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Problems and Perspectives of the Relationship between the Media and Human Rights

Problems and Perspectives of the Relationship between the Media and Human Rights Edited by

G. P. Pandey, Charu Joshi and Paromita Das

Problems and Perspectives of the Relationship between the Media and Human Rights Edited by G. P. Pandey, Charu Joshi and Paromita Das This book first published 2017 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2017 by G. P. Pandey, Charu Joshi, Paromita Das and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-4551-5 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-4551-9

CONTENTS

List of Graphs / Illustrations ...................................................................... vii List of Tables ............................................................................................ viii Preface ........................................................................................................ ix Acknowledgements ................................................................................... xv List of Abbreviations ............................................................................... xvii Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1 A Critical Analysis of Newspaper Reporting on Women’s Issues Dr. Afsana Amin Soma and Dr. Sucharita Chakraborty Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 11 Internet-use Patterns among the Female Muslim Students of the Higher Educational Institutions of Silchar Town Dr. Ayesha Afsana Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 28 Human Rights Education and the Role of the Media Dr. Mita Das, Dr. Surendra Upadhyay and Mr. Arindam Sarkar Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 39 The Role of Hindi Films in Creating Awareness of Dowry in India Dr. Paromita Das and Ms. Satarupa Roy Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 52 Social Media as a Tool in Formulating the Collective Shift in Social Consciousness (A Case Study of a Teenage Girl Molested in Guwahati City) Ms. Lalita Chhetry and Dr. Charu Joshi

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Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 64 Media and Human Rights in Bangladesh: Problems and Prospects regarding Human Rights Coverage Professor (Dr.) M. Zahangir Kabir and Mr. Diwan Rashidul Hassan Chapter Seven............................................................................................ 74 A Descriptive and Analytical Study of Bodo Films Mr. Rachan Daimary and Ms. Anuradha Dey Chapter Eight ............................................................................................. 86 Communication Efficacy of the NHRC in Creating Awareness about Human Rights (Study Based on a Content Analysis of the NHRC Web Site) Mr. Rajeev Kumar Panda, Prof. (Dr.) G.P. Pandey and Dr. Chandra Shekhar Pandey Chapter Nine.............................................................................................. 99 Freedom of Expression in Digital Diplomacy Mr. Rajendra Man Banepali, Prof. Dr. Subarna Shakya and Prof. Dr. Gajendra Sharma Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 112 Ethics in Journalism from a Human Rights Perspective Ms. Ruth Hmingchullo Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 128 The Digital Divide and Digital Dalits: An Empirical Study Mr. Shashidhar M R, Mr. Praveen Kumar V, and Prof. (Dr.) H.K. Mariswamy Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 152 The Ups and Downs of Indian Media Reporting on Human Rights Activities Mr. Amarendra Kumar Aarya Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 161 ICTs to Human Rights: The Driving Force for Efficacy in Human Rights in India Dr. T. R. Ramakrishnan and Dr. Charu Joshi

LIST OF GRAPHS/ ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 4.1: Number of Cases and Arrests in IPC 498A Fig. 4.2: Reported Dowry Deaths (2005–6 to 2009–10) Fig. 4.3: All-India Reported Dowry Deaths (2005–6 To 2009–10) Fig. 8.1: Appearance-Layout, Navigational Design Colour, Text, Use of Multimedia (graphics, audio-visual elements) on the NHRC website Fig. 9.1: Consequences of a Conversation Actualised by Digital Technology Fig. 9.2: Further Research Work of a Rich Framework for Calculating Economic and Social Conflict Actualised By Digital Technology Fig. 11.1: DemoFig.ic Profile of the Respondents Fig. 11.2: Status of Domicile of the Respondents Fig. 11.3: Income Group Fig. 11.4: Digital Gadgets Possessed Fig. 11.5: Sources of Accessibility Fig. 11.6: (a) Pattern of Access Fig. 11.7: (b) Duration of Utility Fig. 11.8: (c) Using Internet Since Fig. 11.9: (d) Search Engines Utilised More Fig. 11.10: (e) Awareness and Utility of Social Networking Sites Fig. 11.11: Gratification Obtained Fig. 11.12: Credibility of Internet and Social Network Fig. 13.1: Respondents’ Awareness Level of Human Rights Fig. 13.2: Source Of Collecting Information About Human Rights Fig. 13.3: Sources Of Promoting Human Rights Information Fig. 13.4: Internet Users By The Gender Fig. 13.5: Digital Sources Used For Gaining Information On Human Rights Fig. 13.6: Awareness About Sources Of Filtering Based On Gender Fig. 13.7: Level Of Filtering Practice On Political Information Fig. 13.8: Level Of Filtering Practice For Social Information Fig. 13.9: Level Of Filtering Practice On Conflicts/Security Fig. 13.10: Level Of Filtering Practice On Internet Tools Fig. 13.11: Gender On Opinion About Filtering And Freedom Of Expression

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1: Types/categories of news items on women’s issues Table 1.2: Nature of reporting Table 1.3: Format of news items on women’s issues Table 1.4: Portrayal of women Table 1.5: Quoted news sources Table 1.6: Placement of news on women’s issues Table 2.1: Types of Web Browsers Used for Internet Surfing among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.2: Search Engines Used for Internet Surfing among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.3: Place of Internet Use among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.4: Suitable Time for Using the Internet among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.5: Timespan of Using the Internet among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.6: Length of Experience in Using the Internet among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.7: Habit of Internet Use among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.8: Purpose of Using the Internet among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.9: Educational Uses of the Internet among the Respondents by Residence Table 2.10: Mode of Retrieving Information from the Internet among the Respondents by Residence Table 7.1: List of Bodo Films made in Assam Table 8.1: Content Analysis of the NHRC website Table 11.1: Level of Education of the Respondents Table 11.2: Profile of the Parent’s Profession Table 11.3: Gratification Sought Table 11.4: Other Benefits Obtained through the Internet and SNS

PREFACE

People not only have the right to live, but also to live with human dignity. Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says, “All beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” The concept of human rights has risen from that of the natural rights of all humans. Time and again, history shows the existence of human rights as an essential component in the well-being of human civilisations at any given time. In 539 BC, the armies of Cyrus the Great, the first king of ancient Persia, conquered the city of Babylon. He freed the slaves, declared that all people had the right to choose their religion, and established racial equality. This was recorded on a black clay cylinder in the Acadian language, which is today known as the Cyrus Cylinder. Most importantly, it is the world’s first charter of Human Rights. Its provisions parallel the first four Articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. From Babylon, this idea spread quickly to India, Greece, and Rome. There, the concept of “natural law” emerged, in observation of the fact that people tended to follow certain unwritten laws in the course of life, and Roman law was based on rational ideas derived from the nature of things. Documents asserting individual rights, such as the Magna Carta (1215), the Petition of Right (1628), the US Constitution (1787), the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789), and the US Bill of Rights (1791) are the written precursors to many of today’s human rights documents. Religious documents, e.g. the Vedas, the Bible, and the Quran, have also referred to the duties, rights, and responsibilities of citizens. In the Indian context, the “Dharma” of the Vedic period has advocated about human rights values. The post-Vedic period saw the rise of Buddhism and Jainism, which were efforts to establish welfare communities in respect of the protection of human rights. However, over the years, the human rights concept as such has gone through a set of transformations. Presently, human rights have come into existence as part of every nation’s political system. Also, the modern bodies of internationally guaranteed human rights have their sources in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, or the Universal Declaration) promulgated by the United Nations in 1948.

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The charter of the United Nations (1945) emphasises saving the generations to come from the scourge of war and reaffirming their faith in the fundamental human rights. However, most people are still unaware of their rights. According to a poll conducted by Amnesty International, the largest human rights organisation in the world, only 8% of adults and 4% of youths are aware of the “foundation stone for human rights.” The media is the arm of any modern democratic polity, through which the people exercise their freedom of information. This freedom of information (right to information) is crucial in making all human rights activities effective, as it is a public communicator. It not only gives facts (in the form of news), it also analyses and comments on the facts and thus shapes the views of the people. Its impact on the society is beyond doubt and debate. It has been setting for the nation its social, political, economic, and even cultural agendas. With the advent of satellite channels and the ever-growing internet, its impact is even sharper and deeper. With regards to 24-hour news channels, people cannot remain neutral to and unaffected by what the channels are serving day and night. It is therefore of paramount importance that the media plays an important, decisive, and ethical role at all levels and in all parts of the country and the world. The media has been entrusted with the responsibility of guarding the rights of the people in a democratic and political setup. This points towards the pivotal role that the media can play in ensuring that the people who make a political system enjoy its positive outcome. However, it is important to come out of the visionary discourse of the media and look critically at its role and function in our present sociopolitical context with respects to human rights. There are two main points of intersection where the worlds of the media and human rights meet. First, reporting matters have direct or indirect human rights content, and second, freedom of the media is itself a human right. There are large numbers of serious human rights issues in India and the world over: brutal killings of innocents by security forces, terrorists and militants, arbitrary arrests and detentions, the denial of fair trial, migration and refugees, mental and physical violence against women and children, rape and sexual assaults, dowry deaths and torture, domestic violence, honour killings, human trafficking and prostitution, kidnappings, child labour, poverty, the caste system, the lack of education and proper healthcare facilities for women, and endemic unemployment. Hence, at the present juncture there is a great need for the promotion of human rights awareness and its effective implementation by the

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government and pressure groups, such as non-governmental organisations. This is not only to equip the victims of human rights violations in seeking effective redressal, but also to make the redressal mechanisms efficient, effective, and human-rights friendly. When addressing the human rights situation of countries like India, Nepal, and Bangladesh, the media can throw light on the actions and inactions of the administration. Also, the media can create pressure for bringing change in the society and administration, which in turn leads to justice for the innocent victims and sufferers. There are some instances where, in the process of the violation of human rights, the media has worked as overseer by informing the people accurately. For example, the Manorama Devi rape and murder case by Assam Rifles soldiers in Manipur state of northeast India on December 16, 2012, the Nirvaya case, who was brutally gang raped on a moving bus, the Jessica Lal murder Case, the Shah Bano Controversy, the Priyadarshani Mattoo murder case, the Gitika Sharma Suicide Case, and the Bobby Murder Case were brought to light by the media. The media in its various forms, especially television and the ever-evolving internet, and especially social media, has worked together to give justice to the victims. This is the role of the media in the true sense. At times, however, the media has been insensitive. For example, the television broadcast of men stripping an Adivasi girl in broad daylight on November 27, 2007 in Guwahati city, India during a mass protest assembly was against humanity. The media flashed the name of the victim and the video footage was shown over and over, at times with blurred effects and sometimes without any editing in the local news television channels, alongside pictures in local newspapers. Also, the peace protest by Irom Sharmila for more than a decade in Manipur against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) should be scrapped, as it is under review for committing human rights violations for decades in India. Still, such incidences continue to take place not only in India but also worldwide. The conference entitled “The Media and Human Rights: Problems and Prospects” is a realistic and rational endeavour to highlight some of the important aspects with regard to human rights. As our constitutional obligation, the theme “the Media and Human Rights” in the context of development is very relevant for our society and democracy. This book brings before you diverse thoughts and approaches towards the media and human rights related issues from India, Nepal, and Bangladesh. It is a comprehensive effort to highlight various critical perspectives. This anthology of the conference papers would be highly

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useful and relevant to not only academics, researchers, scholars, planners, and policymakers, but also to professionals working in the media industry. Dr. Afsana Amin Soma and Dr. Sucharita Chakraborty in their paper critically analyse newspaper reporting of women-related issues. This study focuses on the northeastern state of Assam, India. To be more specific, three mainstream daily newspapers of varied categories, i.e. national, regional, and local language, with the largest circulation in Assam, were included in the sample for the study. The methodology adopted was content analysis. The study endeavoured to delve deep into the types of women’s issues being frequently published by the selected newspapers. Dr. Ayesha Afsana in her paper attempts to find internet-use patterns among the female Muslim students studying in higher educational institutions in the Silchar Town of Assam, India. The findings reveal that the majority of rural and urban female users accessed the internet from home, for searching and downloading study materials, e-mail, and sending attached documents. The study concludes that the internet is a valuable source of information for students who are looking for ideas relating to their projects, assignments, and other innovations. Dr. Mita Das, Dr. Surender Kumar Upadhyay, and Mr. Arindam Sarkar, in their paper “Human Rights Education and the Role of the Media,” study the role of the media and awareness brought about by the media in promoting human rights education. The study is based on secondary data, using a historical and theoretical research method. Dr. Paromita Das and Ms. Satarupa Roy, in “Hindi Films in Creating Awareness Against Dowry in India,” discuss the advent of the dowry system in India, the various acts to safeguard women against it, and the role played by mainstream Hindi films in spreading awareness towards its eradication. The paper has adopted the case study method using three films produced in different eras and with storylines based on the dowry system. Ms. Lalita Chhetry and Dr. Charu Joshi analyse social media as a tool to formulate the collective shift in social consciousness. The study uses the case study technique, which focuses on the molestation of a teenage girl in Guwahati City, Assam, India during 2012. The paper attempts to see the potential of social media in human rights conflict situations and peace promotion with respect to the particular incident of the molestation case. Prof. M. Zahangir Kabir and Mr. Diwan R. Hassan examine the media’s role in the protection of human rights in Bangladesh. The paper states that the media and the Bangladeshi journalists are also at risk when reporting critical human rights related issues, despite the presence of a stringent legal regime. But the media in Bangladesh is very bold in promoting people’s rights and is critical of the ruling government.

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Mr. Rachan Daimary and Ms. Anuradha Dey explored the origin, development, and changing trends of Bodo films. Bodo films are regional films that express the ethos of the Bodo community as a whole. The Bodo film industry is now 33 years old; however, its development is seldom perceived. The paper deals with the history and the present status of the Bodo films with regards to the human rights issues and technical difficulties faced by the industry. It discusses the role played by Bodo films in entertainment along with motivating, promoting, and preserving Bodo culture and bringing about socioeconomic development. Keeping in view the lack of proper documentation and preservation of Bodo films, this paper also attempts to preserve information on Bodo films and consequently Bodo culture for the future generations. Mr. Rajeev Kumar Panda, Prof. (Dr.) G. P. Pandey, and Mr. Chandra Shekhar Pandey analyse the communication efficacy of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) India for the promotion, preservation, and protection of human rights. For the purpose of the study, the NHRC website was critically analysed. Mr. Rajendra Man Banepali, Prof. (Dr.) Subarna Shakya, and Dr. Gajendra Sharma, in their paper “A First-Hand Breadth for Freedom of Expression in Digital Diplomacy,” explore how digital technology—text, voice, and visual transmission—has challenged an underling assumption and distribution of actors not only at the local level but also in international relations, especially when observing the freedom of expression as a fundamental right under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations, and the structural changes in media houses and responders to meet communication compliances framed within the Media Richness Theory. They discuss the freedom of expression, structural changes in the media, and information legitimacy from the technical viewpoint towards respecting the fundamentals of human rights. Ms. Ruth Hmingchullo attempts to look critically into the delicate, “two-edged source relationship” between the media and human rights, and the development of this relationship within the past two decades in Manipur state, Assam, India. Since the freedom of the press is suppressed in Manipur due to strong insurgent militant dominance and political influence, the press cannot exercise its full rights. Journalists in Manipur have been killed, kidnapped, threatened, and not accounted for. Despite these scenarios, the media community has been united in its stand even after 60 years of this conflict scenario. The impact of the conflict has not only been the killings, rape, and torture of innocents, but also a deep sense of fear and insecurity for the widowed woman, young students, and many others. No one is spared.

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The study by Mr. Shashidhar M. R., Mr. Praveen Kumar V. and Prof. (Dr.) H. K. Mariswamy discusses the status of digital literacy among Dalit college students with special reference to their awareness, exposure, accessibility, utility, and impact of the internet and social network sites. The study also assesses the level of gratifications among Dalit college students and their participation with Dalit social network sites. The study is based in urban and rural districts of Bangalore, India. Mr. Amarendra Kumar Arya in his paper focuses on the Indian state of Chhattisgarh, where insurgency has existed for over 30 years and the threat to press freedom is a reality. Here, not only has the media failed to play the role of watchdog for gross human rights violations, but it has also dutifully parroted the state’s language. SalwaJudum was celebrated as the people’s spontaneous movement against the Maoists. The newspapers selectively reported the violence perpetrated by the Maoists, leaving out the excesses of the SalwaJudum (SJ) and the security forces. The article closes with the managing of coverage even by the government and its agencies. Dr. T. R. Ramakrishnan and Dr. Charu Joshi, in their paper titled, “ICTs to Human Rights: The Driving Force to Efficacy for Human Rights in India,” critically analyse digital access in the public sphere used by the Government of India. Further, an Empirical approach was used to untangle the research question by interviewing the public and key officers from the National Informatics Centre, India. It was identified that the propaganda approach should be made mandatory to popularise human rights in India through the use of ICT tools in the public sphere. The study is of use for researchers in governance and the body of literature of the National Human Rights Commission in India.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book is a compendium of seminar papers from a two-day International Seminar on “Media and Human Rights: Problems and Prospects” held on March 11–12, 2015, and organised by the Department of Mass Communication, Assam University, Silchar, Assam, India. This seminar was an attempt to penetrate deep into the existing discourse of human rights and media as well as analyse and give solutions to the major issues related to human rights and media, such as: the role of the media in protecting and promoting human rights, the media as a cause for violations of human rights, human rights and natural justice, and the challenges before the media related to human rights. The thorough discussion and brain-storming sessions of the seminar were divided into eight technical sessions under the sub-themes: (i) the Media and Protection, Promotion and Preservation of Human Rights with regard to Children and Women’s Issues; (ii) Globalisation, the Commercialisation of the Media, and Human Rights; (iii) the Media, Domestic Violence, and Human Rights; (iv) Media Advocacy and Human Rights Coverage; (v) Challenges in Human Rights Reporting; and (vi) Human Rights Education and the Role of the Media. We are indebted and express our heartfelt gratitude to the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), New Delhi, without whose generous financial support and full sponsorship the two-day International Seminar would not have been possible. We are also grateful to the Honourable Vice-Chancellor of the University, Prof. Somnath Dasgupta, Pro-Vice Chancellor Prof. Debasish Bhattacharjee, and Registrar Dr. Sanjib Bhattacharjee for their support in bringing out this book. We take the opportunity to give our heartfelt thanks to all the speakers and participants that include learned scholars, research fellows, students, and media professionals who travelled from across India, Nepal, Bangladesh and Dubai to lend their valuable views and opinions through their academic papers and lectures, respectively. We owe a great debt of gratitude to Prof. (Dr.) Subarna Shakya (Professor, Tribhuvan University, Nepal), Mr. Taimur Raja Choudhury (Editor, Dainik Samayik Prasanga), Dr. Manoj Kumar Patairiya (Additional Director General Doordarshan, New Delhi), Dr. Dinesh Acharya (Chairman, Megafin Group, Dubai, UAE), Dr. Gajendra Sharma (Associate Professor,

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Kathmandu University, Nepal), Mr. Subir Ghosh (General Manager, Public Relations, Hindustan Paper Mill Ltd., India), Prof. Sanjay Mukhopadhyay (Professor & Head, Department of Film Studies, Jadavpur University, India), Prof. G. Ram (Professor, Department of Sociology, Assam University, Silchar, India), and Prof. Ranju Dhamala (Professor and Head, Deptt. of Political Science, Assam University, Silchar) for chairing the technical sessions. Also, we would like to thank Prof. M. Zahagir Kabir (Professor and Head, Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Manarat International University, Dhaka, Bangladesh), Mr. Diwan Rashidul Hassan (Director, Public Relations and Publications, Bangladesh Agricultural University), Dr. Dinesh Acharya (Chairman, Megafin Group, Dubai, UAE), and Mr. Rajendra Man Banenepal (Knowledge Management and ICT Associate, United Nations Information Centre, Kathmandu, Nepal), without whom this seminar would not have been successful. We are also grateful to Dr. Syed Murtaza Alfarid Hussain, Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Assam University, Silchar, who acted as the Chief Rapporteur during the two-day International seminar. And most importantly, we would like to thank the excellent support from our departmental faculties, Dr. S. M. Alfarid Hussain, Dr. Ayesha T. Rashid, Dr. Partha Sarkar, Mr. Charvak, and Dr. Raghavendra Mishra. We would also like to thank the technical staff, Mr. Pranab Bhattacharjee, Arindam Sarkar, Kutubuddin Ansari, and Pradip Sinha for their help and support. We acknowledge, with our heartfelt deep sense of gratitude, research scholars and students Ms. Lalita Chhetry, Ms. Anuradha Dey, Mr. Rachan Daimary, Dr. Mita Das, Dr. Payel Das, Ms. Neha Jain, Mr. Subhankar, Ms. Somali and all the well-wishers and supporters who constantly helped and supported as and when required. We hope that the book will be of great use to the researchers, scholars, planners, and policymakers, particularly in formulating media policies and programmes towards human rights development and implementation.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

A AIE: Awareness, Implementation, Effects Al: Awami League AT: The Assam Tribune ATSUM: All Tribal Students’ Union Manipur ATTF: All Tripura Tiger Force B BAL: Bangladesh Awami League BBC: British Broadcasting Corporation BC: Before Christ BLTF: Bodo Liberation Tigers Force BNP: Bangladesh Nationalist Party BTC: Bodoland Territorial Council C CAI: Computer-Assisted Instruction CCpur: Churachandpur CCTV: Close Circuit Television CPS: Crown Prosecution Service CSO: Civil Society Organisation D DAVP: Directorate of Advertising and Visual Publicity DJ: Dainik Jugosankha DSLR: Digital Single Lense Reflex F FGC: Female Genital Cutting FGM: Female Genital Mutilation FM: Frequency Modulation FTII: Film & Television Institute of India GDP: Gross Domestic Product

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List of Abbreviations

H HBV: Honor-Based-Violence HDI: Human Development Index HPC (D): Hmar Peoples Convention (Democratic) HRA: Hmar Revolutionary Army HWA: Hmar Women’s Association I ICC: International Coordinating Committee ICCPR: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ICESCR: International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights ICHRP: International Council on Human Rights Policy ICT: Information Communication Technology IPC: Indian Penal Code. ISO: International Standards Organisation ISP: Internet Services Provider IT: Information Technology ID: Identity ITU: International Telecommunication Union ITV: Instructional Television K KADO: Korean Agency for Digital Opportunity and Promotion KCP: Kangleipak Communist Party L LAUTECH: Ladoke Akintola University of Technology LTE: Letters to the Editor M MDG: Millennium Development Goals N NCW: National Commission for Women NE: North East NGOs: Non-governmental Organizations NHRC: National Human Rights Commission NHRI: National Human Rights Institutions NIC: National Informatics Centre NLFT: National Liberation Front of Tripura

Problems and Perspectives of the Relationship between the Media and Human Rights

NOW: National Organisation for Women O OECD: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development OHCHR: The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights P P: Estimated Percentage PI: Programmed Instruction PRAWA: Prisoners’ Rehabilitation and Welfare Action RTI: Right to Information Act S SC/STs: Schedule Caste/Schedule Tribes SE: Standard Error SHCEK: Social Services and Child Protection Agency SHRC: State Health Resource Centre SIM: Subscriber Identification Module SJ: SalwaJudum SMS: Short Message Service SNS: Social Network Sites T TOI: The Times of India TRAI: Telecom Regulatory Authority of India TSR: Tripura State Rifles TUJS: Tripura Uppajati Yuva Samiti TV: Television U UDHR: United Declaration of Human Rights UI: University of Ibadan UK: United Kingdom UN: United Nations UNDP: United Nations Development Programme UNLF: United National Liberation Front UNO: United Nations Organisation V VCD: Video Compact Disc VUCA: Volatility, Uncertainty, Complexity, and Ambiguity

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List of Abbreviations

W WSIS: World Summit on the Information Society

CHAPTER ONE A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF NEWSPAPER REPORTING ON WOMEN’S ISSUES DR. AFSANA AMIN SOMA AND DR. SUCHARITA CHAKRABORTY

Abstract With the onset of globalisation and the feminist agenda, the women’s movement has gained impetus the world over, calling for the wide use of the media’s potential to promote and advocate for women’s issues and rights. The controversy over the identity and representation of women in media discourse was overwhelmingly raised in the 1990s.1 Since then, the debate over the negative portrayal and creation of a submissive image of women in the media has continued. At present, there exists a silent agreement to treat women as second-class citizens, and women’s problems are therefore not given priority in the news media. A strong consensus affects the mainstream news media in its rendition of women’s news in a fair and objective way. Barring one or two instances, stories about ordinary women and their struggles for survival do not get prominence in news media reporting. In this context, the present study examines the coverage of women’s issues in print media. This study is based in India, particularly the northeastern state of Assam. To be more specific, three mainstream daily newspapers, categorised as national-, regional-, and local-language, and with the largest circulations in Assam, are included in the sample for this study. The methodology adopted here is content analysis. The study endeavours to delve into the types of women’s issues frequently published by the selected newspapers, the nature of reporting on women’s issues, how women are represented in newspaper reports, and who features as the news source most often quoted in reports related to 1

Declaration of the UN’s Decade for Women, 1975–85.

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women. The findings of the study will be particularly useful for understanding the intricacies of print media reporting on women and gender issues in India. Keywords: newspapers, women, print media, empowerment, development

Introduction The media is deemed a mirror of society and as holding immense power in shaping our perception of reality. Besides being entrusted with the multifunctional aspect of providing information, education, entertainment, and surveillance of the environment, the media is also very instrumental in forming public opinion about important issues and events. The media sets agendas and helps people to decide what to think about.2 The mass media acts as a watchdog of democracy and exercises checks on the functioning of governmental machinery. The news media takes up issues and presents us with an element of priority and immediacy. Nowadays, the media holds so much power and influence that the coverage of issues and events also gains priority in the eyes of the public. The post-industrial society has witnessed an upsurge of media with multifarious developments in information and communication technology. Despite the rapid growth of new media technologies, the print media, commonly known as “the press,” has retained its popularity as the oldest medium of mass communication. The documentation and retrieval values of printed words along with the mounting of literacy figures each year have attributed to its availability and access to each and every individual across communities in India. In this country, newspapers are widely read, and it has become a ritual for the average Indian to start the day with a newspaper in hand. Since what appears in newspaper gets mass attention and is considered more important than other events that do not get published, the pattern of coverage given to women and their problems has remained an issue of scholarly debate in media research. Media researchers and scholars allege that the news media has been discriminating against women and conferring them with limiting and stereotypical representation, both structurally and culturally, thus reinforcing the hegemony of patriarchy. Although there is inadequate research on women in the news, the existing research findings show that issues and problems related to women do not receive due coverage in news

2

Agenda-Setting Theory.

A Critical Analysis of Newspaper Reporting on Women’s Issues

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media. Women’s issues are relegated in the media, meaning that secondary importance is given to women in society. The review of available studies evaluating the treatment of women’s issues in India shows that women are under-represented in the media. A study on the coverage of women’s issues in the newspapers of Uttarakhand finds that news about women’s issues occupies a very negligible space. More importantly, news about sexual harassment is more prominent than issues related to women's health, education, equality, and violence. In newspapers, there is hardly any discussion on or analysis of women and their problems, and news on women seldom features in the form of editorials, columns, and articles (Nautiyal and Dabral 2012). In India, it is commonly seen that the print media especially covers atrocities committed against women, and not their achievements in different areas (Joshi, Pahad, and Maniar 2006). Typically, these stories happen to be hard news. Newspapers carry fewer articles on women. Indian newspapers are said to be biased against women, and thus coverage of issues on gender, the environment, and development is influenced by prejudices against poor people, women, and minorities (Payvar 2005). Lack of interest in gender and development issues among journalists is one reason for this. In this case, the gender stories are published, and the trend is to present them as sensational news to attract the reader's attention. Thus, the press in India is often accused of ignoring women's issues and their actual problems that need to be addressed. In light of the aforesaid discussion, this study attempts to examine how the news media in India, particularly newspapers, reports on women and gender issues. The study seeks to understand the coverage patterns of newspapers on women’s issues.

Objectives (1) To study what type of news related to women is published by the sample newspapers (2) To examine the nature of the coverage given to women’s issues (eventbased or interpretative) (3) To find the common formats of news on women’s issues (4) To find the most common news sources quoted in the news related to women (5) To investigate how the women are represented or portrayed in issues concerning them (6) To make an assessment about the prominence given to women’s news by the selected newspapers (i.e. placement on the front or inside pages)

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Methodology This study follows the methodology of content analysis. Since the present study is focussed on India, three daily newspapers with the highest circulations in Assam, northeastern India, are taken as samples. These are one national newspaper, The Times of India, one regional paper, The Assam Tribune, and one Bengali-language newspaper, Dainik Jugasankha. The study period is one month from January 16, 2013 to February 14, 2013. Thus, altogether, ninety issues of the three newspapers have been analysed to discover the objectives of the study. For convenience in analysis, all those news stories are brought into the fold of women’s issues where the main subject matter of the story relates to ordinary women. Since celebrities and film stars do not belong to the category of ordinary women, news related to them is excluded. Also, in analysing a particular edition, pages devoted to beauty, lifestyle, fashion, business, and sports are also excluded.

Results and discussion Table 1.1. Types/categories of news items on women’s issues Types/ Categories Rape Female feticide Health Education Employment Police atrocities Sexual harassment Crime against women/threats Delhi gang rape case Legal proceedings Demand for fast-track/a women’s court Female children Khap panchayat Branding as a witch Divorce

The Times Of India 6 1 3 2 1 1 4 6

The Assam Tribune 3 1 3

Dainik Jugasankha 8 2 2 2 2

2 4 1

2 -

2 2 -

3 1 1 -

2 -

4 1 1

A Critical Analysis of Newspaper Reporting on Women’s Issues

Abandonment of female children Adolescent suicide Women’s helpline Molestation Women’s conference Ruchika case Women’s success stories Violations of human rights Total no. of news stories

-

-

1

3 1 8 2 50

1 1 13

1 1 1 30

5

The analysis of the classification/types of news items on women’s issues shows that rape cases were reported most of the time in all three newspapers. This may be due to the overwhelming response to the current Delhi gang-rape case. Also, violence- or crime-related news is carried widely in the selected newspapers. Although there is a lack of variety in the reportage of issues of concern to women, the Times Of India fares well in giving voice to women’s struggles by publishing a good number of success stories. It shows that there are few reports related to women’s health, education, and employment, which constitute the core area for women’s empowerment. The study also shows that the regional dailies are least concerned with women and their problems, as is evident from the narrow coverage of women’s issues both in terms of number and diversity.

The Times of India The varied subjects that constitute news on women’s issues in the Times of India are health, education, employment, police atrocities, rape and murder, abduction, torture, sexual harassment, rape, molestation, marital rape, khap diktat, branding women as witches, a Delhi gang rape, female children, female feticide, social ostracism for AIDS, demand for fasttrack/a women’s court, legal/court proceedings, the Ruchika case, the threat of violence to the girl band Pragaash, women’s success stories, acid attacks, violations of human rights, crime, amending laws on abortion, sexual crime, and murder by parents. The varied categorisation of women’s issues as published in this national English-language newspaper demonstrates that news on women is mainly related to crime or violence committed against them. Though a small number of women’s success stories are published, the myriad problems with which women are struggling for their day-to-day existence were not adequately highlighted. A lack of diversity in reporting women’s problems is seen from the

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analysis. The core development issues like health, education, and employment were not adequately reported by this newspaper.

The Assam Tribune In the Assam Tribune, stories about women featured rape, a Delhi rape case, crime, molestation, female children, legal proceedings, health, the death penalty, a women’s conference, and threats to a girl band. Thus, news on women’s issues also concentrates heavily on crime, sexual harassment, and rape cases. Positive news about women, like success stories or any development-related news, was found to be totally absent in this regional, English-language daily.

Dainik Jugasankha Dainik Jugasankha published women’s news on sexual harassment, female feticide, crime, rape, the adolescent issue, female children, khap panchayat, health, atrocities, abduction, the sale of female children, threats to a girl band, divorce, death, a Delhi rape case, legal proceedings, women’s success stories, and a women’s helpline. Like the other two dailies, Dainik Jugasankha also published most of its news items on violence or atrocities against women. Issues related to the development of women and/or their socio-economic conditions were not covered. Table 1.2. Nature of reporting Nature of reporting Event based Interpretative

The Times Of India 43 9

The Assam Tribune 16 10

Dainik Jugasankha 38 26

Analysis of news reports on the basis of the nature of reporting illustrates that all three newspapers adopted an event-based or informative approach in reporting issues of concern to women. There are few instances of giving interpretative or analytical accounts of women’s news.

A Critical Analysis of Newspaper Reporting on Women’s Issues

7

Table 1.3. Format of news items on women’s issues Format of news stories Hard news Soft news Article Editorial Letters to the editor

The Times Of India 32 18 1 1 -

The Assam Tribune 15 8 2 2

Dainik Jugasankha 41 8 5 3 2

The study shows that more than half of the news items on women were published in the hard news format. This is true in the case of all three newspapers. Barring The Assam Tribune, the second adopted format for news on women was soft news or features. It seems that, among the three dailies, Dainik Jugasankha voiced its sincere stand for women and their cause by publishing the highest number of editorials. The Assam Tribune devoted two editorials and The Times of India only one. From the analysis it appears that more articles on women’s issues appeared in the regionallanguage newspapers than the national daily The Times of India. The opinions of the common people in the form of letters to the editor found a place in these two dailies only. Table. 1.4. Portrayal of women Portrayal of women Victim Achiever Other

The Times Of India 23 11 10

The Assam Tribune 5 5

Dainik Jugasankha 37 3 4

It is found that almost all the sample newspapers represented women as victims. In contrast, women are seen as achievers only in a few reports. There are some news stories where women are assigned a neutral portrayal. There are some instances where dignitaries, experts, or some other authority addressed women’s issues as part of a conference, demonstration of women’s empowerment, or parliamentary appearance.

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Table 1.5. Quoted news sources Quoted News Source Official spokesperson male/female Police Male businessmen Male religious leader Female official Court order Male politician Female achiever Judge People’s representative/minister Doctor Social activist/expert women’s activist organisation Research finding/report Lawyer Student’s union Women as common people Unofficial Female victim/family

The Times Of India 6

The Assam Tribune 3

Dainik Jugasankha 8

12 2 1 1 1 2 7 4 2

1 2

3 1 2 1 2

2 8

1 3

1 6

1 2

2 1 1 -

4 2 3 2 7

7 6

The analysis of news sources in Table 1.5 above reveals that police officials were quoted most of the time in reports about women’s issues in The Times of India. The next were activists on women’s rights that followed by quoting female achievers and women as common people. Though most of the reports happened to be on crime perpetrated against women, women victims or their families are quoted comparatively fewer times. It is also found that male official spokespersons are mentioned as sources as many times as victims. The regional newspaper The Assam Tribune gave priority to males as official spokespersons and then women’s right activists as sources of news reports. Dainik Jugasankha, the regional-language daily, also followed the trend of The Times of India and mentioned male official spokespersons in

A Critical Analysis of Newspaper Reporting on Women’s Issues

9

most of the reports on women’s issues. Women as victims and their family members also appear as the second-highest quoted news source. Table 1.6. Placement of news on women’s issues Placement Of News Front page Inside pages

The Times Of India 18 33

The Assam Tribune 2 25

Dainik Jugasankha 7 50

In all three dailies, news on women is mostly carried on the inside pages. Very little front-page coverage of women’s issues was found in the analysis. This indicates that the problems of women are not considered as important enough by the newspaper editors for front-page treatment.

Conclusion The findings of the present study support the earlier research findings and contribute greatly to the assumption that women are not taken seriously when it comes to print news reporting in India. Generally, they make the news only when some unusual or unexpectedly horrible thing happens to them. Although female empowerment has had tumultuous backing from every section of society, it appears that in the news media, women’s issues have been relegated to secondary importance. It is astonishing that no page is devoted to women in any of the three newspapers studied. Issues and problems related to women need deep focus, extensive research, elaborate interpretation, and understanding on the part of both journalists and readers. News about women is to be regarded as separate, and the reporters covering it need to have a general understanding of the socio-economic conditions of women in society and the intricacies of their problems. A dedicated team of reporters committed to the uplift of women will be of great help in attaining female empowerment. Media organisations need to sensitise their reporters to women’s issues by organising workshops, training, seminars, lectures, etc. It is also to be noted that factual news reporting on women only is less likely to address their real issues from the right perspective. The nuances and complexities of the age-old tradition of deep-rooted oppression and injustice meted out to women need to be addressed in a larger domain and penetrated deep into the reader’s psyche. This is possible only through analytical or interpretative writings on women. Thus, the entire reporting or coverage pattern of news on women currently existing in the Indian news media

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needs to revamp itself in favour of women by giving more in-depth writeups from all walks of society covering every aspect of their lives that need improvement and upgrading.

Bibliography and References Berger, Arthur Asa. 2000. Media and Communication Research Methods. Thousand Oaks, Ca.: Sage Publications, 2000. Del Vecchio, Marina. 2011. “How Media Contributes to Violence against Women.” Her Circle. May 4. http://www.hercircleezine.com/2011/05/04/how-media-contributes-toviolence-against-women/ Goddu, Jenn. 1999. “‘Powerless, Public-Spirited Women,’ ‘Angry Feminists,’ and ‘The Muffin Lobby’: Newspaper and Magazine Coverage of the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, and REAL Women of Canada.” Canadian Journal of Communication 24 (1). Joshi, Uma, Anjali Pahad, and Avani Maniar. 2006. “Images of Women in Print Media: A Research Inquiry.” Indian Media Studies Journal 1 (1). “Media Coverage of Women and Women's Issues.” Media Smarts. http://mediasmarts.ca/gender-representation/women-and-girls/mediacoverage-women-and-womens-issues Nautiyal, Vandana and Jitendra Dabral. 2012. “Women’s Issues in Newspapers of Uttarakhand.” Global Media Journal 3 (1). Payvar, Behnoosh. 2004. “Newspaper Coverage of Women, Gender and Development Issues in India.” A Masters Dissertation of the Centre for East and Southeast Asian Countries, Lund University. Tomkinson, Sule. News Coverage of Sexual Violence against women in Turkey.

CHAPTER TWO INTERNET-USE PATTERNS AMONG THE FEMALE MUSLIM STUDENTS OF THE HIGHER EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS OF SILCHAR TOWN DR. AYESHA AFSANA

Abstract The internet is a mechanism for information dissemination, collaboration and interaction between individuals and their computers worldwide. It originated in a highly masculine context, but females have lately entered into this new space. In fact, the typical internet users, representing the major group in our society, are the young males in higher education. The stratification/division between those with and without internet access is creating a digital divide. The United Nations Human Rights Council passed a resolution declaring access to the internet as a human right and disconnecting people from the internet as a violation of it, which is against International law. On the basis of first-hand data collected from a Stratified Random Sample1 of rural and urban female Muslim students studying in the higher educational institutions of Silchar in Assam, this paper attempts to discover internet use patterns among female Muslim students. It reveals that the majority of rural and urban females access and use the internet at home, followed by cyber cafés; the majority of rural females use the internet in the afternoon, whereas the majority of urban females use it during their leisure time for two hours, occasionally. They use it for searching and downloading study materials and use e-mail for 1

The Stratified Random Sample refers to a random sample in which members of the population are first divided into strata and then randomly selected to constitute a part of the sample.

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sending attached documents. Thus, the young generation uses the internet more than other family members. This study concludes that the internet is a valuable source of information for students who are looking for ideas for projects and assignments, and for innovations. Keywords: internet, human rights, rural female students, urban female students

Introduction The rapid development of technology has improved communication links and lowered the costs. The internet is now widely available to a large sector of the population. The World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) was convened under the United Nations in December 2003, wherein the WSIS Declaration of Principles was adopted, reaffirming the importance of the Information Society for maintaining and strengthening human rights (Klang and Murray 2005). It was found from a survey of 27,973 adults in 26 countries, including 14,306 internet users, conducted for the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) World Service on November 30 2009 and February 7, 2010 by the international polling firm3 that almost four in every five internet users and non-users around the world felt that access to the internet was a fundamental right (BBC World Service 2010). Frank La Rue, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, submitted a report to the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council in May 2011. The report made 88 recommendations for the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of expression online, including securing access to the internet for all. Other recommendations throw light on online anonymity, adopting privacy and data protection laws to decriminalise defamation5 (United Nations General Assembly 2011). The advent of the internet has immensely benefited the educational system, becoming a valuable source of information for students who are looking for ideas for projects and assignments. The Computer-Assisted Instruction (CAI), Instructional Television (ITV), and Programmed Instruction (PI) are counted as early examples of the application of 3

The international polling firm is GlobeScan, which is a public opinion research consultancy that does reputation, brand, sustainability, engagement, and trends research. 5 Defamation refers to the communication of a false statement that is harmful to the reputation of an individual, business, product, group, government, religion, or nation via the internet.

Internet-use Patterns among Female Muslim Students

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information technology to education. The most recent and visible cases of this are web-based training programs and degree-granting programs from fully accredited institutions offered via distance learning. There are two distinct models that guide internet use in higher education. The first approach seeks to improve the existing forms and structures of post-secondary instruction7 to create “better, faster and cheaper” versions of today’s courses and curricula by means of the internet. This model emphasises building an on-campus information infrastructure that provides high-speed internet connectivity to students, faculty, administrators, and staff. The second approach is a more radical model that envisions the internet as instrumental to a fundamental change in the processes and organisational structure of post-secondary teaching and learning. According to this approach, the internet can transform higher education into student-centred learning. (Baer 1999). The internet is widely used by students for different purposes all over the world. Socio-economic, demographic, educational, age, and gender factors have been found to influence its access and use. Mishra, Yadava, and Bisht (2005, 8–12) found that the majority of students (85.7%) using the internet were male. Blaiso (2008, 341–67) revealed that urbanites used the internet more than their rural counterparts. An experimental study examined internet browsing as a knowledge acquisition tool and evaluated its effect on the academic performance of students. The sample for the study was selected by applying the purposive sampling technique from five departments of science and applied science-based courses, namely mathematics, physics, computer science, and civil and mechanical engineering. The sampling of five departments of science and applied science was conducted in two tertiary institutions in Oyo State, Nigeria, namely the University of Ibadan (UI), Ibadan, and Ladoke Akintola University of Technology (LAUTECH), Ogbomosho. Data from the registration form and the aptitude tests in the evaluation of the effects of internet browsing on the academic performance of students were used in the study. The students from UI formed the test group while students from LAUTECH were the control group without access to the internet. The study reveals that 57.5% were in the age group 21–25 and 35.6% belonged to the age group 26–30. The study population was composed of 169 at 300 level, 67 at 400 level, and 124 at 500 level students, and 46.9% students were at the 300 level common to both groups. The study also revealed that 84.4% of the participants were males and 15.6% were females, and most 7

Post-secondary instruction indicates the post-secondary education provided by institutions like vocational schools, community colleges, independent colleges, and universities such as institutes of technical education.

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of them (98.9%) used the internet, among which: 86.4% ranked e-mail first; 42.5% ranked the use of the internet for schoolwork third; 61.4% ranked the internet for information purposes second; 95.6% paid for their own internet access; 98.9% had e-mail addresses; 40% preferred to browse the internet at night, followed by 37.8% in the afternoon; and about 74% spent two to three days per week on the internet (Osunade 2003). Bimber (2000, 868–76) found gender gaps in internet access and use among US adults and concluded that, while access differences can be accounted for by socio-economic and other factors that affect women and men differentially, the gap was due to gender-specific factors such as the male stereotype of computers, cultural associations between gender and technology, and gendered cognitive and communication preferences. A study was conducted on the undergraduate dental students at the Darshan Dental College and Hospital, Udaipur, India to assess internet usage among them at the beginning of the academic year 2007–8 by administering a questionnaire. The study found that out of the total sample size of 247 students, the overall response rate was 66%; only 5.7% and 4% of the students used the internet daily for general and dental purposes, respectively; more than half (55.5%) never used the internet for dental or academic purposes in comparison to 9.3% for general use; more than half (52%) preferred the home for internet access, followed by an internet cafe (33.2%) and school (7.9%); English sites were the first choice for dental information access in comparison to other language sites, and 58.2% had never accessed other language sites for dental information; about 60% used search engines to access dental subjects and the students from clinical years used the search engines for dental education more often than the preclinical students (78% versus 41.2%). The study concluded that dental students reported lower levels of internet use than students in other countries, which may be due to limited access and availability at the private dental institution in India (Kumar et al. 2010, 261–5). Thus, growing evidence clearly points out that the gender gap in internet access and use is closing, with more women coming online. Despite this, age, gender, class, and residential gaps persist in religious minorities. Hence, an attempt has been made in this paper to discover the internet-use patterns among the female Muslim students in the higher educational institutions of Silchar in Assam.

The methodology A sample of 124 rural and 90 urban female Muslim students studying in six colleges—Guru Charan College, Cachar College, Radhamadhab

Internet-use Patterns among Female Muslim Students

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College, the Women’s College, the Teacher Training College, and the Silchar College of Education—a central university, Assam University (AU), and a national technical institute, the National Institute of Technology (NIT) in Silchar, south Assam, was selected by applying the stratified random sampling technique. The universe of the study was composed of the higher educational institutions in Silchar, and the rural and urban female Muslim students studying in these institutions constituted the units for the field data collection and analysis between February 14, 2011 and February 29, 2012 by administering a structured interview schedule.

The field of the study Silchar constitutes the administrative headquarters of the Cachar district in south Assam. It is composed of a geographical area of 15.78 square kilometres. The town has a population of 172,709, out of which 86,812 are male (50.26%) and 85,897 are female (49.74%). The sex ratio in the town is 989 females per thousand males. It has 144,255 (91.74%) literate inhabitants, out of which 74,082 are male (93.97%) and 70,173 are female (89.5%) (Govt. of India 2011, 116).

The female Muslim students Of the sampled female Muslim students in higher educational institutions, 72.9% were at degree colleges and 25.23% and 1.87% were at the national institutions Assam University and the National Institute of Technology, respectively. Over half the students (57.94%) were in the age group 18–20, followed by those in the age group 21–23 (36.92%); a few belonged to the age group of 23 and over, and an insignificant amount belonged to the age group of below 18. Most of the female students (91.59%) belonged to the general category. By linguistic community, 92.52% of the students belonged to the Bengali community, and the rest to the Assamese, Manipuri, and Hindi linguistic groups.

The internet use patterns At the very outset of the study, a stratified random sample of 145 rural and 105 urban students was drawn from the female Muslim students in Silchar. Of these, 21 rural and 15 urban students reported not accessing the internet. Among the 214 female students who used the internet, 124 were

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rural and 90 were urban students. These patterns of internet use are discussed here.

Types of web browsers used for internet surfing There were eight types of web browsers used for internet surfing among the female Muslim students: Microsoft Internet Explorer, Mozilla Firefox, Netscape Navigator, MSN Explorer, HotJava, Google Chrome, Opera, and Ask.com. Table 2.1 below shows the distribution of the respondents by type of web browser used. Table 2.1. Types of web browsers used among respondents by residence Types of Web Browser

Microsoft Internet Explorer Mozilla Firefox Netscape Navigator MSN Explorer HotJava Google Chrome Opera Ask.com

No. of Respondents (%) Rural (%) Urban (%) (N=124) (N=90) 54 (60)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) N=214 126 (58.88)

40 (32.26) 4 (3.23)

21 (23.33) 5 (5.56)

61 (28.5) 9 (4.21)

16 (12.9) 3 (2.42) 1 (0.81) 1 (0.81) 1 (0.81)

15 (16.67) 3 (3.33) 1 (1.11) ---

31 (14.49) 6 (2.8) 2 (0.93) 1 (0.47) 1 (0.47)

72 (58.06)

The data show that 58.88% of respondents used Microsoft Internet Explorer, followed by Mozilla Firefox (28.5%) and MSN Explorer (14.49%), with an insignificant amount using Netscape Navigator, HotJava, Google Chrome, Opera, and Ask.com. Nearly three-fifths of rural females (58.06%) and three-fifths of urban females (60%) used Microsoft Internet Explorer. Among the eight categories of web browsers, Microsoft Internet Explorer was common among the female students of both rural and urban residences, as it has been held to be the most popular browser in use due to its protective features.

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Search engines used for internet surfing Among the female students it was found that seven search engines were used, namely Google, Yahoo, Rediffmail, Hotmail, Sify, Google Chrome, and Opera. Table 2.2 below depicts the distribution of respondents by search engines used. Table 2.2. Search engines used among respondents by residence Name of Search Engine

Google Yahoo Rediffmail Hotmail Sify Google Chrome Opera

No. of Respondents (%) Rural (%) Urban (%) (N=124) (N=90) 104 (83.87) 23 (18.55) 16 (12.9) 4 (3.23) 3 (2.42) 4 (3.23) --

76 (84.44) 9 (10) 9 (10) 16 (17.78) 1 (1.11) -1 (1.11)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) N=214 180 (84.11) 32 (14.95) 25 (11.68) 20 (9.35) 4 (1.87) 4 (1.87) 1 (0.47)

As Table 2.2 demonstrates, the majority of female students (84.11%) use Google, followed by Yahoo (14.95%) and Rediffmail (11.68%). This pattern was observed across both residences. However, the percentage of rural female students using Yahoo and Rediffmail, and even Sify and Google Chrome, was higher than the percentage of the urban female students; also, the percentage of the urban female students using Hotmail was higher than that of the rural female students. This indicates that the majority of both rural and urban female students used Google.

Place of internet use The place of internet use varied according to rural and urban distribution patterns. Seven places of internet use among the students were found, namely home, cyber cafés, college/university/institute library, hostels, a neighbour’s house, a friend’s house, and a relative’s house. Table 2.3 below depicts the distribution pattern among the students.

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Table 2.3. Place of internet use among respondents by residence Place of Internet Use

Home Cyber café College/University/Ins titute Library Hostel Neighbour’s House Friend’s House Relative’s House

No. of Respondents (%) Rural (%) Urban (%) (N=124) (N=90) 78 (62.9) 58 (46.77) 40 (32.26)

56 (62.22) 30 (33.33) 27 (30)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) N=214 134 (62.62) 88 (41.12) 67 (31.31)

2 (1.61) -3 (2.42) 1 (0.81)

-1 (1.11) 5 (5.56) --

2 (0.93) 1 (0.47) 8 (3.74) 1 (0.47)

The data show that over three-fifths of the female students (62.62%) use the internet at home followed by cyber cafés (41.12%) and college/university/institute libraries (31.31%), while the rest use it at their friend’s house, a hostel, a neighbour’s house, and a relative’s house. This pattern was observed across both residences. However, the percentage of the rural students using the internet at home, cyber cafés, and college/university/institute libraries was higher than the percentage of the urban students. This indicates that the majority of both rural and urban students use the internet at home because they often cannot elsewhere due to unavoidable work. This means that they can use it at home at a more convenient time. Those who are away from home can use it in either the cyber café or library of their educational institution.

Suitable time for internet use The suitable time for using the internet is categorised into five groups: morning, afternoon, evening, night, and during free time. Table 2.4 below depicts its distribution pattern among the students.

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Table 2.4. Suitable time for using the internet among respondents by residence Suitable Time for Using Internet Morning Afternoon Evening Night During free time

No. of Respondents (%) Rural (%) Urban (%) (N=124) (N=90) 10 (8.06) 49 (39.52) 23 (18.55) 3 (2.42) 45 (36.29)

8 (8.89) 21 (23.33) 11 (12.22) 4 (4.44) 49 (54.44)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) N=214 18 (8.41) 70 (32.71) 34 (15.89) 7 (3.27) 94 (43.93)

Table 2.4 demonstrates that over two-fifths (43.93%) of respondents use the internet during their free time, followed by the afternoon (32.71%). Besides this, over one-tenth use it in the evening and a small segment uses it in the morning and at night. By residence, more urban students (54.44%) than rural students (36.29%) use the internet during leisure time. Thus, students use the internet during their leisure time, which may be in the morning, afternoon, evening, or night. The rural students use the internet more in the afternoon because, after returning home, they utilise their spare time on the internet. It is problematic for them to use it during the morning hours because they need to maintain a schedule to prepare themselves for college or university.

Time span of using the internet The time span of using the internet denotes the hours spent in a day by female students in six groups: less than one hour, one hour, two hours, three hours, four hours, and more than four hours. Table 2.5 below shows the distribution of female students by time span of internet use.

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Table 2.5. Time span of using the internet among respondents by residence Time Span of Using Internet (in hours) 4 Total (%)

No. of Respondents (%) Rural Urban

9 (7.26) 26 (20.97) 67 (54.03) 15 (12.1) 6 (4.84) 1 (0.81) 124 (100)

10 (11.11) 30 (33.33) 30 (33.33) 16 (17.78) 2 (2.22) 2 (2.22) 90 (100)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) 19 (8.88) 56 (26.17) 97 (45.33) 31 (14.49) 8 (3.74) 3 (1.4) 214 (100)

Table 2.5 shows that over two-fifths of the female students (45.33%) use the internet for two hours, followed by one hour (26.17%) and three hours (14.49%), while the rest use it for less than one hour, four hours, and more than four hours a day. By residence, the daily habit of using the internet for two hours was the common time found among rural and urban students, while more rural students used the internet for two hours and one hour, daily. The urban females do not spend as much time using it because there was less of a server problem in the urban centre, where they can get high-speed internet access. Using the internet among rural students for four hours or more was due to the slow connectivity, meaning they need to sit for long hours when searching and downloading study materials.

Length of experience in using the internet The length of internet use is grouped into five categories: less than six months, seven months to one year, one to three years, four to six years, and more than six years. Table 2.6 below shows the length of experience in using the internet among the students.

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Table 2.6. Length of experience in using the internet among respondents by residence Length of Experience (in years) 6 Total (%)

No. of Respondents (%) Rural Urban

9 (7.26) 34 (27.42) 69 (55.65) 9 (7.26) 3 (2.42) 124 (100)

8 (8.89) 19 (21.11) 47 (52.22) 11 (12.22) 5 (5.56) 90 (100)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) 17 (7.94) 53 (24.77) 116 (54.21) 20 (9.35) 8 (3.74) 214 (100)

The data show that over half of the female students (54.21%) have been using the internet for the last one to three hours, followed by seven to twelve months (24.77%), while the rest have experience of using it for four to six years, less than six months, and more than six years. By residence, a similar pattern was found. Thus, the students most probably started using the internet for educational purposes at the outset of their graduation course. This reveals that three years of keeping in touch with internet activities was common among the female students. This is so because most of the students were studying at the undergraduate level, before which there was no such large-scale internet use.

Habit of internet use The types of internet use include: regularly, frequently, occasionally, sometimes, and rarely. Table 2.7 below shows the distribution of internet use among the female students.

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Table 2.7. Habit of internet use among respondents by residence Type of Habit of Internet Use Regularly Frequently Occasionally Sometimes Rarely Total (%)

No. of Respondents (%) Rural Urban 18 (14.52) 16 (12.9) 68 (54.84) 1 (0.81) 21 (16.94) 124 (100)

19 (21.11) 6 (6.67) 42 (46.67) -23 (25.56) 90 (100)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) 37 (17.29) 22 (10.28) 110 (51.4) 1 (0.47) 44 (20.56) 214 (100)

Table 2.7 reveals that over half of the female students (51.4%) use the internet occasionally, one-fifth (20.56%) rarely, nearly one-fifth (17.29%) regularly, and only a small segment sometimes. Thus, the majority use the internet occasionally. However, the rural-urban differences of the students are clearly reflected where more rural students (54.84%) use the internet occasionally than urban students (46.67%). The female students use the internet rarely, which depends on the availability of internet access at home. Only a single rural female student was found to have used it sometimes.

Purpose of using the internet The purpose of using the internet is broadly categorised into three groups: 1—Educational, 2—Entertainment, and 3—Information. Table 2.8 below shows the purposes of using the internet among the students. Table 2.8 shows that most of the female students (91.12%) use the internet to search for study materials for educational purposes, over a half (51.4%) use it for collecting information about anything, more than onefourth (28.97%) use it to look for internet advertisements (28.97) and sending e-mail (26.17%), over one-fifth use it for e-shopping (21.96%) and e-banking (21.03%), followed by chatting (16.82%) and videoconferencing (13.08%). By and large, a similar pattern came out of their residential distribution.

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Table 2.8. Purpose of using the internet among respondents by residence Purpose of Using the Internet

Searching for study materials Entertainment Downloading music Downloading free software Watching video clips Playing computer games Sending e-mails Video-conferencing Chatting Inviting people E-shopping E-governance for family E-banking Looking for internet advertisement Collecting information about anything

No. of Respondents (%) Rural (%) Urban (%) (N=124) (N=90)

106 (85.48)

89 (98.89)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) N=214 195 (91.12)

11 (8.88) 16 (12.9) 4 (3.23)

8 (8.88) 22 (24.44) 2 (2.22)

19 (8.88) 38 (17.76) 6 (2.8)

2 (1.61) 3 (2.42)

13 (14.44) 1 (1.11)

15 (7.01) 4 (1.87)

29 (23.39) 11 (8.87) 14 (11.29) -20 (16.13) 2 (1.61)

27 (30) 17 (18.89) 22 (24.44) 1 (1.11) 27 (30) 4 (4.44)

56 (26.17) 28 (13.08) 36 (16.82) 1 (0.47) 47 (21.96) 6 (2.8)

13 (10.48) 4 (3.23)

32 (35.56) 58 (64.44)

45 (21.03) 62 (28.97)

64 (51.61)

46 (51.11)

110 (51.4)

Educational uses of internet The educational uses of the internet among the students are grouped into eight categories: preparing for lessons, preparing for projects, writing notes, downloading study materials, downloading educational software, sending e-mails to teachers and friends, online discussions with teachers and friends, and video-conferencing with teachers and friends. This is shown in Table 2.9 below.

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Table 2.9. Educational uses of the internet among respondents by residence Educational Uses of the Internet

Preparing lessons Project preparing Writing notes Downloading study materials Downloading educational software Sending e-mails to teachers and friends Online discussions with teachers and friends Videoconferencing with teachers and friends

No. of Respondents (%) Rural (%) Urban (%) (N=124) (N=90) 13 (10.48) 16 (12.9) 55 (44.35) 98 (79.03)

10 (11.11) 14 (15.56) 68 (75.56) 57 (63.33)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) N=214 23 (10.75) 30 (14.02) 123 (57.48) 155 (72.43)

5 (4.03)

4 (4.44)

9 (4.21)

45 (36.29)

49 (54.44)

94 (43.93)

10 (8.06)

10 (11.11)

20 (9.35)

2 (1.61)

4 (4.44)

6 (2.8)

Table 2.9 reveals that downloading study materials (72.43%), writing notes (57.48%), and sending e-mails to teachers and friends (43.93%) were the major educational purposes for using the internet among students, followed by project preparing and preparing lessons for upcoming examinations. By and large, similar findings were observed from the categories of rural-urban residences.

Mode of retrieving information from the internet The mode of retrieving information from the internet was divided into four categories: retaining information in memory, noting down important information, printing out important information downloaded from the

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internet, and downloading to a CD, pen drive, etc. Table 2.10 shows the modes of retrieving information from the internet among the students. Table 2.10. Mode of retrieving information from the internet among respondents by residence Mode of Retrieving Information from Internet

No. of Respondents (%) Rural (%) Urban (%) (N=124) (N=90)

Retaining in memory Noting down important information Printing out important information Downloading to a CD, pen drive, etc.

6 (4.84) 35 (28.23)

3 (3.33) 26 (28.89)

Total Percentage in Parentheses (%) N=214 9 (4.21) 61 (28.5)

96 (77.42)

70 (77.78)

166 (77.57)

20 (16.13)

17 (18.89)

37 (17.29)

Table 2.10 shows that over three-fourths of the students (77.57%) retrieved information by printing it from the internet, followed by noting down important information (28.5%) and downloading the information to a CD, pen drive, etc. (17.29%), while a few retained the information in memory. This pattern is similar to the rural-urban distribution. Hence, printing out useful information is the common mode of retrieving information from the internet as the students can go through the study materials anytime. This was fruitful for students who did not possess a personal computer or laptop.

Summary of Findings The major findings of the study are discussed below: x Among the eight categories of web browsers used, the majority of the rural and the urban female students used Microsoft Internet Explorer x Of the seven categories of search engines emerging from the study, the majority of rural and urban female students use Google. The amount of rural and urban female students using Google and Yahoo is also similar x The majority of rural and urban female Muslim students prefer to use the internet at home. Moreover, they also use it in internet cafes

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and college/university libraries. The limited accessibility and availability of the internet at the college/university campus might be the reason for the students preferring their homes and cyber cafés. They prefer to use the internet during their spare time followed by in the afternoon x The majority of females use the internet for two hours. They rarely spend more time using the internet in a day. The majority of female students are occasional users of the internet. They use online resources due to the up-to-date and timeliness features x The majority of the students use the internet for downloading study materials, writing notes, and sending e-mails to teachers and friends. Project preparing and preparing for lessons and upcoming examinations are also among the educational purposes for using the internet among female students x The students find it easy to study from printed materials. Therefore, the majority of them print out useful reference materials. They also note down the important information collected from the web

Conclusion The internet is considered a valuable tool for assembling information and the advancement of learning. It has now become one of the most important sources of information for students pursuing higher education throughout the world by providing access to education materials. The social, spatial, and economical barriers are disappearing as students interact worldwide. The students in these higher educational institutions of Silchar are fully utilising the internet resources in the learning process. The rural female students are highly influenced by the new communication technologies in comparison to their counterparts. Though the majority of the rural and the urban female students use the internet at home, they do not use it in the libraries of colleges or universities due to the limited access and availability of internet connections in their academic institutions.

References Baer, W. S. 1999. Emerging Internet: Will the Internet Transform Higher Education? Washington DC: The Aspen Institute. BBC World Service. 2010. “BBC Internet Poll: Detailed Findings.” http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/technology/8548190.stm. Bimber, B. 2000. “Measuring the gender gap on the Internet.” Social Science Quarterly 81: 868–76.

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Blaiso, G. D. 2008. “Urban-rural Differences in Internet Usage, ecommerce, and e-banking: Evidence from Italy.” Growth and Change 39 (2): 341–67. Govt. of India. 2011. “Census of India 2011. Provisional Population Totals, paper 2, vol. 2, Rural-urban Distribution, Assam.” Guwahati, Assam: Director of Census Operations. Klang, Mathias and Andrew Murray. 2005. Human Rights in the Digital Age. London: The GlassHouse Press. Kumar, Santhosh, Jyothi Tadakamadla, Harish Tibdewal, Prabu Duraiswamy, and Suhas Kulkarn. 2010. “Internet Usage Among Undergraduate Dental Students in India.” Revista Odonto Ciência 25 (3): 261–5. http://www.ship.edu/~bhl/survey/. Mishra, O. P., N. Yadava, and K. Bisht. 2005. “Internet Utilization Pattern of Undergraduate Students.” University News 43 (13): 8–12. Osunade, O. 2003. “An Evaluation of the Impact of Internet Browsing on Students’ Academic Performance at the Tertiary Level Of Education in Nigeria.” Department of Computer Science University of Ibadan Ibadan, Nigeria. http://www.rocare.org/smallgrant_nigeria2003.pdf. United Nations General Assembly. 2011. “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression.” Frank La Rue, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session Agenda item 3, 2011.

CHAPTER THREE HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION AND THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA DR. MITA DAS, DR. SURENDRA UPADHYAY AND MR. ARINDAM SARKAR

Abstract Human Rights are generally moral rights claimed by everyone and held against everyone, especially those who run social institutions (Orend 2002, 37). These are the indispensable instruments for the realisation and protection of human dignity and fundamental human needs. Education plays a very significant role in shaping the character and quality of people. This is an undisputed fact. Thus, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has made an effort to ensure that education at all levels incorporates the human rights issue, thereby inculcating and imbibing human rights values and setting up a culture to show respect towards human rights in society. This is one way by which an effort can be made to create the sustainable development of a nation. Education with regards to human rights exists in various forms, but it is not often connected to the media and even less to media education, except where freedom of expression is concerned. No such research has been conducted that focuses on the connection between media education and human rights education. There is therefore an urgent need for research in this specific area, as media education, to be considered seriously by decision-makers and experts alike, needs to be research based. Some in-depth studies should be done to analyse the role played by the media in human rights education. In the present society, which is going through a drastic social and political transformation, there is a need to set up various dimensions of human rights education at various levels. Thus, the present study has been conducted on the role played by the media in promoting human rights education and also how it can sensitise people in terms of human rights.

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The study was conducted on the historical and theoretical research method. The data of the study was collected from secondary sources such as books, research reports, and dissertations. Keywords: human rights, human rights education, human dignity, media, media education, the media’s role

Introduction Human rights are the rights that every human being is entitled to enjoy and have protected. The underlying idea of such rights, which are fundamental to human dignity, is that they should be implemented in the treatment of all men, women, and children. These rights are not new; rather, they have always existed in some form or another, spanning all cultures and societies. Talking of human rights in a communitarian society2 is bound to give substance to a suspicious attitude towards the state and its laws. It is this attitude that has led many Muslim countries, despite rich human rights traditions, to withhold ratifications of the International Covenant3 on Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and none have ratified the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Vijapur 2008). Human rights have been legally granted to all the citizens of all the countries by the United Nations Organization (UNO). The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has, since its inception, been concerned with the issue of human rights education. Section 12 (h) of the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993 has clearly mandated the Commission to spread human rights literacy among the various sections of the society. In 1999, the commission suggested that the University Grants Commission introduce the curriculum on human rights education in the various universities and colleges of India. Right now, the coverage of human rights by the media is more exhaustive than a decade earlier. Since the media is the fourth pillar of a democratic society, its existence becomes detrimental to the sustenance of all democratic societies. Unless a society knows what is happening to it and its members, the question of protecting or promoting 2

A communitarian society is human society's most developed Darwinian geopolitical ideology in the theoretical, "natural," Marxist evolution of social systems. 3 The International Covenant is a multilateral treaty adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 16, 1966.

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rights does not arise. The role of the media in reporting human rights issues is increasing day by day in recent times, and therefore the concern over human rights has taken on new dimensions in the recent era.

Media as a weapon for educating people regarding human rights “Freedom of the press is the cornerstone of human rights. It holds governments responsible for their acts, and serves as a warning to all that impunity is an illusion” (Annan 1999). The press, as the fourth estate in a democracy, has a greater responsibility to play a constructive role. The newspapers make an immeasurable contribution in spreading human rights awareness. In India, both print and electronic media, including the internet, play a significant role in the promotion and protection of human rights and make a constant attempt to uphold the true spirit of democracy. Since we know that Manipur is one of the Seven Sister states in India, where there is lack of media interference, newspapers here have recently become a powerful medium through which victims of human rights can express their grievances and agonies. Websites based on the news of Manipur, such as E-pao.net, Kanglaonline.com, and Manipuronline.com, regularly publish the news of leading regional newspapers and have come to be a part of these emerging trends of sharing news and views with the masses (Nongmeikapam and Mishra 2014, 173–4). The non-governmental organisations and civil society organisations, with the help of the media, jointly advocate the virtues of human rights in the state. This collaborative functioning has shown a positive step towards fighting for justice and safeguarding the rights of victims of human rights abuses. Human rights are more important than any other forms of information, and journalists should give them privileged attention. They have specific characteristics, including legal definitions and applications. While the Indian media is, by and large, fair in its reporting, journalists and editors sometimes act unethically. In some cases, the media influences public policy directly, and whenever rights are violated the media stands at the centre of a highly political process. For example, the Tragedy of Roop Kanwar of Rajasthan, Ram Kumari’s fiery death in West Bengal, the Shah Bano Controversy, Uma Maheshwari’s dowry death, and the killing of girls in Haryana, are all reports in which the media dominates the societal issues. On the other hand, reports such as the Tandoor Case of Delhi

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(www.thetelegraph.com and www.thetimesofindia.com)6 and the Beltola incident of Assam regarding a Dalit tribal girl argue that journalists and editors sometimes act unethically rather than morally (www.theassam tribune.com).7 Therefore, it is necessary to examine whether the media is performing its societal role and social obligations towards the society in a proper and expected manner regarding gender issues and atrocities against women.

The media serving as a bulwark against human rights violations The media can serve as a powerful instrument against violence. The violation of the human rights of three-hundred million people on a daily basis is inexcusable at every level. We must empower ourselves to address the critical issues of hunger, human development, gender equality, sustainable employment, and environmental protection. The police are often accused of violating human rights, but sadly no effort is being made to include the subject in the curriculum of police training academies. In India, the role played by the electronic media against human rights violations is no doubt a matter of discussion, but at the same time the print media has played a significant role during the last 25 years or so in reporting violations of human rights. In the early 1980s, a revelation by the Sunday magazine published by Anand Bazar Patrika from Kolkata with a front-page story of the blinding of prisoners in Bhagalpur Jail rocked the entire nation when copies were waved in parliament. This was the first major case of human-rights violations reported in the Indian media, and it threw light on the alarming state of affairs in the jail (Shekhawat 2009, 110–11).

Review of the literature The impact of the media in society is tremendous (Herdís et al. 2003, 216– 22). The social responsibility of the media is fostered when it engages in what is referred to as “committed journalism,” in which a priority is placed on values such as democracy, free choice, openness, morality, and serving the common good, thereby informing the public about political, social, economic, and cultural affairs. “Committed journalism” is manifested when the media acts as a public watchdog (Lusgarten and Debrix 2005, 6 7

www.thetelegraph.com & www.thetimesofindia.com. www.theassamtribune.com.

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698–714). In terms of human rights promotion or protection, the concepts of media social responsibility, “committed journalism,” or “watchdog journalism” are perhaps irrelevant fragmentations of the role expected of the media as long as the media makes sincere efforts to cling to its professional code of ethics. The roles performed by the media in the society (Wasserman 2009) are instrumental to the promotion of human rights. The media provides most of the information about human rights, and in the event of its failure to do so “fairly, accurately, or consistently, public perceptions will be unfair, inaccurate and inconsistent” (Heinze and Freedman 2010). In the views of Apodaca, the media can disseminate human rights information, mobilise human rights NGOs, strengthen popular participation in civil society, promote tolerance, and shine a light on government activity (2007). The media and human rights NGOs are helpful to each other in the fight against human rights violations. These NGOs serve as “monitors” and “sources of information” for human rights stories. In Nigeria, an NGO named Prisoners Rehabilitation and Welfare Action (PRAWA), with the help of a donor organisation, produced a film entitled The Rights of Prisoners. The film was aimed at increasing awareness of the conditions of Nigerian prisons and the plight of inmates (Okafor 2006, 335–410). The media can serve as a powerful instrument for violence (Frohardt and Temin 2007), and if not controlled could induce massive human-rights violations through hate speech and violence, as exemplified by the Rwandan Genocide in 1994, constituting a typical case where the media was involved in perpetrating hatred and violence, especially against an ethnic minority (Mitchell 2007). Although human rights issues sometimes create news stories (Ovsiovitch 1993, 671–98), little attention is given to them by the media. Research indicates that human rights as a concept often fails to be used as a “subject” in the heading of media stories, though some specific terms are often used to point towards human rights indirectly. The inability of journalists to comprehend what human rights are, as well as the contents of human rights instruments, has resulted in them seeing human rights from the perspective of war. The lack of knowledge of these human-rights instruments instils a fear of being labelled as “politically biased” should they incorporate such issues into their news stories. Unknowingly, some journalists are unaware of human-rights issues, although in reality they come into contact with them every day. There is a skewed notion about the places where human-rights violations occur, such that Western journalists reason that these violations only occur outside of their countries, without

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knowing that there are similar issues close to them. Space constraints limit the in-depth treatment of human-rights issues by the media (International Council on Human Rights Policy 2002). Other constraints include the dearth of journalists covering human-rights news and the danger posed in a conflict situation impeding the coverage of human-rights reporting, as in the case of Congo (Schimmel 2009, 442–47). The Hammurabi (ca. 1780 BC) is one of the best-preserved examples of this kind. Various rules and punishments on a variety of matters, including women’s rights, children’s rights, and slave rights, are mentioned in this code of ethics. The Persian Empire (Iran) established unprecedented principles of human rights in the 6th century BC under the reign of Cyrus. Three centuries later, the Mauryan Empire established the principles of civil rights. The “World Conference of Human Rights” held in 1993 marked a crucial stage in the United Nation’s policy in the field of human rights. It is interesting to note that the United Nations “Commission on Human Rights,” created in 1947, has a sub-commission on the “Freedom of Information and of the Press” reporting to the “Commission on Human Rights” on what rights, obligations, and practices should constitute the freedom of information. This necessarily had to be juxtaposed with human rights. Its report on the subject, including the draft code of ethics, was a copious contribution to the charter drawn up subsequently, and, bearing in mind the pace of technological advancement in the field of communication, there is a need for a permanent sub-commission that could monitor the developments and efficacy over time. However, years after the creation of the revolutionary document, most people are still unaware of their rights. According to a poll recently conducted by Amnesty International, the largest human-rights organisation in the world, only 8% of adults and 4% of youths in the United States are aware of the “foundation stone for human rights” (Frohardt and Temin 2007). It is stated that the media can play a salutary role in creating greater awareness of the concept of human rights as constituting the right of every individual to their fundamental freedom without distinction, irrespective of race, sex, language, or religion. Human civilisation has developed from the Stone Age to the Space Age, but while some nations or societies have developed apace others seem to be nowhere in the race. The rights that citizens enjoy vary depending upon economic, social, political, and cultural developments. In view of the fact that there is revolutionary change and growth in every sphere of life, and mainly in the communication and media world, the media today plays a decisive role in the development of society. Thus, the role of the media in the protection of human rights cannot be ignored or minimised. The media is a

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communicator to the public. Today, its role extends to not only giving facts as news, but also analysing and commenting on the facts and thus shaping the views of the people. The impact of the media on society today is beyond doubt and debate. The media has been setting the social, political, economic, and even cultural agendas for the nation. With the advent of satellite channels its impact is even sharper and deeper. With twenty-four hour news channels, people cannot remain neutral and unaffected by what the channels are broadcasting day and night. It is therefore of paramount importance that the media plays an important and ethical role at all levels and in all parts of the country and the world. The Chairman of the Press Council refers to the reports of the statutory authority into the crisis that the nation faced in the 1990s in the states of Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir. When militancy was at its peak in these two states, the credibility of the media and threats to its free functioning also came under scrutiny. The council also inquired into the reports of human-rights violations by the army and the paramilitary forces in Kashmir. In Punjab, the press was threatened by militants who had imposed a crude form of censorship on the local press by enforcing the publication of their dictates so as to perpetuate fear, the mainstay of terrorists. In a double jeopardy, the government warned the press to use the rule of law against the publication of any “objectionable advertisements” or “subversive writings.” While it counselled the press to exercise due caution in disseminating the press notes of the militant groups, equal emphasis was laid on the need for it to be vigilant against official plants to maintain its credibility. Soon thereafter, in Kashmir, human rights excesses by the army and paramilitary forces invited international concern and criticism. The role and plight of the press also came under scrutiny. The Council found that the threat to the freedom of the press in Kashmir came primarily from the climate of fear that the militants had generated, and which had caused the media to abandon its post. The result of the inquiry into the reports of human-rights excesses was astonishing. It was found that some excesses had indeed taken place. Human rights are held to be universal in the sense that “all people, irrespective of caste, creed, economic status, etc., should enjoy them, and to be independent in the sense that they exist and are available as standards of justification and criticism whether or not they are recognized and implemented by the legal system or officials of a country” (Nickel 1987, 64–92). Thus, we can say that human dignity and human rights are mutually dependent, but in different ways. The relationship between them is that of a principle and the concrete legal norms that are needed to flesh out that principle in real life (Beyleveld and Brownsword 2002). The

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principle of respect for human dignity holds a prominent position in the inter-governmental instruments dealing with various ethics that have been adopted in the last decade. Dignity, as it is inseparable from the human condition, is the same for all, cannot be gained or lost, and does not allow for any degree of change (Spiegelberg 1970, 39–62). Even the worst criminal cannot be stripped of their human dignity and should consequently not be subjected to inhuman treatments or punishments. Dworkin (1994, 236) employs the expression “human dignity” with this meaning when he points out that it refers to “the intrinsic importance of human life,” and requires that “people never be treated in a way that denies the distinct importance of their own lives.”

Objectives of this study (1) To study the role of the media in the promotion and protection of human rights (2) To study why human rights are important in terms of an individual’s dignity (3) To examine the role of the media in terms of human-rights violations and awareness of people regarding them

Methodology In this paper, the researcher has adopted a qualitative analysis of the secondary sources such as books, research reports, dissertations, magazines, journals, and published articles in newspapers.

Summary of the findings Human rights are indeed conceived as entitlements that people have simply gathered by virtue of their human condition, regardless of their ethnic origin, sex, age, socio-economic status, health condition, or religious or political ideas (Nickel 1987, 64–92). In India, the media has no doubt played a significant role in the promotion and protection of human rights and constantly attempted to uphold the true spirit of democracy (Nongmeikapam and Mishra 2014, 173–4). It influences public policy directly, and wherever the rights are violated it also stands at the centre of a highly political process, for example in the case of the Tragedy of Roop Kanwar of Rajasthan, or the Shah Bano Controversy (www.thetelegraph.com and www.thetimesofindia.com). Sometimes, however, editors, reporters, and journalists become unethical, as in the

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case of the Beltola incident of Assam regarding a Dalit tribal girl (www.theassamtribune.com). The media serves as a communicator to the public, its role extending not only to giving facts as news, but also analysing and commenting on the facts, thus shaping the views of the people. Its impact on today’s society is beyond doubt and debate.

Conclusion The media is considered as a “catalyst for social change.” It is also considered as the mirror of society. Hence, care should be taken that the mirror is not hazy. Journalists should set a “Lakshman Rekha”25 while reporting human-rights violations. The main aim of journalists should be giving facts with the purpose to create sensation and arouse the sentiments of the people. The projection of language should be decent and civilised. The media should refrain from giving statements and pictures that are provocative. It should look deep into the problem and provide solutions. Mere reporting of the facts is not enough. It should give reasons for the problem and the nature of the violations, and then give solutions. Peace, non-violence, disarmament, the maintenance and promotion of ecological balances and an unpolluted environment, and ensuring human rights to all, irrespective of caste, colour, and creed, should constitute the minimum common agenda for the media. The media can perform this role in different ways. It can make people aware of their rights, expose humanrights violations, and focus attention on people and areas in need of the protection of human rights and pursue their case until they achieve them. It can play a salutary role in creating a larger awareness of the concept of human rights. The media can also give publicity to the individuals and organisations engaged in securing human rights. It can inform and educate the people of their rights and suggest ways and means by which they can solve their problems, thus empowering them to protect their rights.

25

“Lakshman Rekha” came into existence only through Sri Tulasidas's Ramacharitamanas, the Hindi version of Ramayana. In Ramayana, mention is made of Lakshmana drawing a circular line around the parnaasaala as a protective line for Sita, when he left her alone to go in search of the whereabouts of Rama, who went after a golden deer (a disguise of Mareecha to draw Rama away from Sita, leaving her unprotected for Ravana to abduct her). Following the introduction of “Lakshman Rekha” by Goswamy Tulasidas, it became a popular phrase, especially in North India, to indicate that a person should know their limits. When anyone says “don't cross the ‘Lakshman Rekha'” it means they want to caution someone to not exceed their limits.

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Human rights have been legally granted to every citizen of the world. Hence, every individual deserves the right to a decent life, protection from ill health and unemployment, and many other rights. Since the media plays the role of communicator between the state and the public, it can also have an effective role in making the authorities aware of their duties. Thus, the media can play a major role in protecting and promoting human rights in the world.

References Annan, K. 1999. International Herald Tribune, June 2. https://globalyouthzim.wordpress.com/2012/08/20/the-role-of-mediain-promotion-of-human-rights-and-development-in-africa. Beyleveld, D. and R. Brownsword. 2002. Human Dignity in Bioethics and Biolaw. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dworkin, R. 1994. Life's Dominion. An Argument About Abortion, Euthanasia and Individual Freedom. New York: Vintage. Frohardt, M. and T. Temin. 2007. “The Use and Abuse of Media in Vulnerable Societies.” In The Media and the Rwandan Genocide, edited by A. Thompson. London: Pluto. Heinze, E. and R. Freedman. 2010. “Public Awareness of Human Rights: Distortions in the Mass Media.” The Journal of Human Rights 12: 491–523. International Council on Human Rights Policy. 2002. “Journalism, Media and the Challenge of Human Rights Reporting.” Lusgarten, A. and F. Debrix. 2005. “The Role of the Media in Monitoring International Humanitarian Law during Military Interventions: The Case of Kosovo.” Peace and Change 30 (3): 698–714. Mitchell, J. 2007. “Remembering the Rwandan Genocide: Reconsidering the Role of Local and Global Media.” Global Media Journal. http://lass.calumet.purdue.edu/cca/gmj/fa07/gmj-fa07-mitchell.htm. Nickel, J. 1987. Making Sense of Human Rights: Philosophical Reflections on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Berkeley: University of California Press. Nongmeikapam, S. and R. Mishra. 2014. Media and Human Rights in Manipur. Ghaziabad: Sunrise Publications. Okafor, O. 2006. Legitimizing Human Rights NGOs: Lessons from Nigeria. New Jersey: Africa World Press Inc. Orend, B. 2002. Human Rights: Concept and Content. New York: Broadview Press Ltd.

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Ovsiovitch, J. 1993. “News Coverage of Human Rights.” Political Research Quarterly 3: 671–98. http://www.jstor.org/stable/448953?seq=2. Schimmel, N. 2009. “Media Accountability to Investigate Human Rights Violations.” Peace Review 21 (4): 442–7. http://csaweb115v.csa.com.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/ids70/results.php?SID=nq plqronlcrifua74pru3adhd7&id=2. Shekhawat, A. 2009. Media Reporting on Human Rights Violation. Jaipur: P. Publications. Spiegelberg, H. 1970. “Human Dignity: A Challenge to Contemporary Philosophy.” In Human Dignity: This Century and the Next, edited by R. Gotesky and E. Laszlo, 39–62. New York: Gordon and Breach. Thorgeirsdottir, H. 2003. “Journalism Worthy of the Name: A Human Rights Perspective on Freedom within the Press.” PhD thesis. Lund: Lund University. Vijapur, Abdulrahim P. 2008. Implementing Human Rights in the Third World: Essays on Human Rights, Dalits, and Minorities. New Delhi: Manek Publications. Wasserman, H. 2009. “Critical and Non-Western Philosophies.” In Global Journalism: Topical Issues and Media Systems, edited by S. De Beer. Boston: Pearson Education Inc.

Internet Sources www.google.com www.theassamtribune.com. www.thetelegraph.com. www.thetimesofindia.com http://idl-bnc.idrc.ca/dspace/bitstream/10625/30283/9/123840.pdf

CHAPTER FOUR THE ROLE OF HINDI FILMS IN CREATING AWARENESS OF DOWRY IN INDIA DR. PAROMITA DAS AND MS. SATARUPA ROY

Abstract From the dawn of civilisation, India has been regarded as one of the fastest growing countries of the world, not in terms of rapid economic development but in crimes of various kinds, especially those against women. Rape, sexual harassment, female infanticide, honour killing (caste, religion), dowry violence, forced marriage, forced prostitution after marriage, trafficking in women, sexual slavery, forced sterilisation, bride burning—name it, and you will find it in India. Among these, dowry is the most widely disputed issue that women in India have been tortured for. Women have in all aspects proven their worth but are regarded as an unwanted option, born by default and not by choice. Even worse is the condition of the woman who is married and sent to a family that believes that it has given birth to a man and has reason to degrade the bride and the bride’s family. Over the years there have been innumerable instances of inhuman torture, both mental and physical, that several women had to undergo in various places around the country due to dowry demands. The media has been quite active in trying to eradicate this social evil. Whether in the form of news of brides being burnt or found hanging, or through films inspired by real-life incidents of dowry, the media has always discussed these topics. Wherever the news media falls short of enough attention, popular media like mainstream Hindi films have always been successful in beautifully dramatizing dowry-related problems. In this paper, the researchers have made an attempt to discuss the advent of dowry in India, the various acts to safeguard women against it, and the role of mainstream Hindi films in spreading awareness in an attempt to eradicate the dowry system in India.

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Keywords: dowry, media, Hindi films, laws, in-laws, money, death, bride and groom

Objectives (1) To discover the existing laws related to dowry (2) To evaluate the most effective medium amongst all other media in communicating messages (3) To understand the role played by Hindi films over the years in creating awareness regarding dowry

Methodology This paper is based on the case studies of three films from different eras1 with reference to the Hindi Film industry, selected purposively as representing dowry in their storylines and analysed syntagmatically. For the accomplishment of the first and second objectives, secondary literature has been reviewed and government records consulted.

Introduction: Hindi Films Creating Awareness against Dowry in India At the outset it is very important to know what dowry means and how it originated in India. “Dowry” literally means gifts that are given to the bride in the form of valuables or money by her parents and relatives during marriage as security to start a new wedded life. In the definition mentioned above it is clearly stated that dowry is given to the bride and not the family or the man she is married to. This is how it started, and various researchers related that dowry in ancient India was a form of help that the bride’s family rendered out of love, not compulsion. It was practiced only by the well-to-do families as a means to divide their property among the sons and daughters. According to the custom, since daughters left the parental home after marriage their share of property was given along with them. However, in the medieval period it became a tradition to give dowry in order to get a daughter married. This compulsion forced many poor families to starve since even the smallest piece of land they had would be given as dowry. Soon, the land of goddesses, where girls were regarded as

1

The different periods of mainstream Hindi films are the Golden Era (1940s–60s), the Modern Era (1970s–90s), and the Contemporary Era (2000–date).

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Lakshmi,2 started killing girl children following people’s fear of having to give away all they had. Even in these days of globalisation, when India has been influenced by the West in every way, this social evil prevails in a refined manner. Nowadays, the amount paid in cash or kind, or both, is decided on the qualification and job done by the groom. The higher the qualification, the higher the price paid for being a daughter’s father who wants to get his educated daughter married to an educated man. Even after the dowry is paid, the greed for getting more out of the bride and her family doesn’t end. When the girl’s family is not able to meet the greed, the girl is mentally and physically harassed, and at times even killed. There are innumerable cases of dowry-related violence that take place every year in which several girls are brutally killed by their in-laws in India. There was a time when taking dowry became so common a phenomenon that if the bride’s family were not asked to give dowry people would be surprised. Nowadays, since the laws have become strict in this regard, the techniques of extraction of money have changed. Parvati a Malyali from Chennai says, “In our society nowadays, if the girl earns only then is she considered to be eligible for marriage, because then she can every month give away her salary, not a portion but the whole sum to her in-laws.” This is the so-called educated and enlightened society of India, where a girl cannot enjoy what she earns after a month’s hard work, and has to give it all for the enjoyment of others against her will. Furthermore, the educated society has degenerated itself to such an extent that people speak highly of those who give flats and large sums of money framed in the form of “gifts” to the groom, represented as status symbols.

Statement of the Problem The innumerable deaths that not only degrade the society we live in but also make even highly educated girls feel insecure and low about being a part of them have initiated taking this problem as a researchable issue. Although the acts for the protection of women have helped in the reduction of dowry deaths, in some places this information via the news channels and papers does not reach the people, or if it does the so-called tradition that India boasts about fights illogically with laws relating to human rights and surprisingly wins at times. This paper deals with this problem of reaching such valuable information through a more popular

2

Hindu goddess of wealth and prosperity.

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and interesting medium that can teach the masses without hurting their traditional sentiments.

Analysis The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961 prohibits the exchange of dowry and regards it punishable if gifts are exchanged as a precondition for marriage. Section 304 B deals with dowry deaths. However, in spite of these acts, the dowry-related crimes in India have risen to an unmanageable height, and have been followed by several amendments, among which is Section 498 A of IPC, inserted in 1983 and also known as the anti-dowry law, wherein cruelty committed against a woman by the husband or his relatives is an act for which they shall be liable to immediate arrest and three years’ imprisonment, along with a fine. Fig. 4.1. Number of cases and arrests in IPC 498A

Source: Stop Abuse of Men (http://swarup1972.blogspot.in/2014/07/scno-abuseof-arrests-under-anti-dowry.html).

However, the Supreme Court has lately restricted the immediate arrests of husbands and family members under 498A because of misuse of the law. This issue was largely covered and debated through the media.

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Though people had various views and regarded this to be a befitting decision because India is a country where every law is tattered and misused, they stated that, in order to settle some grievances, the victims or rather the accusers report cases of the so-called innocent in-laws. People have different opinions, and in a democratic country like India everyone is given the right to say whatever they want, irrespective of the facts and figures that state that thousands of women have been killed in the name of dowry. Another act worth mentioning is the Protection of Women against Domestic Violence Act, 2005, wherein the victim is protected from the unlawful demand for any dowry. The media, the fourth pillar of democracy, has always been very prompt in reporting or covering such cases. It has been compassionate towards the terrible plight of the women who move to a new world with hopes and dreams of love, and move out either having seen the horrifying reality or as dead bodies. Be it popular media in the form of serials, movies, news from the general masses through digital media, or news media in the form of hard-core dowry crime news, in their way all these have dealt with the issues of dowry. On the one hand, news media has extensively covered and debated this issue, and this has resulted in a lower number of crimes committed in the name of dowry, and on the other hand good old serials inspired by real-life dowry incidences. Similarly, the dowry system has been a glaring topic that has been discussed and portrayed in Hindi films. Films are cultural artifacts created by specific cultures that reflect those cultures and, in turn, affect them. Film is considered to be an important art form, a source of popular entertainment and a powerful method for educating or indoctrinating citizens. So, the portrayal of such social evils like dowry in films actually educates and forces people to think and eradicate these evils from the society. Films like Dahej [Dowry], Ghar Ho Toh Aisa [If There is a Home, it Should be Like This], and Mehendi [the floral decoration on a bride’s hand] have extensively spoken of this social evil, while other films like Dil [Heart], Hum Apke Hain Kaun [Who Am I For You?], and Gair Kaanooni [Illegal] have discussed it as a prevalent tradition. This was because the asking and giving of dowry became integrated parts of the Indian society, and marriages without dowry hardly ever took place. In some places even these days the hoarding of female infanticide is openly advertised, saying “abort the girl in her mother’s womb at a nominal price, or be prepared to pay all your earnings in her marriage.” So, even in movies inspired by real life, this issue was quite common. Some movies were even made about this issue and actually showed the real scenario of the society. However, nowadays we hardly see

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such movies that discuss dowry. Does this mean that dowry does not prevail in India anymore? Well, the records do not say so, as seen in Fig. 4.2 below depicting dowry deaths up to 2010 across India. Fig. 4.2. Reported dowry deaths (2005–6 to 2009–10)

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Fig. 4.3. All-India reported dowry deaths (2005–6 to 2009–10)

Source: “India: Where A Woman Is Killed Every Hour For Dowry,” IndiaSpend (http://www.indiaspend.com/investigation/india-where-a-woman-is-killed-everyhour-for-dowry-68340).

India holds the first position in dowry deaths in the world. The Women and Child Development Minister Maneka Gandhi, in a write up to Lok Sabha, said that 8,233, 8,083, and 8,455 cases were registered under section 304B of the Indian Penal Code (Dowry Death) in the country in 2012, 2013, and 2014, respectively.5 Why, then, isn’t this issue being discussed in the popular media like films any longer? Probably because these deaths have become very common, so these stories do not attract audiences or earn enough revenue. Anything that is news and is hyped is more beneficial as a topic for a 100 crore movie that has the ability to generate double of what is invested, like a movie on any famous book that has been loved by the readers, or a player who was never recognised in spite of winning several medals until they won an Olympic medal. So, until this issue of dowry was discussed and debated due to the violation of Section 498A of IPC, all possible topics other than dowry deaths were discussed in Hindi films. In 2014, a movie hit the screens named DawatE-Ishq [The Feast of Love], which discussed dowry from the point of view of a husband who is framed in a false dowry case and is trapped because 5

http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/24771-dowry-deaths-reportedin-last-3-years-govt.

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of the immediate arrest law passed by the court under section 498 A on account of dowry harassment. Over the years, from being victims, women are now accused of being victimisers. Let us discuss some films that showcase the transformation of the woman in dowry cases as portrayed in Hindi Films.

Case Study 1: Dahej (RajaramVankudre Shantaram,6 1950) Dahej, released in 1950, was probably the first film with a fully-fledged story about dowry. During those days (and even now), if a girl was left in her mandab (the decorated place where the wedding vows are taken) without getting married to the groom it was regarded as a shame, and the girl would never get married as people would blame her, even if she was not at fault. A scene in this movie shows a girl about to be left in the mandab because her family isn’t able to pay a large dowry. However, the subsequent scenes show something new that those societies never did—the groom comes to her aid, as he is man enough to stand up for what is right. This speaks highly of the character of a man who has the guts to stand up for what is right against his parents in the days when whatever parents said, whether good or bad, had to be blindly followed by the children. This film says use your heart and decide for yourself, and many youngsters in those times might have learnt from it. However, even after being accepted by her husband, the girl’s mother-in-law refuses to accept her and keeps on torturing her on issues that have no connection with her. Superstitious India believed that a girl either represents Goddess Lakshmi if lots of money and prosperity follow after she sets foot in the house, or she is a witch who brings unhappiness and no money (in other words, dowry). Therefore, she is anything other than a human, and in a scene where her father-in-law dies she is blamed for the death, and this is stated as inauspicious for the family. Another very remarkable trend-breaking idea in the film is when her father arrives and witnesses her plight and takes her back home. This was not the case in those days, and even in today’s scenario girls are told to tolerate and keep trying until they can win their in-laws’ hearts, which might never happen, and they might even be burnt to death in the process. There is a saying in Hindi that mothers say to their girls: “Ladkiya Dolli Mein Sasural ke liye Jati Hain or Arthi Mein Wapis Aati Hain,” which means “girls go to their in-laws’ house in a decorated palanquin and come back only when they are dead in a funeral pyre.” This 6

Referred to as V. Shantaram (1901–90), he was an Indian filmmaker.

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clearly means that she should not leave her in-laws’ house, even if she is tortured. This film, however, shows a father who does not believe in this and stands up for his daughter before it is too late.

Case Study 2: Mehendi (Hamid Ali,7 1998) Mehendi, starring Rani Mukherjee, showcases the terrible but real plight of a woman who was married to a worthless husband, who not only beats her black and blue but, in the end, kills her father for the dowry. In the scenes when, even after giving away all she could, Pooja, played by Rani, is tortured before her mehendi (a floral decoration using the paste of mehendi leaves on a newly-wed bride’s hand) fades away, and she is seen washing utensils kept as a mount in front of her. Her sister-in-law, as soon as she enters the house, asks for something valuable that Pooja cannot give, due to which, in the latter scene of a marriage, she takes her Mangtika (head jewellery), which is her last-remaining gift from her late mother. In another scene, the brutality of the in-laws and her husband is showcased as they kick her when she is pregnant, following which her baby dies in the womb. She is tortured because she is accused of being characterless when she is sent by her in-laws to a man’s house to stay there for the night as a condition laid down by the man to save her husband, who was accused of murder. Despite the fact that the man does not touch her, her in-laws keep torturing her for the sacrifice she made because of them. Thankfully, she at last refuses to take any more harassment and, just like the seven bows she took during her wedding to make his house a heaven, while she performs the last funeral rites of her father’s dead body she circles his funeral pyre and vows to make her husband and in-laws pay for not only making her life hell but also killing her father. Later, she drags her husband and his parents to court, wherein they are declared guilty and punished.

Case Study 3: Daawat-E-Ishq (Habib Faisal,8 2014) Daawat-E-Ishq is another film about dowry wherein the above-discussed law 498A is used to earn a handsome amount from a groom’s family, and not the bride’s. Of course, the female lead Parineeti Chopra (Gulrez or Gullu) in this movie does this as she is betrayed by her love Amjad, played by Karan Wahi, who refuses to stand by her side when his family demands 7 8

Bollywood film director. Indian Hindi film screenwriter and director.

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money from her as dowry. She finds that this was the case with all the other marriage proposals that came her way where, in spite of being well educated, she is refused because of dowry. At the end, she decides to teach these money-craving greedy boys and their family a lesson and goes to Lucknow in search of a rich boy, where she meets Tarriq, whom she decides to marry. As always, the groom’s family asks for dowry, which Gullu and her father record with a hidden camera. However, once Tarriq and Gulrez start meeting, Tarriq gives the money paid as dowry to his parents back to Gullu, which wins her heart but does not stop her plan to con him, and she marries him as planned, using Section 498A of the IPC to extract alimony money from the family. However, in the end, Tarriq comes to know about all this and confronts her, following which she tells him everything and confesses her love for him. They then get married for real, without any dowry. This movie shows two types of boys: Amjad, who does not stand up to the wrong demands of dowry in support of his love, and Tarriq, who does, and returns the money in spite of the fact that he is not as educated as Amjad. Similarly, Indian society has three types of man: one who is educated but still behaves illiterately, another who is not but behaves like he is, and another who is educated and proves it in the true sense of the term. A clear difference that we see in these films is the portrayal of women with the changes in the society. From a very scared soul in Dahej who is saved by her husband and her father to a woman who fights her own battle in Mehendi (and is compared to the goddess Kali9). On the other hand, in Daawat-E-Ishq an unmarried girl refuses to give up her self-respect and get married to a boy who does not have the guts to stand up to his family to support his wife against the demand for dowry. Moreover, she decides to punish and teach such families a lesson, and uses an Indian Law to do so that definitely cannot be supported, but shows that the present-day woman is very much aware of her rights and the laws that can support her in times of need, and is not ashamed or scared to go to the judiciary, unlike the women in the past who tolerated everything, being scared of the society. Daawat-e-Ishq was an eye-opener for a lot of women who did not even know about these laws, let alone how to use them to con a groom. Daawat-e-Ishq, neither with its title nor its publicity, gave any hint to the audience about the sensitive topic it dealt with. Why was this done? What was the strategy behind keeping such a unique subject matter hidden by the makers of the film? Whatever the reason, it clearly did not help, as the 9

Hindu goddess of power.

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film was not well reviewed. However, this should not have been the case as the more people who see the film, especially women, come to know about the laws, and this would frighten the dowry seekers who still exist in the society and kill innocent girls for materialistic hunger. Other than these movies there were many others not based on dowry but that showed scenes where people met to fix marriages and asked for dowry. Even in movies like Dil (1990), the dowry expectation of the groom’s father who wants to marry his son to a rich family who could readily give away as much as he would demand is highlighted. In Hum Apke Hain kaun, the character played by Bindu keeps saying, “Maine bola tha meri bhanji se shaadi karwado, agar meri bhanji aati toh kitna dahej lati” [“I said take my niece as your daughter-in-law, if she would come in the house she would bring a lot of dowry with her”]. Since popular media, especially films, are widely influential in a country like India where people idealise movie stars and imitate them, in this scenario the responsibility of the filmmakers is in making even more films that create a difference with their influence. Hindi Films are the most popular part of Indian media today. The power of films is undeniable, since it helps to mature the society and brings forth its scenario. Films are important art forms, and a source of popular entertainment. At times, they also generate views that are adopted by people. This is the influential power of films and the characters that are played by extremely talented men and women, not only in India but also around the world.

Conclusion Nowadays, the ways in which girls are tortured have changed, but the torture remains the same. Be it comparing what they have with others, getting their sons married, or mentally traumatising and nagging women whatever they do, giving them little or nothing to eat at times, there are various ways in which they are forced to believe that being born a girl was a mistake. In 2014, cases of dowry and rape rose in number, and the news media has continued its work of bringing forth the plight of women who are forced to pay dowry in lieu of their lives, yet still fails to reach the masses who are more interested in enjoyment than spending their time reading or even watching news channels. In this scenario, films can really come to the aid of the public. There should be more films made about dowry and the various consequences that lead to the support of such social evils. People might not know about the dowry-related laws that are prevalent in India and are being amended for their safety and security. If films could dramatize and include a discussion of these laws, this might

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lead to influencing and educating the people below the poverty line, because these people constitute a major portion of the Indian population and are not interested in watching news or cannot use other forms of media (specifically print), as most of them are uneducated. This section of the society might not have anything to eat, but they save money to go and watch their favourite movie stars in theatres. In 1950, it was definitely not a common phenomenon to see the groom stand against his father and say that he will marry the girl even if the dowry demands are not fulfilled, and neither did many fathers walk straight in to their daughter’s house and take her home as she was being tortured. Even if there were such rare, delightful personalities who did so, no one knew about them or were inspired by them. It was films that would have raised eyebrows, and at the same time sparked the hope and will for both the girls and their loved ones to stand up against the society for the right thing. It has been seen that people in India dress, talk, and even worship movie stars. They dream of having the same kind of romance and life that they see in movies. If this attitude of the common people can be used to educate them and bring forth issues like dowry, then young boys and girls can act just like their onscreen role models and refuse to give or take dowry. Of late, it has been seen that the production of the number of such films dealing with womencentric crimes has decreased. While the news media is continuing with its job of enlightening and informing people about this social evil, the popular media has taken a back seat, with only some serials like Crime Patrol and Gumrah airing stories on dowry. Hindi filmmakers have almost stopped their mission of making such films that not only entertain people but also educate them in the true sense. Filmmakers should not be thinking solely about making money—they should also understand that they have a mightier responsibility that comes with the talent of being creative visionaries of the future. Movies that discuss issues like dowry should be made and shown again and again on television and in theatres with the sole motive that something that is seen and heard on a repetitive basis becomes deeply rooted in our minds. True-life stories of not only the victims and survivors but also those who have shown courage and dared to stand up against these unacceptable biases should be made into films to motivate those girls and their families who are scared to challenge wrongdoing. Superstars should volunteer to act in such movies to attract more and more people to see them. Even the government can do its bit by declaring these movies as tax-free and by helping the filmmakers in all possible ways. The poor and poverty attract international filmmakers to the Indian soil to make realistic films, but they might not be aware that India has something even more pathetic than this.

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If the world has transformed into a global village then the people are global citizens. Why, then, make films on the monetarily poor when international filmmakers can take the ethically poor and heartless section of India (where one woman dies every hour for dowry-related reasons) and make films on them? These films might not fetch them Oscars, but will definitely enlighten thousands of people who are probably unaware of this brutality against women in India and other Asian countries. If the world, especially the intellectually creative section, comes together in dealing with this brutality, then no mother will be forced to kill her girl child in the womb, and nor will any girl be burnt alive for dowry.

References Banaji, S. 2006. Reading “Bollywood”: The Young Audience and Hindi Films. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Mishra, V. 2002. Bollywood Cinema: Temples of Desire. New York: Routledge. Vasudev, A (ed.). 1995. Frames of Mind: Reflections on Indian Cinema. New Delhi: UBSP. Nelmes, J. 2003. An Introduction to Film Studies, 3rd edition. New York: Routledge. Talreja, K. 2009. “The Uniqueness of Indian Cinema.” www.ezinearticles.com. Bose, M. 2006. Bollywood: A History. Stroud: Temple Publishing.

CHAPTER FIVE SOCIAL MEDIA AS A TOOL IN FORMULATING THE COLLECTIVE SHIFT IN SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS (A CASE STUDY OF A TEENAGE GIRL MOLESTED IN GUWAHATI CITY) MS. LALITA CHHETRY AND DR. CHARU JOSHI

Abstract In the twenty-first century, the popularity and penetration of social media are growing as this web-based technology facilitates social interactions among people. Social media, being a form of new media, provides an easy way of transmitting news, information, and entertainment. The network capacity of social media has been significant in empowering both individuals and communities. People are getting connected to social media and are highly interactive since it provides them with a platform where they share opinions, news, photographs, and videos, and can discuss various ideas, co-create, and mobilise actions towards social causes. Social media is gaining wide popularity and is becoming the preferred media in the present times, especially in India. For example, on September 28, 2015, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the technological capital of the world Silicon Valley in the United States to further his dream of “Digital India.” Also, we are living in a society in which there are innumerable conflicts dealing with different issues. Sometimes, these conflicts relate to personal identity, liberty, security, safety, and so forth. The role of social media in conflict situations is a broad and sometimes controversial subject. Social media messages can have an influence on the attitudes and behaviour of people. On July 9, 2012 the whole country was outraged by a video clip aired by News Live, a leading news channel of Assam, showing the molestation of a teenage girl in the heart of Guwahati

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city. In it, the young girl was pushed, dragged, beaten, and stripped on a busy street in full public view for nearly half an hour. This incident would have gone un-noticed if not uploaded to YouTube, going viral online and playing a significant role in bringing public attention to the issue, causing social unrest and formulating a collective shift in social consciousness. This paper attempts to see the potential of social media in a human rights conflict situation and the promotion of peace with respect to the Guwahati molestation case. Therefore, it becomes important to examine when, where, why, how, and to what extent social media could be helpful. Each new communication medium brings a certain change in society and has a great impact on people’s lives. Keywords: communication, molestation, social media

conflict,

human

rights,

interactive,

Statement of the Problem Increasing internet penetration in India and lucrative Facebook features have led to the rise in the adoption of Facebook for social networking amongst web users. In India, the social media giant has amassed 92 million users, and is now the second highest after the United States, according to Facebook’s own data. Moreover, the amount of time people spend on social media continues to increase. With the help of smartphones, many of us are continually connected and have the media at our fingertips twenty-four hours a day and seven days a week. People hear about breaking news on social media. Activists, students, journalists, and politicians across the nation are on social media, using Facebook and Twitter extensively. Various agendas have been raised on different issues that range from politics to the environment. The internet and social media have enabled the mobilisation of large crowds to achieve time-critical feats, ranging from mapping crises in real time to organising mass rallies and conducting search-and-rescue operations over large areas. In some instances, these virtual groups have also stepped outside cyberspace to participate and organise street demonstrations, protests, and social events in the real world. The social media platform has largely influenced such participations by increasing the speed, reach, and effectiveness of the communication. The penetration and popularity of social media among the Indian people, especially the youth, have shown that it has the potential to be a great tool that can foster democratic dialogue and freedom of expression.

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Review of the literature The pioneering media thinker Marshall McLuhan coined the term “Global Village” in the 1960s to express his belief that electronic communication would unite the world. The advent of the internet in India over the past 10 years has paralleled the emergence of globalisation as a concept. The internet and online social media are now credited with the unprecedented ability to coordinate and mobilise large masses of people to achieve incredible feats. For example, the use of social networking to co-ordinate Barack Obama’s successful presidential campaign is well known (Carr 2008). The “Make Poverty History” campaign for the G8 summit reached some 800,000 activists online and 500,000 signed up to an email list (Leadbeater 2007). Social media is a free platform for expressing political or social opinions other than traditional media. Clear examples were made regarding the power of social media in 2011’s “Arab Spring” (Eaton 2013) and the United States’ “Occupy Wall Street” (Clark 2012) movements, where pages on social networking sites like Facebook and text messaging through mobile devices were used extensively to help create an unprecedented explosion of grassroots protests in the Middle East, the United States, and eventually worldwide. Text messaging, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and the internet have given rise to a reservoir of political energy that suggests a new relationship between the new media technologies, politics, and public life (Giroux 2009). Social networks, especially facilitated by online social media, have an increasingly dominant role in activism and campaigning. Shirky (2010) argues that new social media and social networking technology are creating a “cognitive surplus”—an increase in “thought power” and collective creativity— which massively increases and accelerates the “leverage” that can be applied to social problems in the form of campaigning or activism. India has not been untouched by the changes brought about by the social media revolution. About 17% of the Indian population are between the ages of 15 and 24 and experiencing such changes (Schwittlay 2011). No doubt, social media provides a platform where voices from different corners can be heard, and a powerful space to share information about protests and social movements. According to Mr Pawan Rana, online marketing specialist at Getit info Services, “It is true that TV, Radio and Newspapers are giving people information about that event, but Social Networking Sites gave them the right to participate instantly on the internet, and its applications provide one a power to show their concern about the movement within one click.” Anna Hazare’s “India Against Corruption” (Ohri 2011) became the first ever campaign to hit cyberspace to a great extent. Social networking

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platforms such as Facebook and Twitter did a lot to help. Social media sites were abuzz with articles and messages showing support for Hazare’s fight against corruption and his plea to pass the Jan Lokpal Bill (“What is the Jan Lokpal Bill, Why it's Important” 2011). A number of Facebook pages and virtual groups were created and dedicated to Hazare’s movement. The official “India Against Corruption” page had more than 500,000 followers, which indicated a huge support for the campaign on Facebook through “likes” of posts. The campaign also has a working website (www.indiaagainstcorruption.com). With regards to India, Mark Zuckerberg said he witnessed the power of millions connecting online and that India played a role in the early history of Facebook by inspiring him. Narendra Modi also feels this, and has said that the “daily bonding” with the Indian people on social media has helped bridge the gap between the present government and its citizens, swaying policies and diplomacy and keeping officials on their toes. Very recently, on September 28, 2015, the Indian Prime Minister visited the technological capital of the world Silicon Valley in the United States to further his dream of “Digital India.”10 Initiatives call for more high-speed internet access and technology-related jobs to raise the standard of living in India, where many live in poverty. Mr Modi also visited the headquarters of Facebook and made national headlines with the idea that Digital India has the potential for change. The PM also urged some of the smartest brains in Silicon Valley to take an interest in his pet projects of Digital India, Smart Cities, and Make India. Zuckerberg also changed his profile image to “Support Digital India” for some time.

Objectives This paper attempts to discover the role of social media in bringing attention to social unrest and formulating the collective shift in social consciousness with regards to the Guwahati teenage girl molestation case. The study focuses on whether social media has been a part of the problem or a part of the solution in this regard.

Methodology The case study method has been applied to study the incident of a teenage girl’s molestation in Guwahati City, Assam, in 2012. The content of social media was taken into consideration to get insights into the case by 10

http://www.cmai.asia/digitalindia.

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studying how it was discussed, how people reacted, and the impact it had in terms of bringing about civic action.

Theoretical Framework Public Opinion Sociologists explain public opinion as being a product of social interaction and communication. According to them, there can be no public opinion without communication among members of the public who are interested in a given issue. A large number of persons may even hold similar views, but these will not converge with public opinion as long as each person remains ignorant of the opinions of the others. People learn how others think about a given issue and may also be exposed to information from the sources and opinions of others. For example, people via social media express different views that can help to form an opinion on any matter.

Selective Exposure Selective exposure occurs when people expose themselves selectively to communications in general accordance with their established convictions.

Uses and Gratification Theory Gratification theory, propounded by Katz in 1970, is concerned with how people use the media for the gratification of their needs. The uses and gratification approach reminds us that people use the media for many purposes. The question “what does the media do to people?” has been replaced with “what do people do with the media?” According to this theory, the media does not do things to people; rather, people do things with the media. For example, people use social media for various reasons, such as communication, relationship building, strengthening their selfimage, pleasure, and structuring the day.

Social Media in Human-rights Conflicts: Outline of the Guwahati Teenage Girl Molestation Case In northeast India’s biggest city Guwahati, on the night of July 9, 2012, a teenage girl was sexually molested by a crowd of men in full public view. The girl was attacked on the G. S. Road while returning home after celebrating her friend’s birthday. The girl was pushed, dragged, beaten,

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and stripped on a busy street for nearly half an hour. The entire incident was taped by a local TV reporter of News Live, a leading news channel of Assam. No one came to rescue her, including the team that was filming the incident. It was only when the police arrived that the attack stopped. Many questions were raised on the role of media, and whether it should have focused on helping the victim rather than recording the crime. The News Live reporter Gaurav Jyoti Neog, who filmed the entire incident, has also been accused of instigating the group of youths to molest the girl to “create” news in the name of sensation.

Social Media and Social Consciousness In contemporary times, the term “media” is not limited to print, radio, and television. With the rise of the internet, the sharing of information has expanded. Social media has become an increasingly prominent tool for engaging in political and social dialogue and organising civic action, especially for youths. While social media can bring to light the opinions of the people, it is actually the actions of the government and the entities that govern the state that determine the outcome of cases like that of Jessica Lal (Alvarez 2011). India has witnessed the impact of social media in the Nirbhaya (Lapsia 2015) rape case of New Delhi. Uniting through social media, people made a call for justice. Social media and online communication tools were used to stimulate debate, invoke awareness, and change attitudes in order to promote, respect, and bring awareness about the protection of women throughout India. The success of such cases and many more others highlights the power of social media and how it can be used as a weapon for the protection of human rights and creating awareness on the issues of social justice and interest. Similarly, there was widespread anger on social media after the news of the death of the student Nido Taniam in the northeast India state of Arunachal Pradesh, who died following an alleged assault in a south Delhi locality. Many called it a hate crime. Facebook and Twitter played a vital role in expressing the collective anger of the public, and became virtual melting pots for expressing the cumulative anger, frustration, and outrage at the failure of the government to effectively respond to the incident. The incident of the Guwahati teenage girl molestation case would have gone unnoticed if it had not been uploaded to YouTube on July 10 and gone viral. The video shows the girl being pulled from all sides, thrashed, fondled, pushed, dragged, beaten, and stripped while she cries and shouts for help, trying to free herself. Eleven people identified from the footage

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were accused in this case, including Amar Jyoti Kalita. The video clip shows a smiling Kalita in a red t-shirt dragging and molesting the girl.14 The case caused uproar in both mainstream and local media and provoked debate about the safety of women and human-rights violations in India. Social media helped the case by creating awareness through news, articles, pictures, and videos readily available to the people, and thus played a significant role in bringing public attention to the molestation-related issue, causing social unrest and formulating a collective shift. The internet was used as a platform to organise the protests, encouraging active participation and awareness in the society. Activists, students, journalists, and many others set up a blog, a Facebook Page, and a YouTube channel, forming an online platform to stand up for the girl whose modesty was attacked. Many who used social media criticised the molestation of the girl and demanded justice for her. “Justice for Women,” an entirely volunteer-led initiative, began on Twitter as a hashtag in response. The initiative was started with the aim to connect like-minded people who could help and to develop an action plan to improve the status of women in India. Public outrage grew over the weeks as the police did nothing, but the locals uploaded photos of the men (using stills from the video) on Twitter, thus sharing the images with millions of people around the world. The prime accused, Kalita, was on the run. The youths got hold of Kalita’s Facebook account in the meanwhile, which revealed many personal details about him.15 His profile picture showed him wearing a red t-shirt and his profile stated that he finished his schooling at the Guwahati Refinery High School in 1995. People were asked to circulate the pictures and recognise him in order to get him arrested. A Facebook community page was created titled “Punish Amar Jyoti Kalita”16 on July 13, 2012 (four days after the incident) with the sole purpose of finding him. The community page wrote, “Guwahati's mostwanted: Amar Jyoti Kalita, the man in the red T-shirt!!! Identified as part of a mob that molested a young woman in Guwahati!!!” Avaaz, one of the globe’s largest and most powerful online activist networks, actively took up this incident and raised the call to put pressure on the Assam police to arrest all the men in this mob. On July 13, 2012, Avaaz posted a campaign to sign a petition titled “Guwahati Sexual Assault—Arrest the Mob.”17 The petition said, “As concerned citizens we 14

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ilUxy8DPS3g. https://www.facebook.com/amar.jyotikalita.7?fref=ts. 16 https://www.facebook.com/punishamarjyothikalita?ref=br_tf. 17 https://secure.avaaz.org/en/petition/Guwahati_Arrest_the_molesting_mob/?pv=27. 15

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call on you to arrest all the men who brutally attacked and sexually assaulted a teenaged girl on a Guwahati street and also announce what measures you will take to prevent such crimes against women.” As many as 14,227 people signed the petition online. National television networks soon jumped in as well. “Guwahati’s shame: Mob molests girl—help identify the culprits,” NDTV said (2012), asking readers to e-mail if they had any details or information about the men involved in the crime. Meanwhile, five days after the incident took place, the area’s Director General of Police, Mr Jayanta Narayan Chowdhury, said that they had identified 11 out of 12 molesters, and arrested four. Kalita, a casual employee of the state government’s information technology agency AMTRON, was reported as having absconded. The Assam Public Works, a social organisation, erected two hoardings in Guwahati city displaying the photographs of the accused,19 and outraged activists also put up hoardings across the city with photographs of the culprits and appealed to people to inform the police whenever they came across them. On July 15, 2012 hundreds of citizens of Guwahati, under the aegis of several activist groups and NGOs, gathered at the Dighalipukhuri area in the morning and later took part in a rally demanding the immediate arrest of all the culprits and ensuring justice for the victim. Nari Nirjatan Aikya Mancha, Nari Mukti Sangram Samiti, Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti, India Against Corruption, Bharat Swabhiman, and several other NGOs participated. Meanwhile, youths of different colleges and educational institutions in Assam campaigned on Facebook against the incident and stepped out of the cyber world to organise the rallies in Guwahati. The youths, under the aegis of the Music and Peace Organisation and the Facebook community, gathered at the crime scene on G. S. Road and took part in a rally to protest against the molestation.20 A black dress code was selected for the occasion. They shouted slogans like “Soch Badlo Kapde nahi” [“Change your mindset not your dress”] and “Respect Woman.” While there was nationwide outrage over the incident, many people tweeted text and pictures of the alleged criminals, which helped to speed up the process of tracking those responsible. People also tweeted, reflecting their anger publicly and demanding justice for the victim. Many prominent personalities reacted to the incident on Twitter, some of whom are as follows: 19

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fzjkghr3P9M&index=2&list=PL1871DE 5ECBBF2947. 20 The Hindu Rally to Protest against Molestation of a Girl (2012).

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x Barkha Dutt tweets, “The first three words of the Preamble are no longer We The People, but We The Indifferent, We the Onlookers... #guwahati.” x Rajdeep Sardesai tweets, “20 men molested girl in #Guwahati. only 3 arrested so far. Dont spare the beasts.” x Amitabh Bachchan tweets, “Horrid visuals on TV of molestation of young girl..but just a point..how does TV crew know of it live..and..Why don't they intervene.” x Pritish Nandy tweets, “Shame on those who molested the girl. Shame on those who saw it, did not intervene. Shame on police who have done nothing since.” x Nandy wrote, “Disgusting, the molestation of a girl in Guwahati by a mob of 30 in full day light. No one stopped the bastards. Only 4 arrested in 3 days.” x Derek O'Brien tweets, “This is not about one #Guwahati, one Bengaluru, one Park Street...this is about collective shame. And the will for us together to set it right.” x Farhan Akhtar tweets, “#guwahati I feel so pessimistic at this moment about where we're headed. Where is the law and order? Where is the concept of civilisation?” x Rezaul Hasan Laskar tweets, “My 2 bits on #Guwahati video: guy who filmed it acted more like voyeur, less like journo; TV channel should never have aired girl's identity.” The story was also covered by the Indian national media. The then Chief Minister of Assam, Mr Tarun Gogoi, ordered the search and arrest of the culprits. The editor-in-chief of the concerned local news channel was also widely criticised on social media, and as a result he resigned on July 17, 2012. It took a few days for the police to arrest most of the accused involved in the heinous act, and, because of the national attention, this also compelled the police to increase their efficiency. Two weeks after the incident, on July 23, 2012, Kalita finally surrendered in Varanasi, thousands of kilometres from Guwahati. He was brought back to Guwahati and taken into police custody. Finally, eleven people accused in the case, including Kalita, were convicted on December 7, 2012, while four others were acquitted. Chief Judicial Magistrate Mr S. P. Moitra convicted Kalita along with 10 others under various sections of IPC, namely 143—unlawful assembly, 34— wrongful restraint, 294—obscene act, 323—voluntarily causing hurt, and

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354—assault or criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty. The molesters were thus sentenced to jail and also fined. Though social media does not report violence, unlike newspapers, the links posted are helpful. Kiran Bedi, an activist and former Indian Police Service Officer, in an e-mail interview with The New York Times on social media and delivering justice, said that social media acts as a social awakening. She thanked the internet, due to which the police came under scrutiny and had no choice but to act.21 She further added that it was clear that the police were able to solve the case in a short time due to the power of social media. Social media and internet technology have helped to reach people and fuel civic action to fight evils and wrongdoings. However, this was the first incident in which a media house has had a shockingly complicit role in a shameful crime against a woman. Television media need to seriously rethink their priorities, and either run for TRPs or follow the ethics of journalism.

Conclusion Social media, a global network, provides a platform for sharing different kinds of information and is growing every day, minute, and second. In the case of the Guwahati teenage girl molestation, the internet and access to social networks went a long way towards justice. People, through social media, expressed a lot of different views and ideas, encouraged discussion, and called for action. The links posted on social media were helpful, as many people were able to read about and see the incident online, which resulted in social awakening. Whether it was a text, picture, video, or discussion, all of those pieces of information were united by a common goal—to find those responsible for the crime. This incident can perhaps be regarded as the beginning of social activism by youths through the social networking sites in Assam.

References Alvarez, L. 2011. “Justice for Jessica: A Human Rights Case Study on Media Influence, Rule of Law, and Civic Action in India.” Honours Theses. Paper 49. http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article =1046&context=uhm. 21 http://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/07/13/a-conversation-with-former-policeofficer-kiran-bedi/?_r=0.

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Carr, D. 2008. “How Obama Tapped into Social Networks’ Power.” The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/10/business/media/10carr.html. Clark, E. 2012. “Social Movement and Social Media: A Qualitative Study of Occupy Wall Street Sodertorn University.” School of Culture and Communication Research report. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/ get/diva2:539573/FULLTEXT01.pdf. Eaton, T. 2013. “Internet Activism and The Egyptian Uprisings: Transforming Online Dissent into the Offline World.” Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture 9 (2). https://www.westminster.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/220675/W PCC-vol9-issue2.pdf. Galera, M. Garcia. 2014. “Engaged Youth in the Internet. The Role of Social Networks in Social Active Participation.” Comunicar 43. Giroux, Henry A. 2009. “The Iranian Uprisings and the Challenge of the New Media: Rethinking the Politics of Representation.” Fast Capitalism. https://www.uta.edu/huma/agger/fastcapitalism/5_2/Giroux5_2.html. Lapsia, T. P. 2015. “Impact of the ‘Nirbhaya’ Rape Case: Isolated Phenomenon or Social Change?” Honours Scholar Theses. Paper 453. http://digitalcommons.uconn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article =1458&context=srhonors_theses. Leadbeater, C. 2007. “Social Software for Social Change: A Discussion Paper for the Office of Third Sector.” London. Ohri, K. 2011. “How Powerful is Anna Hazare on Facebook and Twitter?” http://www.afaqs.com/news/story/31413_How-powerful-is-AnnaHazare-on-Facebook-and-Twitter. Shirky, C. 2010. “Cognitive Surplus: Creativity and Generosity in a Connected Age.” GIA Reader 21 (3). Schwittlay, A. 2011. “New Media Practices in India: Bridging Past and Future, Markets and Development.” International Journal of Communication 5: 349–79. http://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/702/528. “What is the Jan Lokpal Bill, why it's Important.” NDTV. 2011. http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/what-is-the-jan-lokpal-bill-why-itsimportant-452223. http://www.hca.westernsydney.edu.au/gmjau/wpcontent/uploads/2014/05/ GMJAU-Social-medias-impact-on-journalism.pdf. https://secure.avaaz.org/en/petition/Guwahati_Arrest_the_molesting_mob/ ?pv=27. https://www.facebook.com/punishamarjyothikalita?ref=br_tf.

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https://www.facebook.com/amar.jyotikalita.7?fref=ts. http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/guwahatis-shame-mob-molests-girl-helpidentify-the-culprits-492370. http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/rally-to-protest-againstmolestation-of girl/article3642668.ece. http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-guwahati-molestation-rally-held-toprotest-against-incident-1715351. http://blog.blanknoise.org/2012/07/petition-arrest-molesting-mob-in.html. http://www.cmai.asia/digitalindia. http://www.usatoday.com/story/tech/2015/09/27/narendra-modi-indiafacebook-mark-zuckerberg-google-sundar-pichai-siliconvalley/72936544. http://www.financialexpress.com/article/economy/modi-silicon-valleyvisit-top-15-points-in-pm-narendra-modis-digital-india-pushspeech/142058. http://www.omicsgroup.org/journals/an-analysis-of-newmedia%E2%80%99s-role-in-mass-movements-(with-reference-toanna-hazares-campaign-india-against-corruption)-21657912.1000118.php?aid=7284. http://www.revistacomunicar.com/pdf/comunicar43-en.pdfn.pdfv.

CHAPTER SIX MEDIA AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN BANGLADESH: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS REGARDING HUMAN RIGHTS COVERAGE PROFESSOR (DR.) M. ZAHANGIR KABIR AND MR. DIWAN RASHIDUL HASSAN

Abstract The media plays an enormously important role in the protection of human rights in Bangladesh. It exposes human rights violations and serves as a medium for different voices to be heard. But Bangladeshi journalists and the media itself are put at risk when reporting critical human rights issues. The media listed daily newspapers published in Bangladesh in the year 2012 numbered 311, out of which 113 were published in the capital city Dhaka. The total number of newspapers and periodicals both media listed and unlisted in Bangladesh is more than 2,000 as of 2014. Although, in 1991, a democratic process was established in Bangladesh after a decade of autocratic rule, the system of governance remains dictatorial in nature. The society in Bangladesh is highly polarised along the political lines of the two major political parties: the Bangladesh Awami League (BAL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Newspapers could not remain outside and allegedly toe the party lines. The journalists’ unions are also divided on political lines, which is a barrier to the development of professionalism promoting human-rights reporting in the media. The use and abuse of Printing Presses and the Publication Act 1973, Section 124A of the Bangladesh Penal Code, Section 505(b) of the same law, Provisions (Sections 17, 18 and 19) of the Special Powers Act 1974, Section 505A of the Penal Code, Section 99A of the Code of Criminal Procedure, the Official Secrets Act of 1923, and the Government’s Service Rules of 1979 curtail the free flow of information in Bangladesh, and are hence

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undemocratic. Sometimes, they are also hindrances for human-rights reporting. However, despite the presence of such stringent legal regimes, the media in Bangladesh is very bold in promoting people’s rights and is critical of the government. The circumstances for doing quality human rights reporting in the region are almost good, but there are also many threats. A number of such issues as: (i) working for good human rights journalism; (ii) Working against good human rights journalism; (iii) The media’s relationship with human rights issues; (iv) The role that journalists play in relation to human rights; (v) The perception of journalists; and (vi) Criticisms of human rights coverage in the media apply to the situation while reporting on human-rights events in the media. Keywords: human-rights coverage, human-rights journalism, the media, human-rights reporting

Introduction The media plays a vital role in promoting human rights, democracy, and development. A free press holds those in power to account. Especially in conflict situations, the media bears a powerful responsibility for informing the public and raising awareness in a fair and balanced way at the national and international levels. But the media can also be misused to manipulate and mobilise people, to dehumanise potential victims, and to incite. The work of journalists is often difficult and dangerous. In many countries, freedom of the press and freedom of speech are restricted or violated. Intimidation, threats, censorship, and violence, including murder, are used to silence critical voices. These constitute a fundamental breach of human rights. The scope of media freedom or its repression is a major yardstick for the general human-rights situation in a country. The media plays an enormously important role in the protection of human rights. It exposes human rights violations and serves as a medium for different voices to be heard. But journalists and the media themselves are put at risk when reporting critical human-rights issues. Human rights and democracy are closely interlinked. The democratic process cannot ensure the establishment of democracy in spirit unless the right duty co-relationship exists between the electorate and the elected. The media acts as one of the important tools for strengthening democracy and promoting human rights, and is even more important in the context of a nascent democracy like Bangladesh.

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According to the Department of Films and Publications of the Ministry of Information, the number of media listed daily newspapers in Bangladesh in the year 2012 was 311, out of which 113 were published in the capital city Dhaka, while the remaining198 were published elsewhere. These numbers were 282 and 107 respectively in 2002, and 67 and 23 respectively in 1990. This increase in the number of newspapers coincides with the transition of the country from autocratic rule during the 1980s to a democratic process during the 1990s. There was a total of 463 media listed newspapers and periodicals (daily, weekly, fortnightly, monthly, quarterly, and half-yearly) in 2012. However, the total numbers of newspapers and periodicals, both media listed and unlisted, in Bangladesh will be more than 2,000 as of 2014.

Methodology This paper analyses the current scenario of human rights in Bangladesh in the context of the media’s role in the promotion of human rights and its problems and prospects in the country. The paper has been prepared by reviewing the relevant recent literatures available on the topic in the country.

Highly Polarised Bangladesh Society The society in Bangladesh is highly polarised along the political lines of the two major parties: the Awami League (BAL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Newspapers could not remain outside of this situation and allegedly toe the party lines. As a result, people do not always get the total picture of a particular issue or event and are influenced by biased opinion/analysis. This also acts as some sort of censorship by the journalists or newspaper owners. Similarly, the journalists’ unions are divided along political lines, which is a barrier to the development of professionalism. Although in 1991 a democratic process was established in Bangladesh after a decade of autocratic rule, the system of governance remains dictatorial in nature. Instead of a presidential form of government, a parliamentary form has been established. The prime minister has become all-powerful in the existing system, apparently without any checks and balances. Thus, the media in Bangladesh operates in an environment of democratic autocracy. Article 39(1) of the Constitution of Bangladesh ensures freedom of thought and conscience. Article 39(2) ensures freedom of speech, expression, and press, subject to reasonable restrictions imposed

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by law. Here, the term “reasonable” is subjective and can be interpreted selectively by particular quarters to serve their particular interests.

Laws, Acts, and Regulations in Bangladesh According to the Printing Press and Publication Act 1973, the publication of any newspaper requires prior written approval of the Deputy Commissioner. The Act also bars printing and publishing anything that affects the interests of the state and government of Bangladesh. During the tenure of the Awami League Government (1996–2001), the provision of oath or affirmation was inserted in the law, forcing publishers/printers to an undertaking that they will not publish/print anything against the interests of the government. This was undemocratic behaviour from a democratically elected government. According to Section 124A of the Bangladesh Penal Code, a person can be punished with imprisonment for three years or fined if they express dissatisfaction against the government. Dissatisfaction denotes disloyalty and the feeling of enmity, as explained in the provision. This is an undemocratic obstacle to people’s freedom of expression. Section 505(b) of the same law forbids any report or statement against the state, the punishment for which is imprisonment for seven years or a fine, or both. Originally, this imprisonment was for two years, as promulgated by the British rulers, but the democratically elected BNP Government increased it to seven years in 1991. What is surprising is that after the fall of the autocratic rule in 1990, the interim government scrapped some provisions (Sections 17, 18, and 19) of the Special Powers Act, 1974. These provisions were against freedom of speech and expression in general, and freedom of the press in particular. But the democratically elected government incorporated more stringent provisions in the Penal Code after assuming state power. A similar provision against freedom of thought, opinion, and expression is incorporated in section 505A of the Penal Code. According to Section 99A of the Code of Criminal Procedure, the government can forfeit any publication if it constitutes defamation of the president, prime minister, or speaker of parliament. The most draconian of the laws against the free flow of information in Bangladesh is the Official Secrets Act, 1923. This bars public servants from providing secret government plans, documents, notes, sketches, models, signals, information, etc. related to restricted places and which, if made public, could pose a threat to the security of the state. But the government keeps all its decisions, including very trivial ones, out of

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public knowledge under the pretext of this law. This is an abuse of law, curtailing the free flow of information and, hence, is undemocratic. The Government Service Rules of 1979 also prohibit public servants from disclosing official information to the press or non-official persons.

Boldness of the Media in Promoting People’s Rights However, despite the presence of such a stringent legal regime, the media in Bangladesh is very bold in promoting people’s rights and is critical of the government. Favours from some ministers and government officials in providing information have enabled the media to play this role. But here, too, sometimes the professionalism of the media suffers at the cost of information. Although the number of newspapers published in Bangladesh is huge in terms of the population and literate people (62% claimed by the government, 47% claimed by the NGOs), many of the newspapers are not available in the shops. This is due to the financial vulnerability of these newspapers. They depend largely on the government’s allocated newsprint and advertisements for their existence. Only around 12 leading newspapers out of 282 have considerable circulation at the national level. Moreover, newspapers critical of the government do not get their due share of newsprint and advertisements. The Government claims that advertisements are allocated according to the circulation figures: however, these are in fact fabricated by some corrupt government officials in favour of certain newspapers, behind which are some underhand transactions. The government claims that the objectivity of news reporting is also considered in allocating newsprint and advertisements. This issue is subjective in nature and interpreted by the government according to its own party policy and interest. Reporting on corruption, nepotism, and development projects initiated to protect vested interests instead of the people’s interests has deprived many newspapers of government advertisements. In recent years, some newspapers have succeeded in getting rid of their dependency on government-allocated advertisements by getting the lion’s share of their revenue from private-sector advertisements. But this has not ensured an extension of freedom for those newspapers; rather, they are sometimes influenced by the interests of private-sector companies and cannot go against them.

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Problems and Prospects for Human Rights Coverage in Bangladesh For a variety of reasons, there is more and more coverage of human rights in the media of the South Asian region. The climate for quality humanrights reporting in the region is almost good, but there are also many threats. The lists given below consider different aspects of this relationship.

I. Working for Good Human-rights Journalism (a) Human-rights issues are more newsworthy than in the past (b) On a global scale, state control over media has decreased over the past two decades (c) There are more organisations that promote human rights and feed the media with information (d) There are more human rights “watchdogs”1 that investigate humanrights abuses and publish their findings (e) The UN’s monitoring system is more visible (f) More issues are framed in terms of human rights, e.g. children’s issues, HIV/AIDS, sexual and reproductive health, aging, poverty, housing (g) More governments have integrated human rights into policy and law (h) Political parties take more account of human rights; human rights are discussed during elections (i) Increasing use of the internet, mobile phones, and social networking platforms like Twitter and Facebook means that there are more ways to receive information from more sources, and more alerts (j) Technology and social networks are also creating new ways to report human-rights violations (k) Some international media networks, like the BBC and CNN, now employ people living in developing countries as journalists and freelancers. This helps bring local stories to international audiences

II. Working Against Good Human-rights Journalism (a) Human-rights advocates often work against powerful political and economic interests and the threat of repercussions can be great

1

Human rights watchdog worldpulse.com, www.worldpulse.com/pulsewire, is an organisation responsible for making sure that companies obey particular standards and do not act illegally.

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(b) Many journalists have cultural beliefs and practices that do not fit well with human-rights ideals (c) In times of crisis, governments may introduce laws that violate human rights (d) It is not always easy to fit human-rights issues into a breaking news format (e) In most developing countries, journalists are under-resourced, lacking basic tools like computers, cameras, and transmission equipment, and finances for transport and accommodation (f) Many journalists are freelancers. They struggle to “sell” human-rights stories that are not headline news but concern ongoing problems like poor health services, lack of water, and inadequate education to editors concerned with budgets (g) In some places, the media is still controlled by the state (h) States still have the power to shut down the internet or censor online content

III. The Media’s Relationship to Human-rights Issues (a) The media is a producer of information for the general public. Reporters collect and present most of the information we receive about human rights (b) The media also carries stories that include information generated by human-rights organisations (c) The media decides what to cover and what issues or aspects of a story to highlight. By making these decisions, the media has power over what we know and do not know about human rights (d) The media also comments on issues in opinion pieces, talk shows, panel discussions, editorials, and columns. The media therefore has the power to shape public morals and public opinion about human rights

The Role that Journalists Play in Relation to Humanrights Issues Journalists have a special role to play in relation to human rights and the responsibility to report on human rights. It is worth thinking about these issues, because how the journalists deal with them will shape their approach to human-rights reporting. There are several valid answers, reflecting different viewpoints about the role of journalism in relation to human-rights reporting.

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Conception about Role of the Media in Society (a) The media is a mirror. The role of journalists is to reflect back to society what they see. This will include human-rights issues (b) Journalists have a moral obligation to promote human rights all the time and in every story. The media is a “watchdog,” whose role is to bark loudly and warn people about threats to their freedom, security, livelihoods, and culture (c) Human rights are a moral compass for good journalism. Knowing and understanding human rights will make you a better and more professional journalist (d) Journalists have a special, personal interest in human rights. Good journalism dies where human rights are weak. Therefore, journalists have a responsibility to expose abuses and raise awareness about human rights (e) Human rights are the basis of all good journalism. You cannot be a good journalist unless you incorporate human rights (f) Human rights may be newsworthy from time to time, but the real value in knowing about human rights is that they help you see new stories in old issues. Human rights provide another “hook” or angle for your story (g) The role of a journalist is to report news and issues, and therefore they do not have a duty to pay special attention to human rights. Human rights are not more special than any other topic

The Perception of Journalists Some journalists see themselves as campaigners, actively, consciously, and deliberately exposing injustices, righting wrongs, raising awareness, and influencing events. They are journalists because they want to change the world. Other journalists are closer to the “media as a mirror” position. They may also strongly believe in changing the world, but see this as an inevitable outcome of good journalism. They avoid campaigning journalism, or deliberately trying to influence events.

Selection May be Decided by Field of Work (a) A community radio or TV station with a community development mission, for example, may want you to do campaigning journalism

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about people’s rights to housing or poverty. A bridge over a local road could be framed as a “right to life” or “right to safety” issue (b) A public radio or TV station is more likely to want you to be detached in your approach and report what others say, being sure to be fair to all sides of the story (c) If you are blogging, what you write will depend on your own personal values and beliefs, and the aims of your blog (d) A commercial television or radio station might want to avoid controversy and will thus avoid campaigns that might anger advertisers

Criticisms of Human-rights Coverage in the Media Many observers note that although there is more human rights coverage in the media now than in the past, it is not all good. Some common criticisms are: (a) The media sometimes confuses issues because journalists have an inadequate understanding of human rights and what they are, how they are created, governments’ responsibilities towards them, and how they are promoted and enforced (b) By not taking account of human rights, journalists miss stories or ways of reporting issues. This affects the quality of journalism and the public’s right to information (c) When journalists cover human-rights issues, they present them as crimes or political stories rather than rights issues. They ignore the existence of international human-rights standards for domestic violence, racial discrimination, treatment of migrants, child abuse, education, health, cultural freedoms, and many other issues. This weakens the media’s “watchdog” role, because journalists do not hold their governments and other powerful institutions to account on these issues (d) Journalists present information without context or analysis. As a result, human-rights violations seem to be isolated instances or new events even when they are only the latest in the history of similar violations (e) The media itself sometimes perpetrates human-rights abuses by invading privacy, perpetuating bias and stereotypes, not calling governments to account, or deepening conflict

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Conclusion The time has come for human rights to be fully be recognised by journalists in Bangladesh, besides activists, lawyers, and academics, and every effort should be made to bring violations of human rights of all kinds in the country to an end. Bangladesh media professionals should vehemently raise their voices globally against all kinds of human-rights violations. Both the people and media in Bangladesh should urge the United Nations and international organisations to make a stand and form a clear message that all kinds of human-rights violations in the country are unacceptable and may be termed as violations of international humanrights laws.

References Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2015. “Human Rights.” http://academic.eb.com/EBchecked/topic/275840/human-rights. Government of Bangladesh. 2015. Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Printing Presses and Publication Act, 1973. —. 2012. Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Department of Films and Publications, Media listed Newspapers. —. 1860. Ministry of Law and Justice, Bangladesh Penal Code. —. 1974. Ministry of Law and Justice, Special Powers Act. —. 1923. Ministry of Law and Justice, Official Secrets Act. —. 1979. Ministry of Public Administration, Governments Service Rules. Kabir, M. Z. 2015. Human Rights in the Newsroom (forthcoming article submitted for newspaper). Media and human rights. n.d. worldpulse.com, www.worldpulse.com/pulsewire. Hasan, J. n.d. Media, Democracy and Human Rights in Bangladesh. www.biliabd.org/article%20intl/Vol-08/Jesmul%20Hasan.pdf.

CHAPTER SEVEN A DESCRIPTIVE AND ANALYTICAL STUDY OF BODO FILMS MR. RACHAN DAIMARY AND MS. ANURADHA DEY

Abstract This paper is about the origin, development, and changing trends of Bodo films. Bodo films are regional level films that express the ethos of the Bodo community in the Bodo language. The Bodo film industry is now 33 years old; however, it is perceived to have developed very little. This paper deals with the history and present status of Bodo films with regards to the human-rights issues and technical difficulties faced by the industry. It discusses the role played by Bodo films in entertainment along with motivating, promoting, and preserving Bodo culture and bringing about socio-economic development. Keeping in view the lack of proper documentation and preservation of Bodo films in Bodo history, this paper also attempts to preserve information on Bodo films and consequently Bodo culture for future generations. Keywords: Bodo film, history, development, society, human rights

Introduction Bodo1 films are made by members of the Bodo community residing in the northeastern part of India. In 1982, the first Bodo moving picture Dina was made by Amar Hazorika, an Assamese artist, musician, and filmmaker. 1

The Bodos are an ethnic and linguistic aboriginal group of the Brahmaputra valley in the northeastern part of India. They are recognised as a plain tribe in the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution.

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Dina is a short film in a regional language that depicts the culture and identity of the Bodo community. Amar Hazorika got the idea for making a Bodo film from films made by other NE communities.2 Film is considered to be a very creative and expressive form. A film is the fusion of six art forms, namely spatial arts like architecture, sculpture, painting, and temporal arts like music, poetry, and dance. In India, filmmaking started in the early part of the twentieth century, and since then has been continuously developing and achieving heights of technical excellence. Filmmaking is also an interactive phenomenon. Films reflect the social setup, but at the same time affect the society and the people emotionally and psychologically. Film is a process that reflects the society. The power of dialogue, music, and song has always captivated the minds of the audience. The first cinematographic exhibitions of the Lumière Brothers were held in Bombay on July 7, 1896. The Times of India advertised them as “the marvel of the country, the wonder of the world.” On March 22, 1895, the Lumière Brothers conducted the first successful projection of a motion picture, Workers Leaving the Lumière Factory, and later Arrival of a Train, Baby having Breakfast, and Gardener Watering the Garden. It is significant that cinema had its beginnings in India at almost the same time as in other major film-producing countries. Indeed, it came about barely six months after the first Lumière Brothers’ cinematograph projected motion picture on a screen in a Paris basement, and two years after Edison’s invention of the Kinetoscope in New York. Along with the numerous people that watched the first screenings at Bombay’s Watson Hotel with utmost fascination was a photographer named Harischandra S. Bhatvadekar (alias Save Dada). He ordered a moving picture camera from London, and when it arrived took it along to a wrestling match and filmed it (Two Wrestlers). The credit must also go to him for shooting one of the earliest Indian newsreels, Return of Wrangler Paranjpe, which recorded the triumphant welcome in December 1901. One of the pioneers of silent film in India was Dadasaheb Phalke. It is reported that he became interested when he saw the film Life of Christ at a Christmas cinema show. The idea of a similar full-length feature on the life of Lord Krishna took hold of him, and he made it his life’s ambition.

2

Northeast India has over 220 ethnic groups and an equal number of dialects. The hill states in the regions like Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Nagaland are predominantly inhabited by tribal people with a degree of diversity within their groups.

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He broke ground in 1913 with Rajah Harischandra, which was very successful. Phalke went on to make more than one hundred films, including short films and full-length feature films such as Savitri, Lanka Dahan, and Krishna Janma. The “Talkies Era” was set in motion by the film Melody of Love (1929), the first to be screened in India. The first Indian talkie Alam Ara (1931), directed by Ardeshir Irani, was released two years later. With many new hands now needed for the production of films, which was gradually developing into a small industry, the “studio system” made its appearance in Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras. In Bombay, V. Shantaram and three others set up the Prabhat film Co., and went on to roll out films at regular intervals. Shantaram himself directed most of the films. Among his outstanding films are Ayodhyacha Raja (1932), Sant Tukaram (1936), Amar Jyoti (1936), Duniya Na Mane (the Maratha version was entitled kunku), Jhanak Jhanak Payel Baje (1955), and Admi (1968). The Prabhat Film Co. later moved to Pune to a site where the Film and Television Institute of India now stands. It was not until 1954 that Satyajit Ray could raise the curtain on his career as a film director with Apu Trilogy–Pather Panchali (1954), Aparajito (1957), and Apur Sansar (1959). Ray’s documentaries include Rabindranath Tagore, a one-hour film he also narrated. During the 1950s and 1960s, Sohrab Modi and Mehboob Khan continued their filmmaking ventures with the difference that the films were all in colour. Sohrab Modi’s Jhansi ki Rani (1953) was India’s first colour feature film, but it flopped at the box office. The golden age of Indian Cinema started with Sohrab Modi’s, Raj Kapoor’s, and Guru Dutt’s contributions. Raj Kapoor acted in and directed his own films: Awara (1951), Barsaat (1949), Shri 420 (1955), Sangam (1964), and Mera Naam Joker (1970). Guru Dutt excelled in delineating a tragic mood in films like Kagaz ke Phool (1959), Baazi (1951), and Pyassa (1957). In the Assamese film industry, Joymoti was the first film made by Rupkonwar Jyoti Prasad Agarwala. Assamese film is a regional film from northeast India3 that portrays Assamese culture4 and society. Up to 2011, 3

Northeast India is connected to east India via a narrow corridor squeezed between the independent nations of Bhutan and Bangladesh. It comprises the contiguous Seven Sister States (Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Tripura), plus the Himalayan state of Sikkim. 4 The culture of Assam is traditionally a hybrid one, developed due to the cultural assimilation of different ethno-cultural groups under various politico-economic systems in different periods of history. The roots of Assamese culture go back

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333 films had been made in Assam. Some among them won national and international awards for their unique characteristics in terms of story, acting, cinematography, editing, and music. During the 1960s, these films were very popular at the box office in the state of Assam. In the Assamese film industry, Joymoti (1935) was the first film made by Jyotiprasad Agarwala. In the 1960s, the best-known filmmakers were Bhupen Hazarika, Padma Barua, Abdul Mazid, Attul Baroli, and Manoranjan Sur. Jahanu Barua and Bhabendra Nath Saikia have now put Assamese cinema on the international festival circuit. Bhabendra Nath Saikia’s major films include Sandhya Rag (1977), Kolahal (1988), and Anirban (1981), and Jahanu Barua’s major films include Aparoopa (1979), Papori (1985), and Bannai (1989). Jahanu Barua and Bhabendra Nath Saikia are in the tradition of new wave Indian cinema. They strive for an authentic portrayal of the village ethos, of the struggle of men and women against oppression and exploitation. In the book Shooting Report, Arun Lochan Das mentions various other Assamese films. Such reporting has made Assamese society interested in knowing more about its film industry. His book also mentions the growth and trends of the Assamese film industry, and the data of Assamese films are documented for the first time. Borpujari and Kalita’s book Perspectives on Cinema of Assam shows the evolution of Assamese cinema from its birth to the contemporary stage including documentaries and the growth of the industry. The book covers Assamese film history from 1935 to 2007. In the book Axomiya Solochitrar Etihakh [A History of Assamese Film], Arun Lochan Das talks about the history of Assamese film and directors such as Joyti Prasad Agarwala, Dr Bhabendra Nath Saikia, and Jahnu Barua. There are enough Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Tamil, and Assamese films to show the earlier Indian societies. But, even after 33 years, Bodo films are not properly documented, although existing documents are very helpful for studying the earlier Bodo society and exploring its changes. The book Movies and Mass Culture edited by John Belton talks about the two-way process of action and reaction by which films shape the identity of the society, its culture, and its sense of nationhood, and in turn how films are themselves shaped by these forces and matrices.

almost two-thousand years to when the first cultural assimilation took place, with Austroasiatic, Dravidian, and Tibeto-Burman peoples as the major components.

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Status of the Bodo Community Bodoland5 is an area located on the north bank of the Brahmaputra River in the state of Assam in the northeast region of India. The four districts in Assam, Kokrajhar, Baksa, Chirang, and Udalguri, fall under Bodoland. For the last 50 years, the Bodo’s have been demanding a separate state in India. The 2001 census indicates that Bodos are the largest tribal group in the northeast, and the eighth largest tribe in India with over 1.3 million people; i.e. 40% of the total tribal population of Assam, covering the widest geographical area in northeast India. Bodos are found in large numbers in the lower and middle parts of the Brahmaputra Valley, namely in the districts of Goalpara, Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Barpeta, Nalbari, Kamrup, and Darrang. A sizeable numbers of Bodos have migrated to other states such as Nagaland, Tripura, Meghalaya, and Arunachal Pradesh. The Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC)6 comprises the districts Udalguri, Baksa, Chirang, and Kokrajhar. The population of the BTC area as per the 2001 census was 29.2 lakhs, out of which the ST population constituted 52%, with 3% of the Bodo population living in urban areas. The average density of the population in BTC is 326 km2. The literacy rate of the Bodo population is only 61.3%. Agriculture is the main source of livelihood, with about 90% of the Bodos and other tribals depending upon it for their livelihood; almost 70% are landless, and over 80% live in economic poverty.

Defining the Problems The Bodo community is the largest tribal (ST) group in Assam, and at present is facing a number of problems. To preserve the culture, tradition, and uniqueness of the community, some intellectual people using the power of media, like films, books, and documentaries, have tried to portray the Bodo community, but due to a lack of awareness among the people the effect could not be realised. People belonging to this 5

Bodoland is a proposed state of India consisting of areas located in the extreme north on the north bank of the Brahmaputra River in the state of Assam, by the foothills of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh. They are inhabited predominantly by the Bodo people. 6 The BTC is a territorial privilege established in India according to the Memorandum of Settlement of February 10, 2003. It came into existence immediately after the surrender of the Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF) cadres.

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community do not realise the impact of film on the society and the reactions it can generate. The earlier Bodo films reflect the poverty of the old Bodo society. This paper attempts to analyse how, as a medium of communication, film has contributed to the society by projecting the human rights that the Bodo people enjoy.

Significance of the Study With relevance to the problems, this study will deal with the comparative evaluation of the impact of Bodo films on the Bodo society as a strong medium, and the representation of Bodo society in the films. Films exert a profound influence on society. At the same time, this study attempts to trace a conceptual relationship between society, films, and human rights that the Bodo community deserves. The changing dynamics of Bodo society have a connection to film, and the medium provides a platform for agenda making.

Objectives of the Study The main objectives of the study are given below: (1) To study the history of Bodo films (2) To study the impact of Bodo films on the society, and the society’s impact on Bodo films (3) To study the reasons behind the downfall of Bodo films (4) To study the role of films in the promotion and safeguarding of human rights

Data Collection The data collected in this study are from both primary and secondary sources. As primary sources we have taken films, interviews, and group discussions, and for secondary sources films, books, journals, newspapers, and magazines have been surveyed.

Research Methodology In this research, a qualitative method has been used and the research design is content analysis. As a qualitative method, the intensive interview, the observational method, and focus-group discussions have been used to collect the data from filmmakers, Bodo film pioneers, and

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Bodo film critics. The quantitative method has also been used to get information from different sources.

Sampling This research analyses several Bodo films made by Jwngdao Bodosa, J. P. Jaiklon, Chiraj Baglary, Chilaram Narzary, and Depak Kr. Ramchiyary which are commercially available and have played an important role in the society. Also, some specific questionnaires have been distributed to the members of the All Bodo Artistes Association at Kokrajhar and Bodoland.

Findings and Discussion The origin of Bodo films can be traced in drama, theatre, and bhaona.7 The first film Dina was made by an Assamese artist Amar Hazorika in 1982. Hazorika was from a culturally aware and participative family and was the brother of Assamese legend Dr Bhupen Hazorika. He demonstrated the filmmaking path to the Bodo community by introducing his short film Dina, which was about the black magic and superstations of Bodo society. He made another, Jiwni Simang, in 1989 in the Bodo language. After that, the pioneering Bodo filmmaker Jwngdao Bodosa came with his innovative ideas to reflect the Bodo community. He was born on July 13, 1959 in Bhergami, Udalguri district, Bodosa, and was the son of the late Radhika Ranjan Brahma and Harani Brahma. He completed his schooling in Kokrajhar and took higher secondary at Shillong. After completing his one-year course in mass communication in Mumbai in 1982, he enrolled in the Pune-based Film & Television Institute of India (FTII) and specialised in film direction. His first feature film, and the first Bodo feature film, was Alayaron [The Dawn]. Prior to its release in 1986, people had no idea what “feature film” meant, and when the movie won the Rajat Kamal award in 1986 Bodosa became a household name. In the last two decades, Bodosa has not only earned a name for himself as a successful producer and director but also made a mark as a choreographer and scriptwriter. Alayaron is considered to be the most popular Bodo film of all time and can be considered as the founding pillar of the Bodo film industry. The success of Alayaron was followed by hits like Khwmsi Lama (1991), 7

Bhaona is a traditional form of entertainment, always with a religious message, prevalent is Assam. The history of Assamese drama begins with the plays of Mahapurusha Srimanta Sankardeva (1449–1568), written in the early sixteenth century.

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Hagramayao Jinahari (1996), Gwdan Muga (2001), and Golden Cocoon, the shooting of which started in 2005, but because of technical problems has yet to be released. Alayaron was made during Bodosa’s time at the FTII, with shooting starting on March 13, 1984. The scriptwriters were Nilkamal Brahma and Hirimba Narzary, while Mahani Mohan Brahma was the music director. This film was produced by the Bodosa Film Production company. Rameswar Brahma and Mahendra Musahary encouraged Bodosa to bring the film into society. The film was shot with a 16mm camera, and the first sequence, “Hadanaw Thangnai,” was shot at Kokrajhar. Alayaron reflects Bodo society from 1982 to 1986, and we come to know that during that period the Bodo people were very poor and faced several domestic problems. Hagramayao Jinahari [Rape in the Virgin Forest] was released in 1995 and was named the best feature film on the environment in 1996. It was the first Bodo film selected for the Indian Panorama (1996). It was Bodosa’s third successful movie, and brought him huge popularity. The theme of the film is the impact of society on the environment. The film Basiram Jwhwlao was made to preserve the Bodo history of Birjwhwlao [“Hero”] Basiram and Dawharam. It tells the story of the Thaikhang Doba village near the border with Bhutan, and Basiram Jwhwlao is the son of Thobsa and Maidangshree. In ancient days, the Bodo people did not have a permanent settlement and lived by the riverbanks, hillsides, and forest areas in small groups. In that time, the rulers of Bhutan collected tax from those living at the border with the kingdom. If the tax was not given in time the soldiers of Bhutan destroyed their property and threatened their lives. Basiram Jwhwlao stood up against the Bhutan rule over and domination of the Bodo people, and demanded freedom from the atrocious rule. The story was written by Renu Boro, directed by J. P. Jaiklon, and produced by Sodomshri Harimu Afat, Barama from Assam. To complete the shooting, the largest organisation in the Bodo community, Bodo Sahitya Sabha, contributed hugely. This film was about individual freedom and the freedom of culture, tradition, and custom, showing how the ancestors lived and fought for their human rights. Gwdan Muga [The New Era] was about the unemployment of Bodo youths and was directed by Bodosa in 2001. In this film, Jaikhlong, a thirty-year-old man from a small town, aims to set up a readymade garments unit, producing modern costumes out of ethnic Bodo fabrics. Because of this, there are frequent arguments between him and his mother, who is strongly against his plans. She argues that there is no security in this business, and there are few Bodos who successfully run their own business. Also considering their poor economic condition, the business

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activity is not fit for him at all; instead, a government job will provide him with lifelong security. Jaikhlong, with genuine desire and confidence, determines to go ahead with his venture. He thinks that the survival of a traditional weaver depends on adaptability coupled with creativity in this changing time. If his pioneering venture succeeds then a new opportunity and market will open up. This will also inspire other entrepreneurs, generating a new economic level and employment opportunities for the thousands of skilled weavers among the Bodo community. This film reflects the problem of unemployment that the new generation is facing, encouraging youths to bring forward new ideas in society by introducing their cultures and traditions for economic growth. Today, the Indian culture is in a hybrid state. It is very difficult to judge which is the cultural identity of a particular community. Besides this, the northeastern culture is more complicated because of the presence of many tribal communities, of which most of the cultures are similar and inter-related. In the Bodo community, most of the film shows the community emotions and reflects the misery of the people about their lives. However, some of the memorable films of the first decade left indelible marks. A list of Bodo films follows in Table 7.1 below. Table 7.1. List of Bodo films made in India 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

ABBO (1995) ALAISHRI ALAIYARON ASHA BAHER (1994) BASHIRAM JWHWLAO (1995) BATHOU (1987) BENETHO SONGSAR (2002) BORAD DAHAL (1998) DAINA (1984) DUPHANG NI SOLO (1997) ENNAI NI FAANJARI (1995) GOLAI MWNDWR GUMUR GWDAN LAMA (2001) GWDAN MUGGA (2001) GWJA GWTHANG GWMW

R. R. Productions B. H. A. Productions B. H. A. Productions S. H. A. Productions M. D. Productions G. F. productions B. P. L. Productions -

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19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

GWRBWNI MIZING (1993) GWRWNTHINI UNAO (2004) HABILA HABILASA MWNSE MIZING (1997) HASTAINAI GWSW (2000) HUNGMA JARIMINNI KHONKHAR JUI NI SIMANG (1987) KAMSI LAMA (1991) KITHER NI OR MOHOR MWJWMSW ONNAI (1998) MWKTHANGWR HAJW NI KWNAIYI SOLO NWNGNI TAKAI ANGNI JWNWM ONNAI MWJANG MWNNAI (1999) ONNAI NI RADAY (1991) RAIKATI HAGRAMAYAO JINAHARI (1994) SAYARAM GAJOULA SONGALEE SWRANGNI LAMA (2000) TAXI DRIVER THUUGGENAY DARA (2001) UDHKARI (2001)

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M. D. productions G. F. Productions M. D. productions M. D. Productions M. D. productions M. D. Productions M.D Productions B. F. C. productions M. D. Productions M. D. productions B. F. Productions G. F Productions A. S. F Productions M. D. Productions -

Downfall of Bodo Films Most of the Bodo filmmakers are not professionally trained. The area of marketing and economic status is also very poor because of weak technicalities. There are no cinema halls in which to watch films. The Rangali and Gangar cinema hall is in Kokrajhar, but cannot show digital films. The present Bodo filmmakers are using Z70, Z1, 177, Z5, and DSLR cameras, which are of low quality by current standards. The lack of return of investment is also a big problem among Bodo filmmakers. With the coming of VCD culture and the lack of big-budget movies, small-scale VCD movies were produced mainly by unprofessional people, which resulted in the poor quality and degradation in the status of the art form. There is no governmental Bodo Film development organisation to support filmmaking.

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Conclusion This paper is a first attempt to discuss the historical data related to Bodo films and Bodo society. The journey of Bodo film is still at its infant stage, even after 33 years. It is found that the real situation of the community is reflected on the screen, and the medium concerns many symbolic Bodo Jarimin [histories]. One more thing is that the community is very poor in every way, compared to others. Poverty is a situation that gives rise to a feeling of discrepancy between what one has and what one “should have.” What one should have is an internal construct; hence, the feelings of “powerlessness” and “resourcelessness” are possessed by all poor people.5 In this regard, the film is helping the society to attain the rights of humanity indirectly.

References Das, A. L. (ed.) 2010. Axomiya solochitrar Etihakh (A History of Assamese Films). Guwahati: Sishu Sashi Prakashan. Ahuja, R. 2012. Social Problems In India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Belton, J. 1995. Movies & Mass Culture. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. Barnouw, E. and S. Krishnaswamy. 1986. Indian Film. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Borpujari, M., and D. G. Kalita. Perspectives on Cinema of Assam. Guwahati: Gauhati Cine Club. Chakroborty, S. 1996. National Identity in Indian Popular Cinema (1947– 1987). Bombay: Oxford University Press. Das, A. L. 2012. Shooting Report. Nai Sarak. Delhi: Sishu Sashi Prakashan. Dasgupta , Chidananda. 1991. The Painted Face: India's Popular Cinema. New Delhi: Roli Books. —. 1997. “Talking about Films.” Bombay: Orient Longman Publications. Dissanayake, Wimal and Sahai Malti. 1988. Raj Kapoor's Films: Harmony of Discourse. New Delhi: Vikas, 1988. Garga, B. D. 1996. So Many Cinemas: The Motion Picture in India. Bombay: Eminence Design Pvt. Ltd. Karanjia, B. K. 1986. A Many Splendoured Cinema. Bombay: New Thacker's Fine Arts Press Pvt. Ltd. Kothari, C. R. 2014. Research Methodology: Methods and Techniques. New Delhi: New Age.

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Kumar, G. D. 2012. “Assamese Cinema of India: Birth, Development and Role & Trend.” The Clarion 1 (2): 221–31. Kumar, K. J. 2009. Mass Communication in India. Mumbai: Jaico Publishing House. Nath, M. K. 2003. “Bodo Insurgency in Assam: New Accord and New Problems.” Strategic Analysis 27 (4): 533–45.

CHAPTER EIGHT COMMUNICATION EFFICACY OF THE NHRC IN CREATING AWARENESS ABOUT HUMAN RIGHTS (STUDY BASED ON A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THE NHRC WEB SITE) MR. RAJEEV KUMAR PANDA, PROF. (DR.) G.P. PANDEY AND DR. CHANDRA SHEKHAR PANDEY

Abstract Human Rights protection, preservation, and promotion have been matters of concern globally. India has achieved a lot in this regard, but some instances related to children’s rights and crimes against women are still matters of concern for policymakers. Although the National Human Rights Commission was set up to look after human rights issues, with a welldefined role and jurisdiction, instances related to human rights are taking place frequently. In India, states even have their own bodies related to human rights, but crimes against women, child trafficking, and child and women abuse are still reported. This means that people are either apathetic towards this issue or they don't have much awareness. This research paper is an attempt to analyse the communication efficacy of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) used for the promotion, preservation, and protection of human rights. For the purpose of study, the NHRC website is analysed. This content analysis will cover both qualitative and quantitative aspects of communication in terms of the NHRC website and its placement, hyperlinks, audio, video, navigational options, layout, and colours. In a country like India, such a study is of great significance as it will not only provide valuable inputs for further research but will also help web developers and policymakers in the identification of various

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communication barriers on the website. This may further increase its communication efficacy. Keywords: Naxalites, NHRC, website, communication efficacy, human rights

Introduction Communication has to be effective—only then can its various objectives be achieved. This is as true as the fact that the sun rises in the east. The present study considers the web communications of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) where the prime focus has been given to the efficacy of communication. Marshall McLuhan has very rightly pointed out that the medium is the message. If the message is not well planned or is suitable for the decoding ability of the receiver, and if the medium has certain technical barriers as in the case of new media, neither the medium nor the message is capable of communicating. Thus, the onus of successful communication rests on the planning of communication, which ensures efficacy in the process. Human rights protection, preservation, and spread can be achieved only through effective communication. In India, the NHRC has its own website and the state charters of the NHRC also own their websites, but still awareness related to human rights is quite low. Our own media has, from time to time, reported incidents like lynching, rape, molestation, assault of women, and child abuse. This means that the communication is not effective enough or the medium used for the preservation, protection, and awareness is not effective enough. In both instances, somewhere, somehow, communications related to human rights are being restricted. A general enquiry of the efficacy of communication gives the impression that the major hurdle is the lack of digital literacy among the users. Then, the question of why policymakers have chosen digital media for the preservation, conservation, and awareness of human rights arises. Some researchers have pointed out the low literacy rate as one of the major causes behind low exposure. If this is the case then this research paper asks of policymakers why products like Dettol or Cadburys are entering into markets where literacy rates are too low, and yet they have the convincing support of the consumer. Through this argument, the researcher tries to point out that the literacy rate control cannot be a hurdle in the communication process because India is a country where people have preserved words of wisdom and passed them on to the next generations, even though literacy has been negligible. The present study is

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an attempt to understand the communication strategy of the NHRC in protecting, preserving, and spreading awareness about human rights. For the purpose of the study, a content analysis of the NHRC website is made. While analysing the content, important elements of effective website communication are taken care of, like navigational space, language, links, placement, hyperlinks, audio, video, layout, colours, and interactive options. This will reveal the facts related to communication planning and communication dissemination through the website.

The Need for this Study Human Rights is an issue being discussed globally. Every responsible state wants to protect its human rights at any cost. But, in the recent past, it has been observed that some states or state-sponsored groups have deprived the citizen from exercising their rights, and this has brought about many questions. Even in a country like India, it has been reported by many media channels that various groups like the Naxalites and religious outfits are violating human rights. Thus, the present study may provide valuable input for the policymakers and communication planners in designing effective communication through digital media. Thus, it has great significance as far as the protection of human rights is concerned.

Objective of the Study x To discover the use of the NHRC website for creating awareness about human rights in India x To discover the elements of social media campaigning designed for a pan-India campaign x To assess the message reach and the effectiveness of the communication

Methodology For the purpose of this study, the website of the NHRC will be analysed. This content analysis will cover qualitative and quantitative aspects of communication in terms of the NHRC website and its placement, hyperlinks, audio, video, navigational options, layout, and colours. The study is based on observations made over 15 days from February 26, 2015 to March 12, 2015. This period was selected because International Women’s Day is celebrated every year on March 8. The UN theme for

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International Women's Day 2015 was “Empowering Women, Empowering Humanity: Picture it!”

Origin and Development of Human Rights in India The Buddhist doctrine of non-violence in deed and thought is a humanitarian doctrine par excellence, dating back to the third century BC. Jainism contained similar doctrines. According to the Gita (Singh 1986), “he who has no ill will to any being, who is friendly and compassionate, who is free from egoism and self sense and who is even-minded in pain and pleasure and patient is dear to God.” It also says that divinity in humans is represented by the virtues of non-violence, truth, freedom from anger, renunciation, aversion to fault-finding, compassion for living beings, freedom from covetousness, gentleness, modesty, and steadiness— the qualities that a good human being ought to have (Radhakrishnan 1958). The historical account of ancient Bharat proves beyond doubt that human rights were as much manifest in the ancient Hindu and Islamic civilisations as in the European Christian civilisations. Ashoka, the prophet Mohammed, and Akbar cannot be excluded from the genealogy of human rights (Tyagi 1981).

About the National Human Rights Commission of India (NHRC) The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is an autonomous statutory body established in 1993 according to the provisions of the Protection of Human Rights Act. The commission is composed of a chairperson and six members. The chairperson is the chief justice of the Supreme Court. Presently, Justice Shri. K. G. Balakrishnan, Chief Justice of India, is the chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission of India. The purpose of the NHRC is, suo moto or through the petition of a person, to investigate the violation of human rights, or the failures of the state or others to prevent a human-rights violation. The commission can visit state institutions where people are detained, such as prisons, to examine their conditions and make sure they are in compliance with human-rights provisions. They can also examine any law or constitutional provisions to ensure that the guardians of the law protect human rights. They are to advise the state on measures to prevent terrorism and related violations as well as on how to effectively implement the provisions of human-rights treaties. The commissions may also take on research about

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human rights, create awareness campaigns through various mediums, and encourage the work of NGOs The NHRC has been accredited with "A status" by the International Coordinating Committee (the ICC) of National Human Rights Institutions, indicating that it is in conformity with the Paris Principles—a broad set of principles agreed upon by a conference of experts on the promotion and protection of human rights in Paris in October 1991, and subsequently endorsed by the UN General Assembly. The commission is thus entitled to participate in the ICC of National Human Rights Institutions and its regional sub-group, the Asia Pacific Forum, and may take part in certain sessions of the UN human-rights committees.

The NHRC Website: an Overview “E-governance is a strong tool for ensuring corruption-free administration,” said the former President of India A. P. J. Abdul Kalam. www.nhrc.nic.in is the web portal of the NHRC, and is an effort to ensure corruption-free and fair access to information. The web portal is a reflection of India’s development story in the field of information technology, and an expression of its concern for the protection, preservation, and promotion of human rights. The portal deals with every sphere of the human rights protection act detailing all-important laws related to human rights, measures to check violations through registering complaints online, and updating the status of the complaints. The website is a gateway to India’s Human Rights Act, 1993. The Human Rights are given in detail on the website along with details about the National Human Rights Commission and its composition, detailing many of its declarations on human rights, including new declarations on children’s and women’s rights. The website also carries a rich source of information for government officials in dealing with various human rights issues. The website is a complete encyclopaedia of human-rights related issues, with articles, research studies, and projects, along with important guidelines and statements made by human-rights advocates in its various conventions. Like any other government website in India, it has all the general information needed to run effectively. It has important links to various legislations of the constitution, like the Right to Information Act, 2005, and other mandatory sections for effective website communication. The NHRC provides four links: Home, Complaints, Gallery, and Contact, along with left and right panel links (see Fig. 8.1 below).5 5

www.nhrc.nic.in.

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The Home section carries all the important information related to the Human Rights Act and all other details discussed above, while the Complaints section is the most important component of the website, wherein a user can register a complaint on human-rights violations and check its status. The Gallery section is a multimedia approach towards depicting the story of organisational information. The Contact section provides contact information about the nodal and presiding officers in the organisation. In short, the NHRC’s website is a complete and great initiative for the universal access to human-rights information for all citizens of the country.

Attributes of an Effective Website Based on the secondary literature,6 7 8 the following parameters have been found to be key elements for effective website communication. The attributes discussed here enhance the communication efficacy of a website. (1) Content (2) Website usability (3) Responsive design (smartphones and tablets) (4) Feedback

Appearance For effective communication, a website must be visually appealing. The appearance of a website plays an important role in creating a positive impression about the organisation. It attracts viewer’s attention and creates interest in focussing on the message. (a) Layout: the arrangement of elements on a page. Layout is extremely important in making the site user-friendly, functional, and attractive for viewers to make them stay. If the layout is not correctly understood, there is a probability that the communication efficacy may be lost. The success of a layout depends on the arrangement of all the elements with respect to balance, proportion, sequence, emphasis, and unity of all cohesive elements 6

http://www.spritzweb.com/resources/good-website-characteristics.html. http://www.successdesigns.net/articles/entry/characteristics-of-a-good-website. 8 http://blog.digitalinsights.in/important-statistics-digital-and-social-media-usersin-india/05224987.html. 7

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Fig. 8.1. Appearance-layout, navigational design, colour, text, and use of multimedia (graphics, audio-visual elements) on the NHRC website

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(b) Navigational Design: this refers to the extent to which a system is helpful for users’ moving around the site. To maintain the communication efficacy of a website, navigation should not be complicated. It should be easy to identify and user friendly (c) Colour: this is an important element for a web portal. A poor choice of colour may ruin the whole design. The text colour must contrast well with the background. Colours should be chosen in such a manner that users can easily distinguish between the link they have already viewed and those they have not (d) Text: to maintain the communication efficacy, text must be easy to read. An easy-to-read combination is black text on a white background, but many other combinations are acceptable if the contrast is within an appropriate range. Several attributes like bold, italic, underline, and blinking can be added to the text (e) Use of Multimedia: videos, images, and animation help to improve the visual aspect and the communication efficacy of a website. They give users a more pleasant experience, thus keeping them on the site for longer

Content Content provides information to the viewers. Content is the single most important thing for a website for better communication efficacy. Content must educate, entertain, inform, persuade, and widen visitors' horizons.

Website Usability Usability is a quality element that assesses how easy a user interface is to use. It enhances the communication efficacy of a website. To communicate effectively through a website, usability is necessary. If a website is difficult to use, people lose interest and leave. It is necessary to clearly state what an organisation offers and what users can do on the website.

Responsive Website Responsive Website Design is a technique that allows a website to adapt to the size of the screen it’s being viewed on. Smartphones and tablets have revolutionised the scenario of the digital divide. Many users view the internet on smartphones/tablets. Someone opening a website on a smartphone/tablet will be shown the same site as the person opening it on

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their laptop, while viewing it with a minimum of resizing, panning, and scrolling.

Feedback Feedback enables organisations to put an effective suggestion box on their website. Interactivity enhances the communication efficacy of a website. Nowadays, because of the expansion of digital media and technology, organisations can have online chats or real-time feedback for a better performance.

Content Analysis of the NHRC Website: A Qualitative Approach For the analysis of content, www.nhrc.nic.in was selected as it has national importance and serves the average viewer who wants to know anything related to human rights in India as well as around the world. The analysis is based on attributes as mentioned earlier, related to the secondary literature. They are: appearance-layout, navigational design colour, text, use of multimedia (graphics, audio-visual elements), content, usability, responsiveness (smartphones and tablets), and feedback. Considering the attributes of an effective website communication, many observations have been made in analysing the NHRC website for effective communication. The appearance of the website is not attractive enough to retain visitors as it lacks a proper layout design. Though the website is a complete encyclopaedia of information, too much information has created information overload. The photograph’s aspect ratio used in the top banner is not displayed properly and the text is merged with the background, making it not stand out properly. The use of multimedia, such as videos and images, gives visitors a more pleasant experience, thus keeping them on the website for a longer period. On the NHRC website, the photographs were last updated in December 2014. It is also found that the website is not responsive in design when opening on a smartphone or tablet, thus compromising its communication efficacy and widening the gap of the digital divide. Interactivity enhances the communication efficacy of a website. Feedback is an integral part of effective communication. Feedback is essential in all communications as it indicates the successful transmission of the message. On the NHRC website there is no option for instant feedback, queries, or opinions.

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Content Analysis of NHRC Website: A Quantitative Approach For the purpose of the study, each element of the website was observed and quantified. Below are the details of observations made for 15 days on the website, from February 26, 2015 to March 12, 2015. Table 8.1. Content Analysis of the NHRC Website S. No. 1 2. 3 4 5 6

Description of content on website Daily update of news Daily update of views on social media NHRC news coverage in newspaper Change of colour Comments on posts Use of multimedia

Average update on daily basis for a period of 15 days 2 0 7 0 0 0

Table 8.1 shows the content on the website and its average updating pattern on a daily basis. It has been observed that many variables important for communication remained un-updated, and hence poor results have been obtained. The following observations have been made: (a) On an average basis, the NHRC updates its website once a day. This is a nice attempt as anyone who wants to have access to the latest information will find something new on the website daily. Despite the daily updates, it has been observed that the information presented is old, and hence even regular updates may not encourage visitors to stay on the website (b) On the NHRC website there is no link to its social media accounts, such as Facebook, Twitter, or YouTube. Every organisation tries to promote themselves through social media. Even in countries such as Australia and Spain, the human rights communication websites provide links to their social media accounts for creating awareness about human rights protection, preservation, and promotion among the masses (c) On average, the NHRC provides daily news coverage from print media on its website. Such coverage is a good sign and shows the

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thrust of print media towards the protection, preservation, and promotion of human rights (d) The NHRC website is rigid in its layout and colour selection. It has been observed that other websites also communicate with colours and navigational options, but the NHRC has never changed its colours and navigational options, giving a monotonous look to the website. Despite having interesting and relevant information, the website does not attract interest and attention (e) There is no interactive option for feedback on the website of the NHRC. Thus, it is suggested that the site must have a section for visitors’ contributions wherein they may leave comments, upload videos and pictures, share and discuss information and views, etc. (f) Visual communication is the essence of web communication. No user wants to read only text on the website. On the NHRC website there was no multimedia update during the observation period. Thus, it is suggested that the use of multimedia, including photographs and audio-visual items, must be increased to catch the eye of visitors. Videos are becoming a good option to communicate effectively and aptly. It is high time the NHRC website used multimedia for the more-effective communication of human rights

Conclusion It has been observed that a lot of government-supported communication has a very low receptive value, and the reason stated by strategists for this is a low education level. If this is the case then why have various known brands encroached even rural markets? Here, they are convincingly communicating about themselves to an audience. Thus, it is evident that the problem is not due to the low exposure level of the audience; the problem persists due to the ineffective formulation of communication. These are a few important areas that people need to consider before planning and executing a communications strategy. Websites are a new medium of communication, and can provide a global platform for local incidents. Thus, communication through websites must be strategic and well planned. Human rights will not be protected by web communication, but they could be adequately disseminated not only within the country but also to the world community. www.nhrc.nic.in has tremendous scope for improvement. It could feature more videos, audio files, and graphics so that the younger generation will stay and get to know the human-rights scenario of the country. Policymakers and communication planners must think about the use of the multimedia platform, as with the

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use of multimedia this will help them to communicate their thoughts more effectively. Through innovative use and audience participation, this website can communicate to the entire world that we believe in “Vasudhaiv Kutumbkam.” Hence, serious thought and the restructuring of the communications strategy are urgent requirements for the NHRC website.

References “ABC of Teaching Human Rights.” Practical Activities for Primary and Secondary Schools. 1992. Arora, G. L. 1995. “Child Centred Education for Learning without Burdens.” Gurgaon (Haryana), Krishna Publishing Company, 423 (7): 137–59. “Basic Documents on Human Rights” 1992. 10th Bornlie. Oxford: Q. C. Clarendon Press. Basu, D. D. 1994. Human Rights in Constitutional Law. New Delhi: Prentice Hall. Child Labor and Resource Mobilisation workshop report. 1994. Madurai, Tamil Nadu: DcNobili Pastoral Centre. Child Line India. n.d. http://www.childlineindia.org.in/national-humanrights-commission.htm. Devika, Paul and Z. A. Nizami. 1999. Human Rights in the Third World Countries. Delhi: Kirs publications. Dixon, M. and R. McCorquodale. 1995. International Law. New Delhi: Lawman (India) Private Ltd. Edward, Lanson. 1991. Encyclopaedia of Human Rights. London: Taylor and Francis. McGoldrick, D. 1991. Human Rights: Its Role in the Development of International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press. "International Law." 1980. Seminar on Human Rights. Allahabad: International Law Association, Allahabad Centre. National Human Rights Commission. 1994–5. Annual Report. New Delhi. Radhakrishnan, S. (trans.). 1958. The Bhagavadgita. London: George Allen and Unwin. Sills, D. L. (ed.). 1968. International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences vol. 6. New York: Macmillian. Singh, N. 1981. Human Rights and the Future of Mankind. Delhi: Vanity Books. —. 1986. Enforcement of Human Rights. Calcutta: Eastern Law House.

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Subramanian, S. 1997. Human Rights: International Challenges, Vol. I. New Delhi: Manas Publications. Tyagi, Yogesh K. 1981. “Third World Response to Human Rights.” Indian Journal of International Law.

CHAPTER NINE FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN DIGITAL DIPLOMACY MR. RAJENDRA MAN BANEPALI, PROF. DR. SUBARNA SHAKYA AND PROF. DR. GAJENDRA SHARMA

Abstract People living with or without digital technology have been pushed to enter a first-hand interface leveraging the extensive power of digital technology, pushing the conventional approach of social conversation and remapping actors in terms of negotiating power in social dialogue. Emerging technology has introduced a new way of expression—freedom of expression—and a voice to be heard. Reporting news by anyone or anonymously is an example of freedom of expression leveraged by digital technology; for example, text as an expression in social media. This study explores how digital technology—text, voice, and visual transmission— has challenged the underlying assumptions and distribution of actors not only at the local level but also in international relations, especially observing the freedom of expression as a fundamental right of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations, and structural changes in media houses and responders to meet communication compliances framed within the Media Richness Theory. Information legitimacy and the authorisation mechanism are upcoming challenges in new structural changes. The freedom of expression, structural changes in the media, and information legitimacy should also be viewed through a technical lens, respecting fundamental human rights. Keywords: freedom of expression, digital conversation, structural change in media, digital diplomacy

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Freedom of Expression in Digital Diplomacy Liberty and equality became two major elements of neoliberalism as part of the contemporary debate immediately after the end of the Second World War, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) resolution was adopted in 1948 by the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) (Holsti and UDHR 1948). Liberty and equality have been clearly reflected in the UN and UDHR. The UN has 193 member states.1 Most have ratified the declaration and some have localised it according to their natural settings. The UDHR particularly ensures fundamental rights and freedom without any prejudice and distinction or any form of discrimination. It states that, “Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty” (UN and UDHR, Article 2, 1948). Such freedom of expression is not limited to digital technology, which has crossed the boundaries of the corporate sector, governments, and international organisations, reaching individuals, families, and societies (Bernatowicz and Iwanski 2002). First-hand information is the prominent reason dragging people, especially the young and professionals, towards digital technology and its applications as a platform for having conversations and exchanging ideas. Digital media distinguishes new media, introducing the active participation of the recipient, featuring a vigorous two-way communication and demanding new structural changes in the media. The technology has translated the fashion of broadcasting news into an active collaboration with the recipient. The collaboration has come with new channels and actors followed by new assumption of the challenges; for example, an adult over 45 is excluded and encounters difficulties in migrating to the new media (Bernatowicz and Iwanski 2002). Contemporary digital technology has reached new heights among the youth in society in such a way that they have translated their culture of conversation to a new form of transmission of expression. They have shifted onto a new platform of expression, which sometimes makes for a hyper-reality, for example that created by Facebook. Digital technology 1 The United Nations has 193 member states, the latest being South Sudan (www.un.org\en 2015).

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has leveraged people’s freedom to express (Davis 2009). New digital media encompass all aspects of the social lives of the youths, respecting freedoms of expression (Davis 2009; UDHR 1948). Young people create personal profiles on social network sites like WhatsApp and Facebook, use their cell phones to talk and text at a dizzying pace throughout the day, uploading homemade videos to sites like YouTube. These activities have caught the attention of many adults, including parents, educators, and researchers, who wonder if today’s young people are developing differently to “pre-digital” generations. Identifying the ways in which the youth use new media to express and understand themselves and fulfil their roles as family members, friends, and romantic partners constitutes one of the major areas of research. Researchers argue that the new media activities of the youth satisfy typical developmental and social needs. At the same time, researchers suggest that these activities may be shaping new conceptions of selfhood, family, and peer relationships, making new ways of constructing identity (Davis 2009, 1–5). Digital media is embedded in our lives. The boundary of professional and formal practice, academia, and the government is not a limitation for digital media. Diverse groups, especially youths, have taken the media for peer activities. The new generation has grown up with a new way of identity in the era of the digital world, where the technology is part of the taken-for-granted fabric of social conversation, creating a cloud-mobile and social media identity that has pushed them to learn new social and communication skills and new norms, enabling them to regulate their relationships (Buckingham 2008, vii–7). There is always a question about identity, whether it is a new social reality or a hyper-reality created by digital technology among youths, but there is no doubt that it is influencing social issues and aspects of social relations. Mobile devices with digital data have empowered youths to express their feelings in different ways, using different platforms that might still be taboo for their parents (Stald 2008, 143). Video and text media like YouTube and Facebook have huge numbers of users, hanging around and expressing their own views and feelings with the public (family, friends, and those they don’t know). Expression in text is very popular on Twitter and Facebook, since people like to express their feelings in their own language (Bernatowicz and Iwanski 2012). Digital technology has been prominently facilitating various ways for democratic expression on a digital public platform. Traditional media— print—has created a new phase of digital broadcasting media to encapsulate the internet, social media, and a variety of mobile platforms. In this way, digital media has a prominent footprint in various sectors; for

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example, formal media, political campaigning, governance, and international affairs introducing digital diplomacy (European Commission 2012). Most people born after 1980 spend a lot of time using digital media to get information, and only sometimes use television and newspapers. New forms of conversation using mobile phones are forcing people to dump landlines, and they are not bound by the schedules set by broadcasting media for watching movies, news, and TV shows since they can get the content online anytime and for free (Clark and Aufderheide 2009).

Online Survey The Minister for the Cabinet Office of the Government of the United Kingdom forwarded social-media guidelines for civil servants in 2004. The guidelines promoted social media as a public platform to enhance information accessibility and meet public expectations of getting public service information. The government believes that digital technology enhances the coverage of activities across the country with the public promoting what they do, drawing up new ideas, and entering into peaceful dialogues to refurbish public service in a convenient way in the future. Posting something is permanent and very hard to remove, so accuracy, doubtlessness, adhering to the Civil Service Code, and common sense—as greater responsibilities under more scrutiny than ever before—are points mentioned in the guidelines for posting on social media. Engaging with the public through the dedicated online identity of the government is one of the challenging tasks, involving query handling from the public and redirecting them to the appropriate channels of the government. The free expression of the public might sometimes encourage personal perceptions, but a way of dealing with the expression of the public should be considered, as cited in the Civil Service code of the guidelines (Government of UK 2004). The Ministry of Railways, India, has been prominent in making its online presence, tweeting statements and information to the public, and has a significant amount of followers at 238k (Twitter. Ministry of Railways, India 2015). The engagement of the executive of state Narendra Modi in tweeting about the railways, entering into a dialogue of the railways roadmap for economic discourse with a philosophical vision of paradigm shifting, adds a new practice of breaking news to the public in a wide forum (Twitter. Ministry of Railways, India 2015; Twitter. Narendra Modi 2015). The Prime Minister of India, Mr. Narendra Modi, having significant followers of 10.5 million, has tweeted more than seventhousand statements, which are retweeted at least one-thousand times along with thousands of others marking them as “favourite items” in their

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online conversation. Some tweets try to build stronger-than-ever foreign affairs by giving graceful greetings to foreign ministers in line with digital diplomacy (Twitter. Narendra Modi 2015). Prominent actors like Mr. Narendra Modi and the President of America Barack Obama have prominent visibility on social media with increasing numbers of followers. Obama’s official account has shown engagement with a variety of issues, for example: political diplomacy, international relations, governance, and social welfare. The extensive promotion of a healthcare plan for middleclass citizens and an economic agenda are not first-hand postings on the online account. The account has also gone through the expression of security issues of the middle-class family and economics dynamics using a visual and text post that was retweeted 1.5 thousand times and was favourited 3.4 thousand times (Twitter. Barack Obama 2015). In such a way, social media has been a channel for broadcasting news, and the international community, such as the UN, has entered into the digital diplomacy to plot what they do and draw on ideas like the Post MDG Global Survey and other activities (Twitter. United Nations 2015). Likewise, realising the rapid growth of the use of the internet and the significant role of social media, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Navanethem Pillay made the theme of “Social Media and Human Rights” prominent on Human Rights Day 2011 (Liu and Kim 2012). These conversations, using varieties of communication media, can be observed through different lenses in terms of information richness and the ability of information to change understanding within a time interval. Varieties of digital media—text, voice, and video—can be considered as decoding the message for the receiver. The Media Richness Theory conveys the effectiveness of means of conversation to decode the message (Richard and Robert 1984). Discovering how digital technology is breaking conventional channels of the media approach, introducing new actors with various attributes challenging social conversation in new forms, is the main purpose of this study, which reveals facts about the transformation and structural changes in actors involved in conversations. There is one research question concerning the degree of legitimacy and authentication of statements or information in digital conversations among the public, governments, and international agencies.

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Research Design Fig. 9.1. Consequences of a conversation actualised by digital technology

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Methodology In terms of the philosophical viewpoint, this research paradigm has been blunt towards de-constructivism—a notion of postmodernism and a form of semiotic analysis—which analyses the interpretation of text, video, and voice, and looks beyond the specific interpretation, establishing underling conventions and identifying significant differences and oppositions in an attempt to model the system of categories, relations, connotations, and distinctions (Derrida 1988; Chandle 1994). Netnography—used for the investigation of the free behaviour of the individual on the internet—is an extension of Ethnography. The netnography approach has significant methods to identify the output for this research, employing naturalistic and computer-mediated communication. An online survey has been conducted for a case study of individuals, institutions, governments, and international agencies.

Results Human Herd: People are hungry for freedom. Content in social media, including video or audio for freedom of expression, is nowadays a reflection of a visible synchronisation with digital technology. It is creating a hyper-reality2 of people. Most people gather in digital technology like social media for expression and set out for their tangible world, whereas there are significant amounts of people who just play the role of observers. Hyper-reality is generating a human herd in social media for freedom of expression. New Social Digital Identity: Digital technology has translated the identities of most people, especially youths, who are involved in digital conversations with people around the world, into social digital identities. Increasing engagement in digital conversation among youths and the clout of digital technology aligning social sentiment are of highly increasing importance of the new identity, and are investing their time for the integrity of their social digital identities, such as Facebook profiles, blogs, etc. A conversation among youths is highly influenced by the social digital identity they use, as in real life. Such a human herd with social digital identity is luring the increasing involvement of the new official digital identities of institutions from the government and international community over the internet for their digital diplomacy, entering into digital 2

Hyper-reality is a scene, constructed by digital technology, which is almost actualised by the formation of the psychological construction of one reality.

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conversation with new cultural expressions, for example, using hashtags, short messages with links for more-detailed information, likes, and empowering people to feed personal expression regarding dialogue. Sometimes, it seems that the lives of governments or international communities are entering into continuous conversations across the world, for example the continuous engagement of Barack Obama, dealing with national and international affairs, and Prime Minister Modi on Twitter. Self-Agent of Media (MeAgenFie3): Digital technology is breaking down the conventional assumptions of media actors and the structural point of view. New social digital identities over the internet are adhering to their own broadcasting channels, entering into digital human herds. Ways of using conventional print media for individual press releases or press conferences are shifting to new dimensions using social media in text, video, and audio; for example, the United Nations Department of Political Affairs and many UN missions around the world, along with the ever greater number of government officials active on Twitter, are breaking diplomatic news nowadays, staking a distinct claim in the burgeoning digital diplomacy universe. Information Legitimacy and Authentication: In such conversations at local or international levels, information legitimacy and authentication are major concerns in digital conversation or digital diplomacy. Many fake accounts (social digital identities) over the internet are disseminating unauthorised information on social media. For example, many accounts of Barack Obama can be found on Twitter broadcasting information that is not supposed to be disseminated by any other channel than the original one.

Discussion Today’s complex conversation and the activities of people can be portrayed by the life of the earliest humans in an anthropological aspect, since the earliest life is simple to understand and could reflect the complex social activities in a fragmented way. A highly enticing coexistence with life survival necessities—i.e. enough food, fire, and security—in early life is a reason why the human herd as a group tends to act together. For example, they are moving in the same direction at a given time. The groups were initially temporary, and gathered and separated as wild 3

MeAgenFie was coined by Mr. Banepali during this research work. MeAgenFie is a Self-Agent of Media that broadcasts its own or third-party reflections on the public using digital technology.

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animals do in herds. The group of earliest people was called the human heard (Korovkin 1986, 13–14). People around the world hang on digital media, especially social media, using expressions like firing status, replying with comments, like, or favourites (a star sign on Twitter). A group tends to act together, sometimes creating a hyper-reality in which digital media translates human activities in a new form. The migration of people from earlier social media to new platforms and ways of engaging each other in groups reflect the preliminary activities of the human herd. Their activities sometimes seem very temporary and it’s uncertain when they will abandon the group and the conversation with their new social digital identities. In such a hyper-reality of the human herd on social media, multiple social digital identities can be listed of the individual, for example person, organisation, government, and state, which can be seen in Obama’s or Modi’s multiple profiles on Twitter. Such ambiguous identities, which can fuel conflict in real life, are challenging the integrity of the originality of the self-agent in social media nowadays. Verifying and trust modelling are technical ways out of such a simulation to restore the originality of the self-agent of media in a new approach. Digital technology has introduced a new actor, broadcasting their own news among people with social digital identities on social media. They act as a self-agent of media without a formal media channel, like a media house. However, the self-agent of media is an extensive empowerment of digital technology for freedom of expression. The self-agent is creating rumour in social media and driving a conversation in a new and different way, which can sometimes turn a situation into a worse scenario for someone. It is a conflict constructed by the self-agent of media, and such scenes are actualised because of broadcasting information without any accountability and legitimacy, which is just self-authorised. People on social media sometimes share text, links, photos, and videos with a lack of any reliance, sincerity, and validity, because they are empowered by digital technology. Such scenarios have already created scenes of conflict among people and society. On the other hand, this is a challenge and more than ever an area of scrutiny to explore by governments, states, and the international community to make an appropriate instrument of control if they have entered into digital diplomacy. Therefore, the government of the United Kingdom released social media guidelines in 2004, enforcing propriety and ethics in section 3 where the Civil Service Code adheres to the core values of integrity, honesty, objectivity, and impartiality (Government of the UK 2004).

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Conclusion Without controlling freedom of expression, constructive methods of increasing information legitimacy and authentication, even in technical aspects, through computer science and engineering, could meet the compliances of “trust building,” implementing computing trust modelling. Digital diplomacy, defined by state actors, the active engagement of the public, and the new sphere of communication among people, non-state actors, the government, and the state have put actors in one basket with a new structural approach, introducing new actors to digital diplomacy. A new scrutiny of such an arising of new actors is very important to prevent potential conflict in digital diplomacy.

Future Research Digital conversation happens though the effectiveness and comfort of a modern digital-mediated society along with the economic and social costs generated by social conflict, which are actualised by digital technology respecting e-readiness. The formation of a rich framework of calculating the economic and social costs of the conflict might require further research (see Fig. 9.2 below).

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Fig. 9.2. Further research work of a rich framework of calculating economic and social conflict actualised by digital technology

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References Bernatowicz, A. and R. Iwanski. 2012. “Information Marginalization in Digital Media among People over 45 Years of Age in Poland.” Media and Mass Communication 1. http://www.scientific-publications.net Buckingham, D. 2008. “Youth, Identity, and Digital Media.” Institute of Education, University of London, Centre for the Study of Children, Youth and Media. Chandler, D. 1994. “Semiotics for Beginners.” http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/Documents/S4B. Clark, J. and P. Aufderheide. 2009. “Public Media 2.0: Dynamic, Engaged Publics.” Future of Public Media Project. Center for Media & Social Impact, American University, The Ford Foundation. Davis, K., M., Weigel, C. James, and H. Gardner. 2009. “Social Development in the Era of New Digital Media.” Good Work Project Report, 60. Cambridge MA.: Harvard University, Project Zero. http://thegoodproject.org/pdf/No-60-Social-Development-in-Era-ofNDM.pdf. Derrida, J. 1988. “De-constructivism.” Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deconstructivism. European Commission (EC). 2012. “Freedom of Expression, Media and Digital Communications.” Directorate General for Development and Cooperation—EuropeAid, Democratic, Governance, Human Rights and Gender Equality Unit. Government of the UK. 2004. “Social Media Guidelines for Civil Servants.” The Hon. Francis Maude MP, Minister for the Cabinet Office. https://www.gov.uk. Holsti, O. R. 2004. “Theories of International Relations.” In Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, edited by Michael J. Hogan and Thomas G. Paterson, 51–8. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Korovkin, F. 1986. “History of the Ancient World.” Imported Publication. ISBN 10: 0828531552 / 0-8285-3155-2. Liu, J. and S. Kim. 2012. “Internet and Social Media in Asia: Battleground for Freedom of Expression.” Asia Forum for Human Rights and Development (Forum Asia). Stald, G. 2008. “Mobile Identity: Youth, Identity, and Mobile Communication Media.” IT University of Copenhagen, Department of Innovative Communication, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Twitter. Ministry of Railways, India. 2015. https://twitter.com/RailMinIndia (@RailMinIndia).

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—. Narendra Modi. 2015. https://twitter.com/NarendraModi (@narendramodi). —. Barak Obama. 2015. https://twitter.com/BarackObama (@BarackObama). —. United Nations. 2015. https://twitter.com/UN (@un). United Nations. 1948. “Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” UDHR, UN, Online. http://www.un.org/en.

CHAPTER TEN ETHICS IN JOURNALISM FROM A HUMAN RIGHTS PERSPECTIVE MS. RUTH HMINGCHULLO

Abstract Human Rights are those rights that every human being is entitled to enjoy and to have protected. The basic ideas and norms of human rights were adopted as a Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) by the United Nations General Assembly in 1948. The UDHR has inspired a rich body of legally binding international human-rights treaties. It continues to be an inspiration to us all, whether addressing injustice in times of conflict, societies suffering repression, and our efforts towards achieving the universal enjoyment of human rights. The media plays an enormously important role in the protection of human rights. It offers an arena for different voices to be heard in public discourse. The media has been called the Fourth Estate—an essential addition to the powers of the executive, legislature, and judiciary. This paper is therefore an attempt to look critically at the delicate “double-edged relationship” between the media and human rights and the development of this relationship over the past two decades. It is also an attempt to look briefly into the future prospects of this delicate relationship. Keywords: ethics, human rights, media, journalism, development

Statement of the Problem Manipur, land of jewels, a state in northeastern India, is inflicted by conflict and violations of human rights. In such a state where conflict and violence disrupt the mechanism of governance and administration, atrocities against women are an ever-present issue as security and safety

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are compromised. Manipur has been inflicted by violence and conflict, and the discontent of the people has been expressed from time to time through various movements, both within and outside the purview of democracy. In this regard, bandhs, curfews, and protest rallies take place every now and then. The stark truth in conflict-ridden states is that human rights violations are more rampant than what we can openly see, as such cases tend to be suppressed. Furthermore, the conflict itself becomes the issue that remains highlighted and tends to put human-rights violations in the shade, particularly those committed against women, thereby automatically delivering injustice.

Introduction Human rights mean living with liberty and dignity. In any democratic setup, the media plays a significant role in the protection of human rights. It creates and offers platform for different voices to be heard in public discourse. Freedom of the press is included as part of the freedom of speech and expression under Article 19 of the UDHR. Article 19 of the Indian constitution provides freedom of speech, which is the right to express one’s opinion freely and without fear using different media, like oral, written, electronic, broadcast, press, etc. With the advent of the United Nations (UN), the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted in 1948; the UDHR has inspired a rich body of legally binding international human-rights treaties. It continues to be an inspiration to us all, whether in addressing injustice in times of conflict, in societies suffering repression, and in our efforts towards achieving a universal enjoyment of human rights. The Constitution of India, as the supreme law of India, sets out fundamental rights to all its citizens. The Fundamental Rights are defined as the basic human freedoms that every Indian citizen has the right to enjoy for a proper and harmonious development of their personality. These rights universally apply to all citizens, irrespective of race, place of birth, religion, caste, creed, colour, or gender. Out of the six fundamental rights, this paper will focus on the Right to Freedom and look into a case where a violation of human rights took place at a level where the violators went beyond their humanness and raped about 21 women, including minors.

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Review of Literature Diana Papademas (2011) introduces and analyses the significant relationship and discourse of human rights and the media. The collective rights associated with age, class, gender, race, ethnicity, nationality, and disability are framed by the media. The studies in this volume explore the connections and discourse of media and human rights through media production, social policies and responsibilities, human rights violations, and the social, institutional, and global contexts of social movements for human rights protections. As agenda setters, framers, and integral actors in human rights movements, various forms of media are analysed by the researcher. Civil-society dialogue, the rhetoric and ideology of human rights, propaganda, and media responsibility around such themes as war, genocide, ethnic division, nationalism, race, gender, child labour, and disability are the themes addressed in this volume. Media, Mobilization, and Human Rights—Mediating Suffering, edited by Tristan Anne Borer (2012), tries to answer questions such as what impact do the mass media portrayals of atrocities have on activism? Why do these news stories sometimes mobilise people, while at other times they are met with indifference? Do different forms of media have a greater or lesser impact on mobilisation? These are just some of the questions addressed in the book, which investigates the assumption that exposure to human rights violations in countries far away causes people to respond with activism. The author summarises the research on the world's “failure to act” in the face of human-rights atrocities. The authors argue that the reality is far more complex, and that there is nothing inherently positive or negative about exposure to the suffering of others. By examining a variety of media forms, from television and radio to social networking, the interdisciplinary set of authors presents radical new ways of thinking about the intersection of media portrayals of human suffering and activist responses to them. Media Freedom under the Human Rights Act by Helen Fenwick and Gavin Phillipson (2006) provides the most comprehensive analysis to date of the impact of Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, as received through the Human Rights Act 1998, on the substantive law governing freedom of expression in the media. The authors have drawn on significant comparative decisions to formulate a coherent and provocative critique of the relationship between media law and freedom of expression, and suggested principles that make a significant contribution to the legal discourse surrounding media freedom in the Human Rights Act era.

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In the Handbook of Global Media and Communication Policy (2011), Rikke Frank Joergensen talks about the field of information and Communication Technology (ICT) and human rights, specifically how the use of ICT may strengthen or weaken human-rights standards. “Journalism, media, and the challenge of human rights reporting,” ICHRP, Geneva, Switzerland (2002), is a report examining how human rights issues are presented in the media and how journalists select and cover human-rights stories. The report also examines the news and reporting process and its relation to human rights organisations. It assesses the difficulties of communicating complex human-rights issues accurately and suggests ways in which the coverage of human rights could be improved. It looks at how the press and broadcast media present human rights, how the presentation has changed, and how other actors influence the presentation of human-rights news and issues. The Future of Human Rights (2002) by Upendra Baxi critically examines the contemporary discourses on the nature of “human rights,” their histories, and the myths embedded in them, and contributes an alternative reading of those histories by placing the concerns and interests of the “people who are struggling and communities of resistance” on centre stage. The work analyses the significance of the UN and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and goes on to study the more contemporary issues, such as women's struggle to feminise the understanding and practice of human rights, the postmodernist critique of the universal idiom of human rights, and, most pertinently for the current world scene, the impact of globalisation on the human-rights movement. The volume includes a discussion on the proposed United Nations norms regarding the human-rights responsibilities of multinational corporations and other business entities.

Objectives The objectives of this paper are: (1) To study the role of the media in human rights issues (2) To study the relation between the media and human rights (3) To examine human rights violations in Manipur (4) To examine the role of the government and civil-society organisations in facilitating justice

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Methodology The Hmar exodus in the Tipaimukh Sub-Division of Manipur in 2006 is used as a case study, and this paper is based on secondary data collected from various sources, including journals, newspapers, the internet, and interviews.

Case Study: the Mass Rape of Hmar Girls in the Tipaimukh Sub-Division of Southern Manipur, 2006 Parbung6 and Lungthulien7 are two small villages in the Tipaimukh8 subdivision, Churachandpur District of Manipur, where people belonging to the Hmar9 tribe live. This area has for some time been infested by militants of the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), who have been harassing and torturing the villagers and extorting ransoms in cash and kind. There was no proper road or public distribution system, no medical facilities and, worst of all, no law and order. In their fight and quest for shelter, the militants started occupying villages in the areas. The valleybased militants who had been controlling the place with terror generated unimaginable chapters of miseries for the innocent villagers. They started with occupation and collected tax from the poor farmers, and also planted landmines, maiming and killing the villagers and their treasured cattle. Besides, the villagers were subjected to beating and forced to work as porters. Even children were subjected to atrocities and forced labour. 6

Parbung is a village in Tipaimukh Tehsil in Churachandpur District, Manipur State, India. It is located 71 km west of the district headquarters in Churachandpur, and 122 km from the state capital Imphal. http://www.onefivenine.com/india/villages/Churachandpur/Tipaimukh/Parbung. 7 Lungthulien is a village in Tipaimukh Tehsil in Churachandpur District, Manipur State, India. It is located 74 km west of the district headquarters in Churachandpur, 5 km from Tipaimukh, and 127 km from state capital Imphal. http://www.onefivenine.com/india/villages/Churachandpur/Tipaimukh/Lungthulien. 8 Tipaimukh is located in the southwestern hilly region of Manipur, bordering the Indian state of Mizoram. It is one of the six tribal development blocks of Churachandpur district in Manipur state. Tipaimukh is the 55th Assembly Constituency of Manipur. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tipaimukh. 9 The Hmar tribe is also called Mhar or Mar, and is found in the northeastern part of India. It inhabits Meghalaya, Mizoram, Cachar, Chittagong Hill Tracts, and Tripura. The Hmar Tribe originates from a place called Sinlung, which is the ancestral home of Zonhnathlak (http://www.indianmirror.com/tribes/hmartribe.html).

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However, the worst and ugliest was the evil committed against the women. Rape and gang rape were committed on helpless women, some only thirteen years old. On the night of January 16, 2006, about 18 militants, armed with sophisticated weapons, surrounded the village of Lungthulien, dragged the villagers to a central place, and proceeded to beat them mercilessly. About 402 were beaten and tortured, and 15 girls aged between 12 and 30 were raped and molested. In Parbung, 10 girls including minors were raped and several villagers were severely assaulted. One boy, whose two sisters were sexually assaulted, was shot dead in his bed. The villagers were so terrorised that in the early morning of January 17, 2006 many of them, including women and children, left the village and escaped to Mizoram, where about 685 were accommodated in camps set up by the Mizoram Government at Sakawrdai.

The Media’s Projection of the Mass Rape of Hmar Girls in Tipaimikh The press in Manipur has reasonable restraint. The All Manipur Working Journalists' Union, the apex media body, exists not so much to fight for the wages of its reporters but to collectively meet all the challenges confronting the press in the state. The challenge comes from all angles: the government, the armed forces, state and non-state actors, even NGOs and local clubs. Media persons in Manipur are caught between the decrees and threats of around 40 underground groups and the authoritarian directives of the state government that proscribe the publication of a great deal of content from or about “unlawful organisations.” An unfortunate by-product of these inherent complexities and certain insensitive governmental policies is that, today, there are more than 40 proscribed outfits operating within the state. While the main objective of each group is to organise the people's support and wage an armed struggle against the Government of India under various causes and ideologies, mostly right to self-determination, the histories of each of these movements are, again, different. Death by the gun is part of everyday life in Manipur, which is home to around forty underground groups and nearly fifty-thousand central security forces waging armed war. The conflict makes headlines almost every day following the killings, arrests, and clarifications. In fact, reporting on incidents related to militants and militancy in Manipur is becoming increasingly difficult and dangerous for journalists.

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Conflict reporting is a precarious and delicate task that requires a sense of balance. To give due credit to the media in Manipur, notable attempts at balanced reporting are being made. But factors like limited resources, the inhospitable terrain, lack of good communication facilities, and, above all, a shortage of staff make verification of all conflict-related cases that come to the attention of the media a formidable task. Most conflict reporting done by the media is that of conflict-related killings and arrests. The mass rape of Hmar girls in the Tipaimukh sub-division of Southern Manipur in 2006 did not get much media coverage in Manipur’s capital Imphal. The Sangai Express and The Imphal Free Press, the most popular newspapers in Manipur, carried the news on the incident but failed to give justice to the story. The following are some of the headlines from various newspapers, magazines, online magazines and news websites, such as The Sangai Express, The Imphal Free Press, The Statesman, The Telegraph, The Hindu, Frontline, The North-East SUN, E-Pao Manipur, Nscn.livejournal.com, and indiatogether.org: x x x x x x x x x x

x

UNLF Sets Record Straight Rape Issues Take on Bigger Dimension Alleged Mass Rape Condemnations Pour in Witnesses Testify as Rally Protest “Rapes” Assembly Decides to Inquire about CCpur “Mass Rape” Allegations KCP Pledges Probe Support on Rape Slur ATSUM Vetoes Fact Finding Team The North East SUN magazine carried a report by David Buhril in February 18, 2006 headlined, “Alleged Raped Hmar Women Move to NHRC” The Telegraph, on March 9, 2006, carried a story on the front page with the headline “Mass Rape Slur on Militants” by Khelen Thokchom On March 19, 2006 The Hindu, under the “national” category, reported an incident with the headline “Judicial Probe Ordered into ‘Mass Rape’ of Hmar Tribals.” The report was not exclusively on the Hmar mass rape and also covered the torture of schoolteacher Maibam Naobi by police commandoes and further talks on the setting up of the Rajkhowa Commission to probe the issues Nscn.livejournal.com on April 5, 2006 carried an article headlined, “The Ultimate Betrayal—21 Hmar Women Raped” by Lemyao Shimray. The article had an in-depth story of the incident and

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questioned the lack of participation from the people of Imphal in every aspect to bring justice to the victims The Statesman, a Kolkata-based newspaper, carried a story by Thangkhanlal Nghaite on April 9, 2006 headlined “Manipur: Raped of Reason” E-Pao Manipur, “a complete e-platform for Manipur,” published an article on April 20, 2006 written by Elff Hmar titled, “Mass Rape of Hmar Women: An Insight” The Hindu, May 14, 2006 “When the Media are Silent” by Kalpana Sharma On indiatogether.org, an electronic magazine, Linda Chhakchhuak reported on the story with the headline, “Mass Rape in Manipur— Women in the Line of Fire” on July 22, 2006 The Frontline magazine carried out a report in the June 3–16, 2006 issue under the category “the states.” The story was titled, “Violence and Violation,” and was a report by Malini Bhattacharya, a representative of the National Commission for Women, who went to investigate the case and visited the affected villages Parbung and Lungthulien and the refugee camp in Sakawrdai, Mizoram

It is seen that there is very little information on the case, even on the internet.

The Government’s and Civil Society Organizations’ Role in Facilitating Justice Organisations such as the Hmar Women’s Association, the Hmar Students' Association, and Hmar Inpui, seeking justice for the 21 sexually assaulted women, were outraged. They said that the militant men had vented their anger and frustration at the Indian Army's operations to flush out militants from the hills on these tribal women. Women’s groups like the Hmar Women’s Association, the Kuki Women’s Union, the Zomi Mother’s Association, and the Mizo People’s Convention (women’s wing) came together and formed the All Women’s Association (AWA) in Churachandpur District,10 Manipur. 10

Churachandpur is a district located in the southwestern corner of the Indian state of Manipur that covers an area of 4,750 km (2,950 mi), and is located 60 km south of the capital Imphal. http://www.atareaview.com/district/MANIPUR/Churachandpur.html.

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Within days, rallies and protests were held against the Tipaimukh attacks, both in Lamka11 and Delhi, forcing the Manipur government to set up the Rajkhowa Commission to look into the allegations. Ironically, although the nature of the crimes involved rape, the commission did not include any health experts, let alone women investigators. The hearings and examinations of the victims were conducted in Parbung with crossexaminations undertaken by Human Rights Alert, a human rights group, and the Manipur Forward Youth Front, both of which are valley-based and non-tribal bodies. Apprehensive and demoralised by the turn of events, the Hmar Women Association leaders went knocking on the doors of the National Commission for Women (NCW), and Malini Bhattacharya, representing the commission, visited Parbung and Lungthulien on May 10 and 11, 2006 and the refugees at Sakawrdai Camp, Mizoram on May 12, 2006. In her report, Bhattacharya stated that the girls who had undergone sexual assault and rape still suffered from headaches, listlessness, and the inability to concentrate, as well as various menstrual and urinary problems. Some reported the impairment of eyesight and hearing, and there were also complaints of pains in the back and abdomen. Not surprisingly, every woman complained of living in fear. Bhattacharya also noted the awful lack of healthcare in the area: “There was neither a hospital nor a doctor, only a defunct primary health centre.” It was only on the recommendation of the NCW that a free medical and trauma counselling camp was organised in Parbung in November 2006, which was beneficial to a certain extent. Following the camp, according to Pi J. L. Sawmi (the president of the Hmar Women’s Association), many victims felt better psychologically as there was a lot of mutual sharing of experiences with full participation of the HWA members. One female beneficiary stated, “When we talk about problems that only women can relate to, like abdominal pain, we feel better.” The inaccessibility of Parbung and Lungthulien, owing to the geographical location, presented a hurdle for the villagers in communicating with the rest of the world. Moreover, even the basic amenities of civic life, such as electricity, water, a primary health centre, and telephone and mobile phone connectivity, were unavailable. The police station in Parbung has one OC but no constables. The tortured and raped villagers hardly had any medical treatment. The first FIRs could only be lodged in 11

Churachandpur town, locally known as Lamka, is the district headquarters. Lamka (literally meaning "converging roads") is the second-largest town of Manipur, next only to the state capital, Imphal. http://zokhuo.blogspot.in/2008/07/lamka-churachandpur-is-largest-district.html.

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the first week of February 2006. On January 20, 2006, the Indian Army entered Parbung and flushed out the militants. It has since been revealed that the militants had been camping at Parbung. The independent enquiry findings of the National Commission for Women, which had taken the evidence in respect of 21 women victims, as well as 17 other villagers from Lungthulien and Parbung including 12 recommendations, were sent to the central and the state governments. All the aid that reached the villagers from the district commissioner, the member of parliament, and the minister of legislative assembly, including the Chief Minister’s Relief Fund, was late in coming and completely inadequate. Even four months after the incident, no rehabilitation schemes in accordance with the SC/STs Prevention of Atrocities Acts were decided upon.

Analysis of the Commission Reports The SP Rajkhowa Commission's report on the Tipaimukh rape case was submitted to the Chief Minister O. Ibobi Singh on June 2, 2008, but its details remained a closely guarded secret until recently, and the report has never been tabled on the floor of the assembly for discussion, and neither were the culprits brought to book. Human rights groups and women's organisations decided to take matters into their own hands, forming a “Civil Society Fact Finding Team on Internally Displaced People.” This comprised representatives of the Hmar Students' Union, Rongmei Lu Phuam, the Human Rights Law Network, Human Rights Alert (HRA), and the Naga Peoples' Movement for Human Rights. The team conducted a six-day study in Mizoram where the people who had fled the villages sought shelter. Several press statements were released by the National Women’s Association, the Hmar Women’s Association, Hmar Ram Region, the Hmar Student’s Association, and the All Women’s Association, Churachandpur District, Hmar Inpui. The media can be a voice for the victims and help deliver justice for crimes committed. In this case, the media reports were minimal and there was no follow up to the incident. The human-rights violators are free since there was no action taken against them. The victims still live in pain with a stigma that will never be forgotten. In 2008, the state government gave an interim relief of Rs. 50,000 to 12 girls who were sexually molested and Rs. 1 lakh to those who were raped. There has been no development in the case since then, and it has become history for the media.

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Similar cases happened in 1991 in Kuana Poshpora village,12 Kupwara District, in Northern Kashmir following the actions of the 68th Brigade of the Fourth Rajputana Rifles. On the night of February 22–23, 1991 they entered the village with the intention of a cordon and search operation, also known as a crackdown, which was common in Kashmir in those days. All the men were herded into the nearest field, whereas women were asked to remain indoors and a house was identified as an interrogation centre. In the dead of night, the evil nature of humanity began to reveal itself, with a cluster of monsters in human shape entering the houses and raping the women mercilessly. Virgins and married and old women, as per authentic reports, were attacked. From a teenage girl to an 80-year-old woman, no one was spared. Even a pregnant mother was not spared. Mothers were raped in front of their small children who looked on crying in horror while they were raped by the men in uniform. On February 25 and 26, villagers sent letters to the Deputy Commissioner of Kupwara and police authorities regarding the rape and torture. After receiving the letters and following protests on the part of villagers of Kunan and Poshpora, Deputy Commissioner Kupwara visited the village for enquiry and informed the Divisional Commissioner of Kashmir and other authorities, including the local police, via a letter dated March 7, 1991, regarding the incident. Upon receiving this letter, the Trehgam Police Station registered FIR under section 376, 452, and 342 RPC. It is to be noted here that the incident took place on February 23–24, 1991, but the FIR was registered a few days later. The delay obviously happened because of the long course of “sending and receiving letters” and the investigation following it. Moreover, the army personnel did leave the village but had surrounded it for 3–4 days for obvious reasons. On March 19, a UK-based newspaper The Independent carried a report titled “Indian Villagers tell of Mass Rape by Soldiers” based on narratives the reporters had heard in Kunan and Poshpora, which was followed by a New York Times report on April 7, 1991 mentioning the Kunan-Poshpora rape incident under the headline “India Moves against Kashmir Rebels.” With global attention hovering over the incident, a three-member team set up by the Press Council of India headed by B. G. Varghese was formed and included K. Vikram Rao and Jamna Das Akhtar to investigate the allegations from Kunan and Poshpora. The controversial report submitted by the Press Council of India termed the charges as a hoax and further stated that the allegations were psychological warfare adopted to malign 12

Raqib Hameed Naik, “Kunan Poshpora: Justice Delayed is Justice Denied,” on TwoCircles.net. (http://twocircles.net/2015feb22/1424595642.html#.Vg1okPmqqko).

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the image of the Indian army and bring forward the Kashmir issue yet again in front of the world as a human-rights issue. A report called “Crisis and Credibility,” published by the Press Council of India, very sophistically yet absurdly dismissed all the allegations against the armed forces. Consequently, on September 23, 1991, the Director of Prosecution said that the case was “unfit” for launching a criminal prosecution. Therefore, on October 21, 1991 the case was “closed as untraced” by the police. However, in its 1992 report on international human rights, the United States Department of State rejected the Indian government’s conclusion, saying there was, “credible evidence to support charges that an elite army unit engaged in mass-rape in Kunan-Poshpora.” The rape victims have been longing for justice since that tragic day, but nothing has happened so far. In the years after this tragedy came about this case had momentum and people made efforts for justice. But with the unfolding of more and more tragedies here in the valley this case lost that momentum and is now a faint memory in most minds, except for the victims. In 2007 some victims of the mass rape criticised the SHRC, and the Commission in 2012 recommended re- investigation, payment of Rs 2 lakh as ex-gratia to victims, and action against the then director of prosecution for closing the case in 1991. The case was reopened in March 2013 when 50 women filed a Public Interest Litigation in court demanding justice. They achieved their first major success when Jammu and Kashmir high court directed the state government to explore the possibilities of paying compensation to the affected women. But the government of Jammu and Kashmir approached the Supreme Court against the High Court orders directing payment of compensation. Worse was yet to follow when, on January 15, 2015, the High court of Jammu and Kashmir, in a petition filed by the Indian army, ordered a halt to ongoing investigations into the Kunan-Poshpora mass rape case. In this prolonged battle, the deliberate deployment of a counternarrative as a delay tactic continued to be used to stymie justice. Twentyfour years on, justice is yet to be seen.

Recommendations The media, as an easily accessible means of information and influence, can help in protecting the rights of the people and be proactively used as a tool to bring justice to those who cannot fight for their rights. The internet gave birth to social media, connecting the world with a single click of a

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mouse. With the advent of smartphones and their ever-increasing demand, Facebook, Twitter, and other social networking sites have become popular, promising huge potential for bringing about changes in decision making. These forms of popular media, along with the more-conventional forms of media, are fast becoming influences that can bring about justice for those whose voices are unheard. For instance, in the Nirbhaya13 rape case, the media played an important part in taking public opinion to the decisionmaking process of the government. The repeated highlighting of the story by news channels as well as the print media gave prominence and brought the public together on one platform to demand justice for Nirbhaya. Further, social media paved the way for the story to escalate to international dimensions, expanding public concern and thereby providing incentives to the Indian government to take quicker action. Facebook posts spurred riots and protests, and Twitter tweets spread awareness of the story like wildfire. The rising public sentiment led the government to sentence all six rapists to the death penalty. It is evident from these incidents that social media can play a remarkable role in facilitating justice. Another such incident involving public outrage fuelled by social media was the molestation of a teenage girl in Guwahati14 on July 9, 2012 by more than 30 men who pushed, dragged, beat, and stripped her on a busy road in the city. The whole incident, captured on tape by a local TV journalist, went viral on YouTube and caused uproar in the national and local media. Online activists created a blog and a Facebook page seeking justice for the teenage girl. Five days after the incident, the perpetrators were arrested and put behind bars. Such incidents portray the power of media, which can bring the nation together and fight for a cause, thereby pressurising for a quicker action from the government.

Conclusion Freedom of the press is suppressed in Manipur due to strong insurgent militant dominance, political influence, and sometimes pressure from the government. The press cannot therefore exercise its full rights in its role to inform, provide accurate news, spread awareness, and act as a catalyst for change in the society. Journalists in Manipur have been shot, kidnapped, 13

Gautam Kumar Rishikesh, NargundeSonalee, “The Delhi Gang Rape: The Role of Media in Justice” in academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/8365034/Thedelhi-gang-rape-the-role-of-media-in-justice-by-rishikesh-kumar-gautam-sonaleenargunde. 14 http://www.ndtv.com/topic/guwahati-girl-molested/news.

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threatened, and gone missing. Press units have been ransacked by government forces and closed down by armed insurgents. Press personnel have often been humiliated and beaten by security forces while on duty. The media in the state has come under severe attack from militants in recent years. While the government has pleaded helplessness, journalists working in the state frequently bear the brunt of militancy. This state of affairs is however not confined to Manipur and extends to the whole of the northeast region. The merciless killings of H. A. Lalrohlu, editor of the Hmar daily Shan, Brajamani Singh, editor of Manipur News, and Khupkholian Simte, editor of Lenlai magazine, stand as testimony to the fact that the media has come under strong attack from the militants. What is more disheartening is the fact that journalists in the state are under constant pressure not only from insurgents but also from the government, student organisations, and non-governmental organisations, to name only a few. Despite these scenarios, the media community has been united in its stand that the sanctity of the profession must not be compromised. It goes without saying that the very nature of the job, which requires them to report in the midst of conflict, exposes them to the risks of being hit from both sides. Ironically, it is the growth and changing awareness of the media as a powerful platform that are threatening the freedom and sanctity of an independent media in Manipur. Underground insurgent groups operating in the state, which used to rely on pamphlets and word-of-mouth as means of spreading their ideas, and diktats are now turning to the newspapers and cable-news networks to carry their statements to a wider audience. The conflict situation in Manipur that has been simmering for almost 60 years has killed, widowed, displaced, and orphaned thousands of its people. The impact of the conflict has not only been the killing, rape, and torture of innocents but also the fact that young students may suffer a deep sense of fear and insecurity about the woman widowed by the gun. No one has been spared the effects of this long-standing conflict, including the media. The government should focus more efforts on conflict resolution and bring about an amicable settlement to the current insurgency problem in Manipur, which would help alleviate the situation in the state. Until then, the media will continue to be tested.

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References Baxi, Upendra. 2002. The Future of Human Rights. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Borer, Ann Tristan. 2012. Media, Mobilization and Human Rights, Mediating Suffering. London, New York: Zed Books Radical International Publishing. Cohen-Almagor, Raphael. 2014. “Towards Responsible Journalism: Code of Practice, Journalist Oath and Conscience Clause 1.” Ethical Space 11 (1/2): 37–43. Fenwick, H. and G. Phillipson. 2006. Media Freedom under the Human Rights Act. New York: Oxford University Press. International Council on Human Rights Policy. 2002. “Journalism, Media and the Challenge of Human Rights Reporting.” Switzerland: Versoix. Jorgensen, R. F. 2011. “Human Rights and Their Role in Global Media and Communication Discourses.” In The Handbook of Global Media and Communication Policy, edited by R. Mansell and M. Raboy. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Judiciary and Polity. 2005. The Human Rights Bimonthly, August– September: 6–7. Ovsiovitch, Jay Samuel. 1993. “Human Rights Coverage in The Media: A Quantitative Content Analysis.” Lincoln: ETD Collection for the University of Nebraska Papademas, Diana. 2011. “Introduction: Human Rights and Media.” Studies in Communication Volume 6. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Pinto, Anil. 2007. “Human Rights and Media.” In Redefining Human Rights Towards A New Socio-Religious Interface, edited by Fancy Thomas, Jhancy Mary, and Elsamma Cheria. Vellore: Auxiulum College,. Rehman, Teresa. 2013. “The Shadow Lines.” The Seven Sisters, February 25. Tristan, B. A. 2012. Media, Mobilization and Human Rights–Media Sufferings. London: Zed Books. Viswanathan, V. N. 2008. Human Rights: Twenty First Century Challenges. India: Kalpaz Publications. Tristan Anne Borer. 2012. Media, Mobilization and Human Rights. London: Zed Books. Rikke, Frank Joergensen. 2011. The Handbook of Global Media and Communication Policy. USA: Wiley and Blackwell Publications. www.frontline.com.

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http://www.morungexpress.com/Perspective/118662.html- violation of human rights in North-East India. http://www.ichrp.org/en/udhr_ichrp. http://www.counterpunch.org/2013/05/03/the-struggle-for-justice-inmanipur. http://thehoot.org/web/PerilsofreportinginManipur/7277-1-1-2-true.html. www.epao.net. http://epao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src=news_section.opinions.Mass_ Rape_of_Hmar_Women_An_Insight. http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060309/asp/frontpage/story_5945432.asp. http://hmarstudents.org/?p=116-HSA PR on Tipaimukh mass rape and molestation, July 18, 2007. http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060604/asp/northeast/story_6307669.aspMass rape confirmed, June 4, 2006. http://southasia.oneworld.net/todaysheadlines/women-fight-violence-innorth-eastern-indian-state. http://twocircles.net/2015feb22/1424595642.html#.Vg1okPmqqk.

CHAPTER ELEVEN THE DIGITAL DIVIDE AND DIGITAL DALITS: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY MR. SHASHIDHAR M R, MR. PRAVEEN KUMAR V, AND PROF. (DR.) H.K. MARISWAMY

Abstract India has achieved commendable progress in the field of new-media management. The volatile growth of social networking sites throughout the world has brought about a new age of participatory communication and development in the new millennium. Social media has emerged as the parallel media of communication and development for marginalised sections. Dalits constitute about 20% of the population of India. The traditional media has failed to serve as the voice of the voiceless since it is controlled by the socially and economically dominant sections of society. The new media are indeed effective tools of social and political mobilisation in modern society. They have also given voice to the voiceless sections of the society, including Dalits. A substantial amount of research has been carried out on the impact of globalisation on new media management in general and new media applications in particular in India and abroad. The review of literature clearly indicates that adequate scientific investigations were not carried out in India with a focus on newmedia access and utility among Dalits in India. The investigation reveals that Dalits have gained the benefit of accessing social networking sites in modern times. In the new millennium, new media applications assume a great significance from the point of view of participatory communication and development. There is a digital divide across the globe, which has impeded the development of humankind. The role of new media in the processes of social change and economic development is now widely

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recognised by scholars and policymakers all over the globe. The crucial role of new media in the development of women and weaker sections of society becomes clear as society moves towards a knowledge-based and development-oriented society. Keywords: cyber gizmos, digital Dalits, digital divide, egalitarian society, subaltern studies

Preamble The crucial role of new media in the development of women and weaker sections of society becomes clear as society moves towards a knowledgebased and development-oriented society. The communications media have to rise to meeting the needs of the people in the new age of inclusive development. The volatile growth of social-networking sites throughout the world has brought about a new age of participatory communication and development in the new millennium. The present investigation was carried out in Bangalore city, which is recognised as the software hub of India, to understand the existence of the digital divide and its impact on Dalit students, representing one of the marginalised sections of Indian society. Through this study an effort has been made to realise the status of digital literacy among the Dalit college students with special reference to their awareness, exposure, accessibility, utility, and the impact of the internet and social-network sites on their learning and participatory process of development.

Digital Divide The global growth and popularity of the digital platform have bypassed the reach of the imagination. The unique nature of its accessibility and flexibility has devastated all the socio-cultural stigmas and socioeconomical ethos, regardless of its geographical boundaries. Meanwhile, the hidden treasury of knowledge and information and also the sociocultural consequences generated through the medium have forced academics and professionals to redefine and reassess the medium in various correlated dimensions. “The term digital divide refers to the disparity in accessing the technologies and resources of the information and communication. The digitalization of the economy and the society may produce differences and gaps amongst individuals, households,

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businesses, geographic areas, and rich and poor countries” (Korean Agency for Digital Opportunity and Promotion 2004). As used here, the term “digital divide” refers to the gap between individuals, households, businesses, and geographic areas at different socio-economic levels with regards to their opportunities to access information and communication technologies (ICTs), and their use of the internet for a wide variety of vivacious activities. The digital divide reflects various differences within and between countries. The term “digital divide” was introduced by Larry Irving Jr., former US Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Telecommunication and Communication, in the mid-1990s to focus public attention on the existing gap in access to information services between those who can afford to purchase the computer hardware and software necessary to participate in the global information network, and low-income families and communities who cannot (Boje and Dragulanescu 2003). So far, several studies have been undertaken to ascertain the impact and influence of the digital divide across the globe through the paradigms of socio-economical, sociocultural, and racial factors. But, in the context of south Asian countries, particularly India, these paradigms of racial aspects are being changed by caste aspects along with other socio-economical paradigms. The caste factor in India is an epidemic, existing since the evolution of human society, deciding on the distribution of resources and other socio-cultural issues in India.

Digital Dalits The paradigms set to derive the empirical data to ascertain the digital divide in Western and European countries are referred to and applied to the Indian context. And, inexorably, the socio-economically and culturally deprived Dalit segments of the Indian society have become easy prey of the concept. Even then, with all the socio-cultural and socio-economical stigmas of the Indian society, the younger generations of the Dalit segment are becoming digital literates due to the unique accessibility and flexibility of the internet and social-network forums. This phenomenon has been furthered by the e-initiatives implemented by governments, and has created digital literates known as “Digital Dalits.” However, a large chunk of the Dalit community’s connectivity to the digital world is still a lacuna. To endorse this statement, Nayar (2011) states that: to date, there are no studies of Dalit access to and usage of new media technologies in India. In India, where Dalits struggle at the lower end of the social ladder for education, employment and “bare life” itself, “access”

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is a major issue. Admittedly, access is marginally better for students enrolled in universities or Dalits in metropolises with more computers and better connectivity, even if they do not buy individual computers. While state-sponsored efforts at “connecting” villages and communities are underway, the digital divide as far as Dalits are concerned, we can assume, remains un-bridged.

In contrast to this finding, there are a few other researchers who found new avenues for the Dalit segment on digital platforms. The well-known columnist Prasad (2013) opines that, “They utilize the newer possibilities of cyberspace to constitute an important new space for the subaltern [Dalits]. It maps the emergence of a subaltern [Dalit] cyberspace with interesting and important consequences not only for the Dalits but the whole ‘untouchable’ castes of India, for political culture in the age of digital media.”

Review of the Literature Social media has emerged as the parallel and unique media of communication and development for the marginalised sections. The review of the literature clearly indicates that adequate scientific investigations are not carried out on the role of social media in the empowerment of Dalits with special reference to Karnataka state. Prominent studies dealing with the subject include: Uniyal (1996, 283), Prasad (1998, 209), Jeffrey (2001, 128), Pal (2003, 199), Anand (2005, 23), Chopra (2006, 68), Varadarajan (2006, 285), Brewer (2007, 55), Teltumbde (2008, 256), Gajjala and Gajjala (2008, 94), Thirumal (2008, 265), Patil (2011, 200), Balasubramaniam (2011, 35), Pramod (2011, 208), Thirumal and Tartakov (2011, 266), Ashraf (2012, 27), Dash (2013, 78), Philip (2013, 204), Rajpurohit (2014, 214), Kumar and Subramani (2014, 139), Mehta (2014, 169) and Sreenath (2015, 247).

Significance of the Study Dalits constitute about 20% of the population of India.5 They are also subjected to multi-faceted agonies, deprivations, and exploitative tendencies by the dominant powers. The constitutional provisions and protective measures have not been implemented by the successive governments in the post-independence era due to a lack of social commitment and political will. Dalits are also deliberately excluded from 5

http://idsn.org/india-official-dalit-population-exceeds-200-million.

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the mainstream of national life. The subject of inclusive development of Dalits and other marginalised sections of Indian society assumes great significance in a developing country like India. Scientific research on the nature and forms of discrimination and the social exclusion faced by marginalised groups, namely Dalits, tribes, religious minorities, and women from excluded groups, de-notified tribes, the physically challenged, and similar groups, is also essential in modern times. Media intervention for the empowerment of Dalits is also the need of the hour. The conventional media has failed to serve as the voice of the voiceless since it is controlled by the socially and economically dominant sections of the society. The new media are indeed effective tools for the social and political polarisation in modern society. They have also given voice to the voiceless sections of society, including the Dalits of India. The new communication technologies should be used judiciously as instruments of participatory communication and development in India. The intelligent and active application of new media, including social media, for various developmental endeavours should be ensured by the government and other stakeholders of sustainable, integrated, and inclusive development across the country. The Indian National Task Force on Information Technology and Software Development should be equipped with state-of-the-art facilities, financial resources, human resources, functional autonomy, and other privileges to enrich the process of participatory development in the country. A substantial amount of research has been carried out on the impact of globalisation on new media management in general and new media applications in particular in India and abroad. The review of the literature clearly indicates that adequate scientific investigations were not carried out with a focus on new-media access and utility among Dalits in India. Hence, it was decided to systematically evaluate the impact of the social networking sites on Dalits with reference to the city of Bangalore, India.

Objectives of the Study With the reach, access, and utilisation patterns of social media among the Dalit community in Bangalore city being the area of concern, the research proposed to: (1) Assess the reach of new media among Dalits in Bangalore (2) Analyse the new media-use patterns among Dalits in Bangalore (3) Examine the impact of new media on Dalits in Bangalore

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(4) Suggest appropriate strategies for better new-media management for the empowerment of Dalits and other marginalised sections of society. The preponderance of digital culture in Bangalore (known as the “silicon valley of India”) and the surrounding area has made digital literates of most of the native populace. Meanwhile, the e-initiatives of the governments created digital literates from Dalit students, through which they are equipped to build a well-informed society. This tendency will not be hindered by any obstacles apart from the socio-economic paradigms. On the other hand, cyberspace is a unique absolver of the entire sociocultural stigma, which may lead to the digital divide of the Digital Dalits. Previous studies have highlighted the existence of an exclusive cyberspace as an alternative forum for the Dalit college students to share their ideas and opinions with peer groups. Hence, this study has been conducted to find out whether these digital platforms are really helpful to enhancing the knowledge base of Dalit college students and their social concerns as well as their self-development in active participation in the developmental process.

Research Method This study is based on a random sample survey method to obtain data through a structured questionnaire. The respondents were randomly selected from different colleges and streams of studies. Primary data were gathered from about 100 respondents of different colleges within Bangalore. For a clear-cut understanding of the objectives cited above, the study is divided into five dimensions: affordability, awareness, access, utilisation, and impact. As indicated in Fig. 11.1 below, 60% of the respondents were in the age group 19–20, with 20% in each age category; 53% were 21 and 7% were 18. Among these (see Table 11.1 below), 31% were in the final year of study, while 36% were second years and 33% were first years.

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Demographic Features of the Respondents Fig. 11.1. Demographic profile of the respondents

Table 11.1. Level of education of the respondents Segments Male Female Total

1st yr. 23 10 33

% 23% 10% 33%

2nd yr. 15 21 36

% 15% 21% 36%

3rd yr. 12 19 31

% 12% 19% 31%

Ratio of Faculty Representation Among the respondents, 9% of males and 10% of females studied science, 21% of males and 26% of females studied art, 18% of males and 11% of females studied commerce, and 2% of males and 3% of females studied languages.

The Digital Divide and Digital Dalits: An Empirical Study Fig. 11.2. Status of domicile of the respondents

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Concerned with the domicile status of the respondents, Fig. 11.2 above shows that 47% are from remote villages and 13% from the village Panchayat (cluster HQ); 25% are from small towns and have little digital exposure in comparison to the previous two segments. The remaining 8% and 7% of respondents come from Taluk and District headquarters, respectively, and have more digital exposure and literacy. Table 11.2. Profile of parent’s professions Segments

Government

Private

Agriculture

Parents of Males Parents of Females Total

05

07

07

13

12

6%

20

55

Agriculture labour 29

Mother as Housewife 05

54

21

10

99

10%

49%

50

25%

20

10%

The data in Table 11.2 above pertaining to respondents’ parents’ professions show that 6% are government employees, 10% are employees of private establishments, 49% are agriculturists, 25% agriculture labourers, while 10% of the mothers are housewives. Fig. 11.3 below facilitates an overview of the monthly income of parents of the respondents, which determines their ability to access cyberspace. Fig. 11.3. Income Group

40% 20% 0%

25% 11% 5%

3% 4% 2%2%3%

Male

Rs. 3,000-5,000

31%

Rs.5,000-8,000 9% 3% 2%

Female

Rs.8,000-12,000 Rs.12,000-18,000 18,000-25,00000

In accordance with the data pertaining to income, 4% of the respondents belong to the monthly income group of over Rs 25,000, 7% belong to the category of Rs 18,000–25,000, 12% to Rs 12,000–18,000, 56% to Rs 8,000–12,000, and 14% to Rs. 5,000–8,000. The remaining 7% hail from the income group of Rs 3,000–5,000.

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The above-cited socio-economic data facilitated the study to determine the socio-cultural and socio-economic statuses of the respondents. These data also indicate the awareness and accessibility of digital platforms from the respondents’ point of view. Meanwhile, concerning awareness and exposure to cyber culture, 98 respondents provided positive data. The reason behind this exclusive phenomenon is the initiation of e-governance by the government. In particular, the government made it compulsory to obtain a scholarship and other academic support services through online transactions. This might be a strong reason motivating Dalit students’ awareness of cyber culture. The next part of the data provides insights into the degree of accessibility and utilisation of digital platforms by the Dalit college students. Having e-mail IDs and possessing mobiles are common phenomena among the respondents. Fig. 11.4 facilitates a glimpse of Dalit college students’ processing different kinds of digital tools and gadgets. While assessing the data of Fig. 11.4 it was really amazing to see that the Digital Dalits own cyber gizmos; 98% of the respondents had mobiles, among whom 48% had basic models and 48% had smartphones, while 42% had subscriptions for the internet. Tablets were owned by 8% and laptops by 19%. External hard disks were owned by 21% of respondents; 44% had memory chips, and 17% Mp3/Mp4 players. Earphones were owned by 50%, and 19% had dongles (mobile internet connectors), while 9% possessed Wi-Fi connectors. These data prove that the urbanised digital exposure of the Dalit students is not hindered by the digital divide phenomenon. Fig. 11.5 below indicates the multiple ways of accessing the internet and social network sites by the Digital Dalits. In all, 22% accessed the internet from home and 11% from college, 44% used hostel administration facilities, 28% used college libraries, 24% used cyber centres, and 36% were mobile in the true sense.

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Fig. 11.4. Possession of Digital gadgets

The Digital Divide and Digital Dalits: An Empirical Study Fig. 11.5. Sources of accessibility

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Utility Fig. 11.6. Pattern of access

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The data provided in Fig. 11.6 indicate the periodicity of internet access by the respondents. Among the respondents, 21% accessed the internet on a daily basis, 15% once every two days, 31% once every three days, and 26% weekly, while 23% were uncertain, and 36% used their mobile phones. Fig. 11.7. Duration of utility

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Fig. 11.7 above indicates the duration of internet utility by the respondents. In all, 14% of the respondents were net savvy and accessed the internet for more than three hours in one session, 40% for one to two hours, 45% for 30 minutes to one hour, while only 1% used it for less than 30 minutes in one session. Fig. 11.8. How long the internet has been used for

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Fig. 11.8 demonstrates familiarity of using the internet and the skills acquired during the process. According to the data, 5% of the respondents have used the internet for five years, 4% four years, 23% three years, 28% two years, and the remaining 40% one year. Fig. 11.9. Most-used search engines

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Concerning which search engines are used, the data indicates that 76% of the respondents utilised Google. Only 19% were aware of Wikipedia, which provides more educational info. Mozilla was used by 10%, while 7% used other search engines, and 0% used Alta Vista. Fig. 11.10. Awareness and utility of social networking sites

Pertaining to the awareness of social networking sites, the majority of the respondents reciprocated positively. Among them, 93% were active members of various social networking sites; 70% were active members of Facebook, while 3% used Twitter, whereas WhatsApp was accessed by 47%, YouTube by 28%, Google+ by 38%, Viber and Hi-Fi by only 2%, and LinkedIn and all of the sites together by 7%.

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Table 11.3. Gratification sought Social Network Sites Expanding the circle of friends Searching for like-minded people Looking for new information Expressing individual opinions Entertainment Realising social issues Solving social issues

Male

Female

12

14

08 24

06 35

15 16 21 12

06 18 14 08

Total (%) 26% 14% 59% 21% 34% 35% 20%

The data in Table 11.3 were obtained to assess the level of gratification sought by the respondents. Accordingly, 26% of the respondents sought to expand their circle of friends, 14% sought to search for new like-minded people, 59% to assimilate new information, 21% to express their individual opinions, 34% to entertain and be entertained, while 55% were active members to realise and solve various social issues. Fig. 11.11 below indicates the level of gratification obtained by the respondents. Among them, 35% were satisfied with the space to express their opinions, 50% utilised the sites to post information, 15% were satisfied with the enhancement of like-minded friendship forums, and 34% obtained gratification through entertainment. The remaining 42% were satisfied with the constructive programs organised and participated in those concerned with the relevant social issues. In comparison to the male respondents, the gratification obtained by female respondents was high at 98%.

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Table 11.4. Other benefits obtained through the internet and social networking

Usefulness of information obtained through social networking Awareness of digital Dalit media Active membership of any digital Dalit media It is helpful to materialise the concept of an egalitarian society It is helpful to improve the self Prior to the usage of the internet were you brand oriented? After the usage of the internet are you brand oriented?

Male Yes

No

Female Yes

No

50% 27%

00% 23%

47% 25%

3% 25%

18%

32%

15%

35%

36% 46%

14% 4%

35% 38%

15% 12%

18%

32%

15%

35%

27%

23%

20%

30%

Concerned with the usefulness of information obtained through the internet and social networking sites, 50% of male and 47% of female respondents said “yes.” Regarding the awareness of Dalit digital media, 27% of males responded positively and the remaining 23% negatively. Among female respondents, 25% were aware of the existence of Dalit digital media and the remaining 25% were unaware of it. About the active membership of Dalit digital media, 18% of males and 15% of females were already active members of the site, but 23% of males and 25% of females were not yet members of Dalit digital media. About 36% of males and 35% of females agreed that Digital Dalit media would accelerate the initiation of egalitarian society; 46% of males and 38% of females agreed that their personality was improved due to the usage of the internet and social networking. Concerning brand orientation, 33% agreed that they were brand oriented prior to the usage of digital platforms, while 32% of males and 35% of females said that they were not; 27% of males and 20% of females agreed that they were brand oriented after the use of the internet and social networking, while 23% of males and 30% of females said that they were not. The ratios of brand orientation among male respondents and female respondents increased by 9% and 5%, respectively. This difference shows the influence of the medium on the younger generation.

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Fig. 11.12. Credibility of the internet and social networking

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To check the credibility rate of the internet and social networking, a 5point scale was adopted to derive the required data. In accordance with the data, 17% of male respondents and 27% of female respondents opined that they are completely useful; 20% of males and 15% of females indicated they are useful; 11% of males and 9% of females said that they are useful to certain extent; 1% of males said they are completely useless and the female respondents in this part did not respond, while 1% of males remained neutral.

Conclusion This study has proved that, apart from the socio-economical and the sociocultural variables, the concept of the digital divide is not hindering the progress of the digital literacy of Dalits. Basically, the digital platforms are the canons of virtual reality. Hence, the socio-cultural stigmas and socioeconomical ethos are invisible in the virtual communication process. In the digital platforms, the socio-cultural identity is invisible or negligible and instead facilitates only cyber culture and digital literacy. Secondly, the e-initiatives of the government and local governments are nourishing the digital literacy among the common populace. As per the statement of one respondent, “20 years back, someone who didn’t know how to read and write was called an illiterate. But today someone who is unaware of digital literacy is known as a modern day illiterate.” This is not an affirmation, but the respondent is partially correct. Various initiatives may make the common person a digital literate, but this is like handing over the deadliest weapon to an ignorant person who doesn’t know how to handle it. Hence, it is the need of the hour to educate the end users through proper channels along with certain social responsibilities. Thirdly, the internet and social networking sites do provide alternative forums in cyber space to the younger Dalit generation to share their ideas and opinions with peer groups both nationally and internationally. Meanwhile, these digital platforms are accelerating the learning process by enhancing the knowledge base of Dalit college students and their social concern, as well as their self-development, to take active participation in the developmental process. Apart from these positive aspects, there are certain other issues emerging in southern Asia, particularly in India, concerning the pioneers of social media and other digital bigwigs who are imposing fees for access to the digital knowledge resources. If this materialises in the near future then the digital divide will emerge as a neo-colonial hegemony or digital hegemony for the less-fortunate segment of Indian society. Hence, the

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need of the hour is reviewing the whole gamut of the digital world and its accessibility to safeguard the basic human rights of freedom for knowledge and expression through net neutrality.

References Acilar, Ali. 2011. “Exploring the Aspects of the Digital Divide in a Developing Country: Issues in Informing Science and Information Technology.” Issues in Informing Science and Information Technology 8: 232. http://iisit.org/Vol8/IISITv8p231-244Acilar248.pdf. Anand, S. 2005. “Visible Dalits, Invisible Brahmins.” In Practicing Journalism: Values, Constraints, Implications, edited by N. Rajan. New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, Ca., London: Sage Publications. Ashraf, Muhammed T. 2012. “Cyber Dalit: Content Analysis of Utharakaalam.com.” Kerala’s First Dalit Webportal. Dissertation. Department of Mass Communication and Journalism, Kannur University, Kerala, India. Balasubramaniam, J. 2011. “Dalits and a Lack of Diversity in the Newsroom.” Economic and Political Weekly 46 (11): 73. Boje, C. and N. G. Dragulanescu. “The Digital Divide in Eastern European Countries and its Social Impact.” Proceedings of the 2003 American Society for Engineering Education, Annual Conference and Exposition. http://soa.asee.org/paper/conference/paper-view.cfm?id=18355. Brewer, E., M. Demmer, M. Ho, R. J. Honicky, J. Pal, M. Plauché, and S. Surana. 2007. “The Challenges of Technology Research for Developing Regions.” IEEE Pervasive Computing 5 (2): 15–23. Chopra, R. 2006. “Global Primordialities: Virtual Identity Politics in Online Hindutva and Online Dalit Discourse.” New Media and Society 8 (2): 187–206. Dash, B. 2013. “Temple Entry in Odisha by the Dalit: An Ethnographic Study of Media Articulation.” Asia Pacific Media Educator 23 (1): 63– 84. Gajjala, R. and V. Gajjala (eds.). 2008. Digital Formations. New York: Peter Lang Verlag. Jeffrey, R. 2001. “(Not) Being There: Dalits and India’s Newspapers.” Journal of South Asian Studies 24 (2): 225–38. Korean Agency for Digital Opportunity and Promotion. 2004. “How to Measure the Digital Divide?” https://www.itu.int/osg/spu/ni/digitalbridges/.../02-Cho-Background.pdf.

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Kumar, Suresh. C and R. Subramani. 2014. “Internet as an Alternative Media for Dalits in India: Prospects and Challenges.” IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 19 (2): 125–9. Mehta, V. 2014. “YouTube channel becomes rallying point for India's Dalits.” BBC News. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india25502849. Mahapatra, B. C. 2004. Dalits in the Third Millennium. New Delhi: Sarup & Sons. Nayar, Pramod K. 2011. “The Digital Dalit: Subalternity and Cyberspace.” The Sri Lankan Journal of the Humanities 37 (1&2): 1–6. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 2001. “Understanding the Digital Divide.” Washington DC, OECD publications. Pal, J. 2003. “The Developmental Promise of Information and Communications Technology in India.” Contemporary South Asia 12 (1): 103–19. Patil, S. 2011. “Violence of Silence: Brahmanic Media Constructions of Caste and Gender.” Women’s Link 17 (3): 15–19. Philip, Sunil Raj. 2013. “Dalits and New Media: Towards a Progressive Social Discourse.” www.hindu.com. Prasad, C. 1998. “End Apartheid from Indian Media: Democratise Nation’s Opinion.” http://www.chandrabhanprasad.com/My%20Camp/ End%20Apartheid%20from%20Indian%20Media.doc. Rajpurohit, S. 2014. “Dalit Students and Journalists: from Classroom to Newsroom.” KAFILA https://kafila.org/2014/03/27/dalit-students-andjournalists-from-classroom-to-newsroom-shivnarayan-rajpurohit. Sreenath, U. 2015. “The Economics of Exclusion in the Indian Mass Media.” Indian Journal of Research-Paripex 4 (3): 6–7. Teltumbde, A. 2008. Mass Media Massive Prejudice, in Khairlanji: A Strange and Biter Crop. New Delhi: Navayana Publishing. Thirumal, P. 2008. “Situating the New Media: Reformulating the Dalit Question.” In South Asian Technospaces, Digital Formations 36, edited by R. Gajjala and V. Gajjala. New York: Peter Lang Verlag. Thirumal, P., and G. M. Tartakov. 2011. “India’s Dalits Search for a Democratic Opening in the Digital Divide.” International Exploration of Technological Equity and the Digital Divide: Critical, Historical and Social Perspectives, edited by P. Randolph Leigh, 20–39. USA: Iowa State University Press. Uniyal, B. N. 1996. “In Search of a Dalit Journalist.” The Pioneer. New Delhi, India. Varadarajan, S. 2006. “Caste Matters in the Indian Media.” The Hindu, October 3.

CHAPTER TWELVE THE UPS AND DOWNS OF INDIAN MEDIA REPORTING ON HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVITIES MR. AMARENDRA KUMAR AARYA

Abstract The freedom of information and expression is one of the most important fundamental human rights needed to build and sustain a successful and competent democracy. India is ranked 136 out of 180 on the World Press Freedom Index with a score of 40.49. Most high-ranking countries are democratic; however, the presence of conflict in democratic countries, such as India, has a negative influence on the ranking. In the state of Chhattisgarh, where insurgency has been waged for over 30 years, the threat to press freedom is a reality. Here, not only has the media failed to play the role of watchdog for gross human-rights violations, but it has also dutifully parroted the state’s language. SalwaJudum (SJ)12was celebrated as a people’s spontaneous movement against the Maoists.23The newspapers selectively reported the violence perpetrated by the Maoists, leaving out the excesses of the SalwaJudum and the security forces. The article closes with the managing of the coverage by the government and its agencies.

1

SalwaJudum, meaning "Peace March" or "Purification Hunt" in the Gondi language, is a militia mobilised and deployed as part of anti-insurgency operations in Chhattisgarh, India, aimed at countering Naxalite violence in the region. The militia, consisting of local tribal youth, received support and training from the Chhattisgarh state government. On July 5, 2011, the Supreme Court of India declared the militia to be illegal and unconstitutional, and ordered its disbanding. 23 Maoism is a political theory derived from the teachings of the Chinese political leader Mao Zedong (1893–1976). Its followers are known as Maoists.

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Keywords: human rights, media, reporting, Naxalites, Chhattisgarh, SalwaJudum

Introduction The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was unanimously adopted and proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly on December 10, 1948. This declaration came into force in legal form on January 3, 1976. The international covenant on civil and political rights came into force on March 23, 1976. India was one of the signatories of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and acceded to the two international covenants by depositing the instrument of accession on April 10, 1979. The Vienna declaration and programme of action adopted by the World Conference on Human Rights on June 25, 1993 declared, “Human Rights and Fundamental freedom are birth rights of all human beings” (Agarwal 2006). In India, the situation of human rights is complex due to the country's large size and diversity, its status as a developing country with a sovereign, secular, democratic republic, and its history as a former colonial territory. The Constitution of India provides for Fundamental Rights, which include freedom of religion. Clause 19(a) also provides for Freedom of Speech, as well as the separation of executive and judiciary and freedom of movement within the country and abroad. In its report on human rights in India during 2010, Human Rights Watch stated that India had “significant human rights problems.” They identified lack of accountability for security forces and impunity for abusive policing, including “police brutality, extrajudicial killings, and torture,” as major problems. An independent United Nations expert in 2011 expressed concern that they found human-rights workers and their families who, “have been killed, tortured, ill-treated, disappeared, threatened, arbitrarily arrested and detained, falsely charged and under surveillance because of their legitimate work in upholding human rights and fundamental freedoms.” Despite the state prohibitions of torture and custodial misconduct by the police, torture is widespread in police custody, and contributes to several deaths. The police often torture innocent people until a “confession” is obtained to save influential and wealthy offenders. About eight-hundred people die each year after being tortured in Indian prisons. Several international agencies as well as the UN35have reported humanrights violations in Indian states. In a recent press release, The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) spokesman stated 3 5

United Nations.

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that the, “OHCHR is concerned about the recent violent protests against the Naxalites47in Naxal58areas especially in Chhattisgarh. It has reportedly led to civilian casualties as well as restrictions to the right to freedom of assembly and expression.” A 1996 Human Rights Watch report accuses the Indian military and government-backed paramilitary forces of “committing serious and widespread human rights violations.”

Objectives of the Study x To find the reason for the ups and downs of media reporting in humanrights activities x To understand the main reasons behind such planted reporting in human-rights activities x To understand the existing laws at the domestic, national, and international levels for curbing and controlling such incidents

Methodology This study is based on qualitative research methodology, which includes key informant interviewing, direct observation on such cases, and media reporting. The researcher used a variety of methods to achieve triangulation69to increase the validity of this research paper. The present study is based on secondary data such as NGO reports, journals, books, and internet surveys.

Human Rights as News Material The humanitarian crises in the last decade have caused media organisations to increase their coverage of human rights. Some of the most serious human-rights violations have either taken place in the context of armed conflict, or have been the immediate cause of conflict. One effect of this has been to muddy the distinction between human rights and humanitarian issues that were already not too clear in the minds of many journalists. Yet, the impact of these crises in pushing human rights into the 4

A Naxalite is a member of any of the Communist guerrilla groups in India, mostly associated with the Communist Party of India (Maoist). 5 The term Naxal derives from the name of the village Naxalbari in West Bengal where the movement had its origin. Naxalites are considered as far-left radical Communists, supportive of the Maoist political sentiment and ideology. 6 Confirmation of the same information by different methods or sources. 7

8

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foreground has been indisputable. Though journalists have expanded their coverage of human rights issues into new areas, many are under-reported. Issues that are less visible, or have slow processes, are hardly covered at all. Human rights are still largely taken to mean political and civil rights, and the importance of economic, social and economic discrimination, and social and cultural rights is widely ignored by the media in the coverage of economic issues, including the international economy, poverty, and inequality. India, the world’s largest democracy, continues to have significant human-rights problems, despite making commitments to tackle some of the most prevalent abuses. The country has a thriving civil society, free media, and an independent judiciary, but longstanding abusive practices, corruption, and a lack of accountability for perpetrators have fostered human-rights violations. Government initiatives, including police reforms and improved access to healthcare and education, languish due to poor implementation. Many women, children, Dalits, tribal communities, religious minorities, people with disabilities, and sexual and gender minorities remain marginalised. They continue to suffer discrimination because of the government’s failure to train public officials in checking discriminatory behaviour. Impunity remains a serious problem, particularly for abuses committed by security forces in areas such as Jammu and Kashmir, the northeast, and areas in central and eastern India facing a Maoist insurgency. Resource extraction and infrastructure projects often have deleterious environmental and economic impacts, and may infringe upon the rights of affected communities. Human rights have therefore emerged as important news material for the media that can’t be ignored.

Covering Human Rights Any discussion about how the media communicates human rights, or how different players use the media as a vehicle, requires an examination of what information the media picks up and how it is treated. In the domestic and international arena, the mass media is the most important source of information on human-rights violations. Neither personal experience nor human rights organisations are anywhere near as significant. For most people, television, radio, magazines, and newspapers are their only sources of information, and they select which events and places in the world we get to know about, decide what constitutes “news,” filter and frame the issues, contextualise the problems, set the political agenda, and create both a consciousness and a conscience about human-rights issues. If ever the classic formula applies, it applies to human-rights news. The media might

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not tell us what to think, but it tells us what to think about. It performs this role in two obvious ways. First, the media is the generator and source of information. Under such rubrics as “foreign” or “international” news, reporters gather, process, and present most of the information we receive about human-rights violations around the world. In addition to just processing information, the media is a political and moral agent. Here, the media decides to highlight a particular story, takes clear editorial positions, and calls for “something to be done.” Second, besides its independent role as a producer of information and moral concerns, the media is the carrier of information generated by human-rights organisations. They are the most-powerful gatekeepers between these organisations and the wider public. Whether mounting a campaign on a particular issue, publishing a report about a particular country, or appealing for funds, organisations channel their information through the selective filter of the media. Despite this, neither NGOs nor academics have given this subject much attention. There are untrusted or sensible answers to simple, empirical questions, such as how much media coverage is given to human-rights stories? Basic questions about the selection, impact, and effects of human rights in the media have remain unexamined, thereby making it difficult for staff of organisations or outside researchers to explain what happens at any of the three stages of the communication flow as follows: x Selection (how some events, issues, or parts of the world receive attention) x Presentation (how particular issues or items of information are framed) x Effects (the impact on the public on particular stories or media events)

The Editorial Process The agenda in a newsroom is essentially determined by its reporting and editorial decision-making processes and the organisation’s editorial culture, which in turn is influenced by various external and internal factors. With the editorial process itself being a form of filtering, the question becomes about which filters operate. What processes drive the decisions that reporters and editors make? What is the relationship between the correspondent and the editor? How autonomous are editors in relation to the wider environment and other actors in their institutions?

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Bias, Advocacy, and Precision Political, organisational, cultural, and linguistic biases have an impact on how stories and events are selected in human-rights coverage. At their most compassionate, biases may be found in the pattern of coverage. National media may cover the situation in Chhattisgarh more extensively than other areas. The notion of independence is central to the values of journalism and to its fundamental mission, which is to inform the public in the most complete, objectively accurate and fair manner possible. In this sense, the struggle with bias is as old as the profession itself. It is unavoidable and unending. From self-censorship to stereotyping, to the arguments for and against campaigning journalism, the subject raises a host of sensitive and complex issues. The language of this debate is, of course, somewhat slippery. A story that reports only the government’s viewpoint, or that of a human-rights organisation, is not ipso facto biased. On the other hand, lack of balance over a period of time would suggest bias. It is worth noting here that certain reports will be openly partisan (though often without acknowledging the fact). They have chosen their camp, they want one side to prevail, and their reporting and editorial policies will reflect it. A final distinction might be made before we address some of the issues in more detail. If bias is inaccurate or reporting distorted, and if reporting necessarily involves selection, what difference is there between justified and unjustified omission? Veteran journalist JeanPaul Marthoz argued that professional (rather than ethical) dereliction occurs when the omission of information (for example, about human rights) not only lessens the completeness of coverage but also prevents those who receive the information from understanding what it means.

Institutional and Political Bias The media does not keep us informed of all the injustices that occur. Suppose that an editor or producer decides that a military or force engagement between the Naxalites and the Indian paramilitary requires a mention (fifty words or sixty seconds). It would be difficult to place the human-rights violations of either side in such a short item. This institutional bias is difficult to overcome; indeed, there are sound institutional reasons for it. For news editors, reports are based on a hierarchy of facts. “What happened first?” What happened first is that fighting flared. If, within the constraints of space or broadcast time, there is room to list the effects of the fighting, human-rights issues (and others) will get into the story. Political bias plays a role to the extent that news

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organisations reflect the interests and perceptions (whether or not they agree with them) of the country in which they are located. Editors face other constraints that generate imperfect or biased coverage. There may be agreement that the police and paramilitary force violated human rights in its 1994–99 and 2004–14 campaigns in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Jharkhand, Bihar, and Jammu and Kashmir, but little detailed reporting has taken place and virtually no effort has been made to cover or investigate violations by anti-force or civilian people. This partly reflects the difficulties of access. It is clear that armed groups have committed numerous exactions and human-rights violations against the civilian population, and that the government’s security forces have also committed abuses and crimes. Investigating and reporting these has proved difficult.

Propaganda and Distortion Governments and other authorities have often used human rights to manipulate or inflame public opinion, particularly when they are involved in wars. In recent years, Indian governments have developed complex communication strategies, which they recognise are important elements of military planning in war and political management in peace. Governments sometimes draw on the assistance of influential public relations firms, taking legal advice to check the language of their news and policy statements against the requirements of international human rights law. In numerous ways, the interface between the government and media still relies on ancient traditions of personal communication between politicians and the press, but in many other ways both sides have transformed themselves.

Planting News in the Media In Chhattisgarh, not only has the media failed to play the role of watchdog for gross human-rights violations, it has also dutifully parroted the state’s language. The operations conducted by the SalwaJudum against the Maoists in the tribal areas have resulted in the displacement of thousands of tribals, with entire tribal villages often herded into makeshift camps run by the SalwaJudum. A Human Rights Watch report, “Being Neutral is Our Biggest Crime,” released in July 2008, estimated that by December 2007 around 49,000 villagers were living in 24 camps run by the SalwaJudum, and 65,000 had fled to the neighbouring states. At present, 644 villages lie vacant under a pall of death and pillage. The newspapers selectively

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reported the violence perpetrated by the Maoists, leaving out the excesses of the SJ and the security forces. This helped the state in developing a conveniently skewed official view of the problem. Ajay T. G.,711a documentary filmmaker who was incarcerated under trumped-up charges, also exemplifies the attack on the free media. The fact that Mr. Ajay T. G. has been detained under the draconian, anti-democratic Chhattisgarh State Public Security Act 2005 shows that the state police follows its repressive policy to brand human rights activists/organisations as “terrorists” involved in “unlawful activities.” As per their admission to the press, the state police had no evidence against Ajay T. G. except what it claims to be a letter written by him to a Maoist leader when Ajay was making a documentary on Binayak Sen,812who was behind bars. After a shameful prosecution argument, the court granted him bail three months later. If one thinks that this was a softening of the stance on the part of the state, one would be disappointed. In this study, the researcher found multiple attempts by the state to silence victims, and the evidence borne out by its experiments of resettlement became a threat to the state’s contention that the tribals were only safe in the SalwaJudum camps.

Conclusion One of the most vigilant watchdogs in the country is the media. The media in India enjoys a wide range of freedom and has enormous reach and power. Technological advances witnessed in the last few decades have revolutionised the world of communications and opened frontiers that were hitherto unknown to the media or were beyond its reach. Any violation of human rights occurring anywhere in the country can be known throughout the rest of the country quickly, provided the media reports that abuse. The media has shown great interest in reporting on human rights violations committed by police and different agencies. Some newspapers in Chhattisgarh have deliberately distorted facts and did their worst to promote the hate campaign against the minority tribal community. The independent media has been active and expressed a wide variety of views without restriction. Independent newspapers and magazines were published regularly and television channels broadcast investigative reports, 7 Ajay T. G. is a widely recognised filmmaker, journalist, and human rights activist. He was arrested by the Chhattisgarh police in Raipur, May 4, 2008. 8 Dr Binayak Sen, General Secretary, Chhattisgarh PUCL and Vice-President of National PUCL has been illegally detained since May 14, 2007 for his alleged support of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). 11

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including allegations of government crimes. The media generally promoted human rights and criticised perceived government violations. Radio broadcasting remained a government monopoly. Ownership of private FM radio stations was legal, but licenses authorised only entertainment and educational content. With the exception of radio, foreign media generally operated freely. Widely distributed private satellite television provided competition for Doordarshan, the governmentowned television network. As witnessed, the selection and presentation of human-rights stories in the media coverage influenced our perception of the world around us in many ways. Policymakers in particular pay close attention to the selection and content of stories as presented by a handful of highly influential media outlets. Many journalists, including some of those interviewed for this report, do not feel that there is a problem in their coverage of human-rights issues. Though they acknowledge inadequacies, they are of the view that humanrights issues are covered no worse or better than other subjects. However, they acknowledge the pressure from their respective organisations. They feel they need expertise that they cannot obtain while on the story. Some news organisations do not consider human-rights stories to be inherently more important than any others.

References Agarwal, H. O. 2006. Human Rights. Allahabad: Central Law Publications. Amnesty International. 2000. “‘Collateral Damage’ or Unlawful Killings? Violations of the Laws of War by NATO during Operation Allied Force.” London: Amnesty International. Asian Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC). 2000. “Media and Human Rights in Asia.” Singapore: Asian Media Information and Communication Centre. Harwood, Richard. 1998. “In Newsroom Culture, Something is Wrong.” The International Herald Tribune, July 16. International Journal of Criminology and Sociological Theory. 2010. 3 (2). “Journalism, Media and the Challenge of Human Rights Reporting.” 2002. International Council on Human Rights Policy. Switzerland: Versoix. Macquail, Denis. 1995. Media Performance: Mass Communication and the Public Interest. London: Sage. www.indymedia.org. www.mediafoundationwa.org. www.unhchr.ch.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN ICTS TO HUMAN RIGHTS: THE DRIVING FORCE FOR EFFICACY IN HUMAN RIGHTS IN INDIA DR. T. R. RAMAKRISHNAN AND DR. CHARU JOSHI

Abstract Information and Communication Technology (ICT) has deeply influenced our personal and working lives. The mobile services with 2G, 3G, and 4G coverage approved by TRAI has multiplied dramatically in India. The subscription of fixed lines and mobile broadband is increasing in India, making digital access possible anywhere at any time for anyone. The review of literature has identified that the challenges and risks involved in effectively using ICT for human rights are: ensuring accuracy of information, the digital divide, ICT literacy, and security issues. The risks that the misuse of ICT by stakeholders poses to human rights are also growing mainly in the freedom of expression, data privacy and security, cyber laws, blocking content, and surveillance. The objectives of this paper are primarily to find the level of awareness about human rights from the self, the mass media, and the tools of ICTs that constitute a driving force for communication that effects human rights in India in the public sphere, and to identify the strategies in popularising the online presence of public service. Secondly, the study attempts to provide a framework that can connect ICT to human-rights issues. A critical analysis was followed to identify the strategies for digital access in the public sphere used by the Government of India and many other international principles to develop a framework. Based on the analysis, a survey was carried out. Following the survey results, an interview approach was conducted with the respondents drawn from the public and key officers of the National Informatics Centre.

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It was identified that a workable framework such as an Awareness, Implementation, and Effects (AIE) approach should be made mandatory to popularise human rights in India by using ICT tools in the public sphere, which will be sufficient for the ethical challenges and risks that using ICTs poses to human rights. The survey results show low access to ICTs in gaining human-rights information. The study is of use for researchers in governance and the body of literature of the National Human Rights Commission in India. Keywords: awareness, access, human rights, ICTs, strategies

Introduction Information and Communication Technology (ICT) has made it possible for people to access information from anywhere, by anyone, at any time using any digital gadgets compatible with the internet, thereby influencing our personal and professional lives. ICTs have become an enabler of gross domestic product growth by linking billions of people across the world to share ideas and knowledge, conduct business, and have a better quality of life. ICTs are a facilitator for transparency, thereby augmenting many human rights like Freedom of Expression and Right to Education and Health. Information Technology (IT) is related to the storage and retrieval of information using computers. ICT is related to the exchange, processing, and storage of digital information in a network that includes telecommunication in numerous types of networking (United Nations Economic Commission for Africa 1999). Reports indicate that the mobile phone service subscriptions exceeded 6.8 billion by 2013, which reflects the global mobile penetration of 96% in 2013, and this was expected to reach 100% by 2014. The main factor for this increase as per the studies is that people have multiple IDs (International Telecommunication Union 2014) with the Subscriber Identification Module (SIM). It is estimated that 90% of the world’s population will have 3G coverage, 50% will have 4G coverage, and, by 2018, smartphone subscriptions will exceed three billion. By 2014, 44% of the world’s households will have internet access at home. About 31% of households will be connected in developing countries compared with 78% in developed countries, and the mobile data traffic will grow 12 times (Erricson 2013). The development of ICT and its sustainability depends on the core factors of literacy and education that constitute components of the Human Development Index (HDI). Given the skill dependence of the technology, an index of significance for ICT application and use relates to education

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and literacy. Driven by mobile connections, the number of telephone subscribers in India increased from 946.40 million at the end of July 2014 to 951.84 million at the end of August 2014, thereby showing a monthly growth rate of 0.57%. The urban subscription increased from 562.43 million at the end of July 2014 to 566.60 million at the end of August 2014, and the rural subscription increased from 383.97 million to 385.25 million during the same period. Tele-density is the amount of telephone connections, including mobile telephones, for every hundred individuals. The overall tele-density in India increased from 76.00 at the end of July 2014 to 76.36 at the end of August 2014. This roughly translates to 139.72 mobile connections for every hundred people. The number of broadband subscribers increased from 70.81 million at the end of July 2014 to 74.31 million at the end of August 2014, with a monthly growth rate of 4.95%. The minimum download speed has been increased to 512 kbps from 256 kbps, and interestingly the maximum usage of broadband services is through mobile phones and dongles (Telecom Regulatory Authority of India 2014).

Human Rights, ICTs, and Media All human rights—civil, political, economic, social, and cultural—are universal in nature. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights sets international standards for all UN Member States. Every UN Member State is a party to at least one of the six major human-rights treaties that the Universal Declaration has inspired, with 80% of states having ratified four or more. For many years, the UN General Assembly worked to draw on International Human Rights instruments to promote a common understanding of the principles, norms, standards, and values that are the bases of a democracy, with a view to guiding member states in developing domestic democratic traditions and institutions, and in meeting their commitments to human rights, democracy, and development. In 2002, the Human Rights Commission declared the following essential elements of democracy: (a) Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms; (b) Freedom of association; (c) Freedom of expression and opinion; (d) Access to power and its exercise in accordance with the rule of law; (e) The holding of periodic free and fair elections by Universal Suffrage and by secret ballot as the expression of the will of the people; (f) A pluralistic system of political parties and organisations; (g) The separation of powers; (h) The independence of the judiciary; (i) Transparency and accountability in public administration; and (j) Free, independent and pluralistic media.

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In 2002, the commission declared a pluralistic system an essential element of democracy (United Nations 2012). The development and promotion of the internet, mobile telephone networks, social networking websites, instant messaging tools, blogs, emails, and internet relay chats have a great potential to promote human rights such as freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. The global exchange and flow of information amongst different cultures can empower the civil society. The problem is, however, that the concerned government and its organisations can easily control these technological tools by increasing surveillance and censorship based on the state’s bestowed criterion. ICTs could be put to use for information collation and analysis to serve as low-cost means of communication and information dissemination, to enhance the productivity of operations varying from production and management to marketing and delivery, to help deliver services such as education and health in remote areas, to help increase transparency and accountability in organisations including the government, and to enhance networking among different and dispersed organisations to achieve their goals (United Nations 2012). The entities such as transnational corporations, inter-governmental organisations, and non-governmental organisations engage with counterparts at the sub-national, national, and super-national levels, thereby serving as a bridge for the propagation of human-rights norms and advocating human-rights related improvements (Nye 2002). ICTs have been fast and effective instruments among the members of the information society for distributing information relating to humanrights violations globally. The information society primarily evokes the mass media to report to the public and generate public opinion. The instant asymmetrical nature of digital communication networks suppresses the attempt of human-rights wrongdoer’s activities. In this scenario, the longterm outcome of information from ICTs has to be gauged. However, if the NGOs and their civil-society counterparts continue to strengthen a bottomup approach to governance, ICTs will continue to be vitally important tools for democratisation and the formation of the infrastructure and content of the information society (Selian 2002).

Human-rights Challenges in India India has a flourishing civil society, a freethinking media, and an independent judiciary that could create a great democratic impact in the society. The country, after 68 years of independence and being the largest democracy in the world, continues to face many human-rights challenges. The human-rights violations keep increasing year after year in India due to

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the public’s lack of time and money to fight for their rights in the prolonged judiciary system. Some of the popular challenges faced by the nation, with evidence from multiple cases registered, are abusive practices, corruption, accountability of culprits, torture and rape, sex trafficking, homelessness, lack of food and nutrition, forced labour, drug abuse, crime, extrajudicial killings, denial of justice and separatist and rebelliouscommunal and societal violence (United States Department of States 2014). The cases against human-rights violations are numerous in India. The struggle to defend human rights in India has to be carried out in the streets, slums, villages, marketplaces, and urban upper- and middle-class homes through a patient campaign to not only sensitise the citizens regarding their fundamental rights, but also make the violators realise that they cannot carry out acts that are not permissible by law and the international community (Shanoor 2014).

Statement of the Problem The citizens of India are mostly informed regarding human rights through textbooks and the mass media. Individuals who are exposed to human rights during their schooldays tend to forget about them by adulthood. The commission engages the mediums of print, out of home, and broadcast media to occasionally inform the public about human rights through the Directorate of Advertising and Visual Publicity (DAVP), the Government of India. The effort of DAVP in promoting information about human rights is yet to be appreciated as the public is yet to be reached and informed. It is apt to conduct a study during this period of transition regarding public inclusion in the information society about promoting the Human Rights Commission’s information using ICTs. There are no specified models to distribute the information over ICTs, and this study could also be considered for future assessment on the reach of human rights. This paper discusses how people are not subject to discrimination, censorship, or mass surveillance when using the internet and other ICTs. This technology can truly be put to its best use in the promotion of human rights, also taking into account privacy and personal data protection according to the Directorate General for External Policies, Policy Department (Directorate General for External Policies 2015).

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Review of the Literature Some of the cases in this review reflect freedom of expression, the right to privacy, the “digital divide,”12 and the right to the cultural enjoyment of the internet. The view that social media and new technologies enable rights by providing access to information, which could be used to enforce rights and promote social accountability, was established in the cases such as Freedom Fone (Congo); Kenyan people alerting authorities on electoral discrepancies; blogs on the 4% GDP allotment to education in the Dominican Republic; the Green movement in Iran; and the Arab Spring (Mir 2012). In the Philippines, ten years before the world witnessed how social media fuelled the Arab Spring, Filipinos peacefully overthrew a dictatorial president with the aid of text messaging. The impact of digital communication over mobile phones enabled large crowds to quickly assemble at the second EDSA People Power Revolution in 2001. If the state and private sectors ensure the citizens’ right to privacy then people will be active internet participants. If the online transactions are secure, then the ICT economy will flourish. Therefore, Freedom of Expression and Right to Privacy are key for advancing active public participation using ICTs. The digital divide refers to the variation of access and use of ICTs. In India, the concept of half a paisa per second for mobile access has boosted the growth and use of mobile phones for communication, resulting in better tele-density. By increasing the network, cultural contents can be developed. The Geneva Declaration adopted at the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) proclaimed that, “cultural diversity is the common heritage of humankind,” and that it is imperative to preserve it. ICTs are invaluable tools. A Filipino nurse working in London can connect with her family back home using Skype, Facebook, and other tools. ICTs have immense potential to help in the preservation of cultural heritage by providing a platform for the development and diffusion of diverse cultural content (Manalo 2012). However, there are also many problems stemming from the use of ICTs, and which work at an astronomical speed. There could be leakage of information, a surveillance society, Social Network Services (SNS), and issues for the freedom of expression. Leakage is due to hacking and monitoring through Close Circuit Television (CCTV). The violation of rights is due to the excessive freedom of expression in cyberspace, the disconnection of access to the internet via IT gadgets, and the issue of 12 The Digital Divide is a social issue that refers to the difference between those who have access to the internet and those who do not.

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copyright in the production and duplication of content, all of which are challenges to be addressed (Hyun 2012). Many nations, including India, are in the process of communicating through the internet using various gadgets. There are many people in our society who have poor access or are denied it, and are repressed. There have been many occasions where online journalists were killed and imprisoned due to digital message distribution. In some countries, the government restricts the exercise of human rights. It can be asked when and under what circumstances does international law permit states to impose such restrictions? Article 19(3) gives the provision of only on account of respecting the rights or reputations of others or for the protection of national security or public order, or of public health or morals. Blocking and filtering measures constitute a serious interference with the freedom of expression. Article 19 recommends a hybrid system with ISPs and other intermediaries following a due process, which will offer some legal certainty. At best, this due process would be a court order. The UN special rapporteur has also recommended that ISPs and other intermediaries should be required to take down content following a court order only (Callamard 2012).

International Guiding Principles to Human Rights The UN Global Compact principles ask companies to embrace, support, and enact a set of core values in the areas of human rights. Businesses should support and respect the protection of internationally proclaimed human rights and make sure that they are not complicit in human-rights abuses.17 Business enterprises should respect human rights as expressed in the International Bill of Human Rights and the principles concerning fundamental rights set out in the International Labour Organization’s Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work. This applies to all enterprises irrespective of their size, sector, operational context, ownership, and structure. In order to respect human rights, enterprises should have policies and processes to respect, identify, prevent, mitigate, and account for how they address their impacts on human rights. The processes enable the remediation of any adverse human-rights impacts.18 The Global Report Initiatives of ISO 26000 principles for defining report content describe the process to be applied to identify what content the report should cover by considering the organisation’s activities and 17 18

UNGC, “The Ten Principles,” 2014. UNHR, “Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights,” 2014.

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impacts, and the substantive expectations and interests of its stakeholders. The principles include materiality, stakeholder inclusiveness, sustainability context, and completeness. The principles for defining the report quality include balance, comparability, accuracy, timeliness, clarity, and reliability. These principles will enable the stakeholders to make a proper assessment. A critical analysis of the guiding principles by the above bodies indicates that each nation and state has to follow a framework in order to reach out to the public. In India, amongst the large middle- and low-income groups, there is a lack of awareness regarding human rights and access to information through ICTs. The Human Rights Commission of India has to consistently promote human rights. Journalists project the visibility of human rights by reporting violations in public using various media. Media and ICT deployments have been cited in many studies as sure ways of promoting and portraying a better image of the Human Rights Commission’s activities.

Challenges in using ICTs for Human Rights Some of the challenges and risks involved in effectively using ICT for human rights are: ensuring accuracy of information, the Digital Divide, ICT literacy, and security issues. The intentions of the Human Rights Commission are projected and interpreted to the public in India in different ways by the mass media. The nation is also considered to have a poor standard of living compared to countries in Africa. The complex communication system in the nation needs to be unified with a singular voice if the Human Rights Commission of India is to propagate citizen’s rights. ICTs can play a great role to the unification concept of multiplatform development and distribution of information by creating it once and publishing it everywhere, thereby reducing the risk of ambiguity. Primarily, it needs practical initiatives to bridge the Digital Divide in order to achieve such a goal in the converging world of digital communication. There are many studies that reflect that education and literacy are factors causing the change, which critically has similar effects in India as on the rest of the developing world. The citizens must have the cognitive ability and technical skills (Bucy 2000) necessary to profit from ICTs and bridge the digital divide. Norris (2000) observed that ICTs have become an essential tool for the effective delivery of services by teachers, healthcare professionals, and businesspersons that need a wider reach, but a problem of inequality emerges here. Dutta and Bergman’s (2005) empirical random survey study reveals that individuals living in digitalaccess communities are educated and significantly more likely to be

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involved in different local-community organisations, earning more than individuals living in non-digital access communities.

Risks to Human Rights on the Misuse of ICT The risks from the misuse of ICT are also growing, mainly in freedom of expression, data privacy and security, cyber laws, and blocking content and surveillance. Some of the instances of company action that can lead to human-rights consequences are: (a) Disconnecting or disrupting network access for data and telephones at times of crisis or emergency by the government; (b) Monitoring, evaluating, and blocking user content at the request of third parties in order to identify hate speech, child pornography, and other instances that may invite crime; (c) The probability of misuse through censorship, privacy infringements, and arbitrary surveillance; (d) Complying with government orders to impose surveillance on individuals or groups; (e) Monitoring user content under a company’s own policies without court orders; (f) Handing over stored user content and data to the government backed by court orders through certain tools (Institute of Human Rights and Business 2014).

Objectives (1) To identify the various source of information on and level of awareness of human rights amongst male and female respondents (2) To find the awareness level of internet filtering and whether it restricts the freedom of expression of the respondents (3) To design a conceptual framework for the distribution and access of human rights information over the digital medium

Research Questions Based on the review of the literature and the objectives of the study, certain research questions were formulated for the survey. RQ1: Are people aware of human-rights information being distributed over mass media?; RQ2: Are people using the internet to access information on human rights?; RQ3: Does the internet filtering practice restrict the freedom of expression? The answers were sought with a survey.

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Methodology A critical analysis was followed to identify the strategies for digital access in the public sphere used by the Government of India. A critical analysis in our study is based on subjective writing. Further, an empirical approach was used to untangle the research question by conducting a survey and interviewing the public and key officers from the National Informatics Centre, India, using a self-administered questionnaire designed to collect primary data in order to answer the key research questions (Talib and Rahman 2014; Goodwin 2005).

Sampling Technique for Survey Quota sampling is a non-probability sampling technique wherein the select sample has the same proportion of individuals as the entire population with respect to known characteristics. The sampling technique followed non-probability proportional quota sampling. The sampling units were employees of the Government Information Technology services company, students, and teachers. The sample size comprised 30 females and 30 males using the formula P(100%-P)/(SE)2, where P is the estimated percentage and SE the standard error. To calculate the standard error, the researchers divided the confidence interval by 1.96. The confidence level is the probability value (1-Į) associated with a confidence interval, often expressed as a percentage. For example, given Į=0.05=5%, then the confidence level is equal to (1-0.05) = 0.95, i.e. a 95% confidence level. In this case, the standard error is 5/1.96=2.55. The value of P was selected at 6% as studies indicate that the percentage of internet usage is less than 6% of world internet users (International Telecommunication Union 2011). Therefore, the sample size was estimated to be about 90. All 90 were approached and this resulted in about 60 respondents answering the questionnaire. The location of the study was Bangalore city. The respondents were both female and male.

Findings The study results have been categorised as: (a) the Human Rights Commission’s method of promoting information materials, (b) ICT’s capability of promoting the commission’s information materials by popularising its presence in the public sphere, and (c) the attempt to build a conceptual framework for protecting human rights in the ICT environment.

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Human Rights Commission’s Method of Promoting Information Materials The National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) tries to make both the public and public officials more aware of human rights and their obligations. It mainly uses training courses, and the concerned department under the ministry in this case is the Human Rights Commission of India. Few principles are followed that reflect the minimum standards set out in the Paris principles. The benchmarks are categorised into those that concern: (a) the character of the institution; (b) its mandate; and (c) its accountability. The institution has certain linked attributes, such as independence, being established by constitution, appointment procedures, criteria for the membership of a national institution, composition of a national institute’s membership, professional skills and knowledge of human rights, relations with civil society, and accessibility. The mandate concerns existing and draft laws, monitoring the domestic human-rights situation, monitoring and advising on compliance with international standards and cooperating with regional and international bodies, educating and informing in the field of human rights, receiving complaints or petitions from individuals or groups (where appropriate), and monitoring government compliance with their advice and recommendations. The public accountability concerns reporting annually on all aspects of their work and regular consultations with all stakeholders. Public awareness and education campaigns for the public and officials should aim to make both the public and public officials more aware of human rights and their obligations for disadvantaged groups in society, with a special focus on women’s and children’s education (International Council on Human Rights Policy 2005).

ICT’s Capability for Promoting the Commission’s Information Materials The internet filtering is a dynamic process subject to frequent change and, as the context for content regulation and practice for internet filtering evolves, research should be conducted. Many new nations are using the internet to effectively suppress free speech, improve surveillance techniques, disseminate cutting-edge propaganda, and pacify their populations with digital entertainment. State governments are practicing surveillance using social networking and other digital tools (Morozov 2011).

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Respondents’ Awareness Level of Human Rights The survey results indicate the level of awareness about human rights information amongst the respondents of the study. The results as shown in Fig. 13.1 below point out that equal percentages (94%) of both male and female respondents were aware of human rights. Only 6% of the respondents were not aware of their rights. Fig. 13.1. Column graph showing the awareness of human rights amongst male and female respondents

Source of Collecting Information about Human Rights Fig. 13.2 below shows the source of human rights information. The majority of the female respondents (42%) had to collect information from newspapers, while 32% of the male respondents gathered it from both newspapers and television channels. The books, awareness activities, friends, teachers, magazines, and the internet were secondary with regards to getting information on human rights when compared to newspapers and

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television channels. About 37% of males and 33% of females did not consider activities as a source for gaining human-rights information. However, 23% of males and 30% of females used the internet as a source to gain knowledge on human-rights information. Fig. 13.2. Source of information about human rights based on gender

Sources of Promoting Human Rights Information It is clear from Fig. 13.3 below that the Human Rights Commission in India occasionally promotes information regarding human rights to the public. About 37% of female and 23% of male respondents confirm that the Human Rights Commission of India uses television channels as a medium to distribute information. Also, 50% of male and 48% of female respondents report that human-rights information is not gathered from friends. About 37% of males and 47% of females mention that it is also not gained from activities. Only 12% of males and 17% of females felt that the Human Rights Commission uses the internet to popularise humanrights information. Hence, the internet is not popular as a source to distribute citizen’s rights by the Human Rights Commission, though there has been a rise in the number of broadband connections in India.

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Fig. 13.3. Source of distribution of human-rights information by the Human Rights Commission of India based on gender

Internet Users by Gender Fig. 13.4 below reveals that 90% of the respondents use the internet, comprising 43% males and 47% females.

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Fig. 13.4. Column chart indicating the number of internet users based on gender

Digital Sources Used for Gaining Information on Human Rights Interestingly, amongst the 90% of both male and female respondents who are internet users, 64% gathered human rights information from social media, 42% from websites, 41% from Google, 20% from email, 15% through SMS, 11% from blogs, 10% from instant messaging, and 5% from voicemail (see Fig. 13.5 below).

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Fig. 13.5. Column chart on the information gathered from the use of ICT tools based on gender

Awareness of Sources of Filtering Based on Gender It is surprising to note that 80% of male and 95% of female respondents, though working in ICT companies and educational institutions, were not aware of the internet-filtering practices carried out by the internet service providers (ISPs) or the respondent’s own institution or organisation (see Fig. 13.6 below). This signifies that they had not come across an instance of questioning the ISP or the organisation about the non-accessibility of certain websites or pages from the internet from their workplaces.

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Fig. 13.6. Column chart on the awareness of the source of filtering based on gender

Level of Filtering Practice on Political Information Fig. 13.7 below specifies that 59% of respondents (both male and female) had no idea about filtering, 17% felt that there was no filtering, 11% suspected filtering, and 10% felt there was selective filtering.

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Fig. 13.7. Column chart on the awareness of institutional filtering of political information by gender

Level of Filtering Practice for Social Information It is noted that about 32% of female and 27% of male respondents of the study had no idea about filtering for social purposes. However, 12% of males and 7% of females mentioned that selective filtering happens in organisations. Very few, i.e. 4% of the respondents, suspected that filtering exists. Only 2% of male respondents felt that there was substantial and continual filtering by network service providers or their organisations (see Fig. 13.8 below).

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Fig. 13.8. Column chart on the awareness of internet filtering for social purposes

Level of Filtering Practice on Conflicts/Security There have been many instances of hacking, misuse, and spamming internet user IDs with information that is not sought. Hence, for the purpose of security and the conflict of interests, the government or other organisations practice filtering websites on the internet. However, 61% of the respondents, both male and female, had no idea about internet filtering for conflict/security purposes. Only 17% believe that selective filtering occurs, and 8% mentioned that there was no filtering by service providers (see Fig. 13.9 below).

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Fig. 13.9. Column chart on the awareness of internet filtering for conflict/security purposes

Level of Filtering Practice on Internet Tools The level of filtering of internet tools was partially known by the male and female respondents, as 24% said that they were aware of selective filtering in their organisations. However, the majority, about 59%, had no idea about filtering (see Fig. 13.10 below). Some of the popular filtering tools are Net Nanny, SpyAgent, Qustodio, Surfie, Spysure, McAfee family protection, Norton family, and CYBER sitter.

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Fig. 13.10. Column chart on the awareness of internet filtering for internet tools

Gender on Opinion on Filtering and Freedom of Expression About 12% of male and 17% of female respondents expressed that the practice of internet filtering confines their freedom of expression. However, 20% of females and 20% of male respondents noted that such filtering practices do not restrict their freedom of expression. However, 18% of male and 13% of female respondents had no idea whether filtering practices restrict their freedom of expression (see Fig. 13.11 below).

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Fig. 13.11. Column chart on the opinion on restricting freedom of expression

Based on the survey results, a short interview was conducted to identify if ICTs could be put to use by including the human-rights information on all the websites developed by the National Informatics Center (NIC). Mr. A. Venkatesan, Deputy Director General, NIC, State Information Officer mentioned that NIC as a body does not autonomously support any information distribution for human rights, but could comply with including such information on the websites of various departments only upon official instructions provided by the concerned government department. Mr. Lakshmeesha, Technical Director, NIC stated that the NIC is only a platform provider for government organisations for designing, developing, and hosting the concerned department’s information on their websites. He added that all the information distribution can be done only with instructions by the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Department of Electronics and Information Technology, Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, Government of India. Hence, a conceptual agenda was conceived and is given below.

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Conceptual Framework for Protecting Human Rights in the ICT Environment The existing practice of the Human Rights Commission distributing the information for the public to be more aware about human rights can be practiced by following a framework. A detailed review was conducted about the UN Global Compact Principles, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, and the new International Standards Organization’s ISO 26000, among others, and further a workable framework named Awareness, Implementation, Effects (AIE) was envisioned. Given the huge size of India and its vast population, the nation is yet to be connected by transport and communication in total. The nation has to seek a practical approach to bridge the digital gap. The AIE model suggested is an approach that could be tested in future research to assess the reach of human rights information. The framework indicates that human-rights information can be effective if an adequate mix of the measures is practiced as follows: (1) Clear goals of informing the public on human rights (2) Supporting all the media (print, broadcast, and interactive) with incentives to cover more stories and create alerts on human-rights violations (3) Create more interactive websites for the youth to interact on the internet about human-rights information (4) More teacher-training programmes on using ICTs to access humanrights information to teach subjects and connect them to human rights (5) Organisations and institutions should follow a policy enabling a webpage or link to receive content like the Right to Information (RTI) on all their websites to distribute information (6) Appropriate monitoring needs to be conducted by research in ICT to develop an assessment report for the government (7) This will all enhance policy implementation and citizens will be alert regarding their human rights, resulting in fewer crimes in the country At stage one of the AIE model, as mentioned in Fig. 13.1 above, the awareness of human rights needs to be assessed. It was found that none of the union or state government departmental websites had information about human rights other than the Human Rights Commission’s website. Also, the teaching community in India could recall little of the Human

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Rights information. It is also noted that less than 10% of the population in the state are connected to the internet. The media reports that human-rights violations are increasing in society, which ignites fear in the minds of the victimised population. The majority of the victimised are not aware of their basic human rights and the approach to accomplish their individual rights. Against this background, the government can create strategies to increase the awareness of human rights information. The government departmental websites could be analysed to identify the visibility of human-rights information. The educational institutions can include a module in each semester in a select paper about human rights, engaging the teachers and students to be alert about their individual rights in India. Each individual in the country can be told to create an e-mail ID that should be considered as a legal tool to access or submit information of importance rather than using message boxes on websites. Once the individuals get habituated to sending and receiving e-mails, they would adapt to viewing websites of importance. The government departmental portals can provide a blog for postings that generate discussions amongst likeminded individuals, from which key information can be sought later. The websites can also include links to social networking and post humanrights information content links in instant messaging tools. In this manner, based on the present habits of individuals, screen-based communication trends could be covered for the better reach of human-rights information. The second stage, i.e. implementation, may have characteristics that need clarification about strategies and objectives adopted by the government. If the implemented strategies do not work than alternative ones will have to be developed. Today, we face stiff competition in business and society, and the purchasing power of the middle-income group has enhanced economic results in the country. At VUCA, the government needs to prepare strategies that would ease tensions in society by providing good communication to the public. Some of the strategies that can be adopted are to engage academic researchers to analyse situations, assess progress, and reinforce awareness of human rights at times of violations. Some of the best practices followed in allied areas, such as employee redressal, can be also adopted by the citizens for posting human-rights grievances and the concerned redressal cells to provide solutions. These systems can function only if there are people coming forward to attain their rights. The public should be informed by multiple media to focus on the use of ICTs to collect human-rights information updates. Legal steps should be taken to curb the practices of human-rights violators.

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At the third stage, i.e. effect, people will be adapted to using ICTs to gain human-rights information. They will treat e-mail as a legal tool to communicate, just as many of us get alerts from banks, employers, and other important identities, the mails being treated as official. At this stage, the strategies to be developed should be dynamic. All the government department websites should link to human rights information, and people who use it regularly must be ambassadors for the rest in their local communities to follow similar practices of using ICTs for legal communication. This way we will notice the change in the pattern of communication in society, and, like the educated mass who are dependent on the internet for information on a day-to-day basis, the common person would also evolve to be included in the information society and benefit from the fruits of technology use.

Conclusion This study intended to find out the various best practices carried out by the Human Rights Commission on the distribution of human rights information and if the exercise of filtering internet content is restricting the freedom of expression of the internet user. It was decided in the objectives to evaluate the best practices to come up with a conceptual model, and also to identify if the public are aware of their rights, the source of collecting the humanrights information from mass media, and specifically the use of ICT tools to check if filtering practices carried out by the network controllers to access information actually curb their freedom of expression. It was found that the majority of the developed nations do have a good distribution strategy for the web presence of human-rights information and the execution of processes for violations over the internet. It was also found from the survey that the majority of the educated working individuals in IT companies and educational institutions in India had less knowledge of the working of the human-rights department, though the Lokpal was very active in the recent past and was about to present the Jan Lokpal Bill. Hence, for human-rights information to reach out to all citizens of the nation, a conceptual AIE model was conceived that could be every effective, especially for those who take a backseat concerning their rights being curbed. Future research can be carried out by testing the AIE model on the Indian population.

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