, which have been commonplace in this region for at least the past 200,000 years (Lawton 1978). Morris (1970) defined miombo woodlands as a secondary type of vegetation that has successfully asserted itself and assumed a degree of stability on degraded and impoverished soils. Morris (1970) believes that the woodland is a plagioclimax community formed and maintained by continuous human activities. Currently, the miombo woodlands, together with other dry woodlands such as the Acacia-Commiphora savanna woodlands of East Africa, form a transitional system between the closed rainforests in central Africa and open semi-arid savannas of southern Africa (Vinya 2010). This system holds a significant portion of the world’s tropical dry forests and houses one of the last remnants of megafauna worldwide (Mittermeier et al. 2003). In southern Africa, the woodlands represent the most extensive savanna woodland type, covering up to 1,969,000 km2 (see Chap. 6). Miombo is found in the southeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Angola, Zambia, western and southern Tanzania, central and northern Mozambique, northern Zimbabwe and Malawi (Abdallah and Monela 2007). There are records of a 15 ha patch of miombo woodlands in the northeastern Soutpansberg region of Limpopo Province in South Africa (Saidi and Tshipala-Ramatshimbila 2006) that was not included in our analysis due to the lack of recorded data. Given the extent and diversity of environmental conditions under which they occur, the miombo woodlands are globally important for biodiversity conservation as well as regulating the global carbon cycle and regional and global climate. In Southern Africa, miombo is also important in providing goods and services for both rural and urban populations (Gumbo et al. 2018). The focus of this chapter is the distribution and ecology of the miombo woodlands, including the role played by main determinants, i.e. climate, fires and herbivory by elephants.

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2.2 Defining Miombo Woodlands The miombo woodlands lie within the Zambezian Regional Centre of Endemism (ZRCE) (White 1983), which is a transitional vegetation system located between the closed-canopy rainforests of central Africa and the open, semi-arid savannas of southern Africa (Vinya 2010). It thrives in areas of nutrient-poor soils with annual precipitation of more than 600 mm. In his vegetation map of Africa, White (1983) distinguished between wetter (>1,000 mm annual rainfall) and drier ( 15 cm) were absent, whilst these made up 14% of the stand in the early burn plot.

2.4.4 Interactive Role of Fires and Elephants Changes in the landscape of many types of woodlands in Africa have been attributed directly to the interactive effect of elephants and fire (see Buechner and Dawkins 1961; Laws 1970; Guy 1981; Mapaure and Campbell 2002; Sukumar 2003; Conybeare 2004; Walpole et al. 2004; Ribeiro 2007; Ribeiro et al. 2008b). In general, the pattern of change is the same: as elephants over-browse the woodlands, felling mature trees, there is an increase in the low woody vegetation and grass cover as well as a dramatic increase in fuel load. This allows the fire to become progressively more intense. Fiercer and frequent fires affect both large trees and saplings, thus lowering species diversity, as discussed earlier. Debarking of large trees by elephants may further expose inner tissues to fire damage and death (Laws 1970; Sukumar 2003; Conybeare 2004). Scientific accounts of elephant damage to vegetation in African savannas and woodlands emerged during the 1960s (Conybeare 2004). The overall effect of most cases has been to transform relatively dense woodlands into more open wooded grasslands with scattered tall trees, resprouting tree stumps and a dense layer of low growing shrubs. For instance, Thomson (1975) reported that nearly 67% of the 500 original mature trees of Brachystegia boehmii in Chizarira National Park, Zimbabwe, died and another 20% were damaged due to increased elephant numbers. Later, Guy (1981) found that tree biomass in the Sengwa Wildlife Research Area in Zimbabwe

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was reduced by 54% between 1972 and 1976. The decline was associated with the decreasing numbers of the dominant tree species, Brachystegia boehmii, a species markedly selected by elephants. Seven years later, the area was dominated by J. globiflora, Pseudolachnostylis maprouneifolia and Monotes glaber, but B. boehmii was rare (Guy 1989). Comparing the woodlands inside the research area with that outside (where the elephant population and fires were excluded), this author found less tree density (267 stems/ha vs. 334 stems/ha), lower stem area (3.56 m2 /ha compared to 9.52 m2 /ha) and lower biomass (8.5 Mg/ha compared to 26.2 Mg/ha). Mapaure and Campbell (2002), working in the same area, reported an overall rate of decrease in woody cover of 0.75% per year, with elephants and fires being the main causes of this decline. The authors noticed that 82% reduction in the elephant population through culling between 1979 and 1982 resulted in a noticeable vegetation recovery. However, field observations indicated that some areas were not reverting to typical miombo woodlands, but rather to Combretaceae-dominated thickets. Conybeare (2004) reviewed the effects of elephants on miombo and other woodlands in south-central Africa by analysing more than 50 studies conducted in the region. He found that elephants have a preference for some tree species such as Acacia erioloba, A. nigrescens, A. tortilis, Brachystegia boehmii, Commiphora ugogensis, Combretum collinum, Terminalia sericea, Sclerocarya birrea and Faidherbia albida. According to this author, the impacts of elephants on vegetation are positively related to elephant density and miombo woodlands may be destroyed at elephant densities of 0.2–0.5 elephants/km2 . However, the rate and amount of vegetation change are also affected by a number of other factors, such as proximity to water sources, variation in annual rainfall, fire and soil type. At low to moderate densities, the impact of elephants may increase habitat heterogeneity, particularly in a homogeneous environment. This may in turn lead to an increase in biodiversity. At high densities, the opposite probably occurs. Disturbance patterns are important in creating landscape heterogeneity, increased biodiversity and availability of ecosystem services in the miombo despite several changing factors. For instance, human growth, illegal killing of elephants and climate change have been modifying the patterns of disturbance and certainly the way they shape the woodlands. Much less is known about these changes, but the miombo is clearly facing increasing levels of degradation and loss because conversion to agriculture is expanding in the region. This is most likely associated with a decrease in the capacity of species and the ecosystem to recover after escalating disturbances and consequently their capacity to provide goods and services. Issues of woodland management, land use and cover changes as well as environmental changes are discussed in detail in Chaps. 4 and 6.

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2.5 Global Climate Changes in Miombo Woodlands Historically, miombo woodlands probably extended over a larger area in eastern and southern Africa. For example, paleoecological research has revealed that the distribution of these woodlands extended as far north as the Ethiopian plateau during the Oligocene and Miocene (Bonnefille 2010). In the south, relic miombo patches occur in southern Mozambique and South Africa, which is several hundred kilometres south of the current continuous distribution range limit of the miombo (Pienaar 2015). These miombo range dynamics have been driven by past climatic changes. Future climate changes are therefore also likely to influence the distribution range of miombo woodlands and its characteristic tree species (Pienaar 2015; Ponce-Reyes et al. 2017; Jinga and Ashley 2019; Phiri et al. 2019; see also Chap. 6). Through the modelling of individual species or the whole ecosystem’s distribution, the authors have shown that miombo woodlands may be significantly vulnerable to future climate change. For instance, Ponce-Reyes et al. (2017) predicted that by 2070, the environmental conditions in 44% of the Albertine Rift (of which the miombo woodlands are part, specifically DRC and Tanzania) would not be suitable for current ecosystems. In their place, novel climatic conditions are predicted and it is uncertain which ecosystems will form in these areas. Pienaar (2015) analysed pollen records from the genus Brachystegia and identified the likely climatic determinants responsible for range shift at the sprawling distribution margin of B. spiciformis in southern Africa. The authors suggested that miombo has experienced rapid range retraction (~450 km) from its southernmost distributional limit over the past 6,000 years, which created an isolated (by ~200 km) and incomparable relict in northeast South Africa. According to the authors, these changes in miombo population dynamics may have been triggered by minor natural shifts in temperature and moisture regimes. The authors predicted a further retraction of 30.6% and 47.3% of the continuous miombo woodlands in Zimbabwe and southern Mozambique by 2050. The effects of climate change differ amongst species (Harrison et al. 2006; Jinga and Ashley 2019), and thus changes in tree species composition in the miombo are likely to occur earlier than shifts in the distribution of the woodlands. During the 1961 to 2000 period, there has been a statistically significant increase in average daily rainfall intensity and dry spell duration in the ZRCE (New et al. 2006), perhaps influenced by the El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO). The ENSO effect is most pronounced in southern and eastern Africa. For example, warm phase ENSO (El Niño) is associated with abnormal wet conditions whilst cold phase ENSO (La Niña) is associated with unusually dry conditions during the East African short rains (October–December), whereas the opposite occurs in south-eastern Africa. However, the relationship between rainfall in southern Africa and ENSO events seems to be unstable. In the ZRCE, there is an association between rainfall variability and fluctuations in Atlantic Sea Surface Temperatures (SST) and in some cases, this may be coupled with the ENSO. El Niño episodes have been relatively more frequent, persistent or intense than the opposite La Niña since 1976 (Malhi and Wright 2004). The two most severe El Niño events in the 100 years of instrumental records were

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in 1982–1983 and 1997–1998. An analysis of the relationship between the southern African rainfall index and the Southern Oscillation Index (SOI) over the period 1970–1994 shows that nearly 83% of El Niño events were associated with droughts whilst 80% of La Niña events were associated with above-normal precipitation. The droughts that have occurred since the end of the 1960s are associated with warmer temperatures in the tropical Indian Ocean and in the equatorial Atlantic, which also influence air circulation over much of the miombo woodlands’ distribution range (Richard et al. 2000). Most precipitation indices in the miombo indicate a lack of consistent or statistically significant trends, although average total precipitation has decreased over time (New et al. 2006). The miombo area has experienced cooler temperatures from the 1900s up to the 1930s before stabilising around the normal until the 1970s, after which temperatures rose rather steeply (Hulme et al. 2001). Projected future increases in mean temperature are estimated to range from < 3.5 °C to >5.0 °C by 2090, with the highest increases in the south and southwest of the miombo region (McSweeney et al. 2010). There is still ambiguity about how ENSO events may respond to global warming partly because Global Circulation Models only imperfectly simulate present ENSO behaviour (Hulme et al. 2001). However, Timmermann et al. (1999) argued that the European Centre Hamburg model (ECHAM4) has sufficient resolution to simulate “realistic” ENSO behaviour and their results suggest more frequent and more intense warm (El Niño) and cold (La Niña) ENSO events in the future. Nevertheless, Hulme et al. (2001) were not convinced that quantifying future changes to inter-annual rainfall variability in Africa due to increases in greenhouse gas is warranted. Indeed, van Oldenborgh et al. (2005), who used climate model simulations from the fourth Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Assessment Report to investigate changes in ENSO events, found that models that simulate El Niño most realistically do not on average show changes in the observed variability in ENSO events. This is supported by other projections that show little change or only a small increase in amplitude for El Niño events over the next 100 years. However, some models show a more El Niño-like mean response in the tropical Pacific, with the central and eastern equatorial Pacific sea surface temperatures projected to warm more than the western equatorial Pacific, with a corresponding mean eastward shift of precipitation that might affect the miombo region (Watanabe et al. 2012). Evidence of climate change for the miombo region includes, amongst others, extreme weather events such as flooding, cyclones and droughts compounded by increasing woodland loss and degradation (Gumbo et al. 2018). Recent events such as the cyclones Idai and Kenneth in central and northern Mozambique, southern Malawi and eastern Zimbabwe, are an example of what can be expected more often in the future. With the uncertainties associated with climate predictions and the lack of information about how ecosystems and species respond to these events, it is difficult if not impossible to predict specific consequences for the miombo. However, given the role of the miombo woodlands in controlling the hydrologic cycle (see Sect. 2.3.3 and Chap. 3), it is anticipated that miombo degradation and conversion will lead to

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greater impacts of flooding and other extreme weather events on both ecosystems and people.

2.6 Key Messages and Policy Highlights In this chapter, the authors discussed the biogeography of the miombo woodlands and its main determinants. The key messages highlighted in this chapter are: • Miombo woodlands cover 1.9 km2 in seven countries of south-central Africa. These miombo landscapes are varied, as are the ecological factors. Therefore, any policy interventions targeted at the direct drivers of woodland change should align to the country context to be successful. • The miombo ecosystem has evolved to be resilient to disturbances such as fire, human activities and herbivory. Despite this, past and present land uses have had a major impact on the composition and values of the woodlands. Maintenance of the underlying biological processes and ecosystem integrity is essential if these values are to be retained for the future benefit of people and the woodlands. • Fire is a complex disturbance whose effect on miombo woodlands varies according to the prevalent fire regime and land use history. The characteristics of fire regimes and their impact on woodland ecosystems will likely alter due to climate change and human population growth. Response measures will, therefore, require rigorous and systematic monitoring of the effects of fire on the ecosystem. • The dynamic nature of the miombo woodlands calls for investment in research to gain a deeper knowledge of the role and impacts of mycorrhizal fungi on miombo ecology; the impacts of woodlands on hydrology and water supplies; the amounts of carbon that can be captured and stored; and the effects of both changes in fire regimes and climate on these factors.

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Timberlake JR (2000) Biodiversity of the Zambezi Basin. Occasional Publications in Biodiversity No. 9. Biodiversity Foundation for Africa, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Timberlake JR, Chidumayo E (2011). Miombo Ecoregion Vision report. Report for World Wide Fund for Nature, Harare, Zimbabwe. Occasional Publications in Biodiversity No. 20. Biodiversity Foundation for Africa, Bulawayo Timberlake J, Chidumayo E, Sawadogo L (2010) Distribution and characteristics of African dry forests and woodlands. In: Chidumayo E, Gumbo DJ (eds) The Dry Forests and Woodlands of Africa: managing for products and services. Earthscan, London, p 11–41 Timmermann A, Oberhuber J, Bacher A, Esch M, Latif M, Roeckner E (1999) Increased El Niño frequency in a climate model forced by future greenhouse warming. Nature 398:694–697. https:// doi.org/10.1038/19505 Thomson PJ (1975) The role of elephants, fire and other agents in the decline of a Brachystegia boehmii woodland. J Southern African Wildlife Manag Assoc 5:11–18 Trapnell CG (1959) Ecological results of woodland burning experiments in Northern Rhodesia. J Ecol 47:129–168 Trollope WSW, Trollope LA, Hartnett DC (2002) Fire behaviour a key factor in the fire ecology of African grasslands and savannas. In: Viegas DX (ed) Forest Fire Research and Wildland Fire Safety. Millpress, Rotterdam, p 1–15 van Oldenborgh GJ, Philip A, Collins M (2005) El Niño in a changing climate: a multi-model study. Ocean Science Discussions 2 (3):267-298. hal-00298441 Vermeulen SJ (1996) Cutting of trees by local residents in a Communal Area and an adjacent State Forest in Zimbabwe. For Ecol Manage 81:101–111. https://doi.org/10.1016/0378-1127(95)036 56-3 Vinya R (2010) Stem hydraulic architecture and xylem vulnerability to cavitation for miombo woodlands canopy tree species. PhD thesis, University of Oxford Vinya R, Malhi Y, Fisher JB, Brown N, Brodribb T, Aragao LE (2013) Xylem cavitation vulnerability influences species habitat preference in miombo woodlands. Oecologia 173:711–720. https://doi. org/10.1007/s00442-013-2671-2 Werger MJA, Coetzee BJ (1978) The Sudano-Zambezian region. In: Werger MJA, van Bruggen AC (eds) Biogeography and Ecology of Southern Africa. Dr W Junk Publishers, The Hague, p 301–462 Walker SM, Desanker P (2004) The impact of land use on soil carbon in miombo woodlands of Malawi. For Ecol Manage 203(1–3):345–360. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foreco.2004.08.004 Walpole MJ, Nabaala M, Matamkury C (2004) Status of the Mara woodlands in Kenya. Afr J Ecol 42:180–188. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2028.2004.00510.x Watanabe M, Kug J-S, Jin F-F, Collins M, Ohba M, Wittenberg AT (2012) Uncertainty in the ENSO amplitude change from the past to the future. Geophys Res Lett 39:L20703. https://doi.org/10. 1029/2012GL053305 Williams M, Ryan CM, Rees RM, Sambane E, Fernando J, Grace J (2008) Carbon sequestration and biodiversity of re-Growing miombo woodlands in Mozambique. For Ecol Manage 254(2):145– 155. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foreco.2007.07.033 White F (1976) The underground forests of Africa: a preliminary review. Gardens Bull Singapore 24:57–71 White F (1983) The Vegetation of Africa: a descriptive memor to accompany the UNESCO/AETFAT/UNSO vegetation map of Africa. UNESCO, Paris Zimudzi C, Chapano C (2016) Diversity, population structure, and above ground biomass in woody species on Ngomakurira mountain, Domboshawa, Zimbabwe. International Journal of Biodiversity, Article ID 4909158. https://doi.org/10.1155/2016/4909158

Chapter 3

People in the Miombo Woodlands: Socio-Ecological Dynamics Natasha S. Ribeiro, Isla M. Grundy, Francisco M. P. Gonçalves, Isabel Moura, Maria J. Santos, Judith Kamoto, Ana I. Ribeiro-Barros, and Edson Gandiwa Abstract In this chapter we describe the socio-ecology of miombo woodlands, with a focus on ancestral human practices and how these have been important in shaping the woodlands as they are now. The long history of human activities including land clearing and fires along with climate has been important in determining the structure and composition of the woodlands as well as its capacity to provide goods and services. These have been crucial to sustain livelihoods of rural populations but are also economically important in the region. Carbon sequestration has been seen as a way of mitigating the effects of climate change, but this has to be considered in the context of conserving other resources provided by the woodlands. In the contemporary context, understanding the socio-ecology of miombo must take into consideration other drivers such as human population growth and associated changes (e.g. agriculture and urbanisation) as well as climate change. N. S. Ribeiro (B) Faculty of Agronomy and Forest Engineering, UEM, Av. Julius Nyerere, 3453, Campus Universitario, Building # 1, Maputo, Mozambique e-mail: [email protected] I. M. Grundy Department of Biological Sciences, University of Zimbabwe, PO Box MP 167, Mt Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe F. M. P. Gonçalves Herbário do Lubango | ISCED-HuÃla, Rua Sarmento Rodrigues, No. 2, C. P. 230, Lubango, Angola I. Moura · M. J. Santos · A. I. Ribeiro-Barros Plant Stress & Biodiversity Lab, Forest Research Center (CEF-AIRB), School of Agriculture, University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal J. Kamoto Forestry Department, Lilongwe University of Agriculture and Natural Resources (LUANAR), P.O. Box 219, Lilongwe, Malawi E. Gandiwa School of Wildlife, Ecology and Conservation, Chinhoyi University of Technology, Chinhoyi, Zimbabwe © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 N. S. Ribeiro et al. (eds.), Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50104-4_3

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3.1 Introduction The miombo woodlands of southern Africa are key in providing a variety of goods and services (e.g. food, medicines, energy, building materials, and cultural services) to more than 100 million rural and 50 million urban dwellers, as well as sustaining national and rural economies (Campbell et al. 1993; Cavendish 2000; Shackleton and Gumbo 2010; Woollen et al. 2016; Pritchard et al. 2017; Moura et al. 2018, amongst many others). The woodlands are also important in maintaining several ecological processes such as erosion control, soil fertility, shade, and hydrological cycles (Clarke et al. 1996). Records of human activity in the miombo date from about 200,000 years ago (Morris 1970), revealing ancient, not yet fully explored, links between people and the woodlands. The intrinsic socio-ecological relationships in miombo have long been recognised as key to maintaining the ecosystem’s multi-stability states (Campbell 1996). Miombo woodlands are found in some of the poorest countries in the world and thus have a potential to sustainably support regional economies through resource exportation (e.g. timber and honey), consumptive and non-consumptive tourism (e.g. hunting and photographic tourism), amongst others. However, the need to satisfy fastgrowing human populations has resulted in rapid land-use changes at the expense of biodiversity and ecosystem services (Dewees et al. 2011; Gonçalves et al. 2017; IPBES 2018, 2019). Additionally, unsustainable management practices have relegated the miombo woodlands to varied levels of degradation. Climatic and atmospheric changes impose further modifications to the capacity of species to respond to stress, and thus to ecosystem composition and productivity. This complex nexus of competing demands may generate conflicts amongst the different beneficiaries of ecosystem services, if a trade-off between natural ecosystem services and other land-use systems is not defined (Dewees et al. 2011; IPBES 2018). In this context, it is crucial to examine the socio-ecological linkages in the realm of the miombo woodlands and discuss how global changes may change both the relationships and the existing options to sustain the ecosystem.

3.2 Historical and Socio-Economic Context of Miombo Woodland Use and Change 3.2.1 Early Man and Immigrations of Bantu-Speaking Peoples From the abundant archaeological material in cave deposits and other sites, east and southern Africa is generally recognised as the cradle of humankind. Skulls of Early and Later Stone Age Homo habilis, H. erectus, and H. sapiens have been found in the region. The skull of one of the earliest H. sapiens was found at Broken Hill (now

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Kabwe) in central Zambia in 1921 that was estimated to be between 125,000 and 200,000 years old. Numerous Middle and Late Stone Age sites in miombo and associated vegetation types have yielded evidence of the early evolution of humans and cultures in the miombo woodlands. Evidence of the use of fire by early hominids was found at Kalambo Falls in northeast Zambia and in Mumbwa cave in central Zambia dated at 60,000 years and 25,000–40,000 years BP, respectively (Gowlett 2016). Clearly, humans and their hominid ancestors have occupied miombo woodlands for at least 200,000 years. The Bantu people who originated from present-day northwest Cameroon in West Africa entered the miombo region from southeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) (Grollemund et al. 2015; Fig. 3.1). This Bantu migration started about 5,000 years ago and appears to have followed rivers or savanna corridors created by climate change along the margins of the rainforest, which connected the northern and southern savanna areas (Russell et al. 2014; Grollemund et al. 2015). These migrations were completed by 1,000 AD. After this period, there were several migrations within the miombo and other associated woodlands, and notable amongst these was the dispersion of the Luba Lunda people from southeast DRC to eastern Angola and northern and western Zambia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The primary evidence for this expansion is linguistic—many of the languages spoken across sub-equatorial Africa are remarkably similar to each other—suggesting the common cultural origin of their original speakers. However, attempts to trace the exact route of the expansion and to correlate it with archaeological evidence and genetic evidence have not been conclusive. During the early 1800s, there was also the northward movement of people from South Africa who were fleeing from the Zulu into present-day Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, and southern Tanzania (Russell et al. 2014).

3.2.2 Ivory and Slave Trade and Tsetse Fly Control From the fifteenth to nineteenth centuries, many routes crisscrossing the miombo woodland areas were used to trade ivory, slaves, and mineral products such as copper and iron artefacts to ports along the coast of Mozambique and Tanzania. In the western miombo region, trade routes passed through Angola to ports on the Atlantic Ocean. The demographic impact of the slave trade was the reduction in able-bodied people, thus reducing the labour needed to clear woodlands for cultivation (Gray and Birmingham 1970). In some cases, populations escaping from slave raiders fled to safer areas and abandoned their cultivated lands (Misana et al. 1996). Both the reduced farm labour and forced migration resulted in the recovery of miombo woodlands from previously cultivated areas. The ivory trade had both direct and indirect effects on the miombo woodlands, which have not been fully explored here due to limited information. Reduction and extermination of elephant populations also had direct impacts on vegetation patterns over large areas. However, since the miombo woodlands have a low carrying capacity

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Fig. 3.1 Bantu migration routes into the miombo woodlands of east and southern Africa (Based on Grollemund et al. 2015)

for native herbivores such as elephant (Frost 1996), the impact of the reduction in elephant populations due to ivory trade was probably not significant, especially since at that time these herbivores were not restricted to protected areas as they are today. Indirect impacts were related to economic activities connected with hunting, transport, and trading that affected regional systems of exchange and, indirectly through the political economy, patterns of settlement and resource utilisation, population parameters, and specialisation of production (Håkansson 2004). The spread of rinderpest during the late nineteenth century into the miombo areas of Tanzania, Malawi and Zambia decimated more than 90% of the cattle population

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in the region (Misana et al. 1996). The sharp decline in cattle numbers may have reduced grazing and overgrazing, which may in turn have promoted the recovery of miombo woodlands in the previously cattle-congested areas. But the increase in herbaceous biomass fuel would have also increased fire intensities in the dry season, with negative effects on woodland recovery (Bond and Keeley 2005). Nevertheless, it would appear that the woodlands did recover in the post-rinderpest period and this process created suitable habitats for the tsetse fly, Glossina morsitans, that transmits trypanosomiasis or sleeping sickness in bovines and humans. This situation made life difficult for human populations that were affected either by tsetse flies or by wildlife populations. The latter would damage or destroy cultivated crops, so the owner would be unable to derive a living from the woodland clearings. A combination of tsetse and wildlife, therefore, protected the miombo woodlands from human settlements and cultivation in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Lawton 1982). There is a long history of exchange between natural woodlands (protected by wildlife and tsetse fly) and anthropogenically modified woodlands and landscapes. During the early part of the nineteenth century in Zimbabwe, the depopulation and social disruption that followed Ngoni invasions led to the regeneration of miombo woodlands on formerly cultivated land. This was accompanied by the reestablishment of wildlife populations and tsetse fly, so the human population withdrew from these areas (Ford 1971). The colonial governments in southern Africa responded to the spread of tsetse fly by implementing large-scale programmes of woodland clearing to eliminate tsetse fly and resettle populations from overcrowded areas (Misana et al. 1996). For example, in central Tanzania, particularly in parts of the Tabora region, the human population was evacuated in the early twentieth century following out-breaks of sleeping sickness (Welburn et al. 2005). In conclusion, the long history of trade in ivory and slaves as well as tsetse fly control programmes had mixed effects on the miombo woodlands, resulting in periods of recovery and retreat depending on the specific context. Ethnohistorical information is scarce and cannot be directly projected onto the more distant past. But the evidence indicates that the miombo is a vegetation type that has been maintained by humans through a long history of clearing, cultivation, abandonment, and frequent dry season fires (Lawton 1982). The latter part of the twentieth century has witnessed the intensification of these land-use activities as a result of increasing human and livestock populations, and this trend has continued into the twenty-first century.

3.2.3 Legacy Effects of Colonial Rule European rule was imposed on the miombo countries during the partitioning of Africa from 1881–1914: Angola and Mozambique by Portugal; DRC by Belgium; Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe by Britain; and Tanganyika (mainland Tanzania) first by Germany and after the Second World War by Britain (MacKenzie 1983). Colonial rule brought about and implemented several land policies that had an impact on the woodlands. Land alienation and reservation policies resulted in large tracts of

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land being set aside for European settlement and industrial development, as well as the establishment of tribal reserves where indigenous people were confined. These land policies and internal migration restrictions resulted in overpopulation of indigenous people reserves, especially in Zambia and Zimbabwe (Moyo et al. 1993), and severe degradation and deforestation of miombo woodlands in native reserves due to expansion of croplands. This widespread degradation of miombo has previously been reported by many workers (e.g. Trapnell and Smith 2001). In the case of Zimbabwe, Whitlow (1980:3) wrote: There are few areas in Zimbabwe where a shifting cultivation strategy can still operate today, nevertheless this was a major cause of woodland destruction in the earlier part of the twentieth century. More commonly, one finds that with increasing population pressure in the tribal lands, areas of secondary regrowth are cleared for cropping or there are extensions of cultivation onto steeper slopes, which upon clearance of their protective vegetation cover, are subjected to excessive erosion. These situations can ultimately result in the development of degraded lands.

Woodland degradation and deforestation date back to the first quarter of the twentieth century, if not earlier, but the overpopulation in tribal reserves as a result of colonial land policies merely accelerated and intensified environmental degradation in the miombo woodlands. The rise of towns in the colonial era was associated with mining and other industrial activities, although some towns were simply established as administrative centres. These towns offered employment opportunities for indigenous people and the demand for firewood by urban households was well controlled by colonial government authorities, with supplies coming from either state reserves or designated areas (Whitlow 1980; Chidumayo 1987). This, coupled with good management, ensured that there was adequate woodland regeneration in cleared areas (Chidumayo 1987). The reservation policies of colonial governments were also extended to nature conservation in the form of forest and game reserves. In all the miombo countries, many of these state reserves still exist today. Overall, about 31% of the total miombo woodland area is considered as a protected area that covers nearly 603,438.13 km2 in the seven countries. The highest proportion is in Tanzania (44%, equivalent to 267,398.93 km2 ) and the smallest proportion is in Zimbabwe (5%, 27,943.08 Km2 ). In the other countries, this proportion ranges from 5% (31, 60.74 km2 ) in DRC, 6% (34,540.86 km2 ) in Angola, 26% (157,901.53 km2 ) in Zambia, and 14% (84,397.11 km2 ) in Mozambique (IUCN and UNEP-WCMC 2019). In addition to forest reserves, a number of national parks and nature reserves proclaimed during the colonial era are located either wholly or with a large part of their area in the miombo. Miombo woodland structure in these parks and reserves is largely affected by fire and elephant herbivory (Jachmann and Bell 1985; Guy 1989; Ribeiro et al. 2008), in areas where human settlements and other disturbances are prohibited. There are exceptions, for example in Mozambique (except for Gile National Park which is located in the centre of the country), all protected areas contain human settlements, which in addition to wildlife have a major influence on miombo structure and composition.

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Since the early 1900s, the main objective of colonial agricultural policies was to increase the production of export crops, such as tobacco and cotton (Moyo et al. 1993). Tobacco in particular became an important crop in miombo woodland areas in Malawi, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, and to some extent in Zambia. These policies accelerated the conversion of miombo to cropland but also increased the clearing of woodlands to supply the fuel used in tobacco curing. When tobacco was first introduced in Zimbabwe, annual clearing of miombo for tobacco growing and the fuel to cure it was so extensive that it resulted in fuel shortages and by the 1960s, commercial farmers were forced to use coal followed by wood from planted Eucalpytus species for tobacco curing (Whitlow 1980). During the 1940s, the colonial government in Mozambique forced small-scale farmers in the north of the country to expand their cultivated areas into virgin miombo in order to increase the production of groundnuts and cotton for export to South Africa and Britain (Coelho 1998). Thus, some agricultural policies encouraged the deforestation of the miombo woodlands, in direct contradiction to the policy of creating protected areas for miombo conservation described above. Given the small areas set aside for woodland conservation, the overall impact of agricultural policies has been a net loss of woodland during the whole period of colonial rule.

3.2.4 The Post-colonial Era The post-colonial rule to a large extent represented a continuation of many of the natural resource management policies of the past. The major change was in the conversion of European land into state land and the lifting of controls on internal migration. For southern Africa, the emerging natural resource management patterns reflected the white-settler colonial experience, especially white-settler capitalism that exercised direct and indirect control over the indigenous black population (Moyo and Yeros 2005). Some land redistribution was undertaken in some countries, such as Zambia and Zimbabwe, resettlement into little-inhabited areas was also implemented, particularly in areas where tsetse fly had been eliminated. However, overpopulation in some of the native reserves persisted. In Mozambique during the independence war (1964– 1974) and civil war (1984–1992), the government forced people into concentration settlements, which led to widespread regrowth in the rural areas and at the same time miombo woodland degradation and deforestation for fuelwood and cultivation around the settlements. In the post-civil war period, the country witnessed urban to rural migration, with people resettling back on their customary lands (Silva et al. 2009). This reduced the human pressure in peri-urban areas but increased miombo woodland conversion to cropland. In Zimbabwe, the two periods of land reform had a major influence on the miombo. Between 1980–1999, resettlement areas were created as a new category of state land and were based on a willing seller-willing buyer approach to obtain land for redistribution (Hammar et al. 2010). During this phase, many communal farmers were settled on former commercial farms, which

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resulted in the significant clearing of woodlands for new cropland. The second phase, which started in 2000 and saw the forceful removal of white commercial farmers, was followed by a patchy clearing of their lands (Hammar et al. 2010). The lifting of controls on internal migration in the post-colonial era resulted in high rates of rural to urban migration, except in Malawi. The urban populations in all the miombo countries started to grow at unprecedented rates, giving rise to urban households that are dependent on firewood and charcoal as sources of cooking energy (Chidumayo and Gumbo 2013). Moreover, urban migrants continued to live with the rural habits of using wild resources from the miombo, such as nutrition and medicine, amongst others, to sustain their livelihoods. Although governments continued to establish protected areas in the post-colonial era, woodland management declined both in and outside the reserves. In the case of Zambia, the area under forest reserves has been steadily decreasing due to degazetting of these state reserves in the post-colonial area. This is in contrast to the increase in the number of reserves in Malawi and Tanzania. In fact, Tanzania has witnessed an increase in forest reserves in the 2000s through the establishment of village forest reserves, which cover around 45% of the territory (Wily and Dewees 2001). In Malawi, forest reserves have increased through public—private partnerships and cover 17% of the country (FAO 2001). In Mozambique, all forest reserves have no formal management structure in place and are being re-categorised according to their ecological status (MITADER 2019). Post-colonial agricultural policies initially continued to favour the growth of cash crops, such as tobacco, cotton, and groundnuts, and later maize was introduced as a cash crop in most miombo countries to meet the demand from the evergrowing urban populations. Therefore, the negative impacts of tobacco growing on miombo woodlands continued and, in some cases, exceeded those experienced during the colonial period. It is estimated that during the middle 1980s, 90% of tobacco grown in Africa was produced in miombo woodland areas (Geist 2006). Malawi, out of all the miombo countries, has been the worst impacted by tobacco growing, which started in the nineteenth century and continued to dominate the cash crop sector in the post-colonial era (Fig. 3.2; Geist et al. 2008); about 60–70% of the country’s foreign earnings come from tobacco sales and about 80% of the rural workforce is employed in its production (FAO 2014). In the Namwera area in the southern region of Malawi, miombo woodlands were reduced from 1,910 km2 to 290 km2 in a period of 20 years (GoM/MFNR 1993). In Tanzania, the major tobacco-producing districts are Chunya, Iringa, Tabora, and Urambo that are located within miombo woodlands. Jew et al. (2017) reported that in Kipembawe Division, Chunya District, tobacco production was responsible for annual deforestation rate of 4,134 ± 390 ha of undisturbed miombo woodlands, of which 56.3 ± 11.8% was linked to the post-harvest curing process. In Zimbabwe, since the year 2000, the number of registered tobacco growers has increased from less than 10,000 in 2000 to nearly 170,000 in 2019 (TIMB 2019). At least 70% of these are small-scale farmers using fuel from miombo woodlands to cure tobacco, resulting in wide-scale woodland degradation and deforestation. Zimbabwe’s drier climate means that woodland regeneration is relatively slow. However, in wetter Tanzania, it was observed that

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Fig. 3.2 Progression in woodlands area cleared for tobacco production in Malawi (Source FAOSTAT 2019)

although tobacco production caused deforestation, miombo woodlands were able to regenerate fairly rapidly after abandonment (Mangora 2005), and similar observations were made in tobacco fallows in eastern Zambia (Whittington 1967). Thus, there is potential for miombo woodland recovery on former tobacco farms. Unfortunately, the response to deforestation caused by tobacco production has often been to plant exotic trees in woodlots or plantations, which permanently replace miombo woodlands and all the ecological functions and services (authors’ pers. obs.).

3.3 Socio-Ecology of the Miombo Woodlands: Ecosystem Services and Management Practices Through time, humans have established intrinsic relationships with the miombo in such a way that profound socio-ecological interactions have been developed. As a consequence, the woodlands are a “social system” providing a diversity of provisioning, supporting, cultural, and regulating ecosystem services (ES) (Dewees et al. 2011). More than 62% of the population in southern Africa depends directly on these services in rural areas, whilst the urban and peri-urban populations supplement their incomes, as well as their energy, medicine, and other essentials, from ecosystembased resources (IPBES 2018). Traditional management practices in miombo have historically shaped the woodlands and created an ecosystem that is resilient and adapted to disturbances. These have produced mosaicked and complex landscapes of agriculture and settlements, as well as degraded and conserved woodlands and

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other land uses. These are not yet fully understood but are key to maintaining the miombo and its capacity to provide goods and services (Campbell 1996). An understanding of ES and associated traditional practices is thus relevant in managing and conserving miombo in a changing environment.

3.3.1 Regulation and Supporting Services 3.3.1.1

Land for Agriculture

The early Iron Age lasted from about 200 BC to 1,000 AD during which period the Bantu-speaking people lived in semi-permanent structures and produced iron and ceramic artefacts and domesticated plants and animals (Robertson and Bradley 2000). The use of iron tools during the Iron Age facilitated more land clearing through the cutting of trees and must have resulted in a considerable structural transformation of the miombo. The predominant form of traditional agriculture was slash and burn and characterised by the growing of sorghum, millet, maize, cassava, and pulses in small hand-cultivated fields, sometimes supplemented by hunting, fishing, and gathering. Slash and burn agricultural systems in the miombo woodlands (aka Chitemene in Zambia and Ntemele in Tanzania, Fig. 3.3) have been described by several authors (Trapnell 1953; Lawton 1978; Grogan et al. 2013; amongst others). One of the first people to acknowledge this system was Sir George Grey who wrote the following about the miombo woodlands in the Kafue basin of Zambia (Grey 1901:74). The method of cultivation in this part of Central Africa is as follows: The lands chosen are always thickly wooded. Over a large area, the trees are chopped down, the stumps being left about 30 inches high. The smaller branches are then chopped off the trunks, and are collected and piled thickly in strips of a few yards in width through the area cleared, care being taken to include all the large ant-heaps, which are very fertile, within these strips. When thoroughly dry, these strips of branches and twigs are burnt, and the ashes serve to manure the soil beneath them. The fire also probably destroys the weeds and grass and makes the soil easier to cultivate. Thus, a large quantity of woodland is cut down every year to fertilise a proportion of its area. The stumps left sprout out again, and soon grow up into dense thickets of bush.

Originally, the regenerating miombo woodlands were considered by humans as the agricultural fallow crop, in which, after a cultivation period of 8–10 years, the land was abandoned and left to recover for a period of 25–30 years. This period was considered long enough to restore the woodlands to their original state and the system was considered key to maintain the ecosystem dynamics and diversity (Lawton 1982). Burning of woodpiles across the cropping area was important to improve soil fertility for the upcoming cropping season. In recent years, the recovery of miombo after shifting cultivation has been studied through a chronosequence approach in which long-term monitoring plots are replaced

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Fig. 3.3 (a) Clearing miombo woodlands for shifting cultivation by stumping in Mecula district, northern Mozambique; and (b) clearing large trees for shifting cultivation in Mecula district, northern Mozambique. Note that some branches lying on the ground in (b) have not been completely burnt, even in the ash infield (Photos by N. Ribeiro)

by multiple plots that vary in their time since abandonment, but have similar environmental conditions (Williams et al. 2008; Mwampamba and Schwartz 2011; Kalaba et al. 2013a; McNicol et al. 2015; Gonçalves et al. 2017). Overall, miombo is resilient after periods of shifting cultivation, attaining many of the characteristics of mature woodlands in relatively short periods of time (10–20 years). The accumulation of aboveground carbon (C) in dry miombo fallows is about 0.7–0.8 MgC/ha/year (Chidumayo 1990; Williams et al. 2008; McNicol et al. 2018), whilst wet miombo showed slightly higher rates (1 MgC/ha/year) (Kalaba et al. 2013a). However, recovery of tree species composition and diversity is highly variable across the region. For instance, Williams et al. (2008), Kalaba et al. (2013a), and Gonçalves et al. (2017) found that old fallows in Mozambique, Zambia, and Angola are different in species composition from mature woodlands, and miombo indicator species such as Julbernardia and Brachystegia are absent in the fallows up to 25 years old. On the other hand, McNicol et al. (2015) showed that 6–12 year regrowth in Tanzania had tree species composition and diversity similar to mature woodland. This variability is probably associated with the intensity of use and type of agricultural system. In general, these studies show that despite the common, but misplaced, perception that shifting cultivation is a destructive and degrading land-use practice (Mertz 2009), the patchiness in vegetation cover that it creates appears to increase the number of species present in the landscape, potentially by allowing those that are otherwise rare or subdominant to proliferate. Also, remnant trees, which are always left in the cropping area for shade or food, are key to facilitate woodland recovery given the low dispersibility of miombo species (Strang 1965; Campbell et al. 1993). In southern Africa, there has always been a tension between the expansion of arable land and the preservation of wooded areas, with agriculture usually being given the priority (Grundy 1995). As a result, for more than two centuries, miombo woodlands have been cleared for crop production. For example, sedimentologic, paleoecologic, and geochemical indicators suggest extensive woodland clearing in

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the Lake Tanganyika catchment at different periods from the late-eighteenth to midtwentieth century resulting from human population growth (Cohen et al. 2005), whilst Trapnell (1953) also noted widespread clearing of miombo for cultivation on the plateau of eastern Zambia. The transition of agricultural practices from extensive, long-fallow shifting cultivation to more intensive, short-fallow (or permanent) systems has been observed in the region since the second half of the last century as a result of population growth, government policies, and access to markets, amongst others (Trapnell 1953; Hursh 1960; Chidumayo 1987; Franzel 1999). Lawton (1978) reported large areas of woodlands in Zambia being cleared each year and the traditional recovery period of 25–30 years being reduced in some instances to less than seven years. Grogan et al. (2013) studied the effects of resource scarcity (as a result of human growth) on shifting cultivation in Tanzania and Zambia from the 1990s to 2010. The authors showed that although most of the population in the study areas still use the chitemene/ntemele systems, the fallow periods were reduced from 15 years in the 1970s, to 10 years in the 1980s/1990s, and to between three and seven years in 2010. The system had also changed from pollarding trees to cutting them at breast height, which further reduces the capacity for tree recovery. The authors concluded that although the traditional agricultural systems still exist, they are in a state of decline in the more densely populated areas where people tend to abandon them to rely more on semi-permanent and grassland-based agricultural systems. The authors also highlighted that despite the breakdown of the traditional system, people’s livelihoods have increased over time as a result of an improved portfolio of livelihood strategies (e.g. charcoal production, hunting/fishing, etc.) and better access to markets. The need to change traditional agricultural systems is amplified by recent agreements in the region that the agriculture sector needs to expand in order to feed the growing African populations. The Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO 2009) predicts that sub-Saharan Africa needs to add more than 100 million hectares of cropland by 2050 to feed a growing population and increase national Gross Domestic Products (GDPs). Thus, there is pressure for both intensification and expansion of agricultural activities in miombo areas. However, the question of trade-offs between agricultural expansion and miombo conservation remains. Archibald et al. (2018) demonstrated that an investment in small-scale commercial agriculture, in comparison to slash and burn or large-scale commercial agriculture, would equate the crop yields with the costs of losing the woodlands. Thus, innovative land-use planning tools must be developed in order to optimise land allocation to different uses.

3.3.1.2

Carbon Sequestration

Miombo woodlands are globally important in biogeochemical cycles such as carbon, nitrogen, and water. Of these cycles, carbon (C) is by far the most relevant in the context of global climate change (NASA 2019). Consequently, measurement and monitoring of C pools and fluxes, coupled with the development of strategies for

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managing it, become paramount in the region (Handavu et al. 2017). Carbon estimations are still constrained by the inherent spatial heterogeneity of the landscape, which in turn makes the existing methods unreliable (Ryan et al. 2016; Handavu et al. 2017). The immediate result is a wide discrepancy in the current C estimations. For example, Ryan et al. (2016), using regional field data, estimated that the carbon stored in all the miombo woodlands is between 18 and 24 PgC (comparable to 30 PgC in the Congo Basin rainforests), whilst Gumbo et al. (2018a) mapping more than 200 studies over a period of 50 years (1963–2013) estimated a much lower figure for old-growth miombo 33.9 ± 1.3 MgC/ha; range: 1.3–95.7 MgC/ha. Carbon stocks also vary according to disturbance regimes, land-use history, and policies (Box 3.1). For instance, Williams et al. (2008) found no significant differences between mature woodlands (19.0 ± 8.0 MgC/ha; Range: 4.3–3.4 MgC/ha) and fallows more than 20 years old (15.7 ± 3.9 Mg C/ha; range: 10.1–22.2 MgC/ha) in dry miombo of central Mozambique. However, when assessing studies of C in miombo, Gumbo et al. (2018a) found variations in the C stocks of regrowth areas according to fire regimes: 33.2 ± 4.23 MgC/ha under early dry season fires and 7.4 ± 1.36 MgC/ha in late burnings. Jew et al. (2016) estimated the C stock density in mature wet miombo in Tanzania to be twice as much as the carbon in agriculture sites (28 MgC/ha compared to 14.6 MgC/ha), the former being analogous with stocks in old fallow areas (33 MgC/ha). These results were comparable to those found by Ribeiro et al. (2013) in Niassa National Reserve (NNR), a protected area in northern Mozambique, where estimated carbon stocks in permanent sample plots were ca. 30 MgC/ha. Soils in the miombo are equal to trees in storing carbon (Walker and Desanker 2004; Ryan et al. 2011, 2016; Ribeiro et al. 2013). The range and determinants across the miombo region are somewhat unknown, but variable with land-use changes. For instance, Walker and Desanker (2004) observed 40% less carbon in agricultural soils than mature miombo woodlands in Malawi. Williams et al. (2008) reported >100 MgC/ha in soils of dry miombo, whereas in regrowth areas after agriculture, soil carbon stocks did not exceed 74 MgC/ha. Ribeiro et al. (2013) observed soil C stock densities in NNR of 34.72 ± 17.93 MgC/ha (representing 45% of the total carbon stock in the area). Gumbo et al. (2018a) reported significant differences in soil organic carbon for different miombo cover types across the region, the highest being in fallows (~40 MgC/ha) and the lowest in croplands (~25 MgC/ha) with no significant differences between old-growth (~28 MgC/ha) and croplands. The figures presented here show that soil C is very variable across the miombo landscape, implying that further investigations must be conducted at different spatial scales if realistic estimations are to be made.

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Box 3.1. Miombo woodlands and carbon stocks: what do we know? Jessica Clendenning1 and Herman H. Shugart2 Wildfires have a long history in the miombo woodlands. Fire, along with other ecosystem services, contributes to their regrowth cycle and has supported human populations for thousands of years (Lawton 1978; Bond et al. 2005). However, over the past 50 years, land-use activities in the region have intensified—driven by population pressure and unchecked use of the woodlands’ resources (German et al. 2014; Gumbo et al. 2018a). As scientific communities and governments have sought to understand how land-use change alters the planet’s climate, of concern then is the critical role the miombo woodlands play in global carbon (C) dynamics (White 1983; Frost 1996; Timberlake and Chidumayo 2011). What has been found is that landuse changes have contributed to approximately 25% [136 (± 55) Gt C] of total anthropogenic C emissions over the last two centuries (Houghton et al. 2012; Le Quéré et al. 2015). In the 1990s, sub-Saharan Africa accounted for about 15% of the global net C emission from land-use change (Houghton and Hackler 2006). Miombo stores a significant amount of C ranging from 18 to 24 PgC, (Ryan et al. 2016). Seventy percent is found in soils and the remainder in woody biomass. Whilst this implies a significant role for miombo in the global terrestrial C budget, there are problems, with both data and research, in understanding the extent and scale of land-use change across the region (Jeltsch et al. 2000; Timberlake and Chidumayo 2011). For instance, few data are available for miombo in Angola, northern Mozambique, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Similarly, there is less research on moist versus dry woodlands, belowground biomass, and on C stock trends in old-growth areas (Gumbo et al. 2018a). Further research is therefore needed to understand miombo’s regional gradients to support woodland management, local users, and the global carbon balance. 1 2

Geography Department, National University of Singapore Department of Environmental Sciences, University of Virginia

Despite the variability and uncertainty of information about aboveground and soil C, the figures presented above indicate a resilient ecosystem. After substantial reductions in C stocks in converted woodlands, C stocks recover considerably when disturbances are removed or managed (e.g. early vs. late burning). Rapid growth and development of miombo upon cessation of disturbances (e.g. cultivation or charcoal production) has also been reported by Geldenhuys (2005) and Syampungani et al. (2009). This indicates that miombo has high photosynthetic rates (C uptake estimated at 0.7 MgC/ha/year by Williams et al. 2008). However, poor woodland management

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in most cases limits tree growth, which may delay the time of woodland recovery, and therefore sustainable management practices are needed to accelerate growth and the capacity to sequester C (Dewees et al. 2011). Belowground C sequestration in woody biomass in the miombo has been poorly addressed. Chidumayo (2013), working in central Zambia, found lower tree root C in regrowth miombo than old-growth woodlands (5.7 MgC/ha ± 4.6% compared to 22.0 MgC/ha ± 4.2%), whilst Ryan et al. (2011) estimated the root biomass to be around 8.6 ± 0.5 MgC/ha in regrowth miombo of central Mozambique. Kachamba et al. (2016) estimated belowground C in four forest reserves in Malawi to range from less than 0.5 MgC/ha to more than 3 MgC/ha, under varied management regimes. Finally, Gumbo et al. (2018a) reported for the region higher stocks in old-growth than in fallows (17.6 ± 0.71 MgC/ha compared to 9.6 ± 1.2 MgC/ha) and in post-clearing regrowth (8.0 ± 1.3 MgC/ha). This variability of information indicates that further investigations are necessary in order to obtain concise estimations of this pool, as well as its determinant factors.

3.3.1.3

Soil Formation and Conservation

Miombo woodlands are found on poor and old soils (low Cation Exchange Capacity (CEC) and low nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) concentrations), which in addition can be exposed to long drought periods (Frost 1996; see also Chap. 2) and thus are susceptible to degradation. Vegetation plays an important role in maintaining the soils’ structural integrity and fertility as well as reducing soil erosion due to the interception of high energy raindrops, thus contributing to the regulating service of soil conservation and mitigating desertification (Sileshi et al. 2007; Ryan et al. 2016). Soil organic matter is also key in maintaining soil structure and fertility, which in turn affects its susceptibility to degradation and erosion (Bruijnzeel 1991; Malmer et al. 2005). In the miombo, organic matter decomposition is determined by a combination of factors including climate, herbivory, fires, harvesting, and agriculture. In an experimental study on Zimbabwe’s granitic soil, Munodawafa (2011) found a dramatic reduction in soil organic matter (0.52% to 0.28%) and infiltration rates (35.2 cm/h to 15.2 cm/h) with increasing soil depth (0–20 cm). Agriculture also reduces organic matter as well as increases oxidation, thus reducing soil fertility. For instance, Walker and Desanker (2004) studied the effect of shifting cultivation on Malawian miombo soils and found organic matter was reduced by 40% at agriculture sites, which was correlated with reduced C and N densities. Similar results were found by Mapanda et al. (2013) in Zimbabwe, where cultivation lead to reduced soil C by 36–50% as a direct result of reduced organic matter. In this study, removal of the woody component without cultivation did not translate into soil degradation, because root and shoot suckers regenerated immediately after cutting. Ojoyi et al. (2017) revealed significant differences in mean soil N in the first 15 cm layer of soil, between degraded (0.26 ± 0.16%) and non-degraded (0.44 ± 0.28%) plots in Morogoro, Tanzania.

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The effects of burning and ash-fertilisation in miombo were studied by Strømgaard (1992) through a regular time-series sampling for nine years after burning piled vegetation in the woodland. Substantial immediate increase of available P was observed after burning down to 40 cm soil depth, caused mainly by heat. Topsoil showed an increase in organic C and total N, but the latter was short-lived and after 3.5 years it declined to the values seen prior to burning. In previous work, Strømgaard (1988) studied the Chitemene system in Zambia and found that immediately after burning, CEC decreased significantly as a result of decreased organic matter content. The author showed a relationship between woodland recovery (woody and shrub species) and the depletion of soil nutrients as a result of most nutrients being stored in the vegetation rather than in the soils. More recently, Wuta et al. (2013) studied litter decomposition in dry miombo in Zimbabwe and concluded that undisturbed woodlands had slower decomposition rates compared to woodlands disturbed by fire and deforestation. The authors also revealed that high termite activity at midslope and lower-slope positions influenced the higher rates of decomposition and may have been related to increased downslope moisture and fertility. Apart from nutrient depletion, woodland conversion may also lead to soil erosion and land degradation. Estimations in the region in the past have indicated that soil erosion and land degradation were about 15% in southern Africa (Hosier 1993; Sileshi et al. 2007). More recent estimates of erosion rates in miombo are scarce but the few available studies indicate that in undisturbed miombo, the rates vary from 0.4 to 1.2 Mg/ha/year (Mkanda 2002). When woodlands were converted to agriculture, the results depended on the area of cultivation as well as the topography (Table 3.1). The direct effect of soil erosion is the loss of soil physical, chemical, and biological properties, which directly affect soil fertility, water-holding capacity, aeration, tilth, rooting depth, and bulk density (Mujuru 2014). Finally, it is important to note that soil regulation and conservation services support other services such as water quality and quantity through a direct correlation with the water cycle. The cascade of effects on the water cycle is many and includes a reduction in fisheries and hydropower generation, amongst others (Ryan et al. 2016). Table 3.1 Erosion rates in Zambia and Malawi according to agricultural system and topography (Sources Walling et al. 2001; Mkanda 2002) Agricultural system

Erosion rates (Mg/ha/year) Zambia (flat plains; mean annual precipitation: 800–1,000 mm)

Malawi (steep slopes; mean annual precipitation: 800–1,000 mm)

Small-scale agriculture

2.5

12

Grazing

2.9

10

Commercial agriculture

4.3

10

–

22

Tobacco

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Hydrological Control

The southern Africa region experiences strong seasonal cycles in water availability associated with the long dry periods of up to six months or more (~May–October and possibly to December). During these months, water availability is highly constricted, and vegetation plays an important role in providing prolonged and secure flows, minimizing the effects of droughts. Literature regarding the hydrology of the miombo is sparse, which limits our understanding of its role in supporting hydrological services. However, Keys et al. (2016) showed that water recycled by vegetation is responsible for between 10 and 25% of precipitation in miombo—clearly an important service to rain-fed agriculture. The relative contribution of trees, grasses, and crops to this recycling has not been studied, but trees (and thus woodlands) are likely to be important given their access to deeper soil moisture. Dambos are a special feature in regulating hydrology as they can both increase and decrease dry season flows, flood responses, and catchment evapotranspiration, with consensus to date only in the ability of dambos to moderate early wet season floods at a small scale (Von Der Heyden 2004). Changes in land use and land cover can result in less evapotranspiration and higher water runoff in the miombo, with immediate consequences for soil formation and watercourses. In a watershed on the Zambia—Zaire border (wet miombo), Balek (1983) demonstrated that relatively insignificant conversions of miombo woodlands to roads, tracks, or bare soils increased the contribution of the surface outflow to 74% of the total runoff. In this watershed, miombo woodlands and grassland cover contributed the most, with groundwater outflows of 37 mm and 23.54 mm, respectively, whilst the surface flow from bare areas contributed 177.03 mm. The author further identified an intermittent regime of annual flow, which depends on the groundwater storage accumulated during the wet season. These changes affect the water quality in streams causing both increased annual stream and peak streamflow, as well as reduced flow duration (Chidumayo 2013). This is a key socio-economic issue since more than 70% of the population in the region depends directly on stream waters to supply their basic needs. Water quality has also been affected by intensification of mining (legal or illegal), use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides, and other anthropogenic activities, which introduce pollutants to the system. There are not enough studies on this issue, but there is an understanding of the strong correlation between the woody cover and the loss of hydrological services (Nosetto et al. 2012). Research on this topic is needed, particularly in the context of altered treewater requirements and seasonal precipitation patterns under global change (Ryan et al. 2016). In this sense, the role of the woodlands in altering the timing, location, and quality of water flows needs critical evaluation.

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3.3.2 Provisioning Services Miombo woodlands provide a wide range of provisioning services, which are valuable sources of foods (Mbata et al. 2002; Syampungani et al. 2009; Kalaba et al. 2010; Malaisse 2010; Shackleton and Gumbo 2010; Pritchard et al. 2019), traditional medicine for primary health care (Chirwa et al. 2008; Malaisse 2010), fibres and other materials used for constructing houses and barns (Clarke et al. 1996), woodfuel (firewood and charcoal) (Malimbwi et al. 2010; Smith et al. 2019) as well as salt from thermal springs or mineral deposits and grazing for livestock (Clarke et al. 1996; Malaisse 2010). Some of these resources are critical in times of crises caused by drought or unemployment (Pritchard et al. 2020). For instance, during a year with poor harvests, wild foods (e.g. fruits, leaves, honey) can account for 30% of calorie consumption (Woittiez et al. 2013). In addition, provision of services has substantial economic value compared to crop farming, livestock, on/off farm activities, and remittances (Cavendish 2000; Kalaba et al. 2013c). This may account for approximately 26% of cash and subsistence income in rural areas (or an average of 9±2 billion USD per year; Ryan et al. 2016). Improving data on the consumption and production of this vast array of woodland products and the degree to which households depend on them relative to other foods or sources of income is vital to improve policies and guidelines for the region (Gumbo et al. 2018b).

3.3.2.1

Firewood and Charcoal

Fuelwood is a key service from the woodlands (Campbell et al. 1996; Chomba et al. 2013; Smith et al. 2019), representing 60% of the total energy consumed in the region (Ryan et al. 2016; FAO 2017). Population growth has increased energy needs and has intensified the pressure on the woodlands (Cuvilas et al. 2010). FAO (2017) reported that energy demand in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has increased by 50% since the year 2000, with a per capita consumption of 0.69 m3 per year. GIZ (2014) estimated that 410% of consumers in SSA switch from firewood to charcoal per year, whilst Ryan et al. (2016) estimated that total employment in the traded woodfuels sector is between 1.4 and 2.5 million people with a traded value of 780 million USD per year. It is important to highlight that these figures are strongly biased towards charcoal rather than the firewood trade. For centuries, firewood has been the main source of energy in all rural areas in the miombo (Grundy et al. 1993; Abbot et al. 1997; Cuvilas et al. 2010; Kalaba et al. 2013a; and many others). Firewood is harvested for subsistence from already dead material of various sizes (2–25 cm in butt diameter; Coote et al. 1993; Shackleton 1993; Vermeulen 1996; Abbot and Lowore 1999) and has no reported negative impact on the woodlands dynamics. However, there are situations in which energy crises have led to fuelwood shortages, such as the 1975 crisis in Malawi (Abbot and Lowore 1999). In these situations, firewood collection methods may change from harvesting of deadwood to cutting trees and branches of different sizes, which

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then may have an impact on the ecosystem. The more recent harvesting for Virginia tobacco production in the miombo region has had devastating effects on woodland structure (see Chivuraise et al. 2016). In general, the collection of dead wood for use as firewood is usually less destructive than cutting trees for charcoal production. For example, Luoga et al. (2000) found that in Kitulanghalo Forest Reserve of Eastern Tanzania, wood consumption for firewood was about three times lower (1.5 m3 /capita/year) than for charcoal (6.01 m3 /capita/year). Chiteculo et al. (2018) reported that in the south-central Angolan miombo, firewood extraction totaled about 500 kg/person/year, making up 29% of domestic extraction. Although considered a subsistence activity, in areas close to urban development, firewood has become commodified, with household firewood purchases being as high as 17% of total household income (Luoga et al. 2000; Kalaba et al. 2013b) and with an estimated value of 3.44 USD per ha in Tanzania (Luoga et al. 2000). Firewood is also consumed in urban and peri-urban areas. For instance, cooking with firewood is common in the urban areas of Zimbabwe and at the close of the 1980s firewood for Greater Harare came from miombo areas within a radius of about 55 km from the city. Most of the firewood sold in cities originated from large-scale commercial farming areas (Attwell et al. 1989). This area is likely to have greatly increased over the past 30 years. Charcoal production has its roots in the secular use of biomass energy by ancestral communities although no historical records on the use of charcoal by early people in miombo exist (Chidumayo and Gumbo 2013). Nowadays, it is amongst the major traded miombo products, constituting a serious threat to its sustainability (Salomão and Matose 2007). The charcoal market has grown relatively fast in the last two decades, as a result of population growth, rapid urbanisation, rural to urban migration, lack of access to alternative energy sources, and a preference for charcoal over other energy sources (Lohri et al. 2016). For instance, Cuvilas et al. (2010) reported that between 1998 and 1999, 56% of the total woodfuel extracted in Mozambique was used for charcoal production, whilst in 2006, charcoal production represented 94% of woodfuel harvesting. This estimation is now probably even higher given increased levels of charcoal consumption, but unfortunately, no recent estimations exist. More recently, unreliable electricity supplies to urban households have seen a rise in the use of firewood and charcoal for cooking and water heating. Currently, 70–90% of the urban population in miombo countries relies on charcoal as a primary energy source due to comparatively lower prices in relation to other energy sources such as electricity and gas (Sedano et al. 2016). As a result, charcoal production and marketing support significant cash flows from the urban to rural areas (Luoga et al. 2000; Cuvilas et al. 2010; Kalaba et al. 2013b; Ryan et al. 2016; FAO 2017), which may represent up to 64% of the income from the woodlands for an average rural household (Kalaba et al. 2013a). Monela et al. (1993) reported an average household income of 177 USD per year from charcoal production along the Dar-Es-Salaam—Morogoro highway. This availability of markets for charcoal in urban areas has created high financial incentives for tree harvesting, which makes the current harvesting levels and management systems unsustainable.

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Understanding the charcoal situation in the miombo region has always been hampered by lack of reliable information, partly because only a small fraction of charcoal production is recorded and assessment of the actual magnitude of use, as well as the impacts on woodlands and rural livelihoods, has consequently been difficult to determine (Chidumayo and Gumbo 2013), although this has been the subject of considerable debate. According to Chidumayo and Gumbo (2013), the bulk of charcoal production in miombo is performed in natural unmanaged woodlands in which natural regeneration is the main recovery process. The authors stated that treefelling methods varied according to species preference and capacity of the producer, using two main techniques: clear cutting and selective felling. The original production system was selective, removing only a few large individuals (dbh>20 cm) of preferred genera such as Acacia, Brachystegia, Combretum and Julbernardia (Abbot and Lowore 1999; Orwa et al. 2009; Shackleton and Clarke 2011; Bruschi et al. 2014). These trees were cut down in the vicinity of a makeshift kiln. Selective tree removal eliminated only a few large individuals, opening up space in the woodland floor that allowed light-demanding miombo trees to regenerate (Hosier 1993; Syampungani 2008). Thus, the selective harvesting that was frequently practised by charcoal producers in the past was considered a useful technique for sustainable utilisation of the woodlands. The boom in charcoal production over the last 30–40 years, coupled with deficient post-harvesting management and production methods, now makes charcoal production a significant contributor to woodland degradation in southern Africa. Chidumayo and Gumbo (2013) estimated that woodland degradation caused by charcoal production was 33.2% in Tanzania, 6.5% in Zambia, and 0.33% in Zimbabwe. The production of charcoal causes fundamental changes to the structure of woodlands (Fig. 3.4). For example, a study in the dry miombo in central Zambia found that, of the aboveground woody biomass of 97.7 ± 20.9 Mg/ha before charcoal production, the volume was reduced to 6.0 ± 1.1 Mg/ha after production; a biomass loss of about 94% (Chidumayo unpubl). In the hinterland of the town of Tete in central Mozambique, Sedano et al. (2016) found that 80% of the aboveground woody biomass was harvested for charcoal production in areas of high woodland degradation and estimated that this degradation affected 65.3 ± 26.1 km2 in 2014. The urban wood fuel production and supply industry is informal and unregulated, making monitoring difficult. But reports suggest that woodlands have disappeared around the major cities of Dar-Es-Salaam (SEI 2002; Ahrends et al. 2010), Lubumbashi (Mwitwa et al. 2012), and Lusaka (SEI 2002), and regeneration is hampered by the constant cutting of young regrowth and land-use successions in the hinterlands of these cities. The vast literature indicates that insufficient regulation undermines the sustainability of the woodlands whilst governments forgo billions of dollars in revenue. The situation is likely to worsen as estimates predict a future growth rate in charcoal demand of about 3% per year (GEF 2013).

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Fig. 3.4 Miombo woodland degradation caused by charcoal production in central Zambia (Photo by F. Sedano)

3.3.2.2

Commercial Timber

Miombo woodlands contain commercially valuable timber species such as Pterocarpus angolensis, Afzelia quanzensis, Guibourtia coleosperma, and Dalbergia melanoxylon that are widely traded both locally and internationally (Campbell 1996; Lukumbuzya and Sianga 2017). Other fine hardwood species from the miombo include Combretum imberbe, Diospyros mespiliformis, Khaya anthotheca (ex. nyasica), and Pterocarpus tinctorius (Clarke et al. 1996). However, because the individual trees are naturally spatially scattered and therefore relatively rare, those that are extracted commercially face a substantial reduction in their stocks due to a combination of low growth rates and poor management practices (Dewees et al. 2011). Regional trade in indigenous timber has grown over the last 10 years and has reached hundreds of millions of USD, e.g. 162 million USD in Tanzania, 10 million USD in Zambia, and 186 million USD in Mozambique (Lukumbuzya and Sianga 2017). In Angola, there are no reliable estimates of cash flows from timber as the activity was almost insignificant during the civil war (1975–2002) and afterwards, became inefficient due to a combination of a lack of a forest inventory, limited regulation by the state and anarchy by the licenced operators (Chiteculo et al. 2018). China is the main importer of timber from the miombo woodlands, with Mozambique being the fourth-largest timber exporting country to China, and the largest exporter in the east and southern Africa region (Lukumbuzya and Sianga 2017). However, the domestic consumption of indigenous timber in the region is estimated to be more than 10 times the amount that is exported (Lukumbuzya and Sianga 2017).

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Wood for Local Commercial and Non-commercial Use

Miombo woodlands are also a vital source of a variety of wood-based products such as construction materials, fencing, poles, furniture, musical instruments, crafts, fishing nets and traps, beehives, and ropes (Clarke et al. 1996; Malaisse 2010; Chomba et al. 2013). These are key in sustaining local livelihoods and small rural enterprises. For example, the dominant miombo genera—Brachystegia and Julbernardia—have a fibrous bark (Grundy 1995; Dewees et al. 2011), which is used to make strings, ropes, beehives, and mats (Clarke et al. 1996; Orwa et al. 2009; Brink and AchiganDako 2012; Snook et al. 2015; Ribeiro et al. 2019). Pterocarpus angolensis, Parinari curatellifolia, and Diospyros mespiliformis were made into canoes, whilst Acacia sieberiana and Englerophytum magalismontanum were used to make spears (Malaisse 2010). Trees with thorns such as Acacia spp. are vital for securing livestock pens. Kalaba et al. (2013c) found that 87.3% of households in Zambia used the miombo woodlands as sources of construction material (i.e. poles and fibre). In this study area, the trees that provided building poles for houses and barns were Pterocarpus angolensis, Pericopsis angolensis, and Swartzia madagascariensis, as these species are durable and are not easily attacked by termites, borers, or wood-decaying fungi. Other trees, such as Anisophyllea boehmii, Uapaca kirkiana, and Parinari curatellifolia, were used for roofing material, as they are also repellent and/or toxic to termites and other wood-eating insects. In general, wood for roofing is harvested by selectively cutting poles from small trees (branches and entire trees), based on the species, height, diameter, and straightness (Grundy et al. 1993; Luoga et al. 2000; Sitoe et al. 2012), whereas bigger poles (also from branches and whole trees) provide house supports (Abbot 1999). Grundy et al. (1993) calculated that households in a relatively well-wooded area in southeastern Zimbabwe consumed an average of 2.71 m3 /year of construction wood, used in house walls and roofs (27%), fencing (11%), grain bins and drying racks (18%), tables (0.5%), and animal pens (42%), as well as wood for brick burning (0.5%). However, since most houses in rural Zimbabwe are now constructed using bricks burnt with fuelwood from the miombo and the availability of fuel has substantially decreased, the proportions of wood used in construction are likely to have changed since this study was carried out. Luoga et al. (2000) studied the consumption of wood for poles in eastern Tanzania and reported a per capita consumption of 0.138 m3 /year, mainly for house construction but also for commercialisation. Walling and beam poles were sold locally at 0.05 USD per pole, whilst the thin withies were sold for 0.02 USD each. A number of species from the miombo are processed into wood carvings or furniture for the market, amongst which the commonly used are Dalbergia melanoxylon, Pterocarpus angolensis, Afzelia quanzensis, Crossopterix febrifuga, Terminalia sericea, and Swartzia madagascariensis (McGregor 1991; Grundy et al. 1993; Matose et al. 1996; Syampungani 2008). Fibre from Brachystegia is also used in furniture making (beds, chairs, etc.). The ability of wood carving to sustain the livelihoods of rural people has been documented in a few studies (e.g. Braedt and Campbell 2001; Standa-Gunda 2004; Lowore 2006). For instance, in 2000, making

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and selling curios was a specialist but vibrant small-scale industry in Malawi thought to generate income for over 5,000 people (Marshall et al. 2000). However, the industry was unstable as the markets were unpredictable and profit margins were low (Lowore 2006). In addition, low abundances of the preferred species (such as Pericopsis angolensis and Dalbergia melanoxylon) of the right size was an increasing problem, which was handled in two ways: (i) by migrating to resource-rich areas and (ii) by using less preferred species such as Toona ciliata (an exotic species) or Uapaca kirkiana (Lowore 2006). Thus, despite its potential, the sustainability of this activity is dependent on resource availability and needs to be revised in order to leverage its contribution to rural and national economies. Much less is known about management practices to produce carving or furniture wood or their interaction with the ecology of miombo woodlands.

3.3.2.4

Wild Foods

Wild foods are critical ecosystem services (ES) from miombo, the list including fruits and nuts, mushrooms, edible insects, honey, leafy vegetables, and bushmeat, amongst others. Lowore (2006) categorised woodland foods into four categories according to their role in local livelihoods (Fig. 3.5). Wet miombo provides a greater diversity of edible wild foods than the drier miombo areas—Malaisse (2010) lists 53 species of edible fungi, 237 species of edible plant, 12 species of rodent, 154 palatable bird species, and 40 species of edible caterpillars, amongst many other types of wild foods used in South Katanga, Democratic Republic of Congo. Abbot (1999), working in Malawi, found that in

Wild food

Famine Food eaten during times of crises (not by choice; e.g. roots and leaves)

Food to vary the diet (by choice; e.g. bushmeat)

Food to sell (e.g. honey)

Fodder for livestock, used for food or income

Fig. 3.5 Foods from the miombo woodlands categorised according to their role in local livelihoods (Adapted from Lowore 2006)

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25 consecutive months, a total of 37 different leaf and two root vegetable, 21 fruit, 23 mushroom, and 14 caterpillar species were collected. Kalaba et al. (2013c) also found that households in Zambia used many wild food products, with the majority preferring wild fruits (88.9%), mushrooms (71.7%), indigenous vegetables (43.4%), edible roots (17.2%), and honey (10.2%). Ribeiro et al. (2015) explored the role that woodland resources played in sustaining the livelihoods of people living within the limits of the Quirimbas National Park in northeastern Mozambique. The authors reported a total of 193 wild resources being utilised, the main being food (mushrooms, tubers, beans, leaves, fruits, and invertebrates) and construction materials. In the dry miombo, McGregor (1991), in her comprehensive study of woodland resources used by local people in Shurugwi, Zimbabwe, identified 45+ edible fruit species, 24 edible mushrooms, 31 species of edible insects, and 16 leafy vegetables. In some places, consuming wild foods during times of food deficit only supplements income from charcoal production (Akinnifesi et al. 2004; Chirwa et al. 2008), which is key to buy staple foods such as maize or rice. Despite the relatively low diversity and availability of tree species that produce edible fruits in the miombo (Dewees et al. 2011), the utilisation and marketing of fruits are integral components of the local economies and nutrition. Many people eat wild fruits and nuts whilst in the woodlands conducting other activities. However, some of the most prolific and preferred fruit species are harvested by households for later consumption and further processing. Fruit meals are important in the early and mid-rainy season before the harvest (McGregor 1991). Fruit trees, such as Uapaca kirkiana, Azanza garckeana, Sclerocarya birrea, Strychnos cocculoides, Tamarindus indica, Adansonia digitata, and Parinari curatellifolia produce large quantities of edible fruits that can have significant economic and nutritional importance, particularly in dry years (McGregor 1991; Lowore 2006; Woittiez et al. 2013). Other species such as Annona senegalensis and Diospyros kirkii provide popular edible fruits (Hyde et al. 2016; Bruschi et al. 2014), whilst gums from Burkea africana and Acacia karroo are also eaten. Miombo fruits are of great importance in the diet of many rural dwellers, and fruit sale is one of the strategies to meet specific cash needs in case of crop failure (Akinnifesi et al. 2008a, b). There is little evidence in the literature of the nutritional and market value of miombo fruits and nuts but the last two decades have witnessed an increased interest in the conservation, domestication, and commercialisation efforts of indigenous miombo fruit trees. This can substantially boost rural income and create employment (Akinnifesi et al. 2008a), especially with processing and value addition (Saka et al. 2007). Beverages, both alcoholic and non-alcoholic, are made from a wide range of fruits such as Parinari curatellifolia, Syzygium guineense, Anisophyllea boehmii, and Diospyros mespiliformis; roots from herbaceous plants such as Eminia spp. and Rhyncosia insignis; sap from palms such as Phoenix reclinata and Borassus aethiopium; as well as mead from honey and tea infusions made from leaves such as Fadogia ancylantha (Makoni tea) (Malaisse 2010). Sometimes wild fruits are fermented with grains such as cassava, cracked maize, or sorghum to make beer. Edible caterpillars feeding on the leaves of some tree species are also an important source of protein, as well as income (Malaisse 2010), particularly in the wet miombo.

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For example, at least 41 species of edible caterpillars are found in Zambia (Malaisse 2010), of which seven are sold in the markets, being much sought by urban traders. Similar to caterpillars, termites of all species provide additional nutrients (Malaisse 2010). A range of other insects, including Orthoptera, Hymenoptera, and Hemiptera are also consumed. Syampungani et al. (2009) reported that at the onset of the rainy season, termites are trapped in their dispersal flight and are processed and eaten as relish or snacks. These are also dried and sometimes transported long distances to markets for sale. The economic role of caterpillars is evident from several studies in the region. For example, Holden (1991) in his study in Zambia found that people travelled 200–300 km to collect caterpillars, and traders would travel up to 900 km (from Lusaka and the Copperbelt) to buy them in northern Zambia. For a sevenday harvesting period, the trades would be equivalent to a month’s salary for a general worker. Similarly, Chidumayo and Mbata (2002) found, in years of moderate abundance, that edible caterpillars generate incomes of over 60 USD per household that are comparable to or even higher than incomes from sales of agricultural crops in northern Zambia. In Malawi, caterpillar collection and beekeeping around Kasungu National Park produced twice to several times the gross margin values of maize, beans, and groundnuts, and did not directly compete for labour with the existing agricultural enterprises in rural households (Munthali and Mughogho 1992). Also in Malawi, Cunningham (1997) reported that, during the legal harvest of caterpillars in the 1991 season, approximately 170 people earned nearly 50 USD each from the sale of caterpillars. These high returns have resulted in overharvesting of the tree branches that those insects inhabit, resulting in substantial reductions in their abundance. Additionally, current rates of woodland degradation and deforestation and an increase in fire frequency and intensity have imposed a major threat to insect populations, further reducing their abundance in the miombo. Fungal associations with the roots of the leguminous Detarioideae (ex Caesalpinioideae) tree species, as well as with Uapaca kirkiana, result in a diversity of macrofungi (see also Sect. 2.3 for details on fungal biodiversity). Research indicates about 45 different species in Zimbabwe (Wilson 1990), 60 in Malawi, and 53 in DRC (Makonda and Gillah 2007), whilst in Zambia, the figure is even higher (Piearce 1987). The fruiting bodies of many of these are edible and provide diversity in the diet (Frost 1996; Lowore 2006; Ribeiro et al. 2015). Most fungi are consumed fresh in the wet season, but a portion of the harvest may be preserved and stored for use throughout the year (McGregor 1991; Lowore 2006; Shackleton and Clarke 2011; Ribeiro et al. 2015). They also have an important market value, which is largely unknown. For example, the world’s largest and one of the tastiest mushrooms (Termitomyces titanicus) is restricted to the miombo region (Piearce 1987). Mushroom harvesting is believed to be non-destructive and the main threat to the trade is loss and degradation of habitat due to other factors such as land-use change, fires, and likely climate change. Overall, management practices for wild foods have their roots in the past and are reported to have minor impacts on miombo ecology as only a few elements at a time are removed. However, there is little literature analysing that relationship and thus, no major conclusions can be made. Woodland degradation and loss are reported to

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affect the capacity of miombo to provide wild foods but no detailed quantification of this has been made. The few available scientific reports indicate that, due to several miombo species having the same wild food use, when a species is reduced, it is substituted by its immediate equivalent. Consequently, the ecosystem is usually capable of providing wild foods even when degraded (see Woollen et al. 2016). Bushmeat has in the past been one of the main sources of animal protein for millions of rural miombo inhabitants (Caro 2008; Malaisse 2010). Because of reduced availability now, however, it forms a less important aspect of the diet. Malaisse (2010) lists at least 33 species of large mammals that are consumed in Zambia and the Katanga region of the DRC, 32 species of rodents, as well as many species of birds and fish. Hares, porcupines, bats, pangolins, squirrels, birds, and reptiles such as snakes, turtles, and tortoises, crocodiles, as well as lizards are also eaten and traded.

3.3.2.5

Honey and Beeswax

Recorded evidence of traditional honey production in miombo dates back to 1594 in Angola (Ntenga and Mugongo 1991). David Livingstone noted the presence of log and bark hives in the upper Zambezi area in 1854. Illgner et al. (1999) identified a large number of Stone Age rock paintings depicting honeybees, honeycombs, and honey hunters; one painting from an overhang near Toghwana Dam in the Matobo Hills of Zimbabwe clearly shows an early honey hunter using a burning stick to protect himself from stings. This plethora of records indicates clearly that traditional beekeeping has always been part of the lifestyle of many rural families, and the activity has evolved to be a key determinant in miombo ecology, as explained below. The high abundance of plant species attractive to bees in miombo (Chidumayo 1997) makes it one of the major producers of honey and beeswax in Africa, estimated at 24,000 Mg (FAO 2000). Main nectar-producing tree genera include Acacia, Brachystegia, Julbernardia, Isoberlinia, Syzygium, and Combretum (Clarke et al. 1996; Jimu 2010; Brink and Achigan-Dako 2012; Bruschi et al. 2014; Snook et al. 2015). Honey gathering is part of the safety net activities that communities adopt to reduce vulnerability to crop failure or to meet exceptional household or individual needs (Illgner et al. 1999; Malaisse 2010; Mudekwe 2017). For instance, Syampungani et al. (2009) reported that honey hunting and beekeeping activities in Zambia improved diets for an estimated 250,000 farmers and are an important source of income for over 20,000 rural households. In Babati district, Tanzania, 6,000 bee colonies produced 60,000–90,000 kg of honey a year, which would have had a value at that time of 11,000–17,000 USD (Ntenga and Mugongo 1991). Mpuya (2003) reported that annual foreign earnings in Tanzania from both honey and beeswax were estimated at 8 million USD. In addition, its cultural significance should not be ignored in addressing the socio-ecological relationships in the region, as honey has been collected in southern Africa since ancient times. Traditional honey gathering involves two main techniques: apiculture (bee keeping) and honey hunting from cavities (Fig. 3.6). The former involves ringbarking of adult trees—average diameter at breast height >20 cm (Ribeiro et al.

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Fig. 3.6 Honey cavity (left) and traditional beehive (made from Julbernardia globiflora, right) in Niassa National Reserve, Mozambique (Photos by N. Ribeiro)

2019)—mainly from Julbernardia and Brachystegia spp. to make the hives (Snook et al. 2015). In turn, honey hunting is not selective of tree species but requires the harvesting of adult trees to access honey cavities that are usually 2–4 m high (Ribeiro et al. 2019). Although both activities imply adult tree removal, contrary to beekeeping, honey hunting does destroy the bee colonies (Illgner et al. 1999). Honey hunting is the preferred gathering method as it involves social relationships amongst the hunters (which are not well explored) and is less demanding in terms of management (Snook et al. 2015; Ribeiro et al. 2019). In general, the activity involves a synergistic relationship with the Honeyguide bird (Indicator indicator) to find the honey trees. After arriving at the selected tree, the hunters perform initial inspections to decide if the tree needs to be cut down. In 90% of the cases, the tree is felled to access the cavity, unless it is located at a reachable height (Ribeiro et al. 2019). There has been a general concern that traditional honey production contributes to deforestation, but Clauss (1991) estimated that the number of trees debarked in the North Western Province of Zambia was 3.1 trees/year/km2 , for an available resource of about 224 trees/km2 , concluding that this type of apiculture was sustainable. Notwithstanding a few indications of honey production compromising the ecosystem’s sustainability (see Ntenga and Mugongo 1991, in Tanzania; TowryCoker 1995 and Vermeulen 1996, in Zimbabwe), it has been largely demonstrated that subsistence traditional honey production (hunting and apiculture) is important in maintaining the ecological dynamic of the ecosystem (Fischer 1993). The selective utilisation of adult trees creates small gaps in the tree canopy, not a large cleared area that would give room for younger trees and regrowth. The smaller gaps could also be valuable since the regeneration of valuable sun-loving timber species, like Pterocarpus angolensis, could be enhanced. An additional problem is the environmental degradation caused by frequent bush fires that inadvertently start when hives are smoked to collect honey (Guy 1971; Vermeulen 1996). Snook et al. (2015) demonstrated evidence of more frequent fire occurrence in intensely harvested areas of Niassa National Reserve (NNR), northern Mozambique. However, whilst evidence of

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fire does not necessarily mean negative impacts on the ecosystem, given that miombo is adapted to occasional fires (Akinnifesi et al. 2008a; Ribeiro et al. 2017), there are also anecdotal reports that fires kill some bee plants and promote dry conditions, which further compromise bee colonies. The uncertainty and scarcity of information about honey harvesting highlights the need for further studies to investigate the actual effects on ecosystem stability of fires associated with honey production. The shift from subsistence to commercial honey production is a reality in subSaharan Africa as national and international markets are growing fast and potential production in miombo is high. This change may alter the original role of honey gathering in promoting regeneration in miombo and turn it into a degrading economic activity. Consequently, it is important to address this concern using carefully reviewed and participatory methods in order to integrate honey production into other production systems (e.g. timber, agriculture, wild food collection) and define sustainable practices for specific areas.

3.3.2.6

Medicines

In sub-Saharan Africa, more than 80% of the rural dwellers depend on medicinal plants for their health needs (Garrity 2004; Malaisse 2010). Additionally, urbanisation associated with inadequacy of conventional medicine has resulted in a growing demand for traditional healing, based largely on medicinal plants (Cunningham 1997). Despite their importance, knowledge about medicinal plants and their uses remains under the auspices of the traditional healers. These specialists barely share their information with the wider community and thus it is not well documented in the scientific literature (Lantum 1980). Numerous plant species from the miombo are traditionally used to treat, prevent, or alleviate complaints caused by the more common diseases in Africa (Table 3.2): diarrhoea, malaria, sexual diseases, respiratory illnesses (including hypertension) (Bandeira et al. 2001; Malaisse 2010; Moura et al. 2018), mental diseases, rheumatism/arthritis, malnutrition/anaemia, and parasitic infections, as well as wounds and disorders caused by different poisons (Bandeira et al. 2001; Malaisse 2010; Augustino et al. 2011). Moura et al. (2018) reviewed the medicinal uses of 15 miombo tree species (including the most common genera Brachystegia and Julbernardia) and found that all of them are widely used for traditional healing in the region. According to the authors, roots, including root bark, are the plant components mostly used for medicinal purposes, followed by leaves and juvenile twigs, stems, and stem bark. A considerable number of miombo tree species used in traditional medicine have been screened for their active phytochemicals, using appropriate in vitro and in vivo tests, and the results confirm the information given by traditional healers. In general, the literature agrees that many therapeutic properties of medicinal plants such as Combretum spp., Terminalia spp., Pterocarpus angolensis, and Annona senegalensis amongst others are attributable to antimicrobial, antibacterial, and antifungal activities (Chidumayo 1994; Eloff et al. 2001; McGaw et al. 2001, 2007; Molgaard et al.

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Table 3.2 Medicinal properties of miombo plants (Sources Bandeira et al. 2001; Aubrey 2003; Takawira-Nyenya 2005; Indjai et al. 2010; Augustino et al. 2011; Maroyi 2011; Cock 2015; Cock and Van Vuuren 2015) Miombo Plant

Medicinal property

Trees from Detarioideae (Fabaceae) and Phenolic compounds, which are antioxidants Combretaceae (the most widely used medicinal important to avoid degenerative diseases plant) families Combretum spp. and Terminalia spp.

Antibacterial, antifungal, antiprotozoal, antiviral, antidiarrhoeal, analgesic, antioxidant, anti-inflammatory, and antitumoral

Pterocarpus angolensis (Fabaceae)

The bark is anti-diarrhoeic and used for control of heavy menstruation, nose bleeding, headache, stomachache, parasitic worms, sores, and skin problems. All parts are used

Annona senegalensis (Annonaceae)

Gastrointestinal, control of respiratory and sexual diseases (all plant parts are used)

2001; Fyhrquist et al. 2002, 2004; Steenkaamp et al. 2004; Fyhrquist et al. 2006; Luseba et al. 2007; Masoko et al. 2007; Suleiman et al 2008; Samie et al. 2009; Okoye et al. 2010; Mbwambo et al. 2011; Mulaudzi et al. 2011; Awa et al. 2012; Chimponda and Mukanganyama 2015; Cock and Van Vuuren 2015; Mangoyi et al. 2015; Mutasa et al. 2015; and many others). The miombo woodlands thus represent a relatively untapped source of natural bioactive compounds that could be commercialised as pharmaceuticals, nutraceuticals, cosmetics, or agrochemicals (Duvane et al. 2017), although without careful management commercialisation could cause increased woodland degradation. Trade in medicinal plant products can greatly enhance the economic wellbeing of communities at local, national, and international levels. For example, FAO (2000) estimated an annual trade in medicinal plants of about 4.4 million USD for Zambia. The market in raw materials for medicinal or therapeutic plants and products in southern Africa is estimated at 150 million USD per year. Between 5,000 and 10,000 Mg of medicinal plants are exported annually, and 50,000–100,000 Mg are consumed locally (Diederichs Mander et al. 2006). The informal trade of medicinal plants and products in southern Africa is dominated by about four to five hundred thousand traditional healers that dispense medicines and herbal remedies to up to 100 million consumers (Diederichs Mander et al. 2006). There are currently emerging markets for woodland products as a result of consumer demand for “green” and “fair trade” products, and the commercialisation of products derived from indigenous plants may provide additional income to rural communities (Dewees et al. 2011). The interest in medicinal plants has been expanding globally due to their importance in primary healthcare, local markets, and industry (WHO 2003). There has been an increasing effort to isolate and characterise new active ingredients from plants, as many conventional drugs fail due to the development of resistance. These exercises bring with them controversy over intellectual property rights (Dewees et al. 2011) and need to be further considered in state policies.

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Apart from human ailments, there are many other household uses for medicinal plants. For example, toxic and unpalatable members of the legume subfamily Papillionoideae commonly found in the miombo provide useful plants for many local activities such as fish harvesting using Dolichos kilimandscharicus and Neorautanenia mitis as fish “poisons”(that affect gill functioning and cause fish to rise to the surface (Malaisse 2010)), as well as the use of Indigofera spp. for dyes for textiles and baskets (Dewees et al. 2011). The fruit of Diospyros mweroensis and leaves of Tephrosia vogelii are also used to stun fish, forming two of at least 30 ichtyotoxic plants used in Bemba territory in Zambia, also reported in Angola. Other plants producing active phytochemicals include geophytes such as Boophone disticha and Gnidia kraussiana, which are toxic to cattle when eaten (Malaisse 2010).

3.3.3 Cultural Services The miombo woodlands are important in satisfying the spiritual and cultural needs of many rural and urban communities, creating bonding relationships that are linked to miombo ecology (Schoffeleers 1979; Clarke et al. 1996; Butler and Oluoch-Kosura 2006; Daniel et al. 2012). Environmental religion was believed to be at the centre of most of the traditional management systems in southern Africa, as people believed that woodlands were sacred resources associated with spiritual realities and interconnected with humans, nature, and the universe (Gadgil 1989; Wilson 1990; Mukamuri 1995; Pfeiffer and Butz 2005; Kalaba 2014). Cultural services are expressed in many ways in the miombo, including worship practices, sacred groves, and taboos. Furthermore, most human activities in miombo (e.g. honey gathering, fires, and shifting cultivation) have deep cultural roots which have not been completely explored. What is known so far is that cultural services overlap with other values such as medicines and water supply (Folke et al. 2005; Ryan et al. 2016) and therefore, maintaining miombo landscapes should be considered as an important community-based management strategy. The practice of nature worship in wooded landscapes and protection of patches of land for deities or ancestral spirits is a common practice in many countries (Mukamuri 1989; Sørensen 1993; Folke et al. 2005; Boafo et al. 2016). For example, in Zimbabwe, Zambia, Tanzania, and Mozambique, trees growing around sacred water sources may not be felled for fear of the water drying up, whilst some individual tree species may not be removed as they are thought to have ties to the spirits (van Rijsoort 2000; Mgumia and Oba 2003). In many parts of Zimbabwe, Parinari curatellifolia is used both to communicate with the ancestors and for annual rainmaking ceremonies (Wilson 1989), whilst Pseudolachnostylis maprouneifolia is considered sacred in southern Tanzania (Luoga et al. 2000). Morris (1995), Clarke et al. (1996), and Kamoto et al. (2013) highlighted the widespread importance of sacred groves (often ancestral burial sites) as dwelling places for spirits, enabling protection of springs and as sites for rainmaking ceremonies, initiating new community members, and helping to signify long-term land tenure. According to Deb and

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Malhotra (1997), in various cultures the relationship of humans to the sacred landscapes has been institutionalised by means of taboos to protect the landscape and its elements (e.g. wild products used for rituals). It has been argued that taboos may have been designed originally by native cultures in order to sustain the resource base for future generations (see Wilson 1990; Mandondo 2001). Medicinal plants, often classified as a provisioning service, also have a strong cultural component, particularly for health issues with no equivalent in “westernised” medicine (see also Sect. 3.2.6). For instance, in central Zimbabwe, pegs of Gardenia spp. are placed around the home to prevent illnesses caused by witchcraft, whilst branches of Peltophorum africanum are used to shake water over the clothes of a deceased person to chase away evil spirits (Ryan et al. 2016). Several other examples exist across the region, denoting the profound relationship between people and the woodlands’ biodiversity. It is commonly held that ancestral veneration of the woodlands plays an important role in the protection of ecosystems and thus in the conservation of resources. For instance, residents from the Chikwawa and Nsanje districts in Malawi believe that ancestors can punish a person who destroys sacred trees such as Baobab (Adansonia digitata), which are used for rainmaking ceremonies (Kamoto 2009) so that religious sanction and/or fines can be imposed by the chief priest on violators. In Zimbabwe, amongst the Shona people, an unconscious appreciation of certain environmental taboos informs esoteric environmentally-based knowledge that promotes the sustainable use of nature’s resources (Chemhuru and Masaka 2010). In southern Zambia, a study of the Gonde-Malende shrine, which is a burial site for chiefs of the Tonga people, revealed that the religious importance and sanctions attached to such sites do infuse environmental conservation (Kanene 2015). Similarly in Tanzania, Mgumia and Oba (2003) observed that the sacred groves of the Ugunda chieftaincy in central Tanzania contained more woody species richness and taxonomic diversity compared to state managed forest reserves. Across the miombo landscape in southern Africa, it is common to perceive several fragments of those sacred areas immersed in a matrix of other land uses (Anane 2010). They represent important biodiversity hotspots, which indirectly promote in situ conservation and overall environmental sustainability. Thus, existing traditional knowledge as an integral component of culture is a basis for communities to protect and conserve specific locations of their local landscape (Boafo et al. 2016) and may significantly contribute to the effective management, conservation, and sustainable use of woodland resources. Consequently, changes in religious beliefs and the declining influence of traditional leaders and spirit mediums may be diluting the perceived importance of sacred areas, but the impact of these changing belief systems on the cultural services derived from woodland by local communities is not well understood.

3.4 Key Drivers Shaping Future Miombo Woodlands In the past, the miombo region was shaped by natural factors such as fire, herbivory, and drought. More recently, with the rapid rise in human populations, disturbance as a result of human activities has been more influential. This demographic shift is accompanied by rapid urbanisation (Weforum 2016). Africa’s growing human

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population, which is now over 1.3 billion (Worldometer 2020), is exacerbating the demand for resources such as charcoal, as well as land for large and small-scale agriculture, leading to deforestation and forest degradation (Katerere et al. 2016). A necessary part of Africa’s demographic and economic growth is the construction of physical infrastructure. The African Development Bank estimates the total continentwide infrastructure investment for Africa to be in the order of 130–170 billion USD per year (AfDB 2018). The sheer magnitude of this investment means that it must consider the importance of ecosystem services, if significant negative impacts on the miombo are to be avoided.

3.4.1 Conflict with Agriculture As highlighted in Sect. 3.3.1 above, in southern Africa, there has always been a tension between the expansion of arable land and the preservation of wooded areas, with agriculture usually being given priority (Grundy 1995). With increasing populations, unpredictable wet seasons, and encouragement from governments to smallholder farmers to produce commercial crops such as Virginia tobacco and soya, the miombo woodlands are constantly and increasingly under threat. Virginia tobacco, cured with hot air that small-scale farmers produce using woodfuel, is the major threat at the time of writing. Conservation of the miombo in tobacco areas in the future will require close collaboration with international tobacco buyers so that only tobacco produced in either fuel-efficient rocket barns or solar barns is acceptable.

3.4.2 Urbanisation With estimated investments of about 140 billion USD into physical infrastructure in Africa each year (AfDB 2018), and with Africa being the fastest urbanising continent (AfDB and WWF 2015), cities will have increasing impacts on the miombo in future. Cities will continue to expand into woodlands and so will the network of infrastructure that connects these cities. In addition, they will need energy, water, and food produced in the rural landscapes. In the future, physical planners, investors, and municipalities need to better understand and anticipate such developments in order to make better choices about the developmental options and the trade-offs for the region. Perceiving cities within the context of landscapes and not separately would be the major first step (Seddon et al. 2019).

3.4.3 Climate Change Climate change is thought to be one of the most important issues of our times (Stern 2007; Archer et al. 2018), with predictions that the frequency and intensity

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of droughts will increase, especially in sub-Saharan Africa (IPCC 2019; see also Chap. 6). This will have major effects on the miombo woodlands, particularly the drier regions, with severe consequences for vulnerable people leading to increased displacement, migration, threatened livelihoods, and a higher probability of conflict (IPCC 2019). Climate change will impact woody cover and people in two ways. The first is that Africa’s forests and woodlands, including the miombo, are vulnerable to climate change so that forest conservation and management will need to adapt to future climate-induced conditions. Second, vital ecosystem services that forests and woodlands provide are global and benefit people beyond the miombo region, especially in terms of climate change mitigation (Locatelli et al. 2008). Seddon et al. (2019) have highlighted the importance of including nature-based solutions (NbS) in national planning, solutions that address climate change adaptation and mitigation as well as support sustainable development and biodiversity conservation. As mentioned above, a major factor influencing climate change has been the lack of landscape planning so that agriculture and urban development do not have unsustainable impacts on local ecosystems and biodiversity. With the rapidly growing populations in the miombo region and the concomitant reduction in woody cover, NbS will in the future be paramount.

3.5 Key Messages and Policy Highlights In this chapter, the authors have discussed the relationships between people and the ecology of miombo including the ecosystem’s capacity to provide goods and services. The authors recognise that the long history of traditional practices in miombo has been important in shaping the woodlands and its ecology, but state that current anthropogenic drivers such as commercial agriculture, urbanisation, and climate change are also key in the miombo. In summary, the key management and policy highlight from this chapter are: • Miombo woodlands provide a myriad of resources to both rural and urban populations, and consequently, socio-economic development in the miombo region should fully account for those goods and services. • Carbon sequestration should be discussed in the broader context of biodiversity conservation and not only for the carbon market. In this context, the authors discuss uncertainties associated with current estimations and recognise the gaps associated with C estimations. • Management systems to improve the sustainability of future management strategies in the miombo should be built on traditional beliefs. • At the policy-making level in the miombo region, there is a need to raise awareness of the critical value to rural livelihoods of the ecosystem services derived from the woodlands. • Training and including landscape ecologists and resource economists in any future land management or development activities in the miombo region will be key so that nature-based solutions to land clearing have priority.

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WeForum (World Economic Forum) (2016) Inspiring future cities & urban services shaping the future of urban development & services initiative. World Economic Forum, Geneva. Available via weforum. ttp://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_Urban-Services.pdf. Accessed 17 Jun 2019 Welburn SC, Picozzi K, Kaare M, Févre EM, Coleman PG, Mlengeya T (2005) Control options for human sleeping sickness in relation to the animal reservoir of disease. In: Osofsky S (ed) Conservation and development interventions at the wildlife/livestock interface: implications for wildlife, livestock and human health. IUCN Species Survival Commission Occastional Paper 30. IUCN, Gland, Switzerland and Cambridge, p 55–61 White F (1983) The vegetation of Africa. A descriptive memoir to accompany the UNESCO/AEFAT/UNO Vegetation map of Africa, UNESCO, Paris Whitlow JR (1980) Deforestation in Zimbabwe: Problems and Prospects. University of Zimbabwe, Harare Whittington G (1967) Tobacco production in the Eastern Province of Zambia. Erdkunde 21(4):297–301. https://doi.org/10.3112/erdkunde.1967.04.05 WHO (World Health Organisation) (2003) Traditional medicine. Fact Sheet 134. Available at www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/2003/fs134/en/World. Accessed 9 Feb 2018 Wily LA, Dewees P (2001) From users to custodians: changing relations between people and the state in forest management in Tanzania. Policy Research Working Paper WPS 2569. The World Bank, Washington DC. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/328961468781162 511/From-users-to-custodians-changing-relations-between-people-and-the-State-in-forest-man agement-in-Tanzania. Accessed 10 Oct 2017 Wilson KB (1989) Trees in fields in southern Zimbabwe. J South Afr Stud 15:369–383. https:// doi.org/10.1080/03057078908708205 Wilson KB (1990) Ecological dynamics and human welfare: a case study of population, health and nutrition in Zimbabwe. Doctoral dissertation, University of London Williams M, Ryan CM, Rees RM, Sambane E, Fernando J, Grace J (2008) Carbon sequestration and biodiversity of re-growing miombo woodlands in Mozambique. For Ecol Manage 254(2):145–155. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foreco.2007.07.033 Woollen E, Ryan CM, Baumert S, Vollmer F, Grundy I, Fisher J, Fernando J, Luz A, Ribeiro N, Lisboa SN (2016) Charcoal production in the mopane woodlands of Mozambique: What are the trade-offs with other ecosystem services? Philosoph Trans Royal Soc B: Biol Sci 371:20150315. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2015.0315 Worldometer (2020) https://www.worldometers.info/world-population/africa-population/ Woittiez LS, Rufino MC, Giller KE, Mapfumo P (2013) The use of woodland products to cope with climate variability in communal areas in Zimbabwe. Ecol Soc 18(4):24. https://doi.org/10. 5751/es-05705-180424 Wuta M, Rees RM, Furley PA, Nyamadzawo G (2013) Litter decomposition and nutrient release in miombo savanna woodlands of central Zimbabwe. In: Perrault C, Bellamy L (eds) Savannas: climate, biodiversity and ecological significance. Nova Science Publishers Inc, New York, p 1–24

Chapter 4

Managing Miombo: Ecological and Silvicultural Options for Sustainable Socio-Economic Benefits Stephen Syampungani, Paxie W. Chirwa, Coert J. Geldenhuys, Ferdinand Handavu, Mwale Chishaleshale, Alfan A. Rija, Aires A. Mbanze, and Natasha S. Ribeiro Abstract The miombo woodlands play a critical role in providing livelihood services and mitigating the effects of climate change. However, the woodlands are increasingly at risk from human-induced pressures that remove woody species, deplete soil nutrients and alter their ecological integrity. There are also indications that climate change will alter plant reproductive processes. The ability of the woodlands to continue to provide goods and services, therefore, hinges on the adoption of sustainable management practices, which address the woodland ecology–food– energy nexus and land tenure complexities under a changing climate. Biodiversity conservation is important and protected areas play a key role in doing so, but appropriate management systems are needed. Many of the dominant woody species are able to regenerate after harvesting by resprouting from the stump. Additionally, species may regenerate through the germination of seed from the soil seed bank. Sustainable management of the miombo, in order to mitigate anthropogenic disturbances, requires the development and application of integrated silvicultural systems, S. Syampungani (B) · M. Chishaleshale Copperbelt University, Kitwe, Zambia e-mail: [email protected] P. W. Chirwa · C. J. Geldenhuys Department of Plant & Soil Sciences, University of Pretoria, RM 5-15, Plant Sciences Complex, Pretoria 0028, South Africa F. Handavu Zambia Forestry College, P/Bag Mwekera, Kitwe, Zambia A. A. Rija Department of Wildlife Management, Sokoine University of Agriculture, CHUO KIKUU Morogoro 3073, Tanzania A. A. Mbanze Nova School of Business and Economic, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Campus de Carcavelos, Rua Holanda 1, P.O. Box. 2775-405, Lisbon, Portugal N. S. Ribeiro Department of Forest Engineering, Faculty of Agronomy and Forest Engineering, UEM, Av. Julius Nyerere, 3453, Campus Universitario, Building #1, P.O.Box 257, Maputo, Mozambique © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 N. S. Ribeiro et al. (eds.), Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50104-4_4

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opening the canopy to stimulate and enhance germination of the soil seed reserves and promote the growth of seedlings that have remained dormant under the canopy. Furthermore, there is a need to incorporate local communities and their indigenous knowledge systems in active management.

4.1 Introduction Sustainable management of miombo woodlands is the process to achieve one or more clearly specified objectives of management such as the provision of wood and related products, conservation or other ecological services (Chidumayo 2019) without jeopardising the long term survival of the woodlands. Sustainable Forest Management (SFM) involves managing the woodlands to protect and enhance their potential to provide relevant economic, social and environmental functions now and in the future (Leggett and Carter 2012). It provides for a continuous flow of desired wood and non-wood products and services (Handavu et al. 2019) without undue reduction of the inherent values and future productivity of the woodland ecosystems. However, the miombo woodlands are increasingly at risk from human-induced pressures that remove woody species, deplete soil nutrients and cause other disturbances that alter their ecological integrity and contribute to climate change. There is a wide variety of factors driving the degradation of miombo woodlands (Gumbo et al. 2018). The IPBES (2018) Africa regional assessment identifies the major drivers of landscape transformation as land use change, including agricultural expansion, climate change, growing population, changing consumption patterns, urbanisation and infrastructure, and globalised demand for products. Otsuka and Place (2014) observed that the arable land area in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has expanded mainly because of the conversion of forests and woodlands to other land uses. They further observed that wooded areas accounted for about 30% of total land area in SSA in 2010 but has been decreasing rapidly over the last two decades. Uncontrolled frequent fires have also been observed to degrade the woodland ecosystems, cascading several ecosystem processes such as nutrient cycling, carbon sequestration and sinks, and biodiversity loss (Beale et al. 2018). For any forest system to be able to continue to produce social, environmental and economic benefits in the face of shocks and disturbances, it has to be resilient (Fuller and Quine 2016). Similarly, for the same forest system to be sustainable, it must be able to meet today’s needs for goods and services without compromising it’s capacity to do so in the future. Resilient systems require supportive policies, institutional arrangements and governance as well as management practices that allow them to evolve in response to new challenges, drivers and stressors. From this perspective, the concepts of resilience and sustainability are complementary, as shown in Fig. 4.1 (Tendall et al. 2015). Land tenure in the miombo countries may be classified into several systems (AGRA 2014). Each presents different challenges and opportunities for the management of the woodlands. Management is considered a function of land tenure in

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Fig. 4.1 Resilience and sustainability as complementary concepts (Source Tendall et al. 2015)

the sense that parcels of woodlands can be found on private, customary/communal and state-owned land. In this regard, governance of these important parcels requires concerted efforts from the key stakeholders who have the rights to access, use or withdraw resources and make decisions about resource use patterns (Mayers et al. 2013). One key factor in determining access, control and management of rural land, including forests and woodlands, irrespective of the tenure category under which it is held or owned, is the state as it is responsible for formulation of land and natural resource policies whose implementation may negatively impact other land resources. Critical issues in the management of miombo woodlands arise when a parcel of land forms a common pool property where there are no designated owners with tenure rights. With the increasing human population, demand for land for food security is growing (FAO 2016). Trends towards greater environmental degradation and climate-induced changes are likely to reduce the availability of productive land and woodlands. Therefore, the governance of tenure in the miombo becomes even more crucial in determining whether and how people are able to acquire the rights to use the resources. When local communities and indigenous peoples lack formal, legal recognition of their land rights, they are vulnerable to dispossession and loss of their identities, livelihoods, and cultures (Pagett 2018: 152).

Additionally, with the rapid growth in the number of investors acquiring large tracks of arable land in developing countries, e.g. for food, agrofuel or forest plantations (Conigliani et al. 2018), there is less or even no guarantee that local land rights are fully protected in the global land rush (Locher 2018).

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4.2 Sustainable Management Principles Applied to Miombo Woodlands Sustainable Forest Management (SFM) is defined as a dynamic and evolving concept that aims to maintain and enhance the economic, social and environmental values of all types of forests and woodlands, for the benefit of present and future generations (UN 2008). Under this paradigm, for more than 25 years, numerous actors have been involved in the development of criteria and indicators (C&I) to conceptualise, monitor, assess and report on SFM at the international, regional and national levels (Linser et al. 2018). C&I is the term used to describe a systematic approach to measuring, monitoring and reporting SFM (Jalilova et al. 2012). The C&I approach in SFM provides a time-tested monitoring and evaluation framework to gauge the direction of change towards sustainability (FAO 2008). In particular, C&I may be used to encourage holistic thinking when planning forest management activities, and to bring about greater rigour, openness, transparency and accountability in forest management planning, monitoring and reporting. C&I indicate the direction of change for forests and woodlands and suggest ways to expedite the process of SFM. Six impact domains have been identified over the 25-year period: (1) enhanced discourse and understanding of SFM; (2) shaped and focused engagement of science in SFM; (3) improved monitoring and reporting on SFM to facilitate transparency and evidencebased decision-making; (4) strengthened forest management practices; (5) facilitated assessment of progress towards SFM goals; and (6) improved forest-related dialogue and communication (Linser et al. 2018). In the miombo region, Chishaleshale et al. (2018) and Gumbo et al. (2018) observed that the concept of SFM is well-embedded in the various statutes governing the forest sector across the miombo countries. The ability of the miombo woodlands to continue to provide a variety of goods and services is premised on responsible woodland management and restoration, which underpins the concept of SFM (Gumbo et al. 2018). The adoption of SFM in the miombo region should address the nexus of ecology–food–energy and climate change, as these are inextricably linked. Managing miombo for multiple products and services requires an understanding of the resulting interaction and response of the woodlands to the utilisation of resources and extent to which they are compatible (Syampungani 2008). Maximising the positive compatibilities requires astute management, especially at the local level. In addition, SFM in the miombo requires full consideration of local traditional knowledge, which may require a paradigm shift from the current management practices (Box 4.1). In Zimbabwe Katerere et al. (1999) found in the Chihota and Seke communal areas that farmers were resorting to “privatisation” of communal woodlands by fencing in woodlands closest to their homesteads. This practice enabled farmers to monitor the resource more closely and guaranteed the continued supply of woodland goods and services. Thus, in the absence of delegated authority and rights, local communities were seen to be devising local strategies that give them territorial authority and the ability to exclude “outsiders”.

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Box 4.1 Community Forest Management Concessions in Cameroon: What are the lessons for the Miombo Woodland? Yemi Katerere1 Legal Framework Legal instruments for obtaining and managing community forests in Cameroon include the Forest Law (1994), its Implementing Decree (1995) and the Manual (2009) on community forest management. The decree defines a Community Forest (CF) as an agroforestry zone, not exceeding 5,000 ha, subject of an agreement between a community and the forest administration. The manual was developed by the forest administration and partners and assists the development and implementation of the community forest management plan monitored by the forest administration and NGOs. The CF is managed by a legal entity such as an association with members democratically elected from within the village community. Revenue from community concessions is primarily invested into the implementation of community development plans, which are reviewed annually. Process for allocation of a community forest management concession Allocation of a CF follows a community’s request to the forest administration, consisting of: • Specific objectives assigned to the CF, requested and signed by the manager of the community legal entity. • Forest situation plan. • Description of the activities previously executed in the requested forest perimeter. • Consultation meeting minutes. • Provisional convention form for CF management. • Planning and defining activities to be employed in the CF. • Verification of measurement of the superficies of the community forest. Lessons: i. Legal framework and guidelines for the community to register a concession are essential. ii. A legal framework on its own is not a sufficient precondition for success. Funding and technical knowledge are equally important. iii. Communities need the technical capacity to manage concessions in terms of harvesting, financial accounting, processing and marketing. iv. The state must commit to monitoring and providing oversight of the community operations. v. Communities need access to funding to invest in harvesting and processing operations, otherwise they may become victims of elite capture. vi. Training in negotiation skills at the community level is essential.

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vii. Communities need support or training to prepare good business plans. 1

Independent Consultant in Forestry and Conservation and Executive Chairman of Manicaland Bioenergy Company.

4.3 Silvicultural Characteristics and Resilience in the Miombo Sustainable miombo woodland management systems should focus on balancing the need of users (i.e. rate of resource use) against the regeneration and growth of the resource base (Syampungani et al. 2013) and consider the major disturbances. All these aspects have direct implications for both species conservation and the livelihoods of the people who depend on the woodlands. The common land uses in the miombo countries include grazing, selective harvesting for charcoal production, timber or poles, clearing for cropping (with or without stumping), shifting cultivation and many other uses. Each of these land use practices has varying impacts on the miombo landscapes in terms of structure, composition and diversity (Kiruki et al. 2017). As such, miombo landscapes are represented by a diversity of stands in different stages of succession, from tall closed woodland (>60% canopy cover) to open stands (30–60% canopy cover), either inside or outside protected areas; areas of cleared woodlands for various uses such as slash and burn agriculture; charcoal production; and fallow areas of different ages (Gonçalves et al. 2017; see also Chap. 2). This diversity also represents various stages of miombo recovery and different phases of regeneration following cessation of the disturbance. This may represent a healthy, biodiverse and productive landscape that has the potential to provide a wide range of products and services such as carbon sequestration and erosion control (Kiruki et al. 2017). However, in order to safeguard the sustained use and good management of the miombo woodlands, information on composition, diversity, structure and regeneration characteristics are of great importance (Matowo et al. 2019). After clear-felling and abandonment of a miombo stand, regrowth develops through four major development stages (Geldenhuys et al. 2013): Stage 1 is the early development stage with most plants being 40%)

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Sparse vegetation (40%), consistent in all the countries (see Fig. 6.11). This is due to an increase in croplands, and herbaceous cover because of wood harvested for various purposes (charcoal, etc.) as well as a mosaic of tree, shrubs and herbaceous cover. In the eastern part of Zambia and the north-eastern part of Tanzania, from 1992 to 2018, agricultural activities increased significantly. Malawi, Tanzania and Zimbabwe (Figs. 6.4, 6.7 and 6.10) have the most fragmented miombo woodlands (i.e. increase in the land cover class of ‘mosaic tree, shrub and herbaceous areas’ as compared to Zambia (Fig. 6.6), Angola (Fig. 6.8) and Mozambique (Fig. 6.5). This is projected to increase over the next 30 years.

6.5 Using Futures Thinking to Support Decision-Making Processes in the Miombo Woodlands A ‘business as usual’ scenario does not have to be the only future to unfold for the miombo woodlands. In this section, we describe how exploring different miombo woodland scenarios can support current decision-making processes for more resilient and sustainable futures. Besides the recent review of scenarios in the IPBES Africa assessment and those developed in Africa’s Ecological Futures, there are few examples of scenarios developed in Africa across sectors, especially for biodiversity and ecosystem services (IPBES 2018b). This section seeks to address this gap with an introduction to how scenarios or futures thinking can assist decision-making. We then briefly describe a method for the development of scenarios for alternative miombo woodland futures, to articulate key pathways towards achieving a shared vision for the miombo woodlands.

6.5.1 Background to Scenarios as a Tool for Enhancing Decision-Making Scenarios are stories about how the future might unfold and usually refer to plausible futures of the impacts or relationship between indirect or direct drivers, or policy interventions targeting these drivers (IPBES 2016). They are distinguished from other approaches to future assessment, such as forecasting and risk assessment, by being specifically intended for situations in which the factors shaping the future are highly uncertain and largely uncontrollable (Peterson et al. 2003; Biggs et al. 2007). The goals of scenario building are to synthesise knowledge and advance systems understanding; to alert decision-makers to undesirable future impacts of global changes such as habitat loss and degradation; to provide decision support for developing adaptive governance strategies; and to explore the implications of alternative social–ecological development pathways and policy options (IPBES 2016). Different types of scenarios are typically best suited to informing different phases of the policy cycle, namely (1) agenda setting, (2) design or target-seeking, (3) policy screening and (4) policy review (Fig. 6.12; IPBES 2016). Agenda Setting Scenarios are exploratory and examine a range of plausible futures that could unfold (IPBES

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Fig. 6.12 Scenarios for decision-making. Different policy and decision contexts require the application of different types of scenarios (Source IPBES 2016)

2016). Target-seeking scenarios are designed to aim for a particular goal or target and as such, they are normative (IPBES 2016). By back-casting from these futures to the present, it is possible to assess the potential trajectories that certain drivers need to take, which can contribute significantly to high-level problem identification and agenda setting. Policy Screening Scenarios, on the other hand, evaluate alternative policy or management options through analysis that can contribute significantly to policy design and implementation. Policy Review Scenarios are employed retrospectively to assess the extent to which the outcomes of an implemented policy match the original expectations. To date, assessments at global, regional and national scales have mostly used exploratory scenarios, whilst intervention scenarios have mostly been applied to decision-making at national and local scales (IPBES 2016).

6.5.2 Methodology for the Co-development of Social–Ecological Pathways for Achieving Resilient, Just and Sustainable Miombo Woodlands Our method for co-developing sustainable and resilient miombo woodlands futures began with a process for articulating a future vision for miombo woodlands (Fig. 6.13,

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Fig. 6.13 A summary of the process used to co-develop the vision and pathway storylines for the miombo woodlands

co-developing a vision) which was then further developed through a survey and workshop (Fig. 6.14 co-development of pathways). The approach relied on a think-tank model backed by experts surveyed by a structured questionnaire and selected experts who participated in a workshop for developing a vision for miombo woodlands (see Carlsson-Kanyama et al. 2008). Data used in the development of miombo scenarios were collected from structured questionnaires with miombo experts and a scenario workshop by a selected group representing miombo and scenario experts. The combination of these two participatory methods was considered a compromise from a full workshop including as many experts and decision-makers as possible, due to resource limitations. This approach or variations thereof have previously been successfully applied (see Jessel and Jacobs 2005; Pereira et al. 2005; Palomo et al. 2011). The two methods allowed us to take a considered approach in developing the scenarios with limited data and resources whilst laying a strong foundation for the development of future social–ecological scenarios in miombo woodlands.

6.5.2.1

Co-development of Pathway Narratives

Although developing scenarios does not require technical skills, a significant understanding of the system under study and of important applicable technologies is key. As a result, the process for selection of stakeholders and other expert groups such as researchers and/or managers is important for the creation of scenarios or their narratives (Dreborg 1996; Kok et al. 2007; Carlsson-Kanyama et al. 2008). We used the outcomes of a survey undertaken with Miombo Network researchers and practitioners in combination with a participatory workshop (described below) to co-develop

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Fig. 6.14 The desired future of miombo woodlands, together with pathways towards achieving the desired future—outcomes of a scenario development process

three pathways and associated narratives that could help decision-makers to implement actions that would steer future development and management in the miombo woodlands towards more sustainable, resilient and just trajectories. We developed the scenarios in six stages in a participatory process: (1) identification and prioritisation of questions for experts; (2) collation of information about important drivers of change in miombo woodlands identified by experts through a survey; (3) identification of scenarios for change in miombo woodlands (likely drivers and pathways for change) by 2050 with experts through the survey; (4) development of a set of scenario pathways through a workshop with a subset of experts; (5) modelling of how likely drivers might change miombo woodlands for each of the miombo countries; and (6) proposing key messages for managers and policy-makers to achieve a desirable future for miombo woodlands through the backcasting process (Dreborg 1996; Carlsson-Kanyama et al. 2008).

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Semi-structured Questionnaires

Given financial and time constraints, we designed a structured questionnaire with the aim of identifying the most important drivers and how these might change in the future in miombo countries. The questionnaire was sent to miombo experts between January and February 2020 and in total 11 experts working in Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe responded. It was designed to survey the opinions of Miombo Network experts on the major current drivers of change in the miombo woodlands and what they view as likely drivers of change in the future. The questionnaire further sought to enhance the current understanding of how future changes in miombo woodlands might affect livelihood options, biodiversity, ecosystem services and human well-being. The experts were invited to share what, in their view, were the most important direct drivers of change and underlying pressures in the transformation of the miombo. In addition to identifying the five most important direct drivers considered critical to the transformation of the woodlands, the experts were asked to reflect on critical uncertainties about the future state of the miombo. Further, based on the identified drivers, the experts were invited to list two key drivers that have the most impact on the future of the miombo woodlands. In light of the drivers and uncertainties already described, based on current trends, experts were lastly invited to describe a few scenarios and their implications on miombo woodland functioning, biodiversity, ecosystem services and livelihood options. The resulting information was then synthesised and analysed to identify similarities, differences and key factors that can hinder or enable the vision for miombo woodlands as part of a participatory expert workshop. The questionnaire results were a resource for the process to define pathways during the workshop.

6.5.2.3

Participatory Expert Workshop

A workshop was held at Golden Gate National Park, South Africa, with seven of this chapter’s authors, including the book editorial team, to develop coherent and compelling narratives in addition to the survey of experts. The objective of the workshop was to develop storylines about future scenarios/pathways for the miombo woodlands from both the questionnaire and the workshop itself. The workshop participants used the outcomes of the questionnaire to explore how those drivers might influence change in the future. After considering the constraints of both time and financial resources to bring together a broader group of stakeholders, the experts decided on a normative think tank approach to scenario development with the aim of inspiring visionary thinking and debate in a society that would lead to the desired future as expressed in the vision developed by the book authors (see Carlsson-Kanyama et al. 2008). As a result, the workshop focused on agenda setting (target) scenarios since this would assist with identifying key features that could enable a desirable future for the miombo woodlands up to 2050. The timeline of 2050 represents a significant

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period in Africa, during which it is expected that the population of the continent will double (UNECA 2011; Pesche et al. 2016; Boke-Olén et al. 2017; IPBES 2018a). Participants in the workshop independently identified drivers which turned out to be closely aligned with the drivers that emerged from the structured questionnaire: population growth and urbanisation, policy and governance, agricultural expansion, biomass energy production and climate change. The development of the scenarios was underpinned by the following assumptions: (a) continuous population growth over the next decades accompanied by rapid urbanisation, (b) smallholder farmers continue to be significant contributors to food production, (c) huge investment in infrastructure (roads, water/sanitation, energy pipelines, communication networks) (d) ecosystem not able to cope with the velocity of climate change, (e) inclusive, participatory effective governance and stronger institutions, (f) dependence on biomass energy will continue and (g) technology will contribute to solutions in miombo woodland management (see Chaps. 2–5) Participants at the workshop analysed the outcomes of the visioning exercise from experts using qualitative thematic analysis (Henderson and Baffour 2015). Participants agreed that the vision needed to incorporate an economic case for the miombo woodlands, in addition to the contribution of healthy miombo woodlands to biodiversity and human well-being. The vision also needed to appeal to a diverse range of sectors and stakeholders. An analysis of the vision of ‘a resilient and sustainable miombo ecosystem that provides tangible and intangible benefits to empowered and thriving communities’1 resulted in three core themes: enhancing governance, promoting nature-based economic prosperity and ensuring energy security and justice, thus reducing pressure on the miombo woodlands. These key themes of the vision informed the development of the future desired state for the miombo woodlands and the development of three scenarios for miombo referred to below. The scenarios and the key attributes associated with them, including the scenario pathway narratives, key features of the pathways, assumptions and characteristics of each pathway, risk to achieving the vision if following each of the pathways as well as trade-offs that need to be managed in order to achieve the vision of a resilient and sustainable miombo, are described in detail in Table 6.3. In addition, participants were also required to identify some ‘wild cards’, i.e., unlikely but plausible ‘game-changing’ events or developments (such as a sudden end to corruption, the world stops smoking resulting in a reduced demand for tobacco, sudden increase in state corruption, a significant decline in state regulatory capacity or zero demand for charcoal due to rapid technology development, as hypothetical examples) that could significantly alter future developments in the miombo. These were used to ground the scenario pathways in reality whilst acknowledging that 1 This

vision was developed by the editors at a face-to-face meeting in May 2019 in Harare, which represents a desired future for the miombo woodlands. Having a vision was considered necessary to encourage a change in behaviours from business as usual to more sustainable practices in the utilisation of the woodlands. That future requires making a business case for the miombo woodlands that recognises that economic development and nature are both necessary. To move towards harmony between the two, the editors believed that the book needed to appeal to a broad stakeholder group and that attitudes and behaviours towards the management of the miombo woodlands had to change.

Pathway narrative

This pathway begins in situations of centralised and top-down policy-making processes. Miombo country governments have policies and regulations designed to promote participatory and effective forest management, as well as decentralised models for resource management. Effective implementation of these regulations and policies is important, because policies and regulations per se do not guarantee sustainable woodland management outcomes. The type of development trajectory a country takes will depend on the governance system guiding that economic development. Effective governance is seen as a key pathway to achieving the vision of ‘a resilient and sustainable miombo ecosystem that provides tangible and intangible benefits to empowered and thriving communities’. Effective governance should lead to a more equitable and just future where the decision-making processes are transparent and inclusive of those living in the landscapes and who are directly engaged in the management of the miombo woodlands. Those directly involved should also benefit from their efforts. Multilateral policy processes such as SDGs (5, 10 and 16), CBD and UNFCCC continue to have a positive influence in shaping national legislation and policies including the recognition of participatory and rights-based approaches

Unlocking the ‘Golden Gate’ to effective governance

Table 6.3 Pathways to the 2050 miombo vision

The miombo woodlands represent a significant source of goods and services for more than 60% of rural and urban dwellers in the region, contributing largely to local, national and regional economies. The availability of markets for charcoal in most urban areas of the miombo region has created high financial incentives for tree cutting, which makes the current harvesting levels and management systems unsustainable. Regional trade in indigenous timber has grown over the past 10 years to hundreds of millions of dollars. The market in raw materials for medicinal or therapeutic plants and products in southern Africa is very significant. Finally, the miombo is also valuable in local construction through the provision of poles and other fencing materials. Miombo countries are developing at a fast pace, with growing investments targeting infrastructure development, including telecommunications, energy, transport, extractive resources and large-scale agro-industrial sectors. Such developments can pose serious threats to biodiversity and its contributions to people. A variety of development and industrial activities, including the building or expansion of roads, dams, hydroelectric projects, petroleum and gas pipelines, mines, oil and gas fields, ports and cities are already causing significant deforestation, land degradation, pollution, soil erosion and biodiversity loss

Making the economic case for the Golden Age of the miombo

(continued)

The pathway focuses on energy production dependent on wood harvesting within miombo woodlands. Energy production is an important economic activity in the miombo region (see above and Chap. 3), and not effectively controlled. The increasing human population and agricultural intensification (e.g. tobacco) in turn increase woody biomass extraction for energy production (e.g. charcoal). There is a need to understand multiple factors governing energy production, be it locally or internationally. Since the local communities continue to rely on miombo woodland for energy production, there is a need for innovative solutions to promote empowered and thriving communities. The success of this scenario is through the concerted efforts between local communities, private sector and government via the private–public partnerships (i.e. effective governance) to develop and distribute the alternative energy sources (e.g. solar, and liquid petroleum gas—LPG)

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This scenario is anchored around the extent of woodland endowment, and key drivers such as governance arrangements; dependence on charcoal and fuelwood as a primary energy source; growing yet predominantly rural population; and the continued role of small-scale farmers in agriculture, including commercial crops such as tobacco. Increasing frequency and intensity of extreme weather events presents major challenges to the resilience of many communities

This pathway assumes that the following are necessary preconditions for this scenario to make the vision a reality and reverse the constraints presented by the drivers: • Governments facilitate inclusive, participatory and effective governance systems underpinned by strong institutions at all levels (national, regional and local) • Clarity of institutional roles and policy frameworks • Strategic planning capabilities and political will to implement transformative policies and innovative initiatives that benefit local communities • A foundational layer for all of these is reliable data for the miombo (rate of deforestation due to agriculture, urbanisation, infrastructure, planned and current infrastructure projects, funding sources for infrastructure, criteria for awarding concessions, management information and transparent and accountable decision-making)

Key features of the pathway

Assumptions

Unlocking the ‘Golden Gate’ to effective governance

Table 6.3 (continued)

This scenario assumes the following preconditions to make a significant economic case for the regions: • Economic development is underpinned by nature, given the huge dependency on the woodlands by rural communities and its significant contribution to the economies • Significant investments in infrastructure and development corridors must happen to guarantee a tie between nature and economic growth • There will be a reduced gap between rural and urban settings because of significant investments along the value chains • To achieve this economic case, we need to assess and value the potential resource base and implement management systems adjusted to the miombo context that will guarantee the continued provision of ecosystem services with an economic inclination • This pathway will result in improved livelihood outcomes in terms of employment, enterprise development and health, amongst others, whilst ensuring equitable distribution of wealth

This scenario is based on the fact that most of the rural and national economies depend on resources from the miombo woodlands and it contributes largely to the informal sector. Therefore, most of the contribution of miombo woodlands to the region’s growth is accounted for in such a way that its contribution to the socio-economic growth has not been taken into consideration to indicate the real value of the woodlands. To be sustainable, the socio-economic growth of miombo region should be founded on harmony with nature and its value

Making the economic case for the Golden Age of the miombo

(continued)

The underlying assumptions are: • Increasing population growth and increasing urbanisation • Huge infrastructure development for energy (roads, extensive liquid petroleum-LPG gas fields) and reduction in LPG prices • A significant reduction in solar energy unit prices for household use, whilst increasing affordability by local communities • Inclusive participatory and effective governance and stronger institutions • Improved preference and strong uptake by both urban and rural communities of these technological advancements are envisaged

The basis for this scenario is an increase in the usage of liquid petroleum gas (LPG) for cooking and on solar energy for lighting, water heating and using other appliances. In the region, the current usage of charcoal is about 80% for cooking and current use of solar is about 20% for lighting. Future reliance of the community on gas will reduce dependence on and consumption of charcoal for cooking and heating. Hence, reducing the over-exploitation of the miombo woodlands for charcoal production

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Characteristics

• Communal lands have secure tenure and strong local governance processes that enable local communities to resist land grabbing/dispossession through state-driven large-scale projects including development corridors • Improved access to capital, technology and markets to fully exploit miombo resources and participate in, and benefit from, the mainstream economy • National planning processes include sustainable woodland management in national commitments, especially those linked to multilateral process such as the nationally determined contributions (NDCs) • Corruption is contained through transparent licencing, monitoring and land allocation processes • Conflicts amongst stakeholders arising from competing demands on woodland resources are managed. This can also mean devolving management responsibility from central line ministries to localand district-level authorities • Emerging partnerships promote effective local governance, empower communities and build local skills by proactively channelling a portion of the income from unitisation of miombo resources into local development • Strong national governments provide the enabling regulatory frameworks and provide support for greater devolved governance arrangements and implementation capacity

Unlocking the ‘Golden Gate’ to effective governance

Table 6.3 (continued)

• A long-term perspective to miombo woodland management and its contribution to economic development • Greater harmony between nature and development, the acknowledgment that nature underpins economic development • Existing management models adjusted to align with local miombo ecosystem context • Increased levels of investment in the rural sector (technology, value addition, standards at source) • Rural economy more integrated with the formal market and benefiting from fair trade • Nature is adequately valued • The gap between rural and urban sectors is narrowed • Low technology adoption • Sustainable management will result in improved woodland diversity, composition and structure • Capacity, skills, resources (mobilisation of national and foreign investments) and enabling policies for woodland resource management and monitoring are conditions for achieving this pathway

Making the economic case for the Golden Age of the miombo

(continued)

• Uptake of LPG and solar will reduce the time taken for harvesting wood and producing charcoal • The process of charcoal development is tedious and labour intensive. Therefore, more time could be spent on other economic activities such as precision agriculture or more sustainable utilisation of the miombo woodland • Reduction in harvesting would improve the age structure, composition and diversity of miombo ecosystems. In addition, there would be an improvement in target species in terms of regrowth or regeneration and recovery of the miombo woodland • Finally, reduced wood harvesting will improve carbon sequestration capacity and potential • To achieve this scenario, there should be improved access to and reduction in prices for gas and solar energy for both urban and rural communities. Affordable locally produced solar panels or innovations should be encouraged • There is need to incorporate incentives by governments to encourage users and producers of alternative sources of energy in the region

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• Corruption remains and countries lack the appetite to confront it • Lack of political will to implement transformative policies and devolved governance • Political and economic instability

• Institutional decisions that create conflicts between development and environment sectors • Decentralised and participatory decision-making versus the complexities of transboundary resource management

Risk to achieving the vision

Trade-offs that need to be managed

Unlocking the ‘Golden Gate’ to effective governance

Table 6.3 (continued)

• Economic benefits of resource use versus the externalities associated with it • Allocation of woodland resources in the form of timber, land for agriculture, land for cities versus conservation imperatives

• Lack of long-term vision • Land/resource grabbing by foreign entities • Weak state capacity to drive necessary changes

Making the economic case for the Golden Age of the miombo

• Meeting the demands for urban fuelwood and water versus woodland conservation and rural needs • Growing commercial crops like tobacco versus woodland conservation and growing for domestic markets

• Inaccessibility of LPG and solar energy by both urban and rural communities • Exorbitant prices for LPG and solar energy which stymied affordability • Poor infrastructure to support alternative sources of energy

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unexpected events or unintended consequences of implementing some of the pathways may derail the possible achievement of the vision. Our method allowed for the co-development of a vision for positive miombo woodland futures by experts (Fig. 6.13), the exploration of what a transformed miombo social–ecological future might be, and potential enablers and barriers to translating that vision into reality. We also discussed how the direction of change proposed by the vision aligns with local, regional and global conservation and sustainability agendas.

6.5.3 Development of Miombo Scenarios We intentionally emphasised target-seeking scenarios and focused our efforts on identifying alternatively pathways towards achieving the vision of a resilient and sustainable miombo (IPBES 2016). This intentional focus on envisioning alternative pathways to a desired future is useful for understanding what types of transformations are required in policy and management systems in order to reach a better future for the miombo woodlands. Surfacing key drivers, conflicts, barriers and opportunities to address these issues in a participatory way allows for more response strategies relevant to local contexts to be co-designed. Three distinct but interlinked pathways that can be used to move towards the achievement of the vision for a resilient and sustainable miombo were co-developed and are presented in Table 6.4. Finally, through the backcasting approach (Dreborg 1996; Carlsson-Kanyama et al. 2008), a series of management recommendations were obtained to illustrate a path for achieving a shared vision of a desired future under the various scenario pathways or, preferably, under a combination of pathways (Fig. 6.14). The three scenario pathways, namely: (1) ‘unlocking the golden gate for miombo woodlands’, (2) ‘making the economic case for the golden age of the miombo’ and (3) tapping into nature’s golden power, were inspired by the venue for the workshop (Golden Gate National Park). As the scenarios were co-designed by miombo experts, they are not seen as definitive but provide a useful building block for exploring different pathways of change from an expert point of view. These can now be used, refined and improved with further engagement with key stakeholders in miombo regions to surface more nuanced understandings of how miombo woodlands contribute to human well-being and biodiversity and what challenges remain for miombo conservation, based on on-the-ground realities. In addition, a plurality of values and knowledge types, including local and indigenous knowledge, inform visionary policy-making and inspire action by all stakeholders. The three scenarios are described in detail in Table 6.4. Each of the three scenarios represents a pathway by which the vision for a resilient and sustainable miombo might be achieved. However, the most ideal and preferred pathway towards the realisation of this vision combines all three scenarios. Tapping into alternative renewable sources of energy will collectively ‘save the miombo’ and ensure a thriving miombo system that supports prosperous livelihoods. Any of the three pathways individually and/or

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a combination of any of the two pathways will eventually lead to a resilient and sustainable miombo, but not fast or effectively enough compared to when all three act in tandem to produce this desirable effect in a more efficient and effective manner. The miombo scenarios should be seen within the broader context of other scenarios developed for the region, especially the most recent and more comprehensive African Ecological Futures (AEF) (AfDB and WWF 2015). The AEF report highlights how economic development can alter the continent’s ecological futures. It presents a set of four scenarios constructed around the locus of governance and decision-making and whether this is centralised or decentralised. The second axis for the scenarios shows whether economic production is export or regionally driven (AfDB and WWF 2015). The two axes (governance and trade) inform the four scenarios. The AEF and miombo scenarios share common drivers such as population growth, continued global demand for commercial crops such as tobacco, and urbanisation. For both AEF and the miombo woodlands, the context is shaped by political conflict, climate change and investment in infrastructure to drive economic development (AfDB and WWF 2015). The risks to the miombo woodlands are similar to those identified in the AEF for ecosystems on the African continent more broadly. These include poor planning, weak implementation capacity, lack of reliable data and a silo approach to policy and implementation. Both sets of scenarios assume that agricultural development will consider sensitive ecosystems and minimise biodiversity loss, they assume that resilience of nature and people is critical for sustainable development and that infrastructure design and financing will avoid disrupting sensitive ecosystems. It is projected that the overuse of biodiversity resources, as well as ecosystem services in both scenarios, will ultimately disrupt value chains. Human settlements and urbanisation will exert tremendous pressure on surrounding areas to provide food, freshwater, energy and land. Our assessment has focused on exploring what positive pathways and combinations thereof can lead to a resilient and sustainable miombo ecosystem that provides tangible and intangible benefits to empowered and thriving communities. The recommended pathways towards just and desirable futures for the miombo woodlands, based on outcomes of the scenario analyses, are represented by Fig. 6.14, reflecting a combination of three possible pathways. The pathways towards a desired future state for the miombo should be considered against the backdrop of projected land cover changes in the woodlands in each of the miombo countries (see Figs. 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7, 6.8, 6.9 and 6.10). As shown in Sect. 6.3, the business as usual pathway leads to the projected, negative changes in the miombo woodland. Alternative scenarios, therefore, need to be explored. In the scenario exercise, only under one of the pathways, or a combination of the pathways, would the projected land cover changes in miombo be halted, which is a necessary condition in order to achieve the vision of ‘a resilient and sustainable miombo ecosystem that provides tangible and intangible benefits to empowered and thriving communities’. Thus, from a decision and policy-making perspective, the current trajectory will not be sufficient to attain this vision. Therefore, political will, investment and a commitment to more action are needed to achieve such a desirable future. Lastly, it is important to highlight some trade-offs associated with the scenarios above. Economic valuation is useful, but has limitations for services or

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goods that have no monetary value (such as a sense of place, existence and option values, cultural values). Under such circumstances, the sense of stewardship that is needed for good governance might be eroded as some governance options might seek to limit or control access to such goods and services. There may also be challenges about affordability and access to renewable energy technologies leading to further inequities. Finally, it is possible for governance to be captured by the elite and therefore not have the intended impact on communities. This capture may undermine efforts to achieve sustainable management of the miombo woodlands.

6.6 Key Messages and Policy Highlights 1. Between 2041 and 2060, the miombo countries are projected to experience a temperature rise of 3–4 °C coupled with a decline in precipitation that will be more pronounced in the southern regions. These trends will impact the ecology and distribution of the miombo, biodiversity in general, as well water availability and agriculture. These impacts, exacerbated by human influences such as unregulated land use change, may result in woodland loss, fragmentation and degradation. Enhancing the management of miombo woodlands for the benefit of people and nature requires articulation of a strong economic case for the woodlands based on an assessment of the value of the potential resource base, complemented by a robust implementation of sound conservation measures that enhance the persistence of the miombo. 2. Governance options that harness synergies across the three pathways, deliver multiple tangible and intangible benefits to communities living alongside and within miombo woodlands, and embrace dimensions of justice into policy and decision-making processes will assist in ensuring the future sustainable and resilient use of the miombo woodlands in transboundary and national landscapes. 3. Restoration of the miombo woodlands is paramount to a resilient and sustainable future—this can be strengthened through reducing pressure on biomass for energy production by enhancing access to alternative and renewable energy sources. This requires the development of appropriate mixed-energy strategies that respond to urban and rural contexts (e.g. inter-linked mini-grids for lighting, low-energy cooking stoves, renewable energy alternatives) and enabling financial mechanisms and incentives to make these transitions. 4. Reducing the gap between rural and urban communities in terms of improved access to capital, technology and markets to miombo woodland resources to allow participation in, and equitable benefits from the mainstream economy are essential to reducing negative human influences on the miombo woodlands. This requires political buy-in and targeted response strategies that use local knowledge and science to identify windows of opportunity that support endogenous development. 5. No single pathway will be a panacea for all challenges, and implementing activities focusing on one of the pathways could have negative impacts or trade-offs

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that would limit the possibility of realising the potential and outcomes of the other pathways. Only a combination of the three pathways will lead to just, resilient and sustainable futures in the miombo woodlands that support empowered and thriving local communities.

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Glossary

Aboveground Biomass living vegetation mass above the soil surface. African Landscapes Action Plan (ALAP) an ambitious and coordinated strategy to: (1) strengthen integrated landscape initiatives to perform effectively, and (2) to catalyse key public, civic and private organisations at local, national and international scales to institutionalise integrated landscape management (Landscapes for People, Food and Nature Initiative African Landscapes Dialogue 2017). Agroforestry Systems cropping systems in which agriculture/husbandry is combined with a forest component in order to optimise both land use and income. It is considered as an option to restore degraded lands and/or ecosystems. Agrofuel a fuel generated from crops or agricultural residues. Anthropogenic Drivers human-derived factors that influence the course of an ecosystem and may determine its conversion or degradation. Basal Area the average amount of an area (usually a hectare) occupied by tree stems, defined as the total cross-sectional area of all stems in a stand measured at breast height and expressed as per unit of land area (typically square metres per hectare). Ecologically it represents the dominance of a tree/ species in the ecosystem. Belowground Biomass living biomass (all roots, stem base, etc.) below the soil surface. Biodiversity the variability amongst living organisms from all sources including, inter alia, terrestrial, marine and other aquatic ecosystems and the ecological complexes of which they are part; this includes diversity within species, between species and of ecosystems (CBD 2020). Biodiversity Conservation protection and management of biodiversity so as to maintain it at its threshold level and derive sustainable benefits for the present and future generations. Biodiversity Hotspots biogeographical regions containing a significant level of biodiversity, including certain areas with large numbers of endemic species that are threatened by habitat loss and other human activities (Biodiversity Hotspot 2020).

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 N. S. Ribeiro et al. (eds.), Miombo Woodlands in a Changing Environment: Securing the Resilience and Sustainability of People and Woodlands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50104-4

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Biogeography a science that uses information and theories from other disciplines, such as geography, ecology, palaeontology and phylogenetic systematics, to document and understand the distribution patterns of organisms, both in space and time (Santos and Amorim 2007). Broad-leaved Deciduous Woodland woodland dominated by summer-green nonconiferous trees that lose their leaves in winter. Includes woodlands with mixed evergreen and deciduous broadleaved trees, provided that the deciduous cover exceeds that of evergreens (EUNIS 2020). Carbon Cycle the biogeochemical cycle by which carbon is exchanged amongst the biosphere, pedosphere, geosphere, hydrosphere and atmosphere of the Earth. Carbon Market popular but misleading term for a trading system through which countries may buy or sell units of greenhouse-gas emissions in an effort to meet their national emissions limits, either under the Kyoto Protocol or under other agreements, such as that amongst member states of the European Union. Carbon dioxide is the predominant greenhouse gas, and other gases are measured in units called carbon dioxide equivalents (UNFCCC 2020a). Cation Exchange Capacity a measure of how many cations can be retained on soil particle surfaces (Brady and Weil 2008). Cellular Automata Markov Chain Model Markov chain is a series of random values whose likelihood of occurrence in a given time interval is dependent on the values of the past. As a stochastic model, the Markov model is able to analyse the land cover and use images related to two time periods, so as to generate the transition probability matrix (Halmy et al. 2015). Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) a mechanism that allows a country with an emission-reduction or emission-limitation commitment under the Kyoto Protocol (Annex B Party) to implement an emission-reduction project in developing countries. Such projects can earn saleable certified emission reduction (CER) credits, each equivalent to one tonne of CO2 , which can be counted towards meeting Kyoto targets (UNFCCC 2020b). Climate Community and Biodiversity Standard System identifies projects that simultaneously address climate change, support local communities and smallholders, and conserve biodiversity (Verra 2020). Climate Variability used to denote deviations of climatic statistics over a given period of time (e.g. a month, season or year) when compared to long-term statistics for the same calendar period. Climate variability is measured by these deviations, which are usually termed anomalies. Variability may be due to natural internal processes within the climate system (internal variability), or to variations in natural or anthropogenic external factors (external variability) (WMO 2019). Community Forestry/Community-based Forest Management (CBFM)/Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) an evolving branch of forestry whereby the local communities are change agents and play a significant leadership role in management and land use decisions, as well as ensuring that they benefit directly from their efforts. Community Forestry requires working in partnership with government and other non-state actors.

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Criteria and Indicators tools in promoting sustainable forest management (SFM) that provide a framework that characterises the essential components of SFM and recognises forests and woodlands as ecosystems that provide a wide range of environmental, economic and social benefits (FAO 2020a). Customary/Communal Land a form of land tenure in which land transactions are conducted by a society and/ or community following usual practices. Dambos seasonally or permanently wet grassy valleys, depressions, or seepage zones on slopes. The first two often show a catenary sequence of soils, being well drained on the upper slopes and poorly to very poorly drained in low-lying areas. Dambos may arise in different ways, but they are often essentially alluvial deposits and nearly always underlain by laterite at some depth (in some cases at considerable depth) (Mukanda 2020) Deforestation the conversion of forests/woodlands to non-forest/woodland uses such as agriculture or roads (IPCC 2003). Diameter at Breast Height a standard method of expressing the diameter of the trunk or bole of a standing tree (measured at 1.3 m). It is one of the most common dendrometric measurements. Direct Drivers of Change direct drivers (natural and anthropogenic) are drivers that unequivocally influence biodiversity and ecosystem processes (also referred to as ‘pressures’) (IPBES 2020). Disturbances (Environmental) an ecological process able to determine the formation of environmental mosaics with different successional stages, structuring patterns of environmental heterogeneity, increasing species replacement/turnover (i.e. β-diversity) amongst sites or different patches (Brown 2001). Early Burnt a type of controlled burning that is performed at the beginning of the dry season to avoid high fire intensity and impact on ecosystems. Ecosystem Determinants underlying factors that determine the course of an ecosystem. Sometimes used as a synonym of drivers, in this book it is used to separate the natural forces from the external forces that drive an ecosystem. Ecosystem Services direct and indirect contributions of ecosystems to human wellbeing. The contributions are in the form of provisioning, regulation, supporting and cultural services. Ecotones a transitional area of vegetation between two different plant communities, such as forest and grassland; woodland and wetland, etc (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2020). Ectomycorrhizae a type of mycorrhiza, in which the fungus forms a layer on the outside of the roots of a plant. Endemic/Endemism native to, and restricted to, a particular geographical region (IUCN 2020a) Endomycorrhizae a form of mycorrhiza in which the hyphae of the fungus penetrate the root cells. ENSO (El Niño Southern Oscillation) a naturally occurring phenomenon involving fluctuating ocean temperatures in the central and eastern equatorial Pacific Ocean, coupled with changes in the atmosphere (WMO 2014). Fair Trade business models that put people and the planet before monetary gain.

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Fair-trade Certification a third-party certification process within the fair-trade model. Fire Trap height of a tree/shrub equal or below 2m that renders it to be killed by a fire. Floristic Composition the plant species attributes of an ecosystem. Flow Hydrographs a curve that describes the temporal variations of a watershed’s flow. Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF) a global partnership of governments, businesses, civil society, and Indigenous Peoples focused on reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, forest carbon stock conservation, the sustainable management of forests, and the enhancement of forest carbon stocks in developing countries, activities commonly referred to as REDD+ (FCPF 2017). Forest Certification a voluntary process whereby an independent third-party monitors and assesses the quality of forest and woodland management and production against a set of requirements and criteria (“standards”) predetermined by a public or private certification organisation (FAO 2020b). Forest Landscape Restoration (FLR) a process that aims to regain ecological integrity and enhance human well-being in deforested or degraded forest landscapes (Maginnis and Jackson 2007). Forest or Woodland Degradation direct human-induced long-term loss (persisting for X years or more) of at least Y per cent of forest or woodland carbon stocks (and values) since time (T) and not qualifying as deforestation (IPCC 2003). Forest or Woodland Management includes administrative, economic, legal, social and physical aspects of management, incorporating silviculture, protection and regulation (Rochester 2007). Forest/Woodland Fragmentation the process of breaking up continuous habitats and thereby causing habitat loss, patch isolation and edge effects (Bogaert 2000). Geoxylic Suffrutices forb-like plants with leaves emerging from an underground woody and branched root system, where the majority of the plant is found underground (Zaloumis and Bond 2016). Global Circulation Models models representing physical processes in the atmosphere, ocean, cryosphere and land surface, that simulate the response of the global climate system to increasing greenhouse gas concentrations (IPCC 2020). Governance implementation of formal and informal institutions consisting of rules, norms, principles, decisions and procedures concerning the utilisation and conservation of, in this case, natural resources, and the relationship between people and the resources. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) the total market value of goods and services produced within a nation during a given period (usually one year). Holistic Governance defines governance as incorporating internal structures, rules, standards, and norms of behaviour (Young 2013). Human Development Index (HDI) a summary measure of average achievement in key dimensions of human development: a long and healthy life, being knowledgeable, attaining skills and having an acceptable standard of living. The HDI is the

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geometric mean of normalised indices for each of the three dimensions (UNDP 2020a). Importance Value Index (IVI) a measure of the dominance of a plant species in any given area. It is a standard inventory tool used by foresters. Inclusive and Equitable Economic Growth economic growth that is distributed fairly across society and creates opportunities for all (OECD 2020). Indigenous Knowledge understandings, skills and philosophies developed by societies with long histories of interaction with their natural surroundings. For rural and indigenous peoples, local knowledge informs decision-making about fundamental aspects of day-to-day life (UNESCO 2020). Indirect Drivers of Change factors that influence ecosystem processes by altering one or more direct drivers (LVG 2020). Intangible Benefits subjective benefits that cannot be measured in physical terms, monetary or otherwise. Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) a region that circles the Earth, near the Equator, where the trade winds of the Northern and Southern Hemispheres merge (Przyborski 2020). Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) established by World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) and United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) to assess scientific, technical and socio-economic information relevant to the understanding of climate change, its potential impacts and options for adaptation and mitigation. Intergovernmental Science-policy on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) an independent intergovernmental body with the objectives to strengthen the science-policy interface for biodiversity and ecosystem services for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity, long-term human well-being and sustainable development. La Niña is the opposite of El Niño—a cooling phase of ENSO that tends to have global climate impacts opposite to those of El Niño (UNOCHA 2020). Land Cover Conversion transitions from one land cover or use type to another (e.g. woodland to agriculture). Land Degradation Neutrality (LDN) a state whereby the amount and quality of land resources, necessary to support ecosystem functions and services and enhance food security remains stable or increases within specified temporal and spatial scales and ecosystems (UNCCD 2020). Land Grabbing the control (whether through ownership, lease, concession, contracts, quotas or general power) of larger than locally typical amounts of land by any person or entity (public or private, foreign or domestic) via legal or illegal means for purposes of speculation, extraction, resource control or commodification at the expense of farmers, agroecology, land stewardship, food sovereignty and human rights (Baker-Smith and Athila 2016). Landscape Division Index (LDI) the probability that two randomly chosen places in the landscape under investigation are not situated in the same undissected area (Jaeger 2000).

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Late-burnt a type of burning that occurs late in the dry season and usually reaches higher intensities and has a higher impact on the ecosystem. Leaf Area Index (LAI) a dimensionless quantity that characterises plant canopies, defined as the one-sided green leaf area per unit ground surface area (Bréda 2003). Millennium Development Goals (MDG) aim to improve human well-being by reducing poverty, hunger, child and maternal mortality whilst ensuring education for all, controlling and managing diseases, tackling gender disparity, ensuring sustainable development and pursuing global partnerships (MEA 2005). Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA) international work programme designed to meet the needs of decision-makers and the public for scientific information concerning the consequences of ecosystem change for human well-being, as well as options for responding to those changes (MEA 2005). Miocene relating to or denoting the fourth epoch of the Tertiary Geologic Period, between the Oligocene and Pliocene epochs. Mycorrhiza an intimate association between the branched, tubular filaments (hyphae) of a fungus (Kingdom Fungi) and the roots of higher plants (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2020). National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs) provide a process for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) to identify priority activities that respond to their urgent and immediate needs to adapt to climate change—those for which further delay would increase vulnerability and/or costs at a later stage (UNDP 2020b). Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) any action that reduces emissions in developing countries and is prepared under the umbrella of a national governmental initiative. They can be policies directed at transformational change within an economic sector, or actions across sectors for a broader national focus (UNFCCC 2020b). Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) embody efforts by each country to reduce national emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate change (UNFCCC 2020c). Nature-based Solutions (NbS) actions to protect, sustainably manage and restore natural or modified ecosystems that address societal challenges effectively and adaptively, simultaneously providing human well-being and biodiversity benefits (IUCN 2020b). Non-carbon Benefits benefits that are considered part of the results of REDD+ activities and associated costs and are specifically included in REDD+ design and implementation (Katerere et al. 2015). Non-wood Forest Products/ Non-timber Forest Products (NTFPs) non-wood Forest Products/ Non-timber Forest Products (NTFPs) a product of biological origin other than timber derived from forests, other wooded land or trees outside forests or woodlands (FAO 2020b). Oligocene a geologic epoch of the Paleogene Period that extends from about 34 million to 23 million years before the present. Paleoecology the study of interactions between organisms and/or interactions between organisms and their environments across geologic timescales.

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Participatory Forest Management (PFM) the processes and mechanisms that enable those who have a direct stake in forest or woodland resources to be part of decision-making in all aspects of management, from managing resources to formulating and implementing institutional frameworks. Payment for Ecosystems Services (PES) arrangements between buyers and sellers of environmental goods and services in which those that pay are fully aware of what they are paying for, and those that sell are proactively and deliberately engaging in resource use practices designed to secure the provision of the services (GEF 2014). Phtyochemicals biologically active compounds found in plants. Phylogeny the branch of biology that deals with phylogenesis—the evolutionary development and diversification of a species or group of organisms, or of a particular feature of an organism. Plagio-climax Community an area or habitat in which the influence of humans has prevented the ecosystem from developing further. Protected Areas areas that receive protection because of their recognised natural, ecological or cultural values. Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) a mechanism under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) for reducing carbon emissions from forests and woodlands, as well as enhancing and conserving carbon stocks in developing countries. Resilience (of an Ecosystem) the ability of an ecosystem to continue to provide economic, social and environmental services in the face of disturbance or stress and still return to its pre-disturbance state. Restoration Models different forest/woodland/landscape restoration techniques that are applied according to specific degradation realities. Revegetation the process of rebuilding the soil and replanting or allowing natural regeneration in a degraded area whose vegetation cover has been removed or substantially reduced. Rinderpest an infectious disease of ruminants, especially cattle, caused by a paramyxovirus. It is characterised by fever, dysentery and inflammation of the mucous membranes. Riverine Forests/Woodlands Wooded areas found along waterways. Scenario a plausible description of how the future may develop based on a coherent and internally consistent set of assumptions about key driving forces (e.g. rate of technological change, prices) and relationships. Scenarios are neither predictions nor forecasts, but are useful to provide a view of the implications of developments and actions (IPCC 2020). Shifting Cultivation an agricultural system in which the land is cultivated for a few years before it is abandoned due to decreasing levels of soil fertility. Shoot Dieback gradual dying of young plant shoots, starting at the tips and progressing to the larger branches. Silvicultural Management (SM) integrated activities designed to establish, tend, protect and harvest crops of trees.

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Socio-ecological Systems systems where social, economic, ecological, cultural, political, technological and other components are strongly linked, emphasising the integrated concept of the ‘humans-in-nature’ perspective (or the Gaia theory). Southern Oscillation Index (SOI) See ENSO. Stochastic Models a tool for estimating probability distributions of potential outcomes by allowing for random variation in one or more inputs over time. The random variation is usually based on fluctuations observed in historical data for a selected period using standard time-series techniques. Distributions of potential outcomes are derived from a large number of simulations (stochastic projections), which reflect the random variation in the input(s). Sustainable Development development capable of meeting the needs of the current generation, without compromising the ability to meet the needs of future generations. It is a development that does not exhaust resources for the future. Tangible Benefits quantifiable benefits, often measured in economic or monetary terms, such as the provisioning services from ecosystems. Tangible Non-carbon Benefits these are benefits, other than carbon-based benefits, accruing in climate change mitigation and adaptation interventions. Termite Mound a (often) large, conical mound of soil and termite faeces constructed as a nest by a colony of termites of certain tropical species. Transformative Policies policies that fundamentally change social institutions and relations to make them more inclusive and equitable, and that redistribute power and economic resources. Vegetation Structure the vertical and horizontal distribution of the vegetation component in a forest/woodland ecosystem. Verified Carbon Standard (VCS) lays out the rules and requirements which all REDD+ projects must follow in order to be certified (Verra 2020).

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