Minzu as Technology: Ethnic Identity and Social Media in Post 2000s China [1 ed.] 9819954010, 9789819954018

Table of contents :
Preface
Acknowledgments
Contents
Abbreviations
List of Figures
1 Understanding the Pursuit of Ethnic Identity in China
Minzu as Technology
What Is Minzu
Cultural Studies Approach to Minzu Subject Formation
A Postcolonial Analysis of Minzu
Why Sibe
Sibe’s Historical Evolution and Its Significance in Understanding Minzu
Sibe Demographic Landscape
Chapter Summaries
References
2 A Genealogy of Minzu in China
Introduction
Late Qing Dynasty—Emergence of Minzu
Republic of China—Reinvention and Transformation
People’s Republic of China—The Stalin-Inspired Interpretation of Minzu
The Minzu Practice in Context
The Construction of the Concept of Ethnic Minorities in PRC
Uncovering Agency Through New Media Technology
Social Media and Minzu
Minzu as a Technology in Ethnic Subject Formation
Shifting Power Dynamics in the Network Society
Conclusion
References
3 The Evolution of Minzu Among the Sibe
Introduction
Dissecting State Historiography: Tracing the Evolution of Minzu
Marxist-Leninist Theories: A Lens Shaping the Sibe Historical Narrative
Reinterpretation of Stalin’s Four Requirements and the Influence of Local Cosmopolitanism on Sibe History
History of Sibe Migration
Relationship with Manchu
Involvement of the Sibe in the Formation of the Chinese Nation
Unpacking the Transformations of Minzu from Print to Social Media
Analyzing Discursive Practices of Text Production and Consumption in the Sibe Community
Online Debate on the Meaning of Westward Migration
The Discursive Strategies in the Transformation of Minzu
Keeping the Tradition of the Northeast of China
Unpacking the Transformation of Minzu in Sibe Society
Social Sharing Practices on Westward Migration
Societal Context Shape Sibe’s Self-Directed Ethnogenesis Strategies
Impact of Media Technicity on Minzu
Media Technicity and Minzu Subject Interpellation
WeChat’s Technicity Impact on Discursive Spaces
Social Media Technicity's Impact on Depicting Sibe Ethnic Origins
Conclusion
References
4 Reconceptualizing Minzu in Computer-Mediated Communication
Introduction
Transliterated Sibe Language and Identity in Social Media
The Adoption of Transliterated Sibe
A Genealogy of Sibe Language
Impact of Minzu on the Selection of Transliterated Sibe in Social Media
Statements on the Relationship Between Sibe Language and the Manchu Language
T8
H
S
The Discourse of Minzu Influenced the Adoption Transliterated Sibe
K
T7
Z2
A
H2
W
A2
Online Debate on Spoken Versus Literary Language
Conclusion
References
5 Networked Ethnicity in Post-2000s China
Introduction
Ethnogenesis in the Digital Age
Digital Articulation of Ethnicity
Networked Ethnicity
Conclusion
References
Glossary of Chinese Terms
Glossary of Sibe Terms
References
Index

Citation preview

Minzu as Technology Ethnic Identity and Social Media in Post 2000s China Lei Hao

Minzu as Technology

Lei Hao

Minzu as Technology Ethnic Identity and Social Media in Post 2000s China

Lei Hao University of Nottingham Ningbo China Ningbo, China

ISBN 978-981-99-5401-8 ISBN 978-981-99-5402-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

A month before the finalization of this manuscript, we suffered the irreplaceable loss of Pema Tseden. As I commence this book, my words are underpinned by a deep sense of sorrow and profound respect for Tseden, an influential figure whose impact is woven into the fabric of this work. An acclaimed Tibetan filmmaker, Tseden’s enduring contributions to Chinese cinema and cross-cultural dialogue are immeasurable. Tseden’s films did more than merely create art; they served as illuminating narratives, exploring the search for ethnic identity among China’s minority populations. His unique narrative approach prioritized authentic, in-depth portrayals of Tibetan life and culture over the mainstream narratives. This ignited a robust, multicultural dialogue that resonated in Chinese society and beyond. His pioneering work in the realm of Tibetan New Wave cinema carved out a space for underrepresented voices and views within the broader Chinese cultural discourse. It demonstrated the transformative potential of media in challenging and reshaping mainstream ethnic narratives and spurred a more extensive exploration of ethnic identity in China. This book seeks to delve deeper into the complexities of ethnic identity in China, with a particular emphasis on the Sibe ethnic minority. While each ethnic group’s experiences and challenges are unique and nuanced, the broad framework of the issue, as exemplified by Pema Tseden’s work, resonates across these diverse groups.

In this light, this book is more than a mere exploration of Sibe ethnic identity. It also serves as a tribute to Pema Tseden’s significant contribution to the multiethnic discourse in China. Through the lens of his influential legacy, we aim to advance our understanding of the intricate dynamics shaping China’s ethnic identities. Pema Tseden’s untimely passing marks a significant loss, but the power of his work to inspire and provoke thought lives on. This book stands as a testament to the profound impact of Pema Tseden’s cinematic narratives on our understanding of ethnic identity in China. It is with heartfelt gratitude that I dedicate this work to his enduring memory.

Preface

The genesis of this academic inquiry is deeply intertwined with my lived experiences as a member of the Sibe, an ethnic minority group in China. The main trajectory of this research is rooted in the transformative period commenced in the early 2000s, a period that heralded significant socioeconomic changes in China, epitomized by the country’s integration into the World Trade Organization (WTO). This watershed moment represented a transition towards a distinct variant of ‘new liberal’ economic phase, replete with uniquely Chinese characteristics (Lardy, 2002; Breslin, 2004; Gallagher, 2005; Huang, 2008). Concurrently, China’s accelerated integration into the global economy precipitated a surge of foreign media influences that permeated Chinese cultural life, engendering a more globally oriented citizenry (Fung, 2011; Keane, 2013; Sun, 2014; Wang, 2012; Zhu, 2012). Intriguingly, alongside this march towards globalization, a palpable resurgence in the search for ethnic identity became apparent among the Chinese populace, a trend particularly prominent among ethnic minority groups. In the wake of the widespread societal shifts that have unfolded since the early 2000s, China’s socio-cultural panorama has experienced remarkable transformations. Rapid urbanization, technological advancement, and amplified globalization have stimulated a reassessment of formerly established ethnic identities. As a result, the process of ethnic boundarymaking in China has evolved into a dynamic, multifaceted interplay

vii

viii

PREFACE

involving the state, societal structures, and individuals. In the midst of this social and cultural flux, media technologies have emerged as key components, providing indispensable tools for ethnic minorities as they navigate the challenging task of identity redefinition. It is within this context of socio-cultural and technological upheaval that the motivation to write this book emerged. The burgeoning questions—Could social media serve as a disruptive force capable of dismantling the rigidity of the mid-twentieth-century minzu system? How are ethnic minorities navigating and renegotiating their identities within this rapidly transforming landscape?—beckoned for in-depth exploration. As a result, this book embarks on a scholarly journey to unravel these compelling dynamics, shedding light on the intricate tapestry of ethnic identity within ever-evolving fabric of China’s societal milieu. Ningbo, China

Lei Hao

Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful to Chris Berry for his invaluable guidance and supervision throughout the writing of this book. His expertise and support have been instrumental in shaping and refining my work. I extend my heartfelt appreciation for his dedication and contributions to this project. I owe a debt of gratitude to Rachel Harris and Roza Tsagarousianou for their invaluable feedback, which greatly improved the manuscript. My heartfelt thanks to AN Ruyu, who graciously opened her home to me during my stay in Çabçal. The Sibe naan bread she shared with me allowed me to experience the warmth and vibrancy of a Sibe family’s life in Xinjiang. My sincerest thanks go out to all the Sibe participants who contributed to this research. Our numerous enlightening discussions ignited the inspiration for this book and underscored the shared enthusiasm for Sibe culture and language among us. It is my earnest hope that this book serves as a meaningful contribution to the preservation of Sibe culture and aids in the advancement of our understanding of China and digital media in the 2000s society. I extend my appreciation to Eystein Thanisch, whose probing questions served as a valuable guide in refining the book’s content. Special thanks to Pema Tsedan for his unwavering support and the wealth of insightful dialogues, which propelled me to integrate broader perspectives on ethnic minority identity into this book.

ix

x

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I want to express my gratitude to my editor, Jacob Dreyer, for his interest and support in this project, providing a congenial platform for my work. The financial support received from the Central Research Fund of the University of London, which financed my field trips to Xinjiang, is greatly appreciated. Finally, my deepest appreciation is reserved for my parents. Their unwavering support and encouragement have been my pillars of strength throughout this journey, and without them, this accomplishment would not have been possible.

Contents

1

2

Understanding the Pursuit of Ethnic Identity in China Minzu as Technology What Is Minzu Cultural Studies Approach to Minzu Subject Formation A Postcolonial Analysis of Minzu Why Sibe Sibe’s Historical Evolution and Its Significance in Understanding Minzu Sibe Demographic Landscape Chapter Summaries References

1 1 2 3 8 10

A Genealogy of Minzu in China Introduction Late Qing Dynasty—Emergence of Minzu Republic of China—Reinvention and Transformation People’s Republic of China—The Stalin-Inspired Interpretation of Minzu The Minzu Practice in Context The Construction of the Concept of Ethnic Minorities in PRC Uncovering Agency Through New Media Technology Social Media and Minzu Minzu as a Technology in Ethnic Subject Formation Shifting Power Dynamics in the Network Society

23 23 24 26

11 12 18 21

27 29 32 34 35 37 38 xi

xii

3

4

5

CONTENTS

Conclusion References

41 42

The Evolution of Minzu Among the Sibe Introduction Dissecting State Historiography: Tracing the Evolution of Minzu Unpacking the Transformations of Minzu from Print to Social Media Analyzing Discursive Practices of Text Production and Consumption in the Sibe Community The Discursive Strategies in the Transformation of Minzu Unpacking the Transformation of Minzu in Sibe Society Media Technicity and Minzu Subject Interpellation Conclusion References

45 45

Reconceptualizing Minzu in Computer-Mediated Communication Introduction Transliterated Sibe Language and Identity in Social Media The Adoption of Transliterated Sibe A Genealogy of Sibe Language Impact of Minzu on the Selection of Transliterated Sibe in Social Media Statements on the Relationship Between Sibe Language and the Manchu Language The Discourse of Minzu Influenced the Adoption Transliterated Sibe Online Debate on Spoken Versus Literary Language Conclusion References Networked Ethnicity in Post-2000s China Introduction Ethnogenesis in the Digital Age Digital Articulation of Ethnicity Networked Ethnicity Conclusion References

47 63 65 80 94 123 127 128 131 131 132 136 143 148 152 159 176 182 184 187 187 189 191 199 201 203

CONTENTS

xiii

Glossary of Chinese Terms

205

Glossary of Sibe Terms

207

References

209

Index

223

Abbreviations

CMC ICT RTS SSCA SSMCA UI UX XUARNLC XUAR

Computer-Mediated Communication Information Communication Technology Romanised Transliterated Sibe Sibe-Solun Cultural Association Sibe-Solon-Manchu Cultural Association User Interface User Experience Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Nationality Language committee Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region

xv

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 1.2 Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

3.3 3.4 3.5 4.1 4.2

Fig. 4.3 Fig. 4.4 Fig. 4.5 Fig. 4.6

Çabçal Sibe Autonomous County Sibe House, Demolished in Kazanqi Folk Tourism District, 2011 Gašan Dunggu was introduced as Sibe’s origin Memorial painting: The Great Westward Migration of 1764 A.D. Westward migration map with ancestral pictures Sibe community’s WeChat support for A3, 2015 A3’s Journey: pictures with Sibe people on the way, 2015 Sibe Roman Alphabets Tables: Transliteration by W, 2011 Modified Sibe Roman Alphabets Tables: R’s Compilation, 2014 Modified Transliterated Sibe Sibe Language Class: Manchu-Based Syllables, Çabçal, 2011 Sibe Names Transliterated with Chinese Characters on Social Media A’s Multimodal Approach to Sibe Transliteration in CMC Environments

12 16 58 60 106 108 118 139 140 141 161 167 168

xvii

CHAPTER 1

Understanding the Pursuit of Ethnic Identity in China

Minzu as Technology Our investigation is predicated on the intersection of societal transformation and identity renegotiation, which provides the foundational basis for the title of our book, ‘Minzu as Technology.’ This academic endeavor attempts to dissect the formation of the minzu concept within the Chinese framework, emphasizing its status as a contingent construct, shaped by specific historical, socio-political, and cultural dynamics. The title of this book, ‘Minzu as Technology,’ is underpinned by the Foucauldian comprehension of technology, which denotes a process of knowledge production. The term ‘technology,’ deriving from the Greek term ‘techne,’ symbolizing art or skill, especially those of a constructive nature, encapsulates this essence. Accordingly, minzu is analyzed as a technological apparatus, facilitating systematic discourses that contribute to the construction of collective ethnic identities. The Foucauldian approach that we adopt enables us to consider minzu as a technological apparatus actively involved in shaping ‘self’ within the unique cultural and historical landscape of the Sibe community. This conceptualization of minzu enables a deeper comprehension of its function in identity formation, thereby challenging the conventional conception of ethnic identity as a static and homogenous entity spanning different historical periods.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5_1

1

2

L. HAO

Instead of viewing the individual as a unitary, rational entity, consistently situated in a specific physical space, our study utilizes the term ‘subjectivity’ to distinguish it from ‘individual.’ This paradigm shift acknowledges ethnic identity as a historically contingent construct. Under this theoretical framework, the individual emerges as a site for power negotiation, influenced by what Foucauldian philosophy designates as ‘technologies of the self’ (Foucault, 1984). Such ‘technologies’ represent the processes through which selfhood is constructed through knowledge formations. Our methodological approach, encapsulated in the title, presents an innovative perspective on ethnic identity within the Chinese context. It prompts a re-conceptualization of the Chinese idea of minzu, probing its inception in relation to media technicity. This approach not only challenges conventional interpretations but also fosters a new perspective on ethnic identity formation in China, wherein minzu is reimagined from a passive instrument to an active technological agent in the construction of the ‘self’ within specific cultural and historical parameters of an ethnic community. It is through this technosocial lens that we explore and make sense of the dynamic processes involved in Sibe ethnic identity formation.

What Is Minzu Having thus set the stage for our exploration, outlining our theoretical approach, and defining the parameters of our investigation into minzu as a technological apparatus for ethnic identity formation, let us now delve deeper into the concept of minzu itself. Its rich history and varied interpretations have shaped the discourse around ethnic identities within China, and it is, therefore, crucial that we carefully unpack the term, its origins, and its evolution over different historical periods. The term minzu, a Chinese concept referring to ethnic groups or nations, has had its interpretation molded by various political and societal forces throughout China’s history. Serving as a technology of the self, minzu is instrumental in forming ethnic identity within China. Different historical periods in China, such as the Late Qing Dynasty, the Republic of China, and the People’s Republic of China, provided unique discursive formations. Within these formations, the conceptualization and articulation of minzu were shaped by the prevailing power-knowledge dynamics.

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

3

According to Foucault, knowledge is a power exercise, and power is a knowledge function (Foucault, 1982). What we perceive as knowledge or the way we discuss it is, in fact, a construct designed to maintain and solidify the power of dominant groups. minzu, within this framework, can be seen as a result of power exercises that created and continuously reform the knowledge surrounding it. In essence, it can be viewed as a product of ‘power-knowledge,’ perpetuated by the ‘discourses’ we use to describe this knowledge. Throughout different periods, the term minzu evolved, reflecting the changing power structures. It was a tool for managing diversity in the Late Qing Dynasty, a means to encourage national unity during external threats in the Republic of China era, and a way to solidify state control over various ethnic groups while celebrating ethnic diversity in the People’s Republic of China. In this book, we will apply Foucault’s genealogical method to examine the evolution of the minzu concept throughout Chinese history. This investigation will offer a solid theoretical framework for a more comprehensive understanding of how the minzu notion has been shaped in post-2000s China, amid the widespread dissemination of social media and a networked society. The objective is to illuminate the intricacies of this socio-historical construct and its impact on ethnic identity formation in the current digital era.

Cultural Studies Approach to Minzu Subject Formation The term minzu in China encapsulates the idea of ethnicity, a construct molded by a complex interplay of state policies, cultural norms, and market dynamics. Scholars like Schein (2000), McCarthy (2009), Mueggler (2001), and Harris (2004) have illuminated these intricate processes, stressing the pivotal role of cultural traditions and their representations in the formation of minzu identities. In the field of minzu identity formation studies, the Apparatus theory has a pronounced influence, underscoring the crucial role the state plays in delineating and maintaining ethnic minority identities. This is particularly visible in post-1980s governmental policies that aimed to champion ethnic minority cultures. Interestingly, this approach simultaneously led to a situation where these cultures were both homogenized and valorized—a

4

L. HAO

paradox eloquently explored by Barabantseva (2011), McCarthy (2009), and Harrell (1995). Scrutinizing this process reveals an intricate web of ideologies, power structures, and knowledge—central themes in the theories proposed by Althusser (1971) and Foucault (1978). Within this conceptual framework, ethnic minority identities were often passively subjected to the dominant Han culture’s ‘othering’ process (Gladney, 1994; Harrell, 1995; McCarthy, 2009). This process, derived from Edward Said’s (1979) concept of Orientalism, was interpreted by Schein (2000) as an internal Orientalism, which served to reinforce Han-centric nationalist ideologies. However, this apparatus approach has faced criticism for potentially marginalizing the agency of ethnic minorities in their articulation of identity construction. (Harrell, 1995; Nyiri & Breidenbach, 2010; Wu & Song, 2014). While these theories illuminate the state’s impact on identity formation, it’s vital to recognize that ethnic minorities are not just passive recipients of state-directed identities. Instead, they actively participate in the articulation and negotiation of their identities within their sociopolitical contexts, a factor that needs to be adequately acknowledged in studies on minzu subject formation. The perspective of the politics of articulation, rooted in cultural studies, enhances our comprehension of subject formation by moving away from a paradigm of passive subjection and toward a dynamic process of selfarticulation. Drawing on Stuart Hall’s seminal work ‘Cultural Identity and Diaspora’ (1990), we see that the formation and reformation of identities, including minzu subjects, are not static, but continually negotiated through diverse discourses, practices, and ideologies. In the context of China, the articulation perspective is particularly insightful in exploring minzu subject formation. Mueggler’s study (2001) demonstrates how cultural renaissance can function as a medium for ethnic minorities, such as the Yi people of southwest China, to resist homogenizing categorizations. Through the creative articulation of their unique identities via cultural practices such as songs, oral histories, and poetry, the Yi people actively engage in the politics of articulation, asserting their distinct identity and experiences. This ability to articulate and express their unique cultural identities allows minzu subjects to exert agency and resist reductionist labeling. Therefore, the politics of articulation offer a more nuanced understanding of minzu subject formation, recognizing the complexities and dynamism of cultural identity in China’s diverse ethnic landscape.

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

5

Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in their work ‘Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics’ (1985), suggest that the process of articulation reshapes the identities of its components, revealing the innate instability and struggle inherent in subject formation. They emphasize the significant role of discursive practices in molding power relationships within diverse and changeable social arrangements. It is in this very context that Gladney’s notion of ‘ethnogenesis’ gains importance. As Gladney posits, ethnogenesis is the creation of a fresh ethnic collectivity that takes shape through dialectical interaction with imagined historical traditions and contemporary geopolitical necessities (Gladney, 1991, p. 1). It points to the dynamic interplay between cultural production, state power, and evolving ethnic identities, where cultural production becomes a lever for the state and Han majority to shape and control the representations of ethnic minorities. This often culminates in the marginalization and silencing of these communities, reflecting the complexities of power, representation, and identity within a socio-political context. This concept is further exemplified in the works of Litzinger (2000), Harris (2004), and McCarthy (2009), who demonstrate how communal cultural practices and shared meanings can carve out spaces for ethnic minorities to articulate and negotiate their identities. These scholars illustrate the potential of communal discourses in creating platforms for dialogue and negotiation, bringing to the fore the ability of ethnic minorities to assert their identities within broader socio-political narratives. Building on these perspectives, it becomes apparent that to truly understand the minzu subject formation, we need to delve beyond the sociopolitical narrative that the state crafts and explore the dynamics of ethnic minority communities’ active engagement in this process. This necessity becomes even more pronounced in the light of evolving media landscapes and the rise of technology-mediated interactions, both of which significantly impact how ethnic identities are articulated and perceived. This prompts an exploration of scholarship that specifically focuses on these intersections between ethnic identity, representation, and media. Berry’s (2006) examination of the evolution of minority nationalities’ representation in Chinese cinema serves as an essential reference point for my research. He emphasizes how the state was instrumental in framing these representations up until the turn of the millennium. Post-2000, however, witnessed a transition as ethnic minorities began participating more actively in defining their own minzu, or ethnic identities.

6

L. HAO

Berry contextualizes this transition against broader socio-economic shifts in China. With the emergence of the market economy, the film industry saw a transformation from state-directed, theme-based films to market-oriented, genre-specific ones. Berry posits that this shift has enabled ethnic minorities, like Pema Tseden, to narrate their stories, serving as a platform for ethnic self-expression. Within this framework, Berry (2006, 2016) perceives a new a new power dynamic shaping minzu subject formation, spurred by China’s strides towards globalization and introspection on modernity. As such, ethnic minorities are increasingly utilizing media technology and cultural resources to articulate their distinctive ethnic identities. Berry’s (2016) analysis of Pema Tseden’s films as road movies exemplifies this evolution in the backdrop of China’s societal transformation in the post-2000 era. Berry’s exploration foregrounds the significance of media in materializing ethnic discourses, and consequently, shaping the interpretation of minzu texts within media landscapes. In this new context, filmmakers like Pema, although identified as a ‘minority nationality,’ are not necessarily making ‘minority nationality films.’ Instead of being state-commissioned or linked to governmentowned studios, their films are born of independent creativity. While their work does not exclude the Han Chinese audience, the emphasis lies in providing an authentic experience of their culture, illustrated by the use of the Tibetan language in Pema’s films as opposed to the standard practice of dubbing into Mandarin. Berry’s insights align closely with my research, stressing the need to comprehend minzu subject formation in a mediated, post-2000 Chinese society. His analysis helps highlight the research gap my study intends to address: investigating the interplay of technology in shaping ethnic identities in this period. Cultural studies have significantly contributed to our understanding of subject formation by shifting the focus from a psychoanalytic approach to the intricacies of signifying chains and the interplay of discursive positions within an interdiscursive space. This transition steers us from a reductionist perspective, traditionally focused on universal, fundamental psychological processes that frame the subject merely as a product, to an approach that gives due emphasis to the politics of the signifier, not only at the individual level, but within broader cultural and societal contexts. Stuart Hall’s (1993) encoding/decoding model adds further depth to this perspective, emphasizing that messages are not passively accepted

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

7

by the audience, but are actively interpreted and potentially re-framed according to the individual’s cultural background and lived experiences. This recognizes the subject as an active participant in the process of meaning-making rather than a passive recipient of predetermined messages. David Morley’s (1980) theory of the active audience further underscores this point, emphasizing the interpretative power wielded by audiences in their engagement with media texts. His work underscores that audiences are not passive recipients of messages but active interpreters who decode media based on their socio-cultural context. However, to comprehensively understand subject formation, it’s also crucial to consider the materiality of the space that shapes our readings and interactions. This space is neither fixed nor absolute, but rather conditional and provisional. The ideologies encapsulated in the material conditions of this space significantly influence the politics of interpellation within it. Butler’s theory of performativity, as articulated in her seminal work ‘Gender Trouble’ (1990), introduces the idea that identities are performative constructs constantly shaped through discourse and performance. This theory highlights the influential role of materialization in defining the space for practices and discourse in the process of articulation. Within this framework, it’s crucial to recognize the role digital technology plays in shaping the articulation of minzu subjects in a digitally mediated landscape. The rise of social media has carved out new paths for identity negotiation and creation. Drawing upon the insights provided by Nick Couldry’s influential work on media, power, and subjectivity, my research will delve into the exploration of minzu subject formation within the milieu of today’s digital technology. Couldry emphasizes the role media plays in society, shaping social realities, societal structures, and individual behaviors. His work sets a foundation to understand the ways in which the representation and perception of ethnic identities have evolved in our digitally saturated environment. In ‘Media, Voice, Space and Power: Essays of Refraction’ (2019), Couldry envisions media as a significant societal mechanism, tightly interwoven with power dynamics. The concept of ‘social space,’ where voices are either amplified or suppressed, thus influencing the power landscape, is directly applicable to the examination of digitally mediated arenas where minzu subjects articulate their identities. Such spaces, dominated by

8

L. HAO

varying narratives, substantially shape the way ethnic minorities are represented and perceived, impacting the power relations between different ethnic groups. Further, in his book ‘Media: Why It Matters’ (2019), Couldry underscores the transformative power of media in constructing ideologies and narratives that alter individuals’ understanding of their identities and their place within broader societal narratives. This perspective is critical to comprehend the effects of digital technology on minzu individuation in the modern media-dominated landscapes. Couldry’s analytical framework thus helps in directing our attention towards understanding how the psychosocial individuation of minzu is evolving within the technologically mediated environments. His work illuminates the mechanisms through which digital media spaces can offer ethnic minorities novel platforms for expressing, negotiating, and redefining their ethnic identities, and underscores the potential power dynamics that they might navigate within these spaces. Building on these insights, my research seeks to provide a critical examination of the psychosocial individuation of minzu within the context of today’s technologically mediated environments in Chinese society. This requires a more comprehensive exploration that goes beyond media impacts to include an analysis of the ‘individual and milieu’ interaction (Simondon, 2017) as it’s fundamental to text/reader encounters. This media technicity delineates the boundaries of discursive space creation and governs the occurrence of such interactions. The study of Sibe ethnic identity creation on social media aims to fill this gap in our understanding. It highlights the necessity to grasp the impact of technology, especially digital technology, on subject formation—an area yet to be adequately explored. An in-depth investigation into how digital technologies, social media, and online interactions shape identity and subjectivity is not only an emerging area of study but also indispensable for understanding the complex terrain of contemporary subject formation.

A Postcolonial Analysis of Minzu The term minzu has been extensively researched within the framework of nation-state, where it has often been viewed as a tool employed by the Chinese state to foster a sense of unified national identity (Harrell, 1995; McCarthy, 2009; Mullaney, 2010). Additionally, it has been argued that

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

9

the term minzu is used to promote a Han identity within China’s media and cultural landscapes (Gladney, 1994; Harrell, 1995; McCarthy, 2009). While such literature provides valuable insights, they often adopt a top-down perspective, and in the process, run the risk of oversimplifying the concept of minzu into a dichotomy of oppression versus liberation. This leads to a potential disregard for the nuanced grassroots mechanisms influencing identity formation, thus hampering a full understanding of ethnic identity evolution in the post-2000s Chinese society and overlooking the local factors that shape these identities. Moreover, even some anthropological studies, typically emphasizing indigenous perspectives, often fall prey to the binary of ‘us’ versus ‘others,’ framed within a nation-state context largely influenced by European models. This perspective tends to overlook the rich diversity and multifaceted nature of minzu, limiting it to a dichotomy of suppression versus emancipation. As a result, the complex grassroots processes and localized motivations shaping ethnic identity formation are often underestimated or overlooked. This often results in what Spivak refers to as the ‘Muted Subject of Subaltern Ethnicity’ in her seminal work, ‘Can the subaltern speak?’ (1988). Media scholar Berry (2016) advocates for a localized approach and critiques the current practices, arguing that audiences of Pema Tsedan’s films perceive the spatial representation in his films as guxiang, or ancestral home, as opposed to a geographic space within the nation-state. This indicates a need to move beyond an analysis overly reliant on an assumed Orientalist discourse in the formation of minzu subject and engage more deeply with localized bodily experiences of subjection, shifting the analysis to the very site of interpellation. This book echoes Berry’s perspective and contests the current theoretical framework. It critiques the dominant binary narratives in Chinese ethnic discussions that simplify the diversity and complexity of minzu into a simple opposition of oppression and liberation. The book argues for the necessity to recognize and explore the diverse and dynamic local motivations, aspirations, and tactics that form the foundation of ethnic identity creation. By broadening our perspective, the book seeks to offer a more comprehensive understanding of the intricate processes and dynamics shaping ethnic identity formation, and thereby move beyond the confines of the existing discourse on Chinese ethnicity. The focus of the book is to delve into the localized bodily experiences of ethnic subjects in the process of articulating and disarticulating

10

L. HAO

the interpellations of the minzu subject. It argues that by examining the local bodily experience and the media technicity that facilitates local text/ reader encounters, we can challenge the assumption that the interpretation of minzu is predetermined by an assumed orientalist discourse. One of the main challenges in the study of Chinese ethnic minorities is the limited understanding of the psychosocial individualization of ethnic identity formation among non-Han Chinese, particularly in their reception of the minzu subject. To address this, the book explores discourses surrounding ethnic identity among Sibe social media users in Xinjiang and Northeast China. It specifically examines how the retention politics of social media’s media technicity conditions their reception of the minzu subject, providing a critical perspective on postcolonial power dynamics in the Chinese context, and contributing both empirical and theoretical insights to the field.

Why Sibe The Sibe case serves as a pertinent example to understand the quest for ethnic identity in post-2000s China, primarily due to their unique historical context, the impacts of urbanization and globalization on their society, and their engagement with digital technology to reshape their ethnic identity. The Sibe people’s history, marked by their encounters with various cultural influences and political transformations, has shaped a distinct ethnic identity that has continually evolved in response to changing circumstances. Urbanization and globalization have introduced a new dynamic to this process by introducing broader cultural exchanges and socio-political shifts. These forces have stimulated Sibe’s negotiation of their ethnic identity in an increasingly interconnected world, making their case a microcosm of the larger ethnic identity evolution happening in post-2000s China. Moreover, the emergence of digital technology and its rapid adoption by the Sibe community has opened new avenues for them to construct and express their identity. The intersection of their historic context, contemporary socio-economic transformations, and engagement with digital platforms makes the Sibe an insightful case for exploring the complexities of ethnic identity formation in the era of globalization and digitization. Their experience not only provides a window into the intricate processes at the grassroots level but also highlights how communities

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

11

can harness digital technology to actively participate in the negotiation of their identities, thereby challenging the top-down approach prevalent in literature. This book aims to delve into these dynamics, enhancing our understanding of postcolonial power in the context of China and furthering the discourse on the minzu subject.

Sibe’s Historical Evolution and Its Significance in Understanding Minzu The historical trajectory of the Sibe community makes it an excellent case study for examining the dynamic nature of the minzu concept, as shaped by power dynamics and knowledge systems over different periods of time. Spanning from the Qing Dynasty, through the Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China, and into the post-2000s era, the evolution of the Sibe’s identity vividly reflects the influence of state power and societal knowledge on ethnic self-construction. During the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911), the last feudal dynasty in China, the Sibe were categorized as part of the Manchus, the rulers of China for over 266 years. Following the fall of the Qing Dynasty, the ensuing turmoil in the 1910s triggered a power struggle between Uyghur and Han Chinese nationalists in the Ili valley region, located in China’s Central Asia. Amid these changes, the Sibe community in Xinjiang pursued an alternative identity strategy, seeking to distance themselves from their historical Manchu association (Harris, 2004). By the 1950s, the Sibe had been recognized as one of China’s shaoshu minzu, a term translating to ’minority nationalities’ in English. The term minzu is notably influenced by Stalin’s definition of nationality and was translated into English as ‘nationality’ by the Chinese before the 1980s. This concept is rooted in the idea of China functioning as a collective of national communities, mirroring the model of the Soviet Union, comprising various nationalities (Harris, 2004). Today, in post-2000s China, the Sibe are navigating their identity in a dynamic landscape impacted by urbanization, globalization, and digital technology. This self-led ethnogenesis is shaped by changing text/reader relationships, offering a new lens through which to examine the politics of the articulation of minzu. The historical context and contemporary shifts of the Sibe thus present a comprehensive picture of the evolution and complex layers of minzu, underlining the significance of their case in our exploration of ethnic identity formation in China.

12

L. HAO

Sibe Demographic Landscape The complex demographic landscape of the Sibe people, encompassing the Çabçal Sibe Autonomous County in Xinjiang and the regions in Northeast China, provides compelling insights into their evolving historical context and the impact of socio-political transformations on their identity. Located in Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture in northern Xinjiang, the Çabçal Sibe Autonomous County is the only Sibe autonomous County in China. The Sibe, descending from Manchurian soldiers who moved to Xinjiang in 1764 to garrison the Qing empire’s frontier, today make up 13.8% of the county’s population (Çabçal County Annals Committee, 2007, p. 57). The dynamic ethnic composition, with an increasing presence of Han and Uyghur populations, triggers anxieties about the persistence of Sibe culture. These anxieties have fueled a resurgence of Sibe cultural celebrations and initiatives, an assertion of their ethnic identity, reflecting a strategic response to the changing demographic landscape (Fig. 1.1).

Fig. 1.1 Çabçal Sibe Autonomous County

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

13

Çabçal is divided into eight Niru 1 ; each Niru established a settlement. The settlements are thus simply referred to as ‘First Niru’ through ‘Eighth Niru,’ with the exception of the settlement established by the Sixth, which has had its name changed several times since it was chosen as the political and cultural center of the Sibe community in the 1910s. Initially called Ningguci Niru in the Sibe language, which means ‘Sixth Company’ in English, in 1938 its name was changed to ‘The Sixth Village’ in Chinese. In the three-region revolution period (1944–1949), its name was changed back to Ningguci Niru. In 1967, its name was changed to that of ‘East-Is-Red Commune’ in Chinese. In 1981, it changed again to Çabçal and again became the political, cultural, economic, and transportation center of Çabçal Sibe Autonomous County (Çabçal County Annals Committee, 2007, p. 61). Çabçal, meaning ‘the granary’ in the Sibe language, has been used as the name of the autonomous Sibe County since 1954 (Çabçal County Annals Committee, 2007, p. 60). It contains Aixinshelizhen (‘Third Company’), Duici Niru (‘Fourth Company’), Sunjaci Niru (‘Fifth Company’), Ningguci Niru (‘Sixth Company’), now Çabçal; Nadaci Niru (‘Seventh Company’), and Jakûci Niru (‘Eighth Company’); as well as Kuohongqixiang, Hainukexiang, Kanxiang, Jiagaisitai, Qiongbolaxiang, Zhuohuoer, and Miliangquanxiang (Çabçal County Annals Committee, 2007, pp. 61–69). The spelling of ‘Niru’ that has been adopted by Google is Chinese pinyin rather than transliterated Manchu. The word Niru means ‘companies from the banner system’ in the Sibe language (Harris, 2004, p. 203). In contemporary Sibe usage, it is also used to mean ‘village.’ This adoption of Chinese pinyin corresponds with the situation of most transliterated-form names that are adopted for use in physical public space in China. As above, however, and as identified in my ethnography of Sibe use of social media, there is growing use of Möllendorff’s system of Manchu transliteration in the CMC environment among Sibe people. Hence, in this book, I have adopted Möllendorff Manchu-transliterated names of some of the Niru that I found to be typical of Sibe social media usage, so as to reflect the Sibe transliteration of the Sibe. The population of Çabçal County is composed of five major ethnic groups. They are Sibe, Han, Uyghur, Kazakh, and Hui (Çabçal County

1 Niru is a banner company (Norman & Dede, 2013, p. 287).

14

L. HAO

Annals Committee, 2007, p. 120). The Sibe and Han live together and are concentrated in the ‘Sixth Village,’ Aixinshelixiang, and the ‘Fourth Village’ (Çabçal County Annals Committee, 2007, pp. 61–63). As discovered in this research, the Sibe most actively involved with social media are mainly from the ‘Sixth Village’ (Çabçal), Sunchaqixiang, Yining, and Urumqi. Çabçal, the present name of the ‘Sixth Village’ of the Sibe Autonomous County, was chosen to be the name of the whole county in 1981. Çabçal village (also called Çabçal among Sibe people) is the center of Çabçal county. (Çabçal County Annals Committee, 2007, p. 61). To avoid confusion, here I will use ‘Çabçal county’ to refer to the whole county. I will adopt the use of ‘Sixth Village’ for Çabçal village, which is also popular among my interviewees from Çabçal county. In the year 2000, the total population of Çabçal County was 161,854; the Sibe population was 13.8% of the total population of the county. The Sibe population numbered 8,561 in 1949, and 18,938 in in 2000. The Han population of only 388 in 1949 jumped to 58,664 in 2000, while the Uyghur population of 11,199 in 1949 increased to 42,030 in 2000. It may thus be observed that from 1949 to 2000, the Sibe population in Çabçal County grew more slowly than the Han and Uyghur populations. To continue for the sake of completeness: the Kazakh population was 11,840 in 1949, and 32,363 in 2000, while the Hui population of 330 in 1949 had grown to 7,543 by 2000 (Çabçal County Annals Committee, 2007, p. 119). When I visited Çabçal County in 2011, I found there to be a growing fear that the Sibe will lose their culture in the face of increasing Han and Uyghur populations. Thus, among the Sibe population, Sibe cultural festivals and activities were being promoted by not only those local government officials concerned with promoting Sibe culture, but also the local Sibe communities themselves. Among these activities, the history of the Westward Migration was the most important element of the Sibe culture on display. The recurring Westward Migration Festival and the Sibe Folklore cultural museums are both vigorously promoted by members of the Sibe community, who display a strong desire to reclaim their ethnic identity. Urbanization and nationalism in Xinjiang have significantly influenced the Sibe’s quest for ethnic identity. The urbanization policies have not only physically uprooted the Sibe communities but have also caused a profound psychological impact. The compulsory relocation and demolition of traditional Sibe neighborhoods to make way for urban

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

15

development have resulted in a sense of displacement among the Sibe community. According to the interviewees, while their new living conditions in the outskirts are better, they feel segregated as they no longer know their neighbors. This isolation extends beyond simple acquaintance, signaling a break from the familiar social fabric where they had their unique cultural and linguistic practices. The absence of this vital social sphere seems to have intensified their longing for their old communities, intensifying feelings of alienation and detachment. Urbanization also imposed cultural changes as seen in the transformation of Hanren Street into the Kazanqi Folk Tourism District, which now represents Uyghur culture rather than the multiethnic community that previously resided there. This homogenization, influenced by the demands of Han tourism, further marginalizes the Sibe and other minority cultures. Consequently, the Sibe community, once an integral part of this diverse neighborhood, is now struggling to retain its cultural identity amid the cultural imposition and physical displacement caused by urbanization. The process of urbanization in Xinjiang, necessitating the compulsory eviction and relocation of its residents, has given rise to significant tension, with the upheaval of traditional local communities (Zang, 2007). A poignant example of this dynamic is the transformation of Hanren Street, meaning ‘Han Chinese Street,’ in the old city of Yining. This street, traditionally a melting pot of various ethnicities including Uyghurs, Han, Hui, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, and Sibe, was redeveloped by the Yining government into the Kazanqi Folk Tourism District in 2007. This district, as per the Yining municipality’s tourism administration, is a showcase of Uyghur people’s indigenous folk customs, which is a stark departure from its multicultural past. To cater to Han tourists’ perceptions of Xinjiang, Hanren Street was even renamed with a Uyghur title, Kazanqi, translating to ‘wok vendor.’ The decision to name the Folk Tourism District as such was guided by the fact that ‘most locals made their living by making and selling woks’ (Zhongguo Yining Zhengwu Menhu Wangzhan, 2016). The distressing consequences of this urban development process were clearly elucidated by my interviewees, who reported that many age-old Sibe houses in Kazanqi were torn down, and their residents relocated to apartment blocks on the outskirts of the city. While the living conditions in these apartments might be an upgrade from their old houses on

16

L. HAO

Hanren Street, the interviewees expressed feelings of segregation as they were unfamiliar with their new neighbors. This sense of estrangement was further intensified by their lingering fondness for their old homes on Hanren Street, where they had a sense of belonging to a close-knit local community (Fig. 1.2). The demolition of their ancestral neighborhoods has led the Sibe people to experience a severe disruption of their community fabric. This destruction has triggered considerable anxiety among the Sibe interviewees about the future of their culture and language, as their traditional social context, the very basis of their linguistic and cultural practices, has been disintegrated. Against this backdrop, the Sibe in Xinjiang have been employing their ethnicity as a unifying factor in an effort to hold their local community together and prevent further fragmentation. This collective effort towards self-led ethnogenesis is quite evident in the Sibe’s discussions across various social media platforms like QQ, WeChat, Sina Weibo, Sina Blogs, and Baidu Tieba, highlighting their resilience and determination to sustain their unique ethnic identity amid these drastic changes.

Fig. 1.2 Sibe House, Demolished in Kazanqi Folk Tourism District, 2011

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

17

The above changes can be seen as a form of cultural nationalism where the Han, the majority ethnic group in China, reshape spaces in their cultural image, resulting in the cultural erasure of minority groups such as the Sibe. These urbanization and nationalism processes have been crucial factors in the Sibe’s quest for ethnic identity, as the community strives to preserve its culture, language, and social bonds amid these disruptive changes. This struggle for identity and community preservation is evident in their discussions on social media platforms, such as QQ, WeChat, Sina Weibo, Sina Blogs, and Baidu Tieba. In these digital spaces, the Sibe community is undertaking a form of self-led ethnogenesis, emphasizing and reclaiming their unique cultural identity to avoid further fragmentation of their community. In conclusion, urbanization and nationalism in Xinjiang have had a significant influence on the Sibe’s quest for ethnic identity, pushing them to reaffirm and preserve their cultural roots in the face of spatial, cultural, and social transformations. While the Sibe community in Çabçal grapples with the cultural shifts brought about by urbanization, the Sibe people residing in their historical origin, Northeast China, are confronted with a different set of challenges. With Northeast China’s emergence as a crucial industrial base following rapid industrialization since the twentieth century, the Sibe people witnessed significant socio-economic changes, notably during the market-oriented economic reforms of the 1980s. The switch from a socialist economy to a liberal economy brought along the commodification of labor and the privatization of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), inducing substantial job losses and socio-economic instability. This trend particularly impacted Northeast China, where the economy had heavily relied on SOEs. The uncertain socio-economic landscape coupled with a growing sense of regionalism spurred the Sibe people in Northeast China to seek solace in their ethnic identity. A strong sense of ‘ontological security’ emerged (Giddens, 1991, p. 36), with the ethnic identity serving as a steady anchor amid tumultuous changes, thus demonstrating the Sibe’s adaptability and resilience. In the 1980s, the Sibe population in Northeast China, primarily situated in the provinces of Liaoning, Jilin, and Heilongjiang, increased exponentially, from 49,398 in 1982 to 120,101 in 1990 (Tongjia, 2004,

18

L. HAO

p. 21). This demographic surge was in part due to a range of policies implemented by the regional government to promote local ethnic minority cultures. Notably, two Sibe Autonomous Townships, Xinglongtai and Huangjia, were established in 1984 in the northern suburbs of Shenyang, the historical departure point for Sibe soldiers heading for Xinjiang (Na, 2010, p. 1584). However, the marketization process in the 1980s negatively impacted the regional economy, with an estimated six to seven million people losing their jobs between 1997 and 2002 (Cai, 2014, p. 18). This economic upheaval eroded the sense of security among the northeastern Chinese population, fostering widespread regionalist sentiments. In this context, the Sibe’s quest for ethnic identity in Northeast China takes on a new significance. Amid the socio-economic flux, their ethnic identity offers a semblance of ontological security, providing a constant amid the changing world. Moreover, it serves as a means to reclaim some semblance of the certainties lost during the painful transition from a statecontrolled to a market economy since the 1990s. This search for identity among the Sibe has seen a strong association with regionalism and the northeastern Chinese territory, as visible in their discussions across social media platforms like QQ, WeChat, Sina Weibo, Sina Blogs, and Baidu Tieba. Exploring Sibe demographics from Çabçal County to Northeast China elucidates the complex interplay between socio-economic transformations and the evolution of ethnic identity. It underlines the adaptability of the Sibe in asserting their unique cultural identity while simultaneously traversing a multicultural society’s intricacies. This analysis sheds light on the profound effects of historical, political, and economic contexts on ethnic identities’ development and provides valuable insights into broader ethno-cultural dynamics in China.

Chapter Summaries The thesis consists of five chapters. This introductory chapter, discusses the theoretical framework of this study, highlights the unique nature of the Sibe as a case study and explains the project’s contribution to the field of research. Chapter 2 embarks on a comprehensive genealogical analysis of the concept of ‘minzu,’ a crucial construct that embodies ethnic identity

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

19

within the Chinese context. This exploration spans across several historical eras, including the Late Qing Dynasty, the Republic of China, and the People’s Republic of China. The objective here is not merely historical recounting, but a nuanced examination of the material-discursive rules that have given shape to the discourse of minzu across different eras. Understanding these rules and the associated shifts across historical periods is critical as it sheds light on the complex dynamics of minzu subjectivity formation and the intricate process of ethnic identity construction. These aspects, in turn, play a vital role in influencing the socio-political landscape of China. Chapter 3 delves deeply into the exploration of the minzu concept among the Sibe people, providing a thorough discourse analysis of the construction of Sibe ethnic identity. This analysis critically evaluates both the cadre-written history and the collaborative narratives emerging on social media platforms. The crux of this chapter revolves around the formulation and institutionalization of the Sibe people as minzu subjects. This investigation suggests that the concept of Sibe ethnicity is not an inherent, pre-defined construct but a result of power dynamics and discursive practices that reflect their historical, social, and cultural contexts. This view challenges traditional notions of minzu identity. It further underscores the need to critically examine the production of knowledge and the interaction of power in the formation of minzu identity, highlighting the complex interplay between discourse and power in shaping ethnic identities. In this context, the chapter also discusses the role and strategies of the Sibe Folklore Museum, a key instrument used for the reclamation of Sibe cultural identity. It argues that, through the effective use of social media and the resulting ‘space of flow,’ the Sibe identity has been repurposed and reintroduced for the sharing of information on these platforms. These new applications of social media have provided Sibe users with the opportunity to craft new narratives of their ethnic identity, which in turn has led the Sibe, as an ethnic minority, to discover a new form of agency. This agency enables them to enact their cultural practices and to ‘imagine’ themselves in new and innovative ways. Chapter 4 discusses how the material conditions of CMC shape Sibe identity by limiting certain expressions. This chapter argues that the materialization of CMC is influenced by the conceptualization of minzu among the Sibe people. It examines the impact of the use of transliterated Sibe in CMC on Sibe identity construction. This chapter considers

20

L. HAO

how the construction of using transliterated Sibe in CMC is a social formation influenced by both minzu discourse and the embedded logic of ICT input methods. In this chapter, two main themes regarding the construction of Sibe transliteration practices are analyzed. They include the influence of minzu discourse on the choice of Sibe transliteration system and the influence of current input methods on influencing the Sibe’s choice of transliteration method. I concluded that the choices of transliterated Sibe language with the use of Roman alphabets in social media qun 2 are legitimized by an appeal to promotion of Spoken Sibe language. My qualitative analysis confirms that the discourse of minzu is engaged in complex processes of cultural governance on the formation of transliterated Sibe language through the choice of Roman alphabets with the CMC. Based on the ethnographic data that I collect from my fieldwork, I conclude that the transliteration of Sibe language with the use of Latin alphabets has been manipulated as a tool to serve the idea that language should represent their community. The choice of using pinyin to spell the Spoken Sibe was mobilized by this thought, and it results in the transliterated Sibe used in social media adopting the spelling of Spoken Sibe. My argument in this chapter is with the transliterated Sibe language as implicated in the production of community and an idea of imaging the community, with ‘installation’ of the ideas of minzu in Sibe with the ways of social media quns is connected to practice of holbobun which allow the Sibe to internalize the discourse of Sibe language as management. In this process, the transliterated Sibe language functions as a laboratory where a whole series of strategies on building Sibe ethnic community are brought to bear and test out. Yet this construction is always productive in the sense that ideas, objects, actors, and inscriptions emerge from these arenas. This production in return provides a functional justification for the adaptation of the transliterated Sibe among Sibe people. The use of commonly shared minzu knowledge in the use of social media qun reduces the feeling of physical distance for Sibe from Xinjiang and the Northeast of China, while the reference to specific socio-physical boundaries facilitated by the use of transliterated Sibe asserts a distance to the rest of the China. This dichotomy reinforces a sense of belonging for 2 A ‘qun’ (群) in social media refers to a group or community where individuals with shared interests or affiliations come together to interact and communicate. It is commonly used on platforms like WeChat and QQ in China.

1

UNDERSTANDING THE PURSUIT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY …

21

participants by creating a culturally localized niche of Sibe ethnic identity within the expansive space facilitated by the use of social media. Chapter 5, the concluding section, summarizes the major findings of this study. It highlights the theoretical contributions of this book, the limitations of this research project, and suggests directions for future research.

References Althusser, L. (1971). Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses. In L. Althusser (Ed.), Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. Monthly Review Press. Barabantseva, E. (2011). Overseas Chinese, Ethnic Minorities and Nationalism: De-centering China. Routledge. Berry, C. (2006). Where Do You Draw the Line? Ethnicity in Chinese Cinemas. In C. Berry & M. Farquhar (Eds.), China on Screen. Columbia University Press. Berry, C. (2016). Pema Tseden and the Tibetan Road Movie: Space and Identity beyond the ‘Minority Nationality Film.’ Journal of Chinese Cinemas, 10(2), 89–105. Butler, J. (1990). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Routledge. Çabçal County Annals Committee. (2007). Çabçal County Annals. Xinjiang People’s Publishing House. Cai, Y. (2014). State and Laid-Off Workers in Reform China: The Silence and Collective Action of the Retrenched. Routledge. Couldry, N. (2019). Media, Voice, Space and Power: Essays of Refraction. Routledge. Foucault, M. (1978). The History of Sexuality, Vol. 3: The Care of the Self . Pantheon Books. Foucault, M. (1982). The Subject and Power. An Afterword. In H. L. Dreyfus & P. Rabinow (Eds.), Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics. University of Chicago Press. Foucault, M. (1984). The Use of Pleasure: The History of Sexuality (Vol. 2). Vintage Books. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Stanford University Press and Polity Press. Gladney, D. (1991). Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic. Harvard University Press. Gladney, D. (1994). Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/ Minority Identities. Journal of Asian Studies, 53(1), 92–123. Hall, S. (1990). Cultural Identity and Diaspora. In J. Rutherford (Ed.), Identity: Community, Culture, Difference (pp. 222–237). Lawrence & Wishart. Hall, S. (1993). Encoding, Decoding. In S. During (Ed.), The Cultural Studies Reader. Routledge.

22

L. HAO

Harrell, S. (Ed.). (1995). Cultural Encounters on China’s Ethnic Frontiers. University of Washington Press. Harris, R. (2004). Singing the Village: Music, Memory, and Ritual Among the Sibe of Xinjiang. Oxford University Press. Laclau, E., & Mouffe, C. (1985). Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. Verso. Litzinger, R. A. (2000). Other Chinas: The Yao and the Politics of National Belonging. Duke University Press. McCarthy, S. K. (2009). Communist Multiculturalism: Ethnic Revival in Southwest China. University of Washington Press. Morley, D. (1980). The ‘Nationwide’ Audience: Structure and Decoding. British Film Institute. Mueggler, E. (2001). The Age of Wild Ghosts: Memory, Violence, and Place in Southwest China. University of California Press. Mullaney, T. S. (2010). Coming to Terms with the Nation: Ethnic Classification in Modern China. University of California Press. Na, Q. (2010). Zhongguo Xibe Ren [Sibe People of China]. Liaoning Minzu Publishing House. Norman, J., & Dede, K. (2013). A Comprehensive Manchu-English Dictionary. Harvard University Asia Center. Nyiri, P., & Breidenbach, J. (2010). Ethnic Identity and National Conflict in China. Palgrave Macmillan. Said, E. W. (1979). Orientalism. Random House. Schein, L. (2000). Minority Rules: The Miao and the Feminine in China’s Cultural Politics. Duke University Press. Simondon, G. (2017). On the Mode of Existence of Technical Objects. University of Minnesota Press. Spivak, G. C. (1988). Can the Subaltern Speak? In C. Nelson & L. Grossberg (Eds.), Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (pp. 271–313). Urbana. Tongjia, Q. (2004). Zhongguo Xibe Zu Shuangyu Yanjiu. Xinjiang Science and Technology Publishing House. Wu, X., & Song, X. (2014). Ethnic Stratification amid China’s Economic Transition: Evidence from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Social Science Research, 44, 158–172. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2013.12.002 Zang, X. (2007). Ethnicity and Urban Life in China: A Comparative Study of Hui Muslims and Han Chinese. Routledge. Zhongguo Yining Zhengwu Menhu Wangzhan [China Yining Government Affairs Portal]. (2016, April 1). Kazanqi minsu luyou qu [Kazanqi Folk Tourist Area]. http://www.yining.gov.cn/ynly/lyjd/2014/08/11/41625. html

CHAPTER 2

A Genealogy of Minzu in China

Introduction The notion of minzu, pivotal in defining Chinese nationalism and shaping ethnic identities, has undergone significant transformations across various socio-political contexts in China. A comprehensive exploration of the genealogy of minzu, from the Late Qing Dynasty through the Republic of China to the People’s Republic of China, reveals a dynamic and multifaceted concept. This chapter, ‘A Genealogy of Minzu in China,’ delves into these systematic changes in the minzu discourse to understand the shifts in the understanding, representation, and practice of minzu. Throughout this transformative journey, the concept of minzu has been fluid and complex, mirroring the broader socio-political dynamics and power structures of its time. Its roots, traceable to the Late Qing Dynasty, underwent substantial evolution during the Republic of China period, a time characterized by nation-building and identity formation. The onset of the People’s Republic of China saw the Stalin-influenced interpretation further complicate its understanding, cementing the minzu practice within the nation’s socio-political fabric. Examining the section “The Minzu Practice in Context” uncovers the multifaceted nature of minzu. It is not merely a state-imposed

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5_2

23

24

L. HAO

construct; it encapsulates individuals’ and groups’ understanding, negotiation, and performance of their identities within these assigned boundaries. The emergence of new media technology and social media platforms, discussed in section “Uncovering Agency Through New Media Technology”, added another layer of complexity to this process. These technologies have significantly influenced today’s understanding and articulation of minzu. The evolving relationship between social media and minzu, highlighted in the section “Minzu as a Technology in Ethnic Subject Formation”, underscores the shifting dynamics of ethnic identity construction. Social media provides an alternative arena for expressing, negotiating, and potentially reshaping traditional understandings of minzu. The last section, “Shifting Power Dynamics in the Network Society”, discusses the profound shifts in power dynamics brought about by the burgeoning network society fostered by social media platforms. These shifts significantly impact the conceptualization and articulation of minzu. This chapter thus seeks to understand the complex interplay of history, politics, society, and technology in shaping ethnic identity in the context of minzu. It underscores the need for an interpretive approach that acknowledges these complexities and pays attention to the dynamic and evolving practices of identity construction within the digital realm.

Late Qing Dynasty---Emergence of Minzu In the late Qing Dynasty, the concept of minzu first began to take shape, with statements governed by a unique set of rules related to national identity formation and regional consolidation. The socio-political conditions and intellectual traditions of this period laid the groundwork for the discourse on minzu. In the mid-nineteenth century, China’s encounters with Europe brought the notions of ‘nation’ and national identity to the forefront (Zhao, 2004, p. 46). While China had a long-standing sense of cultural Chineseness, the concept of a Chinese minzu, signifying identity bound to a particular spatial context, remained more fluid than the contemporary understanding of Chinese identity. According to Wang (2004, p. 15), the boundaries of Chinese identity during imperial times were contextually dynamic, shaped by cultural and ecological factors. This identity, rooted in cultural proximity rather than spatial-temporal constraints, had both inclusive aspects, based on cultural

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

25

distance, and exclusive facets tied to physical or ecological differences (Wang, 2004, p. 16). Liang Qichao, a prominent figure of this era, added a spatial-temporal dimension to the concept of the Chinese nation, asserting that all within the Qing Dynasty’s borders naturally belonged to China, tracing back to the era of the Yellow Emperor. Notably, he didn’t explicitly link the people of the nation to the nation’s territory. He highlighted the multiethnic nature of China, stating that there was no pure race due to centuries of intermarriage between the Han and non-Han ethnicities. This intermarriage, Liang argued, bound every individual of the zhonghua minzu (Chinese nation) through shared blood, thereby reinforcing the unity of the Chinese nation (Wang, 2004, p. 86). However, this vision of minzu posed challenges for defining territorial rights and proved inconsistent with the Han nationalist agenda to oust the Manchu from China. It led to the emergence of an alternative concept of minzu with strong racial connotations, propagated by early nationalist revolutionaries in the early twentieth century. The Qing Dynasty, largely composed of non-Han rulers, had carefully restructured the ideology of minzu over centuries, cultivating a sense of a central state. They defined cultural minzu in an inclusive way, stressing that the essence of minzu lies in culture. This inclusive interpretation of minzu extended to the borderland territories of Tibet, Xinjiang, Mongolia, and Manchuria, and their non-Han residents. These populations, despite their non-Han origins, were recognized as peoples of the central state in official Qing documents (Crossley, 1999, p. 350). This cultural minzu approach served to legitimize Manchu rule over China and the state’s control over its border territories. However, the racial minzu concept gained prominence through the influence of Han nationalists reacting against the Manchu people in the Qing Dynasty (Crossley, 1999, p. 360). Borrowed from the Japanese term ‘minzoku’ in 1895, minzu began to signify not just people but also nation and race, introducing a racial undertone into the discourse (Crossley, 1999, p. 359). This racial understanding of minzu was heavily used in the nationalists’ slogan during the 1911 revolution, emphasizing the unity of the Han people in the quest for a modern nation. The debates between Qing reformists advocating for an inclusive minzu, and Han revolutionaries pushing for an exclusive hanzu (Han ethnicity), complicated the definition of minzu during the revolution.

26

L. HAO

The overthrow of the Qing court in 1911 unleashed widespread resentment towards the Manchu, often resulting in violence and discrimination, compelling many Manchu to hide their identities and adopt Han surnames (Na, 2010, p. 125). The alienation of groups associated with the Qing Empire led to territorial issues for the new government. Faced with the threat of territorial disintegration following Outer Mongolia’s declaration of independence from the Qing Empire in December 1911, the Republic of China government sought to redefine minzu to include non-Han cultures, hoping to retain territories formerly part of the Qing Empire (Dikötter, 1997, p. 12). Thus, during the late Qing Dynasty, the discourse on minzu evolved significantly, transitioning from a more fluid cultural identity to a politically charged and racially tinged concept, shaping the course of Chinese national identity in the years to come.

Republic of China---Reinvention and Transformation As China transitioned into the Republic era, the discourse on minzu underwent substantial reinvention and transformation. This section delves into how the Republic of China set new boundaries on the minzu discourse, shaped by nationalistic aspirations, and how these boundaries paved the way for new statements on minzu. Following the establishment of the Guomindang (GMD) in 1912, the discourse on minzu underwent a significant transformation aimed at reimagining the Chinese nation in a manner that would dispel racial boundaries and construct a unified zhonghua minzu. Liang Qichao’s concept of cultural minzu was employed to address the complexity of the situation. Nonetheless, Liang’s vision of minzu, which dissociated people from physical land, created ambiguity when employed to justify the GMD’s authority over borderlands. On the one hand, the racial minzu was exclusivist, identifying the Han as the Chinese Nation—an amalgamation into a single race following the expulsion of the Manchu beyond the national borders. Concurrently, however, there was also a perspective of inclusivity within racial minzu, as it was argued that non-Han people and their lands were also constituents of the Chinese nation-state. This ambiguity in the racial minzu discourse stemmed from the ethnocentric implication of a single

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

27

race (Han) forming the Chinese nation, while also asserting the inclusion of non-Han peoples within China’s borders. The geopolitical anxiety generated by Japan’s support for Mongolian independence in December 1911, and its assertions of anthropological kinship with the Yi ethnic minority, prompted the GMD to rely on anthropological evidence to defend the territorial integrity of the Republic of China. The GMD pursued proof that all inhabitants of China at that time were racially unified, thereby legitimizing their rule over all populations within China’s borders. The discovery of the Peking Man in the 1920s reinforced this revised discourse. The GMD utilized this evidence to assert that all diverse cultures within the Republic of China originated from a single race (Schmalzer, 2008, p. 25). This led to a reinterpretation of Sun Yatsen’s usage of zhonghua minzu, pushing for a re-conceptualization of minzu within anthropological contexts, in which the histories of different cultures were imagined as descending from a single common ancestor, the Yellow Emperor. In order to strengthen connections with northern minzu, the GMD later integrated the Yan Emperor into the ancestral narrative of the Zhonghua Minzu. In Chinese mythology, the Yan Emperor is regarded as the progenitor of the northern tribes of China (Dikötter, 1997, p. 56). This inclusion reinforced the broadened scope of minzu, further validating the GMD’s claims of territorial integrity and consolidating the notion of a shared ancestry among all ethnic groups within China’s borders.

People’s Republic of China---The Stalin-Inspired Interpretation of Minzu The founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) brought a different approach to the concept of minzu, heavily influenced by Marxist theories and the Soviet model of nationality. This influence played a pivotal role in shaping the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) policies towards ethnic minorities. Here, I will delve into these influences and how they consequently impacted the understanding and application of minzu within the Chinese societal construct. During the initial years of the PRC, the CCP integrated Marxist principles into the understanding of the nation. From a Marxist perspective, ethnic clashes were viewed as class conflicts, with the CCP taking on the

28

L. HAO

mantle of liberating the oppressed classes from the bourgeoisie’s dominance (Yang & Wang, 1994, p. 8). This new definition of minzu garnered the support of several ethnic minority groups who were in conflict with the GMD throughout the 1930s and 1940s. The Sibe people’s ethnic clashes with the GMD’s Nationalist army in Xinjiang, for instance, was recorded by the CCP as the Three Districts Revolutions (Oidtmann, 2014), aligning it with the proletariat’s broader revolution against the GMD’s reactionary rule in China. During its nascent stages in the 1920s, the CCP, due to its limited strength, was unable to enforce a political agenda centered on the status of non-Han groups in unifying China. Hence, to attract support from ethnic minorities, the CCP began formulating its own interpretation of minzu. (Yang & Wang, 1994, p. 3) Drawing on the Bolshevik policy, the CCP identified non-Han groups as shaoshu minzu (minority nationalities), affirming their right to self-determination. This perspective enabled the CCP to position itself as the leading force in the proletariat’s class struggle and in the fight for all nationalities to gain self-determination rights (Yang & Wang, 1994, p. 7). Therefore, the CCP employed minzu as a means to define the proletariat, surpassing the superficial categories of race or ethnicity to align with the revolutionary agenda. During the Long March (1934–1935), Mao Zedong reintroduced the concept of minzu into the CCP’s political ideology. He aimed to expand its definition beyond the five cultural groups still acknowledged by the GMD at the time (the Han, Manchu, Mongols, Hui, and Tibetans). Mao recognized other groups like the Yao and Miao as separate ethnicities to gain their support. Echoing the GMD, the CCP felt that the assimilation of borderland territories into China proper was a prerequisite for China’s survival. From a Marxist standpoint, ethnic minority nationalities were in a ‘backward’ stage of development, and it was the duty of the more ‘advanced’ minzu to assist these minority nationalities in evolving into Communist societies (Shi, 2005, p. 11). The CCP’s theory of minzu mirrored the GMD’s understanding in that it presupposed a shared bloodline among all the Han and nonHan peoples. However, rather than promoting a single race forming the zhonghua minzu, the CCP advanced the idea of zhonghua minzu as a multiethnic state. This helped the CCP win the Sibe’s support in Xinjiang (Benson, 1990, p. 3; Na, 2010, p. 861). After the founding of the PRC in 1949, the CCP faced the crucial task of defining citizenship in the new state and determining how citizens

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

29

would be identified. Once the CCP had unified most of the territory seen as part of China, they initiated a nationwide census in 1953 to identify the population’s ethnic affiliations and investigate the social and cultural conditions of ethnic minorities. Joseph Stalin’s definition of nation, encapsulating a historically evolved, stable community of language, territory, economic life, and psychological makeup manifested in a community of culture, was extensively adopted during this ethnic classification project (Mullaney, 2011). This provided a framework for validating a group’s claim to the status of minzu. The ambiguities and complexities associated with the term minzu are largely rooted in historical contexts, and by studying how political rhetoric was used to mold and reshape the meaning of minzu, we gain insights into the orchestration of CCP ideology and its material operations. The PRC attempted to establish a working definition of minzu even before the 1953 census. However, the practical application of Stalin’s vague definition encountered numerous difficulties, as reflected in the process of identifying the Sibe in the Northeast of China. The Ethnic Classification Project assessed different ethnic minorities and placed them in different social development stages, following a progression that transitioned through primitive, slave, feudal, capitalist, and socialist stages—the final stage leading to a communist society (Yang & Wang, 1994, p. 8). This social stage theory, first formulated by Lewis Henry Morgan and then incorporated into Marxist historiography by Engels, became the dominant historical consciousness in the early PRC (Harrell, 1995, p. 24). Based on this social stage assessment, the CCP maintained that Stalin’s definition of a nationality only applied to fully developed minzu. Therefore, aid from the Han to help minorities to develop their cultures and economies was deemed necessary for them to reach the status of a developed minzu (Shi, 2005, p. 11). This allowed the CCP to retain China as a nation centered around the Han while considering itself a state with multiple nationalities. Accordingly, different kinds of democratic reform were carried out in the minority regions from 1955 with the aim of bringing all minority groups into the socialist stage.

The Minzu Practice in Context Minzu, as an enduring concept across different historical eras, has consistently been a significant force shaping social structures, identities, and practices in China. Its influence spans from its role in the formation of

30

L. HAO

social policies to its manifestation in everyday life. The material-discursive practice of minzu has constantly transformed and been remolded in response to the shifts in political and ideological landscapes. During the latter part of the Qing Dynasty, the formulation of minzu, a mechanism that contributed to the development of ethnic identities, began to emerge. It was during this period that national identity and regional unity started to take form under certain unique rules. Influenced by the intellectual traditions and socio-political circumstances of the era, the discourse around minzu was established. The middle of the nineteenth century saw China’s interactions with Europe bring forth notions of ‘nation’ and national identity (Zhao, 2004, p. 46). Although there existed a long-established sense of cultural Chinese identity, the concept of a Chinese minzu, an identity linked to a specific spatial context, remained more fluid compared to the current understanding of Chinese identity. In the imperial era, the boundaries of Chinese identity were contextually dynamic, molded by cultural and ecological elements. This identity, founded on cultural closeness rather than spatial-temporal limitations, contained both inclusive aspects based on cultural distance and exclusive elements linked to physical or ecological differences. Liang Qichao, an influential figure of the period, added a spatialtemporal dimension to the Chinese nation’s concept, arguing that all within the Qing Dynasty’s borders naturally belonged to China, tracing back to the era of the Yellow Emperor. This approach did not directly link the nation’s people to the nation’s territory. Instead, he emphasized China’s multiethnic nature, arguing that due to centuries of intermarriage between Han and non-Han ethnicities, there was no pure race, thus solidifying the unity of the Chinese nation. The Qing Dynasty, largely composed of non-Han rulers, carefully reconfigured the ideology of minzu, nurturing a sense of a central state. They defined cultural minzu in an inclusive manner, asserting that the essence of minzu lies in culture. This inclusive understanding of minzu extended to borderland territories like Tibet, Xinjiang, Mongolia, and Manchuria and their non-Han inhabitants. Despite their non-Han origins, these populations were acknowledged as people of the central state in official Qing documents. However, with the rise of Han nationalists reacting against the Manchu people in the Qing Dynasty, a different understanding of minzu with

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

31

strong racial connotations began to gain prominence. This racial understanding of minzu was utilized heavily in the nationalists’ slogan during the 1911 revolution, emphasizing the unity of the Han people in the quest for a modern nation. In the Republic era, the discourse on minzu underwent significant reinvention and transformation. The Guomindang (GMD) set new boundaries on the minzu discourse, driven by nationalistic aspirations, paving the way for new statements on minzu. With the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, there emerged a novel approach to the concept of minzu, a term encompassing ethnicity and nationality. This new interpretation was heavily influenced by Marxist theories and the Soviet model of nationality. The PRC, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), leveraged these influences to shape their policies towards ethnic minorities. China, home to 56 officially recognized ethnic groups, is characterized by a vast diversity. The Han majority, while dominant, shares the country with a rich array of ethnic minorities, each with its unique language, culture, and history. The task the CCP faced in the early days of the PRC was to integrate these diverse groups into a system—the minzu system— which in itself introduced significant ambiguities into the term’s usage due to the varied characteristics, customs, and languages of these ethnic groups. The CCP’s primary objective following the civil war and foreign invasions that preceded the establishment of the PRC was to construct a robust, unified nation-state. In this political climate, minzu served an instrumental role, facilitating national unity and integration. However, fostering unity while celebrating ethnic diversity posed challenges, with the need for a delicate balance between promoting diversity, ensuring equitable development, and preventing ethnic tensions from undermining national unity. Moreover, the introduction of minzu complicated the ideological landscape, traditionally steeped in Marxist emphasis on class struggle. The Chinese version of Marxism had to adjust to accommodate the interplay of class and ethnicity, posing dilemmas in policy formulation and interpretation of Marxist theory in the Chinese context. Therefore, the ambiguities and complexities associated with the term minzu can be traced back to these historical and social contexts, including

32

L. HAO

ethnic diversity, political considerations, and ideological factors. Understanding these roots provides critical insights into China’s ethnic policy and the ongoing discourse on ethnicity, identity, and nation-building in the country.

The Construction of the Concept of Ethnic Minorities in PRC The construction of ethnic identities within the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is heavily influenced by the state’s own definition of nationality, encapsulated in the concept of minzu—referring to nationality or ethnicity. This complex ethnic landscape prompted China to adopt the term shaoshu minzu as a representation for ethnic minorities. As Gladney posits, the process of ethnogenesis, or the creation of a new ethnic collectivity, unfolds through a dialectical interaction between imagined historical traditions and contemporary geopolitical necessities (Gladney, 1991, p. 1). It denotes a dynamic interplay between cultural production, state power, and evolving ethnic identities. Within this framework, cultural production acts as a lever for the state and the Han majority to shape and control ethnic minority representations. Often, this control translates into the marginalization and silencing of these communities, reflecting the intricacies of power dynamics, representation, and identity within the socio-political sphere. The works of Schein (2000), Litzinger (2000), Harris (2004), Gillette’s (2000), Mueggler (2001), and McCarthy (2009) further illustrate how shared communal cultural practices and meanings can carve out spaces for ethnic minorities to articulate and negotiate their identities. These scholars show the potential of communal discourses in creating platforms for dialogue and negotiation, thereby emphasizing the capacity of ethnic minorities to assert their identities within broader socio-political narratives. Using Foucault’s concept of discourse as a lens, our examination will focus on how the State deploys minzu as a technological tool to engineer the identities of ethnic minorities within the PRC. This will allow us to unpack the complex processes of identity formation and the role of the state and majoritarian forces in molding these identities. The creation of the Miao identity, as observed by Schein (2000), is predominantly a state-driven endeavor, partnered with the tourism industry. They collectively devised a standardized, feminized image of

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

33

the Miao minority under the guise of enhancing the ethnic minorities’ cultural diversity. According to Schein, the state’s discourse often uses internal orientalism (Schein, 2000, p. 123), infantilizing and sensualizing minority women as bearers of cultural heritage, thereby constructing a ‘normative’ identity in contrast to the Han majority. Harris (2004), in her analysis of Sibe music, underscores how communal singing of Sibe songs can stimulate shared cultural memory in northeastern China, thereby fostering unity among the Sibe people. But crucially, she illuminates the State’s role in reshaping the Sibe identity within this cultural spectrum. Similar conclusions are drawn by McCarthy (2009), who in studying ethnic resurgence among the Dai, Bai, and Hui minorities, emphasized the power of cultural practices in asserting their collective identities and reinforcing ethnic boundaries. Contrastingly, Mueggler (2001) suggests that cultural revival serves as a platform for ethnic minorities to contest hegemonic classification. His exploration of the Yi ethnicity in southwest China showcases their determined efforts to revive cultural practices post-1980s, creating a cultural haven for healing past traumas and rejecting mainstream Han culture. Drawing upon Foucault’s notion of discourse as the thought-system directing how we discuss, comprehend, and act upon a particular topic or concept, the discourse of the PRC state significantly shapes the construction and understanding of ethnic minority identities within the PRC. This discourse is evident through Schein’s concept of ‘Internal Orientalism’ and the consistent portrayal of ethnic minorities in ways that affirm the Han majority’s identity. Similarly, Gladney posits that ethnic minorities are commonly depicted as sexualized, submissive, and primitive, further consolidating the Han majority’s superior standing. Gillette’s (2000) study on the Hui minority unveils how cultural consumption aids the Hui in articulating their distinct Muslim identity, transcending their assigned Minzu identity. This divergence arises through their interpretation of cultural products and their employment of a distinct Islamic modernity as a critique of the Han majority and the Han-dominated state. Gladney (1998) emphasizes the pivotal role of the nation-state in crafting the identities of ethnic minorities, characterizing the Hui identity as an outcome of local community and state interactions, thus illuminating the fluid and contextual nature of identity formation. Concurrently, Litzinger (2000) exposes the potential agency of ethnic minorities within this discourse, demonstrating how the Yao people strategically

34

L. HAO

collaborated with the state to position themselves favorably in historical narratives and negotiate their cultural rights. This discourse analysis, grounded in Foucault’s concept, sheds light on the construction, negotiation, and articulation of ethnic identities within the PRC.

Uncovering Agency Through New Media Technology Despite substantial work on ethnic minority identities in China, the scholarship around media and communication’s role in ethnic identity formation is noticeably limited. Drawing insights from ethnographic studies conducted on ethnic minorities in the UK, we can approach this gap with a fresh perspective that accounts for unique local contexts and their impact on identity construction. In the realm of British cultural studies, substantial strides have been made in acknowledging the role of audience engagement with media in the processes of identity formation and preservation. This perspective could be applied to our understanding of China’s changing cultural boundaries within its diverse ethnic minorities. An essential contribution of British cultural studies in the 1970s and 1980s was its focus on popular culture and the ways in which consent is navigated in the ongoing struggle for hegemony. These studies emphasize the interplay of cultural and social factors in the creation of meaning, making them a useful lens through which to study media representation and its role in identity construction. Taking the discussion further, a pivotal study by Pan Yu and Liu Shengzhi (2019), titled ‘The impact of social media on ethnic minority teenagers’ ethnic identity,’ sheds light on the growing significance of social media platforms in shaping and reinforcing ethnic identities in China. The ‘new ethnicities’ concept provides vital insight into understanding the processes within Sibe social media users. The term refers to how individuals interpret meanings from media representations, creating a ‘circuit of culture’ as described by Hall (1992). Through reading and re-reading of media texts, individuals challenge their ascribed positions, leading to the emergence of cultural hybrids. Homi Bhabha’s discussions on cultural hybridity are particularly insightful in this context. He argues that cultural hybridity should not be viewed as the direct outcome of two original moments, but rather a

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

35

‘third space’ allowing new identities to emerge (Bhabha, 1990, p. 211). As such, Sibe’s new identity, crafted through social media practices, must be recognized as more than a mere response to state-imposed identity and offline cultural practices. It emerges as a discourse that denies fixed subject positions, presenting culture as a dynamic site for identity construction. The methodologies employed in British ethnic minority studies for audience analysis can prove invaluable for studying meaning production in ethnic minority representations. An increasing interest in audience reception, ‘interpretative communities,’ ‘polysemic texts,’ and differentiated ‘decoding’ signals a shift in focus from static audience positions to a more dynamic understanding of the role of audiences. Furthermore, the increasing use of terms such as ‘transcultural,’ ‘diaspora,’ and ‘diasporic consciousness’ indicates a shift towards culturally fluid, spatially transnational, and multi-layered discursive ‘reading’ positions. This shift has seen an emphasis on how this ‘reading’ is sustained within the cultural boundaries of diasporic experiences. Marie Gillespie’s (1995) research on transnational communications and diaspora communities provides robust insights into how ethnic identities are constructed through diaspora media technology. Her research on British Asian youths in Southall, London, explored the role of transnational media in shaping South Asian diaspora formations and consciousness. The study provides an invaluable approach to understanding the construction of meaning through media texts by different people for their individual needs. In conclusion, a combination of audience studies and ‘new ethnicities’ approaches can provide a profound understanding of ethnic identity construction. These methodologies offer valuable insights into the construction of ethnic identity in China and how media representations can both capture and contribute to the evolving political-cultural climate of minzu.

Social Media and Minzu The field of analysis in this book is defined as encompassing a wide range of commonly used social media among Sibe people; they are WeChat, QQ, and Sina Weibo. In this book, I will describe how the formation of the meaning of minzu is conditioned by the technologies underlying them and what set of ideas and principles guides the construction of those material conditions.

36

L. HAO

In this respect, the notion of community and networks enables us to grasp how the factors influencing identity formation are embedded in a material and technological base. The concept of influence of social media on subject formation becomes crucial here, as these online spaces represent a material and technological base that embeds factors influencing identity formation. Benedict Anderson’s concept of the ‘imagined community’ provides valuable insight into this process. In Anderson’s view, modern nations, or in this case ethnic groups such as minzu, are socially constructed communities, imagined by the people who perceive themselves as part of that group (Anderson, 1993, pp. 6–7). This sense of connection and membership is facilitated by media technologies, including social media platforms. Such platforms thus provide the structural and cultural means for imagining and reinforcing a shared minzu identity among Sibe people. However, this process of identity formation is not solely a subjective invention or imagination. Drawing on Anthony Smith’s critique of Anderson, the construction of minzu also involves the reinterpretation of pre-modern bases of community, such as customs and traditions (Smith, 1991). Smith’s argument that national identity is not purely determined by the structure of an imagined community but also by the complex factors involved in articulating tradition is particularly relevant to the Sibe’s use of social media. In this context, it becomes vital to understand how the Sibe articulate the state-defined concept of minzu, their traditional notion of community (known as meyen in Sibe language), and emerging relationships in their online interactions. These online spaces serve as sites for the dynamic construction of minzu meaning within a network of interpersonal relationships. Thus, the construction of minzu meaning in the Sibe community must be understood in terms of both the traditional concept of meyen and the evolving social interactions on digital platforms. This dual focus helps to capture the complex interplay of subjective imagination, traditional customs, and digital networking in the formation of minzu identity among the Sibe people.

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

37

Minzu as a Technology in Ethnic Subject Formation The term minzu in China refers to ethnic groups or nations and its conceptualization has been shaped by different political and social structures throughout Chinese history. To analyze how minzu has functioned as a technology of the self to shape ethnic identity in China, it is helpful to apply the theoretical frameworks of Foucault’s discourse analysis, the network society concept of Castells (2000, 2010) and Dijk (2006). The Late Qing Dynasty, the Republic of China, and the People’s Republic of China each constituted specific discursive formations in Foucault’s terms, in which the understanding and articulation of minzu was shaped by the prevailing power relations and knowledge systems of their times. During the Late Qing Dynasty, the understanding of minzu was deeply embedded in the social and political fabric of the Chinese empire. At the heart of this period was the idea of a multiethnic empire, wherein the Qing Dynasty’s Manchu rulers navigated the complexities of governance over a large and diverse territory. They pursued a policy of cultural pluralism, allowing ethnic groups, including Han Chinese, to maintain their unique traditions and languages while also promoting loyalty to the imperial state. The Manchu’s sinicization, adopting many aspects of Han culture, further complicated the notion of minzu, resulting in a complex web of ethnic and cultural identities. Therefore, in this discursive formation, minzu was heavily influenced by the empire’s political strategy of managing diversity within a single imperial system. In contrast, the Republic of China marked a shift towards the ideology of nationalism, inspired largely by Western ideas. The notion of minzu during this period was shaped by the intellectual movement seeking to modernize China by forming a nation-state along Western lines. Consequently, Chinese intellectuals sought to build a new national identity that could unite the country’s diverse ethnic groups under a common Chinese nationality. They introduced the concept of zhonghua minzu or ‘Chinese nation,’ aiming to consolidate different ethnicities into one national identity. While this led to the diminishing of the individual ethnic identities, it was a strategic move to counter imperialistic threats and foster national unity. This discursive formation of ‘minzu’ was thus deeply entwined with the nationalism and modernization movements of the time.

38

L. HAO

The People’s Republic of China brought another shift in the understanding and articulation of minzu. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) adopted a policy of ethnic unity and equality in the spirit of Marxist-Leninist principles. The CCP identified and recognized 56 different minzu, including the Han majority and 55 minority groups, each with their unique cultural and linguistic characteristics. This policy, though ostensibly promoting ethnic diversity, also served to establish the CCP’s control over the various ethnic groups by placing them within a state-recognized taxonomy. This period’s discursive formation of minzu was characterized by the intersection of Communist ideology and the state’s desire to manage ethnic diversity within a unified China. In summary, the concept of minzu has been shaped by the shifting power relations and knowledge systems across different periods of Chinese history. The Late Qing Dynasty saw minzu as a tool for managing diversity within an imperial system, while the Republic of China employed it as a means of fostering national unity in the face of external threats. The People’s Republic of China has used it to consolidate state control over various ethnic groups while promoting ethnic diversity. Each of these discursive formations reflects the unique social, political, and cultural contexts of their time, demonstrating the malleability and instrumentalization of ethnic identity in China.

Shifting Power Dynamics in the Network Society In an era marked by technological advances and digital interconnectedness, social media has evolved to become a potent instrument fostering the emergence of a network society, subsequently inducing a shift in power dynamics that influence the production of minzu’s meaning. The role of social media platforms in the modern world goes beyond merely being channels for information dissemination and communication; they also serve as vast, intricate networks interconnecting individuals and communities globally. This interconnectedness is the cornerstone of what sociologists and media theorists refer to as the ‘network society’ (Castells, 2010; Dijk, 2006; Rainie & Wellman, 2014), a social structure where economic, political, and social activities are organized around electronically processed information networks. This burgeoning network society, fostered by social media platforms, ushers in profound shifts in power dynamics that significantly impact the conceptualization and articulation of the minzu, a term denoting ethnic

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

39

groups or nationalities in China. The transition from traditional modes of constructing and disseminating minzu narratives, primarily through oral traditions and print media, to digital platforms, has allowed for a broader, more global audience. However, this expansion in reach brought about by the network society is not without its challenges. Power, in the context of the network society, often resides with those who control the flow of information. Dominant entities, whether they are corporations, governments, or algorithmic systems, can manipulate narratives and frame discourses around ethnic identities, affecting the way minzu is understood and interpreted. In the network society, the interconnectedness of individuals and communities has a profound impact on the narratives of minzu, which were once localized and specific to certain communities. However, this interconnectedness also exposes these narratives to the influence of dominant entities. As a result, the complexities and nuances of minzu can be at risk of oversimplification or distortion, giving rise to concerns about representation and authenticity in the digital era. Nonetheless, these dynamics do not render the minzu community powerless or passive. The minzu, like any other societal groups, are active agents capable of negotiating the digital terrain, crafting their narratives, and asserting their cultural identities within the confinements of the network society. Through their interactions, activities, and shared experiences on social media, they continually shape and redefine the meaning of their minzu. To further unpack the process by which meaning is derived through the interaction of varying networks, we find valuable insights in the work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. In their seminal texts, Anti-Oedipus (2008) and A Thousand Plateaus (1987), they propose the concept of rhizomes. This concept offers a fresh perspective on the agency of individuals and networks, a chaotic network model that embraces constant change and fluidity. In stark contrast to the tree or root model which solidifies an order and links traits of a similar nature, the rhizomatic model underlines movement and becoming. Deleuze and Guattari illustrate this concept through examples such as becoming-woman, becoming-animal, and becomingimperceptible. They highlight that these transformations are not simply a merger of two entities but a process of multiplicity. Their views diverge significantly from Manuel Castells’ understanding of the node and network. Castells suggests that once an individual is

40

L. HAO

assimilated into the network as a node, it becomes virtually indistinguishable, subsumed by the network. However, Deleuze and Guattari contend that such a disappearance of the node is unfounded because the network, in its essence, is not a unity. In the rhizomatic perspective, every node can potentially connect with any other, facilitating a structure that’s inclusive and dynamic. Contrary to the tree-logic structure where nodes have preordained positions, the rhizomatic structure allows for interchanges based on the state of the individual nodes at any given moment. Deleuze and Guattari emphasize that these connections are not created merely to integrate with other networks; they are products of movement. Coupling these concepts with Bernard Stiegler’s theories on the coevolution of humanity and technology presents us with a potent analytical tool for exploring the Sibe people’s online ethnogenesis. Both Stiegler’s emphasis on the human-technics relationship and Deleuze and Guattari’s rhizomatic network model underline the intricate role played by technology, particularly social media, in shaping identity and culture. Here, the social media serves as a key medium for dispersed Sibe individuals to share cultural knowledge and collectively define their identity, a process fitting Stiegler’s notion of individuation and Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of rhizomes. As we delve into the nuances of subjectivity and social media, this intersectional perspective presents us with rich insights. It allows us to explore how the Sibe people construct the meaning of minzu amid the interplay of social media networks and the Sibe’s native holbobun 1 networks, and how particular features of social media platforms like QQ, Sina Weibo, and WeChat shape their social interactions. As we proceed, we aim to discern how these online platforms influence the construction of minzu, how these virtual interactions mold the Sibe’s relationships, and how this in turn shapes their conception of identity. In the subsequent chapter, we will elucidate the research methods used to tackle these probing questions.

1 ‘Holbobun’ is a term from the Sibe language that translates to ‘group’ or ‘community.’

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

41

Conclusion In summary, this chapter thoroughly examines the complex trajectory of the concept of minzu across significant historical eras in China— from its emergence in the Late Qing Dynasty, through its reinvention and transformation during the Republic of China period, to its reconfiguration under the Stalin-influenced interpretation during the People’s Republic of China era. Each of these periods has significantly contributed to shaping minzu’s definition and perception and thereby impacting the ethnic identity construction among Chinese ethnic minorities. Throughout this period, the concept of minzu has been fluid and complex, reflecting the broader socio-political dynamics and power structures. While its roots can be traced back to the Late Qing Dynasty, its evolution during the Republic of China period, characterized by the process of nation-building and identity formation, has been transformative. With the advent of the People’s Republic of China, the Stalin-influenced interpretation of minzu further complicated its understanding, leading to the minzu practice becoming deeply embedded within the socio-political fabric of the nation. The analysis of the Minzu Practice in Context suggests the multifaceted nature of minzu. It’s not merely a state-imposed construct; it also includes how individuals and groups understand, negotiate, and perform their identities within these given boundaries. The recent advent of new media technology and social media platforms has added another layer of complexity to this process, significantly influencing how minzu is understood and articulated today. The intricate relationship between social media and minzu, as discussed in ‘Uncovering Agency through New Media Technology in China,’ highlights the evolving dynamics of ethnic identity construction. Social media has not only offered an alternative space for expressing and negotiating ethnic identities but also demonstrated the potential to challenge and reshape the traditional understanding of minzu. In conclusion, a thorough exploration of the genealogy of minzu in China reveals the complex interplay of history, politics, society, and technology in shaping ethnic identity. It underscores the need for an interpretive approach that acknowledges these complexities and pays attention to the dynamic and evolving practices of identity construction within the digital realm. In the upcoming chapters, this complex lens will be employed to conduct an in-depth exploration of the Sibe

42

L. HAO

ethnic group as a case study. We will traverse their unique path of identity formation within the context of minzu. The key aspects to be covered will encompass the Sibe’s historical narrative, their celebrated Westward Migration festival, and the distinct Sibe language. This application of findings from the second chapter to these facets will provide a comprehensive understanding of the Sibe’s identity journey.

References Anderson, B. (1993). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. Verso. Benson, L. (1990). The Ili Rebellion: The Moslem Challenge to Chinese Authority in Xinjiang, 1944–1949. M.E. Sharpe. Bhabha, H. K. (1990). The Third Space: Interview with Homi Babha. In J. Rutherford (Ed.), Identity: Community, Culture Difference. Lawrence and Wishart. Castells, M. (2000). Materials for an Exploratory Theory of the Network Society. British Journal of Sociology, 51(1), 5–24. Castells, M. (2010). The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Volume 1: The Rise of the Network Society. Blackwell. Crossley, P. K. (1999). A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology. University of California Press. Dijk, J. (2006). The Network Society: Social Aspects of New Media. Sage. Dikötter, F. (1997). The Construction of Racial Identities in China and Japan. Hong Kong University Press. Gillespie, M. (1995). Television, Ethnicity, and Cultural Change. Routledge. Gillette, M. B. (2000). Between Mecca and Beijing: Modernization and Consumption Among Urban Chinese Muslims. Stanford University Press. Gladney, D. (1991). Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic. Harvard University Press. Gladney, D. (1998). Making Majorities: Constituting the Nation in Japan, Korea, China, Malaysia, Fiji, Turkey, and the United States. Stanford University Press. Hall, S. (1992). New Ethnicities. In J. Donald & A. Rattansi (Eds.), ‘Race’, Culture, Difference. Routledge. Harrell, S. (Ed.). (1995). Cultural Encounters on China’s Ethnic Frontiers. University of Washington Press. Harris, R. (2004). Singing the Village: Music, Memory, and Ritual Among the Sibe of Xinjiang. Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press.

2

A GENEALOGY OF MINZU IN CHINA

43

Litzinger, R. A. (2000). Other Chinas: The Yao and the Politics of National Belonging. Duke University Press. McCarthy, S. K. (2009). Communist Multiculturalism: Ethnic Revival in Southwest China. University of Washington Press. Mueggler, E. (2001). The Age of Wild Ghosts: Memory, Violence, and Place in Southwest China. University of California Press. Mullaney, T. S. (2011). Coming to Terms with the Nation: Ethnic Classification in Modern China. University of California Press. Na, Q. (2010). Zhongguo Xibe Ren [Sibe People of China]. Liaoning Minzu Publishing House. Oidtmann, M. (2014). Imperial Legacies and Revolutionary Legends: The Sibe Cavalry Company, the Eastern Turkestan Republic, and Historical Memories in Xinjiang. Saksaha: A Journal of Manchu Studies, 12. https://doi.org/10. 3998/saksaha.13401746.0012.005 Rainie, H., & Wellman, B. (2014). Networked: The New Social Operating System. MIT Press. Schein, L. (2000). Minority Rules: The Miao and the Feminine in China’s Cultural Politics. Duke University Press. Schmalzer, S. (2008). The People’s Peking Man: Popular Science and Human Identity in Twentieth-Century China. University of Chicago Press. Shi, Y (2005). Dongzu Diqu de Shehui Bianqian [Social Change in the Region of the Kam People]. Zhongyang Minzu Daxue Chubanshe. Smith, A. D. (1991). National Identity. University of Nevada Press. Wang, H. (2004). Xiandai Zhongguo Sixiang de Xingqi [Rise of Modern Chinese Thought]. Shenhuo Dushu Xinzhi Sanlian Shudian. Yang, J., & Wang, G. (1994). Woguo de Minzu Quyu Zizhi: Mao Zedong dui Makesi Zhuyi Minzu Lilun de Gongxian [National Regional Autonomy in China: Mao Zedong”s Contribution to Marxist Theory of Nationality]. Minzu Yanjiu [Nationality Studies], 1(1994), 1–8. Yu, P., & Shengzhi, L. (2019). The Impact of Social Media on Ethnic Minority Teenagers’ Ethnic Identity. Contemporary Youth Studies, 3, 51–56. https:// doi.org/10.3969/j.issn.1006-1789.2019.03.008 Zhao, S. (2004). A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism. Stanford University Press.

CHAPTER 3

The Evolution of Minzu Among the Sibe

Introduction In this chapter, we will embark on a genealogical journey tracing the evolution of the concept minzu within the Sibe community, from the age of print media to the contemporary digital sphere of social media. We seek to unravel the intricate interplay between state influence, media technicity, and individual agency in the construction and interpretation of minzu. This exploration begins with an examination of state-driven historiography, pivoting to the dynamic digital landscape of social media, illuminating how these forces have shaped the understanding and articulation of minzu among the Sibe. To commence this journey, we will scrutinize history textbooks overseen by the state government. These textbooks encapsulate the state’s construction of minzu, where it largely communicates the concept of the Chinese national identity and central government’s narrative. Such state-directed influence, particularly before the 1990s, has undoubtedly influenced the historical narratives and identities of the Sibe, one of China’s ethnic minorities. We will delve into the roles government cadres played in authoring Sibe history, their motivations, and the broader implications on minzu construction in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). To embark on this exploration, we’ll begin by critically examining the history textbooks sanctioned by the state government. These textbooks © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5_3

45

46

L. HAO

present the state’s depiction of minzu, which largely conveys the Chinese national identity and the central government’s narrative. Before the 1990s, this state-led narrative significantly shaped the historical perceptions and identities of the Sibe. We’ll explore the roles and motivations of government cadres in scripting Sibe history and the wider implications this has for minzu creation in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In addition to state-driven historiography, this chapter delves into the effects of theoretical frameworks such as Stalin’s theory on nationalities, specifically its impact on the Sibe’s historical narrative and identity. Through this in-depth analysis, we aim to provide a holistic understanding of the complex power interplays and political undertones that permeate the process of ethnic identity construction within Chinese society. Furthermore, we examine the pivotal role and strategies of the Sibe Folklore Museum in rejuvenating Sibe cultural identity. From the realm of state-supervised textbooks and museum, we pivot towards the dynamic digital landscape of social media. This alternative platform has proven instrumental in facilitating the negotiation of Sibe’s identity. We assess how proficient use of social media and the resulting ‘space of flow’ have facilitated a reshaping and reintroduction of Sibe identity, deviating from traditional narratives associated with the Sibe Folklore Museum. These contemporary social media applications grant Sibe users the chance to craft new interpretations of their ethnic identity, thus affording the Sibe minority a newfound form of agency. This agency empowers them to perform their cultural practices and to ‘imagine’ themselves in new, innovative ways. In this digital arena, Sibe users evolve from mere recipients of a state-approved narrative to creators of their unique understanding of minzu. Unlike textbooks and museums, minzu on social media emphasizes the unique local ethnicity of the Sibe community, rather than the homogenous national identity promoted by the Chinese state. Furthermore, the chapter will shed light on how digital media technicity has facilitated the emergence of alternative historical sources like oral history that either challenge or complement the state-sanctioned narrative. By examining this shift from print to digital and the increasing influence of user agency, we can gain insights into how social media platforms are redefining the Sibe’s ethnic identity and their understanding of minzu. In conclusion, this chapter will provide a comprehensive and critical analysis of the evolution of minzu within the Sibe community, from

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

47

its construction in state-directed media to its reinterpretation in the digital world of social media. Through this genealogical investigation, this chapters aim to enrich our understanding of nation-building, identity construction, and the role media technicity plays in these processes. This exploration will illustrate the diverse challenges and opportunities ethnic minorities like the Sibe people face when negotiating their identities within the broader context of Chinese society.

Dissecting State Historiography: Tracing the Evolution of Minzu This chapter embarks on an in-depth genealogical investigation, seeking to trace the evolution of the concept of minzu within the Sibe community. Our explorative trajectory navigates from the era of print media and anchors itself in the realm of state-driven historiography. Our goal in this journey is to decode the complex entanglement of state influence in crafting and interpreting minzu. The chapter’s approach to minzu is informed by Hobsbawm’s concept of the ‘invention of tradition,’ whereby tradition is fashioned by groups of people striving to define themselves and be redefined by local powers of domination. Central to our understanding of minzu is the process of ‘ethnogenesis’ as described by Gladney—the creation of a recent ethnic collectivity through dialectical interaction with imagined historical traditions and modern geopolitical necessities (Gladney, 1991, p. 1). Our analysis takes into account the state’s influence on the molding and defining of ethnic identities, as explored by Harris (2004). Harris asserts that the Chinese state, through its minzu policy of endorsing particular music forms and limiting the shamanistic elements of Sibe music, determines what is viewed as ‘authentic’ or ‘traditional’ within the Sibe community. She investigates how the Sibe people utilize music to sustain and articulate their cultural identity in response to these state-induced modifications. According to Harris, this is a way the Sibe community negotiates with the narratives imposed upon them by the state. Understanding this dynamic informs our investigation of the statedirected textbooks and their impact on the Sibe community’s historical narrative and identity. These textbooks encapsulate the state’s narrative of minzu, highlighting the influence of the state in shaping the historical

48

L. HAO

narratives and identities of ethnic minorities in China. Furthermore, we delve into the roles government cadres played in authoring Sibe history, their motivations, and the broader implications on minzu construction in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the Sibe community, as in other Chinese communities, government cadres are officials who hold significant responsibilities within the government structure. They are civil servants holding key positions, responsible for implementing and managing state policies. These cadres play a pivotal role in not only policy creation and enforcement but also mediating the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party’s policies and the wider populace. Specifically, within the Sibe community, these government cadres have been entrusted with the critical task of constructing and promoting the state’s narratives about the Sibe’s ethnic history and identity as part of minzu. They thus significantly influence the shaping of minzu in the Sibe community and beyond. To set the stage for this exploration, we turn our primary focus towards unraveling state-led historiography, a foundational platform for the evolving discourse on minzu among the Sibe. As our investigation commences, we delve deeply into the statesupervised history textbooks. These scholarly works serve as the embodiment of the state’s portrayal of minzu, primarily functioning as a medium to communicate the concept of Chinese national identity and reinforce the narrative of the central government. The overarching influence of state direction, particularly notable before the 1990s, has played a profound role in molding the historical narratives and identities of China’s ethnic minorities, with a special emphasis on the Sibe community. This part of our study delves into the intricate roles undertaken by government functionaries in the creation of Sibe history, their driving motivations, and the broader implications on the manifestation of minzu within the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Additionally, our study acknowledges the interconnectedness of history and theory. In the development of a robust theoretical framework, we stress the importance of interplay between historical context and theoretical analysis. Instead of deconstructing theory into its historical precursors, we aim to address key issues by critically examining both the historical setting and the theoretical consistency of the concepts being explored. This approach fosters a nuanced understanding of how ideas and theories are shaped by, and in turn shape, their historical contexts.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

49

Consequently, it enriches our analysis of the development of the minzu identity within the Sibe community. As we venture further into the next section, we shift our attention to the profound influence of Marxist-Leninist theories in shaping the Sibe people’s historical narrative. This examination will provide crucial insights into the theoretical underpinnings that further molded the Sibe’s understanding and articulation of minzu. Marxist-Leninist Theories: A Lens Shaping the Sibe Historical Narrative The PRC’s adaptation and implementation of Marxist-Leninist theories have significantly influenced the Sibe people’s historical narrative and minzu identity construction. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has utilized this theoretical framework as a guiding compass in understanding and navigating ethnic relations. Consequently, this framework, emphasizing class struggle and historical materialism, has played a pivotal role in shaping the Sibe people’s perception of their history and their place within the Chinese nation. One of the most evident manifestations of Marxist-Leninist theories in the Sibe historical narrative is found in the concept of class struggle. This theoretical cornerstone asserts that societal evolution is propelled by the struggle between social classes, culminating in the emergence of a classless, communist society. Within the PRC context, this notion has been leveraged to underscore the Sibe people’s historical struggles against oppressive entities such as landlords and imperialists, thereby underlining their active participation in the broader socialist revolution. Equally significant is the application of historical materialism in the construction of the Sibe historical narrative. This key component of Marxist-Leninist theories postulates that historical progression is primarily driven by material and economic determinants rather than abstract ideas or ideologies. In implementing this theoretical perspective in the Sibe history, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) accentuated the socioeconomic development of the Sibe people, emphasizing their integral role in the modernization efforts of the PRC. Simultaneously, the formation of minzu identities among Sibe cadres has been heavily shaped by these theoretical perspectives. In the context of the PRC, minzu refers to nations or ethnic groups, and the shaping of minzu identities has been a critical component of nation-building efforts.

50

L. HAO

In this process, the CCP has harnessed Marxist-Leninist theories to sculpt a unified Chinese nation by emphasizing the shared history and mutual interests of various minzu groups. For the Sibe people, this process has entailed the promotion of a collective identity with the broader Chinese nation, complemented by recognition of their unique cultural and historical characteristics within the PRC’s socialist construction. Further critical to this process is the role of Sibe cadres. As state representatives, these functionaries have been instrumental in implementing Marxist-Leninist theories within the Sibe community. Their duties extend to the production and dissemination of historical narratives that are aligned with the state’s official narrative and champion the ideological goals of the CCP. These writings have not merely shaped the Sibe people’s interpretation of their history but have also played a pivotal role in promoting the CCP’s vision of a harmonious Chinese nation that accommodates the diverse minzu groups. The state utilizes this narrative to foster a sense of unity among different minzu groups. The sacrifices and contributions of the Sibe people are contextualized as part of the broader struggle of all minzu groups towards national development and modernization. Consequently, the Sibe people are instilled with a sense of pride in their history and a sense of belonging within the larger Chinese nation. The role of Sibe cadres in promoting this narrative has been substantial. As representatives of the state, they reinforce the CCP’s interpretation of Sibe history, ensuring its acceptance within the Sibe community. They engage in various activities, such as publicizing historical materials that align with the state’s narrative, and facilitating discussions emphasizing the relevance of these narratives to contemporary issues. Through these activities, they shape the Sibe people’s understanding of their history and their identity within the PRC’s nation-building efforts. Reinterpretation of Stalin’s Four Requirements and the Influence of Local Cosmopolitanism on Sibe History Joseph Stalin’s four criteria for defining a nation have played a substantial role in sculpting the minzu concept for the Sibe people. This section will delve into the utilization of Stalin’s criteria—shared language, territory, economic life, and psychological traits expressed through a common culture—in shaping the minzu identity of the Sibe people as reflected in

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

51

their historical narratives within the People’s Republic of China. Specifically, this analysis will elucidate how the infusion of these four constituents has significantly shaped the Sibe people’s comprehension of their ethnic identity throughout the narration of their history. The historical writings by government cadres were instrumental in shaping the Sibe minzu identity, aligning it with state’s policies. By emphasizing the importance of language, territory, economic life, and cultural characteristics, these writings facilitated the construction of a distinct Sibe minzu identity, coherent with the broader objectives of the Chinese state. In essence, the application of Stalin’s four criteria, as documented in Sibe historical writings by government cadres, not only molded the Sibe minzu identity but also shaped the narratives surrounding the Sibe people. The intricate interplay of these factors unveils the complex dynamics at work in the construction of minzu identities in China and the continual negotiation of ethnic minority groups within the broader Chinese society. Joseph Stalin’s four criteria for nationhood, as interpreted and implemented by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), have critically shaped the minzu of the Sibe people. This analysis specifically highlights the influence of shared language, territory, economic life, and psychological characteristics expressed through a shared culture, as found in various historical texts. The exploration of these historical narratives, which include works like Tong Keli’s ‘The History and Culture of Sibe,’ He Ling’s ‘The History of Sibe’s Westward Migration,’ Bai Youhan’s ‘The Origin of Sibe,’ the National Ethnic Affairs Commission’s ‘The Concise History of Sibe,’ ‘To Investigate the Ethnic Origin of Sibe,’ and Xiao Fu’s works on the early social organization and economic life of the Sibe people, illuminates the nuances of the Sibe minzu identity. These works, in various ways, demonstrate the profound impact of Stalin’s four criteria on the formation of the Sibe’s minzu identity within the People’s Republic of China (PRC). A recurrent theme across these narratives is the emphasis on a distinct ethnic identity for the Sibe people, underscored by a shared language, historical continuity, cultural practices, and territorial connections. These common elements crucially nurture a sense of continuity in the Sibe’s collective identity, notwithstanding the shifting political and societal landscapes. The historical texts also manifest the transformative role of the CCP’s policies on the Sibe people. Through endorsing and applying Stalin’s

52

L. HAO

criteria, the CCP significantly influenced the recognition of the Sibe people as a distinct minzu within the PRC’s political framework. This identity construction aligns with the CCP’s broader aspiration to assimilate the Sibe people into the socialist project and thereby, ensure their loyalty to the state. From this exploration, we start to see the transformative role that shared language plays, particularly within the Sibe community, as a medium of cultural preservation and a tool for political reinforcement. With this in mind, let’s delve deeper into the role of language in the Sibe minzu identity, starting with an examination of Tong Keli’s ‘The History and Culture of Sibe.’ This exploration will highlight how language, beyond its functional use as a means of communication, becomes a symbolic vehicle that preserves the unique Sibe cultural heritage, reinforces the distinctiveness of the Sibe minzu, and consolidates their status within the PRC’s socio-political structure. Tong Keli’s ‘The History and Culture of Sibe’ presents language as a vital cultural and political tool, embodying and preserving the unique heritage of the Sibe community. The importance of language is thus elevated, reinforcing the distinctiveness of the Sibe minzu and asserting their place within the socio-political framework of the PRC. This in-depth exploration of language underscores one crucial element of Stalin’s criteria for a nation—a shared language. However, it is not the only dimension of the Sibe identity formation. The journey of the Sibe people is not only linguistic but also deeply intertwined with their geographic and social evolution. Transitioning from the linguistic aspect of Sibe identity, we now shift our focus to another pivotal component—territory. The geographic displacement and relocation of ethnic groups often play a significant role in their identity formation, carving an essential facet of their collective consciousness. In this context, He Ling’s seminal work, ‘The History of Sibe’s Westward Migration,’ offers a compelling narrative of the Sibe’s physical and socio-political journey. This work sheds light on how the Sibe people’s past, rooted in their ancestral homeland, bridges with their present identity, underscoring the significance of shared territory, another of Stalin’s criteria. He Ling’s work, ‘The History of Sibe’s Westward Migration,’ juxtaposes the physical journey of the Sibe people with their socio-political evolution. The narrative highlights the importance of their ancestral

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

53

homeland, bridging their past with their present identity and thus reinforcing Stalin’s criterion of a shared territory. Further, narratives in ‘The Origin of Sibe’ by Bai Youhan and ‘The Concise History of Sibe’ by the National Ethnic Affairs Commission focus on the Sibe people’s economic practices and cultural traditions. These facets of daily life are portrayed as the cornerstone of the Sibe identity, emphasizing the importance of cohesive economic life and a distinctive psychological makeup—two more of Stalin’s principles—in the construction of their minzu identity. While Joseph Stalin’s four criteria for a nation—a common language, shared territory, unified economic life, and psychological traits manifested through a common culture—have been recognized as foundational elements in defining minzu in China, the cadres’ application of these in constructing the Sibe’s minzu narrative in this history book has not strictly followed Stalin’s framework. Instead, the cadres’ approach has been markedly shaped by the influence of local Chinese cosmopolitanism or culturalism, creating a unique interpretive lens through which the Sibe minzu identity is perceived and articulated. The inadequacy of Stalin’s definition in practical application becomes even more evident when closely examining the Ethnic Classification Project in China. As Mullaney (2011, pp. 12–14) notes, almost every report on the Project references Stalin’s criteria as a guiding framework. Yet, they quickly underscore the stark contrast between the Chinese context and modern Europe, which is what Stalin’s criteria were initially based upon. They argue that adhering strictly to Stalin’s definition without adapting to the distinct socio-cultural dynamics of China proves to be impractical. This particular issue is prominently showcased in the process of identifying and characterizing the Sibe minzu in northeastern China, echoing the influence of local Chinese cosmopolitanism or culturalism that we have noted in the cadres’ approach to constructing the Sibe minzu narrative. This distinct difference between theory and practice further emphasizes the unique lens through which the Sibe minzu identity is perceived and articulated. My interviewee, N, also used this Stalin-derived definition of minzu to guide his work on identifying the Sibe in the Northeast of China in the 1980s. However, he told me that he met some problems in distinguishing between the Manchu and Sibe during his fieldwork. He told me that his participants told him that they are Sibe. However, according to criteria derived from Stalin’s definition of minzu, they are the same as Manchu.

54

L. HAO

This caused enormous trouble for N. I asked him how he dealt with this situation. He told me that he respected the wishes of his interviewees and recorded their minzu status according to their desire, and that he had compared it with their family trees (N, personal communication, August 2, 2009). This indicates that N’s solution was to combine Stalin’s definition of minzu and his beliefs that bloodline determines one’s minzu. This belief in bloodline determining minzu is commonly shared among the notions of cultural minzu and racial minzu. The narrative surrounding the interview with N reveals a complex dynamic in the practical application of Stalin’s definition of minzu. The challenges faced by N during his fieldwork shed light on the intricacies and ambiguities that pervade the process of identity classification. The encounter elucidates the tension between Stalin’s minzu definition, the subjective self-identification of the participants, and the deeply ingrained belief in the determinant power of bloodline. However, this case study provides only a glimpse into the intricate, multi-layered process of identity construction among the Sibe people. It is a snapshot that highlights the individual and collective struggles in navigating the contested waters of ethnic identity in the broader Chinese socio-political landscape. In seeking to further dissect and understand this multifaceted process, it is necessary to delve deeper into the underlying mechanisms and discursive forces at play. Transitioning from the case of N, we move into an analytical framework informed by Michel Foucault’s concept of genealogy. This approach allows for a comprehensive tracing of the evolution and transformation of the Sibe’s minzu identity. The genealogical analysis brings into focus the constructed nature of knowledge, showing how power relations, Marxist-Leninist theories, Stalin’s criteria, Chinese cosmopolitanism, and societal structures collectively shape our understanding of identity and history. Foucault’s genealogy, as a method of historical analysis, uncovers the layers of societal norms, ideologies, and political influences that construct our understanding of a given phenomenon. It emphasizes discontinuity over continuity, revealing how shifts in power structures and discourses over time shape the evolution of concepts like identity and nationhood. Within the framework of the Sibe minzu identity, a genealogical exploration uncovers a diverse range of influences that have shaped its formation. These comprise the ideological basis of Marxist-Leninist theories, the categorical structure suggested by Stalin’s four criteria, and the intricate subtleties of Chinese cosmopolitanism.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

55

Marxist-Leninist theories played a crucial role, particularly within the early Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which, inspired by the Bolshevik model, aspired to build a cohesive socialist society that also embraced ethnic diversity. These theories led the party to view the creation of a shared national identity as integral to its revolutionary endeavor. The influence of these theories is evident in how the Sibe, among other ethnic groups, were categorized and their histories recorded, frequently highlighting their input in the socialist fight. The application of Stalin’s four criteria also left a significant imprint on the CCP’s approach to minzu. However, our genealogical analysis exposes that the CCP did not rigorously adhere to these criteria when dealing with the Sibe’s case. Instead, the party tailored them to the distinctive historical and cultural context of the Sibe, underlining certain aspects such as their unique language and cultural traditions more than others. Arguably the most impactful, our genealogical scrutiny illuminates how Chinese cosmopolitanism influenced the construction of the Sibe minzu. This cosmopolitan outlook, with its appreciation for cultural diversity and harmony, guided the CCP’s methodology, culminating in a nuanced conception of minzu. It underscored cultural unity within diversity, favoring this over a strict adherence to Stalin’s criteria. Therefore, through the lens of Foucault’s genealogy, we can appreciate how the minzu identity of the Sibe people, as it is understood today, has been shaped by a complex web of theoretical, ideological, and cultural influences. It underlines the fluid and constructed nature of minzu identities, revealing how they are the product of specific historical processes and power relations rather than fixed and immutable entities. Through this genealogical lens, we can discern how the CCP’s application of Stalin’s criteria has been adapted and reinterpreted through the prism of local Chinese cosmopolitanism. This cosmopolitan perspective, which values cultural diversity and harmony, has nuanced the CCP’s approach to constructing the Sibe’s minzu identity, leading to an emphasis on cultural unity amid diversity rather than strict adherence to Stalin’s criteria. In essence, the application of Stalin’s four criteria in the Sibe historical narrative is not a rigid process but one that has been modified and enriched by the influence of local Chinese cosmopolitanism. This cosmopolitan influence has shaped the CCP’s approach to minzu identity

56

L. HAO

construction, highlighting the complex interplay of ideology, culture, and history in shaping minzu identities in contemporary China. The comprehensive exploration of the Sibe people’s minzu identity and the impact of Stalin’s four criteria present a detailed understanding of how national identities are formed, documented, and sometimes contested within the context of contemporary China. Through this study, we see the dynamic interplay between language, territory, economic life, cultural attributes, and state policies in the formation and articulation of ethnic identities. This intricate interplay brings to the forefront the significant role of state-directed historiography in the evolution of identity formation and the construction of minzu subjects within the PRC. In conclusion, Stalin’s four criteria have profoundly influenced the Sibe people’s understanding of their minzu identity and the narrative of their history within the PRC. This nuanced analysis, through the careful examination of these criteria’s impact on the Sibe historical narratives, provides deeper insights into the complex processes of identity formation. Moreover, it elucidates the critical role state-directed historiography plays in constructing minzu subjects in modern China. Three main themes emerge from these narratives: (1) the history of their migration, (2) their relationship with the Manchu, and (3) the Sibe’s role in the Chinese nation. These themes further illustrate how Stalin’s criteria were implemented in the Sibe historical writings and shaped their minzu identity, constructing multiple narratives around the Sibe people within the broader Chinese nation. Thus, this investigation further underscores the crucial role of state-led historiography in the development of identity and construction of minzu subjects within the PRC, providing a comprehensive understanding of the complex processes of identity formation. With this in mind, let’s pivot to the first theme—the history of the Sibe migration. History of Sibe Migration The narrative of the Sibe people’s historical migration is crucial in constructing their minzu identity. The Sibe community, hailing originally from the northeastern parts of China, underwent several migrations in their historical trajectory. The most consequential among these transpired in the eighteenth century during the reign of the Qing Dynasty. During this period, a significant population of the Sibe was relocated by the Qing

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

57

authorities from their ancestral lands to the Ili region, today known as Xinjiang. This migratory phase marked a critical juncture in the annals of Sibe history, initiating a transformative shift in their geographical and social fabric. Government cadre-authored historical accounts underscore the hurdles the Sibe community navigated during this transition and the resilience they exhibited in acclimatizing to their novel environment. These narratives often depict the Sibe as a strong, cohesive community that successfully maintained its unique culture and identity amid the turbulence of migration. The narrative centered on the Sibe people’s migration journey also serves to emphasize their unique status within the broader Chinese nation. By accentuating the Sibe’s migratory path and adaptability, these historical accounts stress their distinctiveness from other ethnic groups, thus contributing substantially to the construction of a unified minzu identity. The intricate interplay between Stalin’s four criteria and the narratives woven around the Sibe people’s history and culture emphasizes the dynamic relationship between language, territory, economic life, cultural attributes, and state policies in the formation and articulation of ethnic identities. In essence, the narrative of the Sibe’s migration illuminates the complexities of identity formation and underscores the vital role of state-led historiography within the PRC’s broader national narrative. Building upon this understanding, let’s delve into Harris’s ethnography of Sibe music practice in Çabçal. Here, we observe that the Sibe people, as migrants, establish their cultural, traditional ties to their northeastern Chinese homeland to craft their cultural uniqueness within Xinjiang’s multicultural environment. Consequently, they actively engage with the state’s concept of minzu to modify their cultural tradition (Harris, 2004, pp. 55–56). This insight is echoed in the Sibe Folklore Museum’s display on the Westward Migration. During my 2011 field trip to the Sibe Folklore Museum, I noted two main objectives within the Westward Migration display. The first is to define who the Sibe are by aligning with the state’s Stalin-inspired definition of minzu. The second objective is to construct an imagined blood kinship between the Sibe in northeastern China and Xinjiang, as I will illustrate in my analysis of the Westward Migration display in the Sibe Folklore Museum. As communicated by the museum tour guide, the overarching aim of the museum is to embody the Sibe’s minzu spirit, a spirit deeply rooted in patriotism (Fig. 3.1).

58

L. HAO

Fig. 3.1 Gašan Dunggu was introduced as Sibe’s origin

The nuanced exploration of the Sibe’s unique minzu identity, as constructed through their history, relationship with the state, and cultural traditions, finds a vivid representation in the Sibe Folklore Museum. By collaborating with the state’s definitions and constructing an imagined kinship across regions, the Museum embodies the Sibe’s patriotic minzu spirit, becoming an effective stage for identity performance and negotiation. Let’s delve deeper into the Museum’s representation of the Sibe’s historical trajectory, which is eloquently presented in three sequential sections. The first section is dedicated to the primitive stage of Sibe society, featuring an in-depth discussion on how Gašan Dunggu was identified as the Sibe’s place of origin. The second section visually introduces the appearance of Sibe society under feudalism. This part is heavily populated with images of Qing soldiers, and the narrative concentrates on the integration of the Sibe people into the Manchu military banner system. A significant focus here is the Sibe’s contribution to the defense of the nation’s borderland. In total, the video presentation lasts sixty minutes, with the Sibe’s military contribution during the Qing Dynasty and the

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

59

Westward Migration accounting for nearly half of its duration. The final section pivots to the achievements of the Sibe people post-1950s, during the socialist era. Drawing upon state-endorsed history, the museum showcases a wealth of customs and artifacts. As a powerful institution of symbolic representation, the museum serves as a critical hub for information collection, resource allocation, and shaping how information and symbolic content are produced and disseminated in society (Thompson, 1995). Harold Innis (1951) famously defined such institutions as ‘monopolies of knowledge,’ embodying centralized structures of power. Housed within the grandeur of the museum, these institutions safeguard historical knowledge and identity of the dominant culture and shape the interpretation of world knowledge through the lens of this culture. The potential of museums to reinforce nationalism has been widely noted. They serve as instruments of the state to selectively remember and narrate the nation’s history and culture (Anderson, 1993, p. 168). The Sibe Folklore Museum actively extols the contributions that China, both in the present and historically, has made to the region. For instance, the museum frames the narrative of the Westward Migration in a way that underscores a symbiotic relationship between the national center and the far western regions. According to the museum, the Qing Dynasty deployed Sibe troops to the western regions for administrative strengthening, which led to significant land reclamation and extensive agriculture in Çabçal. This action introduced advanced production techniques, thereby fostering economic development in the Çabçal region. From the museum guide, I learned that Tubet, a military commander of the Sibe troops in Xinjiang, played a pivotal role in this historical episode. It was he who led the Sibe people to settle and garrison in Çabçal. An interesting tale associated with Tubet and enshrined in a statue at the museum’s entrance recounts how he initiated a canal project. The story goes that Tubet aimed to make the Sibe people feel at home during their sixty-year mandated stay in Xinjiang by the Qianlong Emperor. This endeavor transformed the barren desert into fertile farmland, and the naming of this land as ‘Çabçal’ serves to commemorate Tubet’s invaluable contribution to the Sibe people, as per the museum guide’s narration. The presentation of this history primarily adopts elements of patriotism that have been distilled from the cultural (re)interpretation of the Westward Migration. These elements underscore the trials of the migration

60

L. HAO

journey, the valiant efforts of the Sibe people in safeguarding the borderlands, and the tribulations they faced while establishing their new home in Xinjiang. Upon entering the Sibe Folklore Museum, a large exhibit focusing on the Sibe’s westward journey immediately caught my attention. This exhibit vividly illustrates the strenuous journey of the Sibe soldiers towards Çabçal in Xinjiang and their relentless efforts to transform barren desert into fruitful farmland. Notably absent from the exhibit were any depictions of the northeastern part of China, the original home of the Sibe people (Fig. 3.2). The painting features numerous towering Sibe soldiers donned in the attire reminiscent of Manchu soldiers from historical Qing dramas. Yet, the portrayal of individual Sibe is so minute that their facial features remain indiscernible. There are two intertwining narratives evident in this artwork. The first one charts the arduous journey of Sibe on their westward trek towards Çabçal. The second narrative, visible from the depictions of soldiers laboring on the canal and agricultural lands,

Fig. 3.2 Memorial painting: The Great Westward Migration of 1764 A.D.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

61

recounts the valuable contribution of the Sibe people in transforming this frontier region into a fertile granary. Through my analysis of the exhibits in the Sibe Folklore Museum, particularly those centering on Tubet, the construction of the canal, and the role of Sibe in fortifying the border, I discerned that the history of Westward Migration was chosen to underscore the patriotic contributions of the Sibe towards safeguarding China’s borderlands. In this section, I’ve highlighted how the Sibe Folklore Museum employs the exhibit on Westward Migration to accomplish two objectives. First, it establishes Sibe identity as a minzu identity by aligning with the state’s Stalin-inspired definition of minzu and incorporating elements from the state-endorsed narrative of Sibe history. Second, it seeks to construct a metaphorical blood kinship between the Sibe in northeastern China and Xinjiang by predominantly using images of shared cultural practices. As a result, an identity deeply rooted in the traditions of northeastern China has been crafted for the Sibe community, achieved through careful selection and omission of elements from Sibe culture in the museum. This reconstruction of Sibe identity is facilitated by the centralized communication system of the museum, encompassing the displayed videos and books. These media allow the Sibe elites from Çabçal, who are affiliated with the Chinese state, to construct a Sibe identity that aligns with their agenda in Xinjiang. However, how does Sibe identity evolve in the digital landscape where communication and information interact dynamically? In the subsequent section, I delve into how diverse Sibe individuals articulate their identity through the use of social media. Relationship with Manchu The relationship between the Sibe and Manchu peoples constitutes another pivotal narrative within the Sibe historical chronicles authored by government cadres. Both groups, as Tungusic-speaking communities, share linguistic and cultural roots. Yet, in spite of these shared elements, historical realities have seen the Sibe and Manchu peoples maintaining distinct identities. Government cadre-penned historical texts often underline the cultural distinctions between the Sibe and Manchu peoples, drawing attention to the unique customs, beliefs, and practices that differentiate the Sibe from their Manchu counterparts. These narratives emphasize the significance of

62

L. HAO

preserving the distinctive identity of the Sibe people, particularly amid the assimilation pressures exerted by the dominant Manchu culture during the Qing Dynasty era. Concurrently, these narratives represent the relationship between the Sibe and Manchu peoples as one characterized by mutual respect and collaboration. The Sibe people held notable roles in the Qing Dynasty’s military expeditions and administrative affairs, with many among them serving as soldiers and officials. These historical texts laud these contributions, casting the Sibe people as loyal and indispensable allies to the Manchu-directed Qing Dynasty. The depiction of this relationship underscores the influence of Stalin’s criteria on the narratives and the complexities involved in minzu identity formation within the contemporary PRC. Involvement of the Sibe in the Formation of the Chinese Nation The narrative of the Sibe’s role in the Chinese nation is an essential aspect of the minzu identity construction in historical writings by government cadres. As a recognized ethnic minority within China, the Sibe people occupy a unique position in the nation’s cultural mosaic. The historical writings often emphasize the Sibe’s contributions to Chinese history, politics, and society, highlighting their role in the Qing Dynasty and their ongoing participation in the development of modern China. These narratives consistently depict the Sibe people as an essential component of the Chinese nation, emphasizing the significance of their enduring involvement in the country’s progression. The narrative also accentuates the distinctiveness of the Sibe people, recognizing them as an indispensable part of China’s abundant cultural diversity. Furthermore, the Sibe’s role in the Chinese nation is often framed within the context of the CCP’s policies and the broader discourse on minzu in China. By aligning the Sibe people with the goals and aspirations of the Chinese state, the historical writings by government cadres contribute to the construction of a minzu identity that is both distinct and harmonious within the larger Chinese society. The Sibe people are often portrayed as active participants in the political, economic, and cultural life of the nation, reinforcing their relevance and importance in the contemporary Chinese context.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

63

The narrative of the Sibe’s role in the Chinese nation also serves to legitimize the CCP’s policies on ethnic minority groups. By emphasizing the Sibe people’s loyalty, contributions, and cooperation with the Chinese state, these historical writings help to justify the CCP’s approach to managing ethnic diversity and promoting national unity. The accounts highlight the benefits of the state’s efforts to protect and promote the unique cultures of its ethnic minorities, positioning the Sibe people as an example of the successful implementation of these policies. In sum, the narratives crafted by government officials in the process of implementing Stalin’s four criteria play a pivotal role in the shaping of the Sibe minzu identity. The recounting of the Sibe people’s migratory history, their rapport with the Manchu, and their place within the Chinese nation all significantly contribute to the formation of a distinctive and integrated minzu identity. These narratives accentuate the uniqueness of the Sibe people, while simultaneously placing them within the broader context of the Chinese nation and its socio-political and cultural environment. Through these narratives, the historical writings by government cadres have helped to construct a complex and multifaceted Sibe minzu identity that reflects the diverse experiences, histories, and relationships of the Sibe people. By examining these narratives and their underlying themes, we can gain a deeper understanding of the ways in which the implementation of Stalin’s four requirements has influenced the construction of minzu identities in China and the broader dynamics of identity politics and ethnic minority relations in the country. Having illuminated the critical influence of state-led narratives in the construction of the Sibe minzu identity, we will now move forward to another crucial aspect of our exploration: the transition of minzu from the realm of print to the digital world of social media. This upcoming section unpacks the profound transformations that the concept of minzu has undergone in this shift, and how this change has further reshaped the Sibe’s understanding and articulation of their ethnic identity.

Unpacking the Transformations of Minzu from Print to Social Media Our methodology for interpreting our data adopts inspiration from Fairclough’s (1995) framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA), a tridimensional model that systematically progresses from the macro-level of discourse practice to the micro-level of textual analysis, culminating

64

L. HAO

at the overarching social practice in which the discourse is rooted. This comprehensive methodological approach is instrumental to our genealogical investigation, which seeks to unpack the transformations of minzu from history textbooks to social media. The starting point, discourse practice, explores the production, distribution, and reception of text. Within the parameters of our study, this element enables us to analyze the mechanisms by which Sibe users on WeChat formulate and disseminate genealogical content, and the ensuing interactions with this content by other users. We probe into questions: What sort of genealogical narratives emerge? Who are the primary disseminators of these narratives? How do these narratives influence other users? Addressing these questions will deepen our understanding of the wider discourse practices within the Sibe WeChat community. The second phase, textual analysis, necessitates a detailed examination of the discourse content. We delve into the specific language of the genealogical content shared by Sibe users on WeChat and QQ, seeking discernable patterns, themes, or significant points of interest. This involves a close reading of the text, with particular attention to word choice, thematic patterns, and narrative structures. The pertinent questions here are: How do Sibe users articulate their notion of minzu? What words, phrases, or narratives feature prominently in their genealogical discussions? The final phase, social practice, prompts us to contextualize the discourse within its wider socio-cultural and historical landscape. This element probes into the nexus between discourse and socio-cultural changes, and the intersection between discourse and power structures. At this stage, we reflect on the implications of the discursive practices identified in the preceding phases, considering them within the broader socio-political and historical context of the Sibe community. Questions at this stage include: How does the genealogical discourse on WeChat align with larger narratives of Sibe identity? What insights does it offer into power relations, social structures, and cultural shifts within the Sibe community?

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

65

Analyzing Discursive Practices of Text Production and Consumption in the Sibe Community The first stage of this research involves an examination of the discursive practices of text production and consumption among the Sibe on WeChat and QQ. The process of text production involves the crafting and sharing of content. In the context of the Sibe community on WeChat, this encompasses creating messages that reference their cultural history, narrate personal experiences, and disseminate news pertinent to the community. I have analyzed these practices to understand how Sibe individuals engage in the active construction of narratives that represent their shared identity. Conversely, text consumption pertains to the ways in which other users interact with these posts. This interaction takes the form of reading, liking, commenting, or sharing the content posted by their peers. By investigating these practices, I aim to elucidate how the community receives, responds to, and further disseminates these narratives, thereby participating in the collective process of meaning-making and identity construction. The intersection of these two processes, text production and consumption, is critical in shaping the content landscape of the platform and influencing the discursive patterns within the Sibe community. In my exploration of text production, my analysis has uncovered unique discursive techniques utilized by the Sibe in carving out an alternative genealogical narrative, aiding in the transformation of the understanding of minzu from its representation in history textbooks to its manifestation in QQ and WeChat moments. These techniques encompass the invocation of historical references that counter prevailing narratives, the reclamation of traditional symbols and linguistic elements to underline a unique cultural identity, and the sharing of personal anecdotes that spotlight the diversity of the Sibe experience. The strategic choice of what narratives to disseminate and how to contextualize them contributes to a broader endeavor to articulate and reaffirm the Sibe minzu identity in a way that deviates from conventional depictions from the history textbooks. This careful orchestration of text production underpins my methodology. It provides a layered understanding of how digital platforms like QQ and WeChat have become arenas for the negotiation and construction of identity among the Sibe community. By doing so, they have enabled a shift in the understanding of minzu—from a term defined

66

L. HAO

in the constraints of history textbooks under state supervision to one that is evolving in real time through personal narratives and community dialogues on WeChat and QQ. In essence, this process of text production not only reshapes the concept of minzu but also repositions it within the socio-cultural realities of the Sibe community. This shift indicates a movement away from a top-down, state-imposed understanding of minzu towards a bottomup, community-driven interpretation that acknowledges and embraces the complexities of local ethnic identities. Online Debate on the Meaning of Westward Migration Having established the nuanced processes of text production and consumption within the Sibe community on WeChat and QQ and demonstrated the transformation of the understanding of minzu from a state-dictated concept to a fluid, community-centered construct, we can now delve deeper into the online discourses that catalyze these shifts. This chapter has thus far underscored the power of individual and collective narratives to challenge, negotiate, and redefine the Sibe minzu identity in the digital realm. In our journey to understand the dynamic nature of minzu within the Sibe community, it is important to consider the ways in which specific historical events become focal points for online discussions. One such discussion centers around the Westward Migration—a key event in Sibe history that continues to shape their contemporary identity. The online debates on this topic offer a window into the tensions and complexities inherent in Sibe identity construction. In the upcoming section, I will delve into an online debate that I took part in during my virtual ethnographic fieldwork. Drawing on Paul Gilroy (1993) and James Clifford’s (1997) conceptions of ‘roots’ and ‘routes’ discourses, I will analyze how these discourses regulate and challenge the state-defined meaning of Westward Migration, respectively. Through this analysis, we can further explore how the digital dialogues on WeChat act as a battleground for the contestation and rearticulation of the Sibe’s minzu identity. To understand the influence of social media on construction of Sibe identity, I will analyze interplay between state-promoted Westward Migration heritage and Sibe people’s individual pilgrimages in the debate over

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

67

Westward Migration through the prism of the relationship between routes and roots. In the case of Sibe, ‘roots’ refers to a state-promoted heritage, in which the meaning of the Westward Migration is fixed. China is still undergoing the process of re-conceptualizing its own pasts and present; its identities and cultures are directly linked to territories and places, especially places of heritage. In the case of Sibe, the roots comprise the knowledge of minzu, where political elites and regimes try to fixate on places in solid and fundamental discourses fixed in time. In the case of the Westward Migration, on the National People’s Congress website, the state’s definition of the Westward Migration is represented as follows: ‘Westward Migration is the festival of Sibe people to memorialise their military departure from the Northeast of China to Xinjiang in 1764; to memorialise this heroic day, the Sibe people celebrate this day with a variety of activities.’ According to Gilroy (1993), roots are used when one describes one’s identity via ties to origin, whereas ‘routes’ is used to express dynamic identity: it indicates the current ‘where you’re at’ (Gilroy, 1993, p. 120) and it focuses on movements, cultural flows, and migration (Clifford, 1997, p. 10). Roots are something we go back to or seek to rediscover. The route, in the case of Sibe people, is exemplified by individuals’ pilgrimages to Çabçal. The route is the fixed knowledge of Westward Migration that is open to further discovery. The route always requires some point at which to start, but that doesn’t mean routes are the same as roots; routes are more dynamic and change in different contexts while roots are fixed. In the case of the knowledge of Westward Migration, Sibe social media users that I observed during my fieldwork perceive Westward Migration as being open to a multiplicity of readings, not always tied up only to one historical temporality but also connected to discussion in the present. The state-promoted Sibe heritage in Westward Migration is manipulated as a site of fluid, flexible symbols and identifiers that one can enter and explore. To Sibe social media users, heritage and history are multiplex sites of abundant creativity and self-searching. Roots, meanwhile, represent the Sibe people’s fixed location of origin, which is the Northeast of China. The route is the Sibe soul that is perceived to have developed along the road of Westward Migration. This section is about the processes by which the Sibe, in their online practices of ethnogenesis, are actively rejecting state power in favor of their own understandings of ethnic identity, as Chinese state policies to

68

L. HAO

control and direct diversity are ineffective in the environment of social media. This is exemplified through analysis of how the discourses of route and roots work within the debate on Westward Migration among Sibe social media users. The interaction relating to the Westward Migration between ‘nodes’ among the Sibe participants in social media groups challenges state supervision and control. At the same time, it constructs new power relations: elite definitions of ethnic identity based on the network materiality. In the following section, I will also examine how the new power relations were produced in the social media networked environment, when Sibe social media users are negotiating ‘routes’ and ‘roots’ in the interplay between state-promoted heritage and individual pilgrimages. Through my extensive ethnography, I have uncovered the complex nature of the Westward Migration narrative as it pertains to the construction of Chinese national boundaries. As Duara (1996, p. 4) suggests, the writing and interpretation of the Westward Migration narrative serve as a means to imagine and reinforce the boundaries of the Chinese nation over time. Therefore, understanding the historical significance of the Westward Migration is crucial in the examination of the reading in Sibe social media discussion. In the subsequent section, I will outline the key concepts and political context that underpin this discussion. The Chinese state strategically employs the narrative of the Westward Migration to integrate Xinjiang into China, presenting the Sibe as domestic migrants who played a crucial role in safeguarding the borderlands of the Chinese empire. This narrative establishes a close association between Xinjiang and a shared conceptual community with China through the Sibe’s Westward Migration. Consequently, Sibe identity is intricately linked to the very idea of developing Xinjiang. The discourse of patriotism bestows legitimacy upon the definition of the Sibe people in Xinjiang. Fei Xiaotong’s theory of a ‘unified, pluralistic’ Chinese nation, as articulated in his work (Fei, 1988), further strengthens the legitimacy of the presence of the “Xinjiang people” within the region. According to Fei, Chinese modernity has evolved based on agricultural development tied to land and ancestral lineage. This perspective underscores the significance of historical ties to the land and ancestral lineage as fundamental elements of Chinese identity and nation-building. By embracing Fei Xiaotong’s theory, the state’s definition of the ‘Xinjiang people’ aligns with this notion, emphasizing their inclusion

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

69

within the broader framework of the Chinese nation (Bovingdon, 2010; Gladney, 2004; Millward, 2007; Rudelson & Rudelson, 1997). The state recognizes the historical and cultural connections of the ‘Xinjiang people’ to the land and ancestral lineage, affirming their rightful place within the region and their contributions to the development and progress of the Chinese nation. It is important to acknowledge, however, that some Sibe people may hold different perspectives from the state’s narrative. As the Sibe do not have strong attachments to either the land of Xinjiang or the Northeast of China, their identity is not fixed by territorial boundaries. They are a migrating group whose sense of identity transcends specific geographic locations. While the state’s definition may emphasize unity and inclusion, it is crucial to critically examine these ideas within the context of power dynamics, historical narratives, and the lived experiences of diverse ethnic groups within Xinjiang. On Sibe social media, there is a divergence between the state’s framing of the soul of Westward Migration and the perspectives held by Sibe individuals. While the state emphasizes notions of patriotism, pioneering spirit, and minzu unity, Sibe social media users have a more diverse, contextual, and individually oriented understanding of the meaning of Westward Migration. They draw upon various materials and discussions on Sibe social media to orchestrate their Sibe identity, shaping their narratives in unique ways. However, despite these individual interpretations, the state-defined Westward Migration narrative continues to hold relevance and endurance in discussions among Sibe social media users. The state’s narrative, which defines the Sibe identity and promotes patriotism, pioneering spirit, and minzu unity, aligns with the construction of a sense of Chinese nationhood in Xinjiang. This influence is evident as Sibe social media users consciously or unconsciously incorporate these discourses into their discussions on the Westward Migration. It is important to critically examine the interplay between the state’s framing and the individual perspectives on Sibe social media. While Sibe individuals may present diverse and contextual understandings of the Westward Migration, the influence of the state’s narrative cannot be disregarded. The state’s emphasis on patriotism, pioneering spirit, and minzu unity shapes the broader discourse surrounding the Westward Migration and ultimately impacts the construction of Sibe identity within the larger framework of Chinese nationalism in Xinjiang.

70

L. HAO

During my fieldwork, I observed that Sibe social media users were actively engaged in the construction of their cultural capital and the exploration of their Sibe identity. In the context of emerging ethnic nationalism in China, they approached their Sibe identity as a complex and multi-dimensional concept, neither equating it solely to their roots nor intending to abandon their heritage. Instead, they sought to strike a balance by maintaining a connection to their roots while simultaneously exploring new routes of identity formation. In this pursuit, Sibe social media users demonstrated a strategic approach. They selectively incorporated elements of the state-defined narrative into their online discussions, recognizing the importance of credibility and aligning with broader discourses of Chinese nationalism. By doing so, they retained the capacity to explore and expand their identity while also maintaining a sense of legitimacy within the larger social and political context. In essence, Sibe social media users embraced the duality of their identity journey, finding ways to reconcile their roots and routes. They acknowledged the significance of the state-defined narrative as a means of credibility and connection, yet remained open to further exploration and interpretation of their Sibe identity. By navigating this delicate balance, they actively engaged in the dynamic construction of their cultural capital and the ongoing negotiation of their Sibe identity within the context of emerging ethnic nationalism in China. In the discourse surrounding the Westward Migration, Sibe social media users frequently evoke two significant terms: ‘hun’ (soul) and ‘gen’ (roots). These words hold distinct meanings for the Sibe community when discussing their identity and connection to the migration. The concept of ‘hun’ is often associated with the ongoing journey and development of their identity, suggesting that it is a fluid and evolving process. In contrast, ‘gen’ refers to the rootedness of the Sibe in the Northeast of China, a point of agreement between the official narrative and Sibe social media discussions on the Westward Migration. While the roots of the Sibe people are commonly acknowledged in both the official narrative and social media discourse, it is the soul of the Sibe that remains a subject of ongoing construction and interpretation along the route of the Westward Migration. Sibe social media users express a diversity of perspectives on what the soul of the Sibe should encompass, reflecting the multiplicity of individual experiences and aspirations within the community.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

71

This emphasis on the soul of the Sibe highlights the dynamic nature of their identity formation and the ongoing process of defining their collective essence. As they navigate the route of the Westward Migration, Sibe social media users actively engage in shaping and redefining their identity, exploring various dimensions and possibilities along the way. By recognizing the significance of both roots and soul, the Sibe community continues to forge a nuanced understanding of their identity, drawing from their historical ties to the Northeast of China while also embracing the ongoing construction of their collective soul along the journey of the Westward Migration. From the perspective of the state, the soul of the Sibe is characterized by concepts such as patriotism, pioneering spirit, and minzu unity, which are embedded in the official narrative surrounding the Westward Migration. However, through my virtual ethnography fieldwork on Sibe social media platforms, it became apparent that Sibe social media users perceive the meaning of the Westward Migration in a different light. For Sibe social media users, the Westward Migration is not solely about fixed roots and territorial boundaries. Instead, it is understood as a dynamic route, representing mobility and the ongoing formation of Sibe identity. The concept of soul, as interpreted by Sibe social media users, takes on a more fluid and contemporary significance. It encompasses the evolving nature of Sibe ethnicity, encompassing hopes, aspirations, and the lived experiences of individuals along their respective journeys. In the virtual spaces of Sibe social media, the notion of soul transcends the confines of physical locations. It represents a portrayal of the Sibe people in constant transformation, continuously shaping their lives and identity along the routes and roads they traverse. These imagined places and connections along the Westward Migration route contribute to the collective imagination of the Sibe community, fostering a sense of contemporaneity and possibility in the formation of their identity. By embracing this fluid understanding of soul, Sibe social media users challenge the static and fixed notions of identity often imposed by the state’s narrative. They emphasize the ever-changing nature of Sibe ethnicity, weaving together personal experiences, aspirations, and the imagined landscapes encountered along their individual journeys. One area of analysis pertains to how Sibe social media users employ the discourse of patriotism in their online discussions to fulfill their own objectives. Within the Sibe social media narrative surrounding the Westward Migration, patriotism emerges as a prominent theme, as it is a

72

L. HAO

rhetoric endorsed by the state to define ethnic identity among various ethnic groups in Xinjiang. The discourse of patriotism is further reinforced by the discourse of development, which serves to legitimize its application to the ethnic minorities in Xinjiang. Specifically, the discourse emphasizes that local development is intricately connected to Chinese national development, thereby instilling a sense of obligation to express love and loyalty towards the motherland. This discourse aligns with the state’s promotion of a relationship between peripheral ethnic minority regions and the central core of the Chinese nation. By examining the intersection of patriotism and development in the Sibe social media discourse, we can gain insights into how Sibe individuals navigate their ethnic identity and negotiate their relationship with the state. The utilization of patriotism as a narrative tool in online discussions reflects both the influence of state-promoted ideologies and the strategic use of these ideologies by Sibe social media users to assert their place within the broader fabric of the Chinese nation. Within this discourse, the Sibe community appropriates the element of patriotism emphasized by the state in the narrative of the Westward Migration and transforms it into a narrative of Sibe people actively contributing to the local development of Xinjiang. The Sibe people hold a privileged position in the development of the region, as their contribution and sacrifice in safeguarding and advancing the borderland solidify their significance as one of the crucial ethnic groups within the Chinese nation. By highlighting their role in protecting and developing Xinjiang, the Sibe community establishes their sense of importance and agency within the broader Chinese national framework. This narrative positions the Sibe as active participants in the progress and prosperity of Xinjiang, reinforcing their unique identity and legitimizing their place within the larger socio-political landscape. The Sibe community’s ability to shape and reinterpret the discourse of patriotism to align with their own narrative of contribution to local development showcases their agency and the significance they ascribe to their role in Xinjiang. This dynamic representation underscores the multifaceted nature of Sibe identity and their active engagement in shaping the future of the region. The discourse of patriotism emerges prominently within the common narrative of Sibe social media users regarding the purpose of the Westward

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

73

Migration to Xinjiang. Sibe individuals embrace the mission of protecting China’s borderland as a means of expressing their own identity. This discourse permeates discussions on the historical account of the Westward Migration within the online Sibe community. Through the platform of social media, Sibe users actively share their knowledge and insights regarding the Westward Migration with fellow Sibe members. Based on my observations, the retelling of the Westward Migration story serves as a powerful tool for Sibe social media users to reimagine their own identity. It allows them to explore and assert their cultural heritage in a digital space. Simultaneously, the act of sharing knowledge on the Westward Migration serves to reposition the Sibe community within the broader Chinese national imagination. It reconfigures their spatial presence and reaffirms their integral role within the collective narrative of the Chinese nation. Through the utilization of social media, Sibe individuals engage in a collective process of identity reconstruction, intertwining their historical legacy with contemporary digital platforms. The discourse of patriotism acts as a driving force behind this reimagining, enabling Sibe social media users to assert their cultural significance and actively shape their place within the dynamic landscape of Chinese nationalism. Based on my observations, I have noticed a distinct contrast between the state-defined Sibe identity derived from the Westward Migration and the discussions surrounding the topic within Sibe social media. While the state narrative emphasizes patriotism, Sibe social media users tend to center their discourse on the contributions they have made to the development of Xinjiang. They highlight the values of endurance, pioneering spirit, and the preservation of tradition. In their discussions, Sibe social media users often delve into the hardships endured by their ancestors during the Westward Migration. These hardships are invoked to symbolize the spirit of endurance that has been passed down through generations. It is this spirit that has enabled the Sibe people to overcome the challenges and difficulties they have faced while residing in Xinjiang for the past two hundred years. By focusing on their ancestral journey and the resilience demonstrated throughout their history, Sibe social media users highlight their significant role in shaping Xinjiang’s development. They emphasize their enduring spirit as a source of inspiration and a testament to their unwavering commitment to their cultural heritage. Through these discussions, Sibe

74

L. HAO

social media users actively engage in reimagining and reaffirming their collective identity within the context of the Westward Migration narrative. Furthermore, the discourse within Sibe social media also highlights the instrumental role of the Sibe people in the development of Xinjiang, particularly in terms of cultivating the land. Sibe social media users proudly attribute the transformation of uninhabitable terrain into arable land to the tireless efforts and pioneering spirit of their ancestors. One specific achievement that is frequently discussed is the opening of the Çabçal Canal. The opening of the Çabçal Canal holds significant importance among Sibe social media users, symbolizing their ancestors’ remarkable accomplishment. It is regarded as a testament to their foresight and perseverance in creating a fertile and productive environment. The name ‘Çabçal’ itself holds profound meaning, as it translates to “harvest” in the Sibe language, underscoring the significance of agricultural success and prosperity associated with the canal. Through their discussions, Sibe social media users not only commemorate their ancestors’ achievements but also celebrate the lasting impact of their labor on the development and cultivation of Xinjiang. This discourse serves as a powerful reminder of the Sibe people’s contributions to the region’s agricultural landscape and their enduring connection to the land. These recurring themes become evident when examining specific instances of online discussions among Sibe social media users. By employing patriotic discourse, these users not only position the Sibe people within the broader context of Chinese national history but also emphasize the virtues and accomplishments of the Sibe community itself, rather than solely highlighting the contributions of the Chinese state to the development of Xinjiang. For instance, during the Westward Migration festival, in the comments section of the Çabçal Sibe WeChat qun, Sibe social media users from the Çabçal community seized the opportunity to celebrate and honor the Sibe community’s significant role in the development of Çabçal. They used this platform to showcase their pride and admiration for their community’s contributions and achievements. Through their comments, Sibe social media users highlighted specific instances of the Sibe community’s involvement in the development of Çabçal, emphasizing their collective efforts, resilience, and pioneering spirit. These discussions serve as a platform to assert the Sibe community’s agency and distinctive contributions to the growth and prosperity

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

75

of their local area, showcasing their enduring commitment to shaping and nurturing their own community. Overall, these discussions demonstrate how Sibe social media users utilize the Westward Migration narrative to not only commemorate their ancestors but also assert their own agency and celebrate the unique contributions of the Sibe community in the development of Çabçal. During more than 200 years of garrison settlement after Sibe migrated westward into Xinjiang, Sibe soldiers garrisoned 18 Karen near the borderland with Russia. The Sibe people’s defence of the motherland faithfully fulfilled their deep sense of duty to defend against foreign enemies and safeguard the stability of the motherland. Sibe people made major sacrifices and defended the highest interests of the country… In the meantime, we Sibe people opened the Çabçal buha (canal) , cultivated the wild land, to build our homeland here at Çabçal. The spirit of Westward Migration developed into minzu unity spirit, forge ahead spirit, this is the main sprit that our Sibe’s westward migration represents. (G, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015)

In the above comment, the Sibe social media users take the discourse of patriotism and shift its focus towards highlighting the Sibe’s significant role in the construction and development of the Chinese borderland. They reinterpret the state’s narrative of the Westward Migration, which emphasizes the Sibe’s contribution to garrisoning the borderland, and emphasize instead the Sibe’s sacrifices and efforts in cultivating the once wild and inhospitable land into a bountiful and habitable homeland for the Sibe community. By reframing the narrative in this way, the Sibe social media users not only celebrate their ancestors’ pioneering spirit and endurance but also highlight the transformative power of their collective efforts. The patriotic spirit that initially drove the Westward Migration narrative becomes intertwined with the concepts of ‘minzu unity spirit’ and ‘forge ahead spirit,’ reflecting the Sibe’s commitment to their community’s progress and the continuous development of their homeland. Through this reinterpretation, the Sibe social media users assert their agency in shaping their own narrative and proudly emphasize their contribution to the larger project of constructing and developing the Chinese borderland. Their focus on transforming the wild land into a land of harvest and creating a habitable homeland exemplifies their determination and resilience in building a prosperous and thriving community.

76

L. HAO

The Çabçal Sibe WeChat qun serves as an online platform predominantly used by Sibe individuals residing in the Çabçal region of Xinjiang. Within this digital community, Sibe people in Xinjiang demonstrate a meticulous approach when employing the terminologies provided by the state while discussing their own historical narratives. Simultaneously, the local Sibe population exhibits remarkable creativity in utilizing statesanctioned texts to further their own objectives, specifically in promoting the contributions of the local Sibe community within Xinjiang. This strategic utilization of state-sanctioned discourse not only serves as a form of cultural capital for the local Sibe population but also enables them to advance their position within the broader context of the state’s promoted development discourse and the emerging nationalist sentiments in Xinjiang. The subsequent comments made by two users within the WeChat qun exemplify the aforementioned dynamics, highlighting the Sibe community’s agency in leveraging state-sanctioned narratives for their own purposes: • At that time, the southern bank of the Ili River was still a wilderness. Only the ruined temple left from the Junggar period and the remains of a few acres of cultivated land from Taraki were found in places such as Haiouk. The Sibe chose to settle in arable land (G, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015). • After more than three decades, the population of the Sibe company had multiplied to more than 7,000 people. The land could no longer meet the needs of the growing population. Only further opening up canals, expanding the cultivated area, and developing agricultural production could maintain the livelihood of the entire Sibe community (T8, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015). The comments made by Sibe social media users regarding the Westward Migration demonstrate a notable transformation of the statesanctioned rhetoric of patriotism into a discourse centered around development. Within this discourse, Sibe social media users place emphasis on the sacrifices made by the Sibe people to protect and cultivate the borderland, ultimately transforming it into a habitable and fruitful region. By

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

77

highlighting the instrumental role played by Sibe individuals in the development process, it becomes evident that they occupy a central position in the broader narrative of Chinese nation-building. In the comments made by local Sibe people from Çabçal in the Çabçal Sibe WeChat qun, the significance of the canal project in bringing security and prosperity to the community is highlighted. The historical figure of Tubet, who played a crucial role in opening the canal, holds immense importance in the collective memory of the local Sibe community. Tubet serves as a symbol of resilience and endurance, representing the hardships faced by the Sibe people during the development of the Çabçal region. The following comments from the Çabçal Sibe WeChat qun, made during a discussion on the spirit of the Westward Migration on the occasion of the Westward Migration festival in 2015, further exemplify the significance attributed to Tubet and the canal project: • 47-year-old Tubet… Proposed opening a canal leading to the Ili River … in 1802 (Jiaqing seven years) September 1, work on the Canal officially started…The project is arduous, and the workforce is not enough. Tubet… after the start of the project, he went to the site in person and started his work day and night, solving various problems in time. His work-spirit greatly stimulated the morale of the vast numbers of soldiers and civilians. After six years of arduous hard work, the canal was finally completed in the spring of 1808. The total length of the canal was 100 kilometers. The canal was 3.3 meters deep and 4 meters wide. It was originally called “Sibe Canal”, and it then changes into Çabçal Canal” as Çabçal means “granary” in Sibe language (H, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015). • On the deserted wilderness on both sides of the Çabçal Canal, the thriving scene of the village crossroads and the paddy fields connecting each other emerged. With the continuous development of production, the annual harvest of crops has greatly improved the lives of the soldiers and civilians in Sibe (T8, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015). • The Çabçal Canal was successfully opened under very difficult conditions of the day and was inseparable from Tubet’s vigorous advocacy and hard work. The Sibe people regard the Çabçal Canal as their mother river and Tubet as minzu hero and benefactor. He has been praised by generations. And Sibe people built “Tugong Temple” in

78

L. HAO

the drains of the Canal to memorialise his contribution to the Sibe community. Sibe people help worship here every spring and autumn (H, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015). The above comments highlight how Sibe social media users have transformed the state-sanctioned discourse of patriotism surrounding the Westward Migration into a narrative that celebrates the virtue of the Sibe people in cultivating the new frontier. Rather than solely emphasizing minzu unity, the focus has shifted towards highlighting the Sibe people’s inherent perseverance in overcoming the challenges encountered during the development of the new region. This reimagining of the narrative showcases the resilience and determination of the Sibe community in the face of adversity. The section on ‘Analyzing Discursive Practices of Text Production and Consumption in the Sibe Community’ sheds light on the dynamic interplay between text production and consumption within the Sibe community on platforms like WeChat and QQ. Through the examination of these discursive practices, we gain insight into how Sibe individuals actively shape and disseminate narratives that represent their shared identity. Text production involves the creation and sharing of content, ranging from references to cultural history and personal experiences to community-related news. This process allows Sibe individuals to actively construct narratives that reflect their unique cultural identity. On the other hand, text consumption involves the reception, interaction, and further dissemination of these narratives by other community members. This reciprocal engagement in meaning-making and identity construction is central to the collective discourse within the Sibe community. Through my analysis, I have uncovered distinctive discursive techniques employed by the Sibe to challenge prevailing narratives and reshape their understanding of “minzu.” These techniques include invoking historical references, reclaiming traditional symbols and language, and sharing personal anecdotes that highlight the diversity of the Sibe experience. The strategic choice of narratives and their contextualization underscores the Sibe’s endeavor to articulate and reaffirm their minzu identity beyond conventional depictions found in history textbooks. This careful orchestration of text production highlights the transformative power of digital platforms like QQ and WeChat as spaces for

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

79

negotiation and construction of identity. They have enabled the Sibe community to redefine the concept of “minzu” in real time, shifting it away from a state-imposed understanding to a community-driven interpretation that embraces the complexities of local ethnic identities. In essence, this process of text production not only reshapes the concept of minzu but also repositions it within the socio-cultural realities of the Sibe community. It signifies a departure from top-down, statedefined perspectives towards a bottom-up, community-driven approach that acknowledges and embraces the diverse and evolving nature of ethnic identities at the local level. Building upon the insights gained from analyzing the discursive practices of text production and consumption in the Sibe community, the next phase of my research delves into the discursive strategies employed in the transformation of the concept of minzu. With a comprehensive understanding of the content shared on social media platforms, I embark on a meticulous examination of the specific linguistic elements and rhetorical techniques utilized by Sibe social media users. This analysis entails a close evaluation of the selection and utilization of particular words and phrases, the strategic structuring of arguments, and the interplay between contrasting or interconnected ideas. By scrutinizing these discursive strategies, I aim to uncover the diverse ways in which the Sibe community actively shapes and redefines their identity through online dialogues and debates. These dynamic discursive practices stand in stark contrast to the static narratives often presented in history textbooks. Through this genealogical investigation, I seek to illuminate the transformative power of digital platforms as spaces for the continual negotiation and reconstruction of minzu. By examining the discursive strategies employed by the Sibe community, we gain valuable insights into how they actively challenge and reshape the prevailing narratives surrounding their ethnic identity. This analysis contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the complex processes through which minzu is constructed, negotiated, and reimagined within the Sibe community. In the following section, ‘The Discursive Strategies in the Transformation of Minzu,’ I will explore in detail the specific discursive techniques employed by Sibe social media users in their online interactions. This examination will shed light on the ways in which the Sibe community actively engages with and transforms the concept of minzu, opening up new possibilities for understanding the dynamic nature of ethnic identity within the broader context of Chinese society.

80

L. HAO

The Discursive Strategies in the Transformation of Minzu In my investigation of the transformation of the idea of minzu, after examining the processes of text production and consumption, I proceed to analyze the specific content shared on social media. This detailed analysis focuses on a thorough interpretation of shared content, particularly the distinctive linguistic elements and rhetorical strategies employed by Sibe social media users. It involves evaluating the selection of particular words or phrases, the structuring of arguments, and how different ideas are connected or contrasted. This method reveals the varied ways the Sibe community actively molds and renegotiates their identity through their online dialogues and debates, marking a departure from the static narratives presented in history textbooks. One significant finding from this textual analysis is the strategic deployment of history within the Sibe WeChat discussion. Users frequently reference specific historical events to shape their comprehension of the Sibe minzu identity, with the genealogy of ethnic origin and Westward Migration being a frequently discussed topic, underscoring its significance in forming the community’s collective memory and identity. This historical consciousness represents an attempt to reconnect with their cultural origins, while also providing a framework to contextualize their present experiences and future aspirations. The Sibe community, in this sense, is not merely recounting history; they’re actively reconstructing it to resonate with their individual and collective experiences and objectives. This process, however, is not without its complexities and conflicts. The diverse interpretations of history, particularly regarding the Sibe’s affiliation with the Manchu, stimulate community debates that foster critical reflection and the refinement of Sibe identity. Through these ongoing dialogues, the Sibe minzu identity is continuously reshaped, deconstructed, and reimagined, reflecting the dynamic and multifaceted nature of this collective identity. These discussions challenge the fixed narratives often found in history textbooks, offering a more nuanced and personal understanding of the Sibe community’s historical and cultural heritage. To provide a tangible example of how these dynamics manifest, let us explore a specific post within the Sibe social media landscape. This post will serve as an illustrative case study, shedding light on the diverse

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

81

perspectives and debates that shape the community’s representation and understanding of their history. Through this examination, we gain a deeper appreciation of how Sibe social media users actively engage with their history, enriching their collective narrative and contributing to the ongoing discourse surrounding Sibe identity: Sibe originates from a minority nationality in the Northeast China. It is also a member of the multi-ethnic family in the motherland. For historical reasons, the vast majority of Sibe people have left their hometowns and have moved to new places. Now the Sibe are mainly distributed in Liaoning and Xinjiang; a small number are distributed in Inner Mongolia, Jilin, Heilongjiang and other places. There are three different versions of the origin of the Sibe language so far that I can find. The first view is that both the Sibe and Manchu are descendants of Jurchen. The second view is that Sibe is descended from Xianbei. The third view is that the Sibe and Oroqen shared the same origin. They both originated in Shiwei from the Liao Dynasty. Shiwei and Jurchen belong to the descendants of East Hu, so the second two views are basically the same. So in fact the origin of Sibe can be summed up as Xianbei and Jurchen. I support the theory of Sibe originating from Jurchen. So I want to share why I think Sibe originated from Jurchen here. I will set out views based on the evidence of Guaerjia family tree. The name, Sibe, appeared in the historical records is very late: of the two earliest recorded famous people in Guaerjia clan, the first is Niyahatch, the second is Chaomoergen. Three brothers belonged to the Guaerjia clan of the Eight Banners Manchu: the first son is Fuerjia, the second son is Niyahatch, the third son is Zhucha. They later separated. Fuerjia lived in Suwan. Niyahatch moved to the north. Zhucha moved to Siangaji ferry. From the records here, we can see that Niyahatch was obtained from the data of family tree. (H2, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2015)

In the above comment, an individual identified as H2 puts forth the notion that the Sibe and Manchu share a common ethnic origin, tracing their ancestry back to the Jurchen people. H2 supports this claim by referring to the family tree of the “Guaerjia” clan among the Sibe in the Northeast of China, asserting that the Sibe’s bloodline is inherited from the Jurchen. This proposition sparks a vigorous debate among the Xinjiang Sibe community. The implications of this claim are significant, as it challenges the officially recognized minzu status that distinguishes the Sibe and Manchu as separate ethnic groups. Xinjiang Sibe, in particular, strongly desire

82

L. HAO

to maintain their distinct minzu identity separate from the Manchu. They have endured historical experiences that make them deeply apprehensive about the possibility of losing their ethnic identity. The fear of ethnic assimilation and the potential erasure of their unique cultural heritage is a source of great concern among the Xinjiang Sibe community. The following statement, expressed by a member of the Xinjiang Sibe community, encapsulates this sentiment: Like other ethnic groups, Mongolian, Uyghur, Kazakh, Tajik, Uzbeks, which all have their own ancestors, and, eventually, we evolved into the Zhonghua Minzu, Sibe; like other ethnic groups, we all come from different tribes, evolved into modern minzu. The state recognised us as new minzu, this is a fact. No one can deny the fact that our Sibe is a minzu. (G3, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2015)

This statement highlights the anxieties and fears harbored by the Xinjiang Sibe, emphasizing their determination to preserve their separate minzu status and safeguard their ethnic identity. It reflects the complex interplay between historical narratives, official recognition, and the lived experiences of the Xinjiang Sibe community in shaping their understanding of themselves and their place within the broader framework of Chinese nationalism. In the realm of Sibe social media platforms, the narrative asserting the Sibe as a distinct ethnic group is pervasive. This discourse reflects a concerted effort among Sibe individuals to establish their separate minzu identity. Through my analysis of the authors’ profiles and personal interviews, primarily with Xinjiang Sibe users, I sought to understand the underlying motivations behind these claims. The interviews revealed that the strong assertion of direct descent from the Xianbei among Xinjiang Sibe users serves two primary purposes. Firstly, it is driven by a desire to protect their minzu status, as certain minzu characteristics, such as language, are gradually diminishing. According to Stalin’s definition of minzu, the preservation of distinct cultural elements is vital for the community’s standing in Xinjiang. Secondly, the claim is rooted in the aspiration to foster a cohesive Sibe community in Xinjiang, thereby shielding Sibe culture from the increasing cultural influence of the Han majority. By exploring the motivations behind the Sibe social media users’ narratives, it becomes apparent that their efforts are driven by a sense of

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

83

urgency to safeguard their unique identity and strengthen their collective cohesion. These assertions not only reflect the challenges faced by the Xinjiang Sibe community but also highlight their proactive engagement in preserving their cultural heritage within the complex socio-cultural landscape of Xinjiang. In response to the previous assertion made by H2 regarding the Sibe being “Descendants of Jurchen,” a contrasting viewpoint is presented in the following comment from U, shared within the Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun in 2015: The Sibe migrated from the northeast of China, but are not necessarily the ‘descendants of Jurchen’: the Manchu people hold the legendary Jurchen as their ancestors and memorialise them. They describe themselves as ‘Descendants of Jurchen.’ This is very natural. To memorialise and worship the Jurchen can strengthen the integrity among Manchus, enhance Manchu culture. They use the Banjin Inenggi1 festival, which was the founding date of the Qing dynasty, to celebrate their minzu culture; we Sibe respect this tradition of the Manchu of memorialising the Qing dynasty. There is no disagreement. The problem is, in these years, some Manchus extend the concept of ‘Manju’2 and impose ‘Descendants of Jurchen’ on other minzu in China, including the Sibe, which denies the fact that every minzu has their distinct ancestors. This is typical ‘great nationality chauvinism,’ disrespecting the feeling of other minzu. (U, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2015)

He urges fellow Sibe individuals to refrain from identifying themselves solely as descendants of the Jurchen, emphasizing the importance of recognizing their true origins and not adopting the ancestors of others (U, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2015). The advent of social media has revolutionized the reading of Sibe history, diverging from the traditional linear reading experiences of printed books. On social media platforms, articles on Sibe history can be continuously updated, modified, and expanded upon by any user with 1 Banjin Inenggi is considered the national day for Manju. It is on the 13th day of the 10th month of the lunar calendar. For details of the Banjin Inenggi festival, please see Manchublog (2006). 2 Manju is a concept of the people whose ancestor is Jurchen and live in the Northeast of China; hence, Manju supposedly includes Sibe, Manchu, and Oroqen. It is a concept of people associated with an idea of the territory of the Northeast of China that is promoted mainly by Manchu on their social media platforms. See: Manju xu wen kvwaran (2013).

84

L. HAO

access to these platforms. This interactive environment allows Sibe social media users to seamlessly connect and integrate related materials, tailoring the information on Sibe history to their specific needs and interests in real time. The aforementioned conversation took place within a WeChat qun, a feature within the smartphone application WeChat that serves as a platform for social networking. The term “qun” in Chinese refers to a network, implying that users can share and access information within a networked community. This qun feature provides an ideal social operating system for individuals seeking like-minded people and facilitates the exchange of ideas and information within a networked environment. The WeChat qun feature implements a stringent verification process for participants, fostering a sense of intimacy and cohesion within one’s virtual social circle. This integration is further enhanced by the requirement that communication within the qun is limited to mutual friends, highlighting the high level of reciprocity among acquaintances. This structure of the qun aligns closely with the interpersonal dynamics observed in the holbobun network within the Sibe community. In the realm of Sibe social media, the traditional role of experts and information gatekeepers has undergone a profound transformation. Empowered by the interconnected nature of the internet, individuals with limited formal expertise are now able to voice their opinions and challenge established authorities (Rainie & Wellman, 2014, p. 14). Unlike the traditional media landscape where gatekeepers controlled the dissemination of information, social media platforms provide a horizontal and hyperlinked environment where users have greater control over their reading experience. As exemplified in the above discussion on Sibe selfled ethnogenesis, Sibe individuals utilize social media and the web as a vast information repository, enabling them to access relevant information, engage in discussions, and connect with like-minded individuals. The following statement by T further illustrates this trend: As for Sibe, we are not inferior in comparing our history to Manchu history. Before the Qing dynasty, the Sibe’s ancestors, the Xianbei, had already played a role on the stage of human history. Sibe ancestors can be traced back to several thousand years ago; at that time, our ancestors, the Xianbei, lived near the east Heilongjiang River. Part of them kept moving west and south. Although Sibe people and Manchu live together and intermix with each other during the Qing dynasty, that doesn’t mean that

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

85

the Sibe are the same minzu as the Manchu. Sibe just joined the banner system as soldiers. However, the Sibe and Manchu have different ancestors. Our ancestors are the Xianbei people, not the so-called ‘Descendants of Jurchen’. (T, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2015)

Another Sibe who holds a similar idea goes further, saying: Thanks for your input. I agree with your point! All different minzu have their own ancestors and histories. Using Descendant of Jurchen to deny other minzus’ ancestors is not only a theoretical error, but also a political fault. To deny that other minzu have their ancestors and origins is to deny the existence of other ethnic groups, and to deny the equal place and rights of those ethnic groups in China. (T6, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2015)

From the aforementioned discussion within the Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, a distinct divergence in the interpretation of the term minzu becomes evident. Sibe social media user, U, employs the term in accordance with Stalin’s definition, which encompasses the recognition of distinct cultures and acknowledges a long history of intermixing among different ethnic groups. U emphasizes that although the Sibe and Manchu people coexisted and intermingled during the Qing Dynasty, this does not negate the existence of separate ancestral roots for the Sibe. By asserting their unique ethnic origin, U contends that the Sibe qualify as a separate minzu based on Stalin’s definition. Conversely, U resists subscribing to a notion of minzu influenced by racial classifications. While acknowledging the racial ties between the Sibe and Manchu and their shared habitation of the northeastern region of China, U argues against the notion that this racial connection erases the distinctiveness of the Sibe as a separate minzu. By challenging the imposition of racial categorizations, U underscores the significance of cultural and historical factors in defining the Sibe as a distinct ethnic group. This exchange exemplifies the nuanced and multifaceted understandings of minzu among Sibe social media users, reflecting the complex interplay between cultural, historical, and racial dimensions in their construction of identity and affiliation within the broader Chinese minzu framework. The assertion of belonging to and identifying with the Xianbei serves as an ideological stance, as it supports the notion that the Sibe constitute a distinct minzu separate from the Manchu, in line with Stalin’s definition of minzu. This distinction holds significant importance for the Xinjiang

86

L. HAO

Sibe, as it enables them to maintain their minzu status and safeguard their community amid the ongoing urbanization efforts in Xinjiang. The aforementioned statement presented in the article challenges the claim that the Sibe share the same ancestors as the Manchu, thus questioning the premise of their separate minzu classification. In response to this contention, expressions of belonging to and identifying with the Xianbei gained traction within online platforms as a means to counteract this challenge and reinforce the distinctiveness of the Sibe minzu identity. The discussions on Social media platforms of WeChat, Sina, QQ, and Baidu Tieba, regarding the expressions of belonging to and identifying with the Xianbei, reveal a nuanced and multifaceted sense of identity, a characteristic often observed among minority groups. However, it is important to acknowledge that these expressions may also be strategic and intentional in nature. The ethnogenesis of the Xianbei provides the Sibe people with a sense of historical belonging, offering a source of ‘ontological security’ (Giddens, 1991, p. 36) in the face of societal changes and uncertainties. This is particularly relevant for the Sibe people who find themselves in a state of flux, experiencing rapid urbanization and marketization in both Xinjiang and the Northeast of China. However, it is important to note that the focus of the debate on Sibe ethnogenesis varies between these two regions due to their distinct political and economic environments. For the Sibe people in Xinjiang, the impact of urbanization resulting from the West Development Project has been significant. The influx of Han immigrants and the resettlement of Sibe people into new development zones have altered the local demographic landscape. Additionally, the growing presence of Chinese language media in their community has placed immense pressure on the Sibe people to preserve their cultural identity and sense of community. Consequently, the Xinjiang Sibe’s concern with ethnogenesis revolves around ensuring the continuity of their community’s culture in the face of these challenges. For the Sibe people residing in the Northeast of China, their socioeconomic context has undergone significant changes, particularly during the economic downturn that resulted in the loss of millions of statesecured jobs. This sudden shift has left many individuals uncertain about their future prospects. In the past, the state-planned economy and the assurance of secure, long-term employment in state-run enterprises provided a sense of stability and security. The dissolution of these work

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

87

unions and the loss of the state-fixed jobs have disrupted the previous sense of locality and identity associated with these structures. Consequently, the Sibe people in the Northeast region have sought to establish a new sense of identity to navigate the uncertainty they face. A significant focus of their ethnogenesis process revolves around a strong regionalism rooted in the culture of the Northeast. This emphasis on regional identity serves as a means to reclaim a sense of belonging and stability in the face of the socio-economic changes and uncertainties brought about by the loss of state-secured jobs. By embracing a strong regional identity, the Northeast Sibe seek to forge a renewed sense of community and purpose amid the shifting socioeconomic landscape. This regionalism provides a source of stability and a framework through which they can reaffirm their connection to the local culture and community that has been integral to their lives. In the above social media discussions on Sibe ethnogenesis, there is a notable contradiction in the discourses of minzu employed by Sibe social media users. On the one hand, U uses Stalin’s definition of minzu to argue for the recognition of the Sibe as a separate ethnic group. On the other hand, U invokes the concept of racial minzu to assert that the Sibe’s ancestors are the Xianbei, not the Jurchen, thereby reinforcing the idea of the Sibe as a distinct minzu. To reconcile this contradiction, it is important to understand Sibe minzu discourses and practices as polyphonic, encompassing multiple perspectives and interpretations. The use of Stalin’s definition and racial minzu can be seen as drawing from a repertoire of discourses that have been historically employed by the Chinese Communist Party, spanning from the Mao era to the present. By engaging with these discourses, the Sibe are aligning themselves with established political practices and legitimizing their actions within the framework of ethnic recognition. However, the Sibe community goes beyond a mere repetition of these discourses. They infuse them with new meanings and reinterpretations to suit their own objectives. The purpose of raising ethnic awareness is not solely to construct a fixed narrative of Sibe identity, but rather to strategically position themselves within the evolving political and cultural landscape of China. By leveraging ethnic identity, the Sibe seek to assert their presence, protect their community’s interests, and negotiate their position amid changing social and political dynamics. In this way, the Sibe’s deployment of discourses of minzu reflects a nuanced and dynamic process of self-representation and adaptation.

88

L. HAO

It serves as a means for the Sibe to navigate the complexities of their social and cultural environment, reposition themselves within the broader Chinese context, and assert their distinct identity within a changing political and cultural landscape. Through the active promotion of Sibe ethnogenesis and the dissemination of common knowledge surrounding their ethnic identity, Sibe social media users employ a range of discourses and symbolic practices derived from previous discussions on minzu. By doing so, they construct a unique and inclusive narrative of their ethnic origins and heritage. This narrative not only resonates with the Sibe community but also seeks to engage and educate the broader public about their distinct ethnic identity. In this process, Sibe social media users draw upon established discourses and symbolic practices from previous discussions on minzu, adapting and reshaping them to suit their own objectives. By utilizing these discourses, they aim to foster a sense of respect and understanding among both Sibe and non-Sibe individuals. Through their active engagement with the general public, Sibe social media users promote their ethnic identity, encouraging others to recognize and appreciate the rich cultural heritage and historical significance of the Sibe people. By raising ethnic awareness and promoting common knowledge of Sibe ethnogenesis, Sibe social media users contribute to the broader discourse on ethnic diversity and cultural preservation. Their efforts not only strengthen the sense of identity and unity within the Sibe community but also foster a greater understanding and appreciation of Sibe culture among the wider public. Through these discourses and symbolic practices, Sibe social media users play an active role in shaping their own narrative of respectful ethnogenesis, one that emphasizes inclusivity, heritage, and the significance of their unique ethnic identity. Through the analysis of the discursive strategies employed by the Sibe community on social media, it becomes evident that the understanding and transformation of minzu is a multifaceted and dynamic process. The Sibe social media users navigate the intricate interplay between historical consciousness, cultural identity, and geopolitical contexts to shape their collective identity. By drawing on ancestral roots and crafting strategic narratives, the Sibe social media users actively redefine the concept of minzu in a way that reflects their own contemporary experiences and aspirations. They engage in a deliberate process of utilizing, reconstructing, and at times

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

89

challenging state-sanctioned discourses surrounding minzu to articulate their unique version of ethnic identity. In doing so, the Sibe social media users demonstrate agency and adaptability as they navigate China’s evolving political and cultural landscape. They seize the opportunity to shape the discourse around minzu, contributing to the ongoing repositioning of their community within the broader societal context. This examination of the discursive strategies employed by the Sibe community on social media sheds light on the complex dynamics at play in the understanding and transformation of minzu. It underscores the significance of historical consciousness, cultural identity, and the changing geopolitical landscape in shaping the Sibe’s collective identity. The proactive engagement of Sibe social media users in redefining minzu reflects their agency in articulating a version of ethnic identity that resonates with their contemporary realities and aspirations. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the discursive strategies employed by the Sibe community, it is essential to examine how these strategies materialize in narratives that establish connections between the Sibe identity and specific geographic regions. One prominent narrative centers around the Northeast of China, a region intricately tied to the historical and cultural heritage of the Sibe community. Within this narrative, the concept of the Sibe’s Westward Migration, disseminated by the state, aims to root the Sibe identity within the broader national consciousness of China. By drawing a symbolic link between the Sibe’s northeastern origins and their subsequent journey to Xinjiang, this narrative serves to reinforce and strengthen the collective identity of the Sibe community. In the following section, we will critically explore how the statesanctioned narrative of the Westward Migration has been deployed to highlight the Sibe community’s connection to the Northeast. This narrative attempts to tether the Sibe identity to their northeastern roots, which simultaneously bolsters their claim to a unique minzu identity, while affirming their integral role in the broader narrative of the Chinese nation. We will interrogate how this narrative of rootedness in the Northeast impacts the shaping of Sibe minzu identity, and how it navigates the tension between maintaining historical continuity and responding to contemporary challenges and transformations.

90

L. HAO

Keeping the Tradition of the Northeast of China The state-sanctioned narrative of the Westward Migration aims to anchor the Sibe identity to their northeastern roots within the larger framework of China’s national consciousness. By emphasizing this connection, the narrative solidifies the Sibe community’s place within the collective imagination of the nation. Additionally, the Westward Migration narrative is strategically employed to signify the patriotic commitment of the Sibe people in Xinjiang, further contributing to the construction of the Chinese nation in that region. This careful positioning of the Sibe’s tradition aligns it with the historical and cultural context of the Northeast of China, emphasizing its significance in shaping the Sibe minzu identity. In the Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, T8’s comment regarding Sibe culture and its connection to the Westward Migration provides a compelling illustration of the narrative’s impact. In the discussion on Sibe culture in Xinjiang, T8 eloquently states, ‘Westward Migration folk art still retains the ancient Sibe hunting culture and customs from the Northeast of China, which consist of hunting in the winter and fishing in the spring’ (T8, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015). The comment highlights that the Westward Migration folk art in Xinjiang preserves elements of the ancient Sibe hunting culture and customs from the northeastern region of China. This observation implies a continuity of traditional practices, such as winter hunting and spring fishing, that have been maintained despite the geographical and cultural transition experienced by the Sibe community during their migration. T8’s remark serves as a testament to the enduring influence of the Westward Migration narrative on the perception and representation of Sibe culture, as it reinforces the notion of their rootedness in the cultural traditions of the Northeast. On the other hand, in the discussion on Sibe tradition, based on my observations of Sibe social media users on WeChat and Weibo, most Sibe social media users tend to advocate the idea that Sibe tradition is not limited to any territory; it is not bounded by the Northeast of China, nor it is bounded by Xinjiang. The Sibe tradition, based on my findings from Sibe social media users’ online discussions, is developed with reference to the experience of the Westward Migration: The habit from northeast of China also formed a custom that Sibe people must go to the river fishing and eat fish at the Westward Migration festival

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

91

each year, and created the special fish-eating method called “river water boiled fish”; this way of cooking fish become a very famous Sibe cuisine in Ili region. (T6, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015)

From the above comment, it is evident that Sibe social media users place considerable emphasis on the evolution of Sibe culture as it transitioned from the Northeast of China to Xinjiang. This is exemplified by the mention of the culinary dish ‘river water boiled fish,’ which serves as a tangible representation of this trend. Within discussions among Sibe social media users, the concept of the Westward Migration, as endorsed by the state, holds significance. It suggests that the Sibe culture developed and transformed during their journey from the Northeast of China to Xinjiang, rather than being fixed solely by either region. This raises important questions: What does the new Sibe culture encompass in light of the Westward Migration experience? What aspects of Sibe identity are emphasized by Sibe social media users in their online discussions? In the following excerpt, we will delve deeper into these inquiries to gain insights into the dynamic nature of Sibe culture and identity formation: Sibe people keep our ancient fishing, hunting culture and shamistic religious culture from northeast China during the 200 years of garrison life in Xinjiang, and developed into a unique contemporary Sibe culture which combines the influence of oasis neighbours’ culture... all the people say that we Sibe people have tongues of larks so that we absorb the language from Uyghur, Kazakh, Mongolian language, and our Sibe people are multilingual experts by birth, in that we can speak so many different languages. We are the most sophisticated minzu in Xinjiang… (F2, Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, 2015)

In the above debates in the Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun, the discourse surrounding Sibe identity illuminates its inherent mobility and fluidity, closely mirroring the migratory nature of the Sibe people’s journey from the Northeast of China to Xinjiang. Within Sibe social media circles, there is an active embrace and celebration of the dynamic nature of their identity, as they deftly navigate and negotiate their connections to both their northeastern Chinese roots and their evolving identity in Xinjiang.

92

L. HAO

Sibe social media users exhibit a remarkable ability to recognize and engage with multiple layers of identity, seamlessly integrating their statedefined ethnic minority identity with a broader sense of belonging to the Chinese nation. Rather than adhering to a rigid cultural framework, Sibe identity continuously evolves and adapts to new contexts and experiences. This inherent fluidity empowers Sibe social media users to actively shape and redefine their identity, drawing inspiration from diverse sources and narratives. It is through this dynamic understanding of identity that the Sibe community finds resonance and meaning, simultaneously affirming their distinctiveness and embracing the rich tapestry of cultural influences that contribute to their collective heritage. The discourse and engagement on social media platforms serve as catalysts for the ongoing formation and transformation of Sibe identity, fostering a sense of connectivity, belonging, and shared purpose among the Sibe community. Based on observations of Sibe social media comments, it becomes evident that Sibe social media users possess an unbounded imagination that is not confined by the confines of the Chinese state’s attempts to fix ethnicity within specific territories and national historical frameworks. The comments made by Sibe social media users challenge the notion of a fixed relationship between place, identity, and culture. Instead, they emphasize the significance of routes over roots, highlighting how identity and a sense of belonging are shaped through real and imagined journeys and connections. Sibe social media users express a disregard for the notion that identity is inherently tied to a specific geographic location. They critique the fixed geographical boundaries assigned to Sibe identity and emphasize that Sibe culture has evolved throughout the course of the Westward Migration. The Sibe community in Xinjiang has adapted to the unique environment of Xinjiang, leading to the development of a distinct culture that differs significantly from Sibe culture in the Northeast of China. This dynamic understanding of identity challenges the notion of a fixed relationship between identity and place, highlighting the fluid nature of Sibe culture and the transformative power of the Westward Migration experience. Based on the findings of my virtual ethnography study analyzing discussions on Sibe culture and the Westward Migration within Sibe social media, it is evident that a hybrid identity has emerged as a result of the interactions among Sibe social media users. These discussions serve as a form of self-pilgrimage, allowing individuals to explore and redefine the

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

93

meaning of being Sibe, diverging from the fixed identity promoted by the state. Through these online exchanges, Sibe social media users engage in a collective exploration of their cultural heritage and its connection to the Westward Migration. They actively challenge and reimagine the statesanctioned narrative of Sibe identity, allowing for the emergence of a hybrid identity that combines elements of tradition, personal experiences, and contemporary influences. This process of self-discovery and self-definition within Sibe social media reflects a dynamic and evolving understanding of Sibe culture, one that goes beyond the confines of a fixed identity imposed by external forces. Based on my observation of Sibe social media quns, it is evident that Sibe social media users engage in a multifaceted and contextually contingent practice of self-identification, shaping the meaning of Sibe-ness through ongoing debates on Sibe culture. These discussions, particularly those centered around the interpretation of the Westward Migration, challenge and blur the boundaries between the Northeast of China and Xinjiang, ultimately redefining the parameters of Sibe identity. Within these debates, Sibe social media users navigate and negotiate the complexities of their cultural heritage, drawing on diverse perspectives and experiences to shape their understanding of what it means to be Sibe. The discourse surrounding the Westward Migration serves as a catalyst for these discussions, providing a framework through which Sibe identity is redefined and recontextualized. As a result, the boundaries that once defined Sibe identity based on geographic regions become more fluid, allowing for a more inclusive and dynamic conceptualization of Sibe-ness. Sibe social media users attribute profound significance to the Westward Migration in shaping their collective identity, viewing it as a transformative journey that forged the essence of the Sibe soul. Rather than conceptualizing their identity solely in terms of national belonging, Sibe social media users emphasize the importance of social bonds and communal connections fostered through the institution of holbobun. These bonds, nurtured and strengthened through interactions on social media platforms, play a crucial role in defining and theorizing Sibe identity, reflecting a deep-rooted sense of community and shared experience among Sibe social media users. By framing their identity in this way, Sibe social media users move beyond conventional notions of national identity and embrace a more nuanced understanding of their cultural heritage

94

L. HAO

shaped by their unique experiences and the bonds they form within the virtual realm. The Sibe social media users consciously incorporate their origins in the Northeast of China and their journey of Westward Migration into the construction of their evolving Sibe identity. The emergence of social media as a platform for expression and interaction has provided them with a unique opportunity to articulate and shape this identity. Through their discussions on the Westward Migration, the Sibe social media users engage in a process of reconstructing and redefining their ethnic identities within the new social context facilitated by social media platforms. This dynamic environment allows for the exploration of diverse perspectives and the formation of new narratives that contribute to the ongoing development of their Sibe identity. The lively discussions observed within the Sibe community on WeChat highlight the platform’s role as a collaborative tool for historymaking. Through active engagement in posts and comments, community members collectively shape and reshape their narrative, delving into the complexities of their shared past and its significance for their present and future identities. WeChat’s qun feature serves as a dynamic public space, enabling the Sibe community to explore, question, and redefine their shared minzu identity. In this digital realm, the community actively participates in the ongoing construction and reinterpretation of their collective history, fostering a sense of collective ownership and agency in shaping their identity narrative. Importantly, this act of history-making is not an isolated event, but a continuous process embedded within the daily lives of the Sibe community. It’s intertwined with their social interactions, discussions, and the content they choose to share and engage with on WeChat. This ongoing engagement underlines the agency of Sibe users in shaping their communal identity, maneuvering the functionalities of the WeChat platform to facilitate their continuous discourse and negotiation of identity.

Unpacking the Transformation of Minzu in Sibe Society Recognizing the societal, political, and cultural determinants that frame the Sibe minzu identity is crucial. Public discussions are limited by governmental censorship, while societal norms and expectations govern how these topics are approached. Moreover, the rising tide of Chinese

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

95

nationalism exerts pressure on the Sibe community to conform to dominant national identity narratives. Concurrently, the media technicity inherent in social media’s design and operational functionality exerts significant influence on the Sibe minzu identity construction. Specifically, the platform’s capacity for synchronous communication and its algorithmic mechanisms profoundly shape the discursive space as a site for interpellation on minzu subjects within the Sibe community on social media. These external influences create specific challenges and opportunities, defining the terrain where Sibe discourse on social media unfolds. Despite these constraints, the Sibe community persistently navigates this landscape in their quest for self-expression and identity validation, demonstrating a dynamic departure from the static representations seen in history textbooks. Their engagement with social media emerges as a domain of both resistance and resilience, illuminating the ongoing negotiation of minzu identity in post-2000s China. Additionally, media technicity affects the spatial and temporal dimensions of minzu texts within the Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) and the ‘holbobun culture’ intrinsic to WeChat’s qun and moments.3 WeChat’s qun design, particularly its facility for synchronous communication, shapes the digital dialogue on Sibe genealogy within the community. Alongside this, the platform’s qun feature enables these discussions to evolve over time, directed by the platform’s algorithmic tendencies. Discussions within WeChat’s qun about the Sibe minzu identity reveal a vibrant community of users actively interrogating and contesting prevailing narratives, engaging in a more interactive process compared to one-sided learning from history textbooks. However, the discursive space as a site for interpellation on minzu subjects and the visibility of these narratives are invariably influenced by the platform’s temporal mechanisms. 3 WeChat Moment is a feature within the WeChat app, a popular social media platform in China. It is similar to a timeline or news feed where users can share updates, photos, videos, and articles with their friends and followers. It allows users to post content that can be viewed by their contacts for a limited period of time before it disappears. WeChat Moment serves as a platform for users to share their daily activities, thoughts, and experiences with their social network. It is a way for people to stay connected, engage with each other’s posts, and interact through comments and likes.

96

L. HAO

Considering the intricate power dynamics and agency exhibited by Sibe users in shaping their ethnic identity, conversations concerning Sibe’s Westward Migration, ethnic origins, and their relationship with the Manchu form a critical component of the community’s discourse on WeChat’s qun. The visibility and propagation of these narratives, however, are subtly shaped by the platform’s algorithmic and temporal structures. Therefore, the emergence of the Sibe minzu identity on WeChat represents a complex interplay of user agency, platform structure, and media temporality. In the final phase of our investigation, we embark on an exploration of social practice, aiming to understand the complex dynamics between discursive activities, individual Sibe engagement with social media, and their understanding of the Westward Migration in relation to Sibe identity. By analyzing how Sibe individuals use social media platforms, particularly in their engagement of the Westward Migration and their self-led ethnogenesis, we can gain insights into the shaping of a new Sibe ethnic identity. This analysis involves delving into the intricate intersection of discursive activities within the broader context of Sibe society and the influence of Chinese nationalism. By understanding how social media shapes the discourse surrounding the Westward Migration and its implications for Sibe identity, we can uncover the multifaceted nature of Sibe engagement with their history and cultural heritage. I examine how social media shapes the discourse of the new Sibe ethnic identity. The old discourse of the Westward Migration uses museums and history books to present it as a show aligned with the state’s minzu policy. However, social media platforms provide Sibe people with the opportunity to upload pictures and interact with each other, making the festival more reflective of their individual voices and community-building efforts. Many pictures depicting the Sibe people’s pilgrimage to their ‘roots’ and ‘home’ are shared, allowing individuals to identify with online images and find their position within the discourse of Zhonghua Minzu. By controlling the image of elsewhere in cyberspace, the Sibe can assert control over their cultural space ‘here’ and ‘now,’ within their individual life context. With photo-sharing systems on WeChat, a new regime for shaping views has emerged. “Sharing pictures” means that the platform mediates the construction and interpretation of connective knowledge, with data collection and connection serving equally important functions. Based on my virtual ethnography of Sibe social media from 2009 to 2015, I observed thousands of deliberate picture uploads by Sibe individuals,

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

97

fostering a network culture that influences the interpretation of the Westward Migration and articulates the meaning of Sibe identity through this historical event. Social Sharing Practices on Westward Migration It has been reported that social media are not just neutral information systems, as the materiality of social media also influences how pictures can be shared and even interpreted in certain patterns (Papacharissi, 2011, p. 26). In the case of G2, I will discuss how networking culture brought about by the social media promotes the picture-sharing practice and how G2 adopted this networking culture to suit the purpose of his social media qun. G2 established a Sibe social media qun called Beijing Sibe WeChat qun. It has been a very successful social media qun for organizing social events in Beijing. It also functions as one of the most important social networks for Sibe working professionals in Beijing. I have been informed by my interviewee H1 that, ‘if you go to Beijing, you have to contact G2 from Beijing Sibe WeChat, it is our Sibe home in Beijing.’ WeChat quns are normally semi-public, as one needs to receive an invitation to join the qun and every qun is a chat room for talking with members. Quns offer space for many-to-many contacts, and almost half of all Sibe WeChat users participate in multiple quns, based on the finding from my virtual ethnography on Sibe social media quns from 2009 to 2015. A qun’s initiator automatically becomes the host and administrator for this qun. G2 works for Sina, which is the provider of one of the largest social media—Sina Weibo—in China. He was born in Çabçal and went to Beijing to study at one of the most prestigious universities in China in his early 20s. After graduating in Computer Science, he chose to work in Beijing, as he told me that ‘here we have more opportunities than in Xinjiang.’ I have been informed by observers that the east and west social schisms in China have increased along with economic development; their perception is supported by research that per capita GDP in western China is less than half of what it is in Eastern China (Yang, 2012, p. 20; Zhao, 2004, p. 35). This results no doubt can explain why people from the western region in China seek work in the eastern cities. According to G2, many Sibe people migrate to Beijing for employment opportunities. The Westward Migration Festival holds great significance for the Sibe community, serving as a crucial occasion for bringing Sibe individuals together and fostering connections among them. Recognizing

98

L. HAO

the importance of social networking, G2, who works in the social media industry, expressed a desire to create a dedicated online platform that would enable Sibe individuals in Beijing to connect with one another. G2 highlighted the potential of such a social media platform to facilitate networking, professional opportunities, and even maintain connections with friends and family in their hometown of Çabçal. He told me that: ‘A social media can give all Sibe people a platform for connection and even for work purposes, and it could also connect them with friends and families back home in Çabçal’ (G2, personal communication, June 2, 2015). The Westward Migration Festival serves as a valuable opportunity for Sibe individuals who have relocated outside of their hometown of Çabçal or the northeastern region of China to connect with fellow Sibe community members in their new cities and maintain ties with their roots. Recognizing the significance of expanding their social networks, G2 took the initiative to establish a social media group on QQ, a popular platform in China, dedicated to organizing social gatherings for Sibe working professionals in Beijing. Additionally, G2 created a website with a bulletin board system (BBS) function in 2004, providing a platform for Sibe individuals to share and exchange messages. However, G2 found that the website lacked interactive features and the BBS forum had limited user interaction. G2 also had a Sina Weibo account, but he found that the open nature of the platform, where posts are exposed to the public, discouraged meaningful social interaction. Instead, he observed that people primarily used Sina Weibo for information searching rather than socializing. This experience led G2 to conclude that neither the BBS nor Sina Weibo suited his needs in building a robust social network and fostering meaningful offline interactions. Curious about G2’s experience with QQ, I inquired further: QQ is much better than BBS and Sina Weibo in terms of gathering people for a group. However, QQ didn’t have an optimised UI for smartphones back in 2013. As most Sibe like taking pictures at their social gatherings, the QQ gave people really poor UX when we used QQ for sharing pictures via smartphone. (G2, personal communication, June 2, 2015)

User Interface (UI) refers to the design of the interaction platform between humans and machines or software, while User Experience (UX)

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

99

encompasses the overall experience of users when using a particular platform or application. In the case of G2’s preference for WeChat over QQ for building his social network in Beijing, he is emphasizing the userfriendly nature and ease of use of WeChat’s UI and the positive UX it provides for its users, particularly when it comes to taking pictures using smartphones. G2’s experience has shown him that WeChat’s intuitive interface and seamless smartphone integration are essential factors when organizing Sibe social gatherings. G2’s proficiency in technical acronyms may stem from his background in Computer Science, which has equipped him with a keen awareness of the subtle distinctions among various social media platforms. As an individual with firsthand experience working at a social media provider, G2 possesses a heightened sensitivity to the unique dynamics of different platforms when it comes to organizing social groups. Being an ethnic Sibe himself, G2 has a deep understanding of the social dynamics that underpin the formation of holbobun relationships among the Sibe community. According to G2, capturing and sharing photographs with fellow Sibe is seen as a meaningful gesture of bonding. This practice has become an integral part of their social interactions, with Sibe individuals frequently uploading these pictures onto social media platforms to demonstrate and strengthen their social connections. G2 specifically points out that WeChat’s user-friendly interface for taking and sharing pictures played a crucial role in his decision to continue using WeChat as the preferred platform for organizing his social network group in Beijing. From the conversation with G2, it becomes evident that social media technology effectively caters to the needs of Sibe individuals in developing their holbobun relationships. As explored in the previous section, the formation of Sibe social networks, closely intertwined with the establishment of holbobun connections, is greatly influenced by the utilization of social media quns. Simultaneously, the network centered around the concept of holbobun contributes to the expansion and enhancement of social media qun networks. This reciprocal relationship between technological advancements in social media quns and the evolution of the holbobun social network underscores the interconnectedness and mutual reinforcement between the two domains. The adoption of social media quns not only facilitates the formation of Sibe holbobun relationships but also serves to shape and reinforce these interpersonal connections through the transformative power of technology.

100

L. HAO

According to G2, the Sibe language and the Westward Migration Festival hold significant importance in Sibe culture, serving as key elements that unite Sibe individuals in Beijing (G2, personal communication, June 2, 2015). Despite the fact that many Sibe individuals residing in Beijing may not be fluent in the Sibe language, they still incorporate Sibe terms and expressions into their online interactions as a way to express and reaffirm their Sibe identity. Through my virtual ethnography, it became evident that the Westward Migration Festival serves as both an online and physical platform for Sibe people to connect with one another, facilitating the development of their own holbobun networks. This festival acts as a catalyst for community building and the formation of social bonds among Sibe individuals, contributing to the overall cohesion and solidarity of the Sibe community in Beijing. Now, let us turn our attention to the importance of sharing pictures as a medium for expressing and articulating ethnic identity within the Sibe community, exemplified by the experiences of G5. G5, originally from Kaiyuan city in Liaoning Province, situated in the Northeast of China, became familiar with the history of the Westward Migration during his time at university. This connection to the historical event sparked a deeprooted desire within him to retrace the path of the Westward Migration and personally witness the trials and triumphs faced by the Sibe ancestors on their courageous journey to Xinjiang. G5, currently serving as an operations manager for an auto-racing team in China, embarked on a remarkable endeavor in 2007. With support from the Government of Çabçal Sibe Autonomous County and the Mongolian Automobile and Motorcycle Association, he embarked on a journey to retrace the route of the Westward Migration. Starting from Shenyang on May 1, 2007, G5 traversed an arduous 20,000-kilometer path, eventually arriving in Çabçal on July 28, 2007. Throughout his expedition, G5 passed through various regions, including Tongliao, Kailu County, Ar Horqin Banner, and ventured across Outer Mongolia. He entered Xinjiang through Altay, proceeding through Tacheng and Bole County until reaching Çabçal. Capturing the essence of his journey, G5 took over 4,000 photographs along the way. Driven by a desire to share the history of the Westward Migration and ensure that all Sibe are aware of this profound journey, G5 diligently uploaded his photographs to social media platforms. He aimed to foster a deeper understanding among fellow Sibe and to garner broader recognition of the Sibe people’s historical experiences.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

101

G5 shared with me his profound motivations for embarking on the journey along the Westward Migration route. He expressed a deep sense of responsibility to honor the aspirations of the elders who had longed to trace this historical path. However, it was upon reaching Çabçal that G5’s perspective underwent a transformation. He came to realize that the significance of tracing the Westward Migration route extended far beyond the physical act of traversing the roads. It encompassed the indomitable spirit and heroic qualities exhibited by the Sibe minzu throughout their arduous journey. G5 passionately emphasized that the Westward Migration represents a treasured narrative, preserved through the written language of nomadic cultures. He believed that this story carries immense educational value, instilling a patriotic sentiment within its readers. G5’s journey not only deepened his own connection to the history of the Westward Migration but also instilled within him a profound appreciation for the heroic legacy of the Sibe minzu. Reflecting on his experience, G5 stated: The theme of Westward Migration is nomadic culture; our Westward Migration Culture is witness to the history of evolution from nomadic culture to farming culture. It is through the journey of walking again on the Westward Migration route that we can trace back and experience how it felt as a nomadic culture minzu 200 years ago. (G5, personal communication, August 6, 2009)

G5’s collection of photographs captured the diverse landscapes and landmarks along the Westward Migration route. His journey also served as an archaeological and anthropological exploration, delving into the rich history of this migration. Drawing upon his knowledge from historical texts, G5 meticulously searched for evidence related to the Westward Migration. With his camera as a tool, he documented these pieces of evidence and enthusiastically shared them with fellow Sibe through social media platforms. G5 explained: The biggest challenge on my trip was to identify the correct route of the Westward Migration that our ancestors took in the region of today’s Mongolia, as it was not clearly recorded in our historical record and also some of the places have changed their names in the last 200 years.... With the help of the local herders in Baruun-Urt in Mongolia, I confirmed my hypothesis on which route the Sibe took in Mongolia. It was through

102

L. HAO

the area of Choibalsan and walking along the Kruun River, then walking along the Tuul River. In Fuyun County, in Xinjiang, with the help of local Uyghur, I also found the ferry that Sibe people used in the Westward Migration along Irtysh River, and, with the help of my Mongolian friends from Bole County, I finally found the courier station that Sibe people used in the Westward Migration. (G5, personal communication, August 6, 2009)

G5’s personal connection to the Westward Migration and his exploration of historical sites led to an intriguing incident that sparked heated debates on Sibe social media. Specifically, G5’s photographs featuring a statue of Genghis Khan ignited a contentious discussion surrounding the status of Genghis Khan as a Chinese minzu hero. This controversy mirrors the ongoing debates within Chinese academic circles regarding Genghis Khan’s nationality. Within these circles, there is a growing discourse exploring whether Genghis Khan should be recognized as a minzu hero.4 The arguments put forth revolve around two contrasting viewpoints. On the one hand, proponents assert that Genghis Khan, as the ancestor of one of the nationalities in China, should be regarded as a minzu hero. Conversely, opponents contend that Genghis Khan should not be considered Chinese due to his Mongolian ethnicity and the separate nationhood of Mongolia. These debates over Genghis Khan’s national identity stem from the redefinition of ‘Chinese’ within the framework of racial minzu and the influence of Stalin’s definition of minzu. The conflicting perspectives reflect the complexities and evolving nature of Chinese national identity and the ongoing negotiation of historical narratives within the country. The debate surrounding Genghis Khan’s status as a minzu hero reflects two distinct lines of reasoning. One perspective justifies Genghis Khan’s recognition as a minzu hero based on Stalin’s definition of minzu, which defines China as a unified community comprised of various minzu residing within its borders. According to this viewpoint, since ethnic Mongols are recognized as one of the minzu within China, their ancestral figure, Genghis Khan, should also be considered a minzu hero of China. On the other hand, an opposing argument contends that Genghis Khan should not be regarded as a Chinese minzu hero based on racial 4 For the politics involved in the Chinese nation’s inclusion and exclusion of Genghis Khan, see Baker (2006).

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

103

minzu considerations. This perspective emphasizes that China is a nationstate constructed by the Chinese nation, and Genghis Khan, as the ancestor of the Mongolian nation, should not be classified as a Chinese minzu hero. These differing rationales reflect the complex dynamics of national identity construction within China, as well as the ongoing negotiation and interpretation of historical figures and their significance in shaping minzu identity. G5’s journey along the Westward Migration route was not only a personal quest but also a means to connect with other Sibe individuals. Through the numerous pictures he took along the way, G5 sought to share his experiences and insights with the Sibe community. One notable example was his decision to capture a photograph in front of the statue of Genghis Khan in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. In this image, G5 proudly displayed a banner representing the Westward Migration, adorned with the signatures of his fellow Sibe supporters. This act of using a banner in photographs mirrors a common behavior observed among Sibe individuals who frequently capture and share images of themselves on social media platforms such as the Beijing Sibe WeChat qun, as discussed in the previous section. I interpret this behavior as a manifestation of the holbobun network-building process facilitated by social media. Additionally, I argue that the use of social media platforms itself influences the action of incorporating a banner into photographs, as these platforms provide a virtual space where individuals can forge and symbolize their desired connections through the visual representation of the banner. G5 meticulously planned his route, drawing on the historical knowledge he had acquired through extensive reading. His aim was to find tangible evidence that would corroborate the historical information he had gleaned from books. It was not a city when our Sibe walked here 200 years ago. Our Sibe people walk along the Kruun River to enter Mongolia. I can still see the same blue sky and clear river, that 200 years ago, our Sibe people could see. I hope that our northeast of China can go back to those good days when the sky was so blue. (G5, personal communication, August 6, 2009)

During his journey, G5 made sure to capture numerous pictures along the Kruun River, which he considered the most significant site in the

104

L. HAO

Sibe’s Westward Migration. Drawing from his knowledge of Sibe history, he explained that the Sibe people would stay at this location for several months, and it was here that songs were composed to commemorate their resting days two centuries ago. G5 described the Kruun River as an exceptionally beautiful and poetic place along the Sibe’s migration route, leaving a lasting impression on him. The historical knowledge that G5 acquired through his readings deeply influenced his sense of Sibe identity. The landscapes he captured in his photographs served as powerful reflections of the influence derived from the books he had studied. These books played a crucial role in a larger minzu identity project, which involved collaboration between the state and the Sibe cardres in Çabçal. As an immigrant group in Xinjiang, the Sibe people in Çabçal actively promote the discourse of minzu to validate their existence within the multicultural context of Xinjiang. It is within this context that substantial volumes of Sibe history have been published since the 1950s (Na, 2010, p. 25). You can imagine the excitement of our ancestors, first seeing the Kruun River after they had walked day and night for 400km, in the dessert, for months. This river gave our Sibe people hope. (G5, personal communication, August 6, 2009)

He pointed to the pictures of the Kruun River that he took, and continued to tell me that, I can still see how clear and how peaceful the Kruun River is now; the river was so clear that you can see through the green water plants on the riverbed. I hope our northeast of China can have more rivers like this. (G5, personal communication, August 6, 2009)

Motivated by G5’s inspiring practice of sharing pictures, numerous other Sibe individuals have also embraced the act of sharing their own photographs depicting the Westward Migration. A recurring theme among these images is the depiction of wheel artifacts, symbolizing the arduous challenges encountered during the migration. One such image, shared extensively on Sibe social media, vividly captures the essence of the Westward Migration experience. I have observed that the act of sharing pictures has evolved into a form of documentation, with WeChat emerging as a prominent platform

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

105

for Sibe individuals to share their images from the Westward Migration Festival. However, these groups go beyond mere picture sharing and actively exchange stories and experiences related to the festival. In this way, WeChat groups serve both informative and therapeutic purposes, functioning as platforms for information aggregation and collective reflection. Thus, WeChat serves as both an image aggregator and an experience aggregator. G5’s images documenting the Westward Migration have garnered widespread attention and re-circulation among the Sibe people on various social media platforms. An intriguing trend has emerged whereby Sibe individuals print these images and position them accordingly on their physical maps. The ensuing photograph was taken in the household of a Çabçalbased interviewee. The interviewee, known here as ‘A’ for anonymity, shared a deep, personal connection with the map now adorned with these pictures. To her, these images made the Westward Migration more concrete, almost as if she could envision her ancestors traversing the landscapes in their epochal journey. In fact, she confessed to a strange but profound sensation of witnessing her forebears’ footsteps on the very routes depicted in the images whenever she gazed upon the map. Her living room walls have become the proud display space for this map, which she perceives as a tangible connection to her ethnic heritage and ancestral history. Upon my arrival at her residence, A’s eagerness to share this piece of her identity was palpable. She immediately introduced me to the Map of the Westward Migration, a smile playing on her lips as she unveiled the pictorial tale of her ancestors’ journey. Her pride was discernible, resonating within the walls of her living room, a testament to the power of these images in fostering a deeper understanding and connection to the Sibe people’s past (Fig. 3.3). People come together and form groups to share ideas and their connection to the Westward Migration Festival. These groups, known as qun, play a crucial role in fostering community bonds and shaping a collective understanding of history. Through the exchange of photos and comments within these qun on WeChat, the platform’s communication features facilitate the construction of narratives surrounding the Westward Migration. I will now analyze the case of A3’s pilgrimage to the Home Temple in Mukden. Mukden is the Manchu name for Shenyang in the Northeast of

106

L. HAO

Fig. 3.3 Westward migration map with ancestral pictures

China. In 1625, the Manchu leader, Nurhaci, conquered Shenyang and decided to relocate his entire administrative infrastructure to this city and renamed it as Mukden, which means ‘the rising capital’ in the Manchu language (Na, 2010, p. 321). My virtual ethnography shows that Sibe social media users largely adopt the name of Mukden in their online communication. The Sibe Home Temple was built in 1707 in Shenyang. It hosted the first Westward Migration Festival in the Northeast of China in 1982. It is considered the ancestral shrine by Sibe people. The Home Temple is used for collective rituals and festivals in honor of the ancestors. The rituals were performed to worship the Sibe ancestors on the same day as the Westward Migration Festival, which is on 18th day in the fourth month of the lunar calendar (Na, 2010, p. 283). Inspired by the pictures that G4 took on the road of the Westward Migration that he found online, A3, from Çabçal, embarked on his own journey to trace this historical path. Like G4, A3 felt compelled to share his experience with fellow Sibe by uploading the pictures to social media

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

107

platforms.5 In addition to his passion for preserving Sibe history, A3 also teaches a dance class in Çabçal, representing the post-1980s generation. A3 expressed concerns about the preservation of Sibe culture, highlighting the serious challenge of assimilation faced in recent years. He noted that many Sibe individuals no longer speak the Sibe language and have gradually lost touch with their cultural heritage. In A3’s words, the future of Sibe culture is at stake, and proactive efforts are needed to ensure its survival: I always wanted to do something to raise our Sibe people’s ethnic awareness, and I have always wanted to go back to our hometown, Mukden, to have a look. I always hear from the elders that Mukden is our hometown. (A3, personal communication, August 24, 2015)

In 2015, A3 embarked on a journey back to Shenyang. Along the way, he documented his travels by capturing pictures of each city he visited and shared them with his friends on WeChat Moment, a platform similar to Facebook Timeline and Twitter News Feed. WeChat Moment allows Sibe social media users to post updates and share images, videos, and articles with their friends. A3’s initial post about fundraising for his pilgrimage to the Home Temple gained significant traction among the Sibe community. Through the power of social sharing, his message reached a wide audience, and within just one week, he successfully raised 20,000 RMB to support his march. This exemplifies the collective support and solidarity within the Sibe community, as they rallied behind A3’s cause (Fig. 3.4). The image mentioned above represents an original post by A3, which was later shared by C, an individual originating from the northeastern part of China. C shared A3’s post and encouraged their friends to help spread the message. When I asked C about their immediate sharing of the post, C was filled with enthusiasm and eagerly explained to me the reasons behind their excitement:

5 For a snapshot of the visual content he uploaded to Social media, see, A3. (2015, October 10). Xibo Xiaozi Xun Meng Zhi Lu [My Journey to Home Temple]. [Video File]. Retrieved from: https://m.v.qq.com/x/page/g/z/5/g03009danz5.html? coverid=&from=timeline&isappinstalled=1.

108

L. HAO

Fig. 3.4 Sibe community’s WeChat support for A3, 2015

This is such great thing for a Sibe to do. I really admire him for having such courage to travel such a long distance to the Northeast China. I always wanted to do exactly the same thing. I also want to follow our ancestors’ route to experience how it would look to travel to Xinjiang. I think this is the one thing every Sibe should do during his lifetime. (C, personal communication, August 20, 2015)

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

109

In conclusion, the exploration of Sibe ethnic identity reveals a complex interplay between the disavowal and recognition of various cultural influences. While Sibe people acknowledge their similarities with the Manchu and the influences of Uyghur culture, they also simultaneously deny and disavow these connections. This ambivalence gives rise to a sense of slippage and an absence of a distinct ‘locality’ within Sibe ethnic identity. However, the practice of sharing pictures, particularly in relation to the Westward Migration, serves as a means to compensate for this lack of rootedness. Through the emphasis on locality within these shared images, the Sibe attempt to establish a sense of belonging and connection. Nevertheless, their ambivalent identity prevents easy categorization or recognition, as they are constantly situated in doubt and ambiguity. The pictures shared by individuals like A3 and C in their discussion of the Westward Migration reveal a prominent theme of home in their narrative. These images symbolize an enigmatic journey towards home, evoking feelings of longing and uncertainty, even as the notion of home is renounced. However, this renunciation does not entail complete eradication, as the display of the home banner can be seen as an act of reclaiming and preserving an underlying sensibility. Overall, the social sharing of images documenting the Westward Migration on platforms like WeChat reflects the intricate dynamics of Sibe ethnic identity, capturing the nuances of their collective memory, longing, and ongoing negotiation of their cultural heritage. In line with Castells’ observations on the impact of virtuality on social communication, it becomes evident that the practice of sharing pictures documenting the Westward Migration on platforms like WeChat holds profound significance in understanding the complexities of Sibe ethnic identity. The exploration of this identity reveals a delicate interplay between the disavowal and recognition of various cultural influences. While Sibe people acknowledge their similarities with the Manchu and the influences of Uyghur culture, they simultaneously navigate a complex terrain of denial and disavowal. This ambivalence generates a sense of slippage and a lack of distinct “locality” within Sibe ethnic identity. However, the act of sharing pictures serves as a compensatory mechanism to bridge this gap. By emphasizing the importance of locality in these shared images, the Sibe seek to establish a profound sense of belonging and connection. Yet, their ambivalent identity resists easy categorization, constantly situating them in a state of doubt and ambiguity.

110

L. HAO

The pictures shared by individuals such as A3 and C during their discussions on the Westward Migration exhibit a prevalent theme of home in their narratives. These images symbolize an enigmatic journey towards home, evoking sentiments of longing and uncertainty, even as the concept of home is renounced. However, this renunciation does not entail complete eradication, as the display of the home banner can be interpreted as an act of reclaiming and preserving an underlying sensibility. In conclusion, the social sharing of images documenting the Westward Migration on platforms like WeChat captures the intricate dynamics of Sibe ethnic identity, offering insights into their collective memory, longing, and ongoing negotiation of their cultural heritage. Castells’ assertion regarding the foundation of reality in the network society finds validation in A3’s journey to Shenyang, emphasizing the transformative power of virtuality and its influence on social communication (Castells, 2010, p. 406): On the road, I was imagining who will I meet and what will happen on the journey to Mukden? What do the Sibe people look like in the northeast of China? And what does the Home Temple look like? Although I have seen them online, I never been there before, so I will certainly take a picture of it first when I arrive there. . .I always took pictures with my Sibe compatriots after they fed me with such nice meals every time I met them in each city. The road to Mukden is long; however, thinking about how many Sibe compatriots I will meet, I feel full of hope. . . I like to talk with those Sibe compatriots I meet on my journey to Mukden. I can even find some familiar names when they talk about Sibe culture in each place in our conversation. The Sibe world is so small, it made me feel that we knew each other a long time ago. Maybe that is why there is a Sibe saying, which says that all Sibe belong to one family. . . Every time, after taking pictures together with those Sibe compatriots that I met on my journey, I would ask them to write their names and cities of origin on the banner that I had prepared. As I travelled closer to Mukden and passed by more places, the names on my banner were getting more and more. (A3, personal communication, August 24, 2015)

The act of sharing pictures on social media platforms like WeChat unveils a strong connection between spatial references, physical locations, and community ties. These shared images and symbols play a pivotal role in asserting social boundaries, fostering a sense of belonging, and

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

111

cultivating a shared sense of identity. Despite the absence of face-toface interaction, Sibe social media users adeptly sustain interactions and reinforce their group identity. Within the WeChat qun dedicated to the Great Westward Migration, members establish commonalities through references to specific individuals, physical locations, and community-oriented events. The sharing of pictures within this context serves to bridge the perceived physical distance between Sibe individuals in Çabçal and those in the Northeast of China. Furthermore, these pictures foster stronger connections not only among Sibe individuals but also between Sibe and Manchu communities, amplifying the sense of belonging through the networks of holbobun and social media. The incorporation of physicality in the online space underscores the significance of offline locations and reinforces a shared sense of community among Sibe social media users. By utilizing pictures as a means of communication and identification, social media transcends physical barriers, nurturing a collective identity that spans across geographical boundaries. As the preceding analysis has illuminated the role of spatial references and shared images in shaping Sibe social media interactions, it is important to delve further into the reflections and insights offered by individuals like A3. Their experiences provide valuable perspectives on the impact of social media on the construction of collective identity. A3’s reflection, captured during a TV News interview, offers a glimpse into the personal journey and profound implications of participating in the Westward Migration discourse: The television interviewed me. So many companies saw the news, and they called me to sponsor my trip to the Home Temple. . . So many Sibes’ houses in which I have stayed on my way to the Home Temple display the Westward Migration Map. They also told me to take their wishes with me to the Home Temple in Mukden. (A3, personal communication, August 24, 2015)

In the context of picture-sharing practices surrounding the Westward Migration among Sibe individuals, an intriguing process of identity switching unfolds, encompassing the de-territorialization of Sibe identity within the physical space of Xinjiang and a subsequent re-territorialization within the new Sibe online community facilitated by social media. This

112

L. HAO

transformative process engenders a heightened awareness of uprootedness and a longing for connection. Through interviews conducted with Sibe social media users, particularly focusing on their reflections on the image of the Home Temple, a dual nature of Sibe ethnic identity becomes apparent. On the one hand, the narrative of the Home Temple is deeply influenced by the feelings of social marginalization experienced by Sibe individuals residing in Xinjiang and those living in urban areas of northeastern China. For these individuals, the Home Temple serves as a symbolic tool to redefine their cultural identity, offering a sense of belonging and anchorage. Consequently, these Sibe individuals find themselves at the crossroads of their offline experiences and the ethnogenesis fostered by online discussions within the Sibe online community. From this perspective, it becomes evident that Sibe online users collectively share a theme of de-territorialization encompassing spatial, psychological, and social dimensions of their cultural identity. As social media serves as the missing link between culture and place, it becomes a medium for the blending of culturally rooted practices, ultimately giving rise to the emergence of new and complex forms of culture. This hybridity and complexity contribute to the ongoing evolution and reconfiguration of Sibe ethnic identity in the digital age. The incorporation of images within the WeChat quns serves as a powerful means for users to establish a deeper connection with offline reality. The strategic use of images, particularly those depicting physical localities, emerges as a prevalent practice across various WeChat quns, such as the Sibe QQ quns of Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen, Dalian Sibe Ren, and Urumqi Sibe Meyen, as well as the Sibe WeChat quns including Sibe Giyamun, Sibe United Society, Urumqi Sibe yi an¯ga i gisun Gašan, Sibe Folk Culture, Great Westward Migration, and Beijing Sibe. These images serve as a crucial tool for constructing and affirming distinctions between different communities, such as those in Çabçal and the Northeast of China, while simultaneously contributing to the establishment of a unified Sibe identity rooted in the shared appreciation of Manchu culture. The practice of referencing and reproducing physical localities through images has become a defining feature within these online communities, reinforcing a sense of place and fostering a collective identity.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

113

The incorporation of images within the WeChat and QQ quns fosters a sense of belonging and enables users to engage in cultural preservation and expression. It facilitates the exchange of knowledge, experiences, and traditions, promoting a vibrant and interconnected Sibe community across different geographical locations. Through the visual representation of physical localities, these online platforms become vehicles for the celebration and continuation of Sibe cultural heritage. In order to illustrate the dynamic nature of ethnic identity facilitated by social media quns, I will utilize a quote from A3’s personal account of his journey to the Home Temple. A3’s narrative highlights the transformative power of these online communities in redefining traditional notions of minzu discourse. A3 reflects: On the seventh day of my trip, when I arrived in Zhangye, I met another Sibe person who asked me where I had come from and where I was going. I said I had come from Ili in Xinjiang, and I was going to the northeast of China, to Mukden, to seek ancestral roots. After he heard that, he told me to stop the bike. He wanted to invite me for dinner, and told me that he came from the northeast of China and that he likes making friends. I was a little bit hesitant, as I worried whether I would be deceived by a stranger in an unfamiliar environment … When I stepped into the restaurant, I found out that he is a Sibe from the northeast of China. He told me that he is the restaurant owner, and there was a rich, northeast-style feeling inside the restaurant … and he has been to so many places working on er ren zhuan [northeast Chinese folk song and dance] performances. He told me that the economic situation in the northeast of China has been really bad since the 1990s, and there were not so many job opportunities, so he went to different places for work, and then he met his wife here in Zhangye. He married her, opened this restaurant, and settled here … We also met his friends, two Yugur boys, they also all work as performers here … I find out that the Yugur language is so similar to our Sibe language; a lot of their words I can understand, like some animals, for example, horse, sheep … They also like drinking and singing. At the dinner, the Yugur boys sang their Yugur songs. Their song really makes me miss Çabçal. They also asked me to sing a Sibe song. I sang the song, My beautiful home, Çabçal. I feel I need to learn more Sibe songs when I go back to Çabçal…. (A3, personal communication, August 24, 2015)

Zhangye, a city in Gansu Province, is geographically situated between Inner Mongolia to the north and Qinghai to the south. The city is home to a diverse range of ethnic groups, including Hui, Yugur, and Tibetans.

114

L. HAO

The Yugur ethnic group, also known as the Yellow Uyghurs (Rudelson & Rudelson, 1997, p. 206), predominantly speaks Western Yugur, which is considered a traditional Uyghur language (Göksel, 2000). Over the past two hundred years in Xinjiang, the Sibe language has been influenced by Uyghur culture. However, since the 1950s, the promotion of minzu identity has led to Sibe individuals utilizing their cultural resources to emphasize their connection with their ancestral home in the Northeast of China. This phenomenon aligns with Harris’s research on Sibe music practice, which highlights the Sibe musicians’ emphasis on their link with northeastern China and their alignment with its cultural traditions, sometimes overlooking the influence of local oasis culture (Harris, 2004, pp. 55–56). This strategic approach to constructing a minzu identity is evident in various aspects of Sibe culture, as demonstrated in the preceding discussion on the Sibe Folklore Museum. It is a response to both the state’s Ethnic Classification Project and the Sibe community’s desire to establish a distinct and unique ethnic identity. This approach operates within a centralized communication system where the representation of Sibe culture in public spaces often omits the voices and perspectives of the local Sibe population. However, the emergence of the digital environment as a public space challenges the hegemony of the Stalin-derived definition of minzu in representing Sibe culture. In this digital landscape, where representation is shaped by online information and the communication practices of Sibe individuals, a new network is formed that redefines the meaning of Sibe identity. This network, which operates through the holbobun network, differs from the previous state and elite-driven cultural project, as it is a more discursive identity negotiated among Sibe individuals based on their shared interests. The sharing of images on social media platforms, as exemplified by A3’s posting of his journey to the Home Temple, plays a significant role in this process. These images not only challenge the previous promotion of Sibe culture as solely rooted in the northeastern ethnic group, but they also foster a sense of connection and identity among Sibe individuals. Through their holbobun network, these images are shared among other Sibe people, contributing to the construction of a new and dynamic Sibe identity that goes beyond the confines of traditional minzu definitions. From the preceding conversation, it is evident that there were distinct tendencies in identification between A3 and the restaurant owner. The

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

115

restaurant owner, deeply rooted in Northeast Chinese culture, exhibits a strong affiliation with the region. Upon learning of A3’s desire to travel to the Northeast of China, the restaurant owner feels an immediate closeness and extends an invitation to dinner. In Northeast Chinese culture, such an invitation signifies a gesture towards establishing social proximity. However, A3 initially harbors reservations and concerns about being deceived when he hears of the restaurant owner’s dinner invitation. He perceives the restaurant owner as an ‘other’ and a ‘stranger’ at this point. It is only after discovering that the restaurant owner is also Sibe that A3’s perception begins to shift, and he feels a sense of affinity towards the restaurant owner and the northeast-style restaurant. Another noteworthy aspect is the restaurant owner’s identification with locality rather than Sibe minzu identity. When they first meet, the restaurant owner introduces himself with an identity tied to the Northeast of China, saying, ‘I am also from the northeast of China,’ without explicitly mentioning his Sibe heritage. This could indicate the restaurant owner’s preference for identifying with the local identity of the region rather than the broader minzu identity of the Sibe. Unfortunately, there was no opportunity to inquire further into the restaurant owner’s preference for Northeast Chinese identity over Sibe minzu identity. However, A3 demonstrates a strong identification with Sibe minzu identity, evident in his change in emotions upon discovering that the restaurant owner shares the same Sibe heritage. Moreover, both A3 and the restaurant owner recognize their common attachment to the Northeast of China, indicating a shared identification with the local culture. In summary, the interaction between A3 and the restaurant owner highlights the complex interplay of identification, where regional affiliation and minzu identity converge and influence individuals’ perceptions and feelings of closeness. The use of social media platforms such as WeChat and QQ has created a dynamic environment that fosters connectivity and facilitates the production of narratives surrounding the Westward Migration. Through my observation of Sibe people’s engagement with these platforms, it becomes evident that the collective storytelling and sharing of experiences thrive within this digital landscape. These virtual spaces provide a fertile ground for the construction and dissemination of the Westward Migration narrative, amplifying its reach and impact.

116

L. HAO

Ethnic identity holds the potential to garner local attention and interest within the community. In light of this, A3’s journey to the Home Temple received significant coverage from local media outlets, further enhancing his visibility. A3 skillfully seized this opportunity to promote his own business by prominently displaying the banner with his company logo. Reflecting on this experience, A3 expressed his excitement, stating, ‘Before the trip and during the trip, I gave interviews to the Çabçal TV station. I felt so excited, this was my first time being on TV and I am so proud as a Sibe.’ Sibe individuals’ inclination to capture pictures with their friends and share them on social media can be understood as a manifestation of their desire to demonstrate solidarity. This phenomenon has also caught the attention of commercial entities, leading to the use of ethnicity in advertisements as a means to promote their products. A3 shared with me the following insight: Another reason why I had to take the road inside China is that I could also give the Sibe people that I met in different cities the lavender essential oil that my sponsor gave me. After all, they gave us a lot of sponsorship. I have given away those lavender essential oils to many Sibe who helped me on my way to the Home Temple. (A3, personal communication, August 24, 2015)

Based on the observations of Sibe people’s discussions on the Westward Migration Festival within the realm of social media, it becomes evident that physical locality holds a significant role in the construction of Sibe identity among its members. Offline cultural identity and physical space serve as crucial components in establishing community, asserting group identity, and defining social boundaries. Within the context of social media, local Sibe individuals undergo a process of deterritorialization as they assert their representations online, while simultaneously re-territorializing themselves within this new digital environment through their practice of sharing pictures. For the Sibe community, interactive social media platforms have become virtual sites or spaces for communal gatherings, where they can actively engage in symbolic acts that demonstrate their deep affection for Sibe culture and express their unwavering commitment to the Sibe community. Through their picture-sharing practices, they reaffirm their

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

117

connection to their roots and actively participate in the performance of their Sibe identity within the digital realm. Sibe individuals actively share and exchange information, forming a strong sense of community through this process. By closely examining the online pictures that are uploaded along the route back to Shenyang, it becomes apparent that the Sibe are forging a new community, facilitated by the utilization of WeChat and their collective exploration of the history surrounding the Westward Migration. Symbolic events that foster a sense of unity among the Sibe community include the sharing of pictures captured during their pilgrimage to the Home Temple. The act of sharing these pictures, along with the active engagement of Sibe individuals in viewing, reading, sharing, and commenting on A3’s posts, serves as a symbolic exercise in community building. This is exemplified in Fig. 3.4, where numerous Sibe users shared A3’s post, which called for assistance in his journey to Mukden. Based on Fig. 3.5, we can observe that the local celebrations of the Westward Migration Festival are firmly rooted in specific localities, whether it be in Xinjiang or the Northeast of China. However, the act of uploading pictures and engaging in discussions online de-territorializes these celebrations, transcending geographical boundaries. In the WeChat Sibe qun, the Westward Migration Festival undergoes a process of reterritorialization within a new hierarchical structure facilitated by the ‘space of flow’ enabled by ICT. WeChat serves as a platform that repackages the images shared by Sibe individuals, allowing the cultural significance of the Westward Migration Festival to be re-territorialized in the local contexts of each recipient. This process is driven by the articulation of individual goals and aspirations, resulting in the Westward Migration Festival acquiring new meanings that are shaped by the unique local contexts of each Sibe recipient. Understanding the intricate factors that shape Sibe minzu identity requires a recognition of the societal, political, and cultural dynamics at play. Public discussions on sensitive topics are often constrained by governmental censorship, limiting the scope of discourse within prescribed boundaries. Additionally, societal norms and expectations exert influence on how these discussions are approached and perceived.

118

L. HAO

Fig. 3.5 A3’s Journey: pictures with Sibe people on the way, 2015

Furthermore, the pervasive wave of Chinese nationalism imposes pressures on the Sibe community to align with dominant national identity narratives, potentially impacting their own unique cultural identity. In the northeastern region of China, a significant number of Sibe individuals who once relied on state-provided jobs found themselves unexpectedly unemployed during a period of economic downturn. The security they had enjoyed, stemming from years of a state-regulated economy and guaranteed employment, was abruptly shattered, plunging them into a state of uncertainty and instability. The system of permanent

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

119

state-regulated employment, known as ‘danwei,’ had fostered a sense of collective identity among the Sibe community, centered around their association with state-supported work unions. However, with the dissolution of these work unions, a new local identity emerged as a response to the prevailing unease. It is therefore understandable why many Sibe in the Northeast region emphasize a strong regionalism rooted in their local culture as a fundamental aspect of their Sibe ethnogenesis. Societal Context Shape Sibe’s Self-Directed Ethnogenesis Strategies In the realm of Sibe social media discussions on ethnogenesis, there is a notable contradiction when it comes to the utilization of minzu discourses. As previously discussed, individuals like T, T6, U, and H2, in the Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, argue for the recognition of Sibe as a separate minzu based on Stalin’s definition, while also invoking racial minzu to emphasize the Sibe’s ancestral connection to the Xianbei rather than the Jurchen, thereby reinforcing their distinct minzu status. This apparent contradiction can be understood by viewing Sibe minzu discourses and practices as a polyphony of voices. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has historically employed both Stalin’s minzu definition and racial minzu discourses since Mao’s era. By aligning themselves with this tradition, the Sibe are navigating established political practices and infusing new significance into these discourses. The primary objective of kindling ethnic consciousness is not to construct a definitive narrative of Sibe identity, but rather to leverage ethnicity as a means to reposition themselves within China’s evolving political and cultural landscape. In the context of self-directed ethnogenesis on social media, Sibe users employ shared knowledge of Sibe ethnogenesis, utilizing discourses and symbolic practices derived from past minzu discourses to craft their unique and respectful rendition of ethnogenesis. This active engagement with the broader public serves as a way to promote their ethnic identity. However, the strategies adopted by the Sibe in their self-directed ethnogenesis are heavily influenced by Chinese nationalism and the diverse motivations for seeking ethnic identity in both Xinjiang and the Northeast of China. In Xinjiang, the Uyghurs have leveraged social customs such as religious practices, food restrictions, Xinjiang time, and dress codes to enhance and maintain their ethnic, social, and geographical distinctiveness from the Han majority (Bellér-Hann, 2008). These social behaviors,

120

L. HAO

influenced by both the Han and Uyghur communities, contribute to the formation of ethnic boundaries that define identities within Xinjiang’s social milieu (Bovingdon, 2010; Cliff, 2016; Dautcher, 2009). However, the Han and Uyghur nationalisms leave little room for the preservation of Sibe ethnic identity within these boundaries, forcing the Sibe to navigate between aligning with one community or maintaining a fragile distance, which puts them at risk of erasure from either side. This situation in Xinjiang creates deep-seated identity crises and ethnic anxieties among the Sibe population, leading them to seek resolution through the quest for an ethnic identity via ethnogenesis. However, this process of ethnogenesis is not free from influence. It is shaped by factors such as the concept of minzu tuanjie (unity among the minzu), the discourse of racial minzu, and the Stalin-derived definition of minzu. Post-Mao China has witnessed comprehensive reforms in the discourse of ethnicity aimed at safeguarding the nation’s political-territorial unity amid rising ethnic nationalisms (Baranovitch, 2003). The traditional Hancentric narrative of inter-ethnic struggle has been replaced by a more inclusive historiography emphasizing the harmonious fusion of China’s various nationalities, with conquering dynasties interpreted as instances of national or peaceful unification. This shift is reflected in the self-directed ethnogenesis of the Sibe on social media, as evidenced by discussions within the Sibe Giyamun WeChat group: The Xianbei people live on the Nuo river, the left bank of the Chaoer River, and along the Taoer River. This part of the Xianbei evolved into the Sibe. The Sibe were first nomadic in the East Khingan Mountains, living around the “gašan dunggu” by hunting and fishing. After the sixteenth century, they were put into the Mongolian Eight Banners. Their social organisation underwent dramatic changes, into a stable agricultural economy. In the mid-eighteenth century, the Qing government, to consolidate the northwest border, moved some of the Sibe to Xinjiang, and then the Sibe in the Ili valley settlements established their second home. The Sibe have fought with Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities shoulder to shoulder against nationalist reactionaries and the shared history with other minzu in Xinjiang also make the Sibe Xinjiang ren [Xianjiang people]. (U, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2015)

In the above Sibe-led ethnogenesis, it’s evident that the Sibe employ two strategies to legitimize their self-directed ethnogenesis. Firstly, they employ the Stalin-derived definition of minzu to affirm their minzu

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

121

status, which connects with the culture of northeastern China, facilitating the broad-scale articulation of Sibe identity. Secondly, they share micro-narratives of their self-led ethnogenesis to depoliticize the term minzu, humanizing the political term through narratives shaped by the Sibe holbobun network of reciprocal relationships among the Sibe. The Sibe strategically exploit the ambiguity of the term minzu, positioning themselves between Northeast China and Xinjiang by utilizing both racial minzu and the Stalin-derived definition to establish their ethnic identity. This deliberate ambiguity offers an opportunity for the Sibe to contest their subordinate status within minzu discourses. While the narratives on Sibe social media are significantly influenced by racial minzu and the Stalin-derived minzu discourses, the participatory nature of social media allows for contestation and reformulation of knowledge within these discourses. As Litzinger (2000) suggests, struggles to reposition ethnic minorities within the Chinese nation create spaces for imagining alternative futures (Litzinger, 2000, p. 259). In summary, the Sibe strategically position their ethnic identity between the Northeast of China and Xinjiang, employing both racial minzu and the Stalin-derived definition to support their claim. While the Northeast Sibe actively work towards solidifying their ambiguous identities into a fixed, single ethnic identity, the Xinjiang Sibe adapt to the changing political and cultural environment by leveraging the ambiguity of minzu. Through this process, the Sibe contest their subordinate status and endeavor to preserve their ethnic identity within the broader national discourse. Impact of Media Technicity on Minzu In addition to the influences of Chinese nationalism and Sibe’s local social context on the construction of Sibe minzu identity, it is crucial to explore the impact of social media platform structure and media temporality on the Sibe ethnic identity. WeChat, with its technological design and functionality, emerges as a potent force that significantly influences the construction of Sibe minzu identity. The media technicity inherent in WeChat’s architecture, characterized by synchronous communication and algorithmic mechanisms, deeply shapes the discursive space for minzu discussion within the Sibe community on the platform. These external influences create a distinct

122

L. HAO

terrain where Sibe discourse on WeChat unfolds, presenting both challenges and opportunities for self-expression and identity validation. The Sibe community demonstrates resilience and resistance as they engage with WeChat, departing from the static representations found in history textbooks and negotiating their minzu identity in the contemporary context of China. Furthermore, media technicity affects the spatial and temporal dimensions of minzu texts within Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) and the unique ‘circle culture’ intrinsic to WeChat. The design of WeChat, especially its synchronous communication feature, shapes the digital dialogue on Sibe genealogy within the community. The platform’s ‘Moments’ feature allows discussions to evolve over time, guided by the platform’s algorithmic tendencies. Discussions within WeChat about the Sibe minzu identity reveal a vibrant community actively interrogating and contesting prevailing narratives. This interactive process stands in contrast to the one-sided learning from history textbooks, fostering dynamic conversations. However, the discursive space where interpellation on minzu subjects occurs and the visibility of these narratives are inevitably influenced by the platform’s temporal mechanisms. Considering the intricate power dynamics and agency exhibited by Sibe users in shaping their ethnic identity, conversations on WeChat regarding Sibe’s ethnic origins and their relationship with the Manchu play a crucial role in the community’s discourse. The visibility and propagation of these narratives are subtly shaped by the platform’s algorithmic and temporal structures. As a result, the emergence of the Sibe minzu identity on WeChat represents a complex interplay among user agency, platform structure, and media temporality. Examining the Sibe genealogy within WeChat provides valuable insights into how these diverse factors contribute to the transformation of minzu from history textbooks to WeChat Moments. This transformation significantly shapes and navigates the discourse on Sibe minzu identity in the digital age. By scrutinizing the interplay of media technicity, temporality, and discursive space, we gain a nuanced understanding of the mechanisms underlying the interpellation of minzu subjects in the digital era. Moving forward, we will delve deeper into the phenomenon known as the media temporality of Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) and its vital role in shaping the Sibe minzu identity on WeChat. Through

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

123

an exploration of the intricate intersection of media technicity, temporality, and discursive space, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of how these factors influence the dynamics of minzu discourse in the digital era.

Media Technicity and Minzu Subject Interpellation In the discourse of the Sibe community on WeChat, media technicity, inherent in the platform’s design and operational functionalities, significantly shapes these interactions. This brings into focus the concept of media temporality of Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC), a notion exploring how the cadence and sequence of digital communication guide the structure and progression of discussions. Similar to other digital platforms, WeChat supports asynchronous communication, offering users the flexibility to post, respond, and comment at their convenience. This leads to a unique interaction pattern, allowing discussions to evolve over time and engage a diverse array of participants. However, it is vital to acknowledge that the visibility of posts is subject to the platform’s algorithmic biases, potentially favoring more recent or popular content. Consequently, certain viewpoints might gain visibility while others fade over time, subtly steering the discourse of minzu communicated in the Sibe WeChat community. A critical element of this setup is WeChat’s ‘Moments’ feature, an instrument enabling users to share posts with a selected group of friends. This feature cultivates a more intimate, managed space for discourse, potentially fostering deeper and more honest conversations surrounding the Sibe minzu identity. Despite this, even within this semi-public space, the discourse of minzu remains influenced by the platform’s algorithmic principles and design elements. As explored in my research, the visibility of posts in a user’s ‘Moments’ feed is not dictated solely by their temporal placement, but also significantly influenced by the user’s historical pattern of interactions. This finding invites a critical reevaluation of the power dynamics inherent in this process, as a user’s interaction history might carry inherent biases, favoring certain posts or viewpoints over others. This dynamic subtly shapes the communal discourse, underscoring the complexity of understanding the discursive formation of the Sibe minzu identity on digital platforms.

124

L. HAO

WeChat’s Technicity Impact on Discursive Spaces Within WeChat’s digital arena, Sibe community members are more than passive observers; they are active participants skillfully navigating the platform’s constraints. They utilize their agency to curate, disseminate, and engage with content that simultaneously mirrors and molds their collective Sibe minzu identity. This participation showcases a defiance against merely adopting mainstream narratives and rather articulates a more nuanced understanding of their minzu subject. WeChat’s ‘Moments’ and qun feature is a crucial facilitator of these dynamics. It lets users share content within a chosen circle of friends, thereby crafting a somewhat regulated discursive realm. Within this sphere, the Sibe community is free to challenge dominant narratives. However, the structural parameters of this space and the degree of control it provides significantly determine the discourse and representation of the Sibe minzu identity. As a result, the interdiscursive space for minzu subject interpellation that ‘Moments’ provides is also shaped by the platform’s media temporality, encompassing the timing, rhythm, and sequencing of digital interactions. WeChat’s synchronous and asynchronous character enables both instantaneous conversations and protracted dialogues, in turn shaping the engagement dynamics surrounding the Sibe minzu identity. The platform’s immediacy can stimulate dynamic, spontaneous discussions, while its asynchronous nature allows for more thoughtful contributions. Yet, within this temporal structure lies an often-overlooked power dynamic that affects the visibility and persistence of specific narratives. The platform’s algorithms, designed to favor newer or more engaged content, subtly govern which narratives gain prominence and which fade into the background over time. This algorithmic mediation subtly influences the creation and negotiation of the Sibe minzu identity. Thus, while Sibe individuals actively contribute to their minzu identity portrayal, the discursive space they inhabit is considerably influenced by WeChat’s media temporality. They aren’t simply creating narratives within this digital space, but also negotiating with the platform’s temporal structures subtly guiding their discourse and influencing the communal understanding of their minzu subject. This underlines the power dynamic embedded within digital platforms, even within Sibe self-led ethnogenesis, and emphasizes the need for critical awareness of these influences.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

125

Social Media Technicity’s Impact on Depicting Sibe Ethnic Origins As we dive further into the complex power dynamics and the agency demonstrated by Sibe users in carving their ethnic identity, the discussions surrounding Sibe’s ethnic roots and their connections with the Manchu become integral points of examination. These discourses are typically vibrant and comprehensive, frequently appearing within WeChat’s ‘Moments’ and thereby fostering a sense of community. A subsection of Sibe users actively disputes the simplified narrative advanced by state-endorsed history textbooks, which depict the Sibe as a distinct minzu, separate from the Manchu. These users challenge this portrayal by invoking historical examples and personal experiences that underscore the connection between Sibe and Manchu culture. They reject the idea of Sibe is a separated Minzu with Manchu, demonstrating their agency in contradicting dominant narratives and indicating their active involvement in shaping and redefining their Sibe minzu identity. Simultaneously, some Sibe users align with the official narrative that distinguishes the Sibe as a separate minzu from the Manchu, reflecting the state-sanctioned perspective. These voices add further complexity to the discourse, spotlighting a range of perspectives and beliefs within the Sibe community, and ensuring the conversation remains pluralistic. However, the propagation and visibility of these divergent narratives are not exempt from WeChat’s algorithmic and temporal structures’ influence. For instance, posts attracting significant engagement—through likes, comments, or shares—gain heightened visibility in the ‘Moments’ feed, owing to the platform’s algorithmic preferences. This algorithmic leaning thereby boosts certain viewpoints while diminishing the visibility of others. For example, in the course of my research, I encountered many posts from a Sibe user reinforcing the state-approved narrative, positing the Sibe as a distinct minzu separate from the Manchu. This viewpoint, in alignment with the official historical narrative, resonated widely within the community, accruing a substantial amount of likes, comments, and shares. Those posts echoed pre-existing beliefs within the community, inspiring members to actively engage with the content. As a result of this high engagement, this narrative gained significant visibility on the WeChat ‘Moments’ feed, showcasing how WeChat’s

126

L. HAO

algorithmic structures prioritize content with higher engagement. Consequently, this narrative, finding resonance within the community and further facilitated by the algorithmic bias of the platform, gained amplified presence within the Sibe community discourse. The visibility of this narrative, in turn, continued to shape the discourse surrounding the Sibe minzu identity within the community. It attracted more comments and shares, instigating further discussions that solidified its standing within the community’s discourse. Thus, the underlying algorithmic and temporal structures of WeChat played a pivotal role in guiding these interactions, subtly influencing the construction and negotiation of the Sibe minzu identity. Therefore, the expression of the Sibe minzu identity on WeChat emerges as a complex interplay of user agency, platform structure, and media temporality. As Sibe users engage in ongoing dialogues about their ethnicity and its relationship with the Manchu, they navigate a digital terrain that subtly influences the visibility and prominence of narratives, thereby affecting the collective perception and representation of their shared identity. This suggests the need for a nuanced understanding of how different media technicities, such as those between history textbooks and WeChat, influence the construction of the discursive space for the interpellation of the minzu subject. By applying Stiegler’s theory of media technicity and the concept of retentions, we can elucidate how the materiality and operational features of different media forms shape the discourse around the minzu concept within the Sibe community. History textbooks and WeChat serve as exemplifications of this dynamic. History textbooks, with their physical format and time-bound narratives backed by authority, demonstrate a technicity that engenders a more singular, predetermined discourse on the Sibe minzu identity. The structure and physicality of textbooks generate what Stiegler termed ‘primary retention,’ where the linear temporal progression is reflected in the continuity of the narrative structure. This form of retention offers little room for interpretation, or questioning of the established narrative, thereby shaping a singular conception of the Sibe minzu identity. Conversely, WeChat, as a digital platform characterized by asynchronous communication and user-driven content, facilitates a dynamic, multifaceted exploration of the Sibe minzu identity. The media technicity here engenders what Stiegler calls ‘secondary retention,’ allowing a fluid

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

127

construction of collective memory through active engagement and participation. However, this discourse is not devoid of influence; it’s subtly shaped by the platform’s inherent structures, specifically its algorithmic and temporal aspects. Stiegler’s ‘tertiary retention’ concept is crucial to understanding how WeChat’s algorithmic mediation influences this discourse. The platform’s algorithms, acting on the stored data of past interactions and engagement patterns, subtly shape the visibility and prevalence of different narratives within the Sibe community, thereby affecting the perception of the Sibe minzu identity. Recognizing the nuanced influences of media technicity and different forms of retentions in shaping discursive spaces is paramount in understanding the evolution of the minzu concept. This understanding goes beyond the static, singular narrative presented in textbooks to incorporate the dynamic, multifaceted discussions occurring within digital environments like WeChat Moments. My research underscores the criticality of considering the role of algorithmic preferences, media temporality, and user engagement in the discourse surrounding the Sibe minzu identity. The shift of the minzu discourse from the static pages of textbooks to the ever-evolving, user-driven environment of WeChat unveils the complexities of negotiating identity within digital spaces, underscoring the necessity for critical awareness of these dynamics in the digital age.

Conclusion By weaving together various analytical strands, this research offers an in-depth examination of how the Sibe minzu identity is shaped and negotiated on the digital stage of the WeChat platform. Not only does this investigation shed light on the ethno-cultural evolution of the Sibe community, but it also contributes to a broader understanding of the process of identity formulation within digital spaces. We have delved into the intricate relationship between media technicity, particularly as embodied by WeChat, and the interpretative practices of minzu texts within the Sibe community. Our exploration highlights how the spatial and temporal designs of Computer-Mediated Communication platforms significantly influence discourse and shape collective identities.

128

L. HAO

The active role of users within this digital environment was emphasized, with members of the Sibe community emerging not as mere consumers of dominant narratives but as active participants in the shaping of their collective identity. However, our research also pointed to subtle power dynamics inherent in these digital spaces. WeChat’s algorithmic and temporal structures subtly regulate the narratives that gain prominence and those that fade, affecting the construction and negotiation of the Sibe minzu identity. In short, this research illuminates how the media technicity of the WeChat platform impacts the Sibe community’s engagement with and interpretation of minzu texts. It highlights the considerable influence of digital platform structures, algorithmic biases, and user agency on ethnic identity negotiation. This enhanced understanding of the intricate dynamics of digital discourse within ethno-cultural communities is particularly pertinent as we continue to navigate and engage with the complexities of the digital era.

References Anderson, B. (1993). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. Verso. Baker, G. (2006, December 30). Outrage as China Lays Claim to Genghis Khan. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1538174/Outrage-asChina-lays-claim-to-Genghis-Khan.html Baranovitch, N. (2003). China’s New Voices: Popular Music, Ethnicity, Gender, and Politics, 1978–1997 . University of California Press. Bellér-Hann, I. (2008). Community Matters in Xinjiang, 1880–1949: Towards a Historical Anthropology of the Uyghur. Brill. Bovingdon, G. (2010). The Uyghurs: Strangers in Their Own Land. Columbia University Press. Castells, M. (2010). The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Volume 1: The Rise of the Network Society. Blackwell. Cliff, T. (2016). Oil and Water: Being Han in Xinjiang. University of Chicago Press. Dautcher, J. (2009). Down a Narrow Road: Identity and Masculinity in a Uyghur Community in Xinjiang China. Harvard University Asia Center. Duara, P. (1996). Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China. University of Chicago Press. Fairclough, N. L. (1995). Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language. Longman.

3

THE EVOLUTION OF MINZU AMONG THE SIBE

129

Fei, X. (1988). Plurality and Unity in the Configuration of the Chinese People. The TANNER Lectures on Human Values. Delivered at The Chinese University of Hong Kong. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Stanford University Press and Polity Press. Gilroy, P. (1993). The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. Harvard University Press. Gladney, D. (1991). Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic. Harvard University Press. Gladney, D. (2004). Dislocating China: Reflections on Muslims, Minorities, and Other Subaltern Subjects. Hurst & Company. Göksel, A., & Kerslake, C. (Eds.). (2000). Studies on Turkish and Turkic Languages: Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference on Turkish Linguistics. Harris, R. (2004). Singing the Village: Music, Memory, and Ritual Among the Sibe of Xinjiang. Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press. Innis, H. (1951). The Bias of Communication. University of Toronto Press. James, C. (1997). Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late 20th Century. Harvard University Press. Litzinger, R. A. (2000). Other Chinas: The Yao and the Politics of National Belonging. Duke University Press. Manju xu wen kvwaran. (2013, April 18). Weishenme Manzu yejiao Manzhou [Why Manchu Is Also Called Manju?] [Online Discussion Group]. http:// www.manjusa.com/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=7839&highlight=满洲 Manchublog. (2006, December 3). Banjin Inenggi [The Banjin Festival] [Online Discussion Group]. http://manchus.blog.sohu.com/23571536.html Millward, J. (2007). Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang. Columbia University Press. Mullaney, T. S. (2011). Coming to Terms with the Nation: Ethnic Classification in Modern China. University of California Press. Na, Q. (2010). Zhongguo Xibe Ren [Sibe People of China]. Liaoning Minzu Publishing House. Papacharissi, Z. (2011). A Networked Self: Identity, Community and Culture on Social Network Sites. Routledge. Rainie, H., & Wellman, B. (2014). Networked: The New Social Operating System. MIT Press. Rudelson, J. B., & Rudelson, J. J. (1997). Oasis Identities: Uyghur Nationalism Along China’s Silk Road. Columbia University Press. Thompson, J. P. (1995). The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Media. Stanford University Press.

130

L. HAO

Yang, D. L. (2012). The Global Recession and China’s Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan. Zhao, S. (2004). A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism. Stanford University Press.

CHAPTER 4

Reconceptualizing Minzu in Computer-Mediated Communication

Introduction This chapter delves into the significant role of the Sibe language in shaping and reinforcing the Sibe ethnic identity. As per Stalin’s definition of minzu, language is emphasized as a vital marker of an ethnic group. The use of transliterated Sibe in social media platforms contributes to demarcating the Sibe’s ethnic boundaries. The chapter investigates the transformation of Sibe language from being a criterion for minzu recognition by the state to becoming a communication tool that marks inclusion in the Sibe community. The exploration focuses on how transliterated Sibe on social media constructs a new community encompassing Sibe individuals scattered in various regions. It underscores the discourses and practices that guide the choice of transliterated Sibe in these online communities. The historical context of Sibe language construction is presented, providing a backdrop for understanding the contentious relationship between Sibe and Manchu languages. Two seemingly conflicting, yet consistent, views emerge, both of which assert the independent status of the Sibe language. The analysis extends to the connection between these views and Stalin’s minzu definition, as well as Chinese nationalism. The chapter then unravels various experiences of individuals promoting the Sibe language using transliteration on social media. A distinct contradiction between their claims of promoting an independent Sibe language © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5_4

131

132

L. HAO

and their actual use of Manchu language is revealed. This contradiction is attributed to the influence of minzu discourses and the constraints and possibilities of Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) in social media communities. Finally, the chapter posits that the choice of transliterated Sibe language in the Sibe social media community goes beyond shared knowledge. It contributes to the character, culture, and community of the Sibe ethnic group in Çabçal and Northeast China. The transliteration of Sibe language using the Latin alphabet is viewed as a tool for representing the Sibe community, highlighting the role of language in shaping ethnic identity.

Transliterated Sibe Language and Identity in Social Media Influenced by Stalin’s definition of minzu, language became a prioritized ethnic marker for a minzu, thus the Sibe language became a critical element in constructing Sibe identity. The utilization of transliterated Sibe is pivotal in demarcating the ethnic boundaries of the Sibe. During the socialist period, the state identified the minzu using its administrative techniques, fostering a minzu identity from the state’s perspective of an imagined community. In this process, the Sibe minzu was built around the ability to speak the Sibe language. However, in today’s networked society, where social media serves as a community platform for the Sibe, their language has become a significant communication tool. In this setting, the proficiency in the Sibe language becomes an essential marker for Sibe identity. In this chapter, I’ll delve into the construction of Sibe identity via the use of transliterated Sibe within social media groups, and how this form of communication helps create a semblance of community among Sibe individuals dispersed across various locations. The focus of this analysis is the establishment of a minzu narrative within these social media groups, highlighting the foundational principles and concepts of minzu that influence the choice to use transliterated Sibe. According to Foucault’s notion of culture as governance, the use of transliterated Sibe on social media is an assemblage of limited practical resources that Sibe individuals can utilize to assert their identity, particularly in relation to the use of Latin alphabets in the transliteration of the Sibe language.

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

133

In this chapter, as I explore the correlation between transliterated Sibe language and Sibe minzu identity, I will borrow from Rainie and Wellman’s concept of networked individualism. This concept acknowledges the individual’s agency in interpreting the meanings created by networks. My analysis will, therefore, concentrate on individual Sibe social media users and investigate how the concepts of minzu and the material conditions of social media interact with each other in shaping choices of transliteration methods and the formation of identity. In this chapter, I begin by examining the adoption of transliterated Sibe, addressing the challenges of Sibe language software and various transliteration systems. Next, I delve into the concept of Sibe language and its relationship with transliteration techniques. Following this, I trace the historical evolution of the Sibe language. Through this historical exploration, I provide a context for the discussions pertaining to the correlation between the Sibe and Manchu languages and introduce the circumstances under which the Sibe people promote their spoken language. After reviewing this historical context, I will share my ethnographic findings on the utilization of transliterated Sibe by its social media users. These findings will furnish empirical data for subsequent analysis concerning the interplay between minzu discourses and the selection of transliterated Sibe. In this chapter, I explore the primary arguments concerning the relationship between the Sibe and Manchu languages and discern the minzu discourses that shape this debate. From my analysis of the discourse among Sibe social media users about the link between the Sibe and Manchu languages, I gather that there are two opposing yet concurrent perspectives on this relationship, grounded in my conversations with Sibe social media users. The first viewpoint posits that Sibe is a distinct language from Manchu. The second perspective asserts that the Sibe language has evolved from the Manchu language. The reason I classify these viewpoints as conflicting is due to the first perspective’s refusal to accept that the Sibe language is identical to the Manchu language, while the second perspective proclaims that the Sibe language has its origins in the Manchu language. Conversely, I regard these viewpoints as consistent with each other because both of them affirm that the Sibe language should be recognized as an independent language. From these contradicting yet consistent perspectives, we can

134

L. HAO

catch a glimpse of the Sibe people’s endeavor to discursively construct an independent status for the Sibe language at this juncture. Upon juxtaposing the differing perspectives on the relationship between the Sibe and Manchu languages among Sibe social media users, I delve deeper into understanding why these users express such seemingly opposing yet harmonious views about the Sibe language. This is done by analyzing their connections to Stalin’s definition of minzu and Chinese nationalism. I assert that the Sibe’s insistence on their distinct minzu identity is largely driven by their desire to maintain their minzu status within the framework of Stalin’s definition of minzu. This definition provides the only legitimate avenue to safeguard their language. Conversely, the Sibe’s claim that their language is identical to the Manchu language is rooted in the current socio-political circumstances surrounding the development of ethnic minority languages in China. The only viable strategy to further the Sibe language within these conditions is to associate it with the Chinese nation. As the language of the Qing Dynasty, the Manchu language has played a pivotal role in shaping a substantial portion of Chinese history. The state and the nation, recognizing its historical significance, are inclined to support the development of the Sibe language. It’s through this rationale that the Sibe argue their language has evolved from the Manchu language. As my interviewee H stated, ‘Sibe language is the key to unveiling the history of the Chinese nation’ (H, personal communication, Urumqi, July 27, 2011). After reviewing the main statements of the relationship between Sibe language and Manchu language, I analyze individual Sibe’s practices on promoting the Sibe language in relation to the use of transliterated Sibe. I analyze K’s experience as a Sibe language teacher in a Sibe language training class in Çabçal; T7’s experience as a Sibe language teacher in promoting Spoken Sibe with the use of Romanised Transliterated Sibe on the social media qun; Z2’s experience as Sibe language editor at Çabçal TV station using Written Language on TV programs; A’s Sibe language teaching experience on the social media qun; H2’s experience while hosting Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun at constructing a linguists’ environment for Sibe to speak and learn Sibe language; W’s practices of promoting transliterated Sibe-Manchu by inventing the

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

135

transliteration method to transliterate Sibe with the use of Roman alphabets; A2 as a Sibe poet and his experience using transliterated Sibe to promote Sibe ethnic identity. In my analysis of the Sibe’s efforts to champion the Sibe language, I’ve found a number of contradictions between their declarations and their actual actions. Claims promoting the independence of the Sibe language seem to conflict with their practical use of the Manchu language. From my ethnographic research, I conclude that these contradictions arise from the influence of the minzu discourse and the limitations and possibilities presented by Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) within social media groups. The physicality of social media and the discourse of minzu have led Sibe social media group users to the decision that transliterated Sibe should utilize pinyin to denote the phonetic structure of the Sibe language. Pinyin is a tool employed by the state to promote Mandarin as the national language via compulsory education since the 1950s in China. By using pinyin to represent transliterated Sibe, the identity of the Sibe people has been shaped by specific constraints, both from the materiality of pinyin and from the discourse surrounding pinyin. I also recognize the selection of transliterated Sibe language in the Sibe social media groups as not merely a byproduct of shared understanding. Rather, it is facilitated by a unique relationship stemming from the interaction among holbobun, minzu, and social media groups among Sibe social media users. This interaction aids in constructing certain cultural traits and communal characteristics for the emerging Sibe ethnic group in Çabçal and in Northeast China. In conclusion, the choice of using transliterated Sibe language, employing Latin alphabets in the social media groups, is legitimized by advocating for the promotion of Spoken Sibe language. My qualitative analysis underscores that the discourse of minzu intertwines with intricate processes of cultural governance in forming the transliterated Sibe language through the selection of the Latin alphabet within the realm of Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC). Drawing from the ethnographic data gathered during my fieldwork, I conclude that the use of the Latin alphabet in transliterating Sibe language has been strategically deployed as a tool to embody the idea that language should symbolize their community. The decision to use pinyin to represent Spoken Sibe was influenced by this notion, which ultimately results in transliterated Sibe mirroring the Spoken Sibe used by the Sibe community in Çabçal.

136

L. HAO

The argument advanced in this chapter is that the implementation of the transliterated Sibe language in Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) correlates with the establishment of community and the conceptualization of this community. The ‘installation’ of the concept of minzu within the Sibe social media groups, intertwined with the practice of holbobun, enables the Sibe community to assimilate the discourses of minzu as a form of self-governance in their identity construction. Within this process, the transliterated Sibe language operates as a testing ground where various strategies for the establishment of the Sibe ethnic community are applied and assessed. This construction, however, is always generative; it produces and brings forth ideas, objects, actors, and inscriptions. This productive capacity, in turn, provides a functional rationale for the Sibe community’s adoption of the transliterated Sibe language. The collective utilization of transliterated Sibe language decreases the perceived geographical distance between the Sibe individuals from Xinjiang and Northeast China, while referencing specific socio-physical boundaries via the use of transliterated Sibe establishes a separation from the rest of China. This dualistic approach enhances a sense of belonging for members by constructing a culturally localized niche for the Sibe ethnic identity within the expansive space, facilitated by social media. I propose that the online adaptation of transliterated Sibe, influenced by Latin alphabet-based transliteration systems and the discourse of minzu, innately generates new meanings of Sibe ethnic identity in the digital realm.

The Adoption of Transliterated Sibe Despite the allocation of Mongolian Character Code in UCS/Unicode, there is still a lack of adequate software to generate Sibe script in the digital realm. Since 1993, experts have endeavored to develop SibeManchurian Character Code and Fonts, yet the limited collaboration among international organizations, experts, and local users has decelerated the implementation of the Sibe script (Tongjia, 2004, p. 43). In this context, my ethnographic study of Sibe social media communities since 2009 has revealed that the Sibe people often resort to Latin alphabets to transliterate Spoken Sibe in a Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) environment. This approach simplifies the process of learning the Sibe and Manchu languages and also makes typing Sibe on a computer more accessible. Sibe social media users began to adapt Möllendorff’s

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

137

transliterated Manchu system and created a new version of Romanised Transliterated Sibe, more compatible with ASCII Roman alphabet. W’s transliteration method emerged within this context and has been widely adopted by Sibe social media users. W utilizes the ASCII Latin alphabet to portray the phonetic framework of the Sibe language, thereby simplifying the learning process for those Sibe and Manchu residing in Northeast China who lack a Manchu-language foundation. For example, W transformed the Romanized syllables, ša, še, ši, šo, šu into xa, xe, xi, xo, xu, xv. He conveyed that his rationale for implementing such a modification also pertains to his aspiration to correlate each Sibe syllable with a corresponding symbol from the computer’s Latin alphabet keyboard. This adaptation would ‘facilitate easier typing of the Sibe language on a computer’ (W, personal communication, July 20, 2011). Within the Sibe social media groups scrutinized in this study, Sibe individuals were queried regarding their preference for spelling the Sibe language. Under such circumstances, their accents were typically being converted into phonetic Sibe. They were employing the Latin alphabet or Chinese characters to represent the phonetic nuances of the Sibe language. On the mobile social media platform, WeChat, voice messaging was a prevalent form of communication. Given the internet’s role as a conduit for Sibe language instruction, the participants unavoidably face constraints arising from the linguistic tools accessible in the CMC environment. As noted by Blakeman (2004), individuals meld their linguistic knowledge with their inherent creativity to craft novel linguistic expressions in an existing language. They are harnessing the keyboard’s limitations to devise an innovative online lexicon, amalgamating the optimal features from certain facets of written language to spawn a new language variant best fitting the CMC milieu (Blakeman, 2004). Figure 4.1 presents a chart compiled by W. During our interview at the Gašan Cultural Communication Company in Urumqi in 2011, he shared that this Sibe transliteration table draws on Möllendorff’s transliteration method for Manchu, as this is the most commonly used method for writing Manchu among Sibe and Manchu speakers. The table above illustrates that certain signs, such as z´ , š, and ¯ u, are difficult to type using the input method adopted on mobile phones and computers in China. In order to utilize the Latin alphabet for Sibe communication in a CMC environment, the Sibe innovatively select alternate letters of z, s, v that are

138

L. HAO

accessible on the keyboard of mobile phones and computers to portray the phonetic form of the Sibe language. The chart in Fig. 4.2 presents the alterations made by the Sibe community for use in a CMC environment. R explained that these adjustments mainly aimed to address the challenge of some letters not being available in the input methods on mobile phones and computers. The chart indicates certain unique Roman signs: z´ with an accent sign is replaced by r; x substitutes the sign of š ; and v is used in place of the sign of ¯ u. The letters r, x, and v are readily available in the pinyin method on mobile phones and computers in China. R also informed me that the pronunciation of those Sibe scripts closely aligns with the letters r, x, and v in pinyin pronunciation. Consequently, the Sibe community members utilizing these Latin alphabets to represent the phonetic structure of the Sibe language also need to be conversant with the Chinese pinyin method. The term ‘Gašan’ is meant to be written in this format. However, since the š sign is not available on the keyboard used on Chinese mobile phones, social media users have creatively substituted the letter x for š. As a result, ‘gašan’ is written as ‘gaxan,’ as demonstrated in the above screenshot represented in Fig. 4.3. The specific characteristics of Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) and the difficulties associated with using Sibe scripts on current social media platforms, along with the high level of education among many Sibe CMC users, collectively facilitate the extensive use of transliterated Sibe in internet communication. As highlighted earlier, several Latin alphabets from transliterated Sibe systems are unavailable on mobile phone keypads. Consequently, numerous letters have been replaced with their corresponding alphabetical symbols that can be found on the keyboard, such as substituting the letter ‘x’ for ‘š’. This modified transliterated Sibe is so widely used that they have become an integral part of transliterated Sibe language, as I have found from virtual ethnography on Sibe social media from 2009 to 2015. The phenomenon of Romanization of Sibe language is apparently a response to technical constraints (lack of script support), but the ways users get around this constraint, and the ways, they use transliterated Sibe with the Roman alphabet in contexts where this constraint does not apply, reveal much about interaction between the technology and ethnic politics in Chinese society. This adaptation of transliterated Sibe has become so widespread in use that it now forms a fundamental part of the language’s representation,

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

Fig. 4.1 Sibe Roman Alphabets Tables: Transliteration by W, 2011

139

140

L. HAO

Fig. 4.2 Modified Sibe Roman Alphabets Tables: R’s Compilation, 2014

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

141

Fig. 4.3 Modified Transliterated Sibe

as evidenced by my virtual ethnography on Sibe social media conducted from 2009 to 2015. While the Romanization of the Sibe language was clearly a response to technical limitations (the lack of script support), the methods used by users to navigate around this obstacle, as well as their use of the Latin alphabet to transliterate Sibe even in scenarios where such constraints are absent, provide insightful observations into the interaction between technology and ethnic politics in Chinese society. Based on my interviews with Sibe social media users, it emerged that their choice of specific phonological descriptors for the Sibe language is influenced by their familiarity with both the language itself and the Latin alphabets used to represent Spoken Sibe. Given the vast variation in sounds, social media users transcribe words as they hear them, utilizing

142

L. HAO

the Latin alphabet. Consequently, the range of selected Latin alphabetical symbols for phonological representation of the Sibe language has broadened significantly, heavily contingent upon the degree of familiarity of Sibe social media users with Spoken Sibe and the Roman alphabet. According to Li (2010, p. 16), several different Romanization systems exist for the transliteration of Written Manchu, namely by P. G. von Möllendorff; H. C. von der Gabelentz; Luis Ligeti; Jerry Norman; Li Shulan; An Chengshan; and Guo Yuaner. However, in my ethnographic study of Sibe Computer-Mediated Communication practices on social media platforms from 2009 to 2015, I discovered three systems for transliterating Sibe with the Latin Alphabet which were most prevalent among Sibe social media users. These include: the Möllendorff transliteration system; Li Shulan’s phonetic transcription of Sibe using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) for the pronunciation of Sibe words; and finally, the third system is based on the transliteration chart for Sibe compiled by W from the Gašan Cultural Communication Company, which will be discussed later in this chapter. According to my ethnographic study of the usage of transliterated Sibe among its social media users, Li Shulan’s transcription system faithfully reflects the phonetic characteristics of the Sibe language. However, W’s system is preferred among social media users due to its compatibility with the current input methods adopted by most computers and smartphones. The Möllendorff’s transliteration system is more favored by educated Sibe individuals. A significant feature that sets W’s transliteration system apart from Li Shulan’s phonemic transcriptions is the former’s adoption of readily available Latin alphabet letters on a standard keyboard to denote the phonetic components of Sibe words. This system is particularly popular among Sibe WeChat users who have not received a formal education in the Sibe language. Many of these users, primarily from northeastern China, mentioned in the interviews that W’s system is more convenient for Computer-Mediated Communication because it uses Latin letters that are easy to type on a keyboard or smartphone. They reported difficulty in locating accented letters, such as u ¯ and š, on a standard keyboard. Based on my online linguistic ethnographic research on Sibe social media users from 2009 to 2015, I found that no single transliteration system was fully implemented. Although some spelling rules from the Möllendorff’s transliteration system were referred to, most Sibe social

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

143

media users preferred to adopt the pinyin system for transliterating Spoken Sibe. I conclude that there are three reasons why Sibe did not adopt existing Romanization systems for transliterating the written language. First, these systems are mainly based on the written language, and the vocabulary of Spoken Sibe has significantly evolved over the last century, making these systems inadequate to express contemporary Spoken Sibe. Second, driven by political motivations, Sibe people in Xinjiang aim to establish a distinct Sibe ethnic identity separate from Manchu. They deliberately downplay the linguistic connection with the Manchu language, leading some Sibe to avoid using existing Romanization systems. Third, Sibe people are more familiar with the pinyin system, which is a tool for learning Chinese in compulsory education in China. Therefore, they tend to prefer this system.

A Genealogy of Sibe Language In this section, I’ll be exploring the Sibe language, its nuances, and its connection to the process of transliteration, along with the pivotal role played by the concept of minzu in shaping the Sibe language. This exploration will include a deep dive into the history of Sibe language construction. Sibe language, recognized as Modern Manchu by Manchu linguist Gertrude Roth Li, is perceived by the Sibe community as a key ethnic identifier, largely due to the influence of Stalin’s concept of minzu. Based on my interview findings, the Sibe community distinguishes between two language forms: Spoken Sibe, used in everyday interactions, and the Written Language, a literary language rooted in Manchu. Spoken Sibe is generally used in familial settings, while the Written Language is the main communication medium in literature, newspapers, Çabçal TV news, and Sibe language textbooks (Tongjia, 2004, p. 54). In my study of Sibe social media users’ linguistic practices concerning Sibe language learning, it became clear that the Written Language often refers to written Manchu. Interestingly, Xinjiang Sibe participants in my interviews consistently omitted the word ’Manchu.’ This omission suggests a conscious effort to construct a Sibe identity through their language choices. Even though the ‘Written Language’ is written using the Manchu writing system, the Sibe community prefers to call it ‘Written Language’ rather than ’Written Manchu,’ reflecting an attempt to assert

144

L. HAO

the independence of the Sibe language. This also highlights a disparity between their understanding of language and their assertions about it. The most significant challenge faced by the Sibe community in learning their language is the considerable variation among different groups of speakers and the fluid pronunciation of Spoken Sibe. This issue is further complicated in the Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) environment, as there is a divide between those who adhere to the Written Language as the standard and those who adopt Spoken Sibe as the standard for written communication. In my field trip to Urumqi, I had insightful discussions with a Sibe historian, H, who enlightened me about the emergence of the Sibe language. He revealed that the initial systematic introduction of the Sibe language was made in Salachun’s Sibe Grammar, a book published at the dawn of the twentieth century. In this work, Salachun introduced additional syllables that captured the essence of the Spoken Sibe utilized in Xinjiang Sibe communities during the 1940s. Concurrently, he eliminated some Manchu-language syllables which the Sibe people of Xinjiang didn’t use. This restructured language model highlighted the contrasting sounds of Spoken Sibe and the Written Language. Owing to these foundational modifications, the Sibe-Solon-Manchu Cultural Association (SSMCA) announced the Sibe language as a distinct entity in 1947 (H, personal communication, July 27, 2011). Today, the syllabary of the Manchu language, based on early twentiethcentury standard pronunciation, is employed in school textbooks. However, the passage of the last century has witnessed significant shifts in the pronunciation of Spoken Sibe, impacted by influences from Uyghur, Kazakh, and Chinese languages. This evolution has resulted in a substantial divergence between the academic version of the Sibe language and the dialect spoken within local communities, thereby presenting obstacles to the successful transmission of the Sibe language. This was corroborated by S, in our interview when they expressed, ‘The Sibe language taught in primary schools significantly deviates from the dialect used in various local communities, leading to challenges in the educational propagation of the Sibe language by the local Sibe communities’ (S, personal communication, July 20, 2011). The Written language of Sibe is organized in vertical columns, running from top to bottom and left to right. Most letters have various forms: initial, medial, and final, which are used, respectively, at the beginning,

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

145

middle, and end of a word. The vowels also possess isolated forms. Some letters change shapes based on the preceding or following vowels. Within the last hundred years, the Sibe language appears to have gone through a great change, with several reforms. Sibe language was considered to belong to the Tungusic language family (Li, 2010, p. 13). There is debate on Sibe language’s origin in the academy. Sibe scholars argue that Sibe is a separate language in relation to Manchu (He, 1995; Shetuken, 2009; Tongjia, 2004); the other argument, proposed mainly by the scholars in Manchu studies, is that the Sibe language is a modern form of Manchu language (Li, 2010). Although Sibe scholars insist on the uniqueness of the Sibe language, they also recognize that the Sibe language has developed from the Manchu language (Shetuken, 2009, p. 11; Tongjia, 2004, p. 12). My review of the Sibe language’s evolution will follow this consensus. The Manchu language is a derivative of the Jurchen language, spoken by the Jurchen people who ruled North China under the Jin Dynasty (1115–1234). During this time, two scripts, referred to as the ‘big’ and ‘small’ scripts, were developed. However, these scripts eventually fell out of use, with the last known Jurchen inscription dated to 1526. As their scripts faded away, the Jurchen used written Mongolian for documentation purposes. In 1599, Nurhaci, the founder of the Manchu empire, tasked scholars to adapt the Mongolian script to accommodate Jurchen writing needs, resulting in the birth of the Manchu language. Further refinements were made in the 1620s, adding dots and circles to remove certain ambiguities present in the Mongolian script. This script continued to be used throughout the Qing Dynasty (Li, 2010, p. 13). Upon the Qing Dynasty’s foundation in 1644, most Manchus lived either in Beijing or in fortified garrisons spread across the empire. For some time, they managed to maintain their language, particularly within these garrisons. However, by the mid-eighteenth century, Chinese became the dominant language among the Manchus (Li, 2010, p. 14). The use of Manchu language declined further towards the Qing Dynasty’s end, especially after the 1911 revolution, as Manchus faced persecution from Chinese nationalists, which led to Manchu speakers becoming hesitant to expose their linguistic abilities (Li, 2010, p. 15). Reformers, led by Sun Yat-sen, utilized anti-Manchu sentiments to cultivate a pan-Han Chinese nationalism (Dikötter, 1992, pp. 25–30). The

146

L. HAO

Sibe, who had close ties with the Manchu and loyalty to the Qing, were particularly vulnerable to this movement. In response, the Sibe tried to affirm their existence by aligning with reform movements in Soviet Russia and central China and emphasizing a distinct Sibe ethnic identity separate from the Manchus. During the 1920s, many Sibe people traveled to the Soviet Union to gain modern technological knowledge. Influenced by Stalin’s concept of minzu, which identifies language as a crucial ethnic marker, they began promoting the Sibe language as a unique symbol of their ethnicity. In 1927, Wang Yuhua, a graduate from a Soviet Union university, introduced the Russian Cyrillic alphabet for transliterating the Sibe language (Tongjia, 2004, p. 16), although this was not widely accepted (Tongjia, 2004, p. 123). During the ‘three regions revolution’ (1944–1949), the SSMCA’s ‘language reform committee,’ composed of educated Sibe elites, initiated a project to convert written Sibe into an independent language (Tongjia, 2004, p. 123). Under this new regime, the Sibe were given the chance to establish a newspaper in their language (S, personal communication, July 29, 2011). In 1946, the Sibe launched their first Sibe language newspaper, the Ice Banjin, or ‘new life’ (Li, 2010, p. 15). The Sibe community seized this chance to assert their language as uniquely Sibe. The SSMCA’s formal proclamation of the Sibe language in 1947 is seen as the inception of the concept of a distinct Sibe language (Tongjia, 2004, p. 168). Salachun, a Sibe scholar and then-county magistrate, ‘standardized’ the syllables of the Manchu language with a modern grammar in his book, Sibe Grammar (Shetuken, 2009, p. 11). This book was adopted as the Sibe language textbook in all Sibe schools by 1948 (Tongjia, 2004, p. 168). In 1955, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Nationality Language Committee (XUARNLC), which was newly established, launched a project to reform the languages of all ethnic groups. By December of that year, the XUARNLC put forth a proposal to restructure the Sibe language into a language with Cyrillic-based spelling, mirroring a larger language project underway in Xinjiang. This proposal was subsequently approved at the 13th Peoples’ Congress of XUAR in 1957. By May 1957, the New Method on Reform of Sibe Language was formulated (Tongjia, 2004, p. 35). However, in 1958, the initial plan to use

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

147

Cyrillic letters for Sibe transliteration was replaced with the Latin alphabet (Tongjia, 2004, p. 35). In 1962, a directive from the Central government stated that ‘Sibe should use Han Chinese as the communication tool, use Sibe language as the language in the transition period’ (Tongjia, 2004. p. 98). Yet, the transitional use of the Sibe language never materialized. With the advent of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, Sibe language classes and publications ceased, including the Sibe newspaper, Ice Banjin (Tongjia, 2004. p. 35). This was attributed to the Cultural Revolution’s aim to unify China’s languages under the more advanced Chinese language (Tongjia, 2004, p. 35). Consequently, from the 1960s to the 1970s, Sibe language education in schools was discontinued, and Chinese became the sole medium of instruction (Tongjia, 2004. p. 98). In 1972, the Ice Banjin newspaper was allowed to publish in the Sibe language again, but under a new name, Çabçal jerkin, meaning ‘Çabçal News’ (Li, 2010, p. 15). However, the two-decade pause in Sibe language education and publication resulted in two generations of Sibe people being unable to read or write in the Sibe language (Tongjia, 2004, p. 25). Today, most Sibe people are illiterate in their language’s written form. A recent survey conducted in Sibe villages revealed that 44.2% of the population could not read Sibe, 37.2% could partially read it, and only 18.6% could fluently read the Sibe language (Tongjia, 2004, p. 26). My Sibe interviewees in Xinjiang expressed deep concerns over the growing influence of Han migration to the Çabçal area on their culture and language. One interviewee, H2, mentioned: There were only less than 1,000 Han in Çabçal before the 1980s; now there are 60,000 Han in Çabçal and 50,000 Uyghur in Çabçal, Kazakh is 38,000. Sibe is 20,000. In every niru, the Han is the majority. Now the biggest impact is the Han migrants, each village is mostly Han. As the Han is the majority in each niru, if you want to talk with them, you have to use Chinese. In this way, we don’t have too many opportunities to speak our mother tongue. The only place we can speak Sibe is at our home.

H2 paused momentarily, as he mentioned home, then continued, ‘now, even at home, we cannot guarantee that we can speak Sibe, because aji juse all tend to speak Chinese now, as they are speaking Chinese in schools; they don’t like to switch language all the time.’ Aji juse is the Sibe word for children.

148

L. HAO

Now our children hesitate to speak both Sibe and Chinese; they understand the Sibe, but they don’t like to speak Sibe language. And then their tongue becomes hard, because for long time, they will not be able to speak Sibe language.

In this section, I have outlined the notion of the Sibe language and its connection to the Manchu language. I have associated the evolution of the Sibe language with the varying political climate across different historical periods. My conclusion is that the development of the Sibe language is a consequence of the modern nation-state concept in Xinjiang and the transformation of Manchu syllables into the Sibe language, with a particular emphasis on Spoken Sibe, was an effort to forge an ethnic identity within the Sibe community. The Chinese influence, particularly since the 1950s concerning language reform, has disrupted the process of leveraging Spoken Sibe to shape a Sibe political identity. The recent influx of Han migrants into the Sibe community presents further challenges to Sibe identity. Another significant factor prompting the Sibe to amplify their identity is Stalin’s definition of minzu, wherein language plays a crucial role as an ethnic marker legitimizing minzu status. In the upcoming section, I will share my ethnographic findings regarding the adoption of transliterated Sibe by Sibe social media users. This data will provide the groundwork for further exploration of the relationship between minzu discourses and the selection of transliterated Sibe.

Impact of Minzu on the Selection of Transliterated Sibe in Social Media In my ethnographic study on the use of the Sibe language, transcribed using the Roman alphabet, among Sibe individuals on social media platforms between 2009 and 2015, I found that the primary focus was the discussion of the relationship between Sibe and Manchu languages. Specifically, the notion of minzu influenced the Sibe’s preference for using the Roman alphabet for transcribing the Sibe language. The transcription of Sibe into Roman letters used in the context of WeChat groups was not an arbitrary decision. Instead, Sibe users chose specific phonetic interpretations of their language based on their understanding of the Sibe-Manchu relationship.

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

149

A key example of this is the avoidance of the long vowel ¯ u, represented by the letter v in transcription. Numerous learners of the Sibe language from Northeast China have stated that their usage of v in the transcription, unlike their Xinjiang counterparts who avoid it, often leads to misunderstandings. As an illustration, one participant, F, stated: Actually, I have learned Möllendorff’s transliterated system. As a Manchu who doesn’t speak the Manchu language, it is very useful to learn the transliterated Manchu. My understanding is that Möllendorff’s is the most authoritative transliterated system on Manchu language. However, when I am chatting online in written form with those people from Çabçal, they all said they don’t understand me, so I have to learn their way of transliterating Manchu. And they insist that the language is not Manchu; it is Sibe language. And they have their own different transliterated form…. (F, personal communication, August 3, 2015)

The decision to avoid using v, and by extension the long vowel ¯ u, is not due to the absence of this vowel in the Sibe language. Instead, it is tied to the discussion regarding the relationship between Sibe and Manchu. In 1947, the SSMCA announced the removal of the long vowel ¯ u from the Sibe language as a distinct marker separating it from Manchu (Tongjia, 2004, p. 97). This suggests that while the Manchu language contains the long vowel ¯ u, the Sibe language does not. When I interviewed T7, a retired school teacher who learned the transliterated Sibe during his primary education in the 1950s in Çabçal, he clarified that the syllables table he learned from at school did not include the long vowel, u¯ . A significant number of the Sibe from Çabçal adamantly maintain that there is no syllable, u ¯ , in their Spoken Sibe language. The decision to choose a specific transliteration system for the Sibe language has been uniquely shaped by the debate on the relationship between Sibe and Manchu and the phonetic pronunciations of the language that underscore local identity. Thus, the transliterated Sibe language becomes a part of a larger dialogue about minzu identity, with the transcription process reflecting the role of the state in managing minzu boundaries. The selection of transliterated Sibe language systems is undeniably a matter of governance. Notions about opting for the transliterated Sibe systems that are politically correct in reflecting minzu discourse and easy

150

L. HAO

to use with the pinyin input method are embedded into the logic of constructing the transliterated Sibe method at the level of common sense. From a Foucauldian perspective, these practices and beliefs are far from being natural; they are the outcome of a very specific historical juncture and a set of significant, albeit ultimately contingent, cultural transformations on the emergence of phonetic language and alongside the construction of the modern nation-state. In the Sibe endeavor to elevate their ethnic identity, their Sibe language becomes a paramount ethnic marker for their ethnic boundary. Consequently, they concentrate on the argument that the Sibe language is distinct from the Manchu language. To comprehend the influence of the debate on the relationship between the Sibe language and the Manchu language on the adoption of transliterated Sibe among Sibe social media users, I will examine the debates on this topic among Sibe social media users in the following section. I will analyze the interviews that I conducted with Sibe social media users. My conclusion is that there are two conflicting yet consistent assertions concerning the relationship between the Sibe language and the Manchu language. The first assertion is that Sibe is a separate language from Manchu. The second claim is that the Sibe language has evolved from the Manchu language. Both assertions agree that the Sibe language should be considered an independent language. From these conflicting yet consistent assertions, we can gain insight into the Sibe people’s effort to discursively establish an independent status for the Sibe language at this stage. Based on my virtual ethnography and interviews, I conclude that the relationship between their assertions on the Sibe language and the choice of transliterated Sibe is as follows: the choice to use transliteration systems based on Manchu syllables is supported by their claim that the Sibe language is the Manchu language; conversely, the choice of adopting Roman alphabets to spell the Spoken Sibe is linked with the statement that the Sibe language is an entirely separate language. I argue that Sibe social media groups were vital in enforcing the use of the Sibe language and cultural practices. Initially, compliance seemed to be due to pressures of the social homogenization of Sibe culture into Han culture, alongside the market economy, and Sibe language revival offered newfound pride and community strength. Over time, the practices of adopting transliterated Sibe have brought new consciousness and new

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

151

connections among the Sibe people. It has become an ethnic marker and a source of pride for those who associate with it. My ethnography of Sibe social media groups from 2009 to 2015 concluded that the use of transliterated Sibe on social media is critical to how Sibe people construct their community based on their concepts of holbobun and minzu. The reason for considering the Sibe’s adoption of the transliterated Sibe language as a key factor in community formation is because it informs their communicative practices. Based on my virtual ethnography on Sibe social media groups, I conclude that there is a tendency among Sibe social media users to switch to regarding the Sibe language as a language constructed out of the Roman alphabet and learn the Sibe language with the alphabetic method. The following statement was commonly referenced among social media group users when I asked them why they use transliterated Sibe. The textbook teaches Sibe language through syllabic method. They teach us hundreds of syllables. I feel it is an alphabet with individual letters, some of which differ according to their position within a word. I choose to learn the script as alphabet. I choose to learn Sibe language as an alphabetic language, because I believe that it is easier to learn the script as individual letters than as a multitude of syllables. (F, personal communication, August 3, 2015)

I argue that different linguistic knowledge of Spoken Sibe in Xinjiang and the Northeast of China lead to different treatments of transliterated Sibe. Sibe in Xinjiang tends to use Spoken Sibe to transcribe the Sibe language, as the Spoken Sibe is still practiced in their local communities. In contrast, in the Northeast of China, Sibe people tend to use transliterated Sibe, which follows the Roman alphabet version of the Manchu script to communicate in WeChat, as the materials on learning the Sibe language in printed books are only available in written Manchu for the Sibe people in the Northeast of China. Compared to Northeast Sibe, there is generally a higher percentage of Sibe speakers in Xinjiang. Conversely, in Northeast China, most Sibe consider Chinese as their first language and the textbooks for the Sibe language available to them are primarily in written Manchu. Therefore, there is less transliterated Spoken Sibe used by Northeast Sibe. Even though the virtual community facilitated by the use of social media greatly reduces the constraints of physical community on ethnic

152

L. HAO

identity, the constraints of language proficiency of Sibe from different offline communities still retain some influence on forming an online community, as written Manchu and Spoken Sibe have substantial differences in terms of intelligibility.

Statements on the Relationship Between Sibe Language and the Manchu Language Boundary contestation in Xinjiang in the discourse of minzu is not about the intrinsic value of the boundary itself but about how to conceptualize community. According to my virtual ethnography, Xinjiang Sibe are resisting the idea that the Sibe language was developed from the Manchu language. Instead, Xinjiang Sibe assert that the Sibe language is separate from the Manchu language. As language and lineage are recognized by Sibe as linked to authentic and objective sources of self-identification, in the following section, I will review those statements on the relationship between the Sibe language and the Manchu language. The first statement is that Sibe has developed from Manchu language. This is one of the most commonly shared statements shared by Sibe social media users. I will review T8, H, and S in their claims in relation to this statement from their own perspectives. I will analyze the discourse of minzu referenced in their statements in relation to their claim of a relationship between Sibe language and Manchu language. T8 The first case is T8. T8 is a language teacher employed by Sebsihiyan Amban Sibe Manchu Culture Centre. He conducts online language training in Sibe language using WeChat qun. The WeChat qun’s name is Mother Tongue Learning Sebsihiyan Amban Classroom. This online training class is free to the public. The Sebsihiyan Amban Sibe Manchu Culture Centre promotes a connection between Sibe language and Manchu language. This statement is also reflected in their company’s name. In the language class in WeChat qun, T8 also promotes the company’s claim of Sibe language’s close relationship with Manchu language. Manchus learned their script like a syllabary, with syllables divided into twelve different classes based on their finals’ phonemes. T8 uses these twelve classes of syllable table to teach Sibe language. T8 teaches Sibe

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

153

script as a syllabary and divides them into twelve classes of syllable, based on the ending phoneme of each syllable. The twelve classes of syllable table were constructed based on the Manchu vocabulary syllables. T8 also uses voice messages in the Sebsihiyan Amban Sibe Manchu Culture Centre Sibe language to introduce the twelve classes of syllable in Sibe language, from his own understanding. I interviewed him on his decision to use the syllable to teach Sibe language in his WeChat qun. He explained: The reason that I used Manchu scripts to teach in my class is that we learn Sibe language to study the Qing history. All books in old Manchu archives were written in old scripts. Learning in Manchu scripts can help us to read those materials… You cannot cut down the internal relationship between Manchu and Sibe; if there is no inherent relationship between Sibe language and Manchu language, Sibe will not translate those Manchu archives, and it is us Sibe who will conduct the actual translation work on translating those old Manchu archives in Beijing. The reason is obvious and simple. If, to say more deeply, it involves some political questions, I will not go that much further. Nevertheless, we do something that is good to develop our minzu culture on condition of not violating our country’s law. Sibe language is a concept from after 1947. I remember that my grandfather who was born before 1950s in the time of the GMD, only used the term Manchu language to denote our language. In 1947, they just did some small modification on the language; the basic elements of language are still the same, the fifth vowel was omitted, the syllables k, e were modified, the grammar was kept the same. (T8, personal communication, July 29, 2011)

From the above statement, we can see that T8’s statement that Sibe language has developed from Manchu serves the purpose of advocating the learning of Sibe language as a tool to read Manchu archives on Qing history. For the company title, Sebsihiyan Amban Sibe-Manchu Culture Centre, if you just say Sibe culture communication, it is not comprehensive enough; the resources after 1947 were very limited, almost all the Sibe language materials are materials written before 1947, which were from Manchu language resource… Because Sibe and Manchu languages have an inherent relationship between each other, we cannot simply ignore this relationship for the

154

L. HAO

minzu. As a company which runs the business, we planned it in the longterm. We also need this connection to make more people study our Sibe language. (T8, personal communication, July 29, 2011)

From the above statement, we can see T8’s statement positioning Sibe language within Manchu language is made because he wants to attract more Manchu people to also learn Sibe language. H The second statement is that Sibe language is a separate language compared to Manchu language. H is an historian of Sibe history. H has worked as an editor at Xinjiang People’s Press since 1982. He told me that, ‘it is the duties of a Sibe scholar to save Sibe language’ (H, personal communication, August 1, 2011). He is author of many Sibe histories and archives of classic books written in Sibe. H told me that Sibe has their own individual culture before the Qing Dynasty. During the Qing Dynasty, Sibe language and culture were gradually assimilated into Tungusic Manchu culture. However, H also emphasizes that Sibe language inherited and developed Qing’s ‘Guoyu’ and ‘Qingwen’ (H, personal communication, July. 27, 2011). Sibe language is a very important tool for recording Qing culture and history. There are tens of thousands of historical archives of the Qing recorded in this language. This language is only spoken by Sibe people now. Sibe people are very proud to be the group of people who speak this language. (H, personal communication, July 27, 2011)

H was born in the 1950s in Çabçal. After graduating from high school, H was sent to the countryside to receive re-education from the farmers in the 1970s. H spent three years in the countryside. In 1978, H participated in the first university entrance exam after the Cultural Revolution and was enrolled into History at Xinjiang University. Use of the notion of minzu in the Chinese nation does not mean H wants Sibe culture to be assimilated into Han culture. H wants to use the term, minzu, to develop the Sibe’s own culture and language. His tactic is to use the socialist notion of the Chinese nation as amalgamated group of different nationalities to legitimize the development of Sibe culture, his

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

155

argument being that the development of Sibe’ culture can contribute to discovering the rich tradition of the Chinese nation. There are tens of thousands of historical archives that were written in Manchu, and those records are the most precious materials for revealing the secret of our great nation during the Qing dynasty. And the Sibe language is the key to uncovering those materials…Extreme chauvinistic nationalism has caused serious damage to our Chinese nation. In the Cultural Revolution, much traditional art and culture was destroyed. This means a lot of Chinese people don’t know history. In the Cultural Revolution, many Sibe books were burned, and Sibe language was forbidden from being taught in schools. The only language is Chinese. This generated a huge culture gap for all Chinese people since 1970s. I am not saying Han culture is not good; Han culture is advanced culture, we like to learn from it. What I mean is that our Chinese nation consists of 56 ethnic groups and evolved from the history of 56 ethnic groups. If only Han language and culture are used, certain parts of our Chinese nation’s history will be lost, we will not understand where we come from…. (H, personal communication, July 27, 2011)

From the above narrative, we can see H use the term, minzu, to criticize Han nationalism’s damage on the construction of Chinese nation. He uses the concept of minzu on the Chinese nation, stating that the Chinese nation developed from 56 nationalities and evolved into the Chinese nation, to criticize the social campaigns, like the Cultural Revolution, based on a single, Han culture. He explains that social campaigns based on Han nationalism will be the obstacle for the construction of Chinese nation as certain history of Chinese nation will be lost as a result of the Han nationalist’s campaign. When I asked H how the Sibe are identified out of the Manchu, H told me that the state did not give clear documentation on how to identify the Sibe out from Manchu in the 1950s. This leaves the state more space to keep its control over the definition of Sibe whenever it is necessary. To justify the publication of the Sibe books, H continues to use the discourse of minzu, on unity in diversity, to explain how the Sibe were influenced by the Han culture. The Sibe people also translated Han Chinese classic books into Sibe. Through those books the Sibe culture was influenced by the Han culture… the fact of Sibe and Han are influenced with each other since a long time

156

L. HAO

ago. We can use this to teach young people on how Sibe are influenced by Han culture and accepted Chinese culture. (H, personal communication, July 27, 2011)

When H explains the relationship between Sibe language and written Manchu language, he uses the term, Zhonghua Minzu, to explain the connection between Sibe and Manchu. Just like all ethnic groups in China live together and develop the same culture of Zhonghua Minzu (Chinese nation), Sibe adopting Manchu language and, developing the Manchu language, it became our own Sibe language…any ancient books are the common cultural heritage for all humans. Those books are the most important carrier of the traditional culture. Those classic Manchu books, which were translated from Han in the Kangxi period, in the Qing dynasty, were very popular among the Sibe people. Especially for those Sibe people who migrated to Xinjiang, they copy those books and read them from generation to generation until the 1950s. (H, personal communication, July 27, 2011)

From the above narrative on Sibe language, we can see a clear discourse of minzu on unity in diversity, in which the ethnic minority culture is narrated as part of Chinese culture, and different ethnic groups influence each other and eventually evolve into a common Chinese culture. This discourse of minzu was promoted especially in the 1950s, in the first Five-year Plan (Çabçal County Annals Committe, 2007, p. 23). In this discourse of minzu, ethnic minority culture and language were recognized as bearers of the past for the Chinese nation. As Eric Hobsbawm rightly points out, the invention of tradition is for the construction of the new nation (Hobsbawm, 1983, p. 13); the protection of Sibe language in this discourse can be understood as a method to accumulate resources for the construction of the imagined community of the Chinese nation. The construction of Chinese nation has not necessarily oppressed all Sibe people. The Sibe people are not all the same; some Sibe people have been incorporated into the system that the Chinese state has developed. The imagined community of the Chinese nation can also secure those Sibe a position in the system that the state has developed. On the other hand, whether the outcome of the discourse of imagined community of Chinese is of benefit for certain Sibe individuals also depends on how the individual manipulates the resources he has.

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

157

S S is a Sibe language expert. S is teaching Sibe language at Ili Normal University in Yining. I got to know him through one of my interviewees, N, in 2009. S is well-known among Sibe linguists. He has written numerous Sibe language books. His book of Sibe language grammar (Wu, 2008) is one of most referenced book in the Sibe social media online discussion on how to transliterate Sibe language online, based on my observations from my virtual ethnography from 2009 to 2015. Although he is a Sibe language expert and his job is based around teaching Sibe language, S did not make strong statements that Sibe language is a separate language compared with Manchu language. He uses the phrase, ‘Sibe language has developed from Manchu language’ (S, personal communication, July 28, 2011). He promotes the idea that Sibe language teaching should use the syllabic method. However, he told me that some of the syllables that were standard in 1947 were also out of date. His books use the syllabic method for teaching Sibe language. However, when I visited him in 2011, he had adopted transliterated Sibe to communicate with me on the QQ social media. S resided in an apartment within the premises of Yining Normal University. As I explored the campus, I noticed an abundance of new buildings being erected. I commented to S that there must be a significant increase in student intake this year. Contrary to my assumption, S informed me that the surge in student numbers didn’t extend to the Sibe language course. He stated, ‘It’s actually the reverse situation, the count of students opting to study the Sibe language diminishes annually.’ He then proceeded to elucidate the history of the Sibe language: First, the Sibe language is the development out of Manchu language. Therefore, if you know how to speak Sibe language, you can speak Manchu language. Secondly, although Sibe language is Manchu language, the state has recognised the status of Sibe language in the minzu shibie (ethnic identification project), the Sibe language is protected by the law. Therefore, we should continue to use the name, Sibe language, to name our own language and to develop it. (S, personal communication, July 28, 2011)

In discussing the discourse of minzu unity, unity with diversity, S told me that ethnic minorities need to learn from the Han and evolve into the same social society in the end. Ethnic minority is a part of the Chinese nation; the Chinese nation is based on the ethnic Han (S,

158

L. HAO

personal communication, July 28, 2011). This minzu definition of Sibe is based on the imagined community of the Chinese nation, rather than on the local Sibe community’s perspective. These developments of the transliterated Sibe language from the Roman alphabet reveal the Sibe’s desire to construct their local community. Phonetic, transliterated Sibe language needed to be made to match the discourse of the unity with diversity of the Chinese nation; the danger lay in the potential promotion of local separatism, which may cause the central State to become suspicious of the intention behind promoting local phonetic language. Bearing this concern, the transliterated Sibe carefully manipulated its definition of ethnic identity in the discourses of minzu. The Sibe people discursively use the discourses of cultural minzu, racial minzu, and Stalin’s definition of minzu to argue for the relationship between Sibe and Manchu, and collectively adopt a transliterated Sibe to suit their need to construct an ethnic community. S told me that he believed that Sibe language is continuation of Manchu language: The difference between Spoken Language and Written Language took place once standardisation of language took place, because standardisation is always ordered by the Emperor. The first standardisation of Manchu language didn’t follow how the language was spoken by Manchu people in their everyday, yet it just took Mongolian scripts to modify Manchu language. My opinion is that the language we are using now is just the development from Manchu language; my opinion is that Sibe language is the continuance of Manchu language. (S, personal communication, July 28, 2011)

S described his experience of transliterated Sibe. He explained to me that the knowledge that the user has of the transliterated system determines what system of transliteration the user will tend to use. He told me that most Sibe like to choose pinyin to transliterate Sibe, as most Sibe learn pinyin during their school education. I also like to use pinyin to spell Sibe language, because, when I use pinyin to spell Sibe language, everybody can understand. IPA is only used by some linguists, not so many Sibe understand how to use it. However, everybody knows how to use pinyin, as we were all educated with pinyin for learning Chinese since the 1950s. Since everybody is very familiar with the pinyin system, I use the pinyin system everybody can understand (S, personal communication, July 28, 2011)

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

159

In this section, I have examined Sibe people’s statements on the relationship between Manchu and Sibe. By examining the Sibe’s statements, I concluded that Sibe people do not simply take up the state-defined minzu discourses. The Sibe people articulate the discourses of minzu based their needs in different contexts. I argued that this manipulation of minzu discourse was an important factor in influencing the choice of transliterated Sibe. In the WeChat quns, the electronic communication generated a situation where information also associated with the action of communication. The fabric of the mindset between different Sibe’s desires on ethnic identity thereby becomes a weave of textuality and proximity. It helps to bring those Sibe together for the construction of discourse on Sibe ethnic identity. Social media allow a cohabitation of the Sibe’s voice within the state-defined minzu discourse. However, there are minor negotiations when constructing the discourses in different contexts. The social media provides a kind of middle landscape that allows individuals to exercise their impulses for both separation and connectedness according to different contexts. The liminal space generated by the use of social media for narrating Sibe subjectivity also interrupts the official minzu discourse’s fixed spatial arrangement on Sibe subjects. The use of social media creates a space for Sibe to bring their position into being a fluid position in the discourse of minzu to meet different Sibe’s needs in their local contexts.

The Discourse of Minzu Influenced the Adoption Transliterated Sibe After reviewing the main statements on the relationship between Sibe language and Manchu language, I will analyze the strategies employed by the Sibe community to advocate the use of transliterated Sibe online. In this section, I will interpret the interviews I conducted with Sibe individuals who are at the forefront of this digital movement. Based on my analysis of Sibe people’s practices in promoting Sibe language, I find out that there are numerous contradictions between their statements and their practices. The statements of promoting an independent Sibe language have been contradicted by their actual practices of using the Manchu language. I argue that the choice of transliterated Sibe based on local Spoken Sibe language was legitimized by a strong quest for a sense of local community. It is important to note that this transliterated Sibe language

160

L. HAO

is more than just about knowledge sharing, but is the result of a historically specific experiment in identity construction to meet the Sibe’s need for local community. K In order to counsel those Sibe who went out to studies and work, the Çabçal Sibe Language Committee conducted a Sibe language class for free to the public. The class opened in 2010. It opens in the summer vacation and winter vacation for those Sibe people that are out for studies and work and want to enhance their Sibe language, and also for the staffs who work in the local government. She told me that she wants to work in Beijing where she can work as a translator for the Manchu Archive. By the time, I visited her in 2011 in Çabçal. She also worked as a Sibe language teacher for the Sibe language training class organized by Çabçal Sibe Language Committee. With her help, I also participated in the class. My visit to the Sibe language class offered a unique opportunity to find out how Sibe language was taught in Çabçal. The language class was organized by the Çabçal Education Bureau and the Çabçal Sibe Language Committee. The students varied, through different age groups and professions. They are mostly the Sibe who went to Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Chengdu for work, and many government staff from Çabçal. Some people are like me, who came from the Northeast of China and want to learn the Sibe language. The class was divided into two classes. One was entry-level. Another was for Sibe whose first language is Sibe and want to improve their reading and writing skills. The classrooms were No. 1 Middle School classrooms. I went to both these two classes. The entry-level class was filled with people like me who came from the Northeast and were interested in learning Sibe language. Most of them were young people. They are aged between 20 and 30. The other class was attended mostly by the local Sibe from Çabçal. They were very mixed, from working professionals to students. The government staff take up a large proportion of this class. I was informed that the local government requires all the staff in the Çabçal government to have a certificate in advanced Sibe language. The class adopted the method of teaching Manchu script by syllabic method. For instance, in Fig. 4.4, the instructor employed Roman Alphabet to guide students in the pronunciation of syllables. The rationale

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

161

behind utilizing the Roman Alphabet to illustrate Sibe syllable pronunciation lies in the phonetic nature of the Sibe language, allowing its sounds to be expressed via the Roman Alphabet (K, personal communication, August 3, 2011). Initially, the instruction language of the class was Chinese, but as the course progressed, there was a gradual increase in the use of the Sibe language to explain Sibe scripts. With the progression of urbanization and assimilation into Han culture, the necessity for ethnic minorities in Xinjiang to master Mandarin has become critical. This is due to the economic and social disparities experienced by those unable to converse in the language. Mandarin has become the principal language of instruction in Xinjiang schools (Tongjia, 2004, p. 61), leading some Sibe to worry that their native tongue may be falling into disuse. As per my interviewees’ assertions, bilingual education serves more as a vehicle to promote Chinese than to preserve native languages. ‘We don’t say that Sibe shouldn’t speak Chinese or Sibe shouldn’t study Chinese,’ K told me, They should be able to speak the Chinese language in order to compete with the Han Chinese in society. But, at the same time, they are a different ethnic group, so they should be able to adapt to Chinese society by

Fig. 4.4 Sibe Language Class: Manchu-Based Syllables, Çabçal, 2011

162

L. HAO

keeping their own culture, their own traditions, their own ethnic identity (K, personal communication, August 3, 2011)

This is minzu discourse derived from Stalin’s definition. If you lose your ethnic language, you lose your community as a whole, and now we have already been influenced by the Han a lot. If we couldn’t keep our community as a whole, we will be lost ourselves and assimilated into the Han. Therefore, we promote Sibe language.

T7 T7, a retired primary school teacher from Çabçal, has been quite active in promoting Spoken Sibe online using Romanized transliteration. I have been acquainted with him since 2009, through the Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun. He has often expressed dissatisfaction with the poor representation of Spoken Sibe language in primary school language classes. According to T7, relying solely on a syllable table based on the written Manchu language, while neglecting the local usage of Spoken Sibe in the Xinjiang community, leaves no room for preserving the vibrancy of the Sibe language. As the state-issued Sibe language phonetic table was following the pronunciation of Manchu scripts, and Manchu scripts had not been used by people as the first language for hundreds years, some syllables have disappeared, and as our Sibe language is the first language used in Xinjiang, it changed all the time. You cannot teach a language and ignore how the language was spoken by the real people. (T7, personal communication, August 5, 2011)

He explained that there is no way for Sibe to use this inaccurate Sibe language phonetic table to teach Sibe language. In the following quote, we can see how T7 promotes the Spoken Sibe language in language education. There are a lot of confusing parts in the Sibe language phonetic table. The phonetic table doesn’t reflect the Sibe language’s pronunciation that is used by the Sibe in Xinjiang. Therefore, the Spoken Sibe language self-learning book published in recent years is the only good tool to help protect Sibe language. It uses the Roman alphabet to transliterate Sibe language, just

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

163

like what the pinyin does for Chinese. I feel like, in school, you should have to learn Spoken Sibe first and then teach the Written Language; it will be easier, as the Written Language is too different (T7, personal communication, August 5, 2011)

The problem of school education on Sibe language makes Sibe people choose alternative media for their language education: ‘In everyday situation, we all speak Spoken Sibe, if you use Written Language, no one will understand, so Spoken Sibe is the best communication tool’ (T7, personal communication, August 5, 2011). From the above we can see T7 connect the Spoken Sibe with the local community’s development. The Spoken Sibe can help to strengthen the local community. This is especially important in the current climate, where the Sibe community is facing significant Han influence, as I have shown in this chapter and Chapter 5. In this vein, transliterated Sibe with the use of Roman alphabet just meets this demand, as it can reflect the sound of Spoken Sibe, and it is also easy to use on a computer or smartphone, which are the most common communication tools, based on my ethnography on Sibe’s language practices. Z2 The decision between using Mongolian script or transliterated Sibe using Roman scripts underscores the interplay between the capabilities of computer technology and its application. Those wishing to communicate in Sibe language face two choices: either using the expensive Sibe inputting software Unicode ISO/IEC/WG210646 or resorting to transliteration with the Latin alphabet available in Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC). Since the Unicode ISO/IEC/WG210646 software is costly and there isn’t a free version available online, transliteration with the Roman alphabet becomes the only feasible method to communicate in Spoken Sibe language. Z2, a Sibe language editor at the Çabçal TV Station, offers an interesting perspective on this issue. Born in Çabçal in the 1980s, Z2 was trained in Sibe language at Çabçal Teachers College, which aims to prepare specialists for institutions, like the Çabçal TV Station, Çabçal Newspaper, and local schools. Upon graduating, Z2 started working at the Çabçal TV Station.

164

L. HAO

Z2 often spoke about the challenges of her job as a Sibe language editor. She lamented the necessity to use the written language for broadcast scripts, despite it not being commonly used by the Sibe people in Çabçal in their day-to-day life. This disconnect often led to audience complaints about not understanding the news. Conversely, Z2 told me that, if she were to use Spoken Sibe in the news, it would result in many Chinese words being included, leading to further complaints about the news not being reported in pure Sibe: The audience is very picky with us; our Sibe language is very different like Chinese; we have significant differences between Written Language and Spoken Language. I cannot write Spoken Sibe; we have to write in written language. Then we asked the news anchors to read the scripts that we prepared in Written Language…There are a lot of words Sibe language cannot translate; for example, party secretary we directly read in Chinese as shuji. We couldn’t use too much spoken language, as there is too much Chinese in spoken language; if we use spoken language in the news, it will sounds like news read in Chinese. So we normally change the words of Spoken Sibe into written language, because most people don’t use written language and they are not familiar with Written Language, so the use of Written Language in our news programme also means some of the audience don’t understand what we are saying in the news.…Like Chinese, we translated the words of a great man from Chinese into Sibe; a lot words don’t exist in Sibe language.

The written form of the Sibe language, which employs the Manchu script, is phonetic in nature. Unlike most other globally recognized languages encoded in Unicode, it is inscribed vertically with the text flowing from left to right. The existing Unicode standard, ISO/IEC/ WG210646, represents the Sibe language using the Mongolian font (Tongjia, 2004, p. 150). This script incorporates the Mongolian font and includes an additional 84 diacritical marks to fully represent the Sibe language (Tongjia, 2004, p. 151). The unique features of the Sibe alphabet, in which symbols are connected and their shapes can change based on their location within a word, pose a challenge for conventional ASCII used in current computer operating systems. This system struggles to accurately input and display Sibe text due to the varying forms a letter may take depending on its position in a word (isolated, initial, medial, or final) (Z2, personal communication, July 24, 2011).

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

165

As such, some Sibe words cannot be correctly represented using the current Unicode ISO/IEC/WG210646. During an interview, Z2 disclosed that she prefers to initially draft articles on paper, then utilize her handwritten copy to correct errors made by the Sibe input software on her computer (Z2, personal communication, July 24, 2011). A A, now retired, has spent her career dedicated to teaching the Sibe language. She has particularly focused on instructing Sibe individuals from Northeast China, who aren’t fluent in Sibe language, using various social media platforms. Our acquaintanceship was established in the Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun. In the course of my ethnographic study, I was fortunate to lodge in A’s Çabçal residence for two weeks. I utilized this time to interview A, aiming to gain insights into her innovative approach to teaching the Sibe language using social media. A expressed a keen interest in authentically replicating the Sibe phonetic sound, š . However, due to the unavailability of an equivalent symbol in the standard pinyin input method, A found herself resorting to x to denote this unique Sibe sound. Upon asking her reasoning, A revealed that she was following W’s Transliterated Sibe Roman Alphabet table, later revised by R. This table was previously discussed in detail in Fig. 4.3 of my study. A further shared that the usage of this transliteration approach is quite widespread among Sibe social media users. Its adoption, she explained, is driven by its convenience in a Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) setting. A explained to me that her choice to use the Roman Alphabet for transliterating Sibe was primarily driven by the inadequate syllabic range of the written language, which proved limiting when trying to express new vocabulary: If you want to write our Spoken Sibe, it is impossible to use the syllables that we learned from school to write our Spoken Sibe, because the syllables are not enough; there is a lot of pronunciation of Spoken Sibe that you cannot express with those syllables you learn from School. The syllables we learn from school are based on the Written Manhcu language. (A, personal communication, July 24, 2011)

166

L. HAO

A elucidated that the benefit of employing Roman alphabets for transliterating Sibe is their versatility, making it possible to accurately represent the Spoken Sibe used in daily life. There are a lot of words that the written Sibe’s syllables cannot express, for example, the word for “stone”, if I use transliterated Sibe to spell it, is very easy to write, it can be written as “vehe”. However, if we need to write it in syllables, it is so difficult, because we don’t have the syllables of “he”…The reason for this is that the syllables are made for the Manchu language’s word, and each syllable is corresponding to each Manchu word; the problem is that those Manchu language’s words’ pronunciations are from one hundred years ago. The syllables, hence, are corresponding to the pronunciation of words which were used in hundred years ago. And our Sibe language have changed a lot in last hundred years, so a lot of words, those syllables are not capable of representing them. How can you use the syllables which were made one hundred years ago to represent today’s Sibe words? (A, personal communication, July 24, 2011)

In the above account of A’s frustrations regarding the outdated syllables used for teaching the Sibe language, we can deduce a desire within the Sibe community for a writing system that truly mirrors their contemporary language usage. In this light, using transliterated Sibe via the Roman alphabet seems to meet this demand, as it serves the purpose of promoting their spoken language. However, it’s essential to acknowledge various other social factors influencing the form of transliterated Sibe. One significant factor is individuals’ familiarity with the transliteration system. A shared with me that Sibe people from Northeast China generally lack a background in the Sibe language and do not speak it, with most of them being Mandarin speakers. Thus, they find it challenging to comprehend the Sibe phonetic table. A suggested using Chinese characters as a medium for transliteration to make it easier to teach the Sibe language to these northeastern Sibe people. In Fig. 4.5, we observe the QQ user’s name written as 阿几哈吉 in Chinese. This represents a transliteration of the Sibe word, ‘Aji juse,’ which translates to ‘little boy.’ When I questioned 阿几哈吉 on his choice to use Chinese for Sibe transliteration, he explained that he finds it easier to transcribe Sibe pronunciations using Chinese due to his greater familiarity with the language, given that it is his first language.

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

167

Fig. 4.5 Sibe Names Transliterated with Chinese Characters on Social Media

In Fig. 4.6, we notice that A employs the Roman alphabet for Sibe transliteration while teaching Spoken Sibe, also incorporating Chinese to transliterate the prior sentence. This aids students in understanding Sibe pronunciation. A’s approach indicates that selecting specific methods for transcribing Sibe language into a Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) setting is far from arbitrary. Sibe users choose phonological descriptions of the Sibe language that align with their Sibe knowledge and their familiarity with the Roman alphabet for expressing Spoken Sibe. The preference for using the Roman alphabet or Chinese characters for the phonological representation of the Sibe language has significantly

168

L. HAO

increased and largely hinges on the speakers’ familiarity with the Roman alphabet and digital keyboards. When I inquired about A’s use of Chinese characters, she expressed that although she was hesitant to modify her chosen method of Sibe transliteration, the familiarity of her Northeast Chinese students with Chinese characters and the difficulty of selecting the correct alphabet in the pinyin input method on Chinese social media platforms, pushed her towards the utilization of Chinese characters for her teaching process. Hence, the selection of Sibe transliteration appears to be dictated by the feasibility of the input method and individuals’ familiarity with the Roman alphabet and Chinese characters. A disclosed that, by the conclusion of my ethnographic study on her use of Sibe transliteration, she exclusively

Fig. 4.6 A’s Multimodal Approach to Sibe Transliteration in CMC Environments

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

169

employed Chinese characters when teaching Sibe to Northeast China students. The method chosen to transliterate Sibe has evolved over time, much like a raw material being slowly refined. It has aligned itself with external factors such as the input method’s algorithmic affordability and the user culture. This choice impacts the phonetic shape of the language in its readable form. However, the absence of a standard pronunciation for the transliterated Sibe leaves the interpretation of such pronunciation to Sibe experts. Drawing on Foucault’s concept of governmentality, where he proposed that particular practices in modern society generate specific principles guiding how subjects are governed (Foucault & Hoy, 1986, p. 35), I contend that the selection of the Sibe transliteration system has been employed as a governance technique influencing minzu identity. This strategy of creating choice is gradually adopted, and the Sibe community comes to accept it over time. While Sibe individuals are at liberty to choose their preferred transliteration system for social media interaction, the restrictions presented by the input methods of such platforms imply a necessity for adjustment if their selection proves to be incompatible. Therefore, the input method of a social media application emerges as a crucial factor in a network society, influencing the choice of a particular transliteration system. The modification of Möllendorff’s Sibe transliteration method, along with A’s usage of Chinese characters to denote Sibe phonetics, showcases how Sibe social media users are guided to utilize readily available online resources to authentically represent the Sibe language sounds. H2 Born in the 1970s in Çabçal, H2 has been working at the local Çabçal People’s Congress since 2006, where he coordinates local cultural initiatives. His role in the Congress has significantly amplified his understanding of Sibe culture. In 2007, he launched the Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen QQ qun. His rationale for creating this QQ group was to offer a networking platform for Sibe people. Additionally, he expressed an ambition to leverage this group as a conduit to bridge the divide between Sibe communities in Xinjiang and those in Northeast China.

170

L. HAO

We organise a lot of activities, we have a fixed group of Sibe. The reason I named it as Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin is that I want to use it as a platform show people how Çabçal changes everyday, for both our own Sibe who have gone to other places for work and for people who have never come to Çabçal, and, secondly, use it as a platform for bringing closeness with Sibe from the Northeast of China. Thirdly, there are so many Sibe from Çabçal that have gone to other cities for work. I want to attract them to attend Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen…We organise parties on Westward Migration Festivals Days. We introduce Sibe people to each other. In the activities and events, people can meet each other. This can help Sibe people to build their identity to Sibe culture. Every month, we organise Sibe cultural activities. Because people come to eat, drink, and make friends, we can have bonding of Sibe people. We also organise Sibe language classes. Most of the activities were organised around festivals when all Sibe come back to Çabçal. (H2, personal communication, July 25, 2011)

Discussions regarding racial minzu inherently link the concept of minzu to a sense of territorial belonging. Influenced by this discourse, H2 posits that each Niru in Çabçal has been transformed into spaces predominantly inhabited by the majority ethnic group. He perceives social media as an alternate linguistic realm where he can converse in Sibe and establish connections with others keen on using the Sibe language. Responding to the marginalization of Sibe culture in Xinjiang, the Sibe community has intensified their ethnic bonds. This increased emphasis on ethnic identity in the digital space has led to a heightened use of Spoken Sibe as a tool to delineate ethnic borders, often seen as a form of fetishization. Within this framework, the use of social media encourages the creation of a cultural artifact—an imagined ethnic identity that aligns with Benedict Anderson’s notion of an ‘imagined community’ (Anderson, 1993). W W, a Çabçal native, was born in the 1970s. Post high school, he served in the army, which sponsored his law degree from the University of Xinjiang. He spent several years working as a solicitor in Urumqi, thereby establishing a strong network within the Sibe community. W voiced his ambition to ‘contribute to the minzu.’

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

171

In 2004, W was on the committee that orchestrated the Celebration of the Westward Migration Festival in Çabçal . The event offered him an opportunity to amass a significant collection of Sibe folklore, dance, and language materials, which he cataloged in a visual archive. The same year, he established the Gašan Cultural Communication Company and produced a brief documentary on the Westward Migration Festivals in Çabçal. He also collected all the Sibe folklore songs and released a musical record titled Yilihe de Sinian (Missing Ili River) in 2005. Later that year, he moved his Gašan Cultural Communication Company to Urumqi. In 2007, W put together a table of Sibe letters transliterated using Roman alphabets, inspired by Möllendorff’s transliteration system for Manchu grammar (see Fig. 4.1). His company supported the Çabçal Cultural Bureau in advocating for the Sibe language’s recognition as an intangible cultural heritage (W, personal communication, July 20, 2011). However, his utilization of Möllendorff’s transliteration technique stirred substantial controversy within the Sibe community. A section of critics contended that his method compromised the state’s acknowledgment of Sibe as a unique language, suggesting instead that Sibe is a subset of the Manchu language. Some found fault with his complete implementation of Möllendorff’s method as being unfeasible in a Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) environment, given that some Roman symbols can’t be accurately represented on a keyboard. After an intense debate, a modified version of W’s transliteration technique started gaining traction among Sibe cyberspace users in 2011 (see Fig. 4.1). Through this journey, W and his Gašan Cultural Communication Company gained considerable recognition within the Sibe community. The company also aids the Çabçal County government and local small enterprises in publicizing their projects and business endeavors. A2 A2, born in 1962 in Duici Niru, Çabçal , serves as a news editor for Çabçal jerkin, the sole Sibe-language newspaper in China, and has earned respect as a poet within the Sibe community. In 1979, A2 pursued his education at Ili Normal University. After earning his degree, he returned to Çabçal to take up a teaching position at a local middle school. The introduction of nationalist discourse into the Sibe community has resulted in an emphasis on an imagined ethnic group, increasingly

172

L. HAO

defined through the usage of the written Sibe language, which is effectively the written Manchu language. However, this doesn’t accurately represent the feelings of some Sibe regarding the language they use daily. A2 is a prominent advocate for promoting Spoken Sibe as the standard for transliterating Sibe since it reflects the language spoken by the local Sibe community. A2 expresses concern about the impact of Mandarin on the Sibe language. He believes that adopting a transliterated Sibe system can resist external linguistic influences and safeguard the Sibe language by employing phonetic transliteration. The use of Sibe transliterated with Roman letters underscores the employment of symbolic resources within the Sibe community. In the case of Spoken Sibe, the informal use of Sibe transliterated with the Roman alphabet or Chinese characters appears to be fostering a vernacular with local prestige. Users seemingly opt to use Sibe transliterated with Roman letters online as a form of writing to express pride in their local community. When I asked A2 about why he chooses to compose in Sibe, he explained that It’s rooted in the pride he holds for the Sibe language and culture. He told me he seeks to evoke Sibe culture through his poetry: The reason I insist on using Sibe language to compose my poems is because, the Sibe language is a phonetic language; the image and feeling come out of it are different compared to using the pictographs of Chinese language. The sound of the mother tongue can inspire me to express a lot of emotion and feeling which I cannot get from Han Chinese characters. One word of our mother tongue can express a lot of our imagination.

In the conversation I had with A2, he expressed his affection for poetry. He explained that the structure of poems enables him to document the distinctive sounds of the native Sibe language and the traditional lifestyle of the Sibe community. My poetry is very different from those of other people, there is the image that only existed in the history of Sibe which has been disappear in Sibe community, for instance, the image of niru. Niru is the basic union of the banner system in the Qing dynasty…I also write some other images which reflect Sibe minzu characters, for instance, the Shaman, sunset, lamasery. (A2, personal communication, July 28, 2011)

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

173

Based on the ethnographic research I carried out on the usage of transliterated Sibe, it is clear that the majority of Sibe orthography used on Sibe WeChat reflects the Spoken Sibe. It is evident, in the online Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) in Sibe social media groups, that there is a compelling desire to cultivate a language that is as akin to spoken conversation as possible. Previous studies have posited those aspects such as accent act as markers of group identity (Hogg & Abram, 1987). The choice of Spoken Sibe language, as revealed in my interviews with A2, also underscores a profound sense of pride in their local communities. When asked to explain his preference for communicating in transliterated Sibe, A2 expressed that it served to strengthen the Sibe community. The reason that I insist on using the transliterated Sibe from Spoken Sibe is because the transliterated Sibe based on written Manchu doesn’t reflect how the Sibe language was spoken in our community. This type of transliterated language will have no help for Sibe from the Northeast of China communicating with Sibe in Xinjiang. The old standard of transliterated Sibe based on Written Manchu, therefore, should be updated to reflect the quest of the Sibe people in current days.

The Sibe community, in a sense, becomes an entity that Sibe WeChat users must endeavor to reconstruct within the realm of social media. This virtual reconstruction acts as a form of substitute for the physical community that the state has been unable to successfully establish over the past decades. A2 told to me the paramount importance of Sibe language education, seeing it as the primary conduit for transmitting Sibe culture. However, he also conveyed his concerns regarding the current state of Sibe language instruction. He pointed out that several social movements have disrupted the continuity of Sibe language education. Consequently, there exists a considerable divide in the use of Sibe as the first language between those born before the 1950s and those born after. As A2 told me, However, my writing skills in our mother tongue, Sibe language, are not as good as my skills in Han Chinese, as I didn’t receive as systematic training in Sibe writings as the old generation. Those old generations can use Sibe language to write and express sophisticated thoughts …In my opinion, language is the carrier of culture; minzu culture will not exist if the minzu

174

L. HAO

language is lost. As a Sibe poet, I am very worried, and sad, when I saw our Sibe culture is disappearing. Therefore, in my poem, there is a sense of desolation.

In elucidating the significance of the Sibe language for its speakers, A2 emphasizes the link it provides to the past. As A2 explained to me: Sibe language is our mother tongue, accompanying us from history. She is a rope with magic, one end connecting to our ancestors, the other end connecting to us. Depending on this rope, our Sibe people inherit our blood, and also pass on our glorious minzu culture. Our mother tongue is what our identity leans on. It is our mother tongue giving us the opportunity to knock on the door of our ancestors.

Drawing from A2’s perspective of the Sibe language, it becomes clear that A2 perceives the Sibe language as a reflection of the Sibe’s changing self-consciousness—a consciousness that’s been shaped by numerous social disruptions through the twentieth century. The Sibe’s social alienation is represented as a form of historical uncertainty, frequently symbolized by various interpretations of the Sibe language: absent, temporary, or as an idealistic representation of self-realization. A2 was (re)performing Sibe-ness through neutrality and accommodation through the promotion of Spoken Sibe, which is practiced in the Sibe community. This is enunciation, transgression, and subversion of dualistic categories, which challenges the binary oppositional positioning of ethnic groups in the discourse of minzu narrated in the discourse of Chinese nation. A sense of ethnic identity that is based on local community is engendered. A2 told me that Sibe language is influenced by Uyghur language, a lot of words adopted the Uyghur word, hence, the syllables of Written Language derived from Manchu are limited to expressing those pronunciations, for example, tamax, which means ‘lively’; parang, which means ‘chat’; qilak, which means ‘bucket.’ They were all influenced by Uyghur and there are no syllables from the Written Language that can express those words. This limitation provides a rationale for a transliterated Sibe, offering Sibe speakers a medium to express their localized language. Hence, the transliterated Sibe offer Sibe people a viable way to express their local language.

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

175

With this analysis of the individual accounts of transliterated Sibe language from T8, H, S, K, T7, Z2, A, H2, W, and A2 in this chapter, we see clearly a vision of what the social media might contribute to the concept of minzu as governance. The modern nation-state continues its endeavors by employing a concept of minzu that instrumentalizes the populace it governs. This notion of minzu isn’t merely an abstract idea but is constructed under material conditions that interact with a certain set of ideologies and principles—stemming from the interplay between community and technology. The formulation of transliterated Sibe language through the use of the Roman alphabet, as I have analyzed in this chapter, reveals this logic. As we can see from the analysis in this chapter, when the Sibe want to communicate in transliterated Sibe with the Roman alphabet, they need the transliterated Sibe with Roman letters to be recognizable by the other Sibe. As there is no standard system for transliterating Sibe with Roman letters at the current stage, the transliterated Sibe with Roman letters written on the social media needs to find Sibe people who also agree with a similar system of transliterating Sibe with Roman letters. The transliterated Sibe, then, is never merely a way of promoting Sibe language education, a way of getting Sibe language spoken in the cyberspace; it is also a practice of forming a community. The Sibe carefully chose the most appropriate Roman letters to transliterate Sibe language, based on Spoken Sibe. This choice hinges upon familiarity with the Roman alphabet and technological devices such as smartphones and computer keyboards, and the level of familiarity among Sibe social media users with the Roman alphabet when used for Spoken Sibe. Although the interviewees made it explicit that they were interested in finding Sibe people who can speak Sibe language with them, however, as the transliterated systems adopted by different Sibe is also different, therefore, it is only possible for Sibe who chose the same transliterated Sibe system. Hence, we can conclude that it is impossible to keep the dynamic of choice of transliterated system separate from Sibe language community construction. To explore the socio-cultural implications of adopting transliterated Sibe writing systems on social media, it is crucial to consider the facets of Sibe ethnic identity formation using social media groups and Spoken Sibe. The social media groups comprise highly mobile individual Sibe members who engage in various sub-communities without strict attachment to any specific group. Unlike the physical world where mobile

176

L. HAO

individuals adapt their language based on specific motivations, Sibe social media users modify transliterated Sibe according to the communication medium’s characteristics. For instance, they might substitute easily accessible keyboard letters, like ’v’, for specific letters like ’¯ u’ in transliterated Sibe. Simultaneously, the numerous individuals in social media groups form a cohesive network, promoting the use of transliterated Sibe based on Spoken Sibe. Despite the loose connections or holbobun that shape relationships among Sibe members, the need for efficient communication eventually forms a ‘standard’ Sibe language within a group. Therefore, new members joining these groups are expected to adopt this ‘standard’ transliterated Spoken Sibe language to fully engage in the social media group. My ethnography has revealed a tendency for those initiating similar systems of Sibe transliteration to form groups. Sibe individuals already interconnected within the holbobun network also lean towards using the same transliteration system for convenience. Consequently, the use of transliterated Sibe within a social media group also signifies one’s social circle and holbobun network. Examining the experiences of Sibe social media users adopting suitable transliterated Sibe within their groups, I conclude that their choice of transliteration systems blends influences from minzu discourse and Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC). The construction of the transliterated Sibe language intertwines with the minzu discourse, all the while being constrained by CMC.

Online Debate on Spoken Versus Literary Language In the preceding sections in this chapter, I have analyzed how Sibe people use Sibe language when communicating online. In the following section, I will analyze how Sibe ethnic identity is performed through the discussion over the opposition between spoken and literary language. The Sibe negotiate their ethnic identity between the official narratives and the everyday experiences, the State’s framing of ethnic identity and the performativity of ethnic identity by Sibe themselves in their social media interactions and exchanges. Social media users harness the strategy of creating connections and synergies between varying narratives on Spoken Sibe language, stressing the multifaceted nature of Sibe identity in discussions regarding literary

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

177

Manchu versus Spoken Sibe. The depiction of Sibe identity’s multiplicity starkly contrasts with the state-defined literary language’s emphasis on a homogenous, singular identity derived from a uniform standard language. I argue that the social media provides Sibe people with a form of rhizomatic resistance (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987, p. 249) against the state’s prescribed definition of Sibe identity. Concurrently, I argue that the very strategy of rhizomatic resistance against state-defined Sibe identity in defining the Spoken Sibe also facilitates a rhizomatic logic which prioritizes multi-connectivity and heterogeneity in the communication on defining the Sibe identity. This requires a more robust communicative process in knowledge production about Sibe language, which subsequently puts the Sibe elites, with their access to technical resources and knowledge, in a privileged position for defining Sibe identity. Among Sibe individuals, there is a fervent debate about literary language versus Spoken Sibe. The contention revolves around whether the Sibe language is the Manchu language. If it is, then by Stalin’s nationality criteria, the Sibe wouldn’t qualify as a minzu. Therefore, many Sibe from Xinjiang strongly uphold the view that Sibe is a distinct language from Manchu. Sibe language enthusiasts and some Manchu people argue that Sibe and Manchu languages are identical, claiming that literary Sibe and Manchu are the same. This assertion typically greatly irks Sibe people from Xinjiang, who argue that Spoken Sibe has evolved into a distinct language. In the subsequent section, I will explore how Sibe social media users discuss the relationship between the Sibe and Manchu languages. In the debate contrasting Spoken Sibe and Literary Manchu, based on my observations of Sibe social media quns, users contend that Spoken Sibe derived from the Manchu language and has since evolved into a new language. They argue that Spoken Sibe is a product of language development, influenced by the environment in which the Sibe live. A discussion from the Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun about the relationship between the Sibe and Manchu languages vividly illustrates this argument: ‘Language, in the development process, will continue to be affected by its neighbor languages. This effect is continuous, and it is reflected in the lexical, grammar, pronunciation, and many other aspects’ (H, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016). Following H’s comment on how language was influenced by its environment, A2 added this insight on how Sibe developed itself after the Westward Migration:

178

L. HAO

We say that, in the Sibe language after the Westward Migration, we can see that some language features that appear today in Sibe language differ from those in Manchu. So are these features inherent to Sibe language or influenced by the geographical proximity of the language after the westward movement? (A2, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016)

Expanding on A2’s remarks, T2 offered his insights from a more theoretical standpoint. Leveraging a social Darwinist perspective, he asserted that language evolution is inevitable, and the transition of Sibe language from Manchu language is a consequence of social evolution: In the long process of historical change, Manchu Language has also changed as a communicative tool. As the law of survival of the fittest, those can adapt to the development of the society live and those cannot adapt died. Therefore, both the ancient Manchu and the modern Sibe have carried out reforms in Literary Language and injected new blood to promote its development. (T2, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016)

In the above comment from T2, there is a noticeable ambiguity in his use of terminologies. He initially refers to ‘Manchu language,’ but by the end of his statement, he shifts to ‘Literary Language.’ The ambiguity he made between Manchu and Sibe language is intentional, as T2 is attempting to articulate his assertion of Sibe identity emerging out of Manchu identity. As, in China, language serves as a crucial marker of ethnicity among minority groups. Therefore, T2’s interchangeable use of ‘Manchu language’ and ‘Literary Language’ can be interpreted as an attempt to foster a multifaceted comprehension of the Sibe language. This approach allows him to assert the independence of the Sibe language while also acknowledging its strong ties to the Manchu language. He tries to redefine the Sibe language beyond the fixed state-defined characterization, blurring the demarcation between Sibe and Manchu languages. This strategy is widely used by social media users based on my virtual ethnography. Many other Sibe social media users follow this narrative and use their knowledge to enrich it. A2 is another example of someone that carries on this narrative: ‘It is true that languages are constantly evolving as time goes by. Written Manchu language has now become the language of literature, Sibe spoken language has been developed by Sibe people and continues to be enriched’ (A2, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016). H follows A2’s discussion, saying:

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

179

Oralization of the Literary Language and the increasing use of “conventional” words in Spoken Sibe has led to a growing number of new words; this also means some of the terms once shared by Sibe and Manchu have developed new meanings. This makes the difference between literary language and spoken language: it is only the Spoken Sibe can reflect those changes. (H, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016)

On the other hand, Sibe social media users also emphasize the influence of the State’s ethnic policy on securing Sibe as a separate language from Manchu: If we say that Sibe is a Manchu dialect, then the Sibe spoken language is a spoken language of Manchu dialect. If the Sibe language is not a dialect of the Manchu language, then the Sibe spoken language is the spoken language of Tungus language; it has nothing to do with the Manchu language. As for the language of Sibe not being Manchu language, from different linguistic perspectives, or combined with ethnic policy, we can have different understandings of whether Sibe language is an independent language. (A2, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016)

Another argument that Sibe social media users often make in support of the Sibe language positions it as a dialect. While they maintain that the Sibe language is distinct from Manchu, they also acknowledge its roots in the Manchu language. This creates a complex and varied narrative of Sibe identity. Sibe social media users proactively connect these different narratives to bolster their argument. The following excerpt is from a discussion on the nature of the Sibe language, taken from a Sibe language-learning WeChat qun. The majority of learners in this qun are from the Xinjiang region, but a significant number also hail from Northeast China. The Sibe Giyamun WeChat group boasts 305 members: 239 from Xinjiang and 66 from the Northeast. Given that language is a vital ethnic marker in China, in accordance with minzu policy, ethnic minorities are eager to promote their language to safeguard their rights within this policy framework. However, as the postsocialist societal context reshapes individuals’ search for their identity, it leads to distinct pursuits among people from different communities. The following discussion about the relationship between the Sibe and Manchu languages illustrates this diversity and how these varied quests interconnect with one another.

180

L. HAO

In the Sibe Giyamun WeChat group, many users join primarily to learn the Sibe language. Based on my ethnography conducted from 2009 to 2015, most Sibe individuals from Xijiang adamantly assert that Sibe is an independent language. However, numerous Sibe from Northeast China persistently claim that Sibe language is essentially the Manchu language. A statement made by T2 from the Sibe Giyamun WeChat Qun offers his perspective on the relationship between the Sibe language and Manchu language. Ingeniously, he appropriates the concept of dialects to argue that Sibe language has evolved from the Manchu language: In Sibe language-learning, two concepts are often confused, intentionally or unintentionally, that is, dialect and spoken language. Dialect and spoken language are two concepts that have no direct relationship. The so-called dialect, that is, different people within the same language, using a local speech, grammar, and vocabulary, have more significant differences in terms of their local languages. For example, Northeast Mandarin, Cantonese, Southwest Mandarin are dialects of Chinese; and Heihe dialect and Jianzhou dialects are dialect of Manchu. The standard language is based on a dialect; usually the dialect is the dialect of the political, economic, cultural centre or national centre. For example, Mandarin Chinese is the standard Chinese dialect, Manchu Jianzhou dialect is Manchu standard language. (T2, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016)

T2 adeptly employs the notion of dialect to propose the affiliation of the Sibe language with the Manchu language. Subtly, he disputes the argument that the Sibe language has no connection with the Manchu language. Additionally, he employs the discourse of the national language to portray the status of the Sibe language, by juxtaposing the standing of ‘Northeast Mandarin, Cantonese, Southwest Mandarin’ with ‘Chinese.’ Since the discourse of national language is sanctioned by the State, utilizing it to elucidate the position of the Sibe language also serves to validate his point. Following T2’s statement, N used the ethnic minority policy to justify Sibe language being an independent language: Without regarding the Sibe as a minzu, that is, assuming that the Sibe is not a minzu, then Sibe can barely count as a dialect of Manchu; this dialect relationship is similar to Cantonese as a dialect of Chinese. The difference between Manchu and Sibe language is the difference between dialects. And the Sibe people are a minzu. They are a minzu recognized by the

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

181

national government. They have their own culture, language and ethnic psychology. So Sibe language is an independent language, independent of Manchu language. (N, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016)

In the aforementioned discussion, N invokes the state’s policy on ethnic minorities to argue for the recognition of the Sibe language as an independent entity. According to China’s state policy on ethnic minorities, any ethnic group recognized as a minzu has the right to cultivate their own language. Following this line of thought, N asserts that ‘the Sibe language is an independent language,’ given that ‘they (Sibe) are a minzu recognized by the national government.’ This strategy, which forges connections and synergy between diverse narratives, is similarly employed in elucidating the relationship between the Sibe and Manchu languages. Sibe is one clan of Jurgen. They migrated to the west for the consolidation of the Qing Dynasty’s border. Sibe belong to the Tungusic language branch of the Altaic language from a linguistic point of view. Not exactly the same, there are some similar parts. (T8, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016) Because Manchu language is a phonetic language, and this language truly records the Jurchen spoken language, that is to say, that Jurchen spoken language is the foundation of Manchu language, also that Manchu’s “spoken language” and “literary language” is highly consistent. However, most of the literary Sibe language was formed by borrowing the Manchu language. That is to say, the literary language of the Sibe language is not entirely a written system established in the Sibe spoken language. Therefore, there is a huge difference between the literary Sibe language and the spoken language. (Z, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016)

Sibe social media users keep repeating the statement that Sibe language has developed from Manchu language: The modern Sibe literary language is closely related to Manchu Written language. Manchu Written language can be said to be the main source of Sibe Literary language. (F2, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016) The Manchu written language, formed and developed on the basis of the Jianzhou Jurgen was carefully and strictly standardized in the Qing Dynasty. Once widely used as a ‘national language’, a large number of language reference books were widely circulated among Sibe people. All

182

L. HAO

this prompted the Literary Sibe language in its formation and its development process has always been in a Manchu Written language-based environment. Thus, we can see from the above description many similarities in history between the languages of the Sibe and the influence of Written Manchu on literary Sibe. (Z, Sibe Giyamun WeChat qun, 2016)

F2 and Z’s utilization of the term ‘Sibe Literary language’ reflects their intention to exploit the ambiguity: despite Sibe Literary language being identical to Manchu Literary language, the Sibe community is reluctant to outrightly categorize it as just Manchu Literary language. They strive to assert that Sibe is a unique language. Their word choice indicates numerous efforts by the Sibe community to articulate the notion of the Sibe language as an independent entity. In previous discussions, many Sibe community members established a clear differentiation between Spoken Sibe language and Literary Manchu while deliberating the issue of the Sibe language. However, some Sibe commentators complicate this binary by introducing the term ‘Sibe Literary language.’ This adds a layer of complexity to the narration of the Sibe language, creating a sense of ambiguity through their terminology. Through the above analysis, it’s apparent that Sibe social media users employ various strategies to forge connections and synergies between different narratives concerning the Spoken Sibe language. This act of forging linkages and creating synergies among different narratives results in ambiguity, multiplicity, and a liminal Sibe identity. I argue that this liminal Sibe identity offers the Sibe community a form of rhizomatic resistance (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987, p. 249) against the State-controlled definition of Sibe identity. Simultaneously, I suggest that this very strategy of rhizomatic resistance against the state-defined Sibe identity fosters a rhizomatic logic which prioritizes multi-connectivity and heterogeneity in communication and knowledge production. This consequently places the Sibe elites and those proficient with the internet, who have access to technical means and knowledge, in a privileged position in governing the production of knowledge about the Sibe identity.

Conclusion This chapter has analyzed the dilemma in developing Sibe language among Sibe communities from the analysis on collective construction of transliterated Sibe in Sibe social media quns: on the one hand, Sibe want

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

183

to develop language with a focus on the Spoken Sibe, as Spoken Sibe is a crucial factor for safeguarding their ethnic community in Xinjiang, and this is the important reason for Sibe to develop their language. In order to develop Spoken Sibe, they have to abandon the syllables teaching method derived from Manchu vocabulary, as the syllables are too outdated to reflect contemporary Sibe vocabulary. On the other hand, the Sibe could not abandon the syllables teaching method derived from Manchu vocabulary, as the Sibe language’s connection with Manchu language was the most important reason for a lot of Sibe to learn Sibe language, as they can find translation jobs for Manchu archives and the connection between Sibe and Manchu is also the important reason for investment from the state to develop the Sibe language. This dilemma functions as a cultural management tool, shaping the discourse around minzu, particularly in discussions on the Manchu-Sibe relationship, and influences how the transliterated Sibe forms within social media qun. Within the discourse of homogeneity and conformity of the Stalinderived definition of minzu, the connection with Manchu has to be minimized so that the Sibe can fit into the Stalin-derived definition of minzu, and keep its separated minzu status. On the other hand, the Sibe also need to link with Manchu, as the connection with Manchu can offer Sibe people more economic opportunities and funds from the state for developing their language. These two opposing discourses suggest that the Sibe are required to select their ethnic positioning according to which discourse is in power in a particular situation. In this chapter, I have shown how the construction of transliterated Sibe within the use of social media reflects new complexities in the politics of ethnic identity in contemporary China. This chapter has also revealed how social media platforms serve as spaces that host diverse opinions, providing a new environment for articulating the meaning of minzu. Social media’s transformative role is explored in the context of an evolving interactive media culture that shapes interactions, worldviews, and communal senses among the Sibe. The relative freedom, limitlessness, and accessibility of social media are crucial in this regard, aiding in the formation of new identities. Consequently, a renewed sense of Sibe identity emerges, rooted in shared knowledge of transliterated Sibe, and facilitated through social media. The collective construction of ethnic identity by Sibe members serves several key purposes. It constitutes the processes by which the Sibe, as a group, assemble shared narratives that subjectively form their collective

184

L. HAO

identity. The construction of a shared past is a well-documented integral part of negotiating collective identities (Anderson, 1993). Moreover, the promotion of Spoken Sibe language paves the way for an ethnic identity that provides access to a unique shared space, strengthening the bond and affiliation among Sibe members across Xinjiang and northeastern China. This, in turn, reinforces the position of the Sibe community in Xinjiang. My ethnographic studies of Sibe social media groups reveal a strong sense of community involvement in constructing the transliterated Sibe language. These groups serve as imagined communities with strong local cultural ‘origins.’ This unique blend is a result of the influence of social media, which created a dialectic between offline Sibe communities and their online counterparts facilitated through these groups. The online community is not entirely ‘imagined’ in the sense of an entirely separate reality. Rather, the distant Sibe community members have interacted and the Sibe community has become more tangible through the use of transliterated Sibe.

References Anderson, B. (1993). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. Verso. Blakeman, A. (2004). An Investigation of the Language of Internet Chat Rooms. Doctoral dissertation, Lancaster University. LAMEL. Çabçal County Annals Committee. (2007). Çabçal County Annals. Xinjiang People’s Publishing House. Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1987). A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (B. Massumi, Trans. & Ed.). Athlone Press. (First published Les Editions de Minuit, 1987). Dikötter, F. (1992). Jin dai Zhongguo Zhi Zhong Zu Guan Nian [The discourse of race in modern China]. Stanford University Press. Foucault, M., & Hoy, D. C. (1986). Foucault: A Critical Reader. Blackwell. He, L. (1995). The Encyclopedia of Sibe [锡伯族百科全书]. Xinjiang People’s Publishing House. Hobsbawm, E. (1983). Introduction: Inventing Traditions. In E. Hobsbawm & T. Ranger (Eds.), The Invention of Tradition (pp. 1–14). Cambridge University Press. Hogg, M. A., & Abrams, D. (1987). Social Identifications: A Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations and Group Processes. Routledge. Li, G. R. (2010). Manchu: A Textbook for Reading Documents (2nd ed.). University of Hawai’i at Manoa.

4

RECONCEPTUALIZING MINZU IN COMPUTER-MEDIATED …

185

Shetuken. (2009). Sibe Language Grammar. Xinjiang People’s Publishing House. Tongjia, Q. (2004). Zhongguo Xibe Zu Shuangyu Yanjiu. Xinjiang Science and Technology Publishing House. Wu, Y. (2008). The History of Sibe [锡伯族历史探究]. Liaoning Minzu Publishing House.

CHAPTER 5

Networked Ethnicity in Post-2000s China

Introduction In this final chapter, I reflect upon the core arguments, main findings, and contributions of this research, as well as its limitations and prospects for future exploration. I had embarked on this journey with the intent to delve into the interplay between the evolving notion of minzu and communication technology. The results reveal that social media communication practices among the Sibe are catalytic to the process of ethnogenesis, which emerges when participants in ethno-cultural formations express, negotiate, and restructure their ethnic subjectivities through Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC). This study underscores the emergence of a novel manifestation of computer-mediated ethnicity, fostering the creation of a unique form of community, a virtual community predicated on ethnicity. The Sibe social media group thus evolves into a dual-faceted site of both ethnogenesis and virtual community. Within this space, ethnic identity formation converges with community-building processes to generate an ethnic virtual community rooted in the pre-existing concept of minzu. It’s encapsulated in the title ‘Minzu as Technology,’ a fresh perspective to comprehend ethnicity as a dynamic ‘self’ construction process embedded in a particular cultural and historical context, rather than a static concept.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5_5

187

188

L. HAO

Central to this understanding is the role of ‘ethnogenesis,’ as defined by Gladney, in shaping our comprehension of minzu. Ethnogenesis represents the creation of a novel ethnic collectivity, drawing on imagined historical traditions and modern geopolitical necessities (Gladney, 1991, p. 1). This perspective elucidates the dynamic interplay between societal structures, technology, and individuals in the process of ethnogenesis. As a contingent construct, ‘minzu’ emerged as an embodiment of the shifting power structures and societal norms over time. Social media platforms have now become a stage transcending geographical boundaries, allowing diverse communities to interact, negotiate, and shape their identities. Amid these digital arenas, the minzu identity dynamically transforms through interactions across multiple holbobun and social media groups. It highlights the pivotal role of platforms like WeChat in the co-construction and negotiation of ethnic identity, reshaping our understanding of minzu. Despite the multitude of opportunities for negotiation and interaction, the technological constraints of social media platforms cannot be overlooked. The appropriation and utilization of technology remain under the influence of the broader political economy, impacting the self-driven process of ethnogenesis. Here, Deleuze and Guattari’s philosophy, specifically their idea of the rhizome, serves as a critical theoretical reference. They provide an alternative to hierarchical thinking that accommodates agency, diversity, and plurality within networks, underpinning a broader view of identity and meaning construction. This perspective, applied to the Sibe community’s online interactions, significantly influences our understanding of the formation of minzu subjects within these networked spaces. The flows within the network are primary components, actively participating in shaping the network, rather than solely being products of individual Sibe members or the platform itself. This view revolutionizes our understanding of minzu identity’s continuous shaping and reshaping process within these social media platforms. In concluding this chapter, we will revisit the central contributions and limitations of this study, as well as the possibilities it opens up for future explorations on the role of social media and subject formation in China.

5

NETWORKED ETHNICITY IN POST-2000S CHINA

189

Ethnogenesis in the Digital Age Rooted in my personal experiences as a Sibe, an ethnic minority group in China, this book unveils how social media facilitates the construction of a new Sibe identity, providing agency for Sibe people in their identity transformation. It focuses on the Sibe communities in Northeast China and Xinjiang, using social media to reconstruct their identity in line with their unique local circumstances. The transformative period starting in the early 2000s, signaled by China’s integration into the World Trade Organization (WTO), sparked significant socio-economic changes in the country and amplified foreign media influences. This progression toward globalization, coupled with rapid urbanization and technological advancement, sparked a palpable resurgence of ethnic identity exploration, particularly among ethnic minority groups like the Sibe. Amid these societal shifts, the Sibe navigate their use of social media negotiates between state-defined minzu and traditional community cultural forms. This book positions the construction of minzu’s meaning within the context of network dynamics, exploring its construction in a dynamic interpersonal relationship-building process. Furthermore, it evaluates the social psychological needs that minzu’s meaning fulfills in Sibe social media users’ interactions. The primary purpose of this book was to explore the relationship between minzu’s evolving meaning and communication technology. I have illustrated that the Sibe’s social media communicative practices catalyze ethnogenesis. Ethnogenesis arises when an ethno-cultural formation’s participants, such as Sibe social media groups, express, negotiate, and reconstitute their ethnic subjectivities through Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC). This process cultivates a new computermediated ethnicity manifestation and fosters a novel form of community—a virtual community based on ethnicity. Hence, the Sibe social media group serves as both ethnogenesis and virtual community sites, where the ethnic identity formation and community-building processes converge to form an ethnic virtual community based on the pre-existing minzu concept. Ultimately, this book embarks on an academic journey to unravel the intriguing dynamics within China’s socio-cultural panorama, particularly focusing on ethnic minority groups’ identity renegotiation amid the rapid urbanization, globalization, and technological advancement.

190

L. HAO

Through this exploration, I hope to shed light on the intricate tapestry of ethnic identity within the ever-evolving fabric of China’s societal milieu. This book posits an innovative approach to understanding the construction of ethnic identity among the Sibe ethnic group in China. It proposes the concept of ‘minzu’ as a technological apparatus that aids in the construction of collective ethnic identities. Drawing upon Foucauldian theories of power-knowledge dynamics and the construction of selfhood, we present an analytical framework that elucidates the complex processes of ethnic identity formation in a society undergoing rapid socio-economic changes. The title ‘Minzu as Technology’ encapsulates this novel approach to understanding ethnicity, which views the formation of ethnic identity as a complex process of ‘self’ construction within a specific cultural and historical landscape, rather than a static entity. Central to our understanding of minzu is the process of ‘ethnogenesis’ as described by Gladney— the creation of a recent ethnic collectivity through dialectical interaction with imagined historical traditions and modern geopolitical necessities (Gladney, 1991, p. 1). This notion highlights the dynamic relationship between societal structures, technology, and individuals, and how they collectively contribute to the process of ethnogenesis. The term minzu, referring to ethnic groups or nations, has been scrutinized in our investigation, revealing how it has been shaped by varying political and societal forces throughout China’s history. With its roots in the power-knowledge dynamics of different historical periods, minzu emerged as a contingent construct, reflecting the changing power structures and societal norms of the time. Our examination of this term, using Foucault’s genealogical method, paints a picture of how minzu as a concept has evolved in post-2000s China, amid the rise of social media and a networked society. Furthermore, the book delves into the politics of articulation in ‘minzu’ subject formation, exploring the intricate interplay of statedirected policies, cultural customs, and market forces. It reveals how ethnic minority identities are shaped through this complex process and underlines the significant role that cultural traditions and representations play in molding these identities. In our study of Sibe ethnic identity creation on social media, we demonstrate that the emerging Sibe ethnic identity is constructed by the interaction between networks facilitated by holbobun, social media qun, and the minzu identity. This novel approach to understanding identity

5

NETWORKED ETHNICITY IN POST-2000S CHINA

191

formation presents the individual as an active agent in configuring these networks to further their interests, resulting in a localized, technologically mediated identity. The interplay of technology and changing social structures forms the foundation of this process, underlining the significance of understanding the ‘individual and milieu’ interaction in the context of a rapidly evolving digital landscape. This book, therefore, represents an exploration into the dynamic processes involved in ethnic identity formation among the Sibe community in China. It propounds an innovative theoretical framework that interweaves the concepts of power, knowledge, technology, and societal structures to present a comprehensive picture of the intricacies involved in the formation of ethnic identities. It unravels the complex interplay of factors that contribute to the ethnogenesis of the Sibe community, providing insights that have significant implications for our understanding of ethnic identity formation in a globally networked society.

Digital Articulation of Ethnicity In this book, I present an intricate analysis of minzu, a Chinese term representing ethnic groups or nations, seen through the lens of technological discourse and the associated production of knowledge. My investigation specifically focuses on the Sibe community in China and their engagement with digital platforms, particularly social media. I approach the concept of minzu as a Foucauldian ‘technology,’ acknowledging it as an apparatus for shaping individual and collective identities. This interpretation reframes ethnic identity as a dynamic construct, continuously formed and reformed by historical, cultural, and social forces, and mediated by technology. A pivotal aspect of my study is the concept of ‘subjectivity,’ a term I use to distinguish the individual within a societal and cultural context. Under the theoretical framework of Foucault’s ‘technologies of the self,’ I regard the individual as a site of power negotiation, influenced by the process through which selfhood is constructed through knowledge formations. As I deconstruct the concept of minzu, I highlight its evolution across different historical periods in China, indicating how the term has been shaped by prevailing power-knowledge dynamics. I apply Foucault’s genealogical method to examine the evolution of minzu, tracing its changing interpretations as a tool for managing diversity, encouraging national unity, and solidifying state control.

192

L. HAO

My study pays specific attention to the role of digital technology in shaping minzu subject articulation in today’s digitally mediated landscape. As the Sibe people increasingly engage with social media, it becomes paramount to understand the technosocial processes that facilitate their ethnic identity formation. The aim is to provide a comprehensive understanding of how digital technologies, particularly social media, shape and influence identity and subjectivity in the contemporary digital era. In summary, my central thesis argues that minzu, as a cultural concept and an identity signifier, is not static but is actively formed and reformed within the intersections of societal forces, technology, and individual actions. Specifically, the adoption of digital platforms such as social media by the Sibe community in China provides a unique lens to understand these processes, offering insights into the complex interplay of technology and identity construction in the digital age. This paves the way for my subsequent findings, which I will present as below. Overall, I found that the social media have facilitated the construction of a new community for Sibe people. I focused on how the logic of power embedded in the technology of social media shapes the concept of minzu. By analyzing the texts of online discussions taken from the archive of Sibe social media groups, and then supplementing this with interview data and historical data, I have identified that Sibe social media users have adopted the Stalinist-derived definition of minzu in their online discussion and offline interview. Based on my ethnography, I found that although those Sibe social media users still reference the terminology of minzu in their online discussions on their history, Sibe people have used the terminology to communicate and collaborate with each other, and they have produced a common body of knowledge and ideas which goes beyond the officially enunciated definitions and meanings associated with the Sibe minzu. Such findings lead us seamlessly into Chapter 3 of this ethnographic study, which embarks on a comprehensive exploration of the concept of minzu within the Sibe community. This exploration initiates a genealogical journey tracing the evolution of minzu from the era of print media to the contemporary digital world of social media. This discourse analysis is an attempt to unravel the intricate interplay between state influence, media technicity, and individual agency in the construction and interpretation of minzu. The journey begins with a rigorous scrutiny of state-overseen history textbooks that encapsulate the state’s construction of minzu. These textbooks largely communicate the concept of Chinese national identity,

5

NETWORKED ETHNICITY IN POST-2000S CHINA

193

entwining it with the central government’s narrative. Such state-directed influence, particularly potent before the 1990s, has indelibly imprinted on the historical narratives and identities of the Sibe, one of China’s ethnic minorities. We delve deeper into the roles that government cadres played in authoring Sibe history, unraveling their motivations and the broader implications on minzu construction within the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In parallel, the role and tactics employed by the Sibe Folklore Museum—a crucial instrument in the revitalization of Sibe cultural identity—are explored in this context. The chapter evaluates how the savvy employment of social media and the ensuing ‘space of flow’ have allowed for a remolding and reintroduction of Sibe identity, creating a narrative distinct from the traditional ones associated with the Sibe Folklore Museum. These new applications of social media have empowered Sibe users to craft new narratives of their ethnic identity, leading to the discovery of a new form of agency among the Sibe. This agency enables them to enact their cultural practices and to ‘imagine’ themselves in innovative ways. Beyond state-directed historiography, the study investigates the impact of theoretical frameworks, such as Stalin’s theory on nationalities, on the Sibe’s historical narrative and identity. This analysis aims to offer a comprehensive understanding of the intricate power dynamics and political implications permeating the process of ethnic identity construction in the Chinese societal context. From the canvas of state-supervised textbooks and museum narratives, the study transitions into the dynamic digital realm of social media. This realm provides an alternative and vibrant platform for Sibe’s identity negotiation. By creating a language corpus centered on minzu from Sibe-generated content, we observe a fascinating shift in its interpretation. In the digital sphere, Sibe users evolve from mere recipients of a stateapproved narrative to creators of their unique understanding of minzu. Unlike in textbooks and museums, minzu on social media is deployed to underscore the unique local ethnicity of the Sibe community, not the homogeneous national identity propounded by the Chinese state. Furthermore, the chapter sheds light on how digital media technicity has facilitated the emergence of alternative historical sources like oral history. These new sources either challenge or complement the statesanctioned narrative. This shift from print to digital, coupled with the increasing influence of user agency, provides insights into how social

194

L. HAO

media platforms like WeChat are reshaping the Sibe’s ethnic identity and their understanding of minzu. In this context, the chapter emphasizes the Sibe people’s proactive approach in deciphering the meaning of minzu and connecting different pieces of information according to their individual preferences and needs. The shift from print media to social media has allowed Sibe people to broadcast their perceptions of their own history and connect with others who share similar ideas. Their engagement with social media extends beyond text, with visual means like photography playing a significant role in reconstructing and expressing their identity. The chapter further highlights the transformative role of social media in the Sibe’s identity construction process. Picture-searching, picturetaking, and picture-posting practices have changed the representation of the Sibe and, in turn, reshaped their identity. This digital transformation challenges the historical knowledge, which was primarily state-controlled, and allows individual Sibe members to articulate the meaning of minzu for their own individual purposes. In conclusion, this comprehensive and critical analysis provides a multifaceted understanding of the evolution of minzu within the Sibe community, from its construction in state-directed media to its reinterpretation in the digital world of social media. The chapter enriches our understanding of nation-building, identity construction, and the role media technicity plays in these processes. This exploration illustrates the diverse challenges and opportunities ethnic minorities like the Sibe people face when negotiating their identities within the broader context of Chinese society. The advent of digital media technicity revolutionizes their understanding and expression of minzu, providing the Sibe with new avenues to reclaim, reinterpret, and reimagine their ethnic identity. Based on my ethnography of how Sibe people use transliterated Sibe in their everyday lives, I found out the Stalin-derived definition of minzu have been manipulated to serve each individual Sibe’s own purpose in building ethnic identity. I conclude that there are three different types of Sibe who are actively articulating Sibe ethnic identity through their online practice. The first type are the Sibe who are working in metropolitan cities and are originally from Xinjiang; they use the Sibe social media quns as sites for social gathering. The second type are Sibe who are working in metropolitan cities and are originally from the Northeast of China; they mainly use social media quns as sites for searching for alternative self-identities. The third type are Sibe who live in Çabçal, Dalian, and

5

NETWORKED ETHNICITY IN POST-2000S CHINA

195

Shenyang; they use social media quns to compensate for the fear of the changes in their local community, brought about by the urbanization and economic change taking place in their areas. The principles and ideas generated from the concepts of minzu have directed Sibe to promote their ethnic identity based on their local community. The transliterated Sibe language of Spoken Sibe is promoted in this context. However, under the affordances of ICT, this form of transliterated Sibe was constrained to using Roman alphabets and Chinese characters. With the influence of Sibe social media users’ familiarity with transliterated systems, the method of using pinyin to transliterate Sibe has eventually been adopted and prevailed with Sibe social media users. Under the influence of the Stalin-derived definition of minzu, language was prioritized as one of most important ethnic markers for a minzu, and the Sibe language was used as one of the most important characters for Sibe identity construction. The adoption of transliterated Sibe takes on a crucial role in marking the ethnic boundary of Sibe. In the socialist period when the minzu was identified by the state, the state used its administrative technique to hail people to take up a minzu identity from the state’s perspective of imagined community. In this process, the Sibe minzu was constructed with a criterion of claiming knowledge of Sibe language. However, in the networked society where social media function as a community for Sibe, the Sibe language becomes a communication tool for Sibe to be included in the Sibe community. In this vein, mastery of Sibe language becomes an important marker for Sibe identity. I have analyzed the way Sibe identity is built using transliterated Sibe in the social media qun. In this book, I have emphasized on how Sibe people organize by using the transliterated Sibe in the social media qun to form a new community and collective identity that is re-assembled by Sibe people who are scattered in different places. This echoes Tsagarousianou’s thesis of ‘from connectivity to consciousness’ (Tsagarousianou & Sofos, 2013, p. 116), from her study on the role of media technology in bringing together Muslims who are scattered in different places in Europe, and constructing a ‘translocal space,’ using media technology to contest injustice. My analysis of the development of minzu narratives in the social media qun stressed the realization of a set of principles and ideas about minzu that guide the choice of transliterated Sibe in social media qun. The transliterated Sibe language in social media, according to the Foucauldian concept of culture as governance, is an amalgamation of the limited

196

L. HAO

practical resources that the Sibe people are able to use to claim their identity, in relation to the use of Roman alphabets in transliterating the Sibe language. In analyzing the relationship between transliterated Sibe language and the Sibe minzu identity, inspired by Rainie and Wellman’s concept of networked individualism, which recognized the individual’s agency in articulating the meanings produced by networks, my analysis has been focused on individual Sibe social media users. I have analyzed how the concepts of minzu and the material conditions of social media interacted with each other in producing the choices of method, transliteration, and sense of identity. I have examined the main statements in the discussion of the relationship between Sibe language and Manchu language, and identified the discourses of minzu that influence the debate. In analyzing the discussion among Sibe social media users on the relationship between Sibe language and Manchu language, I concluded that there are two conflicting but consistent statements on the relationship between Sibe language and Manchu language, based on my interviews with Sibe social media users. The first statement is that Sibe is a separate language from Manchu. The second claim is that Sibe language has developed from Manchu language. I argue that the reason the statements are conflicting is that the first statement denies Sibe language is the same language as Manchu language, while the second statement claims Sibe language has developed from Manchu language. The reason that I argue the statements are also consistent with each other is that both statements agree Sibe language should be considered an independent language. These conflicted but consistent statements indicate Sibe people’s attempts to discursively construct an independent status for Sibe language. I have also analyzed why Sibe social media users make such seemingly conflicting yet consistent statements on the Sibe language, by analyzing their statements’ connections to the Stalin-derived definition of minzu and Chinese nationalism. I argued that Sibe insist they are a separate minzu because they want to keep their minzu status under the Stalin-derived definition of minzu, as it is the only legitimizing channel to protect their language. On the other hand, Sibe also claim that Sibe language is the same as Manchu language because the only way to develop Sibe language in the current political economic condition of developing ethnic minority language in China, is to connect the Sibe language with the Chinese nation. Manchu language as the language of the Qing Dynasty can offer a significant

5

NETWORKED ETHNICITY IN POST-2000S CHINA

197

contribution to the history of the Chinese nation, and therefore, the state and nation will develop the Sibe language. After reviewing the main statements on the relationship between Sibe language and Manchu language, I have analyzed individual Sibe’s practices of promoting the Sibe language, in relation to the use of transliterated Sibe. I found that there are numerous contradictions between their statements and their practices. Their statements promoting an independent Sibe language have been contradicted with their actual practices of using the Manchu language. Based on my ethnography, I summarized that this contradiction is due to the discourse of minzu’s influence, and the constraints and affordances of CMC in social media qun. The Sibe social media qun users were guided by the material conditions of social media, and the discourses of minzu demanding that the transliterated Sibe should adopt pinyin to represent the sounds of the Sibe language. Pinyin is the tool implemented by the state for spreading Mandarin as the national language through compulsory education in China since the 1950s. By using pinyin to represent transliterated Sibe, a certain constraint both from the materiality of pinyin and the discourse around it has shaped Sibe identity. I have also identified that the choice of transliterated Sibe language in the Sibe social media qun is not simply a result of shared knowledge, but also the formation of a special relationship generated from the interaction between holbobun, minzu and social media qun among the Sibe social media users, which has helped to construct a certain type of culture and community, and a new ethnic group for Sibe in Çabçal and in the Northeast of China. I concluded that the choice of transliterated Sibe language with the use of Roman alphabets in social media qun is legitimized by an appeal to the promotion of Spoken Sibe language. My qualitative analysis confirmed that the discourse of minzu is engaged in complex processes of cultural governance in the formation of transliterated Sibe language, through the choice of the Roman alphabet with the CMC. Based on the ethnographic data that I have collected from my field works, I conclude that the transliteration of Sibe language with the use of the Roman alphabet has been manipulated as tool to serve the idea that language should represent their community. The choice of using pinyin to spell the Spoken Sibe was mobilized by this thought, and as a result the transliterated Sibe reflects the Spoken Sibe used by Sibe people in Çabçal.

198

L. HAO

My argument in this book is that the transliterated Sibe language is implicated in the production of community and an idea of imaging the community. An ‘installation’ of the ideas of minzu in Sibe with the practices of social media quns connects to the practice of holbobun, which allows the Sibe to internalize the discourse of Sibe language as a process of ethnic identity management. In this process, the transliterated Sibe language functions as a laboratory where a whole series of strategies for building Sibe ethnic community are tested. Yet this construction is always productive in the sense that ideas, objects, actors, and inscriptions emerge from these arenas. This production in return provides a functional justification for the adoption of transliterated Sibe among Sibe people. Based on data collected from in-depth and semi-structured interviews, and an ethnography of the (social) use of social media in self-led ethnogenesis, the Westward Migration, and the adoption of transliterated Sibe language among Sibe people, I have concluded that the shared use of transliterated Sibe language reduces the feeling of physical distance for Sibe from Xinjiang and the Northeast of China, while the reference to specific socio-physical boundaries facilitated by the use of transliterated Sibe asserts a distance from the rest of China. This dichotomy reinforces a sense of belonging for participants by creating a culturally localized niche of Sibe ethnic identity, within the expansive space facilitated by the use of social media. In this vein, I argue that the transliterated Sibe adopted online, which is influenced by the transliterated systems based on the Roman alphabet and the discourse of minzu, allows for new meanings of Sibe ethnic identity online. In this process of constructing Sibe community with the use of social media qun the idea of holbobun interacts with the idea of social media quns. The social network constructed by using the idea of holbobun is largely facilitated by social media quns, and the holbobun social network, in turn, further develops social media quns, as the formation of social media quns is the result of the relational shift of the social network of holbobun. At the same time, the technological shift of using social media quns further constitutes and promotes a relational shift in the social network of holbobun. Informed by Foucault’s argument on technology within his concept of governmentality, which associates technology with a codified body of knowledge, ideological structures embedded in material conditions, and cognitive settings that shape how technology is constructed (Foucault, 1972), I argue that the idea of holbobun has interacted with

5

NETWORKED ETHNICITY IN POST-2000S CHINA

199

the use of social media in picture-sharing practices in Sibe subjectivity formation.

Networked Ethnicity Building on the empirical findings, this book opens up a further discussion on the concept of ‘networked ethnicity,’ which delineates a redefined conceptualization of how ethnicity is being shaped and reformed within the digital ‘space of flow.’ The ‘space of flow,’ an idea developed by Castells, refers to the new spatial form characteristic of the most advanced activities and functions in network societies. This concept encapsulates the flexible, non-linear, and dynamic networks of social and cultural interactions made possible by modern Information and Communication Technology (ICT). In the specific context of the Sibe community, the phenomenon of networked ethnicity is exemplified by the act of sharing images on WeChat quns. These images act as digital simulacra of physical localities, creating a virtual landscape that fosters a collective identity. They serve as cultural artifacts that bridge the physical boundaries among Sibe community members dispersed across different geographical areas. The ‘space of flow’ facilitated by social media platforms effectively de-territorializes Sibe identity from its physical spaces, detaching it from geographical limitations and reconceptualizing it within the online networked community. This re-territorialization results in the creation of an ethnic bond among Sibe individuals irrespective of their actual geographical locations. It reduces the perception of physical distance, especially for Sibe individuals living far apart in China. At the same time, this process fosters a unique dichotomy that fortifies the bonds within the Sibe community while simultaneously establishing a symbolic distance from the rest of China. This phenomenon results in a digitally cultivated, culturally localized niche of Sibe ethnic identity within the expansive canvas of the digital world. It signifies a complex negotiation and articulation of identity in the digital era, bringing to the fore an intricate blend of cultural preservation and innovation. The narrative of the Westward Migration and the use of symbolic images, such as the depiction of the Home Temple, exemplify the dynamic nature of this process of de-territorialization and re-territorialization of Sibe identity. They function as powerful symbols that reinforce and reshape Sibe cultural identity, fusing the lived experiences of offline

200

L. HAO

spaces with the digitally facilitated ethnogenesis of the online community. This complex process is underpinned by the collective meaningmaking practices of the Sibe community, shaping a shared theme of de-territorialization that encompasses the spatial, psychological, and social dimensions of their cultural identity. The idea of rhizomatic multiplicities, coined by Deleuze and Guattari, resonates with this digital reinvention of Sibe ethnic identity. Unlike the ‘arborial’ model of knowledge production, which is rooted in time and space and typically tightly controlled by centralized authorities, the rhizomatic model embodies non-linear, flexible networks of connections and interactions. In this light, Sibe social media groups can be seen as rhizomatic multiplicities: alternative organizational structures that provide a platform for individuals from diverse physical locales to engage in collective meaning-making about what it means to be Sibe. This collective meaning-making, facilitated by the ‘space of flow’ inherent in social media, further bolsters the concept of networked ethnicity, providing a dynamic and flexible stage for the negotiation of ethnic identity in the digital age. In the complex network of ethnicity within the digital space, it’s crucial to acknowledge the varied actors and their interplay that shape and mold the dynamics of identity construction. These actors are not confined to the community members themselves, but extend to the inherent characteristics of the digital space in which these interactions occur. In the case of the Sibe community, the role of social media platforms, particularly WeChat, and their technological affordances, is fundamental to shaping the contours of identity negotiation and articulation. The ‘media technicity’ inherent in the design and operational functionality of social media platforms, characterized by their technological infrastructure and affordances, is a key actor in the construction of the Sibe minzu identity. This technicity allows for synchronous communication, enabling real-time engagement among users. The platform’s algorithmic mechanisms further structure the discursive space, determining what information is seen, when it is seen, and by whom. It is within this technologically structured landscape that the Sibe community engages in the collective process of identity construction. However, the role of the platform extends beyond merely facilitating interactions. It subtly influences the visibility and propagation of narratives about Sibe minzu identity. The platform’s algorithmic and temporal structures shape the spatial and temporal dimensions of the minzu texts,

5

NETWORKED ETHNICITY IN POST-2000S CHINA

201

determining the lifespan and reach of specific narratives. These factors impact the manner in which the narratives are received and interacted with, subsequently influencing the community’s collective understanding of its identity. In contrast to the unidirectional learning from traditional mediums like history textbooks, social media offers a discursive space where narratives can be interrogated, contested, and refined. It fosters a dynamic dialogue among the community members, who actively engage with each other to co-construct their shared identity. This two-way interaction further highlights the role of individual user agency in this process. This book posits that the emergence of Sibe minzu identity on social media is a result of a complex interplay of user agency, platform structure, and media temporality. Each of these actors has a significant role in shaping the narratives of identity within the digital space. Individual users, with their experiences and perspectives, contribute to the collective narratives. The platform, with its technological affordances and constraints, structures the space for these narratives. The temporal nature of the media further adds a layer of complexity, affecting the visibility and durability of these narratives. This nuanced understanding offers a fresh perspective on the construction and negotiation of identity in the era of digital networks. It underscores the intricate power dynamics at play and highlights the agency exhibited by Sibe users in shaping their ethnic identity. This complex interplay of actors provides a more comprehensive understanding of the emergent phenomena of networked ethnicity and the evolving dynamics of identity construction in the digital age.

Conclusion In this final chapter, as we distill the insights gained from the journey of exploring the dynamic relationship between the concept of minzu and communication technology, it is evident that the social media communication practices among the Sibe function as key catalysts to ethnogenesis. The research demonstrates the emergence of a novel manifestation of ethnicity in a digital context, fostering the creation of a unique, ethnicitybased virtual community. This dual-faceted space serves as a locus of ethnogenesis, and a hub for a virtual community where processes of ethnic identity formation and community-building converge.

202

L. HAO

Reflecting on the transformative impact of ethnogenesis as conceptualized by Gladney, we gain a deeper understanding of the dynamic interplay between societal structures, technology, and individuals. ‘Minzu,’ as a contingent construct, emerges as a reflection of shifting power structures and societal norms, intricately linked with the technocultural shifts brought about by social media platforms. These platforms, having evolved into trans-local stages for communities to interact, negotiate, and shape their identities, have a significant impact on the dynamic transformation of the minzu identity. It highlights the pivotal role of platforms like WeChat in co-constructing and negotiating ethnic identity, thereby reshaping our understanding of minzu. The study also highlights the necessity of acknowledging the technological constraints of social media platforms. The process of ethnogenesis, while it opens avenues for self-expression and negotiation, is subjected to the influences of the broader political economy. Our understanding of the Sibe community’s networked identity construction benefits from Deleuze and Guattari’s philosophy, specifically their conception of the rhizome. This view revolutionizes our understanding of the formation of minzu subjects within these networked spaces, emphasizing the dynamic, ongoing processes that shape and reshape the minzu identity. The research underscores the importance of bridging online and offline realities in comprehending ethnic identity construction among the Sibe. This opens up possibilities for future research rooted in long-term ethnographic observation of social media-facilitated ethnic communities. The study offers reflections on the ‘politics of knowledge’ birthed by these technologies and examines how they might influence the emergence of alternative conceptions of Sibe identity and discourse. In this transformative landscape, social media serve as a medium providing a platform for diverse opinions in cyberspace, offering a new environment for articulating the discourse of minzu construction. This research situates the transformation of Sibe ethnic identities within the context of a growing interactive media culture, informing and shaping their interactions, worldview, and sense of community. The relative freedom, limitlessness, and accessibility of social media are of paramount importance in this context, facilitating the formation of new identities across geographical distances. These new formations give rise to a novel sense of Sibe identity, rooted in shared knowledge within a virtual community, as demonstrated throughout this research. As we conclude this chapter, the central contributions and limitations of the study are

5

NETWORKED ETHNICITY IN POST-2000S CHINA

203

revisited, opening up the floor for future explorations on the role of social media in subject formation in China.

References Foucault, M. (1972). The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language. Pantheon. Gladney, D. (1991). Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic. Harvard University Press. Tsagarousianou, R., & Sofos, S. A. (2013). Islam in Europe: Public Spaces and Civic Networks. Palgrave Macmillan.

Glossary of Chinese Terms

Minzu Zhonghua Minzu Sahoshu Minzu Xibozu Guanxi Weibo Qun Dalian Shenyang Fushun Danwei Pinyin

民族 中华民族 少数民族 锡伯族 关系 微博 群 大连 沈阳 抚顺 单位 拼音

Ethnicity/nationality/race Chinese nation Ethnic minority The Sibe nationality Relationship Chinese microblogging social media platform A group Dalian is a city in Northeast China Shenyang is a city in Northeast China Fushun is a city in Northeast China Work unit Romanized transcription of Chinese phonetics

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5

205

Glossary of Sibe Terms

Holbobun To network, build a good relationship Mukun Clan, lineage Meyen Group, team Niru Military company, garrison, village Çabçal The Sibe autonomous county in Ili Kazak prefecture in Xinjiang Çabçal Tuyenmbuhe Buyenin Meyen Charming Çabçal Group is a QQ qun based in Çabçal gege Lady, sister gašan Village, home gašan dunggu Sibe’s Ancestral Origin Site in Northeast China ice gašan A Sibe village outside of Çabçal Sibe autonomous county. It is located in Huocheng county which is northwest of Ili Kazakh prefecture Ice Banjin A newspaper outlet, literally meaning new life. It published newspapers from 1946 to 1972 Sibe yi an¯ga i gisun Spoken Sibe Duin Biya juwan jak¯ un Westward Migration festival Banjin Inenggi This is considered the national day for the Manju. It is on the 13th day of the tenth month of the lunar calendar. julen holem A form of Sibe traditional storytelling, where the story is conducted in the form of singing Duici Niru Fourth Company Sunjaci Niru Fifth Company © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5

207

208

GLOSSARY OF SIBE TERMS

Ningguci Niru Sixth Company Nadaci Niru Seventh Company Jakûci Niru Eighth Company Sebsihiyan amban A Famous Sibe leader and educator

References

Ali, S. (2003). Mixed-race, Post-race: Gender, New Ethnicities, and Cultural Practices. Berg. Althusser, L. (1971). Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses. In L. Althusser (Ed.), Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. Monthly Review Press. Anderson, B. (1993). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. Verso. Bakardjieva, M., et al. (2006). Domestication Running Wild. From the Moral Economy of the Household to the Mores of a Culture. In T. Berker, M. Hartmann, & Y. Punie (Eds.), Domestication of Media and Technology (pp. 62–79). McGraw Hill/Open University Press. Bakardjieva, M., & Smith, R. (2001). The Internet in Everyday Life: Computer Networking from the Standpoint of the Domestic User. New Media and Society, 3(1), 67–83. Baker, G. (2006, December 30). Outrage as China Lays Claim to Genghis Khan. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1538174/Outrage-asChina-lays-claim-to-Genghis-Khan.html Barabantseva, E. (2011). Overseas Chinese, Ethnic Minorities and Nationalism: De-centering China. Routledge. Barabantseva, E. (2008). From the Language of Class to the Rhetoric of Development: Discourses of “Nationality” and “Ethnicity” in China. Journal of Contemporary China, 17 (56), 565–589. Barabási, A.-L. (2002). Linked: The New Science of Networks. Perseus Publishing. Baranovitch, N. (2003). China’s New Voices: Popular Music, Ethnicity, Gender, and Politics, 1978–1997 . University of California Press.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5

209

210

REFERENCES

Barker, C. (1997). Television and the Reflexive Project of the Self: Soaps, Teenage Talk and Hybrid Identities. The British Journal of Sociology, 48(4), 611–628. Barney, D. (2004). The Network Society. Polity Press. Bauman, Z. (2001). Community: Seeking Safety in an Insecure World. Polity Press. Baum, N. (1998). The Emergence of Online Community. In S. Jones, (Ed.), Cybersociety 2.0: Revisiting Computer Mediated Communication and Community (pp. 35–68). Sage. Baym, N. (2002). Interpersonal Life Online. In L. A. Lievrouw & S. Livingstone (Eds.), Handbook of New Media: Social Shaping and Consequences of ICTs (pp. 62–76). Sage. Bellér-Hann, I. (2008). Community Matters in Xinjiang, 1880–1949: Towards a Historical Anthropology of the Uyghur. Brill. Benson, L. (1990). The Ili Rebellion: The Moslem challenge to Chinese authority in Xinjiang, 1944–1949. M.E. Sharpe. Bhahba, H. K. (1990a). The Third Space: Interview with Homi Babha. In J. Rutherford (Ed.), Identity: Community, Culture Difference. Lawrence and Wishart. Bhabha, H. K. (1990b). Nation and Narration: Introduction. In H. K. Bhabha (Ed.), Nation and Narration. Routledge. Bhabha, H. K. (1994). The Location of Culture. Routledge. Bhalla, A. S., & Luo, D. (2017). Poverty and Exclusion of Minorities in China and India. Springer International Publishing. Bian, Y. (2006). Guanxi. International Encyclopedia of Economic Sociology (pp. 312–314). Routledge. Bian, Y. J., & Ang, S. (1997). Guanxi Networks and Job Mobility in China and Singapore. Social Forces, 75(3), 981–1005. Bovingdon, G. (2010). The Uyghurs: Strangers in Their Own Land. Columbia University Press. Brah, A. (1996). Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities. Routledge. Breslin, S. (2004). Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics: The Public, the Private, and the International. Asian Survey, 44(3), 422–442. Bruun, O. (2013). Social Movements, Competing Rationalities and Trigger Events: The Complexity of Chinese Popular Mobilizations. Anthropological Theory, 13(3), 240–266. Bulag, U. (2010). Alter/Native Mongolian identity. In E. Perry & M. Selden (Eds.), Chinese Society: Change, Conflict, and Resistance. Taylor & Francis. Bulag, U. E. (2003). Mongolian Ethnicity and Linguistic Anxiety in China. American Anthropologist, 105(4), 753–763. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa. 2003.105.4.753

REFERENCES

211

Committee, Ç. C. A. (2007). Çabçal County Annals. Xinjiang People’s Publishing House. Cai, Y. (2014). State and Laid-Off Workers in Reform China: The Silence and Collective Action of the Retrenched. Routledge. Castells, M. (2000). Materials for an Exploratory Theory of the Network Society. British Journal of Sociology, 51(1), 5–24. Castells, M. (2001). The Internet Galaxy: Reflections on the Internet, Business, and Society. Oxford University Press. Castells, M. (2010). The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Volume 1: The Rise of the Network Society. Blackwell. Castells, M. (1996). The Net and the Self: Working Notes for a Critical Theory of the Informational Society. Critique of Anthropology, 16(1), 9–37. Cavanagh, A. (2007). Sociology in the Age of the Internet. Open University Press. Chabucha’era 察布查尔a [Screen Name]. (n.d.a). Xibo Beilun Wu [Sibe Beilen Dance] [Video File]. http://www.tudou.com/programs/view/QrC ym4i0D80/ Chabucha’era 察布查尔a [Screen Name]. (n.d.b). Xibozu Zhu Lun Nian Shuo - Hezhong [The Zhulun Storytelling Performance of Sibe]. [Video File]. http://www.tudou.com/listplay/dYOpjhbMED8/ZRH4b3RRtXI.html Berry, C. (2004). Postsocialist Cinema in Post-Mao China: The Cultural Revolution after the Cultural Revolution. Routledge. Berry, C. (2006). Where Do You Draw the Line? Ethnicity in Chinese Cinemas. In C. Berry & M. Farquhar (Eds.), China on Screen. Columbia University Press. Berry, C. (2016). Pema Tseden and the Tibetan Road Movie: Space and Identity beyond the ‘Minority Nationality Film.’ Journal of Chinese Cinemas, 10(2), 89–105. Berry, C., & Farquhar, M. (2006). Cinema and the National: China on Screen. Hong Kong University Press. Berry, C., & Farquhar, M. (2001). From National Cinemas to Cinema and the National: Rethinking the National in Transnational Chinese Cinemas. Journal of Modern Literature in Chinese, 4(2), 109–122. Blakeman, A. (2004). An Investigation of the Language of Internet Chat Rooms. Doctoral dissertation, Lancaster University. LAMEL. Butler, J. (1990). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Routledge. Çabçal County Annals Committee. (2007). Çabçal County Annals. Xinjiang People’s Publishing House. Chua V., Madej, J., & Wellman, B. (2009). Personal Communities: The World According to Me. In P. Carrington & J. Scott (Eds.), Handbook of Social Network Analysis (pp. 101–115). Sage.

212

REFERENCES

Cliff, T. (2016). Oil and Water: Being Han in Xinjiang. University of Chicago Press. Clifford, J. (1997). Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late 20 th Century. Harvard University Press. Clothey, R. A., Koku, E. F., Erkin, E., & Emat, H. (2016). A Voice for the Voiceless: Online Social Activism in Uyghur Language Blogs and State Control of the Internet in China. Information, Communication & Society, 19(6), 858–874. Cohen, S. F., Rabinowitch, A., & Sharlet, R. S. (1980). The Soviet Union since Stalin. Indiana University Press. Corbetta, P. (2003). Social Research: Theory, Methods and Techniques. Sage. Couldry, N. (2019). Media, Voice, Space and Power: Essays of Refraction. Routledge. Crossley, P. K. (1999). A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology. University of California Press. Dautcher, J. (2009). Down a Narrow Road: Identity and Masculinity in a Uyghur Community in Xinjiang China. Harvard University Asia Center. Deleuze, G. (1994). Difference and Repetition (P. Patton, Trans.). Athlone. Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1987). A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (B. Massumi, Trans. & Ed.). Athlone Press. (First published Les Editions de Minuit, 1987). Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (2008). Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (R. Hurley, M. Seem, & H. Lane, Trans.; Preface by M. Foucault). Continuum (First published Les Editions de Minuit, 1972). Dijk, J. (2006). The Network Society: Social Aspects of New Media. Sage. Dikötter, F. (1992). Jin dai Zhongguo Zhi Zhong Zu Guan Nian [The discourse of race in modern China]. Stanford University Press. Dikötter, F. (1997). The Construction of Racial Identities in China and Japan. Hong Kong University Press. Du, G. P. (1997). Doing Cultural Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman. Sage, in association with the Open University. Duara, P. (1996). Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China. University of Chicago Press. Dwyer, A. (2005). The Xinjiang Conflict: Uyghur Identity, Language Policy, and Political Discourse. East-West Center Washington. Fairclough, N. L. (1995). Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language. Longman. Fan, C. C. (2008). China on the Move: Migration, the State, and the Household. Routledge. Fang, J. (2014). Weixin Yingxiao yu Yunying Jiemi [WeChat Marketing and Operation: The Secret of How WeChat Creates Business Value]. China Machine Press.

REFERENCES

213

Fei, H. (1981). Toward a People’s Anthropology. New World Press. Fei, X. (1988). Plurality and Unity in the Configuration of the Chinese People. The TANNER Lectures on Human Values. Delivered at The Chinese University of Hong Kong. Fei, X., Hamilton, G. G., & Wang, Z. (1992). From the Soil, the Foundations of Chinese Society: A Translation of Fei Xiaotong’s Xiangtu Zhongguo, with an Introduction and Epilogue. University of California Press. Finley, J. (2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and UyghurHan Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. Brill. Fernback, J. (2007). Beyond the Diluted Community Concept: A Symbolic Interactionist Perspective on Online Social Relations. New Media & Society, 9, 49–69. Foucault, M. (1972). The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language. Pantheon. Foucault, M. (1973). The Order of Things. Vintage. Foucault, M. (1977). Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews. Cornell University Press. Foucault, M. (1978). The History of Sexuality, Vol. 3: The Care of the Self . Pantheon Books. Foucault, M. (1979). The History of Sexuality: An Introduction (Vol. 1). Allen Lane. Foucault, M. (1982). The Subject and Power. An Afterword. In H. L. Dreyfus & P. Rabinow (Eds.), Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics. University of Chicago Press. Foucault, M. (1984). The Use of Pleasure: The History of Sexuality (Vol. 2). Vintage Books. Foucault, M. (1981). The Order of Discourse. In R. Young (Ed.), Untying the Text: A Post-structural Anthology (pp. 48–78). Routledge & Kegan Paul. Foucault, M., Rabinow, P., & Rogers, D. Spotswood Collection. (1984). The Foucault Reader. Pantheon Books. Foucault, M., & Hoy, D. C. (1986). Foucault: A Critical Reader. Blackwell. Fox, S. (2004). The New Imagined Community: Identifying and Exploring a Bidirectional Continuum Integrating Virtual and Physical Communities through the Community Embodiment Model (CEM). Journal of Communication Inquiry, 28 (1), 47–62. Fuchs, C. (2016). Baidu, Weibo and Renren: The Global Political Economy of Social Media in China. Asian Journal of Communication, 26(1), 14–41. https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2015.1041537 Fung, A. (2002). Identity Politics, Resistance and New Media Technologies: A Foucauldian Approach to the Study of Hknet. New Media and Society, 4(2), 185–204.

214

REFERENCES

Fung, A. Y. H. (Ed.). (2011). Asian Popular Culture: The Global (Dis)continuity. Routledge. Gallagher, M. E. (2005). Contagious Capitalism: Globalization and the Politics of Labor in China. Princeton University Press. Gelb, C., & Chen, D. (2004, March 1). Going West: A Progress Report. China Business Review (n.d.). http://www.chinabusinessreview.com/going-west-aprogress-report/ Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. Basic Books. Geertz, C. (1988). Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author. Stanford University Press. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Stanford University Press and Polity Press. Gillespie, M. (1995). Television, Ethnicity, and Cultural Change. Routledge. Gillette, M. B. (2000). Between Mecca and Beijing: Modernization and Consumption among Urban Chinese Muslims. Stanford University Press. Gilroy, P. (1993). The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. Harvard University Press. Gilroy, P. (2000). Between Camps: Nations, Culture and the Allure of Race. Penguin. Gladney, D. (1991). Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic. Harvard University Press. Gladney, D. (1994). Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/ Minority Identities. Journal of Asian Studies, 53(1), 92–123. Gladney, D. (1998). Making Majorities: Constituting the Nation in Japan, Korea, China, Malaysia, Fiji, Turkey, and the United States. Stanford University Press. Gladney, D. (2004). Dislocating China: Reflections on Muslims, Minorities, and Other Subaltern Subjects. Hurst & Company. Goffman, E. (1959). The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Penguin. Goggin, G., & McLelland, M. J. (2009). Internationalizing Internet Studies: Beyond Anglophone Paradigms. Routledge. Göksel, A., & Kerslake, C. (Eds.). (2000). Studies on Turkish and Turkic Languages: Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference on Turkish Linguistics. Gold, T., Guthrie, D., & Wank, D., et al. (2002). An Introduction to the Study of Guanxi. In T. Gold (Ed.), Social Connections in China: Institutions, Culture, and the Changing Nature of Guanxi (pp. 3–20). Cambridge University Press. Gold, T. B., Guthrie, D., & Wank, D. L. (Eds.). (2009). Social Connections in China: Institutions, Culture, and the Changing Nature of Guanxi. Cambridge University Press.

REFERENCES

215

Gotved, S. (2006). Time and Space in Cyber Social Reality. New Media & Society, 8(3), 467–486. Guo, R. (2015). China’s Spatial (Dis)integration: Political Economy of the Interethnic Unrest in Xinjiang. Chandos Publishing. Haddon, L. (2011). Domestication Analysis, Objects of Study, and the Centrality of Technologies in Everyday Life. Canadian Journal of Communication, 36(2), 311–323. Hall, S. (1980a). Race, Articulation and Societies Structured in Dominance. In UNESCO (Eds.), Sociological Theories: Race and Colonialism. UNESCO. Hall, S. (1980b). Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972–79. Hutchinson. Hall. S. (1980c). Recent Developments in Theories of Language and Ideology: A Critical Note. In S. Hall, D. Hobson, A. Lowe, & P. Willis (Eds.), Culture, Media. Language (pp. 157–162). Hutchinson. Hall, S. (1992). New Ethnicities. In J. Donald & A. Rattansi (Eds.), ‘Race’, Culture, Difference. Routledge. Hall, S. (1993). Encoding, Decoding. In S. During (Ed.), The Cultural Studies Reader. Routledge. Hall, S. (1996). Introduction: Who Needs “Identity”? In S. Hall & P. Du Gay (Eds.), Questions of Cultural Identity. Sage. Hall, S. (Ed.). (1997). Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. Sage, in association with the Open University. Hall, S. (1999). Interview with Stuart Hall: Cultural and Power. In R. D. Torres, L. F. Mirón, & J. X. Inda (Eds.), Race, Identity, and Citizenship: A Reader. Blackwell Publishers. Han, E. (2010). Boundaries, Discrimination, and Interethnic Conflict in Xinjiang, China. International Journal of Conflict and Violence (IJCV), 4(2), 244–256. Hao, S. (2016). How the Communist Party of China Manages the Issue of Nationality. China Academic Library. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-66248462-3 Hardt, M., & Negri, A. (2000). Empire. Harvard University. Hardt, M., & Negri, A. (2006). Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire. Penguin Books. Harrell, S., ed. (1995). Cultural Encounters on China’s Ethnic Frontiers. University of Washington Press. Harrell, S. (2001). Perspectives on the Yi of Southwest China. University of California Press. Harris, R. (2004). Singing the Village: Music, Memory, and Ritual Among the Sibe of Xinjiang. Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press.

216

REFERENCES

He, L. (1995). The Encyclopedia of Sibe [锡伯族百科全书]. Xinjiang People’s Publishing House. He, L., & Tong, K. (Eds.). (1993). Xibo Zushi [Sibe Artisans]. Xinjiang remin chubanshe. He, L., & Tong, K. (1994). Xibozu fengsuzhi [Sibe Customs]. Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe. Herold, D. K., & Marolt, P. (2011). Online Society in China: Creating, Celebrating, and Instrumentalising the Online Carnival. Routledge. Hettige, H. (2007, July). Asian Development Bank’s Regional Cooperation and the People’s Republic of China. http://www.adb.org/documents/capes/prc/ regional-cooperation.pdf. Last accessed December 31, 2015. Hillman, B. (2004). The Rise of the Han Chinese: State, Society, and Ethnicity in Contemporary Xinjiang. The China Journal, 52, 79–96. Hine, C. (2000). Virtual Ethnography. Sage. Hobsbawm, E. J., & Ranger, T. O. (1983). The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge University Press. Hogg, M. A., & Abrams, D. (1987). Social Identifications: A Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations and Group Processes. Routledge. Hsuing, B. (2013). Guanxi: Personal Connections in Chinese Society. Journal of Bioeconomics, 15(1), 17–40. Print. Hu, A. J. (2010). An Overview of the History and Culture of the Xianbei (‘Monguor’/‘Tu’). Asian Ethnicity, 11(1), 95–164. Huang, Y. (2008). Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics: Entrepreneurship and the State. Cambridge University Press. Hughes, C. R. (2006). Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era. Routledge. Hughes, C. R., & Wacker, G. (2003). China and the Internet: Politics of the Digital Leap Forward. Routledge Curzon. Hwang, K. K. (1987). Face and Favor: The Chinese Power Game. American Journal of Sociology, 92(4), 944–974. Innis, H. (1951). The Bias of Communication. University of Toronto Press. James, C. (1997). Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late 20th Century. Harvard University Press. Jones, S. (Ed.). (1999). Doing Internet Research: Critical Issues and Methods for Examining the Net. Sage. Jucha, N. (2012, January 9). QQ—China’s Instant Messenger. http://gbtimes. com/world/qq-chinas-instant-messenger Keane, M. (2013). Creative Industries in China: Art, Design and Media. Polity. Kipnis, A. B. (1997). Producing Guanxi: Sentiment, Self, and Subculture in a North China Village. Duke University Press. Laclau, E., & Mouffe, C. (1985). Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. Verso.

REFERENCES

217

Lai, H. H. (2005). China’s West Region Development: Domestic Strategies and Global Implications. Ding Lu, William A. W. Neilson. The China Journal, 54, 168–170. https://doi.org/10.2307/20066093 Lardy, N. R. (2002). Integrating China into the Global Economy. Brookings Institution Press. Lensen, G. A. (1989). The Mysterious Herr von Möllendorff (Vol. 1; Ch. 1). In Balance of Intrigue: International Rivalry in Korea & Manchuria, 1884–1899 (2 vols.). University Press of Florida. Li, G. R. (2010). Manchu: A Textbook for Reading Documents (2nd ed.). University of Hawai’i at Manoa. Liaoning tongji nianjian (LTN) Liaoning Statistical Yearbook 1999, 2000. China Statistical Publishing House. Licoppe, C., & Heurtin, J.-P. (2002). France: Preserving the Image. In J. E. Katz & M. Aakhus (Eds.), Perpetual Contact: Mobile Communication, Private Talk, Public Performance (pp. 94–109). Cambridge University Press. Litzinger, R. A. (2000). Other Chinas: The Yao and the Politics of National Belonging. Duke University Press. Leibold, J. (2007). Reconfiguring Chinese Nationalism: How the Qing Frontier and Its Indigenes Became Chinese. Palgrave Macmillan. Light, N. (2008). Intimate Heritage: Creating Uyghur Muqam Song in Xinjiang. Lit. Lin, K. (2016). Rising Inequality and Its Discontents in China. New Labor Forum, 25(3), 66–74. https://doi.org/10.1177/1095796016661160 Lin, N. (2001). Guanxi: A Conceptual Analysis. In A. So, et al. (Eds.), The Chinese Triangle of Mainland, Taiwan, and Hong Kong: Comparative Institutional Analyses (pp. 153–166). Greenwood. Litzinger, R. A. (2000). Other Chinas: The Yao and the Politics of National Belonging. Duke University Press. Liu, F. (2010). Urban Youth in China: Modernity, the Internet and the Self . Routledge. Liu, F. (2011). Urban Youth in China: Modernity, the Internet and the Self . Routledge. Lu, A. H. (1998). Xiagang, zenmeban, zenmekan [Layoff: How to Handle It]. Jing ji kexue chubanshe. Mackay, H. (2005). New Connections, Familiar Settings: Issues in the Ethnographic Study of New Media Use at Home. In C. Hine (Ed.), Virtual Methods: Issues in Social Research on the Internet (pp. 129–140). Berg. Martin, J. (1978). The Wired Society. Prentice Hall. Mason, J. (1996). Qualitative Researching. Sage. Manju xu wen kvwaran. (2013, April 18). Weishenme Manzu yejiao Manzhou [Why Manchu Is Also Called Manju?] [Online Discussion Group]. http:// www.manjusa.com/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=7839&highlight=满洲

218

REFERENCES

Manchublog. (2006, December 3). Banjin Inenggi [The Banjin Festival] [Online Discussion Group]. http://manchus.blog.sohu.com/23571536.html McCarthy, S. K. (2009). Communist Multiculturalism: Ethnic Revival in Southwest China. University of Washington Press. McDonald, T. L. (2016). Social Mediain Rural China: Social Networks and Moral Frameworks. UCL Press. Meng, B. (2011). From Steamed Bun to Grass Mud Horse: Ego as Alternative Political Discourse on the Chinese Internet. Global Media and Communication, 7 (1), 33–51. Meng, Y (1993). Female Images and National Myth. In T. F. Barlow (Ed.), Gender Politics in Contemporary China: Writing and Feminism. Duke University Press. Miller, D. (2016). How the World Changed Social Media. UCL Press. Millward, J. (2007). Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang. Columbia University Press. Moseley, G. (1965). China’s Fresh Approach to the National Minority Question. The China Quarterly, 24, 15–27. Moyo, L. (2010). The Global Citizen and the International Media: A Comparative Analysis of CNN and Xinhua’s Coverage of the Tibetan Crisis. International Communication Gazette, 72(2), 191–207. Morley, D. (1980). The ‘Nationwide’ Audience: Structure and Decoding. British Film Institute. Möllendorff, P. G. (2010). A Manchu Grammar: With Analysed Texts. Nabu Press. Mueggler, E. (2001). The Age of Wild Ghosts: Memory, Violence, and Place in Southwest China. University of California Press. Mullaney, T. S. (2010). Coming to Terms with the Nation: Ethnic Classification in Modern China. University of California Press. Mullaney, T. S. (2011). Coming to Terms with the Nation: Ethnic Classification in Modern China. University of California Press. Na, Q. (2010). Zhongguo Xibe Ren [Sibe People of China]. Liaoning Minzu Publishing House. Nyiri, P., & Breidenbach, J. (2010). Ethnic Identity and National Conflict in China. Palgrave Macmillan. Norman, J., & Dede, K. (2013). A Comprehensive Manchu-English Dictionary. Harvard University Asia Center. Oidtmann, M. (2014). Imperial Legacies and Revolutionary Legends: The Sibe Cavalry Company, the Eastern Turkestan Republic, and Historical Memories in Xinjiang. Saksaha: A Journal of Manchu Studies, 12. https://doi.org/10. 3998/saksaha.13401746.0012.005

REFERENCES

219

Orgad, S. (2005). From Online to Offline and Back: Moving from Online to Offline Relationships with Research Informants. In C. Hine (Ed.), Virtual Method: Issues in Social Research on the Internet. Berg. Papacharissi, Z. (2011). A Networked Self: Identity, Community and Culture on Social Network Sites. Routledge. Qiu, J. L. (2009). Working-Class Network Society: Communication Technology and the Information Have-less in Urban China. MIT Press. Rainie, H., & Wellman, B. (2014). Networked: The New Social Operating System. MIT Press. Reed, C. A. (2004). Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism, 1876– 1937 . UBC Press. Rudelson, J. B., & Rudelson, J. J. (1997). Oasis Identities: Uyghur Nationalism Along China’s Silk Road. Columbia University Press. Rutter, J., Rutter, G., & Smith, W. H. (2005). Ethnographic Presence in a Nebulous Setting. In C. Hine (Ed.), Virtual Methods: Issues in Social Research on the Internet. Berg Publishers. Said, E. W. (1979). Orientalism. Random House. Schein, L. (2000). Minority Rules: The Miao and the Feminine in China’s Cultural Politics. Duke University Press. Schmalzer, S. (2008). The People’s Peking Man: Popular Science and Human Identity in Twentieth-Century China. University of Chicago Press. Scott, J. C. (1985). Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance. Yale University Press. Silverman, D. (1993). Interpreting Qualitative Data: Methods for Analysing Talk, Text, and Interaction. Sage. Silverstone, R. (1992). Consuming Technologies: Media and Information in Domestic Spaces. Routledge. Simondon, G. (2017). On the Mode of Existence of Technical Objects. University of Minnesota Press. Shan, W., & Chen, G. (2011). The Urumqi Riots and China’s Ethnic Policy in Xinjiang. East Asian Policy, 1(3), 14–22. Shetuken. (2009). Sibe Language Grammar. Xinjiang People’s Publishing House. Shi, Y (2005). Dongzu Diqu de Shehui Bianqian [Social Change in the Region of the Kam People]. Zhongyang Minzu Daxue Chubanshe. Shuangyun, Y. (2021). Ethnic Identity and Acculturation Orientation of Chinese Yi Villagers in the Context of Social Media. Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies, 8(4), 109–127. https://doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/831 Small, S. (1994). Racialised Barriers: The Black Experience in the United States and England in the 1980’s. Routledge. Smith, F. J. (2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. Brill.

220

REFERENCES

Smith, A. D. (1991). National Identity. University of Nevada Press. Spivak, G. C. (1988). Can the Subaltern Speak? In C. Nelson & L. Grossberg (Eds.), Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (pp. 271–313). Urbana. State Council Information Centre. (2012, August 26). Xibozu [Sibe People]. http://www.seac.gov.cn/art/2012/8/26/art_6028_164261.html State Council of China. (2007, August 20). Dongbei Diqu Zhenxing Guihua [The Plan for Developing Northeast of China]. www.gov.cn/gzdt/2007-08/ 20/content_721632.htm Sun, W. (2014). Subaltern China: Rural Migrants, Media, and Cultural Practices. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Tai, Z. (2006). The Internet in China: Cyberspace and Civil Society. Routledge. Tencent. (2003). About Tencent. http://www.tencent.com/en-us/at/pr/detail. shtml?id=at_2001_20000528 Tencent. (2006, June 3). Tencent QQ’s Peak Simultaneous Online User Accounts Broke 20 Million. http://www.tencent.com/en-us/content/ir/news/2006/ attachments/20060603.pdfus/content/ir/news/2006/attachments/200 60603.pdf Tencent. (2014, August 13). Tencent Announces 2014 Second Quarter and Interim Results. http://tencent.com/en-us/content/ir/news/2014/attach ments/20140813.pdfus/content/ir/news/2014/attachments/20140813. pdf Thompson, J. P. (1995). The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Media. Stanford University Press. Tianshannet. (2006, April 29). Yi ge Xibo Nuzi de Chuanqi Gushi [A Legend of a Sibe Woman]. http://www.ts.cn/GB/channel8/35/1133/200604/29/ 257996.html Tong Liya Microblog [Tong Liya Microblog Screenshot]. (2015). https://www. weibo.com/tongliyavk?refer_flag=1001030101_Hall, 1986-23. Tongjia, Q. (2004). Zhongguo Xibe Zu Shuangyu Yanjiu. Xinjiang Science and Technology Publishing House. Townsend, J. (1992, January). Chinese Nationalism. The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, 27 , 97–130. Tsagarousianou, R., & Sofos, S. A. (2013). Islam in Europe: Public Spaces and Civic Networks. Palgrave Macmillan. Turner, V. W. (1974). Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society. Cornell University Press. Varutti, M. (2014). Museums in China: The Politics of Representation After Mao. Boydell and Brewer Limited. Wang, H. (2004). Xiandai Zhongguo Sixiang de Xingqi [Rise of Modern Chinese Thought]. Shenhuo Dushu Xinzhi Sanlian Shudian. Wang, Y. (2009). Studies of Language and Language Research Investigation of Language Use and Language Attitude of Tu Ethnic Villagers in Tongren

REFERENCES

221

County in Qinghai Province. Journal of Xinjiang Normal University (Edition of Philosophy and Social Sciences), 3(24). Wang, J. (2012). Brand New China: Advertising, Media, and Commercial Culture. Harvard University Press. Warikoo, K. (Ed.). (2011). Religion and Security in South and Central Asia. Routledge. Wu, Y. (2008). The History of Sibe [锡伯族历史探究]. Liaoning Minzu Publishing House. Wu, X., & Song, X. (2014a). Ethnic Stratification amid China’s Economic Transition: Evidence from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Social Science Research, 44, 158–172. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2013.12.002 Wu, X., & Song, X. (2014b). Reconfiguring Ethnicity in China: A Perspective from Cultural Sociology. In E. Fong & C. Y. Chan (Eds.), Ethnicity in China: A Critical Introduction. Wiley Blackwell. Wu, Y., & Zhao, Z. (2008). Xibo Zu Lishi Tanjiu [The History of Sibe]. Liaoning Nationality Press. Xinjiang Sibe Language Association. (n.d.). Xibo Wen Shipin Jiaocheng [Sibe Language Teaching Tutorial] [Video file]. http://www.xjsibe.com/zj_con tent.asp?id=497 Yan, Y. X. (1996). The Culture of Guanxi in a North China Village. The China Journal, 35(1), 1–25. Yang, D. L. (2012). The Global Recession and China’s Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan. Yang, G. (2009). The Power of the Internet in China: Citizen Activism Online. Columbia University Press. Yang, M. M. (1994). Gifts, Favors, and Banquets: The Art of Social Relationships in China. Cornell University Press. Yang, W. J., & Fan, Y. (2009). On Regional Differences of Hui Ethnic Group Culture and Dislocation of Ethnic Identity—An Investigation into Hui People in Lianyungang, Jiangsu. Journal of Beifang Ethnic University (Philosophy and Social Science), 2(004). Yang, J., & Wang, G. (1994). Woguo de Minzu Quyu Zizhi: Mao Zedong dui Makesi Zhuyi Minzu Lilun de Gongxian [National Regional Autonomy in China: Mao Zedong”s Contribution to Marxist Theory of Nationality]. Minzu Yanjiu [Nationality Studies], 1(1994), 1–8. Yu, P., & Shengzhi, L. (2019). The Impact of Social Media on Ethnic Minority Teenagers’ Ethnic Identity. Contemporary Youth Studies, 03, 51–56. https:// doi.org/10.3969/j.issn.1006-1789.2019.03.008 Zang, X. (2007). Ethnicity and Urban Life in China: A Comparative Study of Hui Muslims and Han Chinese. Routledge.

222

REFERENCES

Zhang, L. (2014, August 25). Na ge “gou xue de quan” tan tan pengyouquan zhongfen fenxiang wenhua [Talk About the Sharing Culture in That ‘Dog Blood Circle’]. http://soft.zol.com.cn/472/4728323.html Zhang, X., & Zheng, Y. (2009). China’s Information and Communications Technology Revolution: Social Changes and State Responses. Routledge. Zhao, S. (2004). A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism. Stanford University Press. Zhongguo Yining Zhengwu Menhu Wangzhan [China Yining Government Affairs Portal]. (2016, April 1). Kazanqi minsu luyou qu [Kazanqi Folk Tourist Area]. http://www.yining.gov.cn/ynly/lyjd/2014/08/11/41625. html Zhu, Y. (2012). Two Billion Eyes: The Story of China Central Television. New Press.

Index

B Berry, Chris, ix, 5, 6, 9 Bhabha, Homi, 34 Butler, J., 7

Castells, M., 37–39, 109, 110, 199 Chinese cosmopolitanism, 53–55 Chinese ethnic minorities, 10, 41 CMC, 13, 19, 95, 122, 123, 132, 135–138, 144, 163, 165, 167, 168, 171, 173, 176, 187, 189, 197 communication, 34, 38, 52, 61, 84, 95, 98, 100–111, 113, 114, 116, 121–123, 126, 127, 131, 132, 134, 136–138, 142–144, 146, 147, 149, 151, 153–159, 161–167, 170–172, 176, 177, 182, 187, 189, 195, 200, 201 Couldry, Nick, 7, 8 Cultural studies, 6

C Çabçal, ix, 12–14, 17, 18, 57, 59–61, 67, 74–77, 90, 91, 97, 98, 100, 101, 104–106, 111–113, 116, 132, 134, 135, 143, 147, 149, 154, 156, 160–165, 169–171, 194, 197, 207

D Deleuze, G., 39, 40, 188, 200, 202 Dijk, J., 37, 38 discourse, v, vi, 2, 7, 9–11, 19, 20, 23–27, 30–33, 35, 37, 48, 62–64, 68–76, 78, 81, 82, 88, 89, 91–96, 102, 104, 111, 113,

A agency, 4, 19, 33, 39, 45, 46, 72, 74–76, 89, 94, 96, 122, 124–126, 128, 133, 188, 189, 192, 193, 196, 201 Anderson, Benedict, 36, 59, 170, 184 Apparatus theory, 3 articulation, 2, 4, 5, 7, 11, 24, 34, 37, 38, 45, 49, 56, 57, 63, 117, 121, 190, 192, 199, 200

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 L. Hao, Minzu as Technology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-5402-5

223

224

INDEX

117, 120–128, 133, 135, 136, 149, 152, 155–159, 162, 170, 171, 174, 176, 180, 183, 191, 192, 197, 198, 202 discursive, 2, 5, 6, 8, 19, 30, 35, 37, 38, 54, 64, 65, 78, 79, 88, 89, 95, 96, 114, 121–124, 126, 127, 200, 201 E ethnic identity, v–viii, 1–3, 5, 8–12, 14, 16–19, 21, 24, 34, 35, 37, 38, 41, 46, 51, 54, 63, 67, 68, 72, 79, 82, 87–89, 96, 100, 109, 110, 112–114, 119–122, 125, 128, 131, 132, 135, 136, 143, 146, 148, 150, 152, 158, 159, 162, 170, 174–176, 183, 187–195, 198–202 ethnogenesis, 5, 11, 16, 17, 32, 40, 47, 67, 84, 86–88, 96, 112, 119, 120, 124, 187–191, 198, 200–202 F Fairclough, N.L., 63 Fei, Xiaotong, 68 Foucault, M., 2–4, 32–34, 37, 54, 55, 132, 169, 190, 191, 198 G Genealogy, 23, 143 Gillette, M.B., 32, 33 Gilroy, Paul, 66 Gladney, D., 4, 5, 9, 32, 33, 47, 69, 188, 190, 202 Guattari, F., 39, 40, 188, 200, 202 H Hall, Stuart, 4, 6

Harris, Rachel, ix, 3, 5, 11, 13, 32, 33, 47, 57, 114 Hobsbawm, Eric, 47, 156 holbobun, 20, 40, 84, 93, 95, 99, 100, 103, 111, 114, 121, 135, 136, 151, 176, 188, 190, 197, 198, 207 I identity, viii, ix, 1–5, 7–12, 15, 17–19, 23, 24, 26, 30, 32–37, 40, 41, 45–59, 61–74, 78–83, 85–97, 100, 102–105, 109, 111, 112, 114–117, 119–128, 132–136, 143, 148, 149, 159, 160, 169, 170, 173, 174, 176, 178, 179, 182–184, 188–202 ideology, 25, 28–30, 37, 38, 56 imagined community, 36, 132, 156, 158, 170, 195 L Laclau, Ernesto, 5 Litzinger, R.A., 5, 32 M Manchu, 11, 13, 25, 26, 28, 30, 37, 53, 56, 58, 60–63, 80, 81, 83–85, 96, 105, 109, 111, 112, 122, 125, 126, 131–137, 142–146, 148–162, 164, 166, 171–174, 177–183, 196, 197 Media, 7–9, 24, 34, 35, 41, 63, 121, 123, 125, 132, 148, 167 media technicity, 2, 8, 10, 45–47, 95, 121–123, 126–128, 192–194, 200 minority nationality, 6, 81 minzu, viii, 1–11, 18–20, 23–32, 35–41, 45–58, 61–67, 69, 71, 75, 77–83, 85, 87–91, 94–96,

INDEX

101–104, 113–115, 117, 119–128, 131–136, 143, 146, 148, 149, 151–159, 162, 169, 170, 172–177, 179–181, 183, 187–190, 192, 194–198, 200–202 Minzu as Technology, 1, 187, 190 Morley, David, 7 Mouffe, Chantal, 5 Mueggler, E., 3, 4, 32, 33 Mullaney, T.S., 8, 29, 53

N nation, 8, 9, 23–27, 29–33, 37, 41, 47, 49, 50, 52, 53, 56, 57, 62, 63, 68, 69, 72, 73, 77, 89, 90, 92, 103, 121, 134, 148, 150, 154–158, 174, 175, 194, 196, 205 nationalism, 14, 17, 23, 37, 59, 69, 70, 73, 82, 95, 96, 118, 119, 121, 131, 134, 145, 155, 196 networked ethnicity, 199–201 Network Society, 24, 38 new ethnicities, 34, 35 Northeast China, 10, 12, 17, 18, 81, 108, 121, 132, 135–137, 149, 151, 166, 169, 179, 180, 205, 207

O Orientalism, 4, 33

P Pema Tseden, v, vi, 6 Post-2000, 5 Postcolonial, 8 power, vi, 2–5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 19, 23, 24, 32, 33, 37–39, 41, 46, 54, 55, 59, 64, 66–69, 75, 78, 79,

225

92, 96, 99, 105, 107, 110, 113, 122–125, 128, 183, 188, 190–193, 201, 202 power-knowledge, 2, 3, 190, 191

Q QQ, 16–18, 20, 35, 40, 64–66, 75–78, 86, 90, 91, 98, 99, 112, 113, 115, 134, 157, 162, 165, 166, 169, 207 qun, 20, 74–78, 81–85, 90, 91, 94–97, 99, 103, 105, 111, 117, 119, 120, 134, 152, 153, 162, 165, 169, 177–183, 190, 195, 197, 198, 207

R retention, 10, 126, 127

S Schein, L., 3, 4, 32, 33 self-led ethnogenesis, 121 Sibe, v–vii, ix, 1, 2, 8, 10–20, 28, 29, 33–36, 40, 41, 45–57, 59–128, 131–184, 187–202, 205, 207, 208 Simondon, G., 8 Sina Weibo, 16–18, 35, 40, 97, 98 Smith, Anthony, 36 social media, viii, 3, 7, 8, 10, 13, 16–20, 24, 34–36, 38–41, 45–47, 61, 63, 64, 66–76, 78–80, 82–85, 87–107, 110–116, 119–121, 131–138, 141–143, 148, 150–152, 157, 159, 165, 168–170, 173, 175–179, 181–184, 187–202, 205 social media platforms, 16–19, 24, 34, 36, 38, 40, 41, 46, 71, 79,

226

INDEX

82–84, 92–94, 96, 99–101, 103, 105, 107, 110, 114–116, 131, 138, 142, 148, 165, 168, 183, 188, 194, 199, 200, 202 Spoken Sibe, 20, 134, 136, 143, 144, 148, 150–152, 159, 162–165, 167, 170, 172–175, 177, 179, 182–184, 207 Stiegler, Bernard, 40, 126, 127 subaltern, 9 T technologies of the self, 2, 191 technology, 1, 2, 5–8, 10, 11, 24, 35, 37, 40, 41, 99, 138, 141, 163, 175, 187–192, 195, 198, 201, 202 transliterated Sibe, 19, 20, 131–138, 148–151, 157–159, 163, 166, 169, 172–176, 182–184, 194, 195, 197, 198 transliteration, 13, 20, 131–133, 135–137, 142, 143, 147, 149, 150, 158, 162, 163, 165–169, 171, 172, 176, 196, 197

W WeChat, 16–18, 20, 35, 40, 64–66, 74, 76–78, 80–86, 90, 94–97, 99, 103–105, 107–113, 115, 117, 119–123, 125–128, 137, 142, 148, 151–153, 159, 173, 177–182, 188, 194, 199, 200, 202 Westward Migration, 14, 42, 51, 52, 57, 59–61, 66–78, 89–94, 96–98, 100–106, 109–112, 115–117, 170, 171, 177, 178, 198, 199, 207

X Xinjiang, ix, x, 10–12, 14–18, 20, 25, 28, 30, 57, 59–61, 67–69, 72–76, 81–83, 85, 86, 89–93, 97, 100, 102, 104, 108, 111–114, 117, 119–121, 136, 143, 144, 146–149, 151, 152, 154, 156, 161, 162, 169, 170, 173, 177, 179, 183, 184, 189, 194, 198, 207