Migration As Transnational Leisure : The Japanese Lifestyle Migrants in Australia [1 ed.] 9789004283008, 9789004282995

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Migration as Transnational Leisure

Social Sciences in Asia Edited by Vineeta Sinha (National University of Singapore) Syed Farid Alatas (National University of Singapore) Kelvin Low (National University of Singapore)

VOLUME 38

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ssa

Migration as Transnational Leisure The Japanese Lifestyle Migrants in Australia By

Jun Nagatomo

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Nagatomo, Jun.  Migration as transnational leisure : the Japanese lifestyle migrants in Australia / by Jun Nagatomo.   pages cm. — (Social sciences in Asia, ISSN 1567-2794 ; 38)  Includes bibliographical references and index.  ISBN 978-90-04-28299-5 (paperback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-28300-8 (e-book)  1. Lifestyles—Japan. 2. Lifestyles—Australia. 3. Japan—Emigration and immigration—Social aspects. 4. Australia—Emigration and immigration—Social aspects. 5. Japanese—Australia—Social conditions. 6. Immigrants—Australia—Social conditions. I. Title.  HQ2044.J3N35 2014  305.9’069120952—dc23

2014037348

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual ‘Brill’ typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1567-2794 isbn 978-90-04-28299-5 (paperback) isbn 978-90-04-28300-8 (e-book) Copyright 2015 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Contents Acknowledgements  ix Preface  xi List of Figures, Tables, Diagrams and Photos  xiii List of Acronyms  xv A Note on the Text and Japanese Names  xvii 1 The Emergence of Lifestyle Migrants in Japanese Society  1 Australia and “the Asian Invasion”  5 Japanese Lifestyle Migration to Australia  8 Fieldwork in Migration Studies  14 Qualitative Research in Migration Studies: Sociology and Anthropology  14 Fieldwork and Profile of the Respondent  16 Stage One  16 Stage Two  20 Stage Three  20 Areas in Which the Research was Conducted  20 Age and Gender of the Respondents  25 Visa Status and Occupation of the Respondents  26 Organisation of the Book  28 2 Globalisation, Transnationalism, Migration and Leisure Reconsidered  30 Globalisation Reconsidered  32 Transnationalism and Migration  35 Leisure and Tourism in the Era of Globalisation  40 Leisure and Migration in the Era of Transnationalism  43 3 Japanese Migration to Australia: From Past to Present  48 History of Japanese Outbound Migration  48 From Medieval Times to the Sakoku (seclusion)  48 From the Opening of the Country in the 19th Century to the Second World War  50 After the Second World War to the Present  52 History of Japanese Migration to Australia  53 From Meiji-era to the Second World War  53 During the Second World War  56

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Contents

From the Postwar Era to the Introduction to Multiculturalism  57 Japanese Migration and Community since the Introduction of Multiculturalism  59 Australia as a Destination for Japanese Tourism  62 Australian Tourism Development and Consequence for Japanese Tourism  62 Construction of an Australian Tourism Image by the Tourism Industry  63 The Increase of Japanese Tourists in Australia  66 The Shifting Trend in Japanese Tourism in Australia after the 1990s  67 4 The Emerging New Values: Social Transformation and the Japanese Middle Class  70 The Disillusionment with the Myth of Corporate Japan  71 Rationalisation of Business Operations by Japanese Companies and Structural Transformations in Japanese Society  72 The Rise of Individualism  82 Changes in Work Ethic  83 Changes in Leisure Values and Practices  86 Discovering a Life in a Foreign Country  91 5 From Tourists to Migrants: The Lure of the Australian Lifestyle  97 The Lure of a Relaxed Australian Lifestyle  98 Freedom and Individualism in Australia  105 Escape from Conformist Pressures  106 Overseas Experience and Pursuit of Individualism  109 Escape from Social Obligations  111 Conformity and Power of Prejudice  114 Gender Equity in Australia: Escape from a Patriarchal Society  116 Escape from High Population Density and Japanese Bureaucracy  119 Counter-urbanisation  120 Problems with Japanese Bureaucracy  125 6 Life after Migration: Japanese Immigrants’ Experience of Migration  128 Settlement Patterns of Japanese Lifestyle Migrants in Australia  129 Residential Choice and the Place of Migration  129 Lifestyle Values and Downward Social Mobility  136 Running Small Business and Working for Japanese-owned Businesses  140

Contents

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Daily Practices of Lifestyle Migrants and the Japanese Community  147 De-territorialised Community: Japanese Migrants’ Networks and Ethnic Organisations  147 Work and Leisure Practices of Japanese Lifestyle Migrants in Australia  155 7 Conclusion: Migration and Settlement of Lifestyle Migrants  179 Bibliography  183 Index  205

Acknowledgements This book project could not have been successfully completed without the support of many individuals. First and foremost, I thank Professor Zlatko Skrbis at Monash University, Dr David Ip at Hong Kong Polytechnic University and Dr Yuriko Nagata at the University of Queensland in Australia for their continuous support and helpful suggestions. While I was in Australia from 2005 to 2010, I was supported by them in many ways, and I will never forget their passionate support for my project. I also owe thanks to Professor Hirofumi Otani and Professor Takahiro Katayama at Seinan Gakuin University in Japan, who have provided continuous and warm support for my research. I also wish to thank those academics who gave their generous support for this book project: Professor Ien Ang at University of Western Sydney, Professor Koichi Iwabuchi at Monash University, Professor Keiko Yokota at Kobe College, and Dr Kelvin Low at National University of Singapore. I would also like to gratefully acknowledge my mentors: John Germann, a lecturer at Tsuru University, encouraged and supported me in many ways in Japan as a friend and passionate educator. Charles Myers, a former lecturer at Keio University, taught me English and broadened my vision. Without their friendship, I would not have started my PhD in Australia. This research project was made possible by the generous financial and emotional support of various institutions and individuals. The research was supported by the Rotary Foundation Ambassadorial Scholarship, the University of Queensland School of Social Science Research Higher Degree Support Funding, the Graduate School Research Travel Grant, the Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences International Fee Scholarship, and a grant from the Queensland Program for Japanese Language Education (funded by the Nippon Foundation). Many Australian friends helped me polish my English expression, including Theodore Rosenblatt, Barton Loechel, Indigo Willing, Mark Schubert, Jared Denman, Rebecca Coates, David Powell, Jonathan Smith and Roy Short. I thank their warm support and mateship. My thanks also goes out to the Consul-General of Japan in Brisbane, Japan Club of Queensland, Japanese Club of Brisbane and most importantly those who willingly participated in my research. Finally, I would like to thank my family and Mr and Mrs Koji in Brisbane for their warm and generous support.

Preface In the 1990s, the bubble of the Japanese miracle economy burst and the country fell into recession. Following this, Japan experienced considerable economic and social transformation, including a reconsideration of its approach to work and employment. Among the consequences of these changes, such as unprecedented mobility in the labour market and an increase in parttime employment, there was a shift in lifestyle values, particularly those of middle class Japanese. In contrast to the traditional Japanese work ethic and ­company-oriented lifestyle which prized collectivism and self-sacrifice, new lifestyle values were largely centred on attaining an improved work-life balance which was less structured and more individualised. These new individualised lifestyle values began to be reflected in a new-found interest in leisure, characterised by a shift from group-oriented leisure activities to more individualised and personalised ones. There has been another very significant change of great relevance to this book: an increased and unprecedented interest in overseas tourism and migration. This book discusses an intriguing new dynamic between the transformation of the economy and the Japanese engagement with tourism and migration. Until the 1990s, due to guaranteed lifetime employment and the prevalence of seniority systems of Japanese corporations, there was a relatively stable life course model among Japan’s middle class. In addition to healthy demand in the domestic labour market and work-dominated lifestyle, stable work opportunities meant this group rarely considered pursuing individual tourism and migration. However, since the 1990s, increasing numbers of young middle class Japanese began to drift from the safe and assured life model and chose to live abroad. This book, based on qualitative methodology and in-depth interviews with 31 Japanese migrants to Queensland, is a study of Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia. It draws upon several important topics and theories in contemporary sociology including globalisation, transnationalism, migration and tourism. Based upon a theoretical background on the complex linkages between them, this book examines three key themes pertinent to exploring the interrelationship between social transformation in Japanese society in the 1990s, changing lifestyle values and migration to Australia. This book considers the implications of social transformation of Japanese society, specifically focusing on the lifestyle value shifts as push factors in a broad sense as well as the pull factors that enticed the Japanese middle class to migrate to Australia. This

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Preface

book also examines the lives of Japanese lifestyle migrants in Australia and highlights a unique settlement process characterised by the lack of upward social mobility, the absence of geographical concentration of Japanese migrants and the impact this has on the formation of an ethnic community.

List of Figures, Tables, Diagrams and Photos Figure caption 1.1 2.1 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4

Map of South-East Queensland  21 Study field of this research  31 Introduction ratios of employment management and welfare systems (%)  73 Job offers-seekers ratio  75 “Official” figure of actual hours worked and normal working hours  76 The distribution of Japanese overseas tourists by gender and generation  90

table caption 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 3.1 3.2 3.3 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4

Number of Japanese overseas  10 Number of Japanese in Australia  11 Parent population: Japanese in South-East Queensland  22 Typology of Japanese residents in South-East Queensland  24 Common generational difference: year of arrivals  25 Occupation before migration  27 Occupation in Australia  27 Number of Japanese in Australia  60 Number of Japanese in Queensland (October, 2009)  60 Purpose of visitors to Australia—Top 5 sources for year ended March 2005  66 Number of non-voluntary demissions (thousands)  74 Composition of part-time employment (%)  75 Reasons of stress, anxiety and trouble in company life  79 Unemployment rate by age group  81

Diagram caption 5.1

From tourist to migrant: Interaction between push and pull factors at the individual level  104

xiv

List of Figures, Tables, Diagrams and Photos

photo caption 1.1 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 6.1

Newspaper articles on “Japanese Invasion” in the late 1980s  6 Japanese divers in Thursday Island  55 Japanese girl in the Chinese/Japanese section of Cairns, 1902  56 Japanese war brides on the ferry  58 Photos in the Japanese tourism brochures  65 South Bank Parkland in Brisbane  65 Local park as a venue for playgroup  153

List of Acronyms abc Australian Broadcasting Corporation abs Australian Bureau of Statistics anzac Australian and New Zealand Army Corps apc Average Propensity to Consume aud Australian Dollar btr Bureau of Tourism Research cbd Central Business District diea Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs dima Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs dimia Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs fit Foreign Independent Travel jcq Japan Club of Queensland jil Japan Institute of Labour jsb Japanese Society of Brisbane jtb Japan Travel Bureau mhlw Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (Japan) mlit Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism (Japan) mofa Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan) mpmht Ministry of Public Management, Home Affairs, Posts and Telecommunications (Japan) ngo Nongovernmental organisation nic Newly Industrialised Countries oecd Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development ols  “Office Ladies” (female general office employees in Japanese language) pow Prisoner of War sbs Special Broadcasting Service tafe Technical and Further Education

A Note on the Text and Japanese Names When romanising Japanese names and words, long vowels have been represented by macrons, except in words that are commonly written in English such as Tokyo and Australia.

CHAPTER 1

The Emergence of Lifestyle Migrants in Japanese Society In American life, intimacy has traditionally been found in the family, the club, the neighborhood, the lifelong friendship, and the church. [. . .] In the Japanese example, we find a successful industrial society in which intimacy occurs in the place of work as well as in other settings. The Japanese example forces us to reconsider our deeply-held beliefs about the proper sources of intimacy in society (Ouchi 1981, 8–9). The quote above is indicative of the typical representation of the “traditional” Japanese workplace, characterised by intimacy and collectivism. Because of close human relationships in workplaces, workers were expected to help others after working hours. In some big companies, leisure activities such as company trips, athletic festivals and other social gatherings were also commonly provided by the company. Another feature of Japanese work was the loyalty to the company or organisation. A self-sacrificing work ethic was commonly perceived as a “virtue” for Japanese workers who were expected to be loyal and sacrifice their private time in return for guaranteed lifetime employment and job security provided by the company. However, in the 1990s when Japanese society experienced a massive social transformation in the economic recession, something unprecedented happened in Japanese society. It was the rise of individualism. The famous Japanese-style management, celebrated by “Japanologists” such as Ouchi (1979, 1981) and Pascale (1982), collapsed. As the recession worsened throughout the 1990s, Japanese companies reconsidered their employment systems and the consequences were the end of lifetime employment, massive retrenchments and restructuring. This caused major changes in Japanese society, particularly in the social structure and lifestyle values of the Japanese, including an unexpected mobility in the labour market and an increase in part-time labour. The Japanese middle class, particularly younger generations, began to search for alternatives to the work-oriented lifestyle and stable life course models. Some willingly chose part-time labour and others began to “discover” work-life balance. This shift away from well-established collectivist behaviours and expectations to an individualist ethos was unprecedented. As part of these radical transitions, there has been another

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���5 | doi ��.��63/9789004283008_002

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very significant change: an increased and historically unparalleled interest in overseas tourism and migration. This book is a study of the migration and settlement processes of Japanese “lifestyle migrants” in Australia. As discussed below, migration motivated by lifestyle rather than economic factors has recently become a focus of academic attention in the field of migration studies. While the definition and characteristics of the term “lifestyle migration” differ, most research in this area tends to use terms such as “lifestyle migration” or “lifestyle-motivated migration” to indicate lifestyle as a significant factor enticing individuals to migrate either domestically or internationally. The research on lifestyle migration can be divided into research focussing on domestic or international migration. As an example of studies on domestic lifestyle migration, Burnley and Murphy (2003) in their book, Sea Change, discuss the increase of domestic migration from Australian inner cities to surrounding areas in relation to an anti-urban/pro-rural sentiment. Swaffield and Fairweather (1998) assess lifestyle migration to rural areas of New Zealand from a similar perspective. McHugh and Mings (1996) discuss seasonal migration of the elderly between northern states and Phoenix, Arizona in the United States along these lines. Walmsley, Epps, and Duncan (1998) argue that lifestyle “pull” factors, such as physical environment, climate and relaxed lifestyle, are more important than “push” factors such as economic considerations for domestic migrants to the New South Wales coastal areas. Fountain and Hall (2002) describe four types of domestic lifestyle migration to a rural city in New Zealand: retirees, an artistic class, stressed professionals and telecommuters. Stimson and Minnery (1998) in their quantitative research on domestic migration to the Gold Coast assert that the most powerful factor in attracting migrants to the Sunbelt area is not economy, but lifestyle. Compared to domestic lifestyle migration, lifestyle-motivated international migration remains relatively under-examined. This is probably due to the smaller number of migrants involved. Salva-Thomas (2002) suggests that British and German migration to Spain’s Balearic Islands is motivated by an aspiration for a more leisurely lifestyle. Scott (2006), in his study of the British middle class in Paris, discusses that skilled migration has become diversified and lifestyle plays a role among transnational middle class residents. Truly (2002) examines the retirement migration from North America to the lake Chapala Riviera in Mexico, making a strong link between retirement migration and tourism. Ley and Kobayashi’s (2005) research on Hong Kong migrants to Australia points out that both political concerns and the expected quality of life in the migration destination are factors in choosing emigration.

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

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Relatively little is known about lifestyle migration of the Japanese but there is some literature pointing to the significance of lifestyle factors for some Japanese migrants, particularly those moving to Australia. Kato (2009) studies young Japanese migrants and long-term residents1 in Vancouver, Canada, pointing out the trend of seeking an alternative life overseas as well as its analysis from the perspective of gender studies. Ono (2009), in her study of Japanese long-term residents/tourists of “longstay” retirees in Southeast Asian countries, describes the way in which tourism is no longer a pattern of leisure, rather it has become a part of a long-term strategy for survival for individuals. Hasegawa (2007) studies skilled Japanese women’s migration to Shanghai, China, and points out that factors other than economics were significant to them, in particular the space of the global city providing them with a variety of choices, lifestyles and other opportunities. With regard to Japanese migration to Australia, Mizukami (2006) refers to lifestyle factors such as the attractiveness of a mild climate in migration choice in his study on perceptions of Australia among Japanese residents. In her ethnographic study of Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia, Sato (2001) describes Japanese migrants’ daily life after migration to Australia. Although the studies above mention the importance of lifestyle factors in Japanese middle class migration to Australia, a number of issues require further investigation. Firstly, the existing research on Japanese lifestyle migrants has ignored any relationship between outbound migration and the changes of lifestyle in Japanese society since the 1990s. Secondly, the literature did not study Japanese lifestyle migration in the context of the changes seen in the sense of values among Japanese since the 1990s. The aim of this book is to examine these two factors, lifestyle changes and changing lifestyle values, in studying Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia. The recent flows of Japanese migrants to Australia open up a range of new issues in international migration. Traditionally, international migration has been largely linked to economic, political and religious factors. However, contemporary Japanese migration to Australia shows that a new factor, “lifestyle”, has become a central driving force that entices the middle class to migrate. Compared to other Asian middle class immigrants in Australia, for Japanese,

1  The term “long-term resident” refers to those individuals who hold a long-term visa that is available for more than three months. This term is commonly used in the Japanese government figures as well as migration studies in Japan. The examples of long-term residents include overseas students, working holiday makers, businessmen and their families, and retirement visa holders.

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lifestyle considerations play a greater role in their migration decisions and life after migration. Ip, Wu, and Inglis (1998, 84) point out that whereas lifestyle factors (e.g. education, living environment, fondness for Australia) matter in the motivation for migration among Taiwanese, generally Taiwanese middle class migrants still consider economic success important in migrating to Australia. It is also common among Asian middle class migrants to immigrate to Australia for better education for their children or to use children’s overseas education as a strategy for their subsequent permanent migration to Australia based on academic qualifications (Waters 2005). In contrast, Japanese migrants to Australia are more likely to put emphasis on lifestyle itself: their motivations for migration are more self-focussed, and less concerned for the future opportunities for their offspring, a concern which is generally common among Asian migrants in Australia. As discussed later in the book (Chapter Six), Japanese immigrants often accept downward social mobility positively, as a fair price for migrating to Australia. Contemporary Japanese migration to Australia also illustrates how economic changes and subsequent social transformations in the country of origin may affect individuals’ lifestyle values including work and leisure values, and lead to subsequent migration decisions. Whereas migrants from Asian nics (Newly Industrialised Countries) were traditionally driven by economic considerations or political factors (e.g. handover of Hong Kong), Japanese lifestyle migration increased in the 1990s when Japan underwent a series of significant economic and social transformations. These changes suggest that Japanese migration to Australia has a different context from other Asian middle class migration, an issue that will be explored in more detail in Chapters Four and Five. Japanese immigration to Australia can also be characterised by its linkage with the tourism experience of the individuals. In the late 1980s, Japanese group tourism boomed and Australia was a particularly popular destination. This was due to the moderately priced airfares, the relatively higher consumer spending of tourists as well as the popularised Australian tourism images shown in Japan among young Japanese as discussed later in Chapter Three. However, in the 1990s when Japanese group tourism was in decline, Australia continued to be one of the most common destinations for Japanese independent travellers, those on working holidays and education tourists (e.g. English language students). This book investigates a peculiarity of this migration pattern: many of those had the opportunity to experience an Australian/Western lifestyle first, then chose to migrate to Australia, and thus joined other Japanese lifestyle migrants. The linkage between tourism experience and migration decision is a relatively ignored migration pattern in the existing research which has

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

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implications for the theory of international middle class migration in the era of transnationalism. This process, in which tourists turn into migrants, will be discussed in Chapter Five. Although traditional migration studies focus on the most common migratory reasons, such as economic, political and religious considerations, contemporary transnational middle class migrants are no longer “forced” to migrate (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992). Therefore, I consider that it is important for migration studies of the contemporary middle class to explore the interrelationship between migration and lifestyle values. Based on qualitative research, this book considers how the changes in lifestyle values in the country of origin affect the migration decision and life after migration.

Australia and “the Asian Invasion”

In the 1980s and 1990s, Australia experienced a dramatic social transformation, namely a rapid increase in Asian immigration. As evidence of the dramatic influx of Asian migrants, in 1991, 51% of the settler intake was from Asian countries excluding the Middle East, compared to 40% in 1984 and 10% in 1972 (Jupp 2002, 33). Moreover, Asian countries and regions (Hong Kong, Vietnam, Philippines and India) dominated four of the six top birthplaces of settlers during the period from 1991 to 1995 (Australian Bureau of Statistics [abs] 1997). Although the number was relatively small compared to other Asian ethnic groups, a significant number of Japanese also immigrated to Australia around the same time. In 1980, the number of Japanese residents, a total of permanent settlers and long-term residents, was about 5,000 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan, [mofa] 1981), and the number increased to approximately 15,200 in 1990 (mofa 1991). In 2001, the number had increased to about 38,400 (mofa 2001). This significant increase coincided with the period of economic downturn in Japan which is critical to this book. Since the 1980s, Australia has absorbed massive numbers of tourists and massive amounts of tourism investment, particularly from Japan (Hajdu 2005). In the late 1980s, group tourism increased the visible presence of Japanese tourists in Australian cities. In the 1990s, despite the economic recession in Japan, Japanese tourism nevertheless continued to increase. In 1980 the number of Japanese visitors totalled about 48,900 (Tourism Australia 2005), in 1987 the number increased to approximately 215,600, and the number reached 349,500 in 1989 (Bureau of Tourism Research [btr] 1991). The number continued to increase until 1996 when it reached more than 800,000, and in 2004, the number of Japanese visitors totalled about 710,300 (Tourism Australia 2005).

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photo 1.1 Newspaper articles on “Japanese Invasion” in the late 1980s

The increase in both Japanese migrants and tourists led to an increase of the visual presence of Japanese in Australian cities. For Australian society, which had experienced rapid “Asianisation” (Viviani 1992; Ang and Stratton 1996), the “invasion” of Japanese investment and tourists had symbolic meanings in the context of debates on so-called Asianisation (Viviani 1997). One of the central incidents associated with the “Asianisation debate” was a controversy sparked by historian Geoffrey Blainey. In a symposium held in 1984, Blainey criticised Australia’s intake of Asian migrants and refugees, saying the rapid rate of Asianisation could lead to a further increase in unemployment as well as social tensions within Australian society. Blainey’s views won him notoriety but he received only limited support, mostly among conservatives. In this context, it is important to note two facts. One is that the increase in the Asian population was the consequence of the strategic nature of Australian multiculturalism and immigration policy. The other is that Asian immigration to Australia had two categories: one was middle class migrants who came to Australia by passing the “point system” based on age, education and skills; and the other was a heterogeneous group, including refugees and others. Australia is a country of immigrants and the immigration policy always reflected a national strategy and prevalent social and political values. Jupp (2002, 6), in his review of Australian immigration policy from the 18th century to the 1990s, asserts that historically Australian immigration policy has always been influenced by ideologies including imperialism, racism, utilitarianism, economic rationalism and humanitarianism. He also asserts that the successes of Australian immigration are largely due to deliberate planning of immigration intake (Jupp 2002, 6), and that Australian multiculturalism “grew out of a concern with settlement rather than with cultural maintenance” (Jupp 2002, 93). Lopez (2000, 447–8) presents four types of multiculturalism: cultural ­pluralism, welfare multiculturalism, ethnic structural pluralism, and

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ethnic rights multiculturalism. Australian multiculturalism is different from the Canadian model in that English was placed at the core of ethnic diversity, and religious minorities and indigenous Australians were relatively ignored (Jupp 2002; Lopez 2000). Castles et al. (1998) research positive and negative consequences of immigration intake, and conclude that in general social problems, such as unemployment and welfare restrictions, are limited only to certain categories of immigrants rather than the immigrant population as a whole. Jayasuriya and Kee (1999), in their demographic study of integration of Asian migrants, indicate that the new Asian migrant groups “have become easy scapegoats and the target of racism” (Jayasuriya and Kee 1999, 81) despite their economic and social contributions. The introduction of multiculturalism was also a strategic one. Although Australia had become one of the “whitest” countries outside Europe by the 1970s, Australia had already become a multiethnic country by the time multiculturalism had been introduced (Jupp 2002). Not only the international and domestic critique of the White Australia Policy (Coughlan and McNamara 1997), but also the increased ethnic diversity of its population forced Australia to reconsider its policy and develop multiculturalism “as a method for dealing with the consequence of ethnically diverse immigration” (Jupp 2002, 101). The current situation of Australian diversity is evident in that the 2006 census reveals 24% of the population was born overseas, and 15.6% of the population speak languages other than English in the home (abs 2006). The new immigration policies since the introduction of multiculturalism accelerated a change in the characteristics of immigrants. Prior to the introduction of multiculturalism, a majority of the immigrants to Australia were absorbed as labour force in primary and secondary industries. This meant that the majority of immigrants in the past were working class. In other words, from the perspective of migration studies, most migrants to Australia in the past have been economic migrants. However, the Whitlam’s Labour government which came to power in 1972 chose to welcome skilled immigrants not by the existing “organised” system, considered to be xenophobic, but by a point system designed to replace the White Australia Policy (Lopez 2000; Anstee 1995; Ip, Wu, and Inglis 1998). As a result, the new immigration system attracted Asian migration, particularly the Asian middle class (Coughlan and McNamara 1997; Ip, Wu, and Inglis 1998; Castle et al. 1998; Jayasuriya and Kee 1999; Wooden et al. 1994; Shiobara 2005). This is evident in the data from 1996 which show that approximately 52% of skilled migrants and business migrants were Asian born (Jayasuriya and Kee 1999). The influx of Asian immigrants was characterised by two categories. First were relatively impoverished economic and political migrants from Southeast Asian countries such as Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia (Lewins

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and Ly 1985; Viviani 1984; Jackson and Flores 1989; Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs [diea] 1984). This influx started in the 1970s and continued to increase throughout the 1990s. For instance, between 1982 to 1986 settler arrivals from Vietnam accounted for 9.5 % of the Australian immigration intake, which was the third largest after those from Britain and New Zealand (abs 1998). The second category was the East Asian middle class, especially from Asian nics and regions that had achieved economic development (Ip, Wu, and Inglis 1998) such as Hong Kong and Taiwan. During 1992 and 1996, China accounted for 6.3% and Hong Kong accounted for 6.1% of settler arrivals, the third and fourth largest intakes after Britain and New Zealand (abs 1998). Although the number was much smaller than that of those from Hong Kong or Taiwan, in the 1990s an increasing number of Japanese also immigrated to Australia. In 1980, the number of Japanese in Australia was 5,007 including 589 permanent residents and 4,418 long-term residents excluding Japanese war brides (mofa 1981). In 1990, the number increased to 15,154, comprising 5,368 permanent residents and 9,786 long-term residents (mofa 1991). In 2000, the number reached 38,427 including 16,813 permanent residents and 21,614 longterm residents (mofa 2001), and in 2010 the number was 71,013, a total of 36,795 permanent residents and 34,218 long-term residents (mofa 2011).

Japanese Lifestyle Migration to Australia

In examining the relationship between migration and lifestyle values among contemporary Japanese migrants to Australia, it is important to consider the historical and social context of current Japanese outbound migration. Japanese outbound migration can be divided into three stages: The first was the era of economic migration from the end of the Second World War until the beginning of the 1960s when the Japanese economy began to grow rapidly. The second was the period of the 1980s, characterised by the movement of overseas assignment workers, retirement migrants and well-off middle class migrants. The third was the period of lifestyle migration, starting in the early 1990s. Until the beginning of the 1960s, most Japanese outbound migration consisted of economic migrants. Japanese emigration, including karayukisan (illegal overseas prostitutes), for instance those in Hawaii, mainland us and Australia, were associated with the poverty of rural Japan (Sissons 1977; Moriyama 1985; Nagata 1996; Jones 2002). Most emigrated not as permanent settlers but as guest workers, such as contract or entry-level workers. However some migrants gradually became entrenched in local communities in some migration destinations such as Hawaii and mainland us (Ichioka 1988; Kumei 1995; Takezawa 1994; Boyd 1971).

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Encouraged by promotion and advertising by the Japanese government, many Japanese early post-Second World War economic migrants headed to the countries of South America, such as Brazil and Peru, which were keen on expanding their population base (Sims 1972). From 1955 to 1961, the number of Japanese emigrants exceeded 10,000 every year (mofa 1971). Most of these were from the rural areas or cities damaged by war such as Okinawa and the Kyushu region where the local economy was still based on agriculture and unstable after the war (Sims 1972). In the 1960s Japan entered a period of rapid economic growth and there was an overall reduction in migration due to domestic economic expansion. For example, the number of agricultural migrants to South America accounted for more than 98% among all Japanese migrants to the region in 1952; this figure decreased to less than 60% in 1970 (mofa 1971). As for emigration to the us, in the late 1960s the number of Japanese migrants to the us was about 4,000 per year, more than half of whom were of mixed-marriages; and the other half were professionals (mofa 1971). In the late 1980s, when Japan enjoyed a “bubble economy” with rapid economic growth, new types of migrants emerged. This outbound migration had two streams. One was from the relatively well-off middle class, and the other was comprised of retirement migrants. Common tourist destinations for Japanese such as Hawaii and Australia gained popularity as destinations for migration. The majority of these immigrants enjoyed a semi-retired lifestyle focusing on leisure rather than economic activities and there were many cases of these immigrants returning to Japan after a period of time (Tsukui 2007). Many migrants however, particularly among middle-aged Japanese, achieved economic success in their host country through skills or experience obtained in Japan (Hadju 2005). The emigration boom among well-off middle-aged and elderly Japanese has declined since the early 1990s, when the Japanese economy fell into recession. Due to the recession, the socio-economic situation of well-off middle-aged middle class emigrants changed. During this period, the assets of many middle class migrants were adversely affected and this resulted in return migration to Japan. Some overseas retirement village projects such as the “multi-function polis” on the Gold Coast were also abandoned. Table 1.1 shows a rapid increase in the number of Japanese overseas residents during the 1990s. The number increased in most regions except South America, and was particularly prominent in Asia and Oceania. The rise in figures for Asia is in large part a consequence of economic growth in China and the increase in the number of Japanese businessmen and their families. On the other hand, the increase in numbers in Oceania is largely the result of the increase in Australia in the late 1990s (mofa 1998, 2004).

10 table 1.1

CHAPTER 1 Number of Japanese overseas (The total of permanent residents and long-term residents*) 1992

1997

2002

2007

Asia Oceania North America Central America South America West Europe East Europe & nis Middle East Africa Antarctica

101,229  27,718 280,529   5,798 123,560 128,379   2,412   4,672   5,046      36

161,784  38,528 311,614   8,171 112,189 132,625   3,665   5,567   8,385      40

187,952  61,698 352,358   6,977  95,652 150,587   5,109   5,608   5,770      40

  287,157    82,491   422,116     9,021    85,974   174,713     8,002     8,845     7,317        35

Total

679,379

782,568

871,751

1,085,671

Source: mofa (1998; 2004; 2009) * Long-term resident means the residents staying more than three months.

Table 1.2 shows the number of Japanese residents in Australia staying more than three months. In 1996, there were 12,111 permanent residents and 13,577 long-term residents2 in Australia. The numbers for both permanent residents and long-term residents doubled in eight years. In 2004, the number of permanent residents was 22,966 and the number of long-term residents was 26,063; in 2009, there were 71,013 Japanese residents in Australia, including 36,795 permanent residents and 34,218 long-term residents (mofa 2010).

2  The term, “long-term resident,” is used by the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It means the resident stayed more than three months. The figure is based on the Zairyū-todoke (Overseas Residential Registration) system: Japanese overseas residents staying more than three months, including businessmen, working holiday makers and overseas students, are required to be registered in the system.

11

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society table 1.2  Number of Japanese in Australia 1996

2000

2004

2010

Permanent residents Long-term residents

12,111 13,577

16,813 21,614

22,966 26,063

36,795 34,218

Total

25,688

38,427

49,029

71,013

Source: mofa (1997; 2001; 2005, 2011) * Long-term resident means the residents staying more than three months.

In view of these processes, Sato (2001) was first to utilise the concept of “lifestyle migration.” According to Sato (2001) as well as my fieldwork in SouthEast Queensland, contemporary Japanese migration can be characterised by the following factors. Firstly most of them are relatively young compared to the emigrants in the 1980s. Secondly most are from the Japanese middle class. Thirdly, rather than being primarily motivated by economic success, migration was a means of achieving their expected lifestyle. Similar points are also made in the analyses by Shiobara (2005), Mizukami (2006, 2007) and Nagatomo (2007a, 2007b, 2008a, 2008b). A number of questions arising from the preceding discussion can help to highlight the focus of this book. As middle class Japanese citizens for whom economic necessity was not a primary concern, what were their reasons for emigrating? If an aspiration for lifestyle is the key factor in recent Japanese immigration to Australia, how did lifestyle values affect Japanese migrant settlement processes, daily practices and the concept of migration? Moreover, why did these migrants choose Australia as their migration destination? Migration today can no longer be explained by traditional categories or factors. As discussed earlier, in the past traditional migrants were “forced” to emigrate by economic, political and religious factors (e.g. Gonzalez 1961). However, for contemporary transnational middle class migrants, lifestyle factors, such as leisure, living environment, climate, open spaces, educational opportunities for offspring and gender considerations, play a significant role in their decision making processes (Ip, Wu, and Inglis 1998; Sato 2001; Nagatomo 2007b, 2008a; Walmsley, Epps, and Duncan 1998; Fountain and Hall 2002). This book investigates these new trends within the context of Japanese social transformations in the 1990s by positing that new lifestyle migration is a result of interactions

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between socio-cultural transformations, changes in the Japanese work ethic and leisure values, and individuals’ tourism experience before immigration. The key focus of this book is to examine how “new lifestyle values” emerged out of the context of Japan’s social transformations, and how the emerging values among Japanese affected migration to Australia. In migration studies, the linkage between individuals’ values and their migration decisions as well as settlement processes were relatively under-examined, and therefore this book’s focus might seem unusual for migration studies. However, in the broad tradition of sociology, the study of lifestyle values, or values in a broader sense, and their effect on other aspects of social life have historical precedents, particularly in Weberian sociology which links “values” and “practice.” For instance, Weber’s (1920/1976) The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism argues that values of Puritanism which were hostile toward the pursuit of profit-making contributed to the birth of modern capitalism. In that book, Weber emphasised the nexus between social transformation and individuals’ values, rather than socio-structural aspects. Weber’s perspective on the effect of value is the basis of this book on the emergence of new lifestyle values among Japanese middle class and their migration to Australia. Based on the focus of the research presented above, this book considers the following five propositions which will be explored: 1) Structural changes in Japanese society in the 1990s, such as mobilised labour markets and increased part-time work opportunities, which contributed to increased outbound migration. 2) Since the 1990s economic recession in Japan, new values of leisure and work emerged which led the middle class to search for alternative lifestyles. 3) Factors 1) and 2) above led to an increased interest in overseas tourism and the occurrence of subsequent lifestyle migration. 4) In choosing a migration destination, the tourism experience of the Japanese played an important role. 5) Since lifestyle values affected the migration decisions of the Japanese, these lifestyle values also had an effect on their settlement patterns and daily practices, such as choice of residence, attitude toward ethnic community, work and leisure practices, concept of migration and sense of belonging. This book explores the relationship between the changes in work and leisure values in Japan and the increase of lifestyle migration to Australia. This study considers that since the recession in the 1990s, there has been a marked transformation of Japanese values regarding work and leisure. As a consequence, many Japanese began to travel and look for alternative lifestyles that more adequately reflected their new aspirations and newfound views on work and leisure. In pursuing these issues, this book addresses the following questions. What is the relationship between the changing work ethic and l­eisure values

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

13

in Japanese society and Japanese migration to Australia? What do Japanese “lifestyle migrants” look for in migrating to Australia? Is there any relationship between the tourism experience and the choice of migration destination? What are the settlement patterns of Japanese “lifestyle migrants” in Australia? More specifically, how do they maintain the nexus with their homeland and to what extent do they function as an ethnic community in Australia? What are the theoretical implications of this new type of Japanese migration? In particular, what roles do leisure, lifestyle and tourism play in reshaping the current theories of international migration and “settlement”? Any study of migratory patterns is of important practical significance and this will be addressed in the final section of this book. However, at this point I wish to note two theoretical aspects of this contribution in order to sensitize the reader to the conceptual advancement that the book is making. Theoretically, this research is significant in its focus on the role of lifestyle in the migration process. Traditionally, international migration has been commonly seen as resulting from economic, political and religious causes. However, this book studies a new type of migration in which “lifestyle” is at the core of middle class aspirations to migrate. Although existing research on lifestyle migration (e.g. Fountain and Hall 2002; Salva-Thomas 2002; Stimson and Minnery 1998; Burnley and Murphy 2003) perceives lifestyle considerations as a significant factor in migration decision-making, the questions about how social transformation could affect lifestyle values and how the lifestyle values affect the migration decision and life after migration, remain to be explored in more detail. This book addresses this gap in the literature by exploring how economic changes in the economic life of Japan have triggered a reassessment of work and leisure values and how these lifestyle shifts have led to migration by contemporary middle class Japanese. Another theoretically significant aspect of this book is in the linking of tourism and migration. This integrated approach has rarely been taken despite the importance of this connection, particularly for the middle class. In the existing research, Williams and Hall (2002) explore theoretical linkages between leisure and migration. Similarly, Monk and Alexander (1986) and King (1995) study the effect of tourism on labour migration as well as local labour market. Although these contributions generally see tourism as a pull factor that attracts immigrants, the relationship between the tourism experience and migration decision at the individual level somewhat obscures the complexities behind these processes. As this book reveals, Japanese migrants take a series of predictable steps in the process of turning from tourists into migrants.

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Fieldwork in Migration Studies

Qualitative Research in Migration Studies: Sociology and Anthropology Considering the focus of research that studies the relationship between new lifestyle values and the migration processes, qualitative research was undertaken in this book project. The qualitative approach is a traditional research method in migration studies. The well-known Chicago School (e.g. Park, Burgess, and McKenzie 1925/1967; Park and Burgess 1921) established a qualitative “micro” method of empirical urban sociology (e.g. Thrasher 1927; S.R. Clifford 1930/1966) and subsequently qualitative methods have been a mainstay of migration studies. Seminal work by Thomas and Znaniecki (1918– 20/1974), The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, used the micro qualitative research method, setting a benchmark for migration studies. In this work, Thomas and Znaniecki described the assimilation process of Polish immigrants into American society and the role of “racial solidarity” in the ­formation of ethnic enclaves (Thomas and Znaniecki 1918–1920/1974, 1517). Although their work was not the first paper in the study of migration, it contributed to the formulation of a strong methodological tradition in migration studies (Fitzgerald 2006; Kearney 1986). On the other hand, anthropological migration studies in urban centres signalled an expansion of social anthropology into studies of urban migration. Since the 1950s, Gluckman and his Manchester School of British social anthropology (e.g. Gluckman 1961) have studied migrancy in urban cities, producing more than a dozen monographs up until the 1960s (Werbner 1984). As the study of peasant social networks in a Zambian urban city by Mitchell (1969) demonstrated, social anthropology applied a qualitative approach in researching the urban city. Although some anthropologists in the pre-war period also studied migrants in the city (e.g. Wirth 1928; Redfield 1941), it was not until the 1960s when migrants in urban cities drew the global attention of anthropologists (Kearney 1986). In addition, qualitative migration studies added a new methodological dimension to anthropology. As seen in the subsequent criticism and revision of anthropological methodologies in postcolonial critiques and postmodern anthropology (e.g. Lévi-Strauss 1958/1983, 1962/1966), anthropology at the time stood at a crucial turning point. While theoretically it incorporated the postmodern theories of knowledge and power (e.g. Foucault 1977; Said 1978), methodologically this trend was viewed quite critically by anthropologists in the field (Ota 1998). For instance, Clifford and Marcus (1986) in Writing Culture raised the issue of how the historical and cultural gap between the researcher and respondents affected the practice of writing and reading

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

15

ethnography. Marcus and Fischer (1986) in Anthropology as Cultural Critique raised the issue of a “crisis of representation”; in other words, those who had been represented unilaterally by anthropologists in colonial power began to acquire representation on their own. From the late 1950s, with the climate of criticism on positivist sociology and functionalism inspired by Parson’s (1951) social system theory, qualitative studies became more multifaceted, as observed in the methodologies of symbolic interactionism (Blumer 1966), dramaturgy (Goffman 1959), phenomenological sociology (Berger and Luckman 1966), interpretative anthropology (C. Geertz 1973, 1983) and the revival of life history (e.g. Bogdan 1974; Klockars 1974). Examples of literature outside Australia studying international migration include van Velsen (1960), who explores the ties with home among labour migration from Tonga to Central Africa based on ethnography, Skeldon (1976), who researches immigrants in Peru and describes their home town association and ties to home community, and lastly Gans (1962), who describes the diverse community of Italian immigrants in a Boston slum based on participant observation. More recently, McHugh and Mings (1996) study meanings of home, place and migration among circular migrants between the northern and southern Sunbelt areas in the United States, Tsuda (2003) studies the identity and daily practices of Japanese Brazilian return migrants based on participant observation, and Mountz and Wright (1996) ethnographically study transnational Mexican communities outside the United States. Migration studies in Australian sociology have also been using qualitative methods. For example, Martin (1965) studies the assimilation of displaced people in Australia, not as an ethnic group but as individuals, based on interviews; Collins and Poynting (2000) in their book, The Other Sydney, explore ethnic minorities in western Sydney through examining an array of data, from media sources to interviews by the authors. Poynting, Noble and Tabar (2001) discuss media representations of Middle Eastern Australians by mainstream media together with the interview data of Lebanese immigrants, Lever-Tracy and Ip (2005) study the networks of ethnic Chinese businesses and their practices in Australia based on interview data, and Dunn (1998) studies the image of Cabramatta, a suburb in Sydney with a concentrated Indo-Chinese Australian population, by using interview data. Skrbis (1999) explores ethno-nationalism of Croatians and Slovenians in Australia based on in-depth interview data while Baldassar (2001) uses qualitative methods to understand the complexities surrounding the phenomenon of return visits. In this section I focus heavily on the qualitative contribution to migration studies in order to locate my approach within an existing methodological tradition. Nevertheless, there are many excellent examples of quantitative

16

CHAPTER 1

approaches in migration studies. International research, such as Chiswick (1978) and Borjas (1985) consider the rate of economic assimilation of immigrants; Simon (1984) researches the educational, welfare and other social security costs of immigrants (Brettell and Hollifield 2000); and Portes and Rumbaut (2001) study the patterns of assimilation and acculturation of second generation immigrants in the United States by using survey data. In addition, Massey et al. (1987) in their ethnosurvey conduct a detailed social demographic analysis on migration from Mexico to California. In the context of Australian immigration, Hugo (1990, 1994, 2002) and Price (1975) study the demographic characteristics of immigrants by national origin and age. Young (1987) examines and compares the average age of death by country of origin. McDonald, Khoo, and Kippen (2003) question the measurement of net overseas migration by the abs and conclude that the net overseas migration between the late 1990s to the beginning of the 2000s was lower than that of abs data. Birrell (2001) studies the change in the skilled migration intake program in 1999. Finally, Giesecke (2006) examines the impact of skilled migrant intake on the Australian economy using a general equilibrium model. Fieldwork and Profile of the Respondent Given that the focus of this research is the relationship between social transformations of Japanese society in the 1990s, value shifts among Japanese and their lifestyle migration experience, I conducted three stages of qualitative research including participant observation, in-depth interviews, and focus groups in South-East Queensland from 2005 to 2010: The first stage of fieldwork aimed to understand the background of Japanese migration to Australia. This exploratory research included studies of the historical background of Japanese migration to Australia, trends in Japanese tourism between the 1980s and 1990s, and secondary data collection of the social transformations of Japanese society in the 1990s. The second stage allowed me to collect the body of data for the research project. In this stage I studied the interrelationship between the changes of lifestyle values and the migration decisions, as well as life after migration. The third stage involved verification of the research findings. Stage One Stage One aimed to collect basic information, conduct background research, and to develop ideas for the main research in Stage Two. This exploratory research was conducted from June 2005 to September 2006. Based on the agenda of this book, the background research included the study of the sociocultural transformations of Japanese society since the 1990s, and the study of general lifestyle values of Japanese people including work and leisure values.

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

17

To achieve the aims of Stage One, documentary research of secondary data, participant observation and a focus group were conducted. Documentary research and secondary data collection were conducted in order to examine the structural social transformation in Japanese society, such as labour market, business practices and work/leisure value transformations, as well as the demographic profile of Japanese migration to Australia. The documentary research included documentary, secondary and visual data analyses. First, in order to describe the structural transformation of Japanese society in the 1990s, Japanese government statistics and other data by Japanese institutions, as well as existing research by social scientists (e.g. Sugiuchi 1990; Nakamura 2004) were studied, including surveys by the Ministry of Labour (1998), the oecd (2001), and the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare [mhlw] (2004a). Second, with the intent to examine the changing notions of leisure among Japanese people, research by the Japanese government and institutions, as well as other scholars were studied. This included research by the Ministry of Labour (2000), Japan Management Association (2005), Yeung et al. (2003) and the Japanese Bureau of Statistics (2002). These documentary analyses were conducted through library research in Australia and Japan, and through online database searches. Third, as the initial research on Japanese tourism was conducted in Australia, Australian and Japanese government data were also studied, utilising resources from Tourism Australia (2005), the Bureau of Tourism Research [btr] (1991) and the Japanese Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism [mlit] (2002). I was also interested in ways in which visual data represent Australian tourism to Japanese audiences. The use of visual data enables the study of the social context that produced these visual representations (Emmison and Smith 2000; Ball and Smith 1992). The visual data consisted predominantly of photos, films and videos and travel brochures. In order to study Japanese tourists’ practices at the tourist sites, photos were taken in major tourist destinations in South-East Queensland. Films and videos were viewed mainly at the Australian libraries with the purpose of becoming familiar with Australian tourism development and the position of Japanese tourists in Australia. Travel brochures were collected in Japanese travel agencies in Japan and Australia in order to collect signs which constituted the “tourist gaze” (Urry 1990a, 1990b) on the “image of Australia” and its representations, as consumed by Japanese tourists. To verify the findings of the documentary and visual research, as well as to familiarise myself with South-East Queensland, I conducted participant observation in order to observe Japanese migrants’ daily practices and the interaction with Australian society. Extensive notes were also made during

18

CHAPTER 1

this process which later served as guidance for the development of subsequent research instruments and activities such as the in-depth interviews and focus groups. As a self-reflexive participant observation, I conducted the following four activities. First, I worked as a tour-guide from June 2006 to December 2006, allowing me to observe the production and consumption of the “image of Australia” by Japanese tourists in Australia. It enabled me not only to observe the activities of Japanese tourists but also to learn what kind of languages and practices were actually used to produce or consume the image of Australia for tourists. Second, I became a member of the Japanese Club of Queensland to observe the activities of Japanese permanent residents, and to develop personal networks. For more than two years, as a club member I regularly participated in their cultural activities such as the Jacaranda-blossom viewing party and rice-cake making. I was also invited to write the 20th anniversary volume, Ijyū no Katari (Stories of Immigration). As the editor, I interviewed Japanese migrants including “war brides” who migrated to Australia in the 1950s. These activities enabled me to understand the Japanese community in South-East Queensland at a deeper level. Third, from 2006 to 2007, I joined the “Japanese language and culture meet-up group,” which was common among young Japanese residents. The meet-up group was held twice a week in various Brisbane cafés. This connection helped me to establish rapport with young Japanese residents, such as working holiday makers and language students. It also contributed to a deeper understanding of the new values emerging among the younger generation in Japan. Fourth, for more than three years I worked as a casual interviewer for an Australian government affiliated research organisation at Brisbane International Airport. In this job, I conducted 20 minute computer-based interviews with Japanese tourists. The interviews included responses in relation to their impressions of Australia, tourist destinations visited, and their expenditures in Australia. This experience enabled me to understand the practices of Japanese tourists as well as their impression of Australia. In addition, as a Japanese person residing in Brisbane, I had the opportunity to “feel” the social and cultural atmosphere of South-East Queensland, and I managed to build rapport with local Japanese people and Australian residents who later helped as “gate keepers” (Morrill et al. 1999) who served as important mediators between other respondents in this project. The process also enabled me to obtain ethnographic data on Japanese migrants’ everyday practices in Australia. All of these processes contributed to the development of the interview guides for the focus groups and in-depth interviews. As a means to verify and generalise my research findings achieved through the library research and participant observation phases of this project, one

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

19

focus group meeting with five people was arranged. The purpose of this focus group was also to develop interview questions for the second stage of my book project. The focus group approach, which was originally introduced by Robert Merton in 1956, is a common methodology in social science and other fields (Morgan 1993). Krueger (1988, 18) defines the focus group as “. . . [a] carefully planned discussion designed to obtain perceptions in a defined area of interest in a permissive, non-threatening environment.” Focus groups can be characterised by group dynamics (Krueger 1988; Morgan 1997), which are usually guided and managed by the researcher. The focus group enables the researcher to generate the interview data from the participants’ point of view (Munday 2006; Morgan 1997). For instance, Phillip and Smith (2000) used focus groups to study the image of “Australians” by “ordinary” citizens. Further, Skrbis and Woodward (2007, 735) state that focus group methodology is an efficient means of studying collective discourses. I considered that these characteristics of focus group research were beneficial in generalising the issues identified using the other methods in the first stage of the project. Due to the sometimes precarious nature of focus groups and their group dynamics, extra care and attention were paid to handling the discussion and rapport between participants and between the participants and the researcher/ moderator. The skill of the researcher/moderator was an important factor. This issue is compensated by advantages, as focus groups enable the researcher “to elicit objective facts about the attitudes and opinions of the members of the group” (Munday 2006, 95). The data obtained in the focus group are seen as emerging from within its own social context, and as a product of the social interaction between participants and the researcher (Myers and Macnaghten 1999; Wilkinson 1999; Morgan 1997). The focus group meeting was run in a place where the participants would feel relaxed. Five respondents were recruited by snowball sampling (Biernacki and Waldorf 1981; Browne 2005). The session was fully transcribed. The transcription was then analysed to identify emergent issues. The discussion in the focus group included the images of Australian lifestyle and reflections on Japanese society, lifestyle values and practices, and tourism experiences. For example, an open-ended question like “How did you spend your weekend and holidays in Japan?” elicited narratives on leisure practices in Japan, and a question “What was your image of Australia before you came to Australia?” triggered discussions on general images of Australia among the Japanese participants. Thus, the focus group in Stage One of my book project was conducted for verification and generalisation of the previous research as well as the development of interview questions of the following stage.

20

CHAPTER 1

Stage Two Based on the issues identified in the exploratory stage, thirty-one in-depth interviews were conducted as the main data collection. The in-depth interviews were conducted from September 2006 to March 2007. The interview process aimed to obtain migrants’ narratives on their migration experiences, work and leisure values and practices before and after migration, and their impressions of the Australian lifestyle. The reason for choosing in-depth interviews as a main method was based on the focus of this research, namely, to study the relationship between individuals’ lifestyle values and their practices including migration decisions and daily practices after migration. As excellent examples, such as Learning to Labour written by Willis (1977) show, building a personal nexus and credibility can lead to a more detailed narrative. My status of being “Japanese in Australia” was also beneficial to elicit a more detailed narrative because it enabled me to share a common language and experiences. In-depth interviews with Japanese migrants were conducted in SouthEast Queensland. Semi-structured interviews (Minichiello et al. 1990, 92) were arranged and a total of thirty-one respondents were interviewed. The respondents were Japanese settlers with permanent visa status and long-term residents staying more than three years in South-East Queensland. The respondents were recruited by snowball sampling, and were asked to choose the venue for the interview to ensure a relaxed and comfortable environment for the interview. I discuss the respondents’ demographic profile in detail below. Stage Three In the third and final stage of research, one focus group meeting with six people was conducted in May 2007 in order to verify whether the interview data and my analysis in the previous stage were consistent. This focus group also helped obtain data on the general perception of the respondents and to enable me to generalise on important emergent issues from the interviews (Krueger 1988; Morgan 1997; Munday 2006). This focus group also contributed to ensuring the consistency and validity of my research findings. Areas in Which the Research was Conducted This research was conducted in Brisbane, the Gold Coast and the Sunshine Coast, an area generally referred to as South-East Queensland. Some use the term South-East Queensland in a much broader sense including other regional cities such as Toowoomba, Gladstone and Bundaberg. Others use the term in a more narrow sense, meaning only coastal cities from the Sunshine Coast to the Gold Coast. Given the limitation of time for research trips, I limited the research field to the latter. Further, as far as the abs census data are concerned, most Japanese in Queensland live in the Gold Coast and Brisbane area or

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

21

figure 1.1 Map of South-East Queensland (licence free map: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Local_government_areas_of_Queensland#mediaviewer/File:Queensland_Local_ Government_Areas.png)

Cairns. In that sense, the difference of limiting the research field is of little significance. In sum, the reason for choosing South-East Queensland as the research field was that this area was a common destination for both Japanese tourists and migrants.

22

CHAPTER 1

According to the mofa (2006), the number of Japanese people in Australia in 2005, when fieldwork was conducted, was about 53,000, including a total of approximately 25,300 permanent residents and about 27,700 long-term residents.3 In Queensland, there were approximately 13,100 Japanese residents in 2005, including about 7,200 permanent and 5,900 long-term residents. About 2,500 were in Northern Queensland in cities like Mackay, Cairns and surrounding areas, and approximately 10,700 in the research are of Southern Queensland including Brisbane and the Gold Coast. table 1.3  Parent population: Japanese in South-East Queensland Total

Permanent residents

Long-term residents

South-East Queensland

Male Female Total

 3,988 (37.4%)  6,684 (62.6%) 10,672

 2,288 (38.2%)  3,706 (61.8%)  5,994

 1,700 (36.3%)  2,978 (63.7%)  4,678

Australia—total

Male Female Total

19,405 (36.6%) 33,565 (63.4%) 52,970

 9,189 (36.3%) 16,126 (63.7%) 25,315

10,216 (36.9%) 17,439 (63.1%) 27,655

Source: mofa (2006)

3  The long-term resident in the data by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs refers to Japanese (other than permanent residents) staying more than three months. For instance, it includes Japanese workers in overseas offices of Japanese companies, overseas students, researchers, teachers, and working holiday makers. The figure is based on Zairyū-todoke (Overseas Residential Registration) as the Japanese overseas residents staying more than three months, including working holiday makers and overseas students, are required to be registered in the system. However in practice, as far as the researcher’s observation over the period of two years is concerned, some Japanese residents, particularly working holiday makers and relatively short-term overseas students (e.g. exchange students, language students) do not follow the registration requirement. On the other hand, most relatively longer-term residents, such as workers and students staying more than a couple of years, are registered. Therefore, the data can be seen as close to the number of the parent population in this research project.

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

23

As Table 1.3 shows, imbalances in gender and age structure are prominent in the Japanese population, with females accounting for approximately 63% of the total. The gender imbalance largely results from the recent migration of Japanese women who have married Australian men (Coughlan and McNamara 1997; Nagata and Nagatomo 2007, 29). People in the prime working age range of 25–49 years make up about 40% of the population. The 2001 abs census taken by the Australian government does not indicate that Japanese in SouthEast Queensland have a tendency to concentrate towards one suburb or form ethnic enclaves. However, a concentration of population can be seen in shortterm residents and some long-term residents (e.g. working holiday makers). My participant observation showed that a large population of Japanese working holiday makers can be observed in Surfers’ Paradise on the Gold Coast, although this includes those who have retired and are distributed in Gold Coast suburban retirement villages. Brisbane is a common place for Japanese language students; however they are not significantly concentrated in any one particular suburb. In 2006, Japanese people in South-East Queensland had one ethnic organisation on the Gold Coast and two in Brisbane, in addition to business-related organisations. One of the clubs in Brisbane, the Japanese Society of Brisbane (jsb), was mainly for workers in Japanese companies (and their families) in this area, running a language supplementary school. The other, the Japan Club of Queensland (jcq), in which the researcher conducted participant observation, was run mainly by permanent residents (including “war brides”). These two clubs in Brisbane agreed to unite in 2007 and work together as a single ethnic community organisation. Through my participant observation, there are roughly eight types of Japanese residents including both permanent visa holders and long-term residents in South-East Queensland (see Table 1.4). The typology itself is not the research objective of my book project; however it helps to define the current situation of the Japanese community. Table 1.4 shows the typology of Japanese residents in South-East Queensland. The Japanese residents can be roughly divided into two categories, by visa status of permanent visa holders and others. The permanent visa holders have two streams. One is the permanent visa holder by mixed-marriage, and the other is the general skilled migrant who independently immigrated to Australia. There are two groups, characterised by age, in Japanese-Australian mixed couples. First are the war brides who migrated to Australia in the 1950s. The majority of the war brides in South-East Queensland have already obtained their Australian citizenship but belong to the Japan Club of Queensland. Second are the contemporary mixed-marriage couples who are married to Australian partners. The majority of this group

24

CHAPTER 1

are in their thirties and forties. Skilled migrants can also be further divided into two groups. The first is composed of those who migrated in the late 1980s. The majority are currently aged in their fifties and sixties. Most of them are from the middle class with extensive job experience in Japan. The majority of the migrants in the 1980s migrated for semi-retired lifestyle purposes; however those who continue to stay in Australia generally have achieved economic success by utilising their job skills and experience. The other group of general skilled migrants are those who migrated since the 1990s. The majority of this group are aged in their thirties and forties and have migrated after working for Japanese companies. Some Japanese working holiday makers receive permanent visas sponsored by Australian companies. table 1.4  Typology of Japanese residents in South-East Queensland

Permanent Mixed-marriage “War brides” residents Contemporary marriage General skilled migration (e.g. Subclass 136, 138, 856)

Long-term residents

Migrants in the – aged around 50s to 60s 1980s – upper middle class – semi-retired lifestyle in Australia Migrants in the – aged in their 30s to 40s 1990s – middle class – job experience in Japan

Business visa holders Retirement visa holders Student visa holders

Working holiday makers

Cited from Nagatomo (2008a)

– migrated in the 1950s – mostly from Hiroshima Prefecture – aged in their 30s to 40s – mostly female

– working at Japanese or Australian company – aged in their 60s to 70s – mostly residing on the Gold Coast – aged in their 20s to 30s – about half of them are English students – aged in their 20s – the Gold Coast as popular destination

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

25

On the other hand, long-term residents can be divided into four types; business visa holders, retirement visa holders, student visa holders and working holiday visa holders. Some of the business visa holders work at Japanese or Australian companies in South-East Queensland, and others run their own businesses such as Japanese restaurants, mainly in Brisbane and the Gold Coast. In addition, the Gold Coast is more likely to attract Japanese retirees and working holiday makers, while Brisbane is more likely to attract Japanese students. Age and Gender of the Respondents The respondents in this research were recruited by snowball sampling as stated previously. Given the limitation of my personal networks, the sampling method enabled me to access respondents within a certain time limitation. Any sampling method poses a risk of mismatch between the sample and general population, thus snowball sampling also has risks (Biernacki and Waldorf 1981). Therefore, the verification of the sample is an essential process. Among the respondents for the formal in-depth interviews, fourteen were males (about 45%), and seventeen were females (approximately 55%). Compared to the gender ratio of the parent population, females were about 12% below the statistical population. However, the gender imbalance in the parent population is due to the number of Japanese females who have married Australian men. In also considering these Japanese, who Sato (2001) calls “circumstantial migrants,” as the focus of this research project, it is safe to state that the gap between the sample and statistical population is not significant. In addition, the fieldwork indicated that there are roughly two generational groups among the Japanese in South-East Queensland. The majority table 1.5

Common generational difference: year of arrivals

Generations

Year of arrivals

Background

Young migrants (late twenties to forties) Older migrants (fifties to seventies)

Recent (after the 1990s)

Middle class—new lifestyle values Well-off middle class— benefited from economic growth in the late 1980s

1980s to early 1990s

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of Japanese in South-East Queensland are young migrants, who are between the late twenties and forties, who arrived in Australia after the 1990s. Most of them are from the middle class in Japan, who used to work full-time or parttime. They can also be characterised by their travel experience and an interest in alternative lifestyles, different from the more traditional Japanese workoriented lifestyle. This point will be explored in Chapter Four and Five. On the other hand, there were also older migrants, aged in their fifties to seventies, who came to Australia between the 1980s and early 1990s. Most of them are well-off middle class people, who benefited from economic growth in the 1980s. Some of the older migrants acquired economic success; however the majority of them are more likely to have a semi-retired lifestyle compared to younger migrants. Visa Status and Occupation of the Respondents In studying immigrants in Australia, visa status and occupation in migration destination provide us with various kinds of information. As highlighted in the migration demography studies (e.g. Hugo 2002), this information is used in examining the degree of incorporation of immigrants into the receiving country. The following overviews the profile of the respondents of this research based on visa status and occupation. Among thirty-one respondents for the in-depth interviews, there were twenty-six permanent visa holders and five long-term visa holders. Eight of twenty-six (about 31%) permanent visa holders have obtained permanent residency by mixed-marriage, and four of eight mixed couples married after their working holiday in Australia and chose to stay. The ratio of obtaining Australian citizenship among the respondents was 14% lower than in the 2001 Australian census data. Two of twenty-six (about 8%) permanent residents have obtained Australian citizenship. Based on my participant observation, it would be safe to say that the ratio of 8% adequately reflects the legal status of Japanese residents in South-East Queensland. As for the occupation of respondents before and after migration, these data are shown as Table 1.6 and Table 1.7 below. Table 1.7 shows the occupation of respondents in Australia. “Office clerk” was the most common occupation among female migrants, which accounted for about 23% of the total. “Professional” was also common among Japanese migrants, accounting for approximately 20% of the total. “Retired and semiretired” made up 13%. The table indicates that the majority of the respondents are in the middle class in Australia.

27

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society table 1.6  Occupation before migration

Office Manager Business Professional Researcher, Factory House Student Retired Other clerk owner & teacher worker keeping & semiretired

Male 1 Female 8 Total %

6 0

9 6 29.0% 19.4%

table 1.7

1 1

4 3

1 2

0 0

0 1

0 2

2 6.5%

7 22.6%

3 9.7%

0 0%

1 2 3.2% 6.5%

0 0

1 1

0 0%

2 6.5%

Occupation in Australia

Office Manager Business Profes­- Researcher Factory House Student Retired Unemployed clerk owner sional & teacher worker keeping & semiretired

Male 1 Female 6 Total %

2 1

7 3 22.6% 9.7%

3 0

2 4

1 2

3 9.7%

6 3 19.4% 9.7%

1 0

0 1

2 0

1 1 2 3.2% 3.2% 6.5%

1 3

1 0

4 1 12.9% 3.2%

Table 1.6 presents the occupation of respondents before their migration. “Office clerk” was the most common occupation especially among female respondents accounting for about 29% of the total. “Professional” made up 23%. “Manager” accounted for 20%; however, no female respondents were included in this category. In comparing Table 1.6 and Table 1.7, it can be said that as a general trend, the respondents experienced downward social mobility. This point was particularly remarkable in the decrease of the ratio of “manager,” which accounted for about 20% in Table 1.6 and 10% in Table 1.7 as well as the increase of “retired and semi-retired” which made up 0% in Table 1.6 and 13% in Table 1.7. It is also

28

CHAPTER 1

notable that a high percentage of female migrants before migration were represented in the occupational category “office clerk”.

Organisation of the Book

Based on the aims of the research and research questions presented above, this book explores how lifestyle values affect migration decisions of Japanese migrants to Australia and their life in the migration destination. To argue these points, the book is organised as follows. Chapter Two reviews the relevant bodies of literature and is divided into four parts. The first part of this chapter focuses on globalisation theories, while the second focuses on transnationalism and migration. The third section reviews the existing research on leisure and tourism, and the fourth overviews the linkages between leisure and migration literatures. The aim of this literature review is to argue that it has become important to bridge these fields, particularly in studying contemporary middle class migrants. Chapter Three describes the background of Japanese migration to Australia. It includes the history of Japanese migration to Australia in order to locate contemporary Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia in the context of Japanese outbound migration. It also explores Japanese tourism in Australia given the fact that contemporary Japanese migration to Australia is largely linked to tourism development and its experience. The chapter will highlight how contemporary Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia is different from the traditional emigration of economic migrants. On the other hand, the study of Japanese tourism in Australia will indicate that in the 1990s, Japanese tourism shifted from a group-oriented to an individualised and personalised experience. Chapter Four describes the socio-cultural transformations of Japanese society in the 1990s. Based primarily on secondary data, this chapter illustrates the structural transformations of Japanese society in the 1990s and the collapse of corporate Japan. The consequence of these processes was the increase in the mobility of the labour market as well as the increase in the rate of part-time labour. The chapter also highlights the changes in lifestyle values and shows that the social transformation affected the Japanese work ethic and leisure values, subsequently characterised by individualism in both work and leisure. Chapter Five considers the interrelationship between new lifestyle values regarding work and leisure that emerged within Japanese society and Japanese outbound migration. Based on qualitative data analysis, the chapter highlights five interrelated factors in Japanese migration to Australia. These include: the lure of a relaxed Australian lifestyle, freedom and individualism associated

The Emergence Of Lifestyle Migrants In Japanese Society

29

with Australian life, perceptions of gender equality, and escape from high population density and Japanese bureaucracy. The discussions of these key factors will show that there was a linkage between the newly emerged lifestyle values among Japanese and the migration decisions of Japanese lifestyle migrants in Australia. Using qualitative data, Chapter Six describes and analyses the life of Japanese migrants in Australia. This chapter shows that the majority of Japanese immigrants enjoy a balanced lifestyle between work and leisure, except for those who work for Japanese-owned companies in Australia or who run their own business. In the study of the settlement process, a unique feature of the Japanese community is revealed, which can be described as a “de-territorialised community” where migrant networks are established and maintained on an individual basis rather than through the construction of a centralised ethnic urban space. In the final Chapter Seven, the argument of this book is summarised and the original hypotheses are re-visited. It also discusses the limitations of the research and future tasks relating to this area of research endeavour.

CHAPTER 2

Globalisation, Transnationalism, Migration and Leisure Reconsidered In reflecting upon how transnational flows involve complex social, economic and cultural factors, Brettell and Hollifield (2000) propose that migration today is best studied from multiple perspectives and in an interdisciplinary way. This proposal is consistent with the view of a number of social theorists that transnational flows of population, media, technology, finance and ideology all have an increasingly deep effect on individuals’ everyday lives (Appadurai 1996; Kearney 1995; Morley and Robins 1995). For example, it can be observed that the transnational flows of finance have made tourism more globalised, a process that is ever more prominent in the ways in which Japanese overseas tourism is invested. In addition, issues such as the saturation of globalised information and images (e.g. Iwabuchi 2002) are seen as enabling transnational migrants to gain previously unprecedented levels of knowledge about their intended overseas destination before the act of migration itself, and that these very same resources also assist them to maintain the nexus with home after migration (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992). Given the issues above and a number of other globalising effects on contemporary migration studies to be discussed later in this chapter, I argue that it is necessary to pay attention to a number of intersecting fields. Theoretically, I have approached the research for this book by representing diagrammatically in Figure 2.1, the linkages between transnationalism, migration and leisure. In Figure 2.1, dotted line 1 illustrates the relationship between migration, globalisation and transnationalism. It indicates that contemporary international migration is affected by globalisation and transnationalism. The relationship between leisure (including tourism), globalisation and transnationalism, as represented by dotted line 2, illustrates that globalisation and transnationalism affect leisure as well as tourism. The relationship between migration, leisure (including tourism) and transnationalism is represented by two dotted lines 3, and denotes that the relationship between the three elements is emerging. This book sees Japanese migration to Australia as located in an intersecting research field between these three factors in which changing migration and leisure are combined together.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���5 | doi ��.��63/9789004283008_003

31

Globalisation, Transnationalism, Migration

Globalisation

1

Migration

2

Leisure 3 Tourism Transnationalism

figure 2.1 Study field of this research

As I discussed in the previous chapter, this book aims to illustrate how numerous social transformations of Japanese society in the 1990s, combined with overarching processes of globalisation, have had a combined and significant effect on the lifestyle values of the Japanese. I also seek to generate a deeper understanding of the changes in lifestyle values that are related to Japanese individuals’ migration decisions as well as their ongoing life-experiences/styles after migration—that is, their transformation to Japanese “lifestyle” migrants in Australia. Traditionally, lifestyle factors, including leisure, are viewed by scholars as playing a very limited role in affecting individuals’ decisions to migrate internationally. In contrast, what this book sets out to demonstrate is that in the era of transnationalism, lifestyle is emerging to become one of the central driving forces that entices individuals to migrate. Moreover, studies of leisure and tourism argue that various dimensions of globalisation, such as the global market and increased transnational flows of population and information, all play a role in shaping the contemporary migration experience. Considering the focus of this book stated above, the following sections will conceptualise globalisation, transnationalism, and leisure in the era of globalisation.

32

CHAPTER 2

Globalisation Reconsidered

The term globalisation is commonly conceived as, or used to indicate a unification of a world economy or cultures at a global level. However, contemporary sociologists and anthropologists perceive globalisation as a more complex phenomenon, as Held et al. (1999, 16) conceptualise globalisation as a process which “embodies a transformation in the spatial organisation of social relations and transactions . . . generating transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity, interaction, and the exercise of power.” Furthermore, Holton (2000, 143) argues that “the strong association of cultural globalisation with Americanisation is overstated.” Holton (2000) draws attention to the complex cultural consequences of globalisation by drawing attention to issues that he analyses in the context of the following three themes: homogenisation, polarisation and hybridisation. As he explains, the homogenisation thesis posits that cultures in the world are becoming standardised in Western or American patterns; the polarisation thesis proclaims that global interconnection does not necessarily lead to cultural conformity; and the hybridisation thesis emphasises the flexibility of cultures and posits that each culture can be changed by incorporating other cultures’ elements. As seen in Holton’s perspective, contemporary sociologists and anthropologists emphasise the complexity of transnational cultural and physical flows as well as the dynamism of these phenomena. One of the most common views that focuses on this is Arjun Appadurai’s view on transnational flows in globalisation. In Modernity at Large, Appadurai (1996) illustrates five main types of transnational flows of ethno-scapes (population), media-scapes (media), techno-scapes (technology), finan-scapes (finance) and ideo-scapes (ideology), and points out that the process of globalisation has brought about the multiple, complex and transnational physical and cultural flows. The view that globalisation entails as much complexity as Appadurai presents, is shared by other sociologists and anthropologists. For instance John Tomlinson (1999, 2–13) characterises globalisation as “multidimensional phenomena,” in which complex transitional interconnections and interdependences rapidly developed and those linkages are embedded in the various aspects of everyday life. Roland Robertson (1992) further points out that globalisation also involves “localisation” processes, describing the fusing effect as a process of “glocalisation.” One of the main insights that globalisation theories in sociology and anthropology offer this research is the connection between contemporary cultures and globalisation processes. For instance, Ulf Hannerz suggests that there is a direct relationship between the flexibility of cultures and localisation

Globalisation, Transnationalism, Migration

33

and globalisation. In his efforts to understand the long-term effects of transnational cultural flows between centre and periphery, Hannerz (1989) offers two scenarios—that of saturation and maturation—and argues that in real life, both scenarios appear interwoven with each other. Hannerz (1989, 73–4) argues that while in the saturation scenarios, local culture will cumulatively assimilate more and the imported meanings and forms will be gradually indistinguishable from the original one; in the maturation scenarios, imported cultural items will be tampered as people would evolve their own way of using the imported culture in line with their local culture. Amongst the two scenarios on the transnational flows of cultures in globalisation that Hannerz suggested, contemporary anthropologists are more likely to support the latter one that sees cultures under globalisation are becoming more fluid and flexible. This includes James Clifford (1997), who introduces the concept of “travelling cultures,” to refer to a “traversed” anthropological field in which complex cultural objects and activities cannot be grounded and that issues of mobility affect how they are perceived in both the homeland and overseas destination. Covering similar issues, Appadurai (1990, 193) presents the concept of de-territorialisation to expose and make sense of “the loosening of bonds between people, wealth, and territories [that] fundamentally alters the basis of cultural reproduction,” in studying the cultural interactions between international tourists and local residents in Tijuana, Mexico. There is however a continuing debate in sociological literature on globalisation over whether the transformations of culture are also part of the modernisation process or better seen as occurring within a totally new and different era (Iyotani 2002). The work of Anthony Giddens exemplifies those who see globalisation as a part of modernisation, albeit in an advanced stage. Giddens (1990), in The Consequences of Modernity, highlights that the central features of modernisation include the separation of time and space, the development of disembedding mechanisms and the reflexive appropriation of knowledge. Giddens (1990, 64) refers to the characteristics of globalisation as “the intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities.” For Giddens, globalisation is the extension of modernity that he describes as “globalising tendencies of modernity” (Giddens 1990, 177) that connect individuals to largescale systems both locally and globally. To conceptualise modernity and its globalising tendencies, Giddens (1990, 1991, 1994) uses the concept of reflexivity. According to Giddens (1990, 38), reflexivity in the modern age “consists in the fact that social practices are constantly examined and reformed in the light of incoming information about those very practices, thus constitutively altering their character.” He

34

CHAPTER 2

distinguishes between two types of reflexivity: institutional reflexivity and self-­reflexivity. The former is the driving force that breaks the traditional institutions of modernity and allows the intrusion of its control into the preexisting boundaries of social action (Giddens 1992, 175). Giddens (1990, 59) also argues that the institutional dimensions of modernity include surveillance, capitalism, industrialism and military power. In other words, Giddens perceives that these features are all the product of modernity and have become a driving force for globalisation. Giddens’s (1991) discussion on lifestyle and reflexive self-identity provides an interesting anchorage for the argument of this book. According to Giddens (1991, 81), lifestyle can be defined as “a more or less integrated set of practices which an individual embraces, not only because such practices fulfil utilitarian needs, but because they give material form to a particular narrative of self-identity.” Giddens (1991, 81) also points out that lifestyle is a ‘routinised practice’ and “the routines followed are reflexively open to change in the light of the mobile nature of self-identity.” Such a perspective provides a beneficial point of view in studying how Japanese lifestyle migrants “reflexively” decided to migrate to Australia while maintaining their routinised daily life in the Japanese corporate lifestyle as discussed in Chapter Five. While Giddens and other scholars (e.g. Beck 1994, 2002; Lash 2002) see globalisation as a part of modernity, challenging these views is the work of researchers who perceive globalisation as part of a new era rather than a recent but connected feature of modernisation. The work of Ohmae (1995) for example is commonly considered to typify this perspective. For Ohmae (1995), the rise of regionalism indicates that globalisation challenges key features of modernity, such as the political and economic power of the nation-state. Globalisation theories have of course played a key role in discussions on the future of nation-states. As Held et al. (1999), Castles (2000) and Fougner (2006) have all highlighted, existing research on the relationship between globalisation and nation-states have mostly consisted of three theoretical approaches: the hyperglobalist, sceptical and transformist positions. Firstly, the hyperglobalist approach sees that globalisation could lead to “denationalisation” (Held et al. 1999, 3). Ohmae’s (1995) discussion on the rise of regionalism can be seen as typical of the literature of this group and is commonly referred to by many researchers (e.g. Held et al. 1999; Giddens 1990; Tomlinson 1999). For the hyperglobalist like Ohmae, the global market is seen as something that outweighs the political power of a nation-state and escapes its regulation. On the other hand, the sceptics criticise the overvaluation of the power of globalisation, emphasising the institutionalised power of nation-states. The work of Hirst and Thompson (e.g. 1996, 2002) typifies the sceptical approach.

Globalisation, Transnationalism, Migration

35

For Hirst and Thompson (1996, 10), a globalised economy is seen as “an ideal type distinct from that of the inter-national economy,” as they describe it as vulnerable to multiple political and social threats such as international terrorism and national backward strategies of withdrawal from the international system (Hirst and Thompson 2002, 249). This view that state power and its economy will not decline by a globalisation process is also shared by others such as Berking (2004), Weiss (1997, 1998) and D. Gordon (1988). Finally, the transformist approach refuses to see globalisation and nationstates as two conflicting dynamics, and instead is based on the idea that nation-states will adapt to the new conditions (Fougner 2006, 168–9). In other words, although transformists recognise the power of nation-states, they do not believe that globalisation processes radically change and make redundant the state’s authority and role. Instead, they view globalisation as a complex process with unpredictable outcomes (Castles 2000).

Transnationalism and Migration

Transnationalism is commonly referred to in contemporary sociology and anthropology as a process in which physical and cultural flows (e.g. human, goods, finance and information) move across national borders (Kearney 1995). However, the definitions and units of analysis vary considerably across the literature, prompting some researchers to call for clearer terms and guidelines for its conceptual use. Portes, Guarnizo, and Landolt (1999, 221) assert the need not to exclude “a range of events or activities just because they are not identical to those that prompted the idea in the first place, even when they share many of the same characteristics.” Vertovec (1999) introduces six dimensions of transnationalism: a social morphology; a type of consciousness; a mode of cultural reproduction; an avenue of capital; a site of political engagement; and a (re)construction of “place” or locality. In this way, the concept of transnationalism has become one of the most common notions in the contemporary literature. The definitions of transnationalism that are presented by Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton (1992) and Basch, Glick Schiller, and Szanton-Blanc (1994) are commonly accepted in literature on contemporary migration. Basch, Glick Schiller, and Szanton-Blanc (1994, 22) define transnationalism as “a process by which migrants, through their daily life activities and social, economic, and political relations, create social fields that cross national boundaries.” According to this definition, migration and transnationalism are not solely limited to the activities involved with cross-border processes, but also

36

CHAPTER 2

“multiple relations” that are maintained over borders (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992; Vertovec 1999). In historical terms, Zlatko Skrbis (2008) considers Thomas and Znaniecki’s (1918–20/1974) The Polish Peasant in Europe and America to be the earliest systematic study of transnational family life. According to Skrbis (2008, 231), Thomas and Znaniecki “saw the migration experience as something that stretches across national space, presaging the ideas that we now take to be central to transnational approaches.” As the theoretical contributions of transnationalism in sociology and anthropology have since advanced, the concept of transnationalism has become a significant new academic framework for anthropologists as well as postmodernist researchers and feminists who theorize space and place in new ways that bridge across multiple relations simultaneously (Brettell 2000, 104; Feld and Basso 1996; Gupta and Ferguson 1992). In particular, the notion of transnationalism contributed to conceptualising a globalising world including the issues on space, nation-states and other theoretical studies relating to globalisation such as those by Arjun Apparudai (1996, 2001) and Michael Kearney (1995). In discussing the consequences of transnational cultural and physical flows, Appadurai (1996, 2001) argues that the “diasporic public sphere” (Appadurai 1996, 21–3) arises from what he calls “globalisation from below,” and has led to the emergence of transnational social movements, ideologies and networks. Apparudai’s perspective is characterised by its focus on geographical perspective as well as the role of imagination in social life. Appadurai (2001, 6) asserts that the role of imagination in the globalisation era has a certain power, allowing individuals “to consider migration, resist state violence, seek social redress, and design new forms of civic association and collaboration, often across national boundaries.” The above perspective emphasises cultural and physical transnational flows that occur within the globalisation process and has been incorporated into many studies of contemporary cultures, including popular cultures. For instance, Iwabuchi (2001) studies the transnational flows of Japanese and other “Asian” popular cultures within the region, pointing out the phenomenon of localisation of popular culture through cultural interaction. Robins and Aksoy’s (2000) study of transnational television from Turkey in Europe also draws attention to the ways that Turkish audiences in Europe think across spaces and identities between places. Such theories of transnationalism are significant for the study of contemporary cultural and physical flows that move across the borders. Among these transnational flows, the population flows of migrants can be seen as one of the visible aspects, as well as the most common field of study, that incorporates

Globalisation, Transnationalism, Migration

37

the concept of transnationalism. Given this close relationship between migration studies and transnationalism as well as the focus of this book, the discussion will now present an outline of this relationship as well as the theoretical contributions that address these issues. Globalisation brought about rapid and extensive changes in diverse social areas (Appadurai 1996, 2001; Giddens 1990; Friedman 1990; Urry 2005; Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992; Kearney 1995; Tomlinson 1999). The complex transnational physical and cultural flows have also brought about a shift in international migration (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992), and migration studies have largely incorporated theories of globalisation and transnationalism. Yet the theoretical contributions of transnationalism in migration studies do not address the usefulness of the study of lifestyle migration, which this book focuses on. In this section, I will highlight some of the key literature relevant to the focus of this research, such as literature on transmigrants, their transnational networks and issues of belonging that affect contemporary migrants. In doing so, I raise a number of issues that are central to the focus of this book, such as how Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia is a new type of transnational middle class migration, in which migrants use migration as a means of pursuing an ideal lifestyle across national borders. In other words, it is important to locate Japanese lifestyle migrants within the context of the studies of other contemporary transmigrants and to gain insights from their transnational networks and sense of belonging. Baldassar (2001, 12–3) points out that contemporary migration needs to be studied as a process that continues beyond settlement and argues that theorising such migration has important implications for the study of cultural transmission (Baldassar 2001, 8). Put differently, the study of transmigrants requires the inclusion of broad perspectives that take into account the spaces between sending and receiving countries, and the concept of transnationalism becomes a necessary and favourable one for researchers of contemporary migration (Brettell 2000, 104). In their significant contributions to the field of transnationalism, Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton (1992) use the idea of “transmigrants” to describe contemporary transnational migrants who move across national borders flexibly and frequently. According to Glick Schiller, Basch, and BlancSzanton (1992), transnational migrants today are no longer “forced” to move across boundaries. Keeping the nexus with their home, “transmigrants develop and maintain multiple relations—family, economic, social, organisational, religious, and political that span borders” (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-

38

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Szanton 1992, 1–2). The usefulness of such a perspective is how it focuses on the multiple relations across national boundaries that have significance to migrant’s lives today. This more refined yet rigorous understanding of migration is shared by many researchers in sociology and anthropology such as Kearney (1995), Georges (1990) and Hannerz (1996). Unlike traditional migrants who were “uprooted” (Margolis 1995), scholarship on transnationalism includes the view that migrants today “move freely back and forth across international borders and between different cultures and social systems” (Brettell 2000, 104). For example, Al-Ali and Koser (2002), in their study of the meaning of home for migrants, support this perspective although they also point out that the meaning of home for migrants can differ with individuals because their various living conditions affect practices before and after migration. Tsuda (2003), in his ethnographic study of returned Japanese Brazilians in Japanese society, describes their transnational cultural identities and the interactions with their ethnic homeland of Japanese society. Tsuda (2003) argues that unlike the positive perception of themselves as Japanese Brazilians in Brazil, in Japanese society, Japanese Brazilians come to define themselves as Brazilians through their interaction with Japanese people who generally see them as “foreigners.” In his study of North European retirees in Spain, Gustafson (2001) shows multiple place attachment and transnational mobility among seasonal migrants of Swedish retirees in Spain. In his qualitative interviews with Swedish retirees who spend the summers in Sweden and the winters in Spain, Gustafson presents three types of transnational lifestyles of translocal normality, multilocal adaptation and routinised sojourning. Such perspectives challenge and refute the alternative idea that transnational ties might be replaced by assimilation in the long-term (e.g. Alba and Nee 1997; Brubaker 2001; Kivisto 2001; see also M. Gordon 1964). For example, some researchers are cautious that the concept not be over-used. In an Australian study of migrants visiting their homeland, O’Flaherty, Skrbis, and Tranter (2007) point out that the majority of migrants in Australia do not visit homeland on a regular basis and that differences can exist within groups (e.g. ethnic groups, visa category). In terms of migrants’ capacity to visit their homeland, Kivisto (2001) also suggests that transnational ties could disappear in the assimilation of second or third generations in the receiving country. Also of interest is how the concept of transnationalism is incorporated into the study of the sense of belonging among contemporary migrants. With regard to an issue of memory among transmigrants, Gupta and Ferguson (1992, 11) point out that immigrants “use memory of place to construct imaginatively their new lived world.” The ways that memory and emotion span between

Globalisation, Transnationalism, Migration

39

places of origin and migratory destinations also has important implications for research on contemporary migrants. For instance, Skrbis (1999) incorporates Benedict Anderson’s (1991) concept of “long-distance nationalism” in his study of Slovenian and Croatian Australians to explore ethno-national sentiments and settlements for each ethnic group. Chavez (1994) also incorporates Anderson’s concept of “imagined community” into the study of undocumented Mexicans and Central Americans to explore the influence of imagination as a part of community on settlement. In her anthropological study of return visits among Italian-Australian migrants, Baldassar (2001) also describes the fluid and complex emotions and settlement experiences of transmigrants as an integral part of a transnational process. The literature on migration studies and transnationalism also invites a discussion on how it intersects with the literature on globalisation. Although the theoretical contributions of the concept of transnationalism were discussed previously in the review of literature on globalisation, transnationalism and migration, the linkage between migration studies and transnationalism has been employed to analyse the role of nation-states, as commonly seen in studies of “grassroots globalisation” or “globalisation from below.” Arjun Appadurai’s writings can be seen as a typical and also influential example. In discussing the possible consequence of globalisation, Appadurai (2001, 16–7) offers the radical view that grassroots globalisation such as by ngos could weaken the power of nation-states. Similarly, Pries (2001) also asserts that grassroots international migrants could develop transnational social spaces. Yet, while researchers such as Appadurai and Pries emphasise the power of grassroots globalisation, others have offered a different perspective that focuses on the new aspects of nationstates. Basch, Glick Schiller, and Szanton-Blanc (1994) for instance, illustrate how the Haitian government’s involvement in the formation of transnational remittance networks among Haitian migrants overseas is used to gather funds for national development. Basch, Glick Schiller, and Szanton-Blanc (1994) called this new type of nation-state a “de-territorialised nation-state,” in which nation-states attempt to involve their overseas citizens as loyal citizens of the homeland. This view is shared by other researchers, such as Glick Schiller and Fouron (1998, 131), who propose the emergence of a transnational nation-state, and Guarnizo and Smith (1998, 8) who propose the emergence of a trans-territorial nation-state. This discussion is relevant to this book in three ways. Firstly, transnationalism is a process that allows Japanese migrants in Australia to preserve ­multiple senses of belonging between Australia and Japan after their migration. Secondly, Japanese lifestyle migrants can develop a new understanding of migration in which they use migration as a means for pursuing their ideal

40

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leisure or lifestyle. Thirdly, not all Japanese lifestyle migrants will be incorporated into Australian society due to their transnationalism.

Leisure and Tourism in the Era of Globalisation

Although leisure is generally conceptualised as free time other than working hours, in sociological studies leisure is not seen as a simple matter of free time (Smith and Godbey 1991). Significantly, it is important to understand that both leisure and work are perceived as social practices and social, identity-related and life-defining processes (Williams 2003; Green, Hebron, and Woodward 1990; Clarke and Critcher 1985; de Certeau 1984; Rojek 1995). As Green, Hebron, and Woodward (1990, 19) assert, “work and leisure are no longer regarded as separate spheres but instead as a complex set of experiences involving degrees of freedom and constraint.” One of the well-known studies based on such a perspective is The Devil Makes Work by Clarke and Critcher (1985) in which they argue that leisure has become integral to the structure of capitalist society. Providing more insight on the relationship of leisure with modernity as well as capitalism, Chris Rojek (1995), in Decentering Leisure, criticises the assumption of leisure that “liberates” individuals from work. Instead, he argues that in modern society, leisure is not displaced from work, and work and leisure must be seen as being interrelated social processes. Within the field of “leisure,” tourism represents an important component and is an ever-growing feature of our modern, global society. Sociology and anthropology began to study tourism from the 1960s. Daniel Boorstin’s and Dean MacCannell’s work are two classical studies of tourism. Boorstin (1971) argues that the tourism industry developed in Western society in the nineteenth century as a means for commodifying “travel” which once included financial, psychological and physical hardships, and converting it into “­tourism” in which travel agencies arrange and organise. Boorstin (1971) describes tourism as a “pseudo-event” in which tourists tend to reconfirm their expected images of the tourist destinations obtained before their trips. While Boorstin emphasises the power of media and its constructed images of tourist destinations that entice tourists, MacCannell criticises his point of view. MacCannell’s study focuses on “authenticity” in arguing the tendency of tourists. By utilising Erving Goffman’s term of front and back of the stage in dramaturgical perspective, MacCannell illustrates that tourists have the tendency to search for authenticity, the back of the stage; it is difficult to confirm if what tourists see at the tourist destinations, even though they think it is backstage,

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are authentic or not, and therefore these are often “staged authenticity” constructed for tourists. In the field of anthropology, Varen Smith can be seen as a pioneer of the anthropological study of tourism. Hosts and Guests edited by Smith (1977/1989) presented a theoretical framework in which tourism is a process in which hosts and guests interact. Smith’s perspective on the interaction between local residents and tourists is shared by many anthropologists, such as Greenwood’s (1977/1989) study of the effects of “touristic commoditisation” of culture on local communities, Yamashita’s (1999) examination of the interactions between tourists and local residents in Bali, and Nash’s (1989) anthropological discussions of tourism in the context of imperialism. Reflecting in the second edition of Hosts and Guests (Smith 1989, x), Smith admits that the first edition contains some difficulties in relation to differentiation “between the roles of modernisation and tourism in the process of culture change.” Erik Cohen (1988) criticises how tourism anthropology is more likely to see commoditisation of culture in tourism (e.g. Greenwood 1977/1989) as a process that loses cultural meaning and its significance for local people. Cohen (1988, 382) writes: . . . just as a new cultural product can become with time widely accepted as “authentic,” so it can, although changed through commoditisation, acquire a meaning for its producers. Thus, what used to be a religiously meaningful ritual for an internal public, may become a culturally significant self-representation before an external public. Similar concerns are evident in Ota’s (1993, 2001) discussion of the practices of local people and their identity politics within the context of imperialism. Ota (1993, 391) suggests that “authentic” cultures do not exist as something given; rather they are produced in the process of selection and interpretations by local people. In questioning the logic of the critiques of imperialism that regards tourism development as something that transforms “authentic culture,” Ota (2001) also claims that such a perspective could lead to ignorance of how local people’s practices produce culture. John Urry can be seen as the most influential researcher among the contemporary theorists of tourism. Urry’s work includes studying the commodification of place and its relationship with modernity. In particular, Urry (1990a), discusses in The Tourist Gaze, how modern tourism might best be understood through Foucault’s (1977) concept of the “gaze” and power relations in modern society. Interest in interrogating the tourist gaze is shared by other researchers.

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This includes Bhattacharyya’s (1997) study of tourism brochures as something that signifies the expected image by tourists, and mediates cultural meanings between tourists and tourism destinations. By incorporating the concept of “cultural objectification” (e.g. Handler 1984; Thomas 1992; Linnekin 1990), Ota (1993) exposes the identity politics of Okinawan fishermen in an exotic travel destination in Japan, arguing that the interactions with tourists contributed to their construction of a positive identity with pride for their own culture rather than negative self-identification. However, some researchers who employ a performative approach to tourism, such as Perkins and Thorns (2001), Adler (1989) and Hamilton-Smith (1991), criticise Urry’s perspective. Since Erving Goffman’s work (e.g. Goffman 1959), the performative approach has provided a unique insight for sociologists, and more recently some researchers in leisure and tourism studies have also been incorporating his perspective. In criticising Urry’s perspective, Cloke and Perkins (1998, 186) indicate that “the gaze metaphor is too passive to encapsulate the full range of the tourist experience.” Cloke and Perkins (1998) also point out the changes in the international tourism market in which mass tourism has been supplemented by alternative tourism. The cultural aspects of leisure in the era of globalisation and transnationalism are also appearing as a new angle of inquiry. For example, Urry (1995) emphasises that tourist destinations have become places that are constructed for the purpose of transnational consumption. In his anthropological study of the indigenous people, the Ainu, in Hokkaido, Japan, Cheung (2005) studies the contested meanings of their traditions and the social construction of their “culture” through their experiences of social transformation in a globalising Japanese society. Ota (1993, 1998) argues that there is also the inversion of power relations between hosts and guests, arguing that “hosts” strategically incorporate the guests’ expected images of the tourist destination. García Canclini (1995) discusses how the interactions between tourists and local residents have led to a construction of hybrid cultures. Edensor (2001), in his study of tourists’ practices, points out that tourism is staged and performed. Finally, Crang (1997, 365) suggests that “picturing practices shape performances as acts of self-presentation” in which the tourist gaze becomes “disaggregated through the embedding of picturing practices” (Crang 1997, 367). The literature reviewed above demonstrates that leisure, including tourism, is affected by globalisation and also that contemporary leisure and tourism must be viewed from the perspective of interaction with modernisation as well as globalisation. However, the existing research reviewed in this section does not cover a newly emerged linkage between leisure and migration in the contemporary society. There is also a lack of studies of leisure practices of

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lifestyle migrants including Japanese lifestyle migrants to Australia. Thus, the next section will review existing research on the linkage between leisure and migration.

Leisure and Migration in the Era of Transnationalism

Various researchers have observed that the past decade has seen a significant change in international migration taking shape due to information technology, moderate airfares and other factors (Brettell 2000). It is also argued that most new types of migration have been strongly linked to globalisation: this includes retirement migration, tourism-related migration, lifestyle-motivated migration, return migration and other types of migration in a broad sense such as working holidays and language education (Brettell 2000; King, Warnes, and Williams 1998; Hall and Williams 2002; Kinnaird 1999; Tsuda 2003). While some of these changes began to appear as far back as the 1980s as forms of domestic migration, it is from the 1990s that these types of migration became more transnationalised due to increased population flows and other processes discussed by Appadurai (2001), Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton (1992) and Brettell (2000). A common characteristic that defines all these new types of transnational migration is that many are closely associated with leisure. In the era of transnationalism a new linkage can be seen as emerging between leisure and migration and this has profound significance to this book. This new linkage can be understood as “migration as transnational leisure” and as being inseparable from the newly emerged lifestyle values among the Japanese middle class that emerged out of social transformations in the 1990s. Furthermore, the rise of these new lifestyle values, which can be characterised as part of the individualisation of work and leisure, are reflected in the increasing interest in leisure among the middle class. This phenomenon also needs to be viewed as a shift from group-oriented leisure to a more individualised form (e.g. leisure with family). Put differently, this book argues that newly emerging lifestyle values have brought about an increased and unprecedented interest in overseas tourism and migration in Japan and elsewhere. Thus, it is a necessary step for this book to review existing literature on this relatively new but important field of inquiry as it relates to and is a part of contemporary migration studies. Despite the increased transnational flows of international tourists and migration, there has been little research focusing on the linkages between leisure and migration (Hall and Williams 2002; Williams and Hall 2000). Existing studies include the seminal collection edited by Allan Williams and Colin

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Hall. In their Tourism and Migration, Hall and Williams (2002) present various cases relating to interlinking fields such as labour mobility and tourism, the tourism experience of migration, tourism development and migration, lifestyle-­motivated migration, and return visits and migration. Three categories of migration are particularly relevant to my own study. These are: retirement migration, tourism-related migration, and lifestyle-motivated migration. Retirement migration involves the study of the interlinking fields between leisure and migration. Retirement migration was featured as a minor theme among population geographers and economists as well as a few anthropologists and sociologists in the 1970s (King, Warnes, and Williams 1998, 92). Literature on retirement migration has been dominated by the theme of domestic migration (Williams, King, and Warnes 1997, 116). For example, Hass and Serow (1993) in their study of retirees in western North Carolina, point out the destination-specific nature of retirement migration based on preference such as scenic beauty, mild climate and recreational opportunities. Many of these phenomena relate to prior vacation experience or information from publications or contact with family/friends. Cribier and Kych (1993) in their studies of retirement migration in France indicate that about a quarter of the population of Paris move out of Paris after their retirement. These authors suggest that there are mainly three types of domestic retirement migration: one is driven by ambition to return to one’s origin, the second is driven by desire to be near family members and the third is about searching for areas with ideal lifestyle opportunities or amenities. In addition to international retirement migration, other factors have also been argued that come into play. For example, Buller and Hoggart’s (1994) study of British migration to France points out the consumption-based considerations in their migration decision-making (e.g. given that buying a property in rural France is easier to achieve than in the uk). In addition, McHugh and Mings (1996) have studied the meaning of home, place and migration among northern and southern states in the United States, demonstrating that the lives of seasonal migrants can be defined by the “recurring journeys to and from home places” (McHugh and Mings 1996, 546). One of the implications of international retirement migration is that migration choices have become much broader, at least geographically. Wiseman (1980) argues that retirement migration is not an event but rather a process that starts from a “triggering mechanism” (e.g. retirement) and then leads to decision-making. In other words, Wiseman (1980) points out that the decisionmaking of retired migrants involves the interaction between individuals’ experience in the home country and their overseas tourism experience. In searching for destinations, overseas tourism experiences affect their decision-making in

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the sense that they help them to form strong social attachments to new places (Wiseman and Roseman 1979). Tourism-related migration is much more commonly discussed in migration literature. For example, in studying migrants and non-migrants to Cape Cod, Cuba (1991) throws light on how experience of repeated vacations can lead to retirement migration. In other words, it is about how tourists become migrants. Rodriguez (2001), whose studies are based on the retired residents in Costa del Sol, also reveals that the previous tourism experiences of his research participants in Spain played an important role in their decisionmaking to migrate. King, Warnes, and Williams (1998) also point out that more than 90% of the British retirees in Algarve and Costa del Sol were vacationers before their migration. Such perspectives on the relationship between tourism experience and migration are also shared by McHugh (1990) who explores the balance of time that tourist/migrants spend between their homeland and end-destination. Other than tourism experiences, studies have also explored how the emergence of labour demand in tourism destinations is also a factor in the rise of lifestyle migrants. An example of this process is found in King’s (1995) study of mass tourism destinations in southern Europe. King shows how tourism can create new work opportunities and stimulate labour migration toward the tourism destination. In their study of travel-stimulated entrepreneurial migrants in parts of Wyoming, Montana and Idaho in the U.S., Snepenger, Johnson, and Rasker (1995) also argue that tourism can lead to labour, lifestyle and retirement migration. In addition, Niedomysl (2005), who has studied statistical research on the use of tourism by Swedish local governments to attract migrants, also asserts that tourism plays a role in attracting migrants other than elderly migrants. The final theme, Lifestyle-motivated migration, is commonly called “lifestyle migration,” and has recently become a focus of research mainly—although not exclusively—in geography. Although definitions of the term differ within migration literature, most research that uses the term view lifestyle considerations as a significant factor that motivates migration. In conceptualising tourism and migration, Williams and Hall (2000, 10) offer the view that in many developed countries there has been a shift in lifestyle values that is associated with postmodernism; for instance, a reification of nature, a nostalgia for lifestyle and environmentalism all contributed to the new forms of tourism and migration, leading to the “rural gentrification” in many parts of society. Yet what could be described as a value shift among individuals has yet to be more fully discussed and considered as a main topic of research in much of the existing literature on migration. One of the more common factors

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­ entioned as an element in lifestyle migration is counter-urbanisation. m Counter-urbanisation is understood as the movement of people away from urban centres to surrounding rural areas, and has been a growing topic of academic interest since the 1990s (Swaffield and Fairweather 1998, 111; see also Champion 1989). In the Australian context, Sea Change written by Burnley and Murphy (2003) is typical of this genre and it focuses on the shift in lifestyle when middle class migrants move to less densely populated areas and thus begin living the “ideal life.” Burnley and Murphy (2003), indicate that an Arcadian ideal is a powerful driving force that motivates individuals to decide to migrate from metropolitan cities to rural (and also coastal) areas in Australia. Similar geographical shifts are also discussed in Swaffield and Fairweather’s (1998) study of migrations in Christchurch, New Zealand where Arcadian ideals and values are publicised to entice individuals to migrate. There are also other factors of lifestyle migration other than counterurbanisation that have generated research interest, such as concerns over the environment, climate and work/leisure options. For instance, the study of the motivations for migration among domestic migrants to the New South Wales north coast in Australia by Walmsley, Epps, and Duncan (1998) concludes that pull factors of lifestyle considerations, such as physical environment, climate and relaxed lifestyle, are more important than push factors such as economic considerations. Stimson and Minnery (1998) present similar research conclusions in their study of migration to the Gold Coast, which indicates that non-economic factors play a central role in the migration decision of those who moved to the area. Dredge’s (2001) examination of the development of Lake Macquarie in Australia also refers to the dynamic relationship between leisure, tourism and migration. The emphasising of lifestyle considerations in migration decision-making are also seen in Tsukui’s (2007) study of Japanese middle class migrants in Australia, Salva-Thomas’s (2002) research on British and German migration to Spain’s Balearic Islands and Fountain and Hall’s (2002) study of retirees and artists who migrate and retire to the New Zealand countryside. In the context of this book, the literature presented above views lifestyle factors as a key motivation for migration. However the following themes have not been as prominent in the existing research. Firstly, the new relationship between migration and leisure, and migrants’ life after their migration, has been relatively ignored in the existing research. Baldassar (2001, 337) argues that it is important to see migration as a continuous process, and highlights the need to focus on migrants’ daily practices after migration. In particular, for the study of “lifestyle migrants,” leisure practices and lifestyle beyond settlement

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have important implications but these have also been under-examined in the existing research, with the exception of Hibbins’ (2005) study of Taiwanese migrants in Australia and Li and Stodolska’s (2006) research on leisure practices of Chinese graduate students in the United States. Secondly, although lifestyle factors are commonly discussed as important for contemporary middle class migration, the interactions between migrants’ experiences in the place of origin and their migration decisions are much overlooked. In particular, the social transformations of the society and the shift in lifestyle have not been explored in-depth. Thirdly, while geographers dominate this research field, sociological and anthropological researchers are beginning to make important inroads into the study of lifestyle migration. Also, lifestyle migration differs from traditional migratory types (e.g. economic, political and religious migrations) in a sense that migrants are not “forced” to migrate; rather they move due to their personal preferences. Thus, the qualitative sociological focus of this book on Japanese migrants’ experience in both place of origin and migration destination will contribute important new insights. This book proposes that the relationship between migration and leisure among Japanese migrants in Australia is best understood through individuals’ experiences in both their place of origin and receiving society. In light of this broad focus, this chapter provided a selective review of the literature on the following four themes: globalisation, transnationalism and migration, leisure and tourism, and a new linkage between leisure and migration. Globalisation theories in sociology and anthropology reviewed in this chapter give insights that globalisation must be seen not as a simple unification process (i.e. Americanisation) but as a complex phenomenon in which various physical and cultural transnational flows move across boundaries. In this complex phenomenon, individuals are also more likely to move across boundaries not by the traditional socio-structural push-pull factors but by individuals’ aspirations and expectations for their own lifestyles. In that sense, theories on transnationalism as well as the linkage between migration and leisure reviewed in this chapter provide useful insights in studying such middle-class lifestyle migrants who move across national boundaries mainly with consideration of their aspirations and expectations on lifestyle. Based on the conceptual framework on the linkage between migration and lifestyle values, the following chapters will show the migration and settlement processes of Japanese migrants to Australia after reviewing the historical and cultural background of Japanese migration to Australia.

CHAPTER 3

Japanese Migration to Australia: From Past to Present In exploring contemporary Japanese migration to Australia, it is necessary to examine its historical context. In the past, Japanese outbound migration has been shaped by policies initiated by the Japanese government, as well as broader economic factors; contemporary Japanese migration to Australia, however, is largely associated with lifestyle factors (Mizukami 2006; Nagatomo 2007a; Sato 2001). In this chapter, I review past trends in Japanese outbound migration so as to place contemporary Japanese migration to Australia in an historical context, followed by a review on the changing nature of Japanese tourism to Australia prior to, and following, the 1990s. The economic recession that transpired during this time, and its repercussions for Japanese society, render the 1990s a critical period of change in the lifestyle values of Japanese migrants. This shift in migrants’ attitudes and in Japanese tourism more generally, is evident in the lifestyle migration to Australia that occurred throughout this period.

History of Japanese Outbound Migration

From Medieval Times to the Sakoku (seclusion) In his study of Japan in the Middle Ages, Amino (2003) describes how maritime trade between regions in East and Southeast Asia facilitated the migration of people and goods across the region, thus enabling Japanese migrants to form nihonjin-gai (Japan towns) in each of Asia’s main port cities. Historians note that diverse groups of Japanese people lived in the nihonjin-gai until the introduction of the sakoku (seclusion) in 1633. As the studies of Wray (2005), Massarella (1990) and Iwao (1966) show,1 these groups included merchants, 1  For instance, approximately 3,000 Japanese lived in Manila in the early 1620s (Wray 2005, 87), including the Catholic refugees who constituted about half of the population, and others such as merchants, sailors of foreign vessels, servants for the Spanish in Manila, bondsmen and slaves (Massarella 1990, 134). In Ayutthaya of Siam (now Thailand), there was a huge Japanese mercenary force which attracted merchants and ronin (masterless samurai) who lost their masters in the battle of Sekigahara in 1600, in which 110,000 soldiers fought and

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���5 | doi ��.��63/9789004283008_004

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sailors, Catholic refugees, ronin (masterless samurai), slaves and prostitutes through human trafficking, and other accidental diasporas (e.g. fishermen blown off course). In terms of migration of people across East Asia, the sakoku (seclusion) policy undertaken by the Tokugawa Shogunate government had a significant impact. The Shogunate government, established in 1603 by Ieyasu Tokugawa, enforced sakoku from 1633 when it prohibited both overseas travel and commerce except in authorised han (domains). Such areas included Tsushima han, where most of the trade with the Korean peninsula was conducted, and a special economic district of Nagasaki, the only open port in Japan where Dutch and Chinese vessels were allowed to visit (Wray 2005). The introduction of sakoku was largely caused by internal political concerns over Kirishitan daimyō (Christian feudal lords) and the escalating spread of Catholicism. Repressive policies toward Catholic believers and missionaries taken by the Tokugawa government resulted in the Shimabara no ran (Shimabara rebellion) of 1637–8 (Ohashi 1996). The policy of seclusion was also implemented for other reasons, for instance, as a means of blocking the export of silver; Japan at that time was producing about 30% of the world’s supply (Institute for Monetary and Economic Studies, Bank of Japan 2008). Sakoku prohibited Japanese from ­staying abroad more than five years, and imposed a forced exile upon those who did. During the seclusion, which lasted from 1633 to 1858, human migration was strictly limited to privileged han merchants. In Nagasaki’s special economic district, Western medicine and academics were accessible, and there was only one government-sanctioned Japanese community abroad. Situated in Pusan on the Korean peninsula, this community was known as wakan, and consisted of 400 to 500 Japanese residents who carried out commercial and diplomatic negotiations with the Korean Yi Dynasty (Tashiro 1981). With this exception, Japanese outbound migration was virtually non-existent until the middle of the nineteenth century when armed Western vessels began to visit and ultimately pressured Japan to open its ports. There are both positive and negative assessments of the seclusion period. Researchers such as historian Ginzo Uchida (1975) and “Japanologists” argue Ieyasu Tokugawa finalised the battles for dominating the whole country as well as the Osaka Natsuno-jin (Osaka Castle Fall in a battle in summer) in 1615 (Iwao 1966; Wray 2005). The mercenary force headed by Nagamasa Yamada accounted for more than 800 (Wray 2005, 87). Even after the internal affairs and the destruction of nihonjin-gai as well as the assassination of Nagamasa Yamada, approximately 300 to 400 Japanese residents resided in Ayutthaya in 1637 (Iwao 1966).

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that the sakoku enabled Japan to develop its unique culture and to counteract Western colonial influence. Furthermore, Kawakatsu (1991) contends that sakoku laid the foundation for a prolonged period of industrial growth in which Japan’s domestic market and productivity increased while its dependency on other Asian regions for raw materials was reduced. Other researchers, such as Itoh (1998), claim that the seclusion imbued Japanese people with a “sakoku mentality,” characterised by parochialism and collectivism, which remains to this day. In summarising historical debate over the issue, Watsuji (1964) insists that sakoku inhibited Japan’s ability to modernise and delayed this process in comparison to Western nations. Similarly, Tokutomi (1929–52/1982–3) argues that this period of seclusion delayed Japan from competing against Western colonialism until much later. Sakoku enabled Japan’s internal political system to remain stable and its selfsufficient domestic economy to flourish, whilst simultaneously impeding the influence of Western colonialism; however, the situation began to gradually change in the early nineteenth century. Increased visitation by foreign vessels and their demands for access to Japanese ports fuelled a Japanese nationalist movement, Jōi-shisō (the view to expel foreigners), which united with the subsequent Tōbaku undō (anti-Tokugawa Shogunate movement). Amid the social turmoil, the number of illegal prostitutes, called karayukisan, began to increase. Although human trafficking was common among impoverished families within Japan, the karayukisan of the Shimabara peninsula and Amakusa region of Western Japan travelled beyond the border. History sources reveal that karayukisan emigrated not only to Eastern and Southeast Asian countries but also Siberia, Hawaii, North America and Australia. Apart from the question of whether or not the illegal prostitutes can be regarded as “migrants,” with the exception of these illegal prostitutes, outbound migration was virtually nonexistent until the opening of the country in 1867.

From the Opening of the Country in the 19th Century to the Second World War In 1861, Japan gradually started opening ports in response to the gunboat diplomacy of the United States. Seven years later, anti-Shogunate movements succeeded in bringing about the collapse of the Tokugawa Shogunate, and the emergence of the modern Meiji Government. The main policy of the new government was to maintain Japan’s independence by building up its military power and by fostering diplomatic relations with other modern nations. In the first year of the Meiji Government’s rule, an organised group of 153 Japanese, called Ganenmono (First-year-of-Meiji emigrant group), departed for Hawaii. Their emigration was based on a contract between the former government

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and a British broker. Following this development, and in the wake of a subsequent visit by Hawaiian King Kalakaua in 1881, emigration to Hawaii and the Americas was encouraged by the Japanese government, partly as a response to domestic population growth. Although the United States and Brazil were the most common migrant destinations, some Japanese also began to migrate to Australia. Most Japanese emigrants from that period were economic migrants from the relatively poor regions of Western Japan. The majority would arrive at their overseas destination to work on plantations. In the United States, the increasing flow of Japanese migrants triggered an anti-immigration movement that ultimately led to the Gentleman’s Agreement of 1908, prohibiting all Japanese immigration except for family members of existing residents. One consequence of this agreement was an increase of shashin hanayome (mail brides); however, the later Immigration Act of 1924 prohibited any migration from Japan. At the beginning of the 1920s, there were approximately 120,000 Japanese people in the United States, 70,000 of whom were located in California and comprised 2% of the state’s population (Minohara 2002). After the passage of the Japanese Exclusion Law in 1924, emigration to Central and South America, especially Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay and Argentina, became more common. In addition, there were also a number of illegal karayukisan in each Japanese community, with their emigration peaking at the beginning of the 1900s. Overseas Japanese brothels were prohibited by Haishōrei (Abolishment of Prostitution Act) issued by the Meiji Government in 1902 against a backdrop of public opinion that regarded overseas illegal prostitutes as an embarrassment to the nation. Although a small number of karayukisan decided to remain abroad, the majority returned to Japan. With the outbreak of the Second World War came dramatic changes in the lives of Japanese migrants, as those located in Allied countries were classified as enemy aliens. The internment of Japanese residents which followed was conducted on a large scale, with approximately 120,000 people detained in the United States, 22,000 in Canada, 17,800 in the Philippines, 5,000 in India, the Malay peninsula and Singapore, 4,300 in Australia, and 1,800 in Peru (Harth, 2001; Hayashi 2004; Robinson 2001; Nagata 1996, 2002). Japanese in other Allied territories were also sent to internment camps in Australia. Australia accepted 1,949 Japanese from Indochina, 1,124 from New Caledonia, 2 from Papua and 34 from New Guinea (Nagata 2002). In addition, a total of six million Japanese soldiers and residents resided in regions where Japan held “territorial sovereignty” including Manchuria, the Korean peninsula, Taiwan, Sakhalin and Belau (Azuma 2008). Most of these people returned to Japan either during the war or after it ended.

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After the Second World War to the Present Since the end of the Second World War and until the beginning of the 1960s, Japanese outbound migration remained predominantly economic in nature. As a measure against rapid population growth after the war, the Japanese government was proactive in promoting such migration to South American countries such as Brazil, Peru and Bolivia. The government’s intense advertising later came under fire and it was embroiled in legal action by Japanese migrants in Bolivia. Eager to escape rural poverty, the number of outbound Japanese emigrants continued to increase; each year during the period from 1955–1961 saw an exodus of 10,000 people or more, most of whom fled rural areas in Western Japan (mofa 1971; Sims 1972). When the Japanese economy started to grow rapidly in the 1960s, outbound economic migration came to a virtual halt as demand for labour increased in urban regions of Japan. For instance, the proportion of all migrants leaving for South America to engage in agriculture decreased from 98% of all departures in 1952 to less than 60% in 1970 (mofa 1971). Moreover, during the strong Japanese economic growth of the 1980s, a large number of second and third generation Nikkei-jin (Japanese who take foreign citizenship) migrated from South America and worked as manual labourers in Japan. In 2007, the number of Nikkei-jin residing in Japan was approximately 350,000, constituting more than 10% of the total number of Nikkei-jin in the world (The Association of Nikkei and Japanese Abroad 2008). A growing number of mixed-marriages further contributed to the increase of second generation Nikkei-jin, particularly in the United States. Such historical and contemporary trends in Japanese emigration account for the large number of Nikkei-jin at present, which includes approximately 1,000,000 in both Brazil and the us, 80,000 in Peru, 68,000 in Canada and 32,000 in Argentina (The Association of Nikkei and Japanese Abroad 2008). In the 1990s when Japan began to suffer the impact of an economic downturn, a new type of migrant emerged. Although numbers of semi-retired migrants were increasing in the late 1980s amongst the wealthier Japanese middle class, younger generations also began to emigrate in this period. Underpinning this new form of migration was an emphasis on lifestyle factors, and Australia in particular grew in popularity as a suitable destination (Nagatomo 2007a, 2007b, 2008a; Sato 2001). While it is difficult to categorically distinguish “lifestyle migrants” from the overall population of contemporary Japanese outbound migrants, it is reasonable to suggest that lifestyle migration accounts for a substantial proportion of this population beyond those who migrate simply in order to marry a non-Japanese partner. The newly emerging

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phenomenon of Japanese lifestyle migration and its implications for outbound migration to Australia is the central focus of this book. The unprecedented growth of middle class migrants is closely associated with changes within Japanese society during the recession of the 1990s and, in particular, within the lifestyle values of Japanese migrants. The nature of this transformation and its effects will be examined further in the next chapter. In numerical terms, the total number of Japanese citizens abroad in 2006 was 1,063,695, including 370,386 living in the United States, 125,417 in China, 64,802 in Brazil, and 60,751 in Britain. This represents an increase of more than 62% compared to 1990 (mofa 2007). In 2006, among the 329,317 Japanese permanent residents abroad, 46% lived in North America, 25% in South America, 13% in Europe and 11% in Oceania (mofa 2007). Of the 735,378 long-term residents who stay for at least three months, 36% lived in East and Southeast Asia, another 36% in North America, 18% in Europe and 6% in Oceania (mofa 2007). Among these Japanese living abroad, the largest group of permanent emigrants consists of people who have married non-Japanese, accounting for 4.5% of the total number of Japanese marriages in 2000 (mhlw 2000). The number of long-term overseas residents has also increased recently. For instance, the number of Japanese working holiday makers in 1988 was 7,070 but grew to 14,390 in 1996 and 20,941 in 2007 (Japan Association for Working Holiday Makers 2008). The number of overseas students was 15,246 in 1985 but increased to 55,145 in 1994 and 76,464 in 2000 (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology 2008).

History of Japanese Migration to Australia

From Meiji-era to the Second World War Japanese migration to Australia has existed at least 140 years. The first Japanese settlers were twelve circus acrobats and jugglers who performed in December 1867 in Melbourne (Sissons et al. 1998). The first documented Japanese settler in Queensland was Mr Rikinosuke Sakuragawa, who married a Caucasian Australian in 1875 and naturalised in 1882 (Nagata 2002, 22). The majority of Japanese migrants from the late nineteenth century until the Second World War were guest workers in the pearl and sugar industries, as well as karayukisan (Sissons 1977, 1979; Jones 2002; Nagata 1996). According to the 1901 census, more than 3,600 Japanese resided in Australia (McNamara and Coughlan 1992, 50). Japanese migrants in the beginning of the 20th century can be divided into three groups: pearl divers, guest labourers in the sugar industry, and the

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k­ arayukisan. The first of these groups emerged as the pearl industry in Australia began to thrive in Darwin, Broome, and on Thursday Island, and the professional skills and tools of Japanese divers became highly valued. Japanese communities such as Yokohama on Thursday Island were formed and the number of Japanese increased until the establishment of the Commonwealth of Australia and its introduction of immigration restrictions in 1901. The second group consisted of guest workers in the sugar industry. Beginning with fifty workers from Hiroshima Prefecture hired by Burns Phillip Co. in 1892, the Queensland sugar industry attracted Japanese guest workers (Murakami 1998). The number of Japanese employees increased regardless of their higher wages in comparison with other non-Caucasian workers, and the number of Japanese working in the sugar industry in Queensland grew to 2,300 in 1898 (Nagata 2002, 30). Although more Japanese migrants worked in the sugar industry than in the pearl industry, they did not develop similar communities because instead of being concentrated in one area, they were dispersed between different plantations. The final group was the karayukisan. While the number of karayukisan is unknown, in 1887 there were 116 Japanese females in Queensland, including 34 on Thursday Island, and most were prostitutes (Nagata 1996, 2002). The increasing number of Japanese provoked a strong reaction from local Australians. Japan’s strengthening military power was also a growing concern, and led to debate within the colonial assembly about restricting the immigration of Japanese workers. As a result, an agreement was signed between the Japanese and Queensland governments, restricting the total number of Japanese in Queensland to less than 3,247 in 1900 (Nagata 2002). The introduction of the White Australia Policy dramatically changed the lives of non-European residents in Australia. At the time of Federation in 1901, there were 3,602 Japanese in Australia; however, this number decreased due to the English dictation test and limited opportunities for exemption. In 1935, the number of Japanese who were registered as foreigners in Australia was 1,175 (Nagata 2002, 37). Although most of them worked on sugar plantations, some of them worked in other areas, such as in laundries or hotels (Jones 2002; Nagata 2002). Despite the immigration restrictions of the White Australia Policy, Australia and Japan developed a close political relationship based on the Anglo-Japanese Alliance formed in 1902. The Japanese Imperial Navy visited Australian ports on training voyages 24 times between 1878 and 1935, and during the First World War, Japanese ships escorted anzacs to Europe whilst also protecting Australian waters (Sono 2000).

Japanese Migration to Australia

photo 3.1 Japanese divers in Thursday Island (Photo: John Oxley Library, No 177901)

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photo 3.2 Japanese girl in the Chinese/Japanese section of Cairns, 1902 (Photo: John Oxley Library, No omp00006)

During the Second World War For those Japanese in Australia who lived under its discriminatory laws and restrictions, the outbreak of the Second World War carried severe implications. As tensions escalated in the lead-up to the conflict, the Japanese government arranged for the withdrawal of many Japanese citizens living in Australia. However, those assisted to return home were predominantly businessmen and their families; many contract workers and permanent residents, including their descendants, were excluded from the withdrawal. Of the 1,100 or so Japanese who remained in Australia, half of these were contract workers in the pearl industry, while the rest worked in the sugar or hotel industries, or owned small businesses (Nagata 2002, 38). Nearly all were taken into custody as enemy aliens within twenty-four hours of the outbreak of war. This quick response was made possible by the careful preparations of Australian agencies

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57

through the registration of Japanese residents and scrutiny of Japanese clubs and their monetary donations to Japan (Nagata 2002). The internment of Japanese in Australia was particularly discriminatory when compared with the treatment of immigrant residents from the other Axis nations of Italy and Germany. For instance, in the Italian internment, 4,721 people (15% of Italian immigrants), including 1,009 of Australian Nationals and 3,712 Italian Nationals, were detained in Australia (O’Brien 1992, 92). It was not unusual for these individuals to be released after a certain period, unless deemed to require ongoing confinement (Bosworth 1992). By contrast, 97% of Japanese residents in Australia, including second and third generation Japanese and the elderly, were interned until the end of the war (Nagata 2002). Life in the internment camps was perceived as fairly humane. Sufficient amounts of food were supplied and wages for routine work were paid. The Japanese in the camps were granted a certain degree of autonomy, allowing them to negotiate on various matters with Australian officials. One such instance included a request for a decrease in meat rations in exchange for an increase in rice (Sono 2000). The Japanese in the internment camps were also allowed to read local newspapers and consequently knew the military situation better than those in mainland Japan where the government tightly controlled the release of information (Sono 2000). In addition, Japanese soldiers captured on the battlefields of Southeast Asia were also kept in the Australian concentration camps. In Prisoner of War Compound No. 12 in Cowra, more than 500 Japanese soldiers attempted an escape with baseball bats and forks on August 5th in 1944. In the ensuing fight, 231 Japanese and 4 Australians were killed and 108 Japanese were wounded (Nagatomo 2007c, 12; Tsuchiya 2004). From the Postwar Era to the Introduction to Multiculturalism After the war, almost all interned Japanese in Australia were deported to Japan. Since their assets were confiscated by the Australian government in order to compensate Australian prisoners of war, upon arrival in Japan they possessed little from their former lives in Australia. In the early postwar years relations between Australia and Japan were strained, as memories of the Japanese ­military’s inhumane treatment of pows, and the bombing of Darwin, resonated in the minds of many Australians. The ties between the two countries were re-established after the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951. Within an international political climate characterised by the escalating political tensions between the United States and Soviet Union, as well as the outbreak of war in Korea, both Australia and Japan sought to improve their bilateral relations. In 1952, the first Japanese war bride, Mrs Cherry Parker, formerly Ms Nobuko Sakuramoto, was allowed to immigrate to Australia. While fraternisation with Japanese was banned within the

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Australian military under the White Australia Policy, relationships began to form nonetheless (Tamura 2001; Nagata and Nagatomo 2007). Mrs Parker’s immigration faced tough opposition from Immigration Minister Arthur Calwell as well as strong anti-Japanese sentiment among Australians. However, the campaigning of her father-in-law, who was Lord Mayor at the time, and his supporters, as well as a series of newspaper articles adopting a humanitarian stance on the issue, led to the subsequent decision by the Australian government to relinquish its opposition (Tamura 2001). In the 1950s, approximately 600 Japanese war brides immigrated to Australia (McNamara and Coughlan 1992). As political and economic relations between Australia and Japan improved, the Japanese Embassy was established in Canberra in 1953 and the AustraliaJapan Commerce Agreement was signed in 1957. During Japan’s rapid economic growth in the 1960s, it imported massive amounts of mineral resources from Australia, eventually surpassing Britain as Australia’s largest export destination in 1966. During this period, the number of Japanese firms and businessmen residing in Australia increased sufficiently to warrant the establishment of a Japanese school in Sydney in 1969. In the 1970s, Australia began a transition toward multiculturalism. There were various reasons underlying this gradual shift, including public consensus on the economic benefits of increasing the nation’s population (Coughlan

photo 3.3 Japanese war brides on the ferry (Photo: Courtesy of Mrs J. Parsons)

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and McNamara 1997, 18; Jayasuriya and Kee 1999; Sekine 1989), declining levels of immigration from Britain and Europe, domestic and international criticism of the White Australia Policy, growing intake of Vietnamese refugees, and the Whitlam government’s pursuit of innovative policies (Lopez 2000; Viviani 1992; Wooden et al. 1994). Furthermore, the multiethnic and multicultural character of European immigrants highlighted many of the inconsistencies and contradictions inherent within the White Australia Policy, thereby illustrating the need to formulate more integrated policies (Jupp 2002; Lopez 2000).

Japanese Migration and Community since the Introduction of Multiculturalism Australian multiculturalism enshrines legal equality and freedom from discrimination based on ethnic or racial factors, as well as official recognition and support for the participation of all ethnic groups in the greater society (Lopez 2000). In this respect, the multicultural stance adopted by the Whitlam government was more progressive than the melting-pot-type integrated policies of the 1960s, whereby immigrants were expected to assimilate (Castles et al. 1998; Coughlan and McNamara 1997; Jupp 2002; Lopez 2000). Under the new ­policies of multiculturalism, each ethnic group was allowed to maintain its own language and culture at home, but immigrants were expected to use English and comply with Australian law in business and education (Sekine 1989). In the late 1970s, demand for a more proactive policy towards those who had been discriminated against became particularly strong amongst refugees and indigenous people. The subsequent responses by successive Australian governments to such demands are generally perceived as signifying a shift from liberal to corporate pluralism (Lopez 2000). Such a transition is exemplified by the promotion of affirmative action and the improvement of government services in areas such as multicultural education and broadcasting, carried out under the Fraser government (Lopez 2000). As these policies show, Australian multiculturalism focused on practical aspects of migrants’ settlement (Anstee 1995; Jupp 2002; Wooden et al. 1994). The shift toward multiculturalism and its development encouraged an increase of Japanese immigration to Australia. Faced with a national labour shortage, skilled migration was identified as a key area of priority for Australia’s immigration policy, and this emphasis yielded an increased intake of skilled Japanese immigrants. As mixed-marriages became more common, particularly among Japanese females, the number of Japanese who migrated as spouses also increased. Moreover, as Japan underwent an economic boom lasting from the late 1980s, until the early 1990s, Japanese investment in Queensland increased substantially—bringing with it an influx of Japanese immigrants. As such, various types of Japanese migrants reside in Australia. They include per-

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manent residents, retirement migrants, businessmen, working holiday makers and overseas students. The increase of Japanese in Australia is documented in the following tables. Table 3.1 shows the number of Japanese residents in Australia, and Table 3.2 shows the number of Japanese in Queensland. table 3.1  Number of Japanese in Australia Year

Total

Long-term residents

Permanent residents

2009 2007 2005 2002 1999 1996

71,013 63,459 52,970 46,893 33,188 25,688

34,218 32,771 27,655 26,852 17,864 13,577

13,232 30,688 25,315 20,041 15,324 12,111

Source: mofa (1997–2010)

table 3.2 Number of Japanese in Queensland (October, 2009) Total

Permanent residents

Long-term residents

Northern Queensland

Male Female

 1,128  2,120

  616  1,240

   512    880

(Above Mackay)

Total

 3,248

 1,856

 1,392

Southern Queensland

Male Female

 5,651 10,078

 3,352  5,608

 2,299  4,470

Total

15,729

 8,960

 6,769

Male Female

25,445 45,568

13,232 23,563

12,213 22,005

Total

71,013

36,795

34,795

Australia in total

Source: mofa (2010)

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Table 3.1 indicates a sharp increase in the number of Japanese in Australia since the late 1990s. The number of Japanese in Australia increased from about 26,000 in 1996 to 53,000 in 2005, and 71,000 in 2009. As Table 3.2 shows, about half were permanent residents and the others were long-term residents staying for at least three months in Australia (e.g. working holiday makers, retirement visa holders, students). About 25% live in Queensland, including 2,460 in Northern Queensland and 10,672 in Southern Queensland.2 These recent trends in Japanese migration indicate the growth of a new form of migration that can be distinguished from existing forms based upon the purpose for which the individual is migrating. Sato (2001) and Nagatomo (2007a, 2007b) characterise the majority of Japanese in Australia as “lifestyle migrants,” who act upon the desires of many middle class Japanese, especially those who experience hectic business lives in Japan, to migrate abroad for a change in lifestyle. As such, pursuing business opportunities is less of a priority for Japanese lifestyle migrants than it is for other Asian ethnic groups. Some Japanese migrate to Australia for a balanced lifestyle whilst others do so to begin retirement. There is also a number of female Japanese who migrate to escape from gender stereotyping in company or family life in Japan (Nagatomo 2007a). Many young Japanese, such as working holiday makers and overseas students, are staying in Australia in expanding numbers so as to actualise an increasingly popular Japanese dream of having a “life in a foreign/ Western country” (Nagatomo 2008b). This influx of new migrants has grown amidst the recessionary period of the 1990s, in which Japanese society, as well as the lifestyle values of the Japanese people, underwent a radical transformation. The details of this transformation and its implications for Japanese contemporary lifestyle migration to Australia are explored in Chapters Five and Six; however, the aforementioned trends in contemporary Japanese migration highlight the emergence of lifestyle factors as an important rationale for determining whether or not to migrate. The next section focuses on the role of another key factor underpinning contemporary Japanese migration—that of tourism development in Australia and of Japanese tourism in Australia.

2  It is estimated that the actual number could be larger considering the fact that the mofa figure is based on Zairyū-todoke (Overseas Residential Registration) in which Japanese overseas residents staying more than three months are required to register by submitting the form voluntarily.

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Australia as a Destination for Japanese Tourism

Given the fact that most Japanese migrants to Australia visited as tourists prior to immigrating, it is important to examine the development of Australian tourism so as to understand contemporary Japanese migration to Australia. Both Japanese migration and tourism to Australia grew significantly during the 1990s, a decade in which the dramatic changes underway within Japanese society fostered increasingly individualised leisure and lifestyle values. Therefore, it is necessary to review Japanese tourism in Australia throughout this period in order to highlight the background factors underlying contemporary Japanese migration to Australia. In doing so, the following two key factors of contemporary Japanese tourism in Australia will be examined in this section: the development of tourism in Australia and the increase of Japanese tourists; and shifting trends in Japanese tourism in Australia before and after the 1990s.

Australian Tourism Development and Consequence for Japanese Tourism Tourism development in Australia was closely associated with Australia’s high unemployment levels during the 1970s and early 1980s. As Australia’s ­manufacturing sector declined over this period, tourism development became an increasingly attractive avenue for policy makers at all levels of government (Carroll 1991, 7). Carroll (1991, 14–8) points out that, supported by stakeholders in the tourism industry, the Federal government undertook two important steps to attract tourists: First, the Federal government promoted deregulation of the airline industry as a means of encouraging competition and thereby reducing airfares. Domestic airlines were deregulated in the 1970s, whilst international airlines followed in the 1980s. Second, the Federal government proceeded to relax controls on foreign investment in the late 1970s to attract overseas investors and invite the prospect of investment in Australian tourism capacities. This policy contributed to a massive increase in foreign investment, particularly in Queensland, where the geographic potential of areas like the Gold Coast and Cairns was ideal for the development of international tourism. For instance, in the fiscal year of 1987–88, the Federal government approved a total of aud$1.8 billion in foreign investment in tourism. These policies were supported by the Australian tourism industry and led to massive tourism development in Australia over the next decade. According to the Bureau of Tourism Research [btr] (1999, 1), it is estimated that in the fiscal year of 1996–97 the tourism industry directly contributed 5.4% of gdp at factor cost, with its indirect effects adding a further 3.5% of gdp.

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Tourism investment by Japanese in the 1980s and early 1990s was characterised by large scale projects aimed at mass tourism. Japanese investors focused on acquiring land for such projects. These investors, who had benefited from the “bubble economy” of the 1980s, were attracted to Queensland because of a mixture of geographical factors and local government policy decisions that were favourable for the development of tourism. In particular, Japanese investors in Queensland focused on real estate in Cairns and the Gold Coast in the late 1980s. In the 1983–84 financial year alone, aud$9 million was invested by Japanese into real estate. This increased from aud$85 million in 1984–85 to aud$1,005 million in 1985–86 and aud$8,443 million in 1988–89 (Hadju 2005, 25). As a result, by 1990 about 50% of the Surfers Paradise central business district was Japanese owned, and about 72% of the land in the Cairns city area was owned by foreign investors, half of whom were Japanese (Bell and Carr 1994). Developments also included ambitious large-scale projects, such as those by the Iwasaki Group in Yeppoon and Daikyo on the Gold Coast. The scale and speed of these projects resulted in protests by local residents (Hajdu 2005; Viviani and Selby 1980). During this period a controversial “multifunction polis” project was proposed for the Gold Coast. This industry and governmentled project, which aimed to build a new technology city with an emphasis on Japanese investment and settlement, was ultimately abandoned in 1998.

Construction of an Australian Tourism Image by the Tourism Industry The development of mass tourism in the 1980s was accompanied by efforts on the part of both the Australian and Japanese tourism industries to cultivate a unique image for Australian tourism. Urry (1990a, 1990b) observes that prior to travelling, tourists tend to view the images they anticipate at their destination, and that the tourism industry plays a major role in disseminating these expected images. When analysing tourist brochures and other media from that period, I found that these advertisements emphasised four characteristics of Australia. First, they showed Australia as an exotic yet Western country and thus a familiar destination. Secondly, they emphasised a slow-paced Australian life and relaxed atmosphere when promoting tourism products. Thirdly, Australia’s safety was emphasised and it was represented as a worryfree tourist destination. Finally, they emphasised and celebrated the “great outdoors.” An exotic yet Western image of Australian tourism was constructed. The “West” has been a cultural “Other” for the Japanese since the beginning of modernisation (Oguma 1998), making “Western-ness” attractive to Japanese

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tourists, particularly among young Japanese females (Kelsky 1999, 2001). Although Hawaii and Guam first gained popularity as “Western” beach resorts for Japanese tourism, Australian and Japanese tourism industries exploited this “exoticism” factor in developing Australian tourism. Images of koalas, kangaroos and wild animals, Western streetscapes and Caucasian Australians were frequently deployed in the construction of Australia’s image abroad, as displayed in tourism brochures, travel guides and television programs. The “cuteness” of Australian animals was emphasised when targeting Japanese audiences, in contrast to the “wildness” on display for Western tourists. This emphasis on “cuteness” may be construed as an effort to appeal towards young Japanese females, who constitute the largest number of consumers in Japan’s overseas tourism market. The slow pace, relaxed atmosphere and vastness of Australia were also emphasised in tourism advertising. Common images included the blue sky and ocean, uncrowded beaches, open inland (e.g. Ayers Rock) and coastal scenery, stock farms and friendly Australians, even though there existed a gap between this tourism image and the group-orientated mass tourism practices of the Japanese in Australia in the 1980s. This trend was also highlighted in the Australian Broadcasting Corporation [abc] (1988) documentary “Three Trails” and the ‘Qantas Internal Communications’ (1988) video “Yōkoso,” emphasising the strong preferences of Japanese tourists for the vast open spaces and coastlines of Australia. Security while travelling was also deemed an important factor for Japanese tourists. For instance, travel guides and promotional materials carefully and systematically referred to Australia’s low crime rate, whilst viewers were commonly presented with images of lifeguards so as to illustrate the safety of Australian beaches. Finally, the construction of Australia’s tourism image also emphasised the variety and quality of leisure activities in Australia. As seen in some television programs (e.g. Negus 1990), a variety of outdoor leisure activities (e.g. barbeque and camping) were used to demonstrate the “Australian way of life” to the Japanese. The tourism industry then accommodated tourists’ expectations for the Australian way of life by offering such activities as “barbeque lunches” and “visiting farms” as a part of their group-oriented mass tourism projects. Kearney (2004, 225–6) argues that commercialised tourism “promotes the consumption of fleeting images, experiences, and sensations patched together.” As has been shown, the development and promotion of Australian tourism was clearly accompanied by the construction of such images. For the Japanese, these images emphasised Australia’s exoticism, Western-ness, its open spaces, and outdoor-focused lifestyle.

Japanese Migration to Australia

photo 3.4 Photos in the Japanese tourism brochures (Photo by J. Nagatomo)

photo 3.5 South Bank Parkland in Brisbane (Photo by J. Nagatomo)

65

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The Increase of Japanese Tourists in Australia Along with tourism development and cheaper airfares, the number of overseas arrivals to Australia also increased. In 1975, the number of short-term visitor arrivals was about 516,000, increasing to 1.1 million in 1985 (btr 1989). This number continued to increase in the 1990s, and reached 4.1 million in 1996 and 5.2 million in 2004 (abs 2007). Among these numbers, the increase of Japanese tourists was prominent. In 1980, the number of Japanese visitors, including tourists, businessmen and others, totalled 48,860 (Tourism Australia 2005). In 1987, the number increased to 215,560, and by 1989 it reached 349,540 (btr 1991). Despite Japan’s economic recession in the 1990s, it continued to increase until 1996 when the numbers reached more than 800,000. In the year ending March 2005, the number of Japanese visitors totalled 667,915, which constituted the second largest group of visitors after New Zealanders (Tourism Queensland 2005). Table 3.3 reveals the high percentage of Japanese tourists among overseas visitors and indicates the main reason of travel to Australia for individuals from the top five countries of origin in the year ending March 2005. In 2004–05, Japanese visitors represented the second largest group after New Zealanders; however, the percentage of tourists among all Japanese visitors was much higher than that from other countries. In 2004–05, the number of Japanese who table 3.3 Purpose of visitors to Australia—Top 5 sources for year ended March 2005 Holiday/Leisure

New Zealand Japan United Kingdom Europe (excluding uk and Germany) United States

Visitors

%

Visiting Friends / Relatives Visitors %

 442,358  549,701  346,553  225,985

46.5 83.2 52.9 55.2

 265,517   33,688  234,312   89,535

27.9  5.1 35.8 21.9

Business

Other

Visitors

%

Visitors

%

188,146  38,253  46,164  47,273

19.8  5.8  7.0 11.5

 54,620  39,207  27,821  46,775

 5.7  5.9  4.2 11.4

 180,154 44.2

  85,927 21.1

 88,246 21.7

 53,015 13.0

Total international 2,665,781 54.4 visitors

1,040,462 21.2

709,020 14.5

481,604  9.8

Source: Tourism Queensland (2005)

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visited for holidays/leisure was 549,701, constituting 83.2% of Japanese visitors. This ratio was much higher than that of New Zealand (46.5%), United Kingdom (52.9%), and United States (44.2%). Furthermore, the figure for Queensland was much higher than other Australian states. In 2004–05, the number of Japanese tourists was 403,432, which comprised 88.1% of all Japanese visitors to Queensland (Tourism Queensland 2005, 7). Furthermore, Australia has become a particularly popular tourist destination for young Japanese females. In 2000, female visitors between the ages of 20 to 29 accounted for 62.4% of Japanese visitors to Australia (Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport [mlit] 2001). This high percentage of female tourists and low percentage of business visitors confirms that Australia has become a major destination for Japanese tourists, particularly Japanese female tourists. The Shifting Trend in Japanese Tourism in Australia after the 1990s Japanese tourism in the 1980s was characterised by group-oriented packaged tours with busy schedules designed for what Moore (1985, 640) describes as the visiting of “markers,” or sightseeing spots, by the tour group. Such grouporiented mass tourism was the most common form of tourism for the Japanese until the 1980s. According to btr (1986), in 1985, 82% of Japanese travelled on inclusive package group tours, compared with less than 20% of all other international visitors. In particular, Australia had become the most common place for Japanese honeymoons and kaigai-kyoshiki (overseas weddings) in the late 1980s to early 1990s. Australia accounted for about 30% of the market among Japanese honeymoons at the end of the 1980s, followed by Hawaii at about 25% (btr 1992a, 22). Although Western-style weddings have been common among Japanese since the 1970s, it was during this period that Japanese actually began to travel overseas to hold such weddings. At the beginning of the 1990s, honeymooners accounted for 24% of Japanese tourists in Australia and 7% of Japanese overseas tourists in general (btr 1992b, 46). Japanese tourism during the 1980s was also characterised by busy schedules and commercialisation. The relatively short duration of tourist stays, and the efficient, commercially-driven nature of mass tourism projects, led visiting markers to become the most common type of tourist activity. The International Visitor Survey taken by btr (1988, 84) shows that in 1987 approximately 50% of Japanese tourists in Queensland visited Lone Pine Koala Sanctuary and about 60% of Japanese tourists on the Gold Coast visited Sea World. Shopping was also a common activity, enabling visitors to engage in the traditional practice of giving souvenirs to friends, relatives and coworkers upon returning from a holiday. In fostering such activities and practices, Japanese tourism in Australia of the 1980s was characterised by this commercial and group-oriented nature.

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Throughout the 1990s, Japanese tourism became less group-oriented and commercial and more individualised in its nature. During the economic recession in the 1990s, Foreign Independent Travel (fit) became the most common method of overseas travel for Japanese. In contrast to the guided tour, which had been common until the beginning of the 1990s, fit, or kojin-tehai-ryokō (individual arranged trip) or free-packaged-tour (flexible packaged tour), were moderately-priced tour products containing only transport and accommodations. fit tourists were able to enjoy private travel even though it was marketed as a packaged tour. Moreover, the choice of optional tours at tourist destinations made itineraries and activities more flexible. The increased popularity of fit reflected a change in leisure activities among Japanese since the 1990s, characterised by a shift from group-oriented to more individualised forms of leisure (Nagatomo 2006a). With these advantages, fit increased its market share in Japan during the late 1990s, growing from approximately 12% in 1995 to about 40% in 2005 (Japan Travel Bureau [jtb] 1996a, 2006). fit now constitutes the mainstream form of Japanese overseas tourism. As Japanese tourism became less group-oriented and increasingly individualised, the travel style and activities of Japanese tourists in Australia changed to reflect this. Commercial tourist activities became less common, and Japanese came to prefer more relaxed and flexible schedules. For example, the International Visitor Survey taken by btr (1988, 1998) shows that among the answers for “The places visited by Japanese (multiple answers allowed),” “visiting rainforest” accounted for only 2% in 1988, whereas in 1998 this response increased to 15%. For the same period, “visit casinos” decreased by more than 10%. These data were also confirmed in participant observations in the fieldwork while working as a tour guide with Japanese tourists and as an interviewer for the International Visitor Survey. My observations indicate that the most common tourist activity for contemporary Japanese tourists in SouthEast Queensland is visiting Lone Pine Koala sanctuary, which is often included in the fit’s basic transport en route from Brisbane International Airport to their accommodations on the Gold Coast on their first day of travel. Visiting Lamington National Park is another popular activity among Japanese tourists in South-East Queensland, and is the most common optional tour product for them. Other than these two main activities, shopping, visiting beaches, visiting theme parks, snorkelling, and dolphin and whale watching are also prevalent among Japanese tourists in South-East Queensland. In summary, Japanese tourism in Australia during the 1990s shifted away from commercial, group-oriented practices to become more flexible and individualised in its nature. Although the next chapter will explore in greater detail this shift in Japanese leisure and its relationship with broader changes

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in Japanese corporate society, the overview of Japanese tourism in Australia presented above clearly illustrates the changing preferences of those Japanese tourists choosing to visit Australia. This chapter has situated contemporary Japanese migration to Australia in its historical context by outlining the development of Japanese outbound migration and of Japanese tourism in Australia. An historical review of Japanese outbound migration was conducted including three key stages: migration prior to the Second World War, the postwar era, and the contemporary period of migration. Ranging from medieval times right up until the outbreak of wwii, the first stage of Japanese migration overseas was overwhelmingly economic in its nature. As examples of this, workers in the sugar and pearl industries and illegal prostitutes were highlighted. The second stage of migration was characterised by a gradual shift away from the discriminatory wartime practices of Australian authorities, towards the introduction of multiculturalism. During this postwar period, the immigration of Japanese war brides in the 1950s began to exemplify this shift towards multiculturalism in Australian society. Finally, in discussing the third stage of Japanese migration to Australia, recent developments in Australian immigration policy as well as a growing trend in Japanese lifestyle migration after the 1990s were highlighted. Evident throughout this historical review was a unique contrast between Japanese migrations to Australia in times past and present: a contrast between migration driven by economic necessity on the one hand and lifestyle considerations on the other. In the latter half of the chapter, the development of tourism in Australia was examined. In particular, Japanese involvement in Australian tourism development and on the production of tourism images by the tourism industry were highlighted. In discussing this point, the relationship between the commercial nature of Japanese mass tourism development during the 1980s and the economic and political dimensions of Japanese involvement in the Australian tourism industry was illustrated. By reviewing various tourism advertising media, several strategies employed by the tourism industry in order to tailor tourism images for Japanese consumers were identified. Finally, the growth of Japanese tourism in Australia before and after the 1990s was reviewed. During this period Japanese tourism became less commercial and group-orientated in its nature, and more individualised and flexible—a development which may be attributed to changing leisure preferences within Japanese society. Having placed contemporary Japanese migration in an historical context, the next chapter will explore further the emerging Japanese lifestyle values which, born of the societal changes of the 1990s, have altered the nature of Japanese migration to Australia since that time.

CHAPTER 4

The Emerging New Values: Social Transformation and the Japanese Middle Class . . . Japan’s new breed of slackers: young people who feel at ease picking and choosing their lifestyles, a no-no for their fathers who were derided abroad as corporate animals. Mr Kimijima says he has ‘no intention of working at the expense of my private life.’ ‘Japan used to have lifetime employment and a seniority-based pay system on the assumption that its economy would keep expanding,’ he says. ‘We are no longer living in such an era. . . .’ [. . .] Ryuichiro Matsubara, an economics professor at the University of Tokyo, says: ‘What is unique to Japan is that those called ‘lower society’ are quite satisfied with their lives.’ . . . (Editorial, Agence France-Presse, Asia-Pacific Section in South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, May 16, 2006, p. 9) This newspaper article describes new lifestyle values among young Japanese. As the young interviewee in this article notes, younger generations of Japanese have started to question the traditional self-sacrificing work ethic and company loyalty shown by their parents’ generation. One of the studies that highlight this new trend in lifestyle value is Atsushi Miura’s (2005) book, Karyū Shakai (lower class society). Miura presents a new term, karyū shakai (lower class society), describing a newly emerged strata of the population that can be characterised by lack of enthusiasm to study or work and an explicit preference to “be myself.” Furthermore, the emergence of freeters, “free-minded part-timers,” who willingly live on part-time income, has increasingly been regarded as a social problem. In the middle of the 1990s, the number of freeters reached 1.5 million (Kosugi 2003; Ministry of Labour 1998; jil 2001; Yajima and Mimizuka 2001). Unlike traditional Japanese salary workers, freeters were not strongly tied to their companies; rather, they preferred to focus on actively pursuing their personal lives with a relative degree of autonomy and thus enjoyed greater flexibility in making their lifestyle choices. The 1990s, in Japan, is often referred to in the media as the “lost decade.” The myth of efficient Japanese-style management (e.g. Abegglen and Stalk 1985) had collapsed in the face of long-term recession and stagnation. The burst of the “bubble economy” at the beginning of the 1990s triggered a wave of corporate bankruptcies and a marked increase in unemployment. Several major © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���5 | doi ��.��63/9789004283008_005

The Emerging New Values

71

incidents, such as the Tokyo subway sarin gas attack by a religious cult in 1995 and the serial killing of children by a child murderer in Kobe in 1997, came to symbolise the underlying anomie of Japanese society. When, in 1995, the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake exposed the vulnerabilities of Japan’s quakeproof building construction, it also shook the firmly held myths of safety that prevailed within the Japanese psyche. During this time, Japanese society underwent several important changes, including the rationalisation of business and the restructuring of employment practices, which helped pave the way for the emergence of new lifestyle values. In this chapter I will explore the relationship between such changes in Japanese society and the emergence of new lifestyle values within the Japanese middle class. I argue that, by fostering these values, the social changes of the 1990s have acted as “push factors” behind the increase in Japanese outbound migration. In addressing this claim, I will describe the key features of the structural transformation of Japanese society in the 1990s, before demonstrating, with reference to interview data, how these developments have altered lifestyle values and interest in migration among Japanese.

The Disillusionment with the Myth of Corporate Japan

The burst of the bubble economy in 1991 represents a major socioeconomic turning point in recent Japanese history. So severe was its impact that Japanese companies were forced to radically rethink and transform their management styles in order to become more efficient (Takeuchi 1999; Yashiro 1997). These changes had widespread implications throughout the broader Japanese society (Nakamura 2004; Yashiro 1997). The bubble economy, characterised by a prevalent “speculation mania,” along with rapid increases in both stock and land prices, began in the latter half of the 1980s. The ultra-low interest rates at that time made it easier for businesses to acquire loans. As the bubble—the unrealised capital gain— began to emerge, the economy started to suffer from the nonperforming loans in the market economy. During the peak of the bubble economy, the actual rate of economic growth hit 6.2% in 1988, effective demand-supply ratio of the labour force crossed 1% (Ministry of Labour 1998), and the unemployment rate dropped to 2.1% in 1991 (mhlw 2003a). The collapse of the bubble economy played out across differing sectors of the economy. In early 1990, while the economy still seemed to be booming, stock prices began to decrease. During the same period, land prices were still increasing; yet in 1991 they too began to drop sharply. Following this decline in

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stock and land prices, which by 1991 had effectively signalled the end of Japan’s bubble economy, the real economic growth rate in Japan fell to 0.3% in 1993 (Ministry of Labour 1998; Nakamura 2004). The recession that followed was unprecedented and, given the crippled state of the Japanese financial sector, was particularly long-lasting. Japanese banks that had financed large amounts of money during the bubble era were now riddled with bad debt, and as a result, were reluctant to grant the loans required by many small and medium-sized businesses to avoid bankruptcy. According to the Japanese Ministry of Public Management, Home Affairs, Posts and Telecommunications [mphpt] (2004), the number of business establishments in 1991 was 6,753,858, but it dropped to 6,717,025 in 1996 and 6,350,101 in 2001. Those in the mining, manufacturing and retail sectors were the most adversely affected during the economic downturn. Between 1991 and 1996, there was a 14.5% reduction in the number of new companies in the mining industry, and from 1996–2001 there was an additional 16.6% decrease. In the manufacturing industry there was a 10% reduction between the years 1991–1996 and an additional 15.6% during the 1996–2001 period (mphpt 2001).

Rationalisation of Business Operations by Japanese Companies and Structural Transformations in Japanese Society In responding to the recession, most Japanese companies had, by the late 1990s, begun to transform their employment systems, organisations and business practices. Shifts in several areas of the Japanese economy rendered traditional Japanese management practices obsolete, and became important in shaping how these companies responded to the economic crisis. The key areas of transition were in employment management, work conditions, office atmosphere, and labour market mobility. Since employing staff is one of the largest expenses associated with running a business, downsizing and outsourcing are often necessary for struggling companies during recessionary times. Yet established Japanese business ethics, such as the guaranteeing of lifetime employment, have prevented many Japanese companies from enacting these kinds of practices when required. Nonetheless, even the largest companies were forced to reconsider their traditional employment management strategies following the bursting of the economic bubble in the 1990s. In particular, there are three main areas of transition within Japanese employment management: challenges to the system of lifetime employment; the practice of business downsizing; and the emergence of the part-time labour market. The guaranteed lifetime employment system in Japan, as well as the traditional practice of promotion based on seniority, came into question

73

The Emerging New Values

during the recession of the 1990s. Although mhlw (2004a) questionnaire survey data indicate that the guaranteed lifetime employment system remains a common feature of Japanese employment, there has nonetheless been a transition towards a merit-based pay system in which individual performance is rewarded. This point is illustrated in Figure 4.1 below. As Figure 4.1 shows, the introduction ratios of annual salary systems and result management systems increased in the 1990s, while welfare systems such as company houses and intra-company deposit systems declined. This highlights the tendency of Japanese companies during this period to reduce “security factors” for workers and to instead implement merit-based systems. Secondly, in considering the transformation of Japanese management systems, corporate downsizing and reduction in the number of new recruits are influential factors. Under the traditional Japanese management regimes, systematic corporate downsizing had been unthinkable for workers. However, in the recession in the 1990s, Japanese companies underwent major restructuring, as Table 4.1 illustrates. 100.0 90.0 80.0 70.0 60.0 50.0 40.0 30.0 20.0 10.0 0.0

1991

1993

Annual salary system Length-of-service awards Company trips

1995

1997

2001

Result management system Intra-company deposit system

2004 Flextime system Company housings

figure 4.1 Introduction ratios of employment management and welfare systems (%) Source: Rōmu Gyōsei Kenkyujo (2004)

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table 4.1  Number of non-voluntary (left) / voluntary (right) demissions (thousands) (Age)

1990

1995

1999

Total 15–24 25–44 45–

26/55  2/17  7/26 17/12

57/77  6/24 15/39 35/15

102/110   8/31  31/55  62/24

Source: oecd (2001, 208)

Table 4.1 shows that both non-voluntary and voluntary turnovers rose throughout the 1990s. In 1990, there were 26,000 non-voluntary turnovers. By 1995, this figure had doubled, ultimately reaching 102,000 in 1999—four times as many as that of 1990. Similarly, the number of voluntary turnovers doubled over the course of the 1990s. The table also demonstrates the generational impact of this restructuring: the older the employee, the higher the likelihood of turnover. For instance, the non-voluntary turnover of employees aged over 45 years was twice as high as those aged between 25–44 years. Furthermore, Japanese companies also reduced their intake of new recruits. This led to a rise in unemployment as well as the emergence of part-time working “freeters” and “hakenshain” (dispatched part-time workers from employment agencies). The effect of the reduction of new recruits can be seen in Figure 4.2 below. As Figure 4.2 shows, the ratio of job offers to job seekers dropped sharply between 1991 and 1996. In Japan, it is common for university students to start working full-time shortly after graduation; however, Japanese companies tend to hire new male graduates rather than new female graduates or candidates who have a gap period in their employment history. A third area of transition in Japanese employment management was the increasing reliance of Japanese companies on part-time labour and outsourcing. While the number of part-time employees in the labour market rose during the 1980s, it was not until the late 1990s that outsourcing and part-time labour were fully embraced by Japanese employers. According to the Ministry of Labour (2000), in 1988 13.4% of workers were in part-time employment, and this number increased to 19.3% in 1999. The difference in the part-time ratio by gender was also prominent. oecd (2004) figures indicate that the percentage of males working part-time rose from 9.5% in 1990 to 14.7% in 2003, whereas the percentage of females who worked part-time rose from 33.4% in 1990 to 42.2% in 2003.

75

The Emerging New Values 1.60 1.40 1.20 1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20

9 19 90 19 91 19 92 19 93 19 94 19 95 19 96 19 97 19 98 19 99 20 00

8

19 8

7

19 8

6

19 8

19 8

19 8

5

0.00

figure 4.2 Job offers-seekers ratio Source: Ministry of Labour (1998)

table 4.2 Composition of part-time employment (%)

Men Women

1990

2000

2003

9.5 33.4

11.6 38.6

14.7 42.2

Source: oecd (2004, 310)

Overall, the employment management of Japanese companies changed dramatically in the 1990s. While the system of guaranteed lifetime employment remained largely intact, the widespread implementation of merit-based pay systems, as well as an increased willingness on the part of employers to utilise part-time labour and outsourcing, and to reduce their intake of new graduates, represent significant deviations from traditional Japanese management practices of the past. Changes in Work Conditions Another response of Japanese companies to the recession of the 1990s was to embark upon a systematic process of rationalisation, designed to transform work conditions in several ways. Two key changes that resulted from this process were longer working hours and the overhauling of welfare systems in Japanese companies.

76

CHAPTER 4 Actual hours worked

Normal working hours worked

2500

2000

1500

1000

500

2008

2007

2006

2005

2004

2003

2002

2001

2000

1999

1998

1997

1996

1995

1994

1993

1992

1991

1990

1989

1988

1987

1986

1985

0

figure 4.3 “Official” figure of actual hours worked and normal working hours Source: mhlw (2004b, 2009)

While Japanese workers are often viewed as having a particularly strong work ethic, it is important to note that changes within the economic climate in which they worked, between the 1980s and 1990s, demanded of them markedly different investments of time and energy. During the economic boom of the 1980s, the growth of business and the shortage of labour, as well as the relatively stronger power of management, led to an increased workload (Ono 2003). One consequence of the shift towards greater rationalisation in Japanese business during the 1990s was an allocation of more tasks per individual employee. While this meant that it was necessary for workers to work longer hours in order to complete their tasks, such a development was seemingly in conflict with a broader cost reduction strategy on the part of Japanese employers, illustrated in Figure 4.3, to minimise working hours. Figure 4.3 shows the “official” figures of Japanese working hours from 1985 to 2008. It indicates that both normal working hours and overtime working hours decreased in the 1990s, in line with efforts by Japanese companies to cut their employment costs. For instance, many companies reduced the length of their working week from six days to five. According to the mhlw (2004a), the percentage of companies on a five-day work week was 11.5% in 1990. This percentage rose to 26% in 1995 and 39% in 2004. Moreover, companies lowered their expenditures by reducing paid overtime. The average number of hours spent working overtime each month decreased from 16 in 1990 to 11 in 1994. However, it is important to note that these “official” figures do not include

The Emerging New Values

77

the number of hours spent working overtime without pay, which, given the strength of the Japanese work ethic and the increased allocation of tasks per individual employee, is likely to be significant (Morioka 1995; Sugiuchi 1990). In some cases, workers decline to file their overtime work in response to pressure from their employers or from their colleagues. It is also common, particularly in small and medium-sized Japanese companies, for managerial staff to inaccurately record the number of overtime hours employees have worked. The following statement by Tomoya,1 in his thirties, who had worked as a manager in a chain clothing store in Tokyo, illustrates this point. We were supposed to work the shift, but we had an ‘unwritten rule’ as well. When the shop was open, the manager must be there at all times. [. . .] I worked so hard. I often missed the last train and went home by taxi. [. . .] The reason why I quit the company was that I fell sick after working too hard.2 This statement by Tomoya exemplifies the tension between the officially reported hours and the actual working hours of Japanese employees. The sentiment expressed here, in relation to working hours and workload, was shared by many other respondents in this project. Furthermore, it demonstrates that although Japanese companies strove to reduce expenditures on working hours, for those workers whose workload increased amidst efforts to rationalise Japanese businesses, this often required them to work longer hours without financial compensation. Another feature of the rationalisation process was the transformation of social security and welfare systems within Japanese companies, such as company housing and length-of-service awards. Until the end of the economic growth period in the late 1980s, Japanese companies offered welfare provisions such as company housing and company-owned holiday apartments, an intracompany deposit system, housing allowance, commuting allowance, childbirth allowance and gift money for children starting school. As such, Japanese companies provided their workers with additional security. However, during the recession in the 1990s, companies reduced their welfare provisions or even abolished some of them entirely. According to Rōmu Gyōsei Kenkyujo (2004), in 1993, 63.5% of Japanese companies owned company housing, and this percentage decreased to 41.5% in 2004. The percentage of businesses which ­provided an intra-company deposit system also decreased from 33.0% in 1993 to 12.9% in 2004. Finally, the percentage of companies offering ­length-of-­service awards 1  Names of all interviewees in this book are pseudonyms. 2  The interviews were held in Japanese and translated into English by the researcher.

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also decreased from 87.7% in 1991 to 66.5% in 2004. Thus, in the course of rationalisation, Japanese companies reformed their welfare systems in ways that eroded many of the “security factors” with which employees had been formerly provided. Changes in Office Atmosphere The rationalisation of Japanese business, and its various implications for employment management and work conditions, led to changes in the office atmosphere in Japanese firms. At an individual level, for Japanese workers during the recession, the process of rationalisation brought about both direct and indirect changes to their experience of work. These effects included an increase in competitiveness among workers, owing to the introduction of merit-based pay systems and the abolition of the seniority system, as well as various other effects, some of which are listed in the following table. Table 4.3 shows that the human environment was the most common source of stress and anxiety for employees of all age categories. For instance, in the age category 40 to 49, 32.8% of respondents chose “human environment” as the reason for their stress, anxiety and trouble. This was an even higher source of stress than “workload”, which was identified by 30.6% of respondents. The following statement by a respondent in this project exemplifies the changes in the office atmosphere in Japanese companies in the 1990s. Shintaro, in his forties, who worked in the research and development section in a manufacturing company throughout the 1990s, described his company life in Tokyo as follows: The annual pay raise was of course abolished but the atmosphere in our office changed a lot. At the beginning, we were allowed to do any kind of research. [. . .] However they later started to push us into research areas that were profitable for the company. Some left the company to study at graduate level, others moved to business sections. [. . .] They introduced only the convenient side of Western management systems. Instead of guaranteed lifetime employment, they introduced a merit-based personnel system even though they did not have a measurement system to evaluate our achievements. Similarly, Shinji, who worked as an engineer in a mid-sized company in an industrial city in the 1990s, referred to a subtle change in drinking parties3 held 3  In Japanese firms, having a ‘drinking party’ after business hours (the equivalent of ‘having drinks’ in Australia) is a common business practice. It is considered an important occasion aimed at improving interpersonal communication among workers or business partners.

32.1 27.3

36.5 31.6 29.6 24.2 25.0

Male Female

under 29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60–

Source: mhlw (2002)

30.4

Total

33.5 36.9 30.6 29.0 16.4

32.2 32.4

32.3

Quality Work of job load

31.2 19.9 14.4 18.4  3.8

18.1 23.9

20.2

 5.7  5.6 10.7 13.2 14.7

 8.8  9.0

 8.9

35.2 35.3 35.9 32.8 46.7

30.0 44.4

35.1

Suitability information Human of job technology environment

19.6 17.2 13.5  8.3  2.0

16.0 11.6

14.5

Promotion

4.7 7.4 7.7 5.8 1.2

6.1 6.9

6.4

2.2 4.9 6.3 1.6 0.8

5.8 0.4

3.9

Personnel Job relocation transfer

table 4.3 Reasons of stress, anxiety and trouble in company life (Mark all that apply within three items)

11.1 18.7 22.0 17.7 19.4

18.7 15.9

17.7

24.5 32.2 32.6 26.5 19.8

34.2 19.0

29.1

 2.7  7.3 20.1 37.6 41.7

20.4 11.3

17.2

12.3 10.1  3.4  5.5  6.2

 6.2 10.3

 7.7

Job Future of Life after Other security the firm retirement

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79

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CHAPTER 4

by their company. Frequent social gatherings after business hours help foster an atmosphere in which close interpersonal ties between employees within Japanese companies are encouraged. However, in this instance, the atmosphere was altered: Only very few of us in our section knew about the restructuring. Even my boss did not know about it. [. . .] The biggest change was that the amount of money for the parties given by our president. The amounts have been decreasing every year. These extracts illustrate how the measures taken by Japanese businesses in response to the recession affected the atmosphere in which their employees worked and interacted. For Shintaro, the office atmosphere became more competitive and impersonal. At the same time, Shinji’s observation that drinking parties were no longer a priority at his company suggests declining opportunities for interaction between his fellow employees. These sentiments, expressing the increasingly impersonal nature of the office atmosphere, were echoed by two other respondents. In earlier accounts of typical Japanese firms, Ouchi (1981) in Theory Z and Vogel (1979) in Japan as Number One, both emphasised the strong group mentality and intimacy in the Japanese office atmosphere. However, the rationalisation of business by Japanese companies has transformed this atmosphere in ways that render it less conducive to strong interpersonal ties and group-orientated activities, and more inviting of competitive behaviour. Increased Mobility in the Labour Market An important aspect of the socio-structural transformation of Japanese society in the 1990s was increased mobility within the labour market. As noted earlier, the economic circumstances of the 1990s led companies to replace traditional employment practices, such as ojt (on-the-job training) of new graduates, in favour of new strategies that included hiring part-timers and outsourcing. A major consequence of this trend was increased mobility within the labour market, which was comprised of three main components: an increase in unemployment among young and elderly workers, high labour turnover, and a shift towards part-time labour, particularly among younger workers. Firstly, the Japanese labour market during the 1990s was characterised by steadily increasing levels of unemployment. In 1990, unemployment was 2.1%, increasing to 2.5% in 1993, 3.4% in 1996, and finally to 4.7% in 1999 (mhlw 2003a). The unemployment rate increased for both male and female employees.

81

The Emerging New Values table 4.4 Unemployment rate by age group Year

Total

15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–54 55–59 60–64 65–

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002

2.8 2.5 2.3 2.1 2.1 2.2 2.5 2.9 3.2 3.4 3.4 4.1 4.7 4.7 5.0 5.4

 7.9  7.3  7.0  6.6  6.6  6.7  7.1  7.5  8.2  9.0  9.0 10.6 12.5 12.1 12.2 12.8

 4.5  4.2  3.8  3.7  3.8  3.9  4.7  5.0  5.7  6.1  6.2  7.1  8.4  8.6  9.0  9.3

3.4 3.1 2.8 2.7 2.8 2.9 3.4 4.0 4.3 4.6 4.9 5.6 6.2 6.2 6.7 7.1

2.4 2.2 2.0 1.9 1.9 2.0 2.4 2.7 3.1 3.3 3.3 4.0 4.6 4.8 5.3 5.8

2.2 1.9 1.7 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.9 2.1 2.3 2.4 2.6 3.2 3.5 3.4 4.0 4.4

1.9 1.6 1.4 1.3 1.3 1.3 1.6 1.8 2.0 2.0 2.1 2.6 3.1 3.2 3.4 3.9

3.3 2.8 2.4 2.0 1.7 1.7 1.8 2.4 2.4 2.6 2.5 3.3 3.9 3.9 4.1 4.5

5.3 4.7 4.2 3.5 3.6 3.7 4.6 5.3 3.7 6.4 6.2 7.5 7.9 8.0 8.1 7.7

1.3 1.2 0.9 0.8 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.4 1.3 1.5 1.5 2.1 2.2 2.2 2.4 2.3

Male in 2002 5.5 Female in 2002 5.1

15.2 10.2

10.5  8.3

6.8 7.7

5.0 7.1

4.0 5.2

4.1 3.8

5.3 3.2

9.7 4.3

2.9 1.1

Source: mhlw (2003a)

As Table 4.4 illustrates, the unemployment rate was much higher among younger generations and older employees than among middle-aged workers. For example, the unemployment rate for 15 to 19 year old workers was 6.6% in 1990. It rose to 9.0% in 1996 and 12.5% in 1999. The unemployment rate of 20 to 24 year old workers increased from 3.8% in 1991 to 8.6% in 2000. The unemployment rate for employees between 60 and 64 years old was 3.5% in 1990 and rose to 7.9% in 1999. In terms of gender, the unemployment rate for female workers aged 25 to 39 was significantly higher than it was for men of the same age. Secondly, as the number of new graduates entering the workforce through the ojt system declined, and the demand for skilled mid-career workers and flexible part-time workers increased, there was a corresponding increase in the ratio of labour turnover. According to the Management and Coordination Agency (Japan) (1992, 2002), the labour turnover rate (the percentage of

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­ orkers reemployed within one year after leaving their previous workplace) in w 1992 was 4.1% for males and 5.4% for females; yet by 2002 it had increased to 4.4% for males and 6.3% for females. Turnover was particularly high amongst younger employees. In 2001, about 30% of new college graduates changed jobs within three years, and about 45% of high school graduates moved into work straight out of high school (mhlw 2000). A third important characteristic of the increasingly mobile labour market that emerged during the 1990s was a shift from full-time to part-time labour. In 2001, according to the mhlw (2003b), 35.5% of those who quit full-time work shifted to part-time labour, while only 24.8% of those who resigned from parttime work found full-time labour. Moreover, differences in gender amongst this shift from full-time to part-time labour were also prominent. 54.7% of full-time female workers who resigned switched to part-time work, while only 25% of full-time males followed suit. This trend was especially pronounced among young employees and manifested itself in the increase of haken-shain and freeters (job-hopping part-timers). The number of haken-shain doubled from about 114,000 in 1992 to 204,000 in 1997 (Management and Coordination Agency 1998), while the number of freeters increased from about 790,000 in 1987 to 1,510,000 in 1997 (mhlw 2000) and about 1,930,000 in 2000 (jil 2001). The trend toward an increasingly mobile labour market in the 1990s was characterised by a shift towards part-time employment, high employee turnover, and steadily increasing unemployment. Meanwhile, the traditional Japanese corporate model, in which workers enjoyed guaranteed lifetime employment, promotion based on seniority, and generous welfare provisions, underwent a radical transformation. The next section explores how these ongoing developments impacted upon individuals’ lifestyle values of work and leisure.

The Rise of Individualism

The socio-structural transformation of Japan in the 1990s compelled Japanese companies to adapt their traditional management practices to a challenging new economic climate. In rationalising business, Japanese firms reformulated the guaranteed lifetime employment and seniority systems, decreased their full-time workforce in favour of part-time employees, and reduced their expenditures on welfare provisions. As a result, the office atmosphere became more competitive and businesslike over the course of the decade. In this section I discuss the impact of these developments upon Japanese lifestyle values. In doing so, I will first examine how the Japanese work ethic has changed during the 1990s, before exploring shifting trends in leisure values and practices among Japanese in this period.

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Changes in Work Ethic The changes in work and leisure values among Japanese in the 1990s are largely attributable to a trend towards individualisation. During this time there emerged an increased appreciation of the importance of the balance between work and leisure. A key measure of this trend towards a balanced lifestyle can be found in the mhlw (2004c) survey, which asks respondents to prioritise between “Work” and “Private time.” The survey found that 65.8% of respondents in their thirties prioritised “Work,” compared with 79.5% of respondents in their fifties who shared this similar priority. Such differences indicate that younger generations are more likely to value their private time and less likely to exhibit the self-sacrificing work ethic of older generations. This trend towards reduced involvement in the workplace is also evidenced by the unwillingness of employees to participate in group-orientated activities with colleagues. In its survey entitled “Company practices which freshmen are reluctant to follow,” the Japan Management Association (2005) found that most respondents (31%) identified “Drinking party, entertainment performance in drinking party, and cherry blossom viewing drinking party” as the practices that they were most reluctant to pursue. In Japanese firms, drinking parties after business hours are considered important occasions aimed at improving interpersonal communication among workers or business partners. In particular, younger workers are expected to flatter and entertain their bosses or guests on those occasions. This was followed by “Practices such as tea serving” (15%), “Company trips” (11%) and “Business entertainment such as golf” (6%). These examples suggest that the Japanese work ethic is changing, particularly among younger generations, and that its transformation is characterised by a denial of group mentality and the self-sacrificing attitude towards work that it engenders. This overall trend towards individualisation is also prominent in changes in attitudes toward guaranteed lifetime employment among Japanese. A key measure of such changes can be found in the survey on the attitudes toward guaranteed lifetime employment conducted by the Ministry of Labour (2000). It reveals that the percentage of respondents who answered “I want to work for the same company until retirement age” decreased from 24% in 1984 to 15% in 1999. Moreover, in response to the question “Whom do you ask for advice when having troubles in company life?” those who answered “Close seniors or co-worker in the firm” accounted for 53% in 1984, whereas in 2000 this figure fell to 40%. Similar evidence suggests that there has also been a decline in corporate loyalty. According to the Ministry of Labour (1997), the three most common reasons respondents gave for quitting their jobs in 1996 were “job suitability,” “working hours and holiday conditions” and “human relationships.” “Job ­suitability” accounted for 25.7% of responses in the 20–24 age category, and

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17.6% of responses in the 25–29 age category. “Working hours and holiday conditions” made up 13.4% of responses in the 20–24 age category, and 9.3% of responses in the 25–29 age category. “Human relationships” accounted for 13.3% of responses in the 20–24 age category, and 12.3% of responses in the 25–29 age category. These figures indicate that younger generations were less likely to value guaranteed lifetime employment or its security, and more likely to value a job that suits their particular skills and affords them a certain degree of personal time. These changes in work ethic and in corporate loyalty were observed in the interview data in this project. Keisuke worked as an architect for nine years since the middle of the 1990s. Referring to business rationalisation in his company, he remarked: My service-zangyō (unpaid overtime hours) continued to increase. I often worked until 11 p.m., sometimes till 1 a.m. The peak of my salary was in my second year of work, but then it started to decrease year by year. [. . .] They had once promised not to cut our salary again but they did it. I felt betrayed by our company. This betrayal felt by Keisuke illustrates the potential of certain features of business rationalisation to undermine workers’ loyalty to their company. A wave of salary cuts as well as restructuring on a nationwide scale meant a collapse of middle class job security. Therefore, the rationalisation by Japanese companies in the 1990s not only transformed the practices of employment, but it also engendered scepticism towards traditional forms of employees’ loyalty. Declining corporate loyalty amongst Japanese workers was not simply a consequence of rationalisation processes; it also signified a shift in generational mentality. Some young employees exhibit a low propensity for loyalty even upon entering the workforce. In a focus group meeting, Shinji, in his thirties, described his experience of facing his company’s bankruptcy as follows: From the very beginning, I lacked a sense of belonging to the company. Our company was founded in the 1950s but collapsed about six years ago. I found that the president and elderly workers had a sense of loyalty to the company. Seeing them suffering, I thought, ‘How can they have loyalty in that way?’ [. . .] But, if I think back to the time when the company went bankrupt, things like loyalty had already collapsed among the staff. [. . .] everyone worked for money after all.

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This extract from Shinji, which suggests that he neither had a sense of belonging nor loyalty to the company from the very beginning, is indicative of a general tendency towards individualism amongst younger workers. Moreover, Shinji’s observation that the loyalty of elderly workers towards the company dwindled only once the company went bankrupt suggests that company loyalty is dependent upon the capacity of the company to provide its workers with a sense of security. In the focus group, Shinji and Yui described their work values as follows: Shinji: (My ideal work style is) a nine-to-five job, from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., as long as I can get enough money to afford the bare essentials. Yui: I’d say that my ideal work style is about a balance between work and private time. The work values that Shinji described in his notion of a “nine-to-five job” encapsulates Miura’s (2005) idea of “lower class society” discussed earlier, according to which younger members of the Japanese middle class shift away from the traditional work ethic, instead expressing a strong preference to “be myself.” Similarly, it exemplifies what Ohmae (1995) and Sennett (1998) see as a trend among the middle class in developed countries to put more emphasis on private time/life rather than just having a strong work ethic. In addition, some researchers see the changes towards individualisation in Japanese society from a broader perspective. In their social psychological study, Takano and Osaka (1999) indicate that the idea of Japanese collectivism is increasingly less popular among contemporary Japanese. Oda (2008) views the emergence of Japanese lifestyle values as a part of modernising processes based on notions of individualisation (Lash 2002) and risk society (Beck 1992). Oda (2008) asserts that in the age of late modernity, various aspects of an individual’s life (e.g. jobs, lifestyle, human relations and consumption) are more open to individual choice, and that spaces of intimacy have become increasingly personalised. Yasuhito, in his late teens, expressed his feelings towards Japanese companies upon considering his father’s experience of employment: Seeing my father, I don’t want to work for a Japanese company in the future. [. . .] Without a pay raise, young workers would quit their job easily, on the other hand the executive officers and employees of my father’s level got pay cuts and the money went to those in the lower levels. [. . .] When I think of this kind of dilemma, I feel that I don’t want to work in a Japanese firm.

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The qualitative data presented here, in reinforcing the statistical evidence cited above, indicate that the social transformations of the 1990s clearly affected the work ethic and corporate loyalty of Japanese employees. The Japanese middle class, particularly its younger generations, have grown increasingly resistant to the traditional self-sacrificing work ethic of older generations. Furthermore, this development brought about a breakdown in the typical life course model of middle class Japanese, with its traditional reliance on promotion based on seniority and guaranteed lifetime employment. Changes in Leisure Values and Practices The trend towards individualism occurred not only in the Japanese work ethic as outlined above but also in leisure values and practices. Before the 1990s, Japanese leisure activities were predominantly group-oriented. For instance, popular activities included guided tours and recreational activities within one’s local community or company, as well as relatively expensive activities (e.g. golf, staying at hot spring resorts). However, after the 1990s, participation in these group-based leisure activities declined and was replaced with involvement in more budget friendly and health-oriented leisure pursuits. Yeung et al. (2003, 52–3) identify several traits which have characterised Japanese leisure during the 1990s: relief from overwork, orientation toward health and family, longer weekends and holidays, and shifting consumption styles, particularly among young females. The following sections describe these leisure trends by drawing upon a combination of secondary statistics and qualitative data. From Group-oriented Leisure to Leisure with Family and Friends Japanese leisure in the 1990s became increasingly personalised, as individuals participated less in group-oriented activities in order to spend more leisure time with family and friends. The conventional image of a typical Japanese salaryman, until the 1980s, held that he would work from Monday to Saturday, and golf with colleagues or business partners on Sunday. Company recreational activities such as sports day events and picnics were often held, with workers and families in company housing regularly participating in such activities. Participation in events organised by local communities, such as festivals and sports events, was also quite common. However, in more recent years Japanese have chosen to spend their weekends and holidays engaging in private leisure activities with family and friends. This trend towards personalised leisure was particularly evident in Japanese tourism during the 1990s. Japanese tourism has typically been grouporiented (Moore 1985). For instance, Japanese companies in the past often provided employees with various leisure activities, such as company trips,

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which contributed to this group-oriented focus in Japanese leisure until the 1980s (Rōmu Gyōsei Kenkyujo 2004). However, in response to the recession of the 1990s, some companies helped reduce their expenditures on welfare provisions by discontinuing company trips, and this led to a 50% decrease in company trips after 1991 (Rōmu Gyōsei Kenkyujo 2004). As a result, Japanese tourism began to shift away from mass tourism, becoming more personalised, and individually tailored in its nature. The following statement by Shintaro shows how leisure activities in his company changed. Shintaro, in his forties, who worked at a big Japanese manufacturing company throughout the 1990s in Tokyo, remarked: I used to belong to a volleyball team in the company. We also had a baseball team and I played on this team as well. [. . .] but it became more difficult to have enough members to play year by year. [. . .] Some got married and others became even busier than before. The reasons were many but the number of members in each club decreased every year. This statement illustrates the changes in leisure from group-oriented activities to more personalised pursuits. While most major Japanese companies operated club-based sporting and cultural activities, such activities gradually began to lose their relevance. From Expensive Leisure to Budget and Health-oriented Leisure In the 1990s, Japanese individuals became increasingly flexible in their leisure habits, as demonstrated by the growth in popularity of health-oriented leisure tourism. In what follows I argue that this trend is particularly evident in the development of healthy weekend leisure activities and in the emergence of health-orientated tourism destinations. Firstly, during the 1990s Japanese popular culture experienced a boom in “iyashi-kei” (natural healing) and “slow life” movements. The word “iyashi,” meaning “healing” was used not only to describe healing music, but also to refer to tv personalities on programs that focused on leisure activities enhancing mental and physical health—such as visiting hot springs or aromatherapy. Similarly, the word “slow life” was used to convey such emerging trends as organic food production and consumption, house improvement, gardening and domestic migration to improve quality of life. Such interest in healthier living and alternative lifestyles are also reflected in the following statistics. A survey on Japanese leisure activities by the Bureau of Statistics (2002) shows that the popularity of traditionally costly leisure activities such as golf, pachinko (pinball machine gambling) and karaoke waned throughout the 1990s. For

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instance, the percentage of respondents aged 25 to 29 who played golf in 1991 was about 40% for males and 30% for females; yet these figures had declined to about 20% for males and 15% for females by 1996. Similarly, the percentage of all those who engaged in pachinko and karaoke decreased by more than 10% from 1996 to 2000. However, activities such as reading books, watching movies, gardening, and listening to music increased by over 10% during the same period. Secondly, Japanese leisure during the 1990s was also characterised by a boom in visits to hot springs. While visiting spas has traditionally been one of the most common leisure activities for Japanese, such visits increased dramatically during the recession of the 1990s. Such was the scale of the boom that there has been a large increase in the number of hot spring facilities, from 2,584 in 1985 to 6,034 in 2000 (Ministry of Environment 2004). The following excerpt from the focus group discussion reflects the popularity of such healthoriented leisure destinations: Yui: Speaking of my holidays during my company life, I came to enjoy relaxing. (The researcher): Could you please describe how you spend your ‘relaxing’ time? Yui: I would often go to beaches and hot spring resorts. Aya: In my case, the more years I have worked, the more I have come to make the most of my leisure time well. Mai: I came to be able to spend my leisure time alone. When I was young, I was more likely to do something with my friends. But I came to make the most of my leisure time without meeting someone else. Yui, in her late twenties, worked as a nurse in Japan and came to Australia on a working holiday visa. She indicated that in her busy life in Japan she came to relax by going to beaches and hot spring resorts on weekends, while she worked hard on the weekdays. Similar responses were commonly given by other participants. As mass tourism decreased in popularity in the 1990s, other types of tourism have become more common among Japanese over the same period. According to the Ministry of Transport (1998), in 1990, the most common tourist activity in Japan was “Relaxing at hot springs,” followed by “Viewing scenery” and “Shopping for local products.” Compared with 1995 data, “Relaxing at hot springs” increased by approximately 10% and “Viewing scenery” increased by about 5%, while “Visiting theme parks,” “Visiting zoo,” “Skiing” and “Golfing” dropped about 5%.

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Japanese leisure practices underwent substantial changes during the 1990s, as individuals became less interested in engaging in expensive, commerciallyorientated leisure activities, and were more open to alternative sources of leisure. This trend was evident in the popularisation of iyashi and “slow life” in popular culture, as well as in the emergence of popular health-oriented leisure facilities, such as hot springs.

Tourism Unpackaged: The Boom in Overseas Tourism during the Recession Despite the recession, the number of Japanese tourists travelling overseas actually increased during the 1990s. The number of visitors overseas (including business travellers) was approximately 10,634,000 in 1991, a figure which increased to about 16,895,000 by 1996, and 17,819,000 by 2000. Several factors, including the strong value of the Japanese yen, contributed to these increases. One such factor, the growth in popularity of fit (Foreign Independent Travel) can be attributed to the shift in demand away from group-oriented leisure, towards leisure activities which are more personalised and flexible. During the recession of the 1990s, fit, in Japanese kojin tehai ryokō (individual arranged trip) or free-packaged-tour (flexible packaged tour), became the most common method of undertaking overseas travel (Nagatomo 2006b, 2008a, 2008c). In contrast to the guided tour, which had been common until the 1980s, fit was promoted as a cheap packaged tour product containing only transport and accommodations. With fit, tourists were attracted to the idea that they could engage in private travel within a packaged tour. Another popular feature of fit was that it enabled individuals to choose from various optional tours, thereby making their schedules and activities considerably more flexible. With these advantages, fit increased its share in the Japanese tourism market from around 12% in 1995 to 40% in 2005 (jtb 1996a, 2006), and remains a major component of Japanese overseas tourism. Another factor underlying the increase in Japanese tourists travelling overseas during the 1990s was a significant rise in the number of young female tourists. As Figure 4.4 shows, the majority of Japanese overseas tourists in the 1990s were young females aged in their twenties and thirties. Figure 4.4 shows the distribution of Japanese overseas tourists by gender and generation. It indicates that throughout the 1990s, female tourists in their twenties were about twice as likely to travel overseas than their male counterparts. For instance, females aged 20 to 29 accounted for 39.8% of tourists in 1991, while males in the same age category constituted only 19.5% of tourists. Likewise, the number of female tourists in their twenties was 32% in 2000 while that of males was 16.1%.

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100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Male 1991

Female Age

60𐆑

Male 1994 50𐆑59

Female

Male 1997

40𐆑49

30𐆑39

Female 20𐆑29

Male 2000 10𐆑19

Female 0𐆑9

figure 4.4 The distribution of Japanese overseas tourists by gender and generation Source: The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport [mlit] (2001)

Various factors account for the high numbers of Japanese female tourists. The consumer-oriented outlook of young single females is one important factor that must be considered. The Average Propensity to Consume (apc) of single female householders in their twenties was approximately 87% in 2003, more than 15% higher than that of males in the same age category (Bureau of Statistics 2004a). Also significant was an increase in the number of single people living with parents, so-called “parasite singles” (Yamada 1999). The percentage of single females living with their parents increased from 59.2% in 1986 to 71.8% in 2001, while that of males increased from 53.8% in 1986 to 64.2% in 2001 (mhlw 2003a). Living with parents provides young individuals with a degree of financial stability, even when they live on part-time incomes. Thus, young people living with their parents also have disposable income which can fund international travel. In 2002, while single men on average spent 1,892 Japanese yen for package tours per month, single women spent 3,340 Japanese yen (Bureau of Statistics 2002). A higher proportion of Japanese females engaged in part-time employment also contributed significantly to the overseas tourism boom in the 1990s (Nagatomo 2006a, 2006b, 2008a). Part-time employed women were more likely to take overseas trips on their holidays due to the flexibility of their schedules. Additionally, given their relatively shorter working hours, full-time female workers find it relatively easier to take and enjoy holidays compared to full-time male workers. Data on the utilisation ratio of overseas packaged tours

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including fit reinforce the points made above. According to jtb (1996b), in the middle of the 1990s, more than 70% of overseas tourist visits by Office Ladies (OLs)4 utilised packaged tours. Senior citizens had a similar rate of utilising packaged tour products to ols, while less than 50% of overseas tourist visits by students and single men utilised such tours. This section identified the changing leisure values and practices amongst Japanese during the 1990s. With reference to a combination of statistical evidence and qualitative data, it was demonstrated that Japanese leisure shifted away its traditional focus on expensive and group-oriented activities, towards a greater emphasis on budget and health-orientated leisure with family and friends. Furthermore, the recent boom in Japanese overseas tourism, in particular, was also attributed to the popularity of fit packaged tours and to an increase in the number of young female tourists.

Discovering a Life in a Foreign Country

The transformation of Japanese society in the 1990s was not only socio-­ structural in its nature; rather, for members of the Japanese middle class, it also meant an unprecedented degree of flexibility and control over the life courses upon which they embarked. This life course flexibility, perhaps most prominent amongst younger generations, is particularly evident in such phenomena as the number of career changes, the rise in freeters (Kosugi 2003), the number of early retirements, and the popularity of domestic and international migration. Another example of this emerging flexibility around work and leisure is the growing wave of Japanese interest in pursuing “a life in a foreign country,” reflected in the increasing number of Japanese on working holidays, overseas students and overseas retirees. I argue that increased life course flexibility and interest in a life in a foreign country, as well as alternative lifestyles, are important “push factors” in contemporary Japanese outbound migration, and these factors will be discussed in this section.

Increased Flexibility of Life Course Choice among Japanese Young Generations Since the 1990s, flexibility in choices concerning one’s life course has become quite pronounced amongst members of the Japanese middle class, particularly the younger generations. One indicator of this emerging flexibility was 4  o ls means “Office Ladies,” which is an expression frequently used in Japanese to designate female general office employees.

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the increasing reluctance of young people to follow the ichininmae-no (fullfledged man’s) way of life. Indeed, this has been recognised as a “social problem” by some researchers (e.g. jil 2001; Kosugi 2003). One of the statistics that shows this increased mobility amongst the Japanese young middle-class is the high percentage of “voluntary” dismissals from companies. According to the statistics on the classification by the reasons for being unemployed taken by the Ministry of Labour (2000) amongst the unemployed aged 25 to 34, voluntary separation accounted for about 50 percent for both males and females, while the figures of non-voluntary separation, in most cases dismissals by restructuring, were less than 30 percent for both males and females. These figures show a clear contrast with those for elderly workers: the figure of non-voluntary dismissals for the unemployed male aged 55 to 64 accounted more than four times as much as that of voluntary separation. Given that younger generations are less likely to become the targets of company restructuring in Japanese companies, this increased mobility amongst young people may be attributed to value factors rather than market imperatives. Another statistical trend arising out of flexible choices among the Japanese middle class can be seen in the data on the reasons for choosing a freeter way of life. The explanations offered by jil (2000) respondents included “There was something else I want to do” (22.8% of total), followed by “I did not know what kind of job fit me” (14.9%). These statistics suggest that young people exercise a degree of freedom to choose jobs based on their individual job preferences. This trend towards increased flexibility in life course amongst young Japanese was also reflected in the interview data collected as part of this project. Aya described her reasons for switching from full-time to haken-style worker: Aya: When I worked at a bakery full-time, I worked very hard. However, my way of thinking has changed since I switched to becoming a hakenstyle worker. It is the difference of responsibility. [. . .] I think I made a good choice in switching to haken-style. Mai: I find that haken-style became very popular among young women. (The researcher): Can you tell me the reasons why it became popular? Aya: I’d say because it is much easier to change your job. Shinji: I think it is also because you do not have to care about human relationships with colleagues, for example. This discussion helps illustrate how young Japanese workers perceive full-time employment as well as the relationships with coworkers and the company. Aya’s work values are neither those of a “progressive” career woman, nor are

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they characteristic of the traditional Japanese work ethic. One key point Aya makes in relation to haken-style work is the ease with which it allows her to make decisions about changing jobs. Changing jobs was generally regarded as a valuable option amongst the respondents in the focus group meeting. As such, the respondents deviated from the traditional model of the Japanese middle class life course, with its emphasis on lifelong full-time employment. Furthermore, Shinji’s final comment about human relationships exemplifies an individualistic tendency among younger generations to avoid the close interpersonal ties that have traditionally existed in Japanese workplaces. Such increased life course flexibility was not necessarily limited to younger Japanese generations. In the 1990s, some middle-aged Japanese began to choose early retirement, whilst others chose a semi-retired life either in Japan or overseas. During the recession, voluntary early retirement programs, which offered workers a premium allowance, were increasingly implemented by Japanese companies as a means of reducing their costs. The percentage of companies with this system increased from 3.2% in 1980 to 7.0% in 1997 (mhlw 1998). This was much more common in large companies; among Japanese companies with more than 5,000 workers, the rate of early retirement increased from 34.1% in 1980 to 55.7% in 1997 (mhlw 1998). The number of middle-aged employees who retired via this system continued to increase, contributing to one quarter of all of job turnovers in Japan at the beginning of the 2000s (Works Institute, Recruit Co., Ltd. 2002). Furthermore, domestic lifestyle migration such as “U-turn migration” and “inaka-gurashi” (country life) has gained in popularity among the postwar baby boom generation since the late 1990s. Amongst common destinations for this domestic lifestyle migration was the countryside (such as Hokkaidō), prefectures in Kyushu and, in particular, the Okinawa island chain. According to the Japanese Bureau of Statistics (2004b), the population of the Okinawa Islands grew by 8.2% from 1993 to 2003, in large part due to this domestic migration. Evidence of flexibility in life course decisions among the middle-aged was also found in the in-depth interview data for this project. Michiko, who migrated to Australia as a skilled migrant in the late 1980s after closing a family-owned souvenir shop in Kansai, noted as follows: We used to run a souvenir shop and we were ni-dai-me (second generation owner). [. . .] When my husband was 44 or 45, he got sick for several months. One day we were watching television and there was a program on emigration. The program introduced the lives of Japanese migrants to Australia, showing the lifestyles of business owners who had come to Australia. [. . .] I remember saying to my husband, ‘That looks nice.’ [. . .] We then talked about this, and made a plan to visit Australia.

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Despite the difficulties in closing down an inherited family-owned business, this middle-aged couple chose to do so in order to migrate to Australia. Although they immigrated to Australia as skilled migrants, their main reason for migration was to embark upon a semi-retired lifestyle. Upon arriving in Australia they started an import/export business in used cars, although their real focus was on leisure and playing golf. This case exemplifies an emerging emphasis on leisure rather than the constraints of traditional family-owned business or upon work in general. Transnational Connections and Flexible Life Course The increased flexibility of life course amongst the Japanese middle class in the 1990s contributed to an increase in the number of Japanese overseas residents. According to mofa (1993, 2001, 2006), the number of Japanese overseas residents continued to increase throughout the 1990s, from about 680,000 in 1992 to 810,000 in 2000, and 1,010,000 in 2005. In 2000, 56% of these overseas residents fit the category of business and family migrants, followed by 25% of whom were “students, researchers and teachers” (mofa 2001). By geographic location, Oceania, in particular, recorded the highest increase. In 1992 there were about 27,700 Japanese residents in Oceania (including permanent residents and long-term residents such as students, working holiday makers and retirees), a figure which had increased to 51,900 in 2000. This figure increased by 87% between 1992 and 2000, whereas Northern America experienced an 18% increase during this time (mofa 1993, 2001). This increase in the number of Japanese in Oceania was largely due to an increase in overseas students and those on working holidays. For instance, in 1988, 2,112 student visas were issued to Japanese, and this number increased to 11,907 in 1997 and 14,157 in 2005 (Department of Immigration and Citizenship 2007). Among these overseas students, about 50% were in English language courses, while only 12% were enrolled in higher education (Nagata and Nagatomo 2007, 33). The number for Japanese on working holidays in Australia was 2,908 in 1986, and this increased to about 7,182 in 1995 and 10,057 in 1997 (Harding and Webster 2002, 48). In addition, retirement migration also became common among the relatively well-off Japanese middle class individuals and families in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Australia has become the most common destination for Japanese retirees, followed by Malaysia, Hawaii, New Zealand and Thailand (Longstay Foundation 2005). In Australia, the majority of international retirees, known as Subclass 410 visa holders, have traditionally come from Britain. However, in 1993, the number of British retirees (114 people) was for the first time overtaken by the Japanese (210 people) (Nagata and Nagatomo 2007, 34). By 1996, more than 450 Japanese had

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migrated to Australia under this visa, the majority of whom had settled on the Gold Coast. In 2006, there were about 5,000 retirement visa holders residing in Australia, and approximately 10% of them were Japanese (dima 2006). Among the new lifestyle values of younger members of the Japanese middle class is a tendency to enjoy flexibility as an end in itself. For instance, Aiko, in her thirties, who worked as a sales person for about ten years and currently works at a call centre in Brisbane, described her life as follows: In my life, I have not followed any vision. I actually live in a haphazard way. [. . .] I neither have visions of buying a house nor having a child. I would get bored if I saw my future. I am very much like that. For me, flexibility itself is my vision. The sentiment, that “flexibility itself is my vision,” nicely reflects the emerging new values among many young Japanese. Although it is reasonable to suggest that some individuals enjoyed such flexibility prior to the 1980s, the social pressures acting against those who deviated from the “appropriate” way of life in a Japanese society were very strong. Since the 1990s, however, flexibility in the life course has become increasingly popular in Japanese society. OLs, in particular, were likely to embark on overseas study and working holidays after experiencing company life. For instance, Keiko, who used to work both full-time and part-time in Japanese companies, and currently works as a casual employee at a company in Brisbane, described her decision to go overseas: I won a prize and undertook a trip to Canada. During my stay in Toronto, I was so impressed with the local people there and started to desire to live abroad somewhere like that. After returning to Japan, I started to learn English. [. . .] I talked with a female staff at the language school and heard that she had studied in San Francisco when she was 28. At that time, it was taken for granted that women got married by their late twenties. Her story suddenly made me think about choices in my life. One day I was squashed on a packed train and this is when I decided to go overseas. [. . .] At that time I was thinking about Canada and New Zealand, but an Australian staff in the school recommended Australia because it was much cheaper and easier to live there. This case of Keiko is typical of many Japanese ols’ experiences in moving overseas. In Japanese society, where full-time employment soon after graduation from university has traditionally been taken for granted, she worked for

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several years as others did. However, she withdrew from the company despite her father’s opposition in order to have a working holiday. Her choice between following a typical ol’s life and the realisation of her dream reflects a sense of newfound flexibility in the life course that is increasingly typical of younger generation Japanese. Another feature of her statement was the appeal of “a life in a foreign country.” For her, the words “foreign country” and “living abroad” involved a sense of longing for foreign/Western life, and a desire to escape from ordinary Japanese corporate life. In her case, a working holiday provided the means to achieve something different, someplace else. The increased flexibility in the Japanese life course that emerged in the 1990s has become a push factor for Japanese outbound migration. As they began to exercise greater freedom of choice over their visions for the future, many members of the Japanese middle class embarked upon transnational migration so as to realise these visions. Growing numbers of middle class Japanese started to reject the traditional business life course trajectory and to embark upon alternative life pathways, such as working holidays, studying abroad or retiring overseas. In this chapter, the structural transformation of Japanese society in the 1990s and its impact on Japanese lifestyle values were examined. A key feature was its implications for the traditional employment practices of corporate Japan. No longer could employers and companies sustain the safety net upon which important corporate loyalties depended. In the absence of such constraining influences, various non-traditional lifestyle values became prominent amongst the Japanese middle class. The quantitative and qualitative data presented in this chapter indicate that the traditional self-sacrificing work ethic and lifelong corporate loyalty has become less common amongst the younger generations. Moreover, leisure values and practices have become less focused on expensive, group-oriented pursuits, and more personalised, budget-conscious and healthoriented. During the 1990s, these changes in lifestyle values among Japanese led a growing number of individuals to deviate from the typical Japanese middle class life course. This increased freedom of choice over one’s life course was particularly evident amongst younger generations who became increasingly mobile in the labour market and flexible in their career pathways. Another consequence of this increased life course flexibility was a higher likelihood of searching for an alternative lifestyle in a foreign country.

CHAPTER 5

From Tourists to Migrants: The Lure of the Australian Lifestyle In the previous chapter, it was argued that Japanese society experienced sociostructural changes in the 1990s that facilitated new lifestyle values and greater life course flexibility, thus causing many people to contemplate, and actively seek, alternative lifestyles. One aspect of this growing trend towards alternative lifestyles included a heightened interest in overseas tourism. This chapter will explore in greater detail how this change in lifestyle values contributed to interest in life abroad, and in particular, to Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia. In doing so, my earlier discussion of the push factors leading to Japanese emigration abroad will be expanded and a focus on pull factors—factors that enticed Japanese to migrate to Australia—will be highlighted. This chapter will show how individuals’ decisions to migrate are formed not only, as shown in the last chapter, through their lifestyle values and experiences in Japanese society, but also through aspirations and expectations about their potential destination, and their tourism experiences. The personal observations and research suggest that the decisions of contemporary Japanese to migrate to Australia are more closely governed by their experiences in Japan, and the appeal of alternative lifestyles abroad, than by structural pull factors within the Australian labour market. As Mizukami (2007) and dimia (2003) point out, the qualifications and experience of Japanese immigrants generally enable them to assimilate into the Australian middle class with relative ease following their migration. However, fieldwork in the author’s research indicates that these migrants often lack strong aspirations for further upward social mobility. This is in sharp contrast to Taiwanese or other Asian migrants who remain committed to upward social mobility after settlement (e.g. Collins et al. 1995; Min 1984). In this chapter, it will be argued that upward social mobility is a relatively lower priority for Japanese immigrants to Australia because their decisions to migrate are more heavily influenced by “lifestyle” factors than by interest in career advancement and economic prosperity. This point will be claimed by examining the processes by which Japanese decide to migrate to Australia and their underlying motivations for doing so. In other words, this chapter addresses what Japanese immigrants look for in migrating to Australia. It explores how the push factors of Japanese outbound migration interact with the pull factors of Australia as a migrant destination, so as to © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���5 | doi ��.��63/9789004283008_006

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provide a clearer account of the reasons why Japanese migrate to Australia. In analysing interview data, I identified four key pull factors that were mentioned on a regular basis: the lure of a relaxed Australian lifestyle, the sense that values of freedom and individualism pervade Australian society, gender equality in Australia, and the promise of escape from the high population density of Japanese cities and Japanese bureaucracy. Some may regard mixed-marriage as the most prominent pull factor. In my fieldwork, most Japanese migrants who had married Australians had stayed or visited Australia before their marriage as an independent traveller including as a working holiday maker and/ or overseas student. Therefore, in this book, mixed-marriage is not considered as an independent pull factor that makes Japanese people migrate to Australia. Rather, the following discussion shows the overall story that entices Japanese people to immigrate to Australia.

The Lure of a Relaxed Australian Lifestyle

In the previous chapter, I argued that in the 1990s, the importance of corporate loyalty and self-sacrificing work ethic diminished, only to be replaced by lifestyle values that emphasised harmony between the spheres of work and leisure. The interview data indicated that many respondents felt increasingly dissatisfied with their own lifestyles. Accordingly, some viewed migration as a viable avenue by which they could achieve a greater balance between work and leisure in their lives. Respondents perceived Australia as a country where such work-life harmony could easily be achieved. In what follows, I will use interview data to show how the hectic experience of corporate life in Japan and the lure of a relaxed Australian lifestyle are factors whose interaction is particularly important in accounting for Japanese migration to South-East Queensland. The in-depth interview data suggest that for those who had worked full-time in Japan, this work-oriented lifestyle was an important factor in their decision to migrate. This is illustrated by the responses given to the open-ended question “Can you provide some reflections on your experiences in company life in Japan?” Of the twenty-nine respondents who had worked full-time in Japan, eight provided clearly negative responses, eighteen answered ambiguously and only three responded positively. Most respondents relayed a mixture of positive and negative impressions of company life in Japan, on the one hand citing a sense of pride and accomplishment in their work, and on the other, complaining of long working hours and general feelings of unhappiness. Dissatisfaction with working hours was

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particularly common amongst respondents. Of the twenty-nine respondents in the in-depth interviews who had worked full-time in Japan, around half mentioned overtime. Responses given by Makoto, a male in his forties who worked in a product development branch in Japan, and who now studies at tafe (Technical and Further Education) in Brisbane, exemplified the conflicting ways in which participants spoke of their working hours: It was also because of the low salary among young workers, but more importantly, we were very busy. Young employees worked until midnight almost every day. In the second year after entering the company, I worked 364 days in a year. [. . .] We decided to only have one day off on New Year’s Day but we felt a sense of fulfilment. In this statement, Makoto characterises the high workload associated with his former occupation as ultimately leading to a sense of accomplishment. Yet as the interview proceeded, he also noted that the hectic nature of his working life had prevented him from reflecting on his own satisfaction with such a lifestyle: After finishing the big project, I was able to reflect back on my company life. One day I realised that my lifestyle was poor. When I was busy, I didn’t have time to reflect. [. . .] I decided not to work overtime while everyone worked till late evening. At that time, I became interested in learning the English language and I enrolled in a language school. Upon reassessing his priorities, Makoto no longer wished to continue working overtime, and made a concerted effort to break with his work-orientated lifestyle. However, he notes that this attempt to restore a balance between work and leisure in his lifestyle resulted in a loss of focus and motivation for his company life: Salaries in manufacturing companies are generally low compared to other industries in Japan. My boss worried about my salary and asked me, ‘Are you alright [with your salary]?’ [. . .] Then, I didn’t have to, but I worked overtime a couple days a week. [. . .] At the same time, I lost my own target and motivation for my work, and ultimately quit the company. Makoto’s observation that his boss worried about his low salary and “advised” him to work overtime illustrates the strong human relationships that emerge in Japanese workplaces. It is not uncommon for supervisors to advise workers

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on their private lives. In his case, Makoto elected to follow his boss’s advice and worked overtime a few days a week, but as his interest in English language classes grew, his motivation for company work began to erode. An enthusiastic marathon fan, Makoto undertook a trip to Australia to watch the Sydney Olympics in 2000, and this experience resulted in his fascination with the Australian lifestyle: When I visited Australia, I was impressed to see how Australians enjoy surfing, even on weekdays, without working long hours. [. . .] I had the impression that Australians were more likely to be vigilant about their quality of life and this also means balancing work and family. It seemed to me that in Australia, people live a better quality of life than in Japan. Makoto noted that, prior to his visit, the only image he had of Australia was that of “kangaroos and koalas.” After observing the Australian lifestyle firsthand, however, he began to regard Australia as a country where “people live a better quality of life.” Ultimately, he decided to resign from his company and migrate to Australia. A similar dissatisfaction with the work-oriented lifestyle led Haruka to seek a new life outside Japan. Haruka worked as a manager in a high-pressured entertainment industry in Japan for seven years in the mid-1990s, and is now employed as a hairdresser in Brisbane. She remarked: I think that this industry is susceptible to economic fluctuation. Our company had been enjoying a boom until the year when I entered the firm. [. . .] However the wave of economic depression came suddenly. It was tough. Since the number of business offers was decreasing, we were forced to do sales as well. They forced us to visit more than ten offices [of possible clients] a day. I remember my workload had increased so much. In this passage Haruka identifies the economic downturn of the 1990s as the main cause underlying a worsening of working conditions which, in her case, was reflected in an increased workload and longer working hours. During this stressful and fatiguing period, her growing interest in life in a foreign country lured her into overseas trips and a working holiday. In describing her leisure time in Japan, she stated: I used to have overseas trips every summer and winter holiday for about a week at a time. It was sort of like an escape from reality. They couldn’t reach me during overseas trips and I didn’t have to fuss about anything.

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[. . .] I have been to America several times, Europe, and some Asian resorts. While Haruka describes her overseas trips as an “escape from reality,” the shortterm duration of these visits meant she would inevitably be forced to resume her stressful work once the holiday ended. Eventually, she began to actively search for potential overseas destinations in which to live and work: I thought about becoming a location coordinator in the film industry and tried to find a job in Hawaii and mainland usa. But I found that obtaining a visa was much more difficult than expected. [. . .] My image of working holiday makers was ‘escapist’ but I didn’t mind being a working holiday maker because I actually wanted to escape. Then I decided to take a trip to Australia to see if it was suitable as a country for a working holiday and possible destination for migration. During her job search, Haruka initially sought work in the United States but encountered visa difficulties. Australia was not her first choice of destination because she “had yearned for America” and she viewed Australia as “a country of koalas and kangaroos and the cheap tourist image of the Gold Coast.” However, her overwhelming urge to escape the hectic reality of the corporate life in Japan ultimately led her to visit Australia as a working holiday maker. She describes living in an English speaking country as “sort of like a dream.” Her working holiday experience became the first step in a migration process. As is common amongst Japanese working holiday makers, she did a homestay for the first several weeks, arranged by a travel agent. During this time, she was captivated by Australian lifestyle: Everyone seemed to be enjoying life. What surprised me was that people tried to get work done by 5 p.m. or even before 5 p.m. Even a big shopping centre was closed on Sunday. [. . .] I was so impressed to see neighbours enjoying barbeques, taking walks and drinking beer in the late afternoon in summer time. Although she went back to Japan after the working holiday, she returned to Australia on a student visa so as to obtain permanent residency with her academic qualifications. In the extract above, she described her thoughts on the pace of life in Australia with nostalgic feelings. The slow-paced Australian lifestyle made her long for the daily life of the Australian people. This nostalgia was commonly seen among respondents who escaped from a busy lifestyle in

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a Japanese company. This tendency is indicative of the emerging new values as discussed in Chapter Three and Chapter Four. It is also related to the cultural elements of Japanese tourism: for instance, the search for furusato (native place as nostalgic home) in Japanese tourism (Rea 2000) and the consumption of nostalgia and search for authenticity and the exotic (Guichard-Auguis and Moon 2009; Ivy 1995; Moeran 1983). The experiences of Atsuto and Eiji follow a similar pattern. Atsuto, aged in his forties, had worked as a site foreman for a subcontractor of general construction near Tokyo, and now studies at a language school. He described his busy lifestyle and the expected strong work ethic in Japan as follows: In Japan, the construction schedule must be strictly kept. [. . .] I had to work even on weekends. I worked so hard from early morning till late evening, and even had calls at midnight. [. . .] I didn’t even have time to ‘see’ my kids. It was hard to make time for them even on Sunday. Those exhausting experiences made me escape to Australia. [. . .] I had two dreams. First was to be a first-class architect and second was to live abroad. [. . .] I’d had a sense of longing for a life in a foreign country since my childhood, and enjoyed travelling abroad often [after entering a university]. Likewise, Eiji, who had worked at an employment agency in Tokyo, said: When I worked at the company, I had a terrible skin condition on my whole upper body because of stress. I worked until nine or ten p.m. every day. What made me unhealthy were both long working hours and pressure from my boss. [. . .] I discussed this with my [Australian] wife and we thought about the future of our baby. [. . .] We thought it would be impossible to have enough time for a child in Japan. That was how we decided to migrate to Australia. [. . .] From my experience of residing in Darwin, we thought that the relaxed lifestyle of working from nine to five would be possible in Australia. I also had an impression of Australia that the cost of living was low. In his case, a hectic lifestyle and less time for his family in Japan led him to consider migrating to Australia. His example is similar to Atsuto’s experience in that the stress and fatigue associated with long working hours and a workoriented lifestyle acted as a push factor, compelling him to entertain the prospect of life abroad. Here, the pull factor is also similar to the other cases presented above. For Eiji, the appeal of Australia’s “relaxed lifestyle of working from nine to five” was a major component in his decision to migrate as it

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allowed him to spend time with family. He and his wife were unable to foresee the possibility of such a relaxed family life in the busy work-orientated environment of Tokyo. The cases presented above provide some idea as to how push factors such as dissatisfaction with hectic corporate lifestyles in Japan interact with pull factors like the image of Australia’s relaxing lifestyle. In each case the respondent left Japan to escape from a busy life and embraced life in Australia as a means of achieving a more balanced lifestyle. The case of Shintaro illustrates how tourism often helps to facilitate this interaction between the push and pull factors underpinning Japanese migration to Australia. Shintaro had worked in a manufacturing company in Japan and currently works as a translator. Speaking about his impressions of Australia, he remarked: The first time I came to Australia, my plan was to start in Perth and then travel as far as the East coast. However, I went to the airport without knowing that workers in the air industry were on strike. [. . .] I was forced to stay in Perth. Looking back, this may have been fortunate. After sightseeing, I was idle for about a week in Perth. This introduced me to the relaxed atmosphere there, even in the middle of the city, and this is how I constructed an image of Australian life. [. . .] I came to Australia in my university days and fell in love with it. The relaxed lifestyle and relaxed people left a lasting impression on me. In my eyes, the living standard seemed better than in Japan, even though the country was not as affluent as Japan. It was a culture shock for me, that such a country and lifestyle could be achieved. Like the previous respondents, for Shintaro the appeal of Australia was the relaxed nature of its people and lifestyle. Although he returned to his busy life in Japan when his stay ended, he would visit Australia on four more occasions before eventually deciding to migrate there. He cites his increasing workload during the late 1990s, and his corresponding desire for improved harmony between work and leisure, as reasons why he began to consider migrating: The work required a lot of overtime and even though there was an upper limit to overtime, we were doing an increasing amount of unpaid work. Such experiences made me think about migrating overseas. I came to think that I was more suited to working at home or working with more flexibility in my hours. [. . .] Through working for a company in Japan, I have come to believe that work and leisure time are both a part of everyday life. There should be a good balance of work and leisure time.

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In Japan, life is often centred on work. This was probably another reason why I came to think about migrating. For Shintaro, the decision to migrate to Australia involved an inverse relationship between worsening work conditions in Japan and his growing interest in the Australian lifestyle; as his perception of life in Japan deteriorated, this image of Australia’s relaxed atmosphere became increasingly appealing. As a result, he began to take trips to Australia more often and visited Australia almost every year until migration. This transition from tourist to migrant was common for most respondents: over 70% of participants in this study had visited Australia as tourists, working holiday makers or on business prior to their migration. Most cited their tourism experience as being directly or indirectly responsible for their decision to migrate. As such, tourism mediates between interacting factors such as the appeal of the Australian lifestyle and dissatisfaction with the work-oriented lifestyle in Japan, as shown in Diagram 5.1. Diagram 5.1 shows an individual-level model of interaction between the push factor of a work-oriented lifestyle in Japan and the pull factor of the perceived leisure-oriented lifestyle in Australia. As highlighted by the cases presented above and in the previous chapter, new lifestyle values emerged among the Japanese middle class during the economic recession of the 1990s 4. Migration decision Worsened lifestyle in Japan in the 1990s

Reinforced appeal of Australia

3. Interaction Reality:

Appeal / Image:

Work oriented life in Japan

Relaxed lifestyle in Australia

Push Factors

2. Tourism / working holiday overseas education, business trips

Pull Factors

1. New lifestyle values, search for an alternative lifestyle / escape Sense of longing for a life in a foreign country

diagram 5.1  From tourist to migrant: Interaction between push and pull factors at the individual level

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(see 1 and 2 in Diagram 5.1). Those who visited Australia as tourists or working holiday makers had a chance to experience firsthand what they saw as a relaxed Australian lifestyle during their visit. Positive assessments of Australian lifestyle and worsening economic conditions in Japan reinforced one another (see 3 in Diagram 5.1) and this ultimately led to migration decisions (see 3 and 4 in Diagram 5.1).

Freedom and Individualism in Australia

The theme of late modernity has been discussed by many different sociologists (e.g. Beck, Giddens, and Lash 1994; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim 2002; Giddens 1994). Ulrich Beck (1994) argues that in the past few decades, a new type of “institutionalised individualism” has emerged, meaning that modern social forms and institutions (e.g. class, modern family, nation) have begun to weaken and that people are increasingly required to make choices. Beck (1994, 31–2) and Giddens (1994) regard individualism as a key element in the process of modernisation that has brought about a collapse of traditional values and expectations. As individuals in late modernity become less constrained by such influences, they are increasingly flexible about their ability to make decisions; yet this newfound autonomy also means that various aspects of life are now characterised by increasing uncertainty (Beck and Beck-Gersheim 2002, 3–5; Beck 1994, 17–8; Bauman 2000). In the previous chapter, I argued that, during the 1990s, changes in work and leisure values occurred amongst the Japanese middle class, and that, as a result, these individuals grew more flexible in their lifestyle choices. Such flexibility in decisions concerning the life course embodies precisely the shift towards individualism in late modernity. Many of the participants interviewed in this study came to embrace new values that, whilst in direct conflict with the remaining old collective Japanese work ethic and corporate loyalty, allowed them to consider migration as a distinct possibility. For some, the firsthand experience of Australian life through tourism and working holidays ignited in them an urge to escape corporate life. However, for others who were already discontented with the pressures of conformity in everyday life in Japan, Australian society suited their desire to express their individuality and to embark upon a more flexible life course. In what follows, I address four ways in which this tendency manifested itself; escape from conformist pressures, overseas experience and pursuit of individualism, escape from social obligations, and conformity and power of prejudice.

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Escape from Conformist Pressures While conformity is a universal feature of social life, the pressure to conform is particularly pervasive within Japanese corporate life. Conformity is fostered within Japanese workplaces through subtle but influential daily practices such as work-together-style desk allocation and morning assemblies that include flag-flying and listening to a company song. Furthermore, generous welfare provisions such as company houses, company-owned holiday apartments, company loans and health insurance, as well as special payments for employees when their children are born, starting school, or getting married, all serve to reward corporate loyalty and conformity. The interview data gathered in this study suggests the pressures of conformity in Japanese corporate life strongly influenced some of the respondents’ decisions to migrate. In many Japanese companies workers are expected to help others in overtime work and to develop close interpersonal relationships with their colleagues. In some instances, workers are encouraged to comply with certain “ideal” life choices, such as participating in company deposit systems and other welfare systems, getting married at the “right age,” or building a house in a particular suburb. Such is the atmosphere in many Japanese workplaces that failure to exhibit such behaviours may be interpreted as a sign that an individual does not belong. Those individuals whose values conflict with the ideals enshrined within this corporate atmosphere must either abandon such values, or further distance themselves from corporate society, for instance, by working part-time. Natsumi, a former full-time employee at a Japanese company who then switched to haken-style work, describes this conformist atmosphere: I think that in the Japanese offices, everyone must follow the same style in work and other practices. For example, we had a common style in saying hello when entering the office in the morning. I don’t understand it, but everyone had to say it quietly. Natsumi also noted that it was considered rude to give a happy greeting in the morning, as everyone was supposed to be tired from hard work in both company and family life. An ordinary working day in her office began with the ring of a bell and a morning assembly, in which employees listened to the company song and did radio gymnastic exercises. Although the time prior to the official start of the day was considered as private, staff used it to prepare for work or check emails. As she became discontented with this office atmosphere, the idea of life in a “foreign country” began to appeal to Natsumi, and she started to take frequent overseas trips. However, this led to gossip about her way of spending holidays:

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We couldn’t have long holidays in the company, so I’d often go on trips to neighbouring destinations such as Taiwan, Hong Kong, Guam and Hawaii. But after going on two overseas trips in a year, gossip among middle-aged female staff became terrible. I remember one of them said to me, ‘How could you save the money for it?’ Her experience exemplifies the tensions in interaction between young workers with new lifestyle values and those with traditional values. Having an interest in overseas trips and learning English conversation, she was looking for a way to escape from Japanese company life and its pressures of conformity. She chose to switch to haken-style work and withdrew from the company. Haken-work is part-time work obtained through employment agencies. While haken-workers have fewer responsibilities, work fewer hours, and have less human contact, they do not enjoy the same level of job stability and welfare provisions as full-time workers. For Natsumi, switching to haken-style work was a way of establishing a distance from the conformist pressures of Japanese corporate society and retreating into her own private sphere. Before starting haken labour, Natsumi decided to have a working holiday in Australia: After working for five years, I wanted to escape from constraints placed upon me by the company. [. . .] I saw the middle-aged female staff gossiping about me and I did not want to be like them and was afraid to be like them. [. . .] I chose Australia because I had stayed for three weeks when I was in high school, and was familiar with the country. [. . .] It was not until the working holiday that I realised how much I liked living in a foreign country. Her main motivation for this working holiday was to escape from the atmosphere of the Japanese workplace and the “constraints” she felt that it imposed upon her. Having visited before, Natsumi chose Australia because of its familiarity and the relative ease with which she could obtain a working holiday visa, noting that “I could go anywhere but the choices were limited with working holiday visas.” In discussing life in Australia, Natsumi used the term “kaigai (foreign country)” instead of “Australia,” as did many of the respondents interviewed in this project. Such usage suggests that, for some potential migrants, the appeal of Australia as a destination is part of a more general desire to escape to somewhere that is distinctly non-Japanese. Natsumi noted that her image of Australia as a country involved a sense of freedom from the pressures of conformity which characterised her everyday human relationships in corporate life, and which routinely exposed her to gossip. Discussing her working holiday in Australia, she noted:

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I had planned to stay for only five months. But as soon as I started to live in Australia, I thought I’d stay for one year. I felt so free, free from sekentei (public image and reputation) and the eyes of others that forced me to be nice as a shakaijin (a member of society). [. . .] There were various ethnicities and cultures [in Australia] and I was able to escape from a feeling of what ‘I should be’ or ‘what I should do.’ It was really good that I didn’t have to care about other people. Interestingly, Natsumi cites Australia’s ethnic and cultural diversity as enabling her to escape from the continued necessity to be a nice shakaijin in public. In becoming a working holiday maker, her status as a “marginal woman” also gave her a feeling of freedom which she relished, and she eventually returned to Australia after working as a haken-worker for several years in Japan. An important component of pressure to conform in Japanese corporate life is the welfare system by which companies grant their employees provisions such as company-supplied housing, company loans, and medical insurance. Such provisions often served as ideological tools ensuring that those who demonstrated the traditional work ethic were rewarded with guaranteed lifetime employment, as well as a sense of security and belonging. However for those with new lifestyle values, the welfare provisions were viewed as an ideological form of control. For instance, Yuto, in referring to his impression of a Japanese company, stated: I disliked [. . .] how the company controlled both the public and private lives of employees. There was an expected lifestyle, such as if you lived in the company-supplied housing, at a certain age you should take out a housing loan, buy a house, then keep working for the company. Yuto disliked how the company interfered in its employees’ private lives. He noted that his own boss asked if he had a plan to leave the company-supplied housing and build his own house. The pressure of conformity that exists for employees amid the dense networks of interpersonal relationships that characterise Japanese workplaces can be explained using Foucault’s (1977) theory of modern surveillance systems. Makoto, who worked as a computer engineer in Japan, described an interaction that occurred after office hours: At around 6:00 p.m., everyone starts looking around restlessly to check up on other workers’ progress. We, junior staff, cannot go home because

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the boss is still there. The boss, on the other hand, cannot go home because junior staff is still there. At about 8 p.m., the boss would say, ‘All right, that’s enough for today. Let’s go home.’ I disliked this kind of subtle interaction. Such monitoring behaviours, described by several interview participants, act as a form of office surveillance that compels employees to comply with certain work values. Accordingly, some workers were forced to help colleagues after hours, while others pretended to work overtime. Nonetheless, the respondents in question maintained that they were not unhappy with the close nature of human relationships within the company; rather, it was the overwhelming pressure to conform, and a corresponding lack of independence in their style of work, with which they were dissatisfied. Overseas Experience and Pursuit of Individualism Overseas experiences can provide individuals opportunities to expand their life in ways that alter how they interact socially with others in their home country. Interview data gathered in this book shows that, for some respondents, their interest in the Australian lifestyle developed through working holiday experiences, while for others, it grew during overseas business trips. For the majority of respondents, though, their overseas experiences led them to feel increasingly alienated from Japanese corporate society. The case of Yuto illustrates this point. Now in his forties, Yuto had worked for a big manufacturing company in Japan. In discussing his former company life, he stated: During my working life in Japan I had opportunities to go overseas, such as to the usa on business trips. I got a sense that in Australia as well as in America individuals had more freedom in their lives. I began to seriously consider migration. My wife was also enthusiastic about migrating because we met in Australia during a working holiday. His experiences travelling overseas on business trips led Yuto to reassess his lifestyle. As a researcher based in a typically large, conservative Japanese manufacturing company, he began to feel uneasy working in an office environment in which employees did not have any freedom: I don’t deny that it was useful for me to work for the company. However, I wasn’t satisfied with the union activities and my conditions as a worker. After the collapse of the bubble economy, we were expected to do

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research which led to profit, so we no longer had the freedom to research whatever we liked. Also, I disliked the Japanese working custom of staying at work until late. In this response there is a contrast between the ideals of individualism and the constraints of Japanese corporate life, which include ineffective union representation, less freedom in work and long working hours. Yuto observed that it was the business trip to the usa which aroused his desire for a more independent working style and lifestyle. For him, individualism was a feature he regarded as common to most “Western” countries, which made the idea of migration especially appealing. He chose Australia as a migration destination because of the impression it made upon him during his year-long working holiday there: My image of Australia then was that it was an ‘outdoor paradise,’ [. . .] I didn’t have any specific knowledge of the country other than this. [. . .] When I came to Australia on my working holiday, the beautiful towns and plentiful nature did make me want to live here but at that time, I was more interested in enjoying my time than living here. I was a university student then and quite free. At that time I still didn’t know how many unreasonable restrictions Japanese society imposes on people so migration wasn’t a specific option for me. While at the time he was not interested in migration, Australia nonetheless appealed to Yuto as an ideal place to live because of its modern cities and beautiful nature, as well as its suitability for outdoor activities. His fond memories of his experiences in Australia served to illustrate the “unreasonable” nature of many of the restrictions imposed by Japanese society. Upon experiencing the hectic corporate lifestyle and its various constraints upon individual freedom, Yuto’s longing for Australia increased to such a degree that he began to consider migration. He described the enthusiasm with which he collected books on Australia during his preparation for visa application: Books supported me through this busy time of applying for the visa. I was buying and reading just about every Australia-related book I could lay my hands on. When times were toughest, the books written by Yoshio Sugimoto especially motivated me to migrate. I have continued collecting books and I now have about 500.

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While conceding that his practice of collecting books may have been somewhat obsessive, Yuto observed that the practice reinforced his yearning for Australia. The work of Dr Yoshio Sugimoto particularly appealed to him. As a sociologist who obtained Australian citizenship in 1983, Sugimoto (1991, 1993) has also written non-academic books that criticised Japanese society as well as the lack of a cosmopolitan awareness among Japanese such as Nihonjin wo Yameru Hōhō (how to quit being a Japanese) and Australia 6000 nichi (6000 days in Australia). For Yuto who felt uneasy with the Japanese-ness of the corporate lifestyle, the reading of Sugimoto’s books over and over again gave him a cosmopolitan awareness and opportunity to imagine a life beyond the constraints of the Japanese corporate world. Yuto’s case exemplifies how many of the respondents in this project acquired a broader perspective on life through their experiences travelling abroad. By broadening his horizons, his business trips to the United States led Yuto to reassess the quality of his corporate lifestyle in Japan. His experiences abroad instilled in him values of individualism that were incompatible with the pressure of conformity in the Japanese workplace and the traditional life course in Japanese society. Other respondents in this project (e.g. Atsuto, Akira and Ken), described their experiences of life abroad as having similar effects on them. Taro, who had made numerous overseas business trips, observed that: Those who have lived all their lives in one town usually regard what they know as the norm. They go overseas with this view, see something new and think, ‘Why is this different?’ The common sense of Japanese seems to differ from the rest of the world. Those respondents who had experienced life in a foreign country were more likely to feel dissatisfied with the atmosphere of Japanese corporate life and the expectations imposed by the traditional life course. For those who developed this increasingly critical view of Japanese work ethics and customs it became much easier to withdraw from company life and consider migration. Escape from Social Obligations Traditional obligations and expectations are conventional features of social life that are difficult for individuals to avoid. While Japanese society is no different in this regard, many of the respondents identified certain obligations as contributing to the constraining nature of corporate life they wished, through migration, to escape. For instance, in answering the open-ended question, “What are your impressions of Japanese society?” several respondents

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expressed a link between the obligations of sekentei (public image and reputation) and their decisions to migrate. Social obligations and traditional expectations, such as those of sekentei, are typically stronger in regional areas than in urban cities; the interview data presented here illustrates this point. Mayu, who grew up in a local city near Nagoya and worked as an ol in a trading company, described life in her hometown as follows: I lived in a local city, where everyone knew each other for about three generations and could not avoid the public gaze. In Australia, I don’t have to change clothes when going to the supermarket because nobody knows me. I just enjoy that kind of freedom here. This doesn’t mean that I don’t have acquaintances. I mean that no one seems to care about others. In [name of town], my mother was always saying a phrase mittomonai-kara (because it looks bad for others) to me, for instance ‘mittomonai-kara, okeshō shinasai’ (because it looks bad for others, please put on your makeup). Mayu migrated to Australia to marry an Australian she met there during an earlier visit. As such, she is an example of what Sato (2001) calls the “circumstantial migrant.” She describes the visit on which she met her future husband as “a trip to escape from my company life,” thereby implying that dissatisfaction with corporate life in Japan was an indirect push factor in her decision to migrate. Moreover, the response above highlights a contrast between the obligations of keeping up appearances in everyday life in a local Japanese city and the relative absence of such constraints in Australian society. In particular, she cited the necessity of managing her appearance in public and her obligations to the kairanban system (a system whereby the members of jichikai, selfgovernment associations in the local community, circulate a bulletin in which they discuss community news and activities). The constraints of sekentei and responsibilities towards local community were also mentioned by other respondents. Yuto, in his forties, who had worked in a manufacturing company’s laboratory in a local city, discusses how his wife subsequently became a subject of neighbourhood gossip: I enjoyed living in [name of local town]. But we had to be concerned with appearances. My wife was also sick of how people around her tried to define how a woman should behave once she was married and had a child. For example, they thought that when her husband was getting a

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reasonable wage a wife should stay at home and that it was thoughtless of her to work, leaving a one-year-old child in childcare. As new arrivals from Tokyo, Yuto and his family were especially visible within the local community, and felt an acute pressure to conform to local expectations. He noted that his wife had become bothered by the “advice” from neighbours that she should stay home because he had a full-time job. Although he identified typical factors, such as the constraints of company life and working holiday experiences in Australia, he also mentioned that his wife positively and actively supported their plans to migrate. As a means of alleviating her gossip-related stress and the pressures of parenthood, he bought her a personal computer, with which she began to gather information on migration and contact migration agents. In addition to the constraints of sekentei and local community, the burdens imposed by traditional practices are also an important feature of Japanese society. In Japan various kinds of traditional practices exist, from annual ones such as sending New Year’s cards, and giving midyear and end-of-year gifts, to more specific ones, such as giving money during kankonsōsai (ceremonial occasions for the coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship) and giving souvenirs after trips. These obligations extend beyond the family to include company colleagues as well. Although some contemporary Japanese companies now prohibit these formalities between workers, most Japanese still view such practices as unavoidable. When discussing these practices, respondents often described them using the term mendokusai (bother) to express the burden that they felt such practices placed upon them. For instance, Kazuhito used the term to criticise the New Year’s card and gift giving among colleagues in a company, and Mayu used it in describing the kairanban system. Furthermore, some respondents rebelled against these practices. Shoko, a female in her thirties who formerly worked both full-time and part-time in Japan, noted: Since my childhood, I would often say to my parents that I would not marry a Japanese man. [. . .] I thought I couldn’t become a typical Japanese housewife. I didn’t want to send hundreds of New Years’ cards to my husband’s colleagues and business partners. [. . .] I also didn’t want to bother about things like oseibo (year-end gift) and money giving of kankonsōsai. Shoko was reluctant to embody the values and behaviours of the ideal Japanese housewife, and thus considered migration and marriage to a foreigner as an avenue by which she could avoid this. Although her case might be a rare one,

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it nonetheless demonstrates how traditional social obligations contribute to unease about life in Japan, particularly for those who develop more progressive, Westernised lifestyle values. While the pressure of social conformity is unlikely to be a direct reason for migration, the interview data demonstrated that it can be a contributing factor in deciding to migrate. The respondents discussed a range of social obligations and traditional practices which illustrated their dissatisfaction with local Japanese society and enhanced their interest in Australian life, with its relative absence of traditional constraints. Conformity and Power of Prejudice In comparison to Australia, Japanese society is particularly conservative in relation to its acceptance of ethnic minorities and cultural differences, as is demonstrated by the marginalisation of various groups within Japanese society, including gay people (Ito and Yanase 2001), Koreans (Fukuoka 2000) and foreigners (Mori 1996). This project recruited several participants from these excluded groups, including gay people and mixed-marriage couples. First of all, foreign residents often find it difficult to integrate into Japanese society due to such factors as language barriers and their differences in appearance. In this project, two Japanese respondents who married foreigners described the spouse’s difficulty in adjusting to Japanese society as their reason for migration to Australia. Tomoya, the husband of an Australian woman, migrated to Australia after living together in Tokyo. Reflecting on their life in Tokyo, he noted: She had spent [in Japan] three and a half years before I met her, and she had already reached a conclusion that Japan was not a suitable place for her to live even though she liked Japanese culture and people. Then we decided to earn as much as we could until we were prepared to migrate to Australia. While I did not have an opportunity to interview these spouses, accounts such as the one above nonetheless demonstrate the difficulties which foreigners experience in adjusting to Japanese society. Japanese people who grew up overseas also shared similar difficulties. In this project there were two such respondents who lived overseas during their childhood. Having grown up in Brisbane, Chika eventually returned to Australia as a working holiday maker and married an Australian. Whilst searching for a job in Japan, she spoke of her experience of a kind of counter-racial discrimination:

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I tried to apply for a teaching job at an English language school and found many advertisements in Japan Times. When I called one of them, the person on the other end of the line said, ‘Please come and have an interview,’ and I went there. Then, the receptionist said, ‘Are you Japanese?’ Of course I said, ‘Yes, I am.’ Do you know what she said to me? She said, ‘We cannot hire Japanese. We only hire native speakers.’ I got angry and protested. [. . .] I’m a native English speaker, but for them I wasn’t a white person and my appearance wasn’t sufficiently ‘native.’ Can you believe it? I hear that even French people teach English in some schools [in Japan]. While Chika was able to integrate into Japanese society with relative ease because of her Japanese appearance and language proficiency, she nonetheless missed her hometown of Brisbane and returned to Australia on a working holiday. Later she met an Australian man and migrated on a spouse visa. Another returnee included in this project, Emi, grew up in Britain and lived in Japan after that. Discussing her decision to migrate to Australia, she noted: The biggest reason was the ease of obtaining permanent residency. Second was that I felt anxious about America’s patriotic atmosphere after the terror attacks. On the other hand, Australia is based on multiculturalism, and I thought that Japanese would be accepted as Japanese. Third was that warm climate. [. . .] I used to live in Britain but I couldn’t feel that I was integrated. America seemed to accept everyone as an American but I began to be anxious about the pressure of being an American. In Australia, it seemed that everyone can live as a national of each country of origin. This appeal of Australian multiculturalism was a common factor cited by other respondents as influencing their decision to migrate to Australia. Following her experience of racial discrimination in British society, Emi considered the ease with which she would be able to integrate into the host country to be a key criterion in choosing her migration destination. Upon comparing the United States and Australia as potential destinations, she eventually chose Australia because of her belief that it was a place where “everyone can live as a national of each country of origin.” Her case demonstrates how the dual pressures of assimilation and maintenance of identity can be influential in choosing where to migrate. Thus, marginalised people in Japanese society often view migration as an avenue of escape from continuing tensions with the mainstream. This point

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was further illustrated by the case of one respondent, a gay woman, who spoke of how several of her friends chose to migrate to Australia because they felt unable to reveal their sexual preferences in Japan’s conservative society.

Gender Equity in Australia: Escape from a Patriarchal Society

Female migrants account for about 63% of the total of Japanese permanent residents and long-term residents in Australia (mofa 2006). It is important to consider how gender—both directly and indirectly—plays a role in Japanese migration to Australia. Japanese society is generally considered to be patriarchal (Ueno 2004) and lacks the equity in gender that exists in other industrialised countries. However, Japanese society experienced a growth of feminism since the late 1980s when Japan ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1985 and Revised Equal Employment Act in 1999. Against this background, in the mid-1990s, Japanese companies overhauled their employment systems and practices to incorporate gender neutrality. However, informally, power relations in offices and male-dominated practices have not changed dramatically, a point made clear by several respondents in this project. Gender inequity in Japanese society consists of unequal gender roles both within the workplace and in family life. In this section, I will explore these areas and their implications for migration decisions. Natsumi, who had worked at a typical conservative Japanese company and currently works at a call centre in Brisbane, remarked: Although the company tried to change the management system, the bosses and higher levels members were the same. In that company, female workers can’t go up the promotion ladder. The way of thinking is still old. She noted that the values of patriarchy have not changed and practices at work have not improved dramatically even after her company’s restructuring of its male-dominated employment system. Her case suggests that traditional gender values and practices remain prevalent in Japanese workplaces. Emi, who worked in a television production company, mentioned the difficulties she experienced in balancing work and family: I thought that work and family would be incompatible. I think I made a good choice withdrawing from the company. It was not sustainable to do

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both. [. . .] After having a child, it suddenly became difficult to work as much as I used to. In Japan, society is very work-oriented and family is sacrificed. But when I looked at the Australian lifestyle, it seemed totally different. Similarly, Tomomi, who obtained permanent residency after her working holiday, mentioned that she had to choose in her company life between becoming a career woman or adopting more family-oriented options: After promotion, my responsibility and stress increased a lot and that was the moment of my decision. A typical career woman would go further, but I felt tired of it. Fortunately, I managed to get a working holiday visa and had a sufficient amount of savings, so I decided to come to Australia. As Emi noted, “After having a child, it suddenly became difficult to work as much as I used to”. Such difficulty is enhanced by the absence of substantive affirmative action for women with children in Japanese companies, which forces female workers to choose between career and marriage. Yet this gender bias within the structure of corporate life has facilitated the emergence of alternative lifestyle choices among Japanese females. As I explored in Chapter Four, increasing numbers of young females began to choose haken-style or part-time work in order to ease the pressure of the traditional work ethic. Some, like Tomomi above, even chose to emigrate as working holiday makers, or permanent migrants, so as to escape this gendered corporate world. Moreover, patriarchal power relations are embodied more commonly in informal daily practices than in the formal structure of the employment system. For instance, a typically symbolic gendered practice in Japanese workplaces is tea serving to guests or colleagues. Keiko, who had worked at two companies in Japan throughout the 1990s, described this practice: In the first office, I had to serve as a tea lady in addition to all my other duties, and the salary system differed with gender. [. . .] The second company was better. [. . .] The salary system was based on experience . . .  Since tea serving is a practice that enshrines traditional stereotypes about gender roles, some more progressive companies have restricted this practice in offices to the hisho (administrative secretary) who specialises in serving tea to guests and managing the schedule of the company president. At the first company she worked in, Keiko was required to serve tea for guests and colleagues

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and partake in a salary system that differed according to gender. However in the second company, there were no such gendered practices and salaries were not dependent on gender. Furthermore, her second company had already introduced a full five day week. As this case illustrates, the priority with which Japanese companies addressed issues of gender equity within the workplace often varied. While visible sexual harassment and discrimination can be addressed directly, other more invisible forms of sexual discrimination in daily life remain prevalent in Japanese society. For instance, some respondents experienced pressure from relatives to get married, while others cited instances of verbal discrimination while conversing with colleagues. Shoko, who worked at several companies as both full-timer and part-timer, recalled one such instance while working in Japan: When I worked at [company’s name], a man said, ‘Dōse asikake nandesho? (You won’t work for years anyway, will you?)’ The man didn’t mean it in a bad way, but I was shocked. If we worked at a good large company, then we were seen as single women who had wanted to enter the company to find a husband in the same company. In this instance Shoko’s colleague asked her in a casual conversation whether or not she planned to work for many years. However, the word ashikake implied the discriminatory assumption that she would quit the company soon after getting married. This case demonstrates how more informal aspects of gender discrimination and bias can manifest themselves in everyday workplace conversation. Meanwhile, several respondents cited gender inequity in the family as either having a direct or indirect affect upon their decision to migrate. As quoted earlier, Shoko told of how she had decided to marry a foreigner when she was a teen because she did not want to become a typical Japanese housewife. Shoko continued: I thought I couldn’t be an ‘ideal housewife.’ In Japan, it’s taken for granted that women give birth to babies after marriage. Actually I don’t want to have a baby. As such, Shoko was mindful of the expectations associated with the traditional female gender role within the patriarchal Japanese society, that is, the belief that women must strive to become ‘ideal housewives’ and the bearers of children. Her early decision to marry a foreigner represented a rejection of this

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traditional gender role and the static, predetermined life course associated with it. When asked in the focus group discussions for their attitudes towards mixedmarriages, the female respondents in this project—aged in their twenties and thirties—were generally not opposed to the idea of marrying a foreigner. This was illustrated by the following response to the open-ended question “What do you think of a mixed-marriage?”: (The researcher): What do you think of a mixed-marriage? Yui: I want to do that if I can. Aya, Mai: Me, too. Aya: I don’t care about nationality. Yui: I don’t, either. (The researcher): What do you think of Japanese men? Mai: I can’t deny that Japanese men still have an old and conservative way of thinking. Living in a foreign country, I was surprised to see the difference. Australian men help with cooking and other housework as a matter of course. I know Japanese men are also changing, but . . .  In the focus group meeting, every female respondent expressed their tolerance and flexibility in relation to mixed-marriages. Moreover, Mai noted that Australian husbands help more with housework when compared to Japanese men. Overall, the interview data presented here suggests that gender inequality, within both the workplace and the family, remains of concern for Japanese women despite measures in recent years to curb gender discrimination. In several cases, it was shown that gender inequity in Japanese society can serve as a push factor in the migration decisions of Japanese females.

Escape from High Population Density and Japanese Bureaucracy

The quality of the living environment in urban Japanese cities remains below the average of other industrial countries. In the in-depth interviews, respondents who had lived in these areas cited the residential environment and associated problems, such as inadequate administrative systems and leisure facilities, as affecting their decision to migrate to Australia. In this section, several factors will be discussed. First, I will explore the trend in counterurbanisation that has coincided with the economic growth of past decades in modern Japan. Secondly, I will examine the problems of the Japanese

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administrative bureaucracy and the sense of disillusionment with government among the Japanese. The interview data indicated that both of these factors played a role, albeit indirectly, in shaping respondents’ decisions to migrate. Counter-urbanisation The living environment in Japan differs considerably from that of Australia. While Australian cities have been increasing in population size and density, Japanese urban areas have a much higher population density than is the case in Australian cities. Australia has an abundance of open space and wilderness, as well as leisure facilities such as public parks and camping sites. Living expenses and land prices differ significantly between Japan and Australia, such that life in Australia is relatively cheaper than in Japan. In the Japanese urban life, individuals cannot escape from the crowd. On weekdays, commuters endure crowded trains and heavy traffic, while on the weekends, parks and tourist destinations are similarly overpopulated. Most of the respondents described these points amongst the disadvantages of Japanese urban life or the relative advantages of Australian life. Akira, who has lived in Osaka and Tokyo, described the population density in referring to his leisure experiences: I used to visit hot spring resorts and trendy places in the city. But I found that everywhere was crowded, for instance both the destinations and the roads to the destinations. Of course I enjoyed leisure but everywhere was crowded. Although Akira visited Australia on a business visa, his sentiments concerning Japanese urban life echoed those of respondents who were lifestyle migrants living in South-East Queensland. Two respondents who described life in overcrowded Japanese cities, Shintaro and Emi, identified a direct connection between the differences in population densities in Australia and Japan, and their decisions to migrate. Shintaro, who worked at a big company in Tokyo in the 1990s and currently works as an independent translator, described his decision to migrate to Australia as follows: I had been to Australia about five times before migrating. I suppose I never liked Tokyo. I like relaxed places with wide-open spaces and dislike messy, crowded places. [. . .] I had a strong will to come to Australia. I also considered moving to some rural area in Japan if migration to Australia was not possible. However, I realised that moving to a Japanese rural town could be done anytime, but it would not be so easy to move to

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Australia. If there was a chance to go, it would be best to experience this, and therefore we decided to migrate. After his experience of the hectic business lifestyle in crowded Tokyo, Shintaro found Australia an ideal place to live because of its wide-open spaces, and after multiple visits he decided to migrate there. Interestingly, Shintaro also notes that he considered domestic migration to a rural Japanese town where there was “a little more slow-paced atmosphere.” As such, his orientation towards a more relaxed lifestyle parallels the trends of counter-urbanism that have been displayed in many other contemporary Western societies. Emi’s experience was similar and driven by her counter-urban orientation. In her case, her interest in permaculture ultimately led her to choose Australia as a migration destination. Having worked in a high pressured industry in Tokyo, Emi now works as a freelance translator. Discussing her search for a migration destination after withdrawal from the company, she stated: We tried to find the places for domestic migration. It was my interest but we wanted to live somewhere near the sea, and we thought about Bōsō, Shōnan and Okinawa. Also I had passion for organic farming and permaculture, and I checked online sites and contacted many people [to obtain information]. Then I got information that there was a Japanese person living that kind of lifestyle on the Sunshine Coast, and we had a trip to Australia to meet the person. For Emi, it was not simply counter-urbanism, as in the case of Shintaro, but also a preference for the living environment and an interest in permaculture that influenced her selection of a migration destination. During her busy lifestyle in the media industry in Tokyo, she began to develop an interest in permaculture. After having a child, she and her partner decided to leave Tokyo in order to have a more relaxed lifestyle. In selecting possible domestic migration destinations, they considered Bōsō and Shōnan which were accessible from Tokyo, and Okinawa which had an exotic atmosphere of a southern island. On the other hand, for international migration, they considered America and Australia as possible destinations. Ultimately, she chose Australia because of her desire to live abroad, the ease of obtaining a permanent visa, and the low risk of terrorism. This was the only case among respondents where a clear relationship existed between migration decision and environmental issues, specifically permaculture. In addition to counter-urbanism, some respondents referred to the “Australian atmosphere” as an indirect reason for migration. For instance, two

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respondents used the words, “Australian atmosphere,” in describing the open spaces in Australia. This characteristic of open space was often cited alongside Australia’s milder climate. Michiko, who migrated for a semiretirement life in Australia in the 1980s, described how she came to choose Australia as a migration destination: We took a trip to Australia to see what it is like. [. . .] It might be because we went there in winter but I thought that Melbourne and Sydney were too cold and rainy to live. However, when we went to the Gold Coast, the atmosphere was very comfortable. The weather was perfect and the lifestyle near a spacious coastline seemed comfortable. [. . .] Then my husband said, ‘all right, let’s live here.’ [. . .] The houses there were so spacious and there were many budget golf courses. Impressed by a documentary about the lifestyle of Japanese migrants in Australia, she travelled to several Australian cities, and they found that the Gold Coast, with its open spaces, mild climate, and golf courses, matched their preferences. As this case illustrates, geographical characteristics such as open spaces in Australia appear as factors enticing many Japanese away from crowded urban areas in Japan. A lower quality of life in urban Japanese areas, owing to poor housing conditions and leisure facilities, is another factor leading many to migrate. Japanese cities that have experienced rapid economic growth in the postwar era have become concrete jungles. Poor urban planning has meant that Japanese cities lack parks and other public areas commonly found in Australian cities. Furthermore, Japanese housing conditions compare unfavourably with those in Australia due to high land prices and the pressures of population growth. This contrast in living conditions between these countries has encouraged migration to Australia, as Ken’s experiences illustrate: I found that Brisbane had a quiet and calm atmosphere and the people were very friendly. What surprised me were the houses in Australia. Everyone owned a car and lived in a house with a garden, even though it may not have been a gorgeous one. Living in a house in Tokyo seemed impossible for me, ever. Living in such a big city, all I could see in my future was a life in the suburban area. Houses [in Australia] were so cheap at that time. I remember that it was about only twice or triple of an annual income. [. . .] I got the impression that Australia was actually a rich country even though it was a poor country economically.

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For Ken, a typical salaryman’s life in Tokyo could only provide for the typical model of Japanese middle class life—something he called “a life in a small suburban estate.” However, upon his trip to Australia he was surprised to discover high-quality housing conditions at relatively affordable prices. His views on housing conditions were shared by most other respondents discussing their impressions of life in Australia, and as such, housing served as an important factor in their choice of a migration destination. The relative quality of Australian leisure facilities was also cited by many respondents. They were particularly interested in leisure facilities such as parks and leisure space surrounding daily living areas, as well as opportunities for sport and recreation, such as golf and fishing. Koichi, in his thirties, who worked as an architect in Japan, remarked: In Australia, every camping site and park is well-developed. In South Bank, the park even has an artificial beach and we can enter the park for free. In Japan, definitely we would have to pay for that kind of facility, but here, we don’t have to pay much for leisure activities. This illustrates a sentiment typical of other respondents who praised Australia for its better leisure environment. Japanese cities do not have many parks and often charge admission fees for parks with pools or gardens. The high quality of leisure facilities in Australia created a favourable impression of the Australian lifestyle among Japanese. Parents with children found this aspect of Australian life particularly appealing, as indicated by the following comment of Koichi: [Besides a demanding company life,] I would say that having a baby was also one of the reasons why I came here. Raising a child in Japan seemed undesirable from a financial and social standpoint. We thought that we could raise him [their child] to be an open and natural person in this environment. In Australia we have plenty of parks and nature. For Japanese migrants with children, raising a child in Australia was an attractive option that allowed them to escape from the demands of urban life in Japan. The respondent used the Japanese term nobi-nobi sodateru (“raise freely and easily” in direct translation) to express the meaning of raising his child to be an “open and natural person,” but it must be noted that this expression also contains another meaning that refers to avoiding Japan’s juken-sensō (exam war), or the race for students to get into prestigious universities.

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Similarly, Satoshi used to work at a shipping company in Japan and migrated for a semi-retired life in the 1980s. In referring to the living environment in Australia, he mentioned its golf courses: Now I think that golf is the cheapest leisure here in Australia. The golfing cost in Australia is unbelievably low compared to Japan. Even in the expensive club, it costs about 2,500 dollars a year. [. . .] It is about 300 dollars in a cheap club. Can you believe it? It is an annual fee. [. . .] We have many courses in Brisbane, in the biggest city in Queensland. Around Logan, there are four or five on this side of the highway, and four or five on the other side. Most Japanese who migrated in the 1980s were from the relatively affluent middle class. Many had lived a typical Japanese salaryman’s life, which included golf as a regular leisure activity. Thus, for Satoshi, a major advantage of Australia’s living environment was the low cost of golfing as well as its abundance of facilities. Although leisure facilities themselves were unlikely to be a direct reason for migration, the responses above indicate that they were still an important factor for some potential migrants, such as those with children. During the 1980s, Japan became one of the most consumeristic countries in the world, and in particular, the scale of advertising and consumer-orientated subcultures in Japanese society dwarfs that of Australian society. I argue that this gap between Japanese and Australian society has implications for Japanese migrants to Australia. In the interviews, many respondents used the adjectives of nonbiri-shita (easygoing and slow-paced) and ochitsuita (relaxed) in describing Australian society and its lifestyle. Most uses of these expressions by respondents implied that they disliked the busy atmosphere of the Japanese consumer society. Aiko, who worked as a haken-worker in Japan and currently works at a call centre, noted: I used to get frustrated when dealing with my materialistic desires. I was always thinking of things to buy but the consumption sometimes became incompatible with my salary and daily life. I get pulled in a dozen different directions in that information society. Such a view was shared by many young female respondents, who characterised the atmosphere of Japanese society as precisely the opposite of the easygoing and slow-paced Australian lifestyle. The interview data presented here demonstrated that Australia fit the profiles of many Japanese lifestyle migrants who, with their emerging distaste for

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urban living, viewed Australia’s open spaces and its leisure facilities as a welcome change. In particular, this preference was prominent among members of the relatively affluent Japanese middle class and those with children. Problems with Japanese Bureaucracy Japan’s booming population and economy during the 1980s posed difficulties for its bureaucratic system of administration, exemplified by inefficient and disorderly urban planning, national pension systems and postal savings. Its failures, particularly during the economic crises of the 1990s, led to the growing political disenfranchisement among the public. In the interview data presented here, such developments were commonly mentioned as negative features of Japanese society contributing to decisions to move abroad. Satoshi, who migrated in the 1980s after working for a shipping company and currently doing driving instructing as a semi-retired person, said: Why do so many people live in Tokyo? It is because the government does nothing to counter it. [. . .] If Tokyo is too small for its huge population, its function as a city could be maintained for example by limiting the number of issued car licence plates, like in Singapore, or by implementing a park-and-ride system, as seen here, but no steps are taken. Things are ‘unlimited’ [. . .] This can also be seen in how companies all close for the holidays at the same time and cause major holiday crowds and traffic jams. For Satoshi, whose work for a shipping company had given him the experience of life overseas, the relative inefficiencies in Japanese society were so apparent that he cited them when asked about his reasons for migration. He also referred to education systems as follows: Of all the developed countries in the world, only Japan still has the mass exam system. When I said this to my son, who grew up in Australia, he said, ‘Why would you have to sit for an exam to go to university? If you can go to university by passing an exam, what would you go to high school for?’ In Japan there is a tendency to disregard the process and do whatever it takes to pass the university entrance exam, going to cram schools and so on. This response typifies the sentiment of other interviewees who shared a negative impression of the Japanese education system. These individuals regarded Japan’s education system as stifling and oppressive whilst viewing Australian

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education as more flexible and liberal. At the same time, the importance of language education was also mentioned by some parents. In this project, few respondents expressed broader critical views about Japanese administrative systems because most confined their responses to their own personal experience. However some respondents, such as Shohei, described their dissatisfaction with Japanese administrative systems as a part of their response. Shohei, in his thirties, who had a stressful life working in the media industry, said: [As the impression of Japanese society,] in general, there are many good things in Japanese society, but as far as our lifestyle is concerned, it seems a little uncomfortable to live in, for example, managing time, crowded trains, the education system and poor public administration. I think it would not be a fruitful life wasting time and energy for these things. As this extract illustrates, problems in education and government often make for an “uncomfortable” life in Japan. Many respondents were also indifferent to the notion of administrative reform; rather than trying to change Japan’s system, they escaped it by means of migration. Although administrative problems within the Japanese social system are not likely to determine Japanese migration decisions, they nonetheless shaped the experiences of many interviewees in ways that may have indirectly affected their decisions. This section has explored the implications of Japan’s rapid growth during the 1980s, and in particular, the role of counter-urbanisation, in shaping negative perceptions of Japanese society among outbound migrants. The interview data presented here has shown that urban life in Japan and its features, such as crowed trains, heavy traffic and poor leisure facilities, contrasted with Australia’s open spaces, relaxed atmosphere and developed leisure facilities, thus influencing many to migrate to Australia. Problems within Japan’s administrative systems, particularly in the areas of education and urban planning, were also found to have created a negative impression of Japanese society among many of those who migrated to Australia. This chapter examined the reasons that led Japanese to emigrate and, more specifically, to choose Australia as their destination. Four key pull factors were highlighted that increased Australia’s appeal to potential Japanese immigrants: its relaxed lifestyle, its values of freedom and individualism, gender equity, and counter-urbanisation. Firstly, an interaction between the push factor of dissatisfaction with the hectic lifestyle in Japan was argued and it was pointed out that the pull factor of Australia’s perceived balanced lifestyle contributed to the decision to migrate to Australia. Secondly, it was demonstrated how the

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perception of freedom and individualism in Australian society enticed Japanese lifestyle migrants to decide to migrate to Australia as a means of escaping the pressures of conformity within their workplace. Thirdly, it was described how problems of gender inequity, and in particular, processes of informal gender discrimination, in Japanese society acted as an important push factor in influencing many Japanese females to migrate to Australia. Finally, the rise of counter-urbanisation and the problems of Japanese administrative systems were claimed as the factors behind Japanese migration to Australia, and it was highlighted that these factors gave rise to negative perceptions of Japanese society amongst many of those who ultimately migrated to Australia. In short, this chapter described how the interaction between push factors of migrants’ experiences in Japan, and pull factors in Australia, helped to bring about the decision to migrate to Australia. The next chapter will explore the life after migration of Japanese lifestyle migrants in South-East Queensland. In doing so, their daily practices of work and leisure, their nexus with homeland, and settlement choices concerning where they live and how they interact with the Japanese ethnic community will be examined.

CHAPTER 6

Life after Migration: Japanese Immigrants’ Experience of Migration Although an aim of Australian immigration policy is to allow migrants to “settle” and climb the ladder of social mobility, this is not necessarily of highest priority for Japanese migrants in Australia; rather, they are likely to focus on achieving a relaxed lifestyle after migration. Furthermore, many Japanese lifestyle migrants still entertain the possibility of returning home in the future, even after obtaining permanent residency in Australia. Together, these competing aspirations of having a leisure-orientated lifestyle and of continued transnational migration help define the Japanese migrant experience in Australia. This chapter will explore the ways in which these affect Japanese migrants’ settlement patterns and their daily practices of work and leisure. In the previous chapter, it was argued that as new lifestyle preferences emerged within the Japanese middle class during the 1990s, the interplay between such push factors as dissatisfaction with corporate life in Japan, and pull factors, including the appeal of Australia as an ideal destination for leisure, propelled Japanese migration to Australia. This chapter, in turn, juxtaposes these Japanese migrants’ expectations of life in Australia with their actual experiences following migration. In doing so, I gauge the extent to which migrants’ settlement patterns, working styles and leisure practices reflect their lifestyle values. This discussion is divided into two sections. Firstly, this chapter will examine the settlement patterns and residential choices of Japanese lifestyle migrants living in South-East Queensland, and identify two scenarios which have typically unfolded: a positive acceptance of downward social mobility, or the return to a busy lifestyle, either operating a small business or working in a Japanese-owned company. Secondly, the daily practices of Japanese migrants in several areas that shape the settlement process will be examined, and their involvement within the Japanese ethnic community, their work patterns, and their leisure behaviour following migration will be highlighted.

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Settlement Patterns of Japanese Lifestyle Migrants in Australia

Residential Choice and the Place of Migration Evidence suggests that the lifestyle values and preferences of migrants abroad help to determine their settlement location. In their study of domestic urban-rural migration patterns, Hugo and Smailes (1985) observe that changing lifestyle and residential preferences have contributed to population turnaround from urban to rural areas in Australia. Similarly, Dredge (2001) catalogues the role that such leisure preferences have played in facilitating tourism development in Lake Macquarie, New South Wales. Williams and Hall (2000) also theorise that lifestyle choice has become a significant factor in migration and residential relocation. Yet despite this consensus that the lifestyle migrants base their residential choices on their leisure preferences, my fieldwork indicates that, for Japanese lifestyle migrants in South-East Queensland, this is not necessarily the case. Rather, the majority of respondents interviewed in this project now reside in areas that cater more to their practical needs, such as employment and education, than for the pursuit of leisure. The interview data as well as my participant observation illustrate generational differences in the residential choices of Japanese lifestyle migrants in South-East Queensland. While retirees and semi-retirees gravitated more towards places exemplifying their preconceived images of the Australian way of life, most of those who migrated to Australia during the 1990s instead chose to reside in areas where their workplaces or schools were conveniently accessible (Nagatomo 2008d). The majority of younger migrants did, however, attempt to settle in a place that matched their expected image of “Australian life,” but eventually decided to relocate to a more convenient location. As such, many respondents expressed the sense of a discrepancy between their expectations of Australian life and their experiences following settlement. The case of a female respondent, Emi, cited in the previous chapter, demonstrates this point. Having left her busy lifestyle in the Japanese media industry and migrated to Australia to pursue an interest in permaculture, Emi described her reasons for choosing to reside on the Sunshine Coast: We had thought that we wanted to live in a coastal town, and looked for such a property. After seeing some properties, we found this apartment with a view of the ocean. The beach is a short walk from here and I think it is the best location for raising our child. [. . .] However, at this moment it seems hard for my husband to find a job around here . . . 

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Emi explained that her main reason for migrating to Australia was her appreciation of nature and her desire to live close to the ocean. Although her skill as a translator enabled her to earn an income, she noted that it was difficult for her husband to find employment; eventually, they left their beachfront apartment on the Sunshine Coast to pursue job opportunities on the Gold Coast. This example highlights the way in which Japanese lifestyle migrants, when faced with a gap between their expectations of life in Australia and their post-migration experiences, are often required to reassess their residential choices. The case of Hanae, a woman in her thirties who used to live on the Sunshine Coast and now resides in Brisbane, further illustrates how lifestyle values influence migrants’ early residential choices following arrival in Australia. After leaving her job as a clerical worker in Japan and migrating to Australia as a working holiday maker, Hanae initially chose to live on the Sunshine Coast, noting that: Since I wanted to live near the beach and learn surfing, I chose a coastal area only two minutes’ walk from a beach on the Sunshine Coast. I enjoyed walking on the beach and appreciated the nature in open air almost every morning, but I hesitated to do surfing after all because I was just satisfied with seeing the ocean. [. . .] In moving to Brisbane I prioritised convenience and looked for a property that was near a station or bus stop, within Two Zones [of public transportation zone from the centre of the city] from cbd [Central Business District]. Although Hanae chose the coastal area on the Sunshine Coast as an ideal location to pursue a surfing lifestyle, she found after some time that her interest in water sports had waned and that she was “just satisfied with seeing the ocean.” At the same time, her difficulty in finding a job led her to reassess her residential priorities, and ultimately, she decided to move to Brisbane. Having deemed employment more important than her interest in leisure, she identified convenient access to the central business district in Brisbane as her new criteria for choosing a location in which to settle. As these cases have shown, discrepancies between their expectations prior to migration and the realities of life upon arrival in Australia often led young Japanese lifestyle migrants to leave their initial place of residence and move to areas that provided access to work and education. The following examples further illustrate the kinds of practical concerns that influenced young Japanese residents in their choice of residential location. Mami, a woman in her thirties, worked as an office clerk in Japan, before teaching Japanese in a regional town

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in Australia, and ultimately undertaking postgraduate study. Describing her rationale for deciding where to live, she noted: Since my school was [name of school], I looked for a suburb close to the school, then I found a unit in (name of suburb) accessible from the City Cat [ferry] terminal. My old friend also lived just around the corner. Makoto, who worked as computer engineer in Japan before studying English at a language school in Australia, identified similar factors underlying his decision to relocate to the south side of Brisbane after initially living in Kenmore, a relatively middle class suburb: I thought about access from the school as well as rent price. The other side of the river such as St Lucia, Toowong and Indooroopilly seemed too busy and expensive, and I chose this side. At that time, the Green Bridge had not been constructed, and I needed to ride a bike around the city but it was fine with me because I like cycling. These responses indicate that young Japanese migrants tend to choose their place of residence based on affordability and the convenience of access to school or workplace. For the participants cited here, this often meant adjusting the priorities with which they had begun life in Australia and relocating when they found that their interests were better served elsewhere. While the participants in this project were not concentrated in any one particular residential area, younger migrants commonly chose to live in suburbs located between public transport Zones Two to Three, approximately 2–10 kilometres from the city. While the residential choices of younger Japanese migrants were largely characterised by their ongoing practical considerations, those who migrated for retirement or semi-retirement were more likely to reside in areas whose geographic features resonated with their idealised visions of Australia and the Australian way of life. For instance, many respondents cited the mild climate of South-East Queensland as an important factor in deciding where in Australia they would ultimately settle. Hirofumi, a male respondent who grew up in snowy Northern Japan, worked in North Queensland for many years and currently has a semi-retired life in Brisbane, noted: During the period I lived in North Queensland (for business), I visited various locations in search of a place for our family to live. Our head office was in Melbourne at the time so I considered Melbourne, but the

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weather there was cold after all and I decided against it. In Brisbane there happened to be a very close Australian friend who lived in (name of suburb). Also, Brisbane was the capital of Queensland and had universities, and thinking of the children’s education, seemed a suitable choice for the future. Being raised in Hokkaidō, I also knew the pain of washing up during winter. While his children’s future education was an important factor in his decision, Hirofumi’s expectation that he live in a milder climate than he experienced in Northern Japan led him to settle in Brisbane instead of Melbourne. As noted in the previous chapter, Australia’s milder climate was one of the major pull factors enticing Japanese to migrate to Australia. Another important characteristic that middle-aged Japanese migrants sought in their settlement location was an abundance of open space and environments suited to their leisure activities. For some this meant the availability of leisure facilities such as golf courses and public parks, while others referred to the natural environment. For instance, Sachiko, a female in her fifties who migrated to Australia from Hong Kong with her husband, expressed her preference for open space: After checking many places, we chose (name of suburb). We used to live in Hong Kong and thought that the waterfront high rise apartments in Brisbane and the Gold Coast were not attractive. We looked for some beautiful place in this beautiful country. For Sachiko, who lived in a high-rise apartment in Hong Kong, escaping the confines of the city was an important priority in determining where to live within Australia. She noted that she and her husband disliked the high rise waterfront apartments in Brisbane and the Gold Coast; eventually, they settled in a place that more accurately reflected their idealised image of Australia with its vast, open spaces. Michiko, who used to run a family business in Japan and migrated to Australia for a semi-retired life with her family, described a process of immigration and settlement shaped by similar concerns as those retirees quoted previously: Our life as immigrants started on the Gold Coast. After the two inspection trips, it was the Gold Coast where we wanted to live. The main reason was its pleasant weather. At first we lived in (name of suburb), but after about

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eight months we decided to move to Brisbane due to our daughter’s school. [. . .] In Brisbane, we bought a house in (name of suburb). We stayed there for eight to nine years. While the older Japanese migrants cited here were relatively wealthier than those younger Japanese who migrated since the 1990s, and thus better positioned to choose a residential location that matched their desired lifestyle, they too recognised practical considerations such as their children’s education, as factors in their decision-making. However, the decisions of some older migrants to relocate were based predominantly on their changing leisure preferences. For example, Sachiko, who migrated to Australia with her Australian husband, explained her rationale for moving to a waterfront house on Moreton Bay as follows: The life in (name of a suburb) was relaxed and we had a big block of land, but the maintenance of the land area was very tough. I was tired of mowing the lawn on the large property, and sometimes I saw snakes. [. . .] The reason for moving to this waterfront was Moreton Bay. We moved here about seven years ago. We had been thinking of moving to the coastal area, but when we visited my friend’s house in (name of suburb), we liked this area’s atmosphere and the breezes from Moreton Bay. On the same day, we hopped into a real estate office and asked them if there was still a vacancy. Now we enjoy our routine walk in the park along the bay every morning. While Sachiko’s initial settlement location had resonated with her original desire for wide open space, the hard work involved in maintaining such an image had begun to interfere with the relaxed lifestyle for which she had migrated in the first place. For this reason, they moved to a seaside area that allowed for more relaxing leisure activities, such as routine walks along the waterfront every morning. This example further illustrates the contrasting residential trajectories of Japanese migrants from various backgrounds; while younger migrants are often required to relocate in accordance with practical concerns such as housing affordability and commuting distance, older and more established migrants demonstrated a degree of flexibility in choosing residential locations based on their lifestyle preferences. The case of Michiko, who initially lived on the Gold Coast and then moved to Brisbane for her daughter’s education, further illustrates the flexibility with which older Japanese migrants approached their residential choices:

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. . . After that we again moved to the Gold Coast. This time we lived in (name of suburb). We kept the house in (name of suburb in Brisbane). This was because of the strict regulations at our new place on the Gold Coast which stated that we could not keep two dogs, and so we left one dog at (name of suburb in Brisbane). After a while of leaving one dog and going back and forth between the Gold Coast and Brisbane, we made up our minds to sell one of the houses. Eventually the house in (name of suburb on the Gold Coast) where we spent around a year was sold first, and we returned to (name of suburb in Brisbane). For Michiko, both practical considerations and lifestyle preferences have factored into her successive decisions to relocate during her time living in Australia. She left her first place of residence on the Gold Coast because it did not have a suitable local school for her daughter, and in her third residence, also on the Gold Coast, restrictions prevented her from keeping two dogs at the same address. Although Michiko had begun a relaxed lifestyle in a Gold Coast retirement village with a golf course, she still regularly travelled back and forth between her properties in Brisbane and the Gold Coast to tend to her dogs, and eventually sold her retirement property so she could remain in Brisbane. Although many middle-aged Japanese migrants return home after encountering practical difficulties living as foreigners in Australia (Tsukui 2007), the experiences of the respondents cited here indicate that older and wealthier migrants have greater flexibility in choosing a place to live that suits their particular needs. While Sachiko’s decision to move to the waterfront from inner Brisbane was based solely on leisure, Michiko moved between the Gold Coast and Brisbane for reasons that were both practical and lifestyle-related. Yet unlike younger Japanese migrants who arrived in Australia since the 1990s, these middle-age retirees exhibit a kind of residential mobility that is shaped less by unanticipated hardships of migration, and more by a desire to pursue a leisure-orientated lifestyle. In my participant observation I found that middle-aged Japanese migrants commonly chose to live in high-rise coastal apartments, newer coastal or inland residential areas, and retirement villages on the Gold Coast. Such residences are often portrayed by real estate firms as unique community havens in which one can experience a typically Australian lifestyle. Yet this projected image of an idealistic Australian community is largely artificial; for instance, most high-rise apartment complexes on the Gold Coast serve as holiday apartments for Australians rather than residential places. Retirement villages and other newly constructed residential areas tend to have commercially designed gates with signs welcoming visitors into the “community,” and advertising that

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includes words such as “lifestyle” and “seaside.” The residents of these new housing developments can enjoy shopping and leisure activities such as golf and shopping in their neighbourhood and lead a leisurely lifestyle. Michiko, a female retiree aged in her sixties, detailed her daily life in one such housing estate as follows: [After running our business in Australia,] we are now retired and enjoy playing golf. It has been nearly ten years of such a lifestyle. Our golforiented life is getting slower. I enjoyed golf most when I just turned fifty years old. Now my husband is sixty-five and I am one year younger. Perhaps because of our age, the golf course feels hot and the ball doesn’t go far, but we enjoy golf at a relaxed pace, for good health. [. . .] There is a golf course nearby and it is quite cheap. I can go to a big shopping centre by car. If you have a car, it is very convenient around here. Likewise, Sachiko praised the atmosphere of the residential area in which she lived as an ideal environment for the pursuit of a leisure-orientated lifestyle: Living here, right in front of Moreton Bay, I can enjoy this nice breeze from the bay every day and the view from [the garden] is beautiful. I can see yachts passing by. [. . .] The park along the Bay is a nice place to have a walk in the morning. This suburb is quite new and I like this atmosphere of the coastal area. Although the appeal of a typically “Australian way of life” was an important pull factor in enticing many Japanese lifestyle migrants to Australia, there is little reason to believe that any of the activities and attractions mentioned above, such as playing golf or watching yachts sailing past, are particularly unique to Australia. These kinds of general characteristics, which help to form a discourse concerning “the Australian way of life,” feature heavily in images designed for the consumption of lifestyle migrants in these leisure-orientated places. In such areas, there is an inevitable disjuncture between the “place,” as constituted according to this popular discourse, and locality, such that the space in question has no discernable identity criteria other than that which is imposed upon it. This is a phenomenon which, as Augé (1995) argues, gives rise to “non-places”: If place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity will be a non-place (Augé 1995, 78).

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Augé points out that these “hypermodern places” differ from places where there is a “natural” relationship between place, history and identity. Giddens (1990) regards this disjuncture between place and locality as a defining characteristic of globalisation in late modernity. According to Giddens, places have become “phantasmagorical,” and their “disembeddedness” has become an increasingly prominent feature of everyday life; things once “embedded” in a particular location may now, within the process of globalisation, acquire new locality. The residential areas discussed above, such as the retirement village and the commercial housing estate, can be regarded as “non-places” in the sense that they represent artificial spaces in which the discourse of the Australian way of life is reproduced via many of the carefully selected images of leisure and nature identified previously. As Tomlinson (1999, 194) points out, the experience of the “non-place” is the ultimate example of Gesellschaft, in that it requires a relationship between the individual and the place which resembles a contract that, by reproducing its ascribed values and meanings, an individual is bound into. Some enter into such contracts even if they recognise the artificiality or consumerism of such places and “communities” inhabiting them. On this note, Urry (1995) identifies tourist destinations as places that have been constructed to be consumed, physically or virtually, by anyone. The new housing estates and high-rise apartments where many Japanese migrants have chosen to reside represent spaces in which inhabitants replicate and consume the imagery of “Australian life.” There remains a question about whether or not the space, where Japanese feel they belong, can be called “non-places.” However, as far as the urban space itself is concerned, it can be seen as a unique place where the locality and the place are disconnected. In summary, the values and preferences of Japanese lifestyle migrants in Australia affected their residential choices. Those younger migrants who still worked full-time were more likely to relocate to different residential areas when various practical considerations, such as employment and education, began to overshadow their interest in leisure pursuits. However, older retired or semi-retired migrants living in Australia chose overwhelmingly to live in areas where they could relax, engage in leisurely activities, and pursue the idealistic “Australian way of life.” The cases presented thus far illustrate a clear linkage between lifestyle expectations and settlement patterns. Lifestyle Values and Downward Social Mobility As lifestyle migrants in Australia, work-life balance matters because it determines their quality of life after migration. Two key scenarios were observed in my fieldwork in relation to their work-life balance after migration. One was a

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positive acceptance of downward social mobility for pursuing the quality of life, and the other was the return to a busy lifestyle by running a small business or working in a Japanese-owned company. Japanese migrants living in South-East Queensland generally do not experience prolonged difficulties in finding a job due to employment opportunities within the tourism industry and in Japanese companies located in Brisbane and the Gold Coast. For Japanese migrants escaping their business-oriented lives in corporate Japan, the pursuit of a more balanced Australian lifestyle has been an important factor in decisions they make after migration. Accordingly, many Japanese migrants have readily readjusted their orientation towards work and their career priorities, with some moving from professional to clerical jobs, and others shifting from full-time to part-time. As noted earlier, managerial positions accounted for around 20% of the respondents’ jobs in Japan, and this figure decreased to around 10% upon moving to Australia, whilst the percentage of retired or semi-retired people rose from 0% to about 13%. While the ideal of an Australian way of life is generally regarded as an important factor shaping the experiences of middle class Asian immigrants in Australia, (Ip, Wu, and Inglis 1998), I argue that, for Japanese migrants to Australia, the pursuit of this ideal lifestyle is particularly influential for their settlement patterns as well as daily practices. Upon passing the “point system” as part of their immigration entry requirements, the majority of respondents in this project entered directly into the Australian middle class; yet few respondents harboured ambitions of raising their economic status and achieving upward social mobility. Owing to their experience with a work-oriented culture in Japan, such individuals instead focus on pursuing a lifestyle in which work and leisure practices are more balanced. Despite the emergence of a revised work ethic among younger members of the Japanese middle class, there still exists a considerable degree of tension between these newly emphasised lifestyle values and traditional Japanese attitudes towards work. Furthermore, I argue that this tension has been particularly evident for Japanese lifestyle migrants living in Australia. For Japanese migrants who moved to Australia in order to escape a workoriented lifestyle in Japan, achieving a balanced life has been a more important goal than building successful and profitable careers. In line with these rearranged lifestyle values, they expected some degree of downward social mobility after migration and were thus relatively indifferent to the prospect of economic success in Australia. The following quote from Kazuhito, a male in his forties who was formerly employed in the Japanese media industry and now works at a local factory, illustrates how migrants’ new lifestyle values have affected their work practices after migration:

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I have to work from early morning but can get home around 4 p.m. I also can take two weeks holiday at one time. This would be impossible in Japan. Everyone would look coldly of me if I took even a week off. [. . .] I used to work for the Japanese tv industry on the Gold Coast but I was unsatisfied with the working style. Working hours were long and the expected work ethic and practice were totally Japanese ones because most clients were Japanese. His case demonstrates an emphasis on lifestyle considerations in career choices that was typical amongst Japanese migrants to Australia. What enticed Kazuhito to migrate was his dissatisfaction with the Japanese work ethic, and although he experienced both white-collar and blue collar jobs in Australia, he eventually chose to work at a local factory. In choosing his current job, Kazuhito was naturally concerned with earning enough money to raise his children; however, he was no longer interested in upward social mobility and the strictly work-orientated lifestyle it demanded. As such, Kazuhito mentioned in his interview that he chose not to work for a Japanese company in Queensland where he could earn more money at the expense of longer working hours. Instead, his focus on a more balanced lifestyle in Australia enabled him to develop his private passion of writing novels. Although Kazuhito’s case was rare in that he willingly chose to become a blue-collar worker, similar examples can be found among white-collar Japanese workers in Australia as well. Tomomi, who had been a career woman in Japan and currently works at a call centre, remarked: I find working in this company a little bit off-putting because I feel that I’m just a cog in the wheel. It’s a bitter pill to swallow, but it would be the same anywhere. [. . .] But it’s more of a less responsible work than a responsible job that I used to have, and I think it’s an advantage of my current working style. Similarly, Shintaro had a company-oriented lifestyle in Japan characterised by busy but close personal relationships with colleagues in both work and leisure. Now working at home as a translator and a casual researcher, he describes his working lifestyle in Australia as follows: In Australia, no one would blame you for not working full-time. In fact, I manage to scrape a living only by working part-time and I’m happy with this lifestyle right now. In Japan, you’d feel unsettled if you didn’t work and beat around on weekdays. Good thing about Australia is that you wouldn’t have to care about the ‘proper’ way of life.

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His case is typical of many white-collar Japanese migrants who have experienced and willingly embraced downward social mobility after migration. As a full-time worker at a top-ranking company in Japan, he had job security, financial stability and high social status. However, dissatisfaction with his lifestyle and a worsening workplace atmosphere during the 1990s, led him to migrate to Australia after visiting several times as a tourist. The satisfaction that Shintaro expressed in his lifestyle as a casual worker illustrates the improvement that many Japanese lifestyle migrants seek by prioritising their private lives over a self-sacrificing focus on work. Importantly, Shintaro notes that in Australia there is less social pressure to undertake full-time work, and thus greater freedom to pursue a more comfortable balanced lifestyle. Many responses given by participants indicated a sense of indifference towards economic success. For instance, Satoshi, who had a company-oriented lifestyle in Japan and migrated for a semi-retirement lifestyle in Australia, described the “accidental success” of his wholesale business: .

From 1989 through about 1993, although the bubble economy in Japan had ended, the number of Japanese restaurants increased rapidly in these four years. About twenty restaurants existed on the Gold Coast. It was a similar situation in Brisbane. Up until 1995 everyone would have made a good profit. When the market expands, the sales increase without effort. Business is most of the time like a yacht. If a wind comes from behind, the yacht will arrive at its destination without a hitch. Eiji, who had a busy lifestyle in Japan and migrated to Australia for a more balanced life with his Australian wife, characterised the difference in lifestyle between Japan and Australia as follows: To be honest, in terms of finance, it is much tougher than expected because I remembered the cheap prices in Australia about ten years ago. At that time one dollar was equal to sixty yen, but now it is about one hundred yen. [. . .] But it is not all about the money. I am now happy as long as I can cover the basic living expenses and enjoy the time for leisure or time with family. Now I have a time with my wife, and I also enjoy football in a club every weekend. Given the significant role of lifestyle values in shaping their decisions to migrate to Australia, maintaining a balance between work and leisure was a high priority for Japanese migrants in their career choices following migration. Most of the interviewees held negative views of the work-orientated ethos in Japanese society, and thus expected a more leisure-oriented lifestyle after migration.

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The responses presented here suggest that a by-product of this motivation for migration is a sense of relative indifference to economic success and the prospect of upward social mobility. This contrasts with the tendency of migrants from other Asian countries to place greater emphasis on such economic factors following their migration to Australia. Running Small Business and Working for Japanese-owned Businesses While most Japanese lifestyle migrants positively accept the downward social mobility after migration to pursue their expected work-life balance, some Japanese return to a busy lifestyle even after migration. This case was commonly observed among those who run a small business and those who work for Japanese-owned businesses in Australia. Reality of Small Business of Japanese Migrants to Australia A family-owned small business is a common starting point for Asian migrants who aspire to social mobility (Collins et al. 1995) and such has typically been the case for Asian migrants in the United States (Min 1984). In my participant observation and the interviews conducted for this project I found that, while middle class Japanese migrants who arrived until the early 1990s had high levels of economic capital, more recent migrants were relatively less wealthy and thus at greater risk of experiencing difficulties running their own business. Earlier migrants had benefited from the economic boom in Japan in the 1980s and a corresponding expansion of the Japanese market in Australia; during this time they had become highly skilled and well-situated within large business networks. By contrast, the Japanese migrants who arrived in the 1990s, characterised by an economic recession in Japan, were unable to accumulate the same level of financial resources prior to migration. Such differences, which were reflected in the experiences of the respondents in this project, were particularly influential in the plight of those Japanese migrants who ran businesses in Australia. Of the thirty-one respondents included in the in-depth interviews nine respondents currently run a small business or assist in the running of their spouse’s family business. Another two respondents formerly ran small businesses; one is now retired and the other works for a big company. Of the nine respondents who are currently involved in small business, two worked as independent translators, two as freelance professionals (hairdresser and driving instructor), three run a shop or restaurant, and two worked in an import/ export business. Among the two respondents who quit their businesses, one used to run an import and export business and the other ran a delicatessen.

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Based on my participant observation, this occupational sample appears to be fairly representative of the population of Japanese migrants in South-East Queensland. Every respondent who runs or used to run a small business was formerly a white-collar employee in Japan, and most worked for a company or organisation rather than running their own business. When asked about their motivations for migrating to Australia, the most common reason these respondents gave was a desire to escape their hectic company-oriented lifestyle. However, the in-depth interviews and my own participant observation suggested that those who ran a small business after arriving in Australia did not have a very leisure-oriented lifestyle. As foreigners, they encountered various difficulties in establishing their business, including differences in business practices, their lack of English proficiency and racial discrimination. For those who fled their work-oriented lives in Japanese society, such obstacles associated with running a business undermined their expectations of a more relaxed lifestyle in Australia, and they began to experience similar work-related pressures. Rena, who worked part-time in Japan, came to Australia for a working holiday and now works as a clerk at a computer shop while assisting at her husband’s Japanese restaurant. She described the toll that maintaining their business, which is chronically understaffed, has taken on time for relaxation and leisure: Our restaurant was suffering from lack of staff. So I began to help him out when my other work was off. [. . .] We get home at 11 p.m. every day and can’t do anything on holiday because we need to take a rest at home. For Rena, it was difficult to maintain a balance between work and leisure after she began to work at her husband’s restaurant in addition to her part-time job at a computer shop. She had visited Australia as a working holiday maker before her migration and had an image of Australia as “a country where easygoing people enjoy a relaxed lifestyle”; yet, far from exemplifying this ideal, her current lifestyle is a hectic one that has left her fatigued. Similarly, the experiences of Chika, the spouse of an Australian husband who operates an automobile dealership, demonstrate this work-orientated focus: Presently, I’m leading a busy lifestyle in a car sales business with my husband. Before this I worked on my own as an exchange and immigration counsellor, and also took interpreting jobs. [. . .] However, when my

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husband was blessed with the opportunity to buy a dealership, I began to help out with this business. [. . .] Sunday is the only day off, a day to relax which we spend together as family. We keep horses at home, and if there is time I enjoy horse riding with my child. On Saturdays my husband works at the office while I work as a mother, cleaner, and driver for my child. During the tourism boom of the 1990s, she bought a farm and start a farm-stay business. However, after she began to assist her husband with his business, her workload intensified to such an extent that “Sunday is the only day off, a day to relax,” and her emphasis on leisure and relaxation was significantly reduced. For Ken, who migrated to Australia with a British-born Australian wife in the 1980s, the experience of working at an import/export business in Japan during the economic boom of the 1980s helped to shape his plan of starting such a company in Australia. Nonetheless, he was still faced with a difficult path in the realisation of this goal: As I had worked in the import and export business in Japan, I was planning to run such a business myself. In the first few years I had zero income. It was very difficult. [. . .] Helped by the earlier Japanese migrants, I did various jobs. I worked as a removalist, as an agent for a transport company, and as a wholesaler for souvenir shops and jewellery shops. This case of Ken is typical of the upwardly mobile skilled Japanese migrants of the 1980s, in that although he was faced with hardship, he was able to draw upon the support of other Japanese migrants, and was ultimately buoyed by the state of the booming Japanese economy during this period: Fortunately for me, because the Japanese economy was improving at the end of the 1980s, even high-priced goods from Australia sold well. I benefited from the bubble economy. [. . .] Other than building materials, Japan was importing various goods including luxury goods, foodstuffs, shells, and leather products, even if they were expensive. Although he had experience in the import/export industry, Ken’s lack of fluency in English prevented him from finding a job in Australia; yet with the support of the Japanese migrant community, and the increased demand for Australian products in Japan during the economic boom of the 1980s, Ken was able to establish his business and acquire the foothold he needed in order to ascend the social ladder.

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While some migrants succeeded in their business, others failed. The experience of Michiko, who used to run a souvenir shop in Japan and migrated to Australia for a semi-retired life, provides one such example: As we came here as business migrants, we were required to run some business. However, we were allowed to leave this for one or two years on account of language study. [. . .] Also, due to my husband’s health worries in Japan, we thought we should relax a little. As a result we decided on a business of importing and exporting classic cars. Although she and her husband migrated to Australia as business migrants, their main reason for migration was to pursue a relaxed semi-retirement lifestyle. Their family-business of importing and exporting cars was supposed to afford them a relaxed lifestyle whilst allowing her husband to indulge his passion for classic cars. However, their failure of business, as a result of the economic downturn in Japan, led them to consider retirement lifestyle: In Japan there was a good time when classic cars priced at several million yen would be sold, but after the bubble burst the Japanese economy went downwards and the cars did not sell well. [. . .] even the auction house at the Gold Coast went bankrupt. [. . .] We kept up this import and export business for seven to eight years, and in the end the situation was such that we were open, but doing no business. Even so, I think it was good. Now we enjoy the retirement lifestyle. Similarly, Chiharu, who used to be a teacher in Japan, before running a delicatessen on the Sunshine Coast and now works as an independent translator, described the pressures associated with running her own business upon arrival in Australia: I used to run a delicatessen shop on a street on the Sunshine Coast. [. . .] It was very hard because the business was slow on both weekdays and weekends. I worked from early morning until night for preparation, business, cleaning, organising and so on. [. . .] After that, we moved to Brisbane, and my husband was ‘saved’ by a Japanese community organisation and I began to work on my own as a freelance translator. For this former teacher who migrated to escape from the work-oriented lifestyle of Japanese society, the reality of running a shop contrasted sharply with her expectations. Eventually, when her business failed and she had to raise

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her children, she and her husband were able to find suitable employment in Brisbane by relying upon their network of contacts within the Japanese community. As was the case with Ken, Chiharu and her family were able to sustain themselves in Australia with the assistance of the Japanese migrant community. As shown above, the obstacles associated with running a small business generally prevented Japanese lifestyle migrants from enjoying the relaxed lifestyle they had expected upon migrating to Australia. Some were forced to endure long working hours, thereby sacrificing their leisure time, only to have their businesses collapse. However, in several cases, the challenges faced by Japanese small-business owners, such as language barriers and insufficient business experience, were offset by the support networks of the broader Japanese community. Yet a common experience of this particular group of Japanese migrants was that, having grappled with the economic realities of running a business in Australia, they were often forced to sacrifice their desire for a leisurely lifestyle so as to focus more heavily on work. The Reality of Working in Japanese-owned Businesses in Australia As was the case for Japanese migrants running their own business, those who worked for Japanese-owned businesses in Australia found that they were required to embody the same strong work ethic they had experienced in Japan. Many Japanese companies have their branch offices in Australia due to the close economic relationship between the two countries: more than 20% of Australian exports go to Japan, which constitutes Australia’s largest export market (Australian Government Australian Trade Commission 2008). As well as being a major buyer of Queensland coal and manufactured goods, Japan receives 48.6% of all beef exports from Queensland (Queensland Government 2008). Japanese tourists are the largest consumers of tourism products in Queensland, and as such, the Queensland tourism industry also represents the largest employer of Japanese residents. This presence of Japanese business in Australia was reflected in the occupations of those participants in this project. Among the twenty-five respondents who currently work in Australia, four respondents work for Japanese-owned businesses, and five respondents work at an American-owned call centre1 in Brisbane that handles calls from Japanese customers. 1  This percentage of the call centre staff among the respondents seems high; however, based on my participant observation, I consider that this reflects the actual situation of the percentage of Japanese working in the call centres. According to the staff I interviewed, there are more than 220 Japanese workers in the call centre in Brisbane. During my fieldwork, another

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My participant observation and the interview data presented here suggests that the majority of those who work for Japanese-owned businesses find it difficult to maintain a balanced lifestyle. While several respondents described certain advantages to working at Japanese-owned businesses (e.g. stability, high salary), the hectic lifestyles required of them departed significantly from the lifestyle they had expected upon migrating to Australia. One of the most defining characteristics of Japanese-owned businesses is the requirement to conform to a strong work ethic. Some interviewees expressed their dismay at having to work long hours and their inability to cope with the pressures of their working environment. Natsumi, a woman in her thirties who worked both full-time and haken-shain in Japan, and came to Australia with the feeling of akogare (the sense of longing) for working in an English speaking country, described her experience of working in a call-centre: The job in Australia was far from what I have expected, and it was very different from the image of Australian life. I found many inconveniences. I have lots of phone calls to answer. [. . .] They get to control even the time you spend in the bathroom. The call centre environment has been extensively studied by sociologists. For example, Knights and Mccabe (1998) adopt Foucault’s (1977) panoptic perspective in the interpretation of call centre management. Belt, Richardson, and Webster (2002) point out that “feminine” social skills play a central role in the female dominated call centres. Baker, Emmison, and Firth (2005) in their edited book, Calling for Help, study various telephone helplines in which callers seek, and call-takers provide, help, and analyse the language and interaction between them. Cameron (2002) analyses the standardising speech in call centres where call-takers are forced to follow prescribed scripts. As Bain et al. (2002) point out, the call centre has emerged as a place of work characterised by its excessive surveillance regimes, which compel employees to perform their repetitive job tasks with a high level of speed and efficiency. As Natsumi observed, this system of monitoring extended beyond measures of her job performance, such as the number of calls received or customer satisfaction, and into the private domain, where even the time she spends in the bathroom is controlled. The alienating working environment of the call centre reminded her of Japanese offices where workers are subject to similar expectations on call centre has opened on the Gold Coast. Based on the information above, it is estimated that this call centre in Brisbane is the biggest and most common workplace for the approximately 5,000 Japanese residents in Brisbane.

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their behaviour; she had switched from full-time to part-time labour before her migration to avoid this kind of a high-pressured lifestyle, which she had not expected to find in Australia. Faced with this discrepancy between expectations and the hectic realities of work in Japanese-owned businesses in Australia, some migrants quit their jobs while others, due to their limited skills and networks within the broader community, had no choice but to remain. Switching to another Japanese-owned company was another common strategy among Japanese residents whose linguistic proficiency allowed them to do so; yet there remained a high likelihood that they would again find themselves in a workplace defined by a stringent Japanese work ethic. The case of Tomoya illustrates the predicament of Japanese lifestyle migrants unable to leave their jobs at Japanese-owned companies because of their poor language skills and limited social networks. Tomoya, who left his work-oriented lifestyle in Japan and migrated to Australia with his Australian wife for leisure, described his experiences as follows: As soon as I migrated to Australia, I had a job offer from the Gold Coast branch of a Japanese community newspaper. Living in the downstairs of my wife’s parents’ house in Brisbane, I knew it’s hard to commute to the Gold Coast, but the working-style in that company was much harder than the commuting itself. Although I was a manager, I had to do everything from writing articles to sales and marketing. It was literally endless. Every day I had to work until 11 p.m., sometimes until 1 a.m. Having migrated to Australia to escape from a busy Japanese lifestyle, Tomoya found himself working in a Japanese-style working environment on the Gold Coast, where he worked for a year. He finally quit the office and took an offer as a manager at a Japanese restaurant, before eventually starting his own small business with his wife. In Tomoya’s case, which is typical of the experiences of many Japanese migrants, he had no choice but to rely on Japanese businesses in Queensland because of his limited English and networks. Even though he had hoped to start a business, these practical considerations compelled him to return to the Japanese-style working environment that he wanted to escape by migrating to Australia. While most Japanese lifestyle migrants in Australia experience a disjuncture between their expectations of life in Australia and the realities facing them upon arrival, the cases presented here suggest that this tendency is particularly common amongst those who work at Japanese-owned businesses in Australia

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and those who decide to run their own businesses. The circumstances of migrants working in Japanese-owned businesses often dictate that they must endure this return to the traditional Japanese ethos of hard work and the pressure it entails. On the other hand, while those who run their own businesses may possess a relative degree of independence, they have often been faced with harsh economic realities that require them to adopt a hectic lifestyle with little time for leisure. Thus, despite their differing contexts, these two groups share a sense of a tension between their ideal lifestyle and their actual circumstances, which has defined their experience of settlement.

Daily Practices of Lifestyle Migrants and the Japanese Community

De-territorialised Community: Japanese Migrants’ Networks and Ethnic Organisations The Japanese ethnic community is unique in that its individual members are predominantly dispersed geographically in informal voluntary networks that differ from the more traditional forms of organisations common to other ethnicities. I argue that this characteristic can in large part be attributed to the lifestyle values of migrants, and in particular, the desire of Japanese migrants to avoid any involvement in the kinds of organisations that were the defining elements of Japanese corporate society. The following section will focus on geographical dispersion, generational difference in attitude toward ethnic organisations, and the division in community according to residential status as supporting factors. At the time of the 2001 census, there were around 11,000 Japanese residents in Brisbane and the Gold Coast (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2001), and in spite of this relatively large population size, Japanese residents were not concentrated in any particular suburb or area. This contrasts with other ethnic groups that concentrate in certain areas in Brisbane, for instance, West End for Greeks, Sunnybank for Taiwanese, and southern Central Business District [cbd] and Kangaroo Point for Koreans (Nagatomo 2008d). In the absence of specific census data, my participant observation showed that there was only a moderate population concentration of Japanese working holiday makers in Surfers’ Paradise on the Gold Coast. Japanese permanent residents and others, such as retirees, do not form a higher population concentration on the Gold Coast. In this sense, the Japanese ethnic community in South-East Queensland is uniquely and substantially de-territorialised in its nature. Another feature of the Japanese population is its absence of focal points or

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“psychological centres” for Japanese residents. For most ethnic groups in Australia, various kinds of locations, such as ethnic restaurants and clubs, serve as political, economic and psychological centres around which their members congregate. However, the Japanese community in South-East Queensland does not have such places; while Japanese restaurants and club buildings are barely visible in Surfers’ Paradise, they do not function as psychological centres for Japanese residents. My research indicates that more recent Japanese lifestyle migrants display a tendency to maintain a distance from anything Japanese. In looking at Japanese ethnic organisations in South-East Queensland, involvement in ethnic organisations is relatively higher among those who migrated before the 1990s, aged in their forties and fifties, than those who migrated after. In the Japan Club of Queensland (jcq) where I conducted participant observation, members aged over forty comprise over 70% of the total membership. While middle aged members regularly enjoy golf and other activities together, younger members demonstrated a reluctance to participate in these activities. I attribute this generational difference in large part to the varying lifestyle values of these different migrant cohorts, and in particular, their conflicting perceptions of Japanese corporate society. The following extract from an interview with Shoko in her thirties, demonstrates this reluctance to participate in Japanese ethnic organisations: Just after migration, I was invited to a dinner party of the Japanese club. I thought I didn’t want to be bothered to meet Japanese. I also thought they would have hierarchy like we had in Japan. I felt it would be too much of a bother if I had to pay regard to other members as a new member. Her response reflected a sentiment typical of Japanese migrants in her generation. For the majority of young Japanese migrants who migrated to escape the pressures of Japanese corporate society during the recession, Japanese clubs strongly evoke the hierarchies and organisational constraints of this world they have sought to leave behind. As such, participating in Japanese clubs contradicts their rationale for migration. The following responses further illustrate this tendency to keep distance from Japanese ethnic organisations among young Japanese residents in Australia. Izumi migrated to Australia after she graduated from a university in Japan with her parents and she currently works at a call centre in Brisbane. When speaking about her impressions of the Japanese clubs in Australia, she noted:

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It sounds strange to me that only Japanese gather together and exchange information. I feel that they don’t necessarily have to gather. I think networking with Japanese residents is useful but it just sounds odd to pay a membership fee to “meet” Japanese. [. . .] My guess is that the club has a typical atmosphere of Japanese society and there is a power relationship between old men who are in authority and younger members who are the underclass. [. . .] Tomomi, who used to be a busy career woman in Japan, shared similar impressions: I’m working at a call centre with more than two hundred Japanese colleagues, and it might be a sort of a Japanese club in a sense. But my impression of the Japanese ethnic club is that only old men gather together and the club will dissolve in 20 years’ time. Haruka, who had a company-oriented lifestyle in Japan and currently works as a freelance hairdresser, described her preferences concerning Japanese ethnic organisations as follows: I think it’s still important to have such clubs because they could help Japanese residents in finding jobs or establishing networks. But I’d rather not join it. I just don’t feel like doing it. I also don’t know what kind of organisations they are. These responses demonstrate the sentiments of the young Japanese migrants who tend to keep a distance from Japanese ethnic organisations after migration. In his work on Croatian and Slovenian migrant communities in Australia, Skrbis (1999, 58–80) discusses the internal divisions in their respective clubs as well as between different generations of migrants. This sort of generational conflict within ethnic organisations is not a feature unique to the Japanese community. In his study on the role of Christianity in the formation of ethnic identity amongst second generation Koreans in Chicago, L. Baker (2004) describes a hierarchy of authority in Korean churches characterised by age-based dynamics. In the case of Japanese migrants in South-East Queensland, these intergenerational differences in attitude towards ethnic organisations relate to individuals’ experiences of Japanese corporate society. For those migrants who left Japan in order to escape their hectic business lifestyles, involvement with ethnic organisations meant a backward step into the “Japanese-ness” of

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these hierarchical, group-orientated environments. There exists a clear linkage between the trend toward individualisation among Japanese since the 1990s and Japanese migrants’ practices following immigration; the tendency of younger Japanese migrants to stay away from ethnic organisations reflects these emerging lifestyle values. By contrast, older Japanese migrants who arrived by the early 1990s participated heavily in Japanese ethnic organisations following their migration and regarded them as key sources of support and information. These migrants valued strong group ties and mutual assistance between members of the ethnic community, whereas more recent arrivals during the 1990s were more likely to emphasise individualism and to avoid involvement in ethnic networks in their areas. For instance, the case of Ken illustrates how many earlier Japanese migrants relied upon the Japanese ethnic community as a basic source of information upon arriving in Australia: There was none of the Japanese language papers or the internet, like there is today, and information was lacking. The Japanese community was the source of information [. . .] I was given a lot of information, such as where you could buy rice and glutinous rice, and what time the sbs Japanese language programme [on tv] was on. As I was desperate for anything Japanese, the Japanese community was a very helpful source of information. The case of Mariko, who came to Australia as a spouse of a Japanese businessman and remained with her children after divorce, illustrates a sense of mutual obligation within the Japanese ethnic community: I’m getting old but my current [Australian] husband is much older. [In the near future,] I’m planning of doing volunteer work for old people. I don’t know if it can come true. [. . .] I’m also thinking of establishing a kind of nursing home where old Japanese residents in Australia can live together in a relaxed environment. The responses of Ken and Mariko demonstrate the close support networks and relationships that developed among earlier Japanese migrants who had arrived in Australia by the 1990s, in contrast to the relative indifference of those who migrated at a later stage. Underlying this contrast in attitudes and behaviours towards the ethnic community was a generational difference in lifestyle values that emerged during the 1990s; older generations displayed group-orientated,

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collectivist values, whereas more recent migrants instead placed an emphasis on individualism. The difference in individuals’ attitudes toward Japanese-ness in general and Japanese ethnic organisations in particular also resulted in the emergence of hierarchies inside the Japanese community. Among the Japanese residents in Australia, the word, “-gumi (-group),” is commonly used in describing individuals’ residential status, for example “eijyū-gumi (permanent residents group),” “kokusai-kekkon-gumi (mixed-marriage group),” and “chūzai-gumi (expatriate employee group).” These words are often used when Japanese residents meet other Japanese for the first time, and will often set the tone for the subsequent communication and networking between them. The following statement made by Chika illustrates the hierarchies and divisions within the Japanese ethnic community in Australia. Chika spent her childhood in Brisbane in the family of an expatriate employee, but later returned to Australia from Japan as a working holiday maker. She currently lives in Australia as a spouse in a mixed-marriage union. Describing her impressions of the Japanese community in Australia, she remarked: . . . in the long term, I believe that the existing groups, separated along the lines of temporary and permanent residents, must be superseded and a cohesive ethnic community must emerge. Something I regard to be an issue with Japanese people is their penchant for separating everything. It’s a peculiar phenomenon where a hierarchy is formed according to visa status such as overseas posting, business migrants, mixed-marriages and working holiday makers. Until now I have come to Australia on various visas, and each time encountered a different attitude from the Japanese people living here. I think it’s important for us immigrants to look beyond this and form a point of view as a community. Having lived in Australia under several types of visa arrangements since her childhood, Chika understands how Japanese people living in Australia form their attitudes toward each other based on their residential status. For example, the Japanese Society of Sydney organises separate meetings for permanent residents and for others. The two Brisbane-based Japanese organisations, the Japanese Society of Brisbane (organised mainly by businessmen) and the Japan Club of Queensland (jcq), which was established by permanent migrants who disliked the business-like atmosphere of jsb, traditionally catered to different groups of Japanese residents (Nagatomo 2008d). Although in 2007 the two clubs merged as part of an effort to present a united face to

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the community, divisions between the different groups still persist within the organisation. Such divisions in community according to residential status reflect a complex and subtle interaction between residents’ individualism and the feelings toward Japanese society and its collectivism. For those Japanese migrants who escaped the “Japanese-ness” of a collectivist society, forming a solid and enclosed Japanese community represents a paradox. By forming a social network mainly within those of similar residential status, such as eijyū, gumi or kokusai-kekkon-gumi, simply leads to another type of collectivism. This paradoxical process results in the reproduction of the divisions in community according to residential status. The contemporary Japanese community in Queensland can be described as “de-territorialised,” using Arjun Apparduai’s (1990, 193) and García Canclini’s (1995) term. García Canclini (1995) uses the word “de-territorialise” to denote a process whereby a “natural” relationship between cultural, geographical and social territory breaks down. The Japanese ethnic community began to undergo this process when, instead of forming ethnic “enclaves” concentrated within certain geographic boundaries, newly arrived Japanese migrants integrated directly into the Australian middle class and were able to exercise a degree of independence in choosing where to live. Given that the majority of childless respondents under forty were inclined to maintain a distance from Japanese ethnic organisations, it is reasonable to suggest that the individualistic values and lifestyle preferences of this migrant cohort has helped fuel this process of de-territorialisation. Japanese Ethnic Community as Network Community Despite the highly de-territorialised character of the relationships between its members, the Japanese ethnic community itself has managed to survive; in fact, I argue its ongoing survival reflects the new and innovative ways in which this notion of community has been fostered and maintained by Japanese residents in South-East Queensland. In what follows I provide several examples that show this to be a network-type community, based on a decentralised array of informal grassroots networks between Japanese migrants. Firstly, free newspapers are an important source of information for members of the Japanese ethnic community in the South-East Queensland area. There are four such Japanese papers in circulation: Nichigō-press, Southern Cross Times, Bugūse and Dengon-net. These papers can be picked up at food courts at major shopping centres, Asian supermarkets and tourism agencies. Along with Japanese news and lifestyle information, every paper contains classifieds for such things as accommodations, personal purchases, playgroups for children, or sport teams to join.

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Secondly, “online communities” such as Go-net and Go-navi, as well as online social networking services such as Mixi, are also widely used among young Japanese residents. The Japanese web sites, Go-net and Go-navi, which provide classified services and Q and A-style columns, help Japanese residents share information, as well as purchase and sell commodities. Mixi is the biggest online social networking service in Japan, with over five million estimated users in 2006. Young Japanese residents use this site for personal networking as well as the sharing of information. “Off-kai”, “off-line meetings”, arranged through the site, is a common way for Japanese migrants living in Brisbane and the Gold Coast to gather. Thirdly, tourism agencies are venues where young Japanese residents, particularly working holiday makers, meet to gain information. The offices provide free coffee and internet services to members. Notice boards in the office are commonly used to purchase and sell commodities as well as to gain information on accommodations. Finally, “Japanese language and culture meet-up groups” as well as other voluntary networks are also common among young residents. The meet-up group is held twice a week and anyone who is interested in Japan can join. In

photo 6.1  Local park as a venue for playgroup (Photo by J. Nagatomo)

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particular, these groups offer an avenue for residents to meet other Japanese or Australians who can speak Japanese. Such groups have been formed on the campuses of all major universities in South-East Queensland. Similarly, playgroups for Japanese children are also held in local parks in suburban areas like Yeronga, South Brisbane, and New Farm; such informal gatherings have become the physical hubs of the Japanese ethnic network, providing a site for Japanese residents to socialise with each other as well as to share important information. These features of voluntary and informal social networks among Japanese residents benefit, and are frequently used by, those lifestyle migrants who escaped from Japanese corporate society. In the in-depth interviews, many respondents mentioned these networking mechanisms. Shintaro, in his forties, who worked at a manufacturing company throughout the 1990s and now works as a freelance translator, made the following observations about Japanese ethnic organisations in Brisbane: I managed to escape from Japanese society. Why should I join into the Japanese-ness again? [. . .] I don’t find any reasons to join the Japanese club because I can obtain information via the internet or free Japanese newspapers. If I had a child, the situation might be different, but I think that I can join such places or networks only when needed. Like Shintaro, many recent Japanese migrants do not feel the necessity to rely on ethnic organisations because the Internet and other informal voluntary networks suit their needs. The majority of earlier migrants interviewed mentioned that they joined Japanese clubs in order to obtain necessary information. Traditional ethnic Japanese clubs played an important role in the lives of their members. For instance, businessmen built networks within the organisation, and members furnished newly arrived migrants with information relevant to the settlement process. But as Shintaro notes, the network-based community that has since emerged is comprised of informal networks that spring up around specific migrant interests. For instance, those who require information and support for raising children can join a play-group, while those who wish to make friends with Australians who are interested in Japanese culture and language are able to take part in the meet-up groups. For contemporary Japanese migrants to Australia, who distance themselves from hierarchical organisations resembling those of Japanese corporate society, this new form of de-territorialised community thus provides crucial access to the networks of information and support that smooth their transition into Australian society.

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Work and Leisure Practices of Japanese Lifestyle Migrants in Australia The interview data in this project indicates that the new work ethic and working-style which emerged in Japan in the 1990s played an important role in shaping the attitudes and practices of Japanese migrants in Australia. Most perceived the shorter working hours in Australia as a positive aspect of working in Australia and expected to enjoy a balanced life between work and leisure even if it resulted in downward social mobility. In addition, individualism and a “cosmopolitan/Western atmosphere” in the Australian workplaces were viewed as positive factors among Japanese residents who work in Australian workplaces. On the other hand, some Japanese migrants working in Australia encountered obstacles in the workplace, such as language barriers, different business practices and racial discrimination. In what follows I will examine each of these using the interview data gathered in this project. Shorter Working Hours in Australian Workplaces As discussed in the previous chapter, the work-oriented lifestyle of Japanese companies, which prevented employees from spending enough time relaxing with their families, was a major reason for migration. Therefore, most migrants enjoyed shorter working hours after migration even if it meant a reduced income and downward social mobility. Yuto, a male in his forties who worked at a typical big Japanese manufacturing industry before migrating to Australia, described his pursuit of an improved work-life balance: I didn’t want to sacrifice work, my family or my private time. In Japan the ratio seems to be 90% work, 8% family and 2% my own time, besides time for sleeping. [. . .] I think I’ve achieved now what I was hoping for before migration: being able to do what is quite normal here [in Australia], like eating evening meals with my family every day. This probably means that my ideals have been achieved. Though I spend less time working, I don’t think my productivity has changed. Recently I’ve felt quite busy due to an increased workload [. . .] However, I still manage to cook the evening meal every day and take our child out. This is possible because I don’t have to stay at work till around 11 p.m. like in Japan. Yuto expressed his satisfaction with Australia by comparing and referring to the difference between Australian and Japanese lifestyles, particularly working hours. He had experienced long working hours in Japan and was dissatisfied with the atmosphere of the workplace which prevented him from going

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home after ‘formal’ business hours. Although he remains busy with work, he expressed satisfaction with his more balanced lifestyle in Australia. In this case, the change in Yuto’s situation is not simply structural (i.e. different working environment), but also based to a large extent on personal values and preferences, such as Yuto’s resolve to avoid the self-sacrificing working style of corporate Japan. Interviews with Toshiro and Tomomi further illustrate the advantages migrants experienced as a result of working shorter hours in Australia and thus being able to spend more time with family. Toshiro, who taught Japanese at a language school for foreigners in Japan and now runs an import and export business in Australia, described these benefits: After working until 4:30, I go to the gym every day. Thanks to this routine, I think I look younger than my actual age. [. . .] If I were in Japan, it would be impossible to finish working at 4:30 and do daily exercises. In Japan, if you do that, you will be fired. [. . .] I think that tsukiai-zangyō (“social overtime work” which means overtime work for the sake of good relations) seems ridiculous because it forces one to sacrifice the time with family or one’s private time. Tomomi, who had a busy lifestyle as a career woman in Japan, and now works at a call centre in Australia, was impressed with the systematic management of working hours: . . . it’s a less responsible work than the job that I used to have, and I think this is an advantage. Another advantage of my work is that working hours are systematically controlled (at the call centre). We can go home on time every day [without working overtime as I did in Japan] and have a balanced lifestyle. I think it would be impossible in Japan. In the extracts presented above, respondents regularly characterised their experience of working in Australia with reference to such things as “balance,” “private time” and “time with family”; this tendency was especially prominent for those respondents who had a heavily work-oriented lifestyle in Japan. For them, having relatively shorter working hours in Australia was a key factor that improved their quality of life, by allowing them to spend time with family and engaging in leisure activities.

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Individualism and the “Cosmopolitan/Western Atmosphere” in Australian Workplaces While Japanese lifestyle migrants generally benefit from the relatively shorter working hours in Australia, individualism and a “cosmopolitan/Western atmosphere” in the Australian workplace were also described as positive factors by the respondents in this project. In particular, those who had a negative impression of the self-sacrificing work ethic of corporate life in Japan strongly endorsed the sense of individualism they experienced within the Australian workplace. Young female respondents, who previously cited a desire to live in a foreign country as their reason for migrating to Australia, were typically impressed with the Western atmosphere they encountered in Australian workplaces. This was illustrated by their use of the terms “kokusaiteki-na funiki” (“international atmosphere” in direct translation), “gaikoku-ppoi funiki” (“foreign-country-like atmosphere”) and “kaigai-ppoi funiki” (“overseas-like atmosphere”). While these Japanese words generally connote a sense of longing for a foreign country and the culture or life in such a country, they are also used to convey feelings toward “Western countries,” particularly English speaking countries. I therefore use the terms “cosmopolitan/Western atmosphere” to describe these attitudes in English. In what follows I draw upon the interview data to illustrate these features of individualism and “cosmopolitan/Western atmosphere” perceived by Japanese migrants in their Australian workplaces. Japanese lifestyle migrants escaping group-orientated working environments in Japan perceive individualism within the Australian workplace as overwhelmingly positive. Given the emergence of individualism as a key lifestyle value amongst Japanese during the 1990s, its role in the workplaces of Japanese migrants in Australia is especially significant. For Eiji, who had worked long hours in Japan and migrated to Australia for a more relaxed lifestyle, independence in the workplace was a component of this Australian way of life: In Australia, official working hours in our company is from 9:30 a.m. to 6 p.m. Because I’m left on my own in this section, I can decide the time to go home flexibly by myself. My boss says nothing at all about my working hours and I think it’s a typical Australian style to be smart rather than consuming too many working hours. Eiji had experienced long working hours in Japan until his health began to suffer, and like other respondents working in Australian companies, he was receptive to shorter working hours. However, in Eiji’s case, he cites the flexibility to

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determine his own hours as an example of a more individualistic approach to work. While he notes that his boss “says nothing at all about my working hours,” in Japan’s group-orientated workplaces, employees often feel pressure from their boss and colleagues to work overtime. By contrast, in Australia it is taken for granted that employees will go home at the fixed hour as long as they finish their allocated tasks. Mariko, who came to Australia as a spouse of a Japanese businessman and later began to teach Japanese at an Australian school, identified the capacity to independently manage her workload as a positive feature of working in Australia: The good thing about Australian school [as a workplace] is that the spread-over is much shorter and less constrained in terms of working hour and job content. For example, I heard from teachers in Japan that they have to work even on weekends and holidays for students’ club activities or to do administration. They also work overtime every day. In my school, working hours are much shorter and I can decide how much work I do. In Japanese companies it is difficult for workers to leave at the fixed hour, since workers who finish their work early are expected to help their colleagues. This collective mentality has been a traditional feature of the Japanese workplace since the 1940s (Benedict 1946; Doi 1973; Nakane 1970). Although institutional rationalisation by Japanese companies in the 1990s brought about changes in work ethos, particularly among the younger middle class, there still exists a tendency for many workers to pursue the traditional work-centred lifestyle. While those who displayed newer values of individualism sought to place greater emphasis on their private lives, they still had to wrestle with the persisting influence of the traditional work ethic within the workplaces. As a result, they viewed individualism in the Australian workplace as a welcome change suiting their lifestyle values. Another example of this sense of individualism in the workplace can be found in the following focus group exchange between Mami, who worked as a clerical worker in Japan, taught Japanese in an Australian school and is now a graduate student in Brisbane, and Shunsuke, who teaches Japanese as a university tutor: Mami: It was very interesting for me to see how Australian people are practical about work. In the elementary school where I worked, the students go home at 3 p.m., and the teachers leave their offices at quarter past three.

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Shunsuke: It might depend on what kind of boss you have, but I find it very easy not to be ordered [to do] small things all the time. Mami: That’s true, in Japan we need a lot of paperwork for small things, and the annoying thing is that every document requires every boss’s inkan (personal seal). But in Australia, it’s much simpler. If you say, ‘Let’s do this,’ then you can give it a go. [. . .] I also find it easy that I don’t have to care about others’ eyes and ears [being] around. For example you don’t have to work overtime simply because your colleagues are doing so. Although both Mami and Shunsuke work in educational institutions, their comments on the benefits of individualism could just as easily apply to other Australian workplaces. For instance, Mami described the simplicity of clerical processes in the workplace where the boss does not need to approve every minor decision; Shunsuke praised the common sense in allowing individuals to make decisions relating to work for which they are responsible. Another perceived benefit of Australian workplaces for Japanese migrants was the prevalence of a “cosmopolitan/Western atmosphere.” In the interviews and focus groups, this feature of the Australian workplace was particularly popular amongst younger female migrants who had also expressed a desire to live in a foreign country. Izumi, who migrated to Australia with her family after graduating from college and now works at a call centre, responded to the question “What is the good thing about working in Australia?” as follows: The good thing about this job is that Australians are also working on the same floor and I can feel the cosmopolitan and Western atmosphere. Even though I am working in a ‘Japanese section,’ we can take a three week holiday at once and enjoy trips and whatever. If I did that in Japan, everyone would give me a cold look. Considering these points, I think this Australian office is better because I can get more private time. In explaining the “Western atmosphere” in her office, Izumi notes that what makes her workplace attractive is the visual presence of Australian workers on the same floor; for her, working with “Western people” is a constant reminder that she has realised her dream of living in a foreign country. Similar responses were also made by other young female participants as well as some working holiday makers in the focus groups. For instance, Rena, in her thirties, came to Australia for a working holiday and currently works as a sales clerk while assisting in the running of her Japanese husband’s small business. In describing the reasons for quitting her job in Japan and choosing to come to Australia as a working holiday maker, she remarked:

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I had been thinking about living abroad because of my good memories of a homestay [in New Zealand] in high school days. Before that, I had never been to a foreign country and never travelled by plane. The homestay experience was such a huge culture shock in a good way for me that I began to feel that I wanted to live abroad even though it could result in uncertainty in my career. Since I also liked to collect small foreign things, I thought that I wanted to go abroad for shopping even at a local shopping centre. She noted that she was not dissatisfied with her daily life in Japan; yet she still felt a sense of longing for a “foreign country,” which ultimately attracted her to Australia. This is consistent with research indicating that the desire to experience Western life is particularly prevalent amongst young Japanese females (Burton 2004). For Rena, cited earlier, this longing to live in a foreign country was also reflected in her hobbies, such as collecting small foreign souvenirs, watching Hollywood movies, travelling abroad and practicing English. In her case, the tourism experience contributed to the development of affinities for the West and enticed her to come to Australia. Given this desire to experience Western life, Rena recalls her time as a migrant working in an Australian souvenir shop as a positive experience: A souvenir shop in Surfers’ Paradise was owned by a Greek man. It was an interesting experience to work there because I was able to see the behindthe-scenes of the international tourist town as well as the owner’s family. While working at the shop, I was able to see and communicate with the tourists from all over the world, though there were so many Japanese tourists at that time. Rena chose to work in Surfers’ Paradise because of the abundance of job opportunities in the tourism industry on the Gold Coast, and stated that she enjoyed working at a souvenir shop because the experience allowed her “see and communicate with tourists from all over the world.” In this sense, the visual presence of ethnically diverse international tourists and the daily life in an “international tourist town” created a cosmopolitan and Western atmosphere in which she was able to realise her dream of living in a foreign country. Likewise, the following extracts from Haruka, Aiko and Mami show the overlap of a sense of longing for a Western/English speaking country and the Australian cosmopolitan outlook. These responses further illustrate a particular sense of longing for American/Western culture among young Japanese

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females. Haruka, who had a busy life in the Japanese entertainment industry and now works as a hairdresser in Brisbane, characterised her rationale for migrating to Australia as follows: I was always thinking that I wanted to work in a foreign country, particularly in America. My Aussie friend is always complaining about this, but I loved America since my childhood. I don’t know why but I liked America and had a sense of akogare (a sense of longing) [. . .] The reason why I migrated and started this job was that, firstly, I had a vision of living abroad. Then, secondly, I chose Australia because it was relatively easier to obtain a permanent visa compared to other [Western] countries. I liked the atmosphere of Australian cities based on my impression from visiting Australia as a tourist. Aiko, who used to work as a haken-shain in Japan and currently works full-time at a call centre, shared a similar interest in American culture which influenced her decision to migrate to Australia: One of my acquaintances kindly offered me a position at a call centre in Brisbane. At that time I wasn’t interested in Australia because I was always thinking about living in America. I wasn’t sure whether or not it was a short cut, but I also thought that it might be a good opportunity to get out of Japan. [. . .] From long time ago, I liked American culture such as music and movies. Mami, who used to work as a typical ol and is now a student in Brisbane, identified Australia’s status as an English-speaking country and its proximity to other countries in the area as factors in her decision to migrate: I like travelling to Asian countries, especially Indonesia. In choosing a country to live in abroad, I found that Australia was the nearest English speaking country from Indonesia. Then, without much thought or longterm vision, I came to Australia as a student and studied English. These responses indicate a linkage between the sense of longing for certain characteristics of Western countries and immigrants’ decisions to migrate. As shown in the cases of Haruka and Aiko, this is often a consequence of intimacy with American culture amongst young Japanese women. This is consistent with Kelsky (1999, 2001) who notes that young Japanese women’s akogare

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(a sense of yearning) for Western countries, particularly for the United States, shapes their decisions about studying or working abroad, travelling abroad, working in foreign companies in Japan and romantic/sexual relations with Western men. Difficulty in Working in Australia While the majority of Japanese residents working in Australia regarded the working-style and the atmosphere of Australian workplaces in a positive light, some Japanese encountered difficulties. As Wooden et al. (1994) note, first generation immigrants in Australia generally have difficulty in adjusting to the cultural or practical aspects of their settlement, and this has regularly been the case for Japanese migrants in Australia. My interview data and participant observation indicate that there are three main areas of difficulty that Japanese migrants experience in Australian workplaces: English proficiency, different business practices and racial discrimination. I will draw upon the interview data in addressing each of these points. Since Australian immigration policy requires those applying for permanent residency to pass an English proficiency test, most skilled Japanese migrants are sufficiently fluent in English to cope with daily life in Australia. However, the interview data in this project indicate that most Japanese migrants find it difficult to communicate well in English, especially immediately after migration. Aiko, who currently works full-time at a call centre in Brisbane, explained how such difficulty affects her job performance and relationships at work: The most difficult thing in my current job is communication. Not only communication with the [Japanese] customers [via phone], but also with [Australian] coworkers in the office. I think it’s important but at the same time it’s still difficult. Dealing with the customers’ complaints is of course tough, but I find it more difficult to communicate with Australian workers [in English]. Yuichi, who was sent to the Brisbane branch office of a Japanese travel and overseas education agency, faced similar problems in communicating with work colleagues: Although this office is Japanese-owned, we have Australian staff as well. Because I had not studied English in Japan and not expected to come to Australia, it was really hard for me to adjust to this environment. Living in Brisbane for a few years, I think I got used to living in Brisbane [. . .], but I still find it difficult to understand English when communicating with Australian staff.

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Eiko, who worked for a trading company in Japan and migrated to Australia with her European husband, recounted the linguistic difficulties she encountered during the early years of her settlement in Australia: In the second year after I came here, the Australian Government was recruiting for the Health Insurance Commission. I applied and luckily was employed. [. . .] It was naturally all in English that I had quite a bit of trouble with it, but I had colleagues with a friendly attitude towards Japanese who taught and helped me. While skilled Japanese migrants in Australia usually have a basic grasp of English, the responses of Aiko, Yuichi and Eiko illustrate how many Japanese migrants nonetheless encounter difficulties in communicating with staff and customers in Australian workplaces. Differences in business practices between Australia and Japan were also cited frequently by the respondents as obstacles they faced in adjusting to Australian workplaces. For Japanese migrants who used to have a strong work ethic in Japanese society, the relatively weaker work ethic in Australian workplaces was, on several occasions, criticised by the respondents. The following observation by Aya, who worked as a nurse at a hospital in Japan and now works part-time at a language school in Brisbane, demonstrates this attitude: My impression is that the work of Australians is generally rough around the edges. For example in my office, business documents are disorganised. In Japan, workers would organise them so that they can use them efficiently in the long term. But in the school I work, documents are a mess. Likewise, Keiko, who worked both full-time and part-time at several companies in Japan, and now works as a freelance researcher, expressed her dismay at mistakes made in his workplace: To my surprise, the payroll section makes mistakes in my company. It happened not once, nor twice, but several times, so everyone checks payment slips carefully every time we receive them. It’s unthinkable in Japan, but it happens here. Can you believe it? I think they don’t have a concept of double checking in doing their job. The following observation made by Sachiko, who worked overseas in the airline industry and is currently retired with her Australian husband, reflects a more critical view of the work ethic of Australian workers:

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My impression of Australia is that Aussies are lazy. If you call for an electrician and make an appointment, he never comes on time. [. . .] It might be good in terms of positive and open-minded character, but they never keep appointments. They don’t have a concept of training, either. [. . .] and on top of that, they don’t take responsibility and make excuses. When I went to a shopping centre to return a broken product, they said it was not their fault . . .  Although these cases illustrate how practical obstacles such as language proficiency and differing business practices affect Japanese migrants, many have also had to deal with the emotional barrier of racial discrimination. A few respondents involved in this project mentioned that they experienced both explicit and implicit racial discrimination in their workplaces. The following statements by Haruka and Eiko are revealing. Haruka, who currently works as a hairdresser, in speaking about racial discrimination and her experience in living in Queensland, noted: Compared to other states in Australia, Queensland seems more conservative and discriminatory against Asians. I once experienced a racist attitude from a salesclerk in a shopping centre in Spring Hill. I spoke about it with the manager and complained about it. In the beauty salon where I work, I was once subjected to nasty glances and a woman rejected my services. I didn’t know if it was due to my Asian appearance but I still think it was discrimination. Eiko, in remembering the period after migration, remarked: There was a person in the office who came and told me that she had lost a relative in the War with Japan. When I responded that, ‘I also lost my father and sister in the war, though I was a baby and I don’t remember it well,’ she changed her attitude, saying, ‘I never thought about it from your point of view.’ Mayu, who migrated to Australia with her Australian husband, said: I remember that since Pauline Hanson became popular and stirred up controversy [over Asian immigration] in the mid-90s, racial discrimination worsened in this area. I was often told by Caucasians in passing, ‘Go home.’ I think that local people never spoke such words in a public place

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before Pauline Hanson’s controversy, but it became quite obvious after that. One day when I went to a shopping centre nearby, I also heard an Australian say, ‘Speak English!’ In this section, I discussed the work practices of Japanese lifestyle migrants in South-East Queensland, and identified three important implications of the Australian workplace that shaped migrants’ experiences. Firstly, Japanese migrants in South-East Queensland enjoy the shorter working hours of Australian workplaces, as they complement their new lifestyle values (see Chapter Four). Secondly, Western individualism and the relatively relaxed character of Australian workplaces are factors that appeal to some Japanese migrants who long for a Western or foreign lifestyle. Finally, some Japanese migrants find it difficult to pursue their ideal lifestyle due to practical or emotional factors including language barriers, differing business practices and racial discrimination. In the next section of the chapter, I will explore the following three key points. Firstly, I will examine the leisure practices of lifestyle migrants. In doing so, I address how they perceive leisure and its role in their lives after migration, and show how generational differences shape these perceptions. Secondly, I examine the links between migration, leisure and transnationalism within the context of Japanese lifestyle migration in Australia. Finally, I discuss migrants’ attachment to the home country, as well as the relationship between their expectations before migration and daily life after migration. Leisure for Japanese Lifestyle Migrants In the interview data, the three most common words used to describe leisure practices among the respondents were “kiraku” (easy), “seikatsu no ichibu” (part of daily life) and “yasui” (affordable). Most Japanese lifestyle migrants perceived leisure as part of daily life rather than as a standalone activity; this idea of leisure is broadly conceived as “leisure time” rather than as individual leisure practices. In that sense, I consider that their migration can be seen as “migration as transnational leisure,” by which I mean transnational migration as the means of pursuing an ideal lifestyle of a leisure-oriented life while away from, but keeping connected with, Japan’s work-oriented society. Shintaro, who worked in the laboratory of a Japanese manufacturing company and now works from home as a translator, described this notion of leisure: I don’t actually ‘do’ leisure activities. I mean, we can enjoy lunch or barbeque in the nearby park. It seems to me that leisure is a part of daily life.

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This view of leisure held by Shintaro was typical among the participants in the project. Although the majority of interviewees wanted to pursue a leisure-orientated lifestyle in Australia, most of them work more hours on average than Australian workers. This meant that their concept of “leisure” is not so much about the leisure activities themselves, but rather it is about the balance between work and leisure. Therefore, in talking about leisure, most respondents tended to mention how they wanted to enjoy leisure in Australia as a part of their daily life. The following response of Izumi, who currently works at a call centre in Brisbane, demonstrates this point: In Australia, it seems that people do not have a concept of rushing to fashionable places or amusement parks during holidays or on weekends. I often take a rest and take care of my pets [on weekends]. I also catch up with my friends but basically I have a relaxed time during the holidays without doing anything special. Similarly, Emi, who currently works as a freelance translator, noted: Compared to the Japanese lifestyle, leisure in Australia doesn’t cost much and I like that. In Japan, some people want to visit trendy spots or new places, however in Australia I began to realise the value of spending time with family. In discussing their ideal leisure pursuits, the responses were closely related to the values of individualism and anti-consumerism. As Izumi explained, she prefers to spend her leisure time relaxing in private rather than going to crowded and commercial places. In Chapter Four, I argued that the social changes in Japan during the 1990s led to a shift in Japanese lifestyle values, and a corresponding transition from group-oriented leisure activities to practices that were more individualised in nature. The fact that most respondents in the project showed a preference for individualised leisure after migration to Australia reflects this trend in lifestyle values. With the possible exceptions of those who work at Japanese-owned businesses or who run their own businesses, Japanese migrants in Australia tend to enjoy a lifestyle that successfully balances work and leisure. Earlier migrants, in particular, are more likely to emphasise a leisurely lifestyle in semiretirement. Satoshi, who migrated in the 1980s in his forties after working for a shipping company in Japan, describes his lifestyle in Australia as follows:

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Work and leisure are balanced in my life. In the end, it depends on time and money. If one works for money, time will be scarce. I feel good now that I can have my own time. Even on a Monday, after [giving] my morning lesson [for a part-time job], I can still go to the golf driving range in the afternoon, a kind of lifestyle which seems impossible in Japan. [. . .] Apart from golf, I have also enjoyed fishing and playing with radiocontrolled model airplanes. Such an orientation towards leisure is common among the Japanese middle class migrants who migrated by the early 1990s, and whose relative financial stability has enabled them to pursue a leisurely life of semi-retirement in Australia. As the interviewee noted, “In the end, it depends on time and money” and he chose to have a balanced life in Australia rather than a busy life and a fruitful career in Japan. Accordingly, he has no interest in upward social mobility, and instead enjoys leisure activities even on weekdays while he works part-time. As he mentioned, an essential factor of his semi-retirement life is the free time and the associated flexibility; now in his fifties, he would be too young to enjoy such a lifestyle in Japan, where the very concept of semiretirement is virtually non-existent. The leisure pattern described above has similarities with lifestyle migration of retirees in Europe and other Western countries. For instance, the British migration to Spain’s Balearic Islands (Salva-Thomas 2002), and domestic elderly migration toward the Sunbelt in America and Australia (McHugh and Mings 1996; Stimson and Minnery 1998), follow similar patterns. Among these lifestyle migrants in Western countries, migration has become a way to pursue their ideal of a leisurely lifestyle, whilst they rarely consider job opportunities due to their relatively older age and generally secure financial position. While the majority of Japanese lifestyle migrants enjoy leisure as free time rather than leisure activities themselves, several interviewees stated that they engaged in hobbies such as house renovating or outdoor activities like fishing and camping. Interestingly, their responses displayed a discrepancy between their expressed passion for these activities, and the actual frequency with which they undertook them. For instance, there were four respondents who referred to fishing in answering the question “How do you spend your weekends or holidays?” However, follow-up interviews revealed that the actual frequency with which they went fishing was less than once a month. The same kind of “performance gap” was also seen in our discussions about camping and barbeques. The following statements from Akira illustrate this gap between the ideal of leisure and the realities of daily life after migration:

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(The researcher): How do you spend your weekends or holidays? I enjoy fishing. In Australian cities, there are neither many attractive spots for visiting nor good shopping centres which sell good products. It is really boring to walk around the city on weekends. That is why I have no choice but to enjoy outdoor activities which I used to enjoy in Japan as well. [. . .] We bought a used boat; it was only $3,000 and we split the amount with the friend. We particularly enjoy catching squid in Moreton Bay. While Akira described fishing as his preferred form of leisure, in response to my follow-up question asking him about the frequency of his fishing, he noted: I have not been fishing for several months. I work from home and try to take days off on weekends. I even do not answer the phones sometimes on weekends. But it’s sometimes hard to enjoy weekends because I run a small business. [. . .] Even when I manage to take a day off, it’s sometimes difficult to use our boat in Moreton Bay because it gets windy often. In launching the boat you need another person, and it’s also difficult to match the schedule with my friend. For him, fishing is more of an ideal than a regular practice—while it may have been his lifelong hobby, he has not been fishing for several months. This sort of gap was seen among many respondents who mentioned outdoor activities as their preferred leisure activities. One explanation for this “performance gap” may be that, as lifestyle migrants, they feel inclined to act as though they are enjoying “Australian” leisure, given that leisure was one of their original motivations for migration. For many of those who migrated to Australia for a better lifestyle, the image of outdoor activities represents their ideal way of life after migration. Therefore, when faced with the discrepancy between this ideal and the reality of their circumstances, they tend to feel that they must present the ideal as reality. In doing so, many of the respondents employed what has been described as “role distancing” in their interviews (Goffman 1959). Goffman (1959, 110) defines role distancing as “actions which effectively convey some disdainful detachment of the performer from a role he is performing.” As such, these respondents recognised and performed a “role” as lifestyle migrants who escaped from a work-oriented Japanese society and now enjoy the “Australian lifestyle” after migration. Therefore, the image of outdoor activity in Australian leisure has an important meaning even if their lifestyles are predominantly work-orientated.

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Another example of the symbolic importance of leisure practices to Japanese lifestyle migrants can also be seen in the practice of writing online blogs about their leisure activities. Yuto, who currently works as a researcher, writes his blog regularly and in it he describes his leisure activities. Since his blog includes information on the application process for permanent residency in Australia, it attracts many visitors from Japan and he is conscious of this audience when he is writing his blog. Highlighted in the blog are many of those leisure activities typically associated with the image of the “Australian lifestyle” such as barbeque, fishing and marine sports. Although his blog aims to introduce his “daily life” in Australia, the reality of his busy life on weekdays is rarely mentioned. Moreover, his blog is also characterised by a writing style that is conscious of the readers in Japan. The blog is not merely an online diary but also contains in-site conversational interactivity (Karlsson 2006). Therefore, in his writing style, he writes as if he is speaking to the readers and “introducing” the typical activities of the Australian lifestyle. For lifestyle migrants, those leisure activities are symbolic practices that remind them that they are supposed to pursue an “Australian lifestyle.” Yuto’s blog illustrates how outdoor activities have become a cultural symbol representing the quality of lifestyle in Australia for Japanese migrants; writing a blog such as this one is thus closely associated with the reproduction of a cultural ideal of leisure. In describing his original ideas about Australia, Yuto’s statement shows how he acquired these images of Australia as an “outdoor paradise,” which he employs in his blog: I belonged to the expedition club at the university and liked to go to different places like the Taklamakan Desert. I was also interested in Oceania. My image of Australia then was that it was an ‘outdoor paradise,’ which may have been influenced by various tv programmes and Makoto Shina’s books. I didn’t have any specific knowledge of the country other than this. It is no coincidence that there is a relationship between this response above and the contents of his blog focusing on outdoor activities in Australia. For Yuto, who had outdoor hobbies in Japan, Australia was an ideal place to enjoy leisure and outdoor activities. By writing about outdoor activities in Australia on his blog he reaffirms his motivations for migration in a way that writing about his actual hectic life in Australia could not. His practice of updating his blog can thus be seen as the reproduction of an image of the Australian lifestyle that has important significance both for his own self-affirmation and

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for prospective migrants forming their own images of Australian life based on his blog. In summary, there was a clearly identifiable “performance gap” between ideal leisure practices and the everyday realities of Japanese migrants, one that conflicted with the leisure-orientated lifestyle for which these individuals chose to migrate to Australia. In addressing this dilemma, the examples presented here suggest that migrants draw upon ideal depictions of leisure, such as images of outdoor activities, in reaffirming—to themselves and to their audiences—their commitment to the “Australian lifestyle.” Japanese Leisure and Transnationalism Since strict citizenship laws in Japan disallow dual citizenship, for most Japanese “migration” does not mean “permanent migration,” and as such, they still remain in many ways attached to Japan even after migration. Moreover, the fieldwork data indicated that the more Japanese lifestyle migrants experience the gap between the ideal and reality of lifestyle migration, the more their attachment to the home country increases. In the following paragraphs I will explore the relationship between the migrants’ conception of the migration experience and the experience after migration within the context of the idea of transnationalism. For most contemporary Japanese migrants to Australia, “migration” is merely a means of pursuing their ideal lifestyle. That is why for Japanese lifestyle migrants the sense of multiple belongings to both Japan and Australia is common. The predominant rationale for Japanese lifestyle migration, as shown in Chapter Five, was dissatisfaction with a work-oriented lifestyle in Japanese society; this was illustrated by the fact that more than half of the respondents with work experience in Japan cited their expectation of a more relaxed lifestyle in Australia as either a direct or indirect reason for migration. This notwithstanding, and in light of the fact that most of the Japanese migrants to Australia are first generation migrants, further study will be necessary to determine how the transnational attachments of these Japanese migrants in Australia develop over time. However, the transnational attachment that Japanese migrants in Australia feel towards their homeland may for now be gauged by such factors as the frequency of their visits to Japan, their expressed intentions of returning home in late retirement years, and the percentage of migrants obtaining Australian citizenship. Compared to other ethnic groups in Australia, the relatively high level of intention to return home amongst Japanese migrants, as well as the low rate at which they obtain Australian citizenship, is particularly striking and should be viewed as a distinct feature of Japanese lifestyle migration to

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Australia. I argue that this sense of attachment to Japan is so strong because of the discrepancy that lifestyle migrants experience between their expectations of life in Australia, and the realities they encounter following migration. In what follows I explore three key areas relating to this claim: the transnational links that Japanese migrants maintain with the homeland, the high incidence of return visits and the question of citizenship. In the age of transnationalism, as Urry (2003) argues, sense of place has been transformed within a globalised world that enables migrants to visit their home country frequently and to maintain the nexus with home partly due to moderately priced airfares (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992). This tendency of transnational migrants can be seen among Japanese immigrants in Australia. For instance, Sachiko who is retired and lives with her Australian husband, stated: When we looked for a place to live, I thought the city near an international airport would be better. I thought it might be better to return home quickly in case my parents get sick. Her case illustrates the way in which the sense of multiple belongings can affect how migrants approach the process of settlement. In her case, she explored the entire East coast of Australia with her husband to find a place for their retirement. They ultimately settled for Brisbane because her husband was from Queensland and there was an international airport. She visits Japan at least once a year and meets her family and friends often. Given that her husband is much older than she, she noted that she has a flexible vision for her future and does not know whether or not she will return to Japan or stay in Australia in the future. In her case, her sick parents provide additional incentive to remain attached to Japan and to return frequently. Similarly, Toshiro, in his fifties, who currently runs his own business in Brisbane, remarked: Sometimes I don’t know which country I live in because I return home several times a year and spend weeks in Japan. That is why I don’t have a sense of migration. His case might be rare in that he has even lost the sense of migration; however his sense of multiple belongings was shared by most of the respondents. Although the frequency of return visits home differed between individuals, as far as the interview data are concerned, Japan was generally considered highly accessible among Japanese migrants to Australia, and there were no major

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barriers to returning for them. This accessibility enables Japanese migrants to have an ongoing transnational lifestyle. For Japanese migrants who frequently visit Japan, Australia is a place where they pursue their ideal lifestyle, and Japan is considered as a “home” where they sometimes have a break from life in a culturally different country. This might be due to the fact that most Japanese residents in Australia are first generation migrants and they identify as Japanese. In that sense, it cannot be denied that their transnational lifestyle could be changed in the near future as they get older. Likewise, it can also be said that their sense of multiple belonging could lead towards strengthening of either more cosmopolitan or Australian orientations; however as far as my fieldwork as well as the data of the first generation presented above is concerned, their sense of multiple belonging, so far, refers to the attachment to the place rather than identity, as discussed by Ong (1996) in the discussion of flexible citizenship. Since migration for most contemporary Japanese migrants to Australia is an avenue for achieving a more balanced life, holding a permanent visa does not necessarily signify their intent to live permanently in Australia. The interview data revealed that the intent of Japanese residents to live permanently in Australia is not particularly high. Except for the migrants of the 1950s, generally called “war brides,” only seven out of thirty-one respondents who held permanent visas expressed an intention to live permanently in Australia. On the other hand, about 67% of the respondents showed flexible options for returning to Japan in the future, including seventeen participants who stated that they were maintaining flexible options for the future, depending upon circumstances; and a further five respondents clearly stated that they plan to eventually return to Japan. These data imply that contemporary Japanese migrants to Australia have unique “settlement” patterns. Although most of the contemporary immigrants to Australia maintain transnational connections and a sense of multiple belonging to both home and Australia (e.g. Skrbis 1999), it is important to keep in mind that settler migration policies of successive Australian governments focused on their settlement and contribution to its labour market (Wooden et al. 1994; Lopez 2000; Jupp 2002; Viviani 1992). Japanese migrants have a relatively higher element of flexibility when it comes to their “settlement,” as shown by the data above. It is also rare for Japanese migrants to have other family members join them in Australia; only a handful of respondents had actually brought family members to Australia with them. This flexibility in settlement and entertainment of the possibility of returning home are important features of contemporary Japanese migration to Australia. The following statement by Hidetoshi, who started a business with

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his brother in Canada and currently runs his own business in Australia, illustrates this point: At the beginning, we thought about living here [in Australia] permanently. But after five or six years, now I think I’d return to Japan when I get old. For Hidetoshi, the motivation for migrating to Australia was a relaxed lifestyle. While experiencing a busy lifestyle in Japan and cold weather in Canada, he decided to migrate to Australia. However, he experienced a gap between ideal and reality in leisure practices, as discussed previously, when his busy lifestyle prevented him from enjoying his hobby of fishing in Australia, and thus began to consider returning home. In contrast, Kazuhito, who had a busy life in the media industry in Japan but switched to a blue collar job in Australia, noted: My wife says she wants to return to Japan someday. But we have children who grew up in Australia and they will live here. I do not care about the place to live. [. . .] We will decide flexibly when the time comes. Kazuhito’s response is quite typical in that it shows the flexibility and transnational sense of belonging among Japanese migrants. This flexibility is shared by most of the respondents in the interviews. However, it must be noted that this flexibility is largely due to the tension they experience between the ideal of a relaxed lifestyle and the reality of a busy lifestyle in Australia. In the case of Kazuhito, while choosing a blue-collar job and enjoying a relatively relaxed lifestyle in Australia, he encountered difficult financial circumstances that forced him to occasionally visit Japan as a “guest labourer”: Financially, it was tough. [. . .] The life in the countryside of Australia was enjoyable but I decided to go to Japan for dekasegi (short-term guest labour). I worked at a factory in Hiroshima [. . .] Even after experiencing financial difficulties, he decided to remain in Australia because he disliked the Japanese work-oriented lifestyle and preferred the Australian social welfare. He also noted in the interview that he felt he would be unable to fit into Japanese society because of his distaste for corporate life. Maintaining Japanese citizenship is important to Japanese lifestyle migrants because they cannot obtain Australian citizenship without sacrificing their

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claim to citizenship, and along with it, the most fundamental form of attachment to their homeland. In the 2001 census, the rate of acquisition of Australian citizenship for Japanese in Australia was 22.6%, which was much less than the average rate of 75.1% for all foreign-born people in Australia (abs 2001). This figure is much lower than for migrants from countries that have a requirement of blood lineage in applying for citizenship, such as German residents (76.5%) and Dutch residents (79.5%) (dimia 2004). The actual rate for Japanese would be much smaller if those not included in the census were taken into account. In practice, the majority of Japanese migrants to Australia tend to keep their Japanese citizenship. The data shows that the following three factors were the most important reasons stated for keeping Japanese citizenship: institutional security in case of a return to Japan, flexibility for the future by securing the option of a place to return to, and “proof of identity.” Firstly, being a Japanese citizen means that one remains eligible for the Japanese social security plan. Shoko, aged in her thirties, who obtained a permanent visa and currently works at a call centre in Brisbane, spoke of her desire to be included in the Japanese National Pension Plan: I want to receive the National Pension Plan when I get old. I had paid much money while working in Japan and I want to get it back. As this statement shows, the Japanese pension plan provides a sense of security for Japanese migrants. Even if these migrants obtain permanent residency in Australia, keeping Japanese citizenship means that they have a “home” (with an “income”) to return to in their old age. As mentioned earlier, most of the Japanese lifestyle migrants have experienced downward social mobility after migration. The possibility of returning to Japan serves as a backup, and as such Japanese citizenship provides an important sense of security after migration. Had Japan allowed dual citizenship, this situation might have been different. Secondly, for most interviewees, Japan was seen as a place where they can return to easily, and they tend to keep this choice open by maintaining their Japanese citizenship. Given the fact that the majority of contemporary Japanese lifestyle migrants are young and middle class, their emphasis on lifestyle puts them at risk of running out of savings. However, while they enjoy an alternative lifestyle abroad, they also keep open the option of returning home. This flexibility is commonly observed among the respondents. For instance, Kazuhito referred to the advantage of Japanese citizenship to secure the option of returning to Japan:

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I cannot find any difference between citizenship and permanent residency. My children will choose their nationality soon. But I would not. [. . .] I would keep Japanese citizenship to be flexible about my future. Likewise, Mami, who currently studies at a graduate school in Brisbane, in referring to her ideas on Japanese citizenship in a focus group, noted: I feel that Japan is always my ‘home.’ I have parents and family in Japan and I am always in contact with them. I will also never give up Japanese citizenship so that I can return to Japan anytime. I can go back to Japan anytime if anything happens to my family. In terms of culture, I think that Japanese and Australian cultures are different. [. . .] Although I have Australian ‘permanent’ residency, it’s just on a five-year basis and we need to renew it. In that sense, I could lose the permanent residency quite easily if I work outside Australia for several years. At this moment, I have no plan of living in Australia forever. As these statements by Kazuhito and Mami reveal, a sense of flexibility is important for some Japanese migrants. Immigrants from other ethnic groups in Australia generally try to obtain Australian citizenship to enhance their social qualifications or to be more formally transnational (e.g. Australian passport to travel to many countries with ease). However, Japanese migrants are more likely to keep their Japanese citizenship to secure the choice of returning home. In other words, retaining Japanese citizenship enables Japanese migrants to enjoy “flexibility based on security.” This resonates with the arguments put forward in Chapter Four, concerning the increased flexibility of life course choice among the young Japanese middle class. During the 1990s, when the model of guaranteed lifetime employment became unstable and unreliable, the young middle class became interested in pursuing alternative lifestyles that deviated from traditional middle class pathways. Accordingly, the work and leisure choices of the young Japanese middle class were increasingly characterised by flexibility. In this context, the desire to experience “flexibility based on security” may be viewed as a reflection of the shift in lifestyle values that occurred during the 1990s. Thirdly, it must be noted that the Japanese koseki (census registration) system is not merely a system of registration for Japanese citizens, but it is also an important component of identity in Japanese society. The koseki is required to be shown on important occasions in daily life (e.g. marriage, childbirth, divorce). In Japan, where the koseki covers the role of a birth certificate, koseki

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is a proof of an individual’s identity as a Japanese resident. Therefore, among Japanese residents in Australia, giving up one’s Japanese citizenship is generally seen as erasing his or her identity as Japanese. Sachiko, who is married to a retired Australian man and lives a retirement lifestyle in a coastal area, describes the significance of such an act: In Australia, we can have two passports. There are some Japanese who hold two passports. I hear that it costs 38,000 yen ($400) to write off a name [from Japanese registration system koseki]. Who would pay 38,000 yen to ‘kill’ themselves? Sachiko considers writing off her name from the registration as “killing” herself, indicating that citizenship is significant for an individuals’ identity, particularly for Japanese, because various institutional systems are based on a koseki system characterised by a blood lineage. This point is also prominent in the following statement by Ken: At the moment I don’t feel that I will settle back in Japan. For some time I was thinking about applying for Australian citizenship. But I didn’t go ahead with it. My wife is from Indonesia, which doesn’t have a good political relationship with Australia. Even if I were to obtain Australian citizenship, it would seem a little strange, because I am Japanese through and through. As Ken described, obtaining Australian citizenship is “a little strange” because he is “Japanese through and through,” and the issue of identity for Japanese is closely associated with the choice of citizenship. In that sense, for some Japanese migrants, Japanese citizenship is seen as the proof of his or her identity. This was further illustrated by the discussion in a focus group meeting between Makoto and Fumie: (The researcher): How do you feel about keeping Japanese citizenship? Makoto: Spiritually, I think it enables me to be Nihonjin (Japanese), and institutionally, it also enables me to have a National Pension to be paid. Fumie: After living in Australia for a couple of years, I came to be interested in my identity as being Japanese as well as in Japanese culture. Seeing every Australian was excited at the election results, for example some supported Howard enthusiastically and others didn’t, I felt like voting in Australia. But I don’t think it is realistic. Even if I live

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permanently [in Australia], I would not feel that I am an Australian. After all, I always think of myself as Japanese. This discussion between Makoto and Fumie reflects other respondents’ views on the role of Japanese citizenship in terms of both identity and institutional factors. As Makoto mentioned, Japanese citizenship enables him to be Japanese, since Japanese citizenship is based on blood linage and attached to proof of being Nihonjin (Japanese in a racial sense). Likewise, Fumie noted that she would not feel herself as an Australian even if she lived permanently in Australia due to her ethnic consciousness of being Japanese. Her sense of Japanese identity is commonly shared by other respondents in the way that the sense of belonging refers to place—Japan and Australia—whilst they keep their ethnic identity as Japanese. Although their ethnic identity as Japanese can be due to the fact that every respondent in this research is a first generation migrant, the possible diasporas’ identity or flexible citizenship (Ong 1996) of the second generation needs further research in the future. In summary, most Japanese migrants in Australia retain their Japanese citizenship, even after gaining permanent residency, so as to secure eligibility for the Japanese social system, to allow for flexibility of future choice, and to retain their Japanese identity in the koseki system based on the blood linage. In these three ways, Japanese citizenship provides migrants with a sense of security as they embark upon their lives abroad. The cases presented above show that many Japanese display the features of transnational migrants (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992), in particular, their dual senses of belonging to both Australia and Japan, and their maintenance of a transnational network. For them, transnational migration is an avenue by which they can achieve their ideal lifestyle. In this chapter, I considered aspects of life after migration for Japanese lifestyle migrants in Australia. I focused on their work and leisure practices, as well as their community and settlement patterns. I presented evidence showing that the majority of Japanese lifestyle migrants generally enjoyed a balanced lifestyle, with the possible exceptions of those who work in Japanese-owned businesses in Australia and those who run their own business. The interview data also indicated that the phrase, “Australian work/leisure,” was commonly used by Japanese residents to justify their ideal lifestyle practice as well as their decisions to migrate. The data also showed an interrelationship between the lifestyle values of Japanese migrants and their involvement in the Japanese ethnic community in Australia; in particular, younger migrants tend to maintain a distance from the “Japanese-ness” of these hierarchical, group-orientated ethnic organisations. My research also identified the emergence of a new form

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of Japanese community based not on formal ethnic organisations but rather on informal networks of individuals. In the sense that it lacks a geographical and psychological “centre,” this network-based phenomenon fits the description of a “de-territorialised community,” in which migrant networks are established and maintained on an individual basis rather than through the construction of a centralised ethnic urban space. Finally, given that Japanese migrants’ reasons for migration are largely associated with lifestyle factors, their migration to Australia has a transnational flavour characterised by flexibility in planning for the future and a dual sense of belonging.

CHAPTER 7

Conclusion: Migration and Settlement of Lifestyle Migrants In the 1990s, the “myth” of Japanese-style management collapsed under the weight of a deep and continuing recession. The “Japanese model” of employment (Ouchi, 1979, 1981; Pascale, 1982), based on a self-sacrificing work ethic and collective loyalty in return for lifetime employment and security, was proved to be too illusory. During this period of uncertainty, radical changes took place in the social structure, lifestyle and values in Japanese society. These structural changes were best indicated by unprecedented mobility in the labour market and an increase in part-time employment. Younger generations, particularly those with a middle class background, began to retreat from the hectic lifestyle and stable life course often expected of young people working for Japanese companies. This also illustrates why many Japanese workers began to value leisure more than work and shifted away from a collective orientation to a more personalised and individualised perspective. As these changes gathered pace, an unprecedented number of people became interested in overseas tourism, and eventually, migration. In this book, I have explored the various aspects of the interrelationship between these social changes in the 1990s, especially the relationship between lifestyle and value changes among some Japanese which led to their decision to seek a different lifestyle overseas. More specifically, this research addressed the following questions: What sort of values induced the Japanese to migrate to Australia? Is there any relationship between their experience travelling overseas and the eventual decision to migrate for a different lifestyle? As “lifestyle migrants,” what are the patterns that characterise their settlement in Australia? What are the theoretical implications of this new form of migration by Japanese people in Australia? To seek answers for these questions, a qualitative study was carried out using multi-methods including the use of published secondary statistical data. In reviewing the process of social transformation in Japanese society and changing values of the Japanese towards leisure, secondary statistical data was particularly useful in illustrating how the Japanese corporate sector rationalised its businesses practices and reconsidered the validity of the seniority system that once gave Japanese people lifetime employment. However, this also

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led to increased workforce mobility, especially among the younger generation, who started to move from job to job and some even took up part-time employment. Secondary data also showed how work conditions changed as workload and working hours became heavier and longer as a result of cost cutting, while social security and welfare provided by companies were also minimised. In sum, the office environment went through a metamorphosis: people became more stressed due to increased workload and the environment became more competitive because of the introduction of a merit-based system. This was paralleled by the emergence of a culture of individualisation regarding work and leisure among Japanese workers. As companies no longer offered life-time permanent employment, the self-sacrificing work ethic and the loyalty normally expected from workers became a rarity, especially among the younger generation. Middle class workers became disillusioned and decided to rearrange their priorities in life, preferring to spend more time with their families and enjoying their private time pursuing health-focused leisure activities such as making trips and visiting hot springs with family and friends. This was in contrast to the luxurious trips with tour groups which had been extraordinarily popular until the 1980s. Nonetheless, the popularity of tourism, either domestic or international, indicated a desire for an alternative lifestyle. This was reflected by the fact that younger generations of Japanese people preferred flexibility in their life course, while others decided to go abroad as working holiday makers, and a large number became overseas students. In some ways, these changes compelled the Japanese to re-evaluate their work life and helped them to re-discover the “new world” of leisure and lifestyle. The relaxation of entry requirements into Australia, and the development of Australia’s leisure industry as a way to overcome economic recession in the early 1990s, also made it possible for Japanese who sought an alternative lifestyle to fulfill their desire through migration. The transnational pursuit of leisure and lifestyle thus became a new impetus of migration and Australia, given its open space and image of having a lifestyle of leisure, thus became most appealing to the Japanese. More specifically, the image of having a balanced lifestyle, the appeal of having freedom and individualism, and a society that respects gender equity, individual privacy and life rather than traditional collective obligations and rituals and practices became most appealing for middle class Japanese. The imagined Australian lifestyle, when contrasted with the reality of a rigid, patriarchal society and harsh working environment in Japan, made it too easy for middle class individuals to decide to migrate in pursuit of a desirable lifestyle in Australia. The recent Japanese migration to Australia has involved a number of significant changes in the study of international migration, and understanding this

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can be seen as one of the major contributions of this research. Traditionally, international migration has been largely seen as the result of economic, political and religious factors. This book on the recent flows of Japanese migrants to Australia, however, indicated that “lifestyle” was in fact the central driving force behind their moves, adding not only another layer to the complexities involved in the process of decision-making in migration, but also illustrating how economic changes could trigger a reassessment of work and leisure values that ultimately forged a new form of migration for contemporary middle class Japanese migrants who have become increasingly global and transnational. Moreover, their middle class status afforded them opportunities, first in overseas tourism, both as independent travellers, second in the discovery of new destinations, and finally in new options for migration based on “lifestyle” choices. This linkage between tourism and migration as uncovered by this research has, in turn, demonstrated that, decision-making processes and patterns of international migration have indeed become more diverse. In traditional migration studies, it is common for researchers to conclude that, particularly among Asian migrants, the migratory decisions were mainly concerned with economic or social, citing economic hardship as push factors, or the consideration of better social and economic opportunities for their offspring, both in terms of educational and employment prospects, as pull factors. What this research has found is that the pattern of decision making in migration by the Japanese middle class is quite unique—i.e., that their motivation for migration was more self-directed, particularly in terms of searching for their own life fulfilment, and less concerned with future opportunities for their offspring. Of particular interest is that many Japanese women, through their exposure to ‘Western’ societies and lifestyles, have come to see the constraints and limitations imposed on them by the Japanese society. This suggests that the search for a freer, individualistic Western lifestyle could become a main driving force for transnational flows of middle class migrants. Not surprisingly, the pursuit of individual fulfilment by recent Japanese migrants in Australia has led to their unique pattern of settlement in Australia. Unlike other Asian migrants who have a tendency to congregate and form their own ethnic niche in an urban city, the Japanese recent settlement is characterised by the non-existence of a geographical and psychological “centre.” In García Canclini’s (1995) terms, the settlement of Japanese migrants in SouthEast Queensland is best described as a “de-territorialised community” where migrant networks are established and maintained on an individual basis rather than through the construction of a centralised ethnic urban space (such as “little Tokyo” as in other Western countries) or traditional ethnic Japanese community organisations like the Japanese Club.

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Although the search for a more relaxed Western lifestyle was one of the main reasons for the recent Japanese migration in Australia, an examination of the leisure practices of the Japanese after they have resettled in Australia ironically shows that daily practical matters, such as work and education, have made it difficult for them to realise their ideal of a lifestyle based mainly on leisure. Certainly, many indicated that since moving to Australia, they have been able to spend more time with their families, often in parks and open spaces that are a rarity in urban Japan. Nevertheless, others have complained that because of downward social mobility, either by choice or otherwise, they have been unable to pursue a life of leisure. In more extreme cases, some became bored with leisure and returned to self-employment, working as hard as they would back home. Although this research provides insights into the phenomenon of Japanese lifestyle migration by showing individuals’ experience in both Japanese and Australian societies, there remain limitations to the study and further research opportunities for the future. Although I studied the Japanese migrants’ experiences in both Japan and Australia and highlighted the key factors in both migration process and settlement, I consider that further research on each specific topic needs to be completed. This may include, for example, the study of increased transnational flows of migrants, working holiday makers, overseas students and tourists prompted by a sense of longing for a life in a foreign country, similar to that found among Japanese younger generations. Issues around the concept of migration, such as transnationalism, sense of belonging, and attachment to place among Japanese lifestyle migrants also remain to be studied in more detail. Despite these limitations, this book contributes to contemporary migration studies and other related fields. In this book, I explored how Japanese immigrants choose to migrate to Australia and how they live in Australia, and demonstrated the linkages between the socio-cultural transformations of Japanese society since the 1990s, the subsequent lifestyle value shifts among the Japanese middle class, the migration decision of Japanese lifestyle migrants, and their settlement practices. Given increasing globalisation and the increased transnational mobility among the middle classes in particular, the distinctive perspective on the interrelationship between social transformations, lifestyle values, tourism experience and migration decision in this book has important implications for the study of contemporary migration, tourism and modern society. Finally, I hope that this unique insight into the experience of Japanese migrants to Australia will also contribute to a further understanding of the changing ethnic dimensions of Australian society.

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Index Americanisation 32, 47 Anderson, Benedict 39 anthropology 14, 15, 32, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 47 and sociology 14–6 Appadurai, Arjun 30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 39, 43 Asian immigration 5, 7, 137, 164 Asianisation of Australia 6 Augé, Marc 135–6 Australia as destination for Japanese tourism  62–69 difficulty in working in 130, 162–5 education in 4, 11, 59, 125–7, 130–59 immigration policy of 6, 59, 69, 128, 162 leisure facilities in 89, 119, 120, 122, 123–6, 132 racial discrimination in 141, 155, 162, 164–5 realestates in 63, 133–4 work style in 155–65 Baldassar, Loretta 15, 37, 39, 46 Blainey, Geoffrey 6 Boorstin, Daniel 40 Brettell, Caroline 16, 30, 36, 37–8, 43 Bubble economy 9, 63, 70–2, 109, 139, 142 Burnley, Ian 2, 13, 46 Calwell, Arthur 58 Chicago School 14 Clifford, James 14, 33 Cohen, Erik 41 collectivism in Japan xi, 1, 50, 85, 152 changes of xi, 1, 85–6 concentration camps 57 de-territorialised ethnic community 29, 147–54, 178, 181 de-territorilialisation 33, 39, 147–52, 154, 178, 181 domestic migration 2, 43–4, 87, 93, 121 ethnic community attitude toward 12, 147–9

fieldwork 11, 14–25, 172 Fischer, Machael 15 focus groups 16–20 free-packaged-tour (flexible packaged tour) 68, 69 freeters (free-minded part-timers) 70, 74, 82, 91–2 Ganenmono (First-year-of-Meiji emigrant group) 50 García Canclini 42, 152, 181 Geertz, Clifford 15 geography 45 gender: role in Japan 116–19 equity in Australia 116–19 Gesellschaft 136 Giddens, Anthony 33–4, 37, 105, 136 Glick Schiller, Nina 5, 30, 35–7, 39, 43, 171, 177 globalisation 36–47; from below 36, 39 Goffman, Erving 15, 40, 42, 168 grassroots globalisation 39 FIT (Foreign Independent Travel) 68, 89 haken-shain (dispatched part-time workers from employment agencies) 74, 82, 92–3, 106–8, 117, 124, 145, 161 haken-style work 92–3, 106–8, 117 Hall, Michael 2, 11, 13, 43–6, 129 Hannerz, Ulf 32–3, 38 Held, David 32, 34 Holton, Robert 32 hybridisation 32 identity 15, 34, 41–2, 115, 135–6, 149, 172, 174–7 immigration policy in Australia 6, 59, 69, 128, 162 immigrants in Australia 3, 26, 137, 162, 172 in-depth interview 15–6, 18, 20, 25–6 individualisation 43, 83, 85, 150, 180 internment camp 51, 57 Iwabuchi, Koichi 30, 36 Iyotani, Toshio 33

206 Japan social transformation of 70–82 labour market of 72–82 high population density of 98, 119–124 bureaucracy of 98, 119–20, 125–6 education in 125–6, 130 Japan Club of Queensland 23, 148, 151 Japanese work ethic of 70, 76–7, 82, 83–6, 93, 96, 102, 105, 108, 111, 117 life course model of xi, 1, 86 lifestyle value of xi, 1, 3–5, 8, 11–4, 16, 25, 43, 49, 53, 61–2, 69, 70–96, 97, 104 leisure of 86–90 tourism 48, 61–9, 86–91 Japanese economy transformation of 72–8 Japanese emigration: history of 48–53 Japanese in Australia attitude toward ethnic community  147–54 citizenship of 23, 26, 170–7 demographic profile of 5, 10–1, 22, 25, 60–1 discrimination against 164–5 downward social mobility of 27, 128, 136–40 ethnic community of 147–54 ethnic identity of 172–7 history of 53–61 leisure practice of 165–70 residential choice of 129–35 work of 155–65 network of 152–4 sense of belongings of 173–8 Japanese Society of Brisbane 23, 151 Japanese-style management transformation of 70–80 Japanologist 1, 49 Jupp, James 5–7, 59, 172 karayukisan (illegal overseas prostitutes)  8, 50–1, 53–4 Karyū Shakai (lower class society) 70 Kearney, Michael 14, 30, 35–8, 64 King, Russell 13, 43–5 kojin-tehai-ryokō (individual arranged trip) 68

Index labour market in Japan increased mobility in the 80–2 leisure: and migration 13, 28, 42–7 practice of Japanese lifestyle migrants, 165–70 Lévi-Strauss, Claude 14 lifestyle migration concept of 8, 11, 13, 44–7 lifestyle-motivated migration 2, 43–5 lifetime employment xi, 1, 70, 72–3, 75, 78, 82–4, 86, 108, 175, 179 longstay 3 long-term resident 8, 10, 20, 22–5, 53, 60, 94 life course increased flexibility of 91–4 transnational connection and flexible life course 94–6 MacCannell, Dean 40 Marcus, George 14–5 Meiji Government 50–1 migration as transnational leisure 43, 165 Mizukami, Tetsuo 3, 11, 48 multiculturalism in Australia 6–7, 57–9, 69, 115 Murphy, Peter 2, 13, 46 Nagata, Yuriko 8, 23, 51, 53–4, 56–8, 94 nation-state 34–6, 39 nihonjin-gai (Japan towns) 48–9 Nikkei-jin (Japanese who take foreign citizenship) 52 Ota, Yoshinobu 14, 41–2 participant observation 16, 18, 23 Portes, Alejandro 16, 35 qualitative research 14–6 retirement migration 2, 43–5, 94 Robertson, Roland 32 Rojek, Chris 40 Said, Edward 14 Sakoku (seclusion) 48–50 Salva-Thomas, Pere 2, 13, 46, 167

207

Index Sato, Machiko 3, 11, 25, 48, 52, 61, 112 Second World War 8, 9, 50–3, 56–7 Sekine, Masami 59 Shiobara, Yoshikazu 7, 11 skilled migration 2, 16, 24, 59 Skrbis, Zlatko 15, 19, 36, 38–9, 149, 172 shashin hanayome (mail brides) 51 Sissons, David 8, 53 Smith, Valene 41 sociology 12, 14–5, 32, 35–6

transmigrant 37–9 tourism-related migration 43–5 tourist gaze 17, 41–2 transnationalism 30–1, 35–40, 43, 47, 165, 170–1, 182 Tsuda, Takeyuki 15, 38, 43

Tamura, Keiko 58 Tokugawa Shogunate 49–50 Tomlinson, John 32, 34, 37, 136 tourism brochure 42, 63–5 construction of tourism image 63–5 development in Australia 62–9 investment in Australia 62–3

war brides 18, 23–4, 57–8, 69, 172 Weber, Max 12 White Australia Policy 7, 54, 58–9 Whitlam Labour government 7, 59 Willis, Paul 20 Williams, Allan 13, 43–5, 129

Urry, John 17, 37, 41–2, 63, 136, 171 Vertovec, Steven 35–6