Metics and the Athenian 'Phialai'-Inscriptions: A Study in Athenian Epigraphy and Law 3515093311, 9783515093316

Table of contents :
Contents
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Part I. History
I. Characteristics of the Phialai-Inscriptions
II. Interpretations
III. The Legal Disabilities and Vulnerability of Metics in Fourth-Century Athens
IV. Unsuccessful Prosecutions for aprostasiou, and Legal Protections for Metics
V. The Phialai-Inscriptions and the Lycurgan Reforms
VI. Defendants and Prosecutors in the Phialai-Inscriptions
VII. Conclusion
Part II. Epigraphy
I. Texts and Discussions
II. Summary of New Readings
III. Relative Dating
List of Photographs
Works Cited
Indices
Index
Index of Sources

Citation preview

Elizabeth A. Meyer

Metics and the Athenian Phialai-Inscriptions A Study in Athenian Epigraphy and Law

Geschichte Franz Steiner Verlag

Historia Einzelschriften - 208

Elizabeth A. Meyer Metics and the Athenian Phialai-Inscriptions

HISTORIA Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte Revue d’histoire ancienne Journal of Ancient History Rivista di storia antica –––––––––––––––––– EINZELSCHRIFTEN Herausgegeben von Kai Brodersen/Erfurt Mortimer Chambers/Los Angeles Martin Jehne/Dresden François Paschoud/Genève Aloys Winterling/Berlin

HEFT 208

Elizabeth A. Meyer

Metics and the Athenian Phialai-Inscriptions A Study in Athenian Epigraphy and Law

Franz Steiner Verlag Stuttgart 2010

Umschlagabbildung: Detail of IG II2 1559 A, drawn by SeungJung Kim.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-515-09331-6

Jede Verwertung des Werkes außerhalb der Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist unzulässig und strafbar. Dies gilt insbesondere für Übersetzung, Nachdruck, Mikroverfilmung oder vergleichbare Verfahren sowie für die Speicherung in Datenverarbeitungsanlagen. © 2010 Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart. Gedruckt auf säurefreiem, alterungsbeständigem Papier. Druck: AZ Druck und Datentechnik GmbH, Kempten Printed in Germany

Contents Acknowledgments............................................................................................... .

7

Introduction......................................................................................................... .

9

Part.I..History...................................................................................................... . I... Characteristics.of.the.Phialai-Inscriptions................................................ . II... Interpretations............................................................................................ . III... The.Legal.Disabilities.and.Vulnerability.of.Metics.in.. Fourth-Century.Athens.............................................................................. . IV... Unsuccessful.Prosecutions.for.aprostasiou,.and.Legal.Protections.. for.Metics................................................................................................... . V... The.Phialai-Inscriptions.and.the.Lycurgan.Reforms................................ . VI... Defendants.and.Prosecutors.in.the.Phialai-Inscriptions........................... . VII... Conclusion................................................................................................. .

11 11 17 28 47 59 69 78

Part.II..Epigraphy................................................................................................ . 81 I... Texts.and.Discussions................................................................................ . 81 II... Summary.of.New.Readings....................................................................... . 142 III... Relative.Dating.......................................................................................... . 143 List.of.Photographs............................................................................................. . 145 Works.Cited........................................................................................................ . 147 Indices................................................................................................................. . 155

ACknowledgments This.book.is.one.I.have.thought.about.for.a.long.time.–.since.I.was.a.graduate.student.at.the.American.School.of.Classical.Studies.in.Athens.in.1984–1985.–.although. the.writing.of.it,.at.last,.is.a.comparatively.recent.event..None.of.the.epigraphical. research.for.the.book.could.have.been.done.without.the.generous.grant.of.the.Olivia. James. travelling. fellowship. from. the.Archaeological. Institute. of.America. and. a. University.of.Virginia.summer.grant.–.or.without.the.invaluable.assistance.of.Bob. Bridges.and.Maria.Pilali.at.the.American.School,.who.helped.with.the.permits.necessary.for.the.intensive.examination.of.the.stones.and.their.photographing,.or.indeed.without.the.help.of.Marie.Mauzy.at.the.same.institution,.who.taught.a.neophyte.something.about.how.to.photograph.stones..John.Camp.at.the.Agora.Excavations,.and.Charalambos.Kritzas.and.Maria.Lagogianni.at.the.Epigraphical.Museum,. made.me.welcome.for.months.as.I.studied.their.inscriptions.in.their.storerooms.and. workspaces..For.the.impetus.needed.to.pull.my.thoughts.together,.I.thank.Geoff. Bakewell.at.Creighton.University.and.Laurel.Fulkerson.at.Florida.State.University,. whose.invitations.to.speak.on.related-but-not-quite-similar.Greek.topics.two.weeks. apart.compelled.me.to.be.coherent.on.different.aspects.of.the.subject.(or.else),.and. further.audiences.at.Durham.(where.I.thank,.especially,.Edward.Harris.and.Peter. Rhodes) and the Freie Universität at Berlin helped me to refine my thoughts further. And for the opportunity finally to get down on paper what I was thinking about, I thank.above.all.the.Gerda.Henkel.Stiftung,.whose.two-year.fellowship.from.2006. to.2008.freed.me.from.teaching.and.introduced.me.to.colleagues.in.Germany.whose. intellectual.generosity.and.informed.interest.in.my.work.made.my.two.years.there. extraordinarily.fruitful..The.Seminar.für.Alte.Geschichte.und.Epigraphik.at.Heidelberg,.my.home.there,.proved.a.perfect.place.to.work,.and.I.thank.Christian.Witschel,. Kai Trampedach, and Marion Süfling for making me part of the Seminar, as well as Philip.Kiernan.for.his.helpful.technical.assistance.with.the.photographs. Part.I.of.this.book.was.read.by.Jon.Mikalson,.Geoff.Bakewell,.Molly.Richardson,.John.Camp,.and.Ron.Stroud;.the.book.in.its.entirety.was.read.by.Kai.Brodersen. and.Angelos.Chaniotis..All.made.enormously.helpful.suggestions,.pointed.out.terrible.errors,.conveyed.enthusiasm.for.the.wayward.opinions.of.its.author,.and.in. general.improved.the.manuscript.immeasurably;.and.all.are.absolved.from.any.errors.my.stubbornness.has.insisted.on.keeping.in.the.book..No.one,.however,.put.in. more. time. on. the. manuscript. than. J.. E.. Lendon,. who. read. innumerable. drafts,. pushed.for.clarity.long.past.the.point.of.exhaustion,.and.challenged.me.to.defend. interpretations.until.the.very.end..This.book.is.dedicated.to.him.–.only.a.small.token. in.return.for.all.that.he.has.given.me.–.with.love. September,.2008

Elizabeth.Meyer

IntroduCtIon “You,.tell.me,.are.you.a.metic?”. “Yes.”. “And.are.you.a.metic.to.obey.the.laws.of.the.city,.or.to.do.as.you.please?”. “To.obey!”1 So.Lysias’s.speaker,.pursuing.a.point,.makes.his.imaginary.metic.interlocutor.put. himself into his proper place: a subordinate place, defined and enforced by law. Metics,.resident.foreigners,.had.to.obey.the.laws.of.Athens,.and.if.they.did.not.–.and. specifically if they did not take a prostates.(a.legal.protector).and.pay.their.metoikion. (the.metic-tax).–.they.were.subject.to.enslavement,.a.punishment.no.Athenian.citizen.had.feared.since.the.time.of.Solon..This.world.of.the.metic,.shadowed.and.patrolled.by.such.dire.legal.jeopardy,.is.the.one.in.which,.this.study.will.argue,.a.series. of.celebrated.inscriptions.from.the.late.fourth.century.BC.properly.belongs..These. inscriptions.have.been.named.“Attic.Manumissions”.because.of.the.general.scholarly belief, firmly in place since the nineteenth century, that the inscriptions and the silver. phialai. –. silver. bowls. –. they. list. were. generated. in. the. process. of. freeing. slaves,.or.of.liberating.already.freed.slaves.from.residual.obligations.to.their.former. masters.through.a.lawsuit.known.as.the.dikē apostasiou. But the specific contentions. made. here. are. (1). that. it. is. certain. that. these. inscriptions. do. not. attest. the. manumission.of.slaves.or.their.freeing.from.residual.obligations;.(2).that.it.is.certain.that.the.inscriptions.record,.instead,.the.dedications.of.phialai.that.themselves. were.the.residue.of.some.kind.of.legal.victory.by.metics,.not.(only).by.freedmen. (who.in.Athens.carried.metic.nomenclature);.(3).that.it.is.plausible.that.these.dedications were a tithe of a fine imposed upon the prosecutor as a result of the metic’s victory.in.a.lawsuit,.the.graphē aprostasiou,.in.which.the.metic.was.accused.of.failing.to.have.a.prostates.or.to.pay.the.metic.tax,.the.metoikion;.and.(4).that.it.is.very. likely that the inscriptions we have reflect not the legal procedures themselves – whatever.their.nature.–.or.an.attempt.to.record.their.results,.but.merely.the.inventorying,.at.a.later.date,.of.the.silver.bowls.(phialai).that.this.legal.procedure.generated..Part.I.is.an.extended.historical.essay.in.which.these.points.are.argued;.Part.II. is.an.epigraphical.study,.a.re-publication.of.the.texts.and.an.examination.of.their. physical.attributes,.their.relationship.to.each.other,.and.the.likely.order.of.their.inscribing. Because.so.little.is.known.for.certain.about.so.many.aspects.of.the.process.of. prosecuting,.punishing,.and.protecting.metics,.the.argument.that.follows,.in.Part.I,. is.complicated.and,.necessarily,.speculative.–.but.less.speculative.than.the.easy.assumptions.about.the.relations.of.masters.and.freedmen,.made.over.a.hundred.years. 1.

Lys..22.5:.eijpe; su; ejmoiv, mevtoiko~ ei|; naiv. metoikei'~ de; povteron wJ~ peisovmeno~ toi'~ novmoi~ toi'~ th'~ povlew~,.h] wJ~ poihvswn o{ ti a]n bouvlh/;.wJ~ peisovmeno~,.trans..Whitehead.1977,.p..46;. and.see.his.pp..57–58.on.metics’.presumed.attitude.of.submission.and.quiet.orderliness.

10

Introduction

ago,.that.have.underpinned.the.equally.complicated.interpretation.of.the.phialaiinscriptions.ever.since..Part.I.starts.with.an.overview.of.what.survives,.the.so-called. “Attic. manumission”. inscriptions,. describing. their. salient. characteristics. (§.I).. It. then.surveys.the.history.of.the.existing.interpretations.of.these.inscriptions,.highlighting. the. unlikely. or. even. impossible. aspects. of. these. interpretations. (§.II).. Thereupon metics, finally, become the object of direct concern: what happened – what.kind.of.case,.heard.where,.by.whom.–.when.a.metic.was.charged.with.not. paying.the.metoikion.or.not.having.a.prostates? The final unpleasant result of conviction.is.well.known,.but.the.legal.steps.to.this.doom.have.never.been.laid.out. (§.III)..And.surely.all.who.were.prosecuted,.or.even.many,.were.not.convicted:.what. happened.to.them.and.their.over-zealous.prosecutors?.Grateful.relief.washed.over. the.metics,.no.doubt,.but.penalties,.I.argue,.were.imposed.on.the.failed.prosecutors,. leading. to. the. dedication. of. phialai,. these. later. to. be. collected. up. in. Lycurgus’s. grand.sweep.of.dedications.designated.to.contribute.their.metal.to.the.greater.kos­ mos.of.Athena.and.Athens.(§.IV)..Melting,.not.dedication,.was.the.reason.for.inscription,. and. many. characteristics. of. the. inscriptions,. when. re-examined,. have. clear parallels in other Lycurgan financial records, where treasurers had to account for what they had done (§ V). A final examination of the identities of the protagonists.–.defendants.and.prosecutors.–.in.these.phialai-inscriptions.then.strengthens. the.argument.that.the.graphē aprostasiou.(for.not.having.a.prostates.or.failing.to. pay.the.metoikion),.not.the.dikē apostasiou (for not fulfilling residual obligations after.manumission).generated.the.dedications.later.inventoried.here.(§.VI). For.more.than.a.hundred.years,.the.phialai-inscriptions.have.been.thought.to. constitute.one.of.the.better.sources,.one.of.the.more.secure.foundations,.for.an.understanding.of.slavery.and.manumission.in.Athens..They.were.a.record.on.stone,. not.subject.to.the.bias.of.a.contemporary.author.or.the.unintentional.distortions.of. a.later.one;.they.could.be.dated;.the.participants.could.be.counted..But.if.these.inscriptions.are.re-assigned.(so.to.speak),.taken.out.of.the.Athenian.history.of.slavery. and. freedom. and. situated. within. the.Athenian. history. of. metics. and. taxation. instead,.it.is.remarkable.how.much.more.erratic,.sporadic,.and.problematic.the.evidence.for.manumission.at.Athens.becomes,.and.especially.how.downright.thin.the. evidence.in.Athens.for.full.Roman-style.manumission.of.slaves.with.lasting.and. serious.obligations.towards.the.former.master.–.which.has.long.been.deduced.from. these.inscriptions.–.can.be.seen.to.be..One.loss.is.another.gain,.however,.for.anything. that. improves. our. exiguous. knowledge. of. the. realities. of. metic. status. and,. particularly,.of.taxation.in.Athens,.can.only.be.very.welcome..Since.metics.were. widely.believed.to.be.crucially.important.to.Athens’s.economic.vitality,.and.since. that. economic. vitality. made. so. many. of.Athens’s. political. and. cultural. achievements.possible,.a.new.interpretation.of.the.phialai-inscriptions.that.focusses.on.the. methods.by.which.the.collection.of.the.metics’.tax.was.enforced.and.policed.has.a. broader.importance..The.phialai-inscriptions.are.fundamental,.not.for.our.understanding.of.masters.and.slaves,.but.for.our.understanding.of.metics.and.citizens,. taxation.and.tax-farming,.foreigners.and.the.city,.punishments.and.rewards,.and.the. economic,.legal,.and.religious.policies.of.the.city.of.Athens.in.the.fourth.century. BC..

PArt I. HIstorY I. Characteristics of the Phialai-Inscriptions This.group.of.inscriptions.recording.phialai.is.thirty-three.in.number,.many.of.them. only.small.pieces..Beginning.in.the.nineteenth.century,.these.fragments.were.found. for the most part on the Acropolis (three specifically east of the Parthenon, and several.on.or.near.the.south.slope);2.the.six.pieces.discovered.in.the.twentieth.century. have.all.been.unearthed.in.the.Agora.or.to.the.north.of.the.Areopagus.3.They.have. been.grouped.together.since.the.nineteenth.century.because.of.the.relentless.similarity. –. despite. varying. colors. of. stone. –. of. their. physical. format,. phrasing,. and. content.. In. format,. they. are. freestanding. stelai,. often. inscribed. on. both. sides. (opisthographic),4. with. lists. of. individual. entries. written. in. columnar. form,5. the. 2.

3.

4. 5.

“On.the.Acropolis”:.IG.II2.1557,.1559,.1566,.1570–1572,.1574–1575.(1561,.1566,.and.1571– 1572 were published by Lolling 1890 with no specific find-spots on the Acropolis; 1574 was published.by.Koumanoudes.[1889].1890,.p..60.no..6.as.having.been.“found.in.Athens”);.“in.the. excavations. in. front. of. the. Erechtheion,”. 1553. (Pittakis. 1838–1839,. 159–160. no.. 124);. “in. front.of.the.eastern.entrance.of.the.Parthenon,.beneath.the.substructure.of.what.is.considered.to. be.the.temple.of.Roma.and.Augustus,”.1554.and.1569.(Lolling.in.Kirchhoff.1888,.pp..239.and. 251–252);.“on.the.southern.section.of.the.Acropolis.under.the.Cimonian.wall,”.1556.(Pittakis. 1854,.1134–1136.nos..2190–2191);.“on.the.north.side.of.the.Acropolis.near.the.Erechtheion,”. 1558.(Lolling.in.Kirchhoff.1887,.pp..1185,.1199–1200);.“in.the.eastern.part.of.the.Acropolis,”. 1560;.“to.the.west.of.the.Parthenon,”.1561.(Pittakis.1853,.1044–1045.no..1960);.“in.the.cleared. southwesterly.area.of.the.Parthenon,”.1562.([no.author].1888,.174–175.no..5.but.reported.by. Lolling);.“on.the.south.slope.of.the.Acropolis,”.1563;.“at.foot.(radices).of.south.slope,”.1573;. “in.the.tholos.northeast.of.the.Erechtheion,”.1576.(Lolling.in.Kirchhoff.1887,.pp..1066.and. 1070);.no.information:.1555,.1564,.1565,.1567,.1568,.1577,.1578. Agora. inv.. I.3183. (found. 1935,. Agora. N10;. Lewis. 1959,. p..208;. incorporated. into. SEG. XVIII.36);.Agora.inv..I.5774.(found.1939,.Agora.U26;.Meritt.1961,.p..247.=.SEG.XXI.561);. Agora.inv..I.4763.(found.1937,.Agora.U22;.Lewis.1968,.p..368.=.SEG.XXV.178);.Agora.inv.. I.5656. (found. 1939,. among. marbles. from. demolition. of. houses. at. north. foot. of.Areopagus;. Lewis.1968,.p..369.=.SEG.XXV.180);.Agora.inv..I.1580.(found.1934,.Agora.G11;.Walbank. 1994,. pp..179–180. =. SEG. XLIV.68);.Agora. inv.. I.4665. (found. 1937,.Agora. V23;. Walbank. 1996,.pp..452–453.=.SEG.XLVI.180). The.opisthographic.fragments.are.IG.II2.1554,.1556–1560,.1565–1566,.1568–1570,.1575,.and. Agora.inv..I.3183;.1576.is.only.if.frags..a.and.b.actually.belong.together.. The.number.of.columns.may.vary:.at least one,.IG.II2.1560.(I.suggest.three,.see Part II.[Epigraphical.Appendix].no. 10),.1562.and.1563.(and.if.these.two.are.correctly.associated.with. 1561,.1564,.and.1565,.the.resulting.stele.would.have.at.least.three.columns,.see Part II.nos. 11–15),. 1567. (at. least. two. columns. if. correctly. associated. with. 1568,. Part II nos. 17–18),. 1571–1572,.1574,.1576.fr..a;.at least.two,.IG.II2.1553.(Lewis.1959,.p..233.said.at.least.three),. 1561,. 1564.(Lewis.1959,. p..234),.1565,. 1566A,. 1568A–B,. 1573,. 1575. (Lewis.1968,. p..377. argued for five), SEG.XXV.180.and.SEG.XLVI.180.(Agora.inv..I.5656.and.4665,.if.correctly. associated,.see.Part II nos. 30–31;.by.itself.SEG.XLVI.180.has.only.one.column),.and.SEG. XXI.561.(Agora.inv..I.5774);.three,.IG.II2.1578.(Lewis.1959,.p..235);.at least three,.“Great. Stele”.face.B.(IG.II2.1554B–1559B.+.Agora.inv..I.3183B,.Lewis.1959,.p..208),.1570,.1576.fr..

12

Part.I..History

entries.distinguished.from.each.other.in.various.ways.6.In.phrasing.they.are.highly. formulaic,.and.resort.to.abbreviation.to.a.varying.degree..And.in.content.they.are. remarkably.similar..An.example.of.phrasing.and.content.(IG.II2.1553,.column.one). is.Swsiva~ […∆Alwpekh'~]i oijkw'n ajpof(ugw;n).[Swvstraton ”Erme]ion,.Timarcivdhn E[ujwnumeva, fiavlh].staqmo;n H;.or,.in.bulk: [–]ON.phial[ē].[by.weight:100..–.i]n.Kolly[tos].[living.–.having.escaped.(conviction.by)].Eteocle[s.–.phialē.by.weigh]t:100..Sosias.[–.in.Alopeke].living,. having. esc(aped. conviction. by). [Sostratos. of. Hermos. (and). Timarchides. of. E[uonymon,.phialē].by.weight:100..Pers[–]ON.living.(f.).having.escaped.(conviction. by). [–]A,. of. Rhamnous. and. the. koino[n. of. the. eranistai,. ph]ialē. by. weight:100..Her(kl)e[ides?.li]ving.in.Pirae(us),.having.escaped.(conviction.by). M[–.li]ving.in.Pirae(us),.phialē.by.weig[ht:100..].Soteris,.living.in.Alopeke.[a. pedd]ler(?),.having.escaped.(conviction.by).Sostratos.of.Hermos.(and).Timarchides.of.Euonymon,.phialē.by.w[eigh]t:100..Eutychis,.a.peddler,.having.escaped. (conviction. by). Sostratos. (and?). Mnesistratos. of. Alopeke,. phialē. by. weight:[100].. P(hi)linna,. living. in. Pirae(us),. having. escaped. (conviction. by). Astynomos.from.Oia,.phialē by.weight:100..Synete,.living.in.Keiriadai,.having. escaped.(conviction.by).Niko(d)emos.of.Leukonion.and.the.koinon.of.the.eran­ istai,. phialē. by. weight:100.. Manes,. living. in. Phaleron,. a. farmer,. [having. es]caped.(conviction.by).Nikias.of.Olynthos,.phialē.[by.weig]ht:100..Pyrrhias,. l[iving].in.Melite,.a.peddler,.having.escaped.(conviction.by).Agath[–].living.[in. M(elite?)],.phialē.by.we[ight:100..–]OS.[living].in.[Ska]mbonidae.[–.having. escaped.(conviction.by)].S[–.l]ivi[ng.–]. The.formula.here.–.“x,.living.in.[deme],.having.escaped.(=.escaped.conviction.by). y,.phialē.by.weight.100”.is.the.most.common.in.these.inscriptions,7.while.the.fullest. version.of.the.formula.runs,.“x,.living.in.[deme],.[profession],.escaped.y,.son.of.yy,.

6.

7.

b;. at least four,. IG. II2. 1569A–B. (Lewis. 1959,. p..234);. five,. “Great. Stele”. face.A. (IG. II2. 1554A–1559A. +.Agora. inv.. I.3183A. +. SEG. XXV.178. =.Agora. inv.. I.4763A,. Lewis. 1959,. p..208).. In.IG.II2.1553,.there.is.a.vacat.within.each.column.before.each.new.entry;.in.1554–1556B.col.. II,.1557A.and.B.col..II,.1558A.and.B.col..II,.1559A.and.B.col..II,.1566,.1576.fr..b,.Agora.inv.. I.3183A–B,. and. SEG. XLIV.68. (Agora. inv.. I.1580). each. new. entry. starts. a. new. line,. and. is. marked.off.from.the.preceding.with.a.paragraphos,.a.horizontal.line.(same.in.1567,.except.that. each.entry.is.in.a.wider.column.and.therefore.only.two.lines.long;.once.also.on.1568B,.after.two. three-line.entries);.in.1556B.col..I,.1557B.col..I,.1558B.col..I,.1568A–B,.1569B,.1570,.1576.fr.. a,.1578,.SEG.XXI.561.(Agora.inv..I.5774),.and.SEG.XXV.178.(Agora.inv..I.4763).each.entry. begins.a.new.line.within.the.column;.the.same.is.true.in.1569A,.which.also.has.a.gouged-out. square.between.fiavlh.and.staqmovn;.in.1560B,.1561–1565.each.new.entry.begins.a.new.line. and.the.phrase.fiavlhn staqmovn: H.is.indented.on.its.own.line;.in.1573–1574.(and.restored.in. 1571–1572), 1575A, and Agora inv. I.5656 the first line of an entry extends one letter to the left (“hanging.paragraph”.style).. In.IG.II2.1553;.“Great.Stele”.face.A.(IG.II2.1554–1559.+.Agora.inv..I.3183.+.SEG.XXV.178.=. Agora.inv..I.4763.+.1580);.IG.II2.1560B.(1560B.20.has.fiavlhn),.1561.(in.col..II.21,.25,.30,.34. has. fiavlhn),. 1562. (restored),. 1563. (has. fiavlhn),. 1564. (has. fiavlhn),. 1565,. 1566A. I.1–17,. 1567–1568,.1569.(on.A,.fiavlhn.corrected.in.antiquity.to.fiavlh),.1570–1571,.1572.(but.1572.7. has.[fiav]lhn.once),.1573–1574;.1575A.(has.fiavlhn);.SEG.XXI.561.=.Agora.inv..I.5774.

I..Characteristics.of.the.Phialai-Inscriptions

13

of.[deme],.phialē.by.weight.100.”.The.phialai.are.always.100.drachmai.in.weight.. Yet.variations.of.formula.also.appear:.“y.(nominative.case),.x.(accusative.case).living.in.[deme],.phialē.by.weight.100;”8.both.of.these.formulae.on.the.same.stone,. changing from the first to the second in the middle (IG.II2.1566.at.line.18);.and.one. formula.that.is.very.similar.but.does.not.list.phialai,.“x,.living.in.[deme],.escaped. (conviction.by).y”.(IG.II2.1576A–B,.both.fragments,.and.possibly.also.1577)..Although.the.precise.relationship.of.the.last.two.inscriptions.to.the.rest.has.been.questioned,9.there.has.been.no.accepted.challenge.to.the.judgment,.in.place.since.the. nineteenth.century,.that.all.belong.together. This.perception.that.the.group.is.a.set.has.led.scholars,.especially.David.Lewis,. to.look.for.joins.and.connections.between.the.inscriptions,.all.of.them.most.likely. from.a.number.of.stelai.10.In.1959.he.reconstructed.seven.fragments.(IG.II2.1554– 1559 + Agora inv. I.3183) into one large, opisthographic stele with five columns on side.A. and. three. (plus. vacant. space). on. side. B,. adding. another. fragment. (SEG. XXV.178. =. Agora. inv.. I.4763). to. the. whole. in. 1968;. Walbank. attributed. SEG. XLIV.68.(=.Agora.inv..I.1580).to.this.“Great.Stele”.in.1994.11.Lewis.also.suggested. that.a.number.of.other.fragments.(IG.II2.1564.and.1565;.1571.and.1573–1575;.1567. and. 1568). could. be. reconstructed. into. three. other. stelai.12. The. criteria. used,. although.unexpressed,.are.consistency.of.letter.shape.and.of.columnar.and.entry.format;.thickness.of.stele;.type.of.stone.(although.in.this.regard.the.IG.descriptions.can. be.misleading);.and,.on.each.face,.similarity.of.content.and.abbreviation:.are.the. same.words.abbreviated.on.each.face,.are.the.same.components.of.names.given,. and.are.the.details.of.the.entries.the.same?.For.some.of.the.inscriptions.give.not. only.the.wording.“x,.living.in.[deme],.escaped,”.but.regularly.add.to.that.phrase.a. profession,.while.some.abbreviate.and.some.do.not..Another.look.at.the.surviving. fragments.shows.–.to.my.mind.–.that.Lewis.was.indeed.right,.but.might.have.been. able.to.go.a.little.further:.IG.II2.1561–1565.come.from.the.same.stele,.as.do.IG.II2. 1571–1574.13.With.IG.II2.1567–1568.also.linked,.twenty.fragments.(of.thirty-three). combine into just five stelai.14.The.other.thirteen.do.not,.at.this.point.in.time,.match. . 8. On. face. B. of. IG. II2. 1554–1559. +.Agora. inv.. I.3183. +. SEG. XXV.178. =.Agora. inv.. I.4763;. 1566A.18–42;.possibly.1578.col..II.(if.fiavlh.can.be.restored,.see.Part II no. 29);.and.in.SEG. XXV.180.(Agora.inv..I.5656),.where.fiavlh.was.corrected.in.antiquity.to.fiavlhn. . 9. Kränzlein.(1975,.pp..263–264).suggested.that.IG.II2.1576.(and.also.1578,.but.see.my.restoration.Part II no. 29).did.not.belong.with.the.others,.but.has.not.been.followed;.1577.may.not. have.phialai,.but.is.so.fragmentary.that.nothing.is.certain. 10. Koehler.(lemma.on.IG.II.773.=.1556.and.II.5.772b.=.1558).had.associated.IG.II2.1556.and. 1557.as.early.as.1883;.Kirchner.in.IG.II2.endorsed.this,.and.himself.also.associated.IG.II2.1554. and.1555. 11. Lewis.1959,.pp..208–226;.Lewis.1968,.pp..368–369;.Walbank.1994,.p..180..I.think.Walbank’s. attribution.is.unlikely.(see.Part.II nos. 2–9)..In.the.notes.that.follow,.the.lines.of.the.“Great. Stele”.are.given.both.as.lines.of.IG.II2.inscriptions.and.as.lines.in.Lewis’s.stele,.the.latter.appearing.in.parentheses.after.the.former.. 12. Lewis.(1959,.pp..234–235).on.the.others;.all.=.SEG.XVIII.36–50. 13. See.arguments.and.epigraphic.notes.in.Part.II. 14. Walbank.1996,.p..453.also.linked.SEG.XXV.180.and.XLVI.180.(Agora.inv..I.5656.and.I.4665);. I.have.doubts,.see.Part II no. 31.

14

Part.I..History

up.in.any.obvious.way,.which.gives.us.a.maximum.of.eighteen.stelai.(Lewis.hypothesized.seventeen);15.in.the.end.there.were.probably.fewer. Direct.references.to.the.purpose.of.these.stones.are.few..There.are.only.three. surviving.headings,.and.these.are.fragmentary..One.has.only.one.letter,.and.then.a. fragment.of.a.name.in.the.next.line.of.the.two-line.heading.([–]OURGOU,.IG.II2. 1575);.one.has.the.very.righthand.edge.of.what.appears.to.be.a.summary.of.a.law. (IG.II2.1560);.and.one,.discussed.below,.has.about.half.of.a.heading.(IG.II2.1578).. On.the.other.hand,.one.of.the.stones.more.recently.published,.SEG.XXV.180.(Agora. inv. I.5656), contributes (halfway through its first surviving column) information not.found.on.any.other.of.these.stones:.“on.the.tenth-and-[–].day|.of.Maimakterion,|. in.the.middle.court.of.the.new.(courts),|.Menekles.of.Euonymon.was.supervising. the.water-clock,|.Hierophon.of.Oa.was.supervising|.the.ballots,.P[…]|PHES.of.Halai,.Aristoleon|.of.Halimous,.Hieronymos.from.Koi(le)”.–.and.then.one.version.of. the.formula.resumes.16.A.third.clue.is.provided.by.the.people.involved.in.the.formulaic lists. The “x” in the formula who “escaped (conviction)” is always identified as “living.in.[deme],”.i..e..as.an.Athenian.metic,17.while.“y”.is.(almost.always).given. Athenian-citizen.nomenclature..Because.the.texts.are.fragmentary.there.are.many. unknowns,.but.there.is.(as.I.count).a.minimum.total.of.413.entries,.in.which.156. metic-defendants.have.male.names,.116.have.female.names,.and.141.are.entries.in. which.the.sex.of.the.defendant.could.not.be.determined.18.Fifty.live.in.the.Piraeus. (plus.four.more.in.nearby.Xypete,.Thumatiadai,.and.Phaleron).and.111.in.the.city. of.Athens.(with.twenty-three.more.if.nearby.Alopeke,.Kerameis,.Ankyle,.Agryle,. and Diomeia are included), while thirty-nine are scattered around Attica (five on Salamis,.one.in.Oropos),.and.186.hail.from.locations.that.cannot.be.determined.. More.than.forty.percent.(94/227).of.the.known.metic.deme-designations.come.from. just.two.demes,.Piraeus.(50).and.Melite.(44)..The.professions.named.are,.for.the. men,.predominantly.those.of.craftsmen.and.small.businessfolk,.while.the.women,. 15. Lewis.1959,.pp..234–235. 16. Lewis.1968,.p..370.(SEG.XXV.180.12–19.=.Agora.inv..I.5656.12–19):.[Maim]akthriw'no(~).|. [–]thi ejpi; devka: dikasthv|[ri]on mevson tw'n kainw'n.|.[ej]pi; to; u{dwr Meneklh'~ Eujw|numeuv~: ejpi; ta;~ yhvfou~.|ÔIerofw'n “Waqen [:]P[–]|fh~ ÔAlaieuv~ :.∆Aristolevwn |ÔAlimouvsi :.ÔIerwvnumo~ [ejk].Koiv..It.is.followed.by.the.“y;.x,.living.in.[deme];.(profession);.phialēn”.formula. 17. Wilamowitz-Möllendorff.1887,.pp..107–115;.Whitehead.1977,.p..32;.Todd.1997,.p..118..Slaves. were.listed.as.“x,.(slave).of.y,”.as.in.the.Erechtheion.accounts.(IG 13.474–476),.where.metics,. citizens,.and.slaves.are.all.listed.side-by-side,.each.in.almost.every.case.with.his.characteristic. nomenclature..Freedmen.had.no.nomenclature.that.set.them.apart.from.metics,.which.emphasizes.that.they.inhabited.no.juridical.category.of.their.own.(see,.e..g.,.[Ar.].AP.58.3;.Whitehead. 1977,.pp..115.and.116;.Cohen.1992,.pp..109–110),.despite.the.fact.that.they.are.said.to.have. paid.a.small.additional.tax.(Harpokration,.s..v..metoikion:.see.below pp. 29–30),.did.not.have. free.choice.of.prostates,.and.are.(only).twice.referred.to,.off-handedly,.as.separate.from.metics. ([Xen.].AP.1.10.and.Arist..Pol..1278a1–2)..They.may,.of.course,.have.been.subject.to.social. prejudice.as.ex-slaves,.but.this.is.a.different.matter. 18. Todd.(1997,.p..121).counts.a.total.of.375,.of.which.110.are.male.or.possibly.male,.eighty-six. are female or possibly female, and 179 could not be certainly identified; Rosivach (1989, p..366).counts.sixty-three.women.whose.occupations.can.be.read.(at.369–370,.twenty-six.listed. without.association.with.a.male,.twenty-one.on.stones.in.more.fragmentary.condition).

I..Characteristics.of.the.Phialai-Inscriptions

15

when.given.a.profession,.are.predominantly.listed.as.woolworkers,.talasiourgoi.19. There.are.also.sixteen.children.listed,.twelve.seemingly.appearing.as.members.of. family.groups.20.On.the.prosecuting.side.of.the.formula,.there.are.not.just.citizens,. but also twenty-six men with metic nomenclature; five men identified as isoteleis,. or.metics.who.have.been.granted.the.privilege.of.paying.taxes.equal.to.those.paid. by Athenian citizens; two men identified as proxenoi;. and. a. number. of. apparent. foreigners.(two.Olynthians,.a.Theban,.and.a.Troezenian).–.apparent,.because.citizens.of.all.three.cities.were.voted.special.legal.standing,.and.probably.ateleia.from. the.metic-tax,.by.the.Athenians.in.the.second.half.of.the.fourth.century.21.On.the. 19. With. my. re-readings. I. count. 160. total. designations. of. profession. preserved. (I. do. not. count. sixteen cases of being a “child” as “having a profession,” and add five not previously read, two of. them. new. professions:. 1557A. I.19. [A. IV.392],. gew≥r≥;. 1566A. I.15,. ajsko[pwvlh~];. 1567.5,. si≥n[≥ donopwvlh~];.SEG.XXV.180.II.43.=..Agora.inv..I.5656.II.43,.[ta]l[as]iourgov~ and.II.46,. [fort]hvgon); all but the woolworker are male. I count fifty-three talasiourgoi.. Todd. (1997,. p..121).read.185.total.designations.of.profession:.forty-one.were.talasiourgoi,.of.whom.twentytwo.were.certainly.women.and.another.twelve.might.have.been;.according.to.him,.of.eighty-six. certain.and.probable.women,.twenty-four.have.no.occupation.recorded.and.another.ten.may. have.had.an.occupation.recorded..Again,.Rosivach.(1989,.pp..365–366).counted.differently:. 158 professions that can be read, of which fifty-one are talasiourgoi.(a.number.endorsed.by. Labarre.1998,.p..795).and.these.are.all.women.(=.81.%.of.the.professions.listed.for.women).. Tod. (1950,. pp..10–11). had. counted. forty-three. talasiourgoi,. of. which. he. thought. thirty-one. were.certainly.women,.and.argued.that.all.talasiourgoi.were.female..The.professions.are.discussed.in.Tod.1901–1902,.pp..203–211,.Calderini.1908,.pp..350–356,.Tod.1950,.pp..3–14,.Labarre.1998,.pp..798–799,.and.Faraguna.1999,.pp..69–70.(the.last.two.discuss.only.the.occupations.of.women). 20 For their identification as children in families and not (e. g.) slaves, Rosivach 1989, pp. 368–369 (the identification of family is based on sequential treatment, on the stone, of people (including a.man.and.a.woman).living.in.the.same.place,.prosecuted.by.the.same.people)..Most.are.from.the. “Great.Stele”.(IG.II2.1554–1559.+.Agora.inv..I.3183.and.SEG.XXV.178.=.Agora.inv..I.4763);. numeration.in.parentheses.in.the.following.(and.throughout.this.work).is.from.the.combination. and.re-edition.of.Lewis.(1959)..IG.II2.1556A.I.22.(A.V.472),.female.in.a.family.group;.1557A. II.72.(A.V.514),.male paidiv(on).of.Herakles,.not.in.a.family.group;.1558A.24–25.(A.V.550),. female.(probably.in.a.family.group);.note.that.1559A.III.63.(A.III.259).is.not.a.child.but.an.abbreviated.“little.children’s.nurse”.(paidiv(wn).tivtq(h),.rather.than.Lolling’s.restoration.(noted.in. IG.II2).of.paidiv(on).tivtq(h~),.“child.of.the.nurse,”.since.otherwise.–.except.for.1557A.II.72.(A. V.514).above.–.relationships.are.never.indicated);.1554B.II.67.(B.III.341),.female.(probably.in. a.family.group);.1556B.I.44.(B.I.19),.(sex.uncertain,.[…]ivan paidn),.and.possibly.part.of.a. family.grouping);.1557B.I.89.(B.I.37),.male;.1558B.I.50.(B.I.96),.male,.1558B.I.72.(B.I.118),. female,.74.(B.I.120),.male,.and.76.(B.I.122),.female.(all.part.of.the.same.family.unit);.1558B. II.82. (B. II.235),. male,. and. 85. (B. II.238),. female,. both. part. of. the. same. unit;. 1559B. 85. (B. III.259),.male..There.are.only.three.on.other.stones:.1576.fr..b.II.60–63.(male;.only.here,.and.in. the.entry.directly.above.it,.does.the.stone.explicitly.say.that.all.“escaped”.together,.ajpevfu(gon). ou|toi pavnte~);.1578.I.3.(female);.SEG.XXV.180.37.=.Agora.inv..I.5656.37.(female,.in.a.family. group)..1553.II.41.was.restored.as.[paid]|ivon,.but.ivon.could.simply.also.be.the.end.of.a.name.. Tod.(1950,.p..9).claimed.that.most.of.these.are.girls,.not.boys,.but.there.are.eight.girls,.seven. boys,.and.one.child.of.uncertain.sex..Six.boys.are.in.family.groupings;.of.the.seven.girls.who. are,.three.are.also.simultaneously.with.two.of.the.boys,.and.for.one.girl.(1578.I.3).we.cannot.tell. whether.she.was.with.a.family..The.one.child.of.uncertain.sex.may.be.in.a.family.grouping. 21. Metics,.IG.II2.1553.I.12,.27,.31;.1554A.II.42.(A.II.223),.a.metic.with.a.patronymic;.1555A.I.9. (A.I.77,.a.metic.with.a.patronymic,.restored).and.II.12.(A.II.185);.1557A.II.49,.53.(A.V.491,.

16

Part.I..History

citizen side of the formula we also find, at times, more than one man;22.and.eighteen. times,.a.man.together.with.a.koino;n ejranistw'n.–.“a.commonality.of.associated. friendly.lenders”.or.even.“venture.capitalists,”.if.one.may.be.a.little,.but.not.overly,. anachronistic. in. translation.23. Despite. the. formulaic. quality. of. these. thirty-two.. 495:.same.man);.1559A.IV.73.(A.IV.371);.1556B.II.39.(B.I.14),.a.metic.with.a.patronymic;. 1557B.84.(B.I.32),.a.metic.with.a.patronymic.(restored);.1558B.I.51.(B.I.97);.1561.II.18.(with. a.patronymic,.restored);.1569A.II.6.and.III.18.(with.a.koinon),.B.II.66–67.(with.a.patronymic,. restored);.1570.III.86;.1575A.II.19–20;.1576.(fr..a).A.4.and.7,.B.23–24.(but.only.if.Lewis’s. restoration.is.correct,.1959,.p..235;.I.restore.differently,.see.Part.II no. 26),.1576.fr..b.I.34,.38,. 42,. II.55–56. (with. a. patronymic,. restored);. SEG. XXV.178.5–6. =.Agora. inv.. I.4763.5–6. (A. I.8–9,.with.a.koinon),.SEG.XXV.180.I.29,.32,.35.=.Agora.inv..I.5656.I.29,.32,.and.35.(same. man);. same. stone,. II.53.. Isoteleis. metics,. IG. II2. 1554A. I.12,. 16. (A. I.102,. 106:. same. man);. 1558B.I.53.(B.I.99);.1565A.I.5,.B.I.20,.?22.(also.with.the.ejn…oijkou'nta.formula,.probably.a. peculiarity of this inscriber – not, as Todd (1993, p. 199 n. 47) wondered, a signifier of a different.type.of.isoteleia)..Proxenoi.(meaning.here.foreigners.who.have.been.granted.special,.but. unspecified, privileges, MacDowell 1978, p. 79), IG.II2.1556B.I.42,.46.(B.I.17,.21:.same.man);. 1570A.II.22..Foreigners:.Olynthians.(IG.II2.1553.I.25,.1559A.III.45–46.[A.III.241–242]),.a. Theban.(1569A.II.5),.and.a.Troezenian.(1569B.II.63);.note.that.Lewis.(1959,.p..234).re-read.IG. II2.1569B.I.1,.Pla(taieva),.as.Pal(lhneva)..The.Athenians.had.voted.ateleia.(from.the.metoi­ kion?).to.Olynthians.(after.338).and.Thebans.(after.335),.see.Harpokr..s..v..ijsotelhv~.and.IG.II2. 211;.it.is.possible.that.Troezenians.were.voted.this.too.(Hyp..5.Ath..33.[Jensen]),.see.Whitehead. 1977,.p..15. 22. Fifteen.sets.of.(two-to-four).men.with.different.demotics,.IG.II2.1553.6–7,.14–15.(same.set.of. two);.1557A.I.25–28.(A.IV.398–400:.two);.1557A.I.31–36.(A.IV.404–409:.four,.but.fragmentary);.Agora. inv.. I.3183A. II.3–6. (A. IV.429–431,. two. unrelated. men. from. the. same. deme);. 1557A.II.40–42.(A.V.482–484:.two);.1558A.II.26–28.(A.V.552–554:.two);.1559A.I.12–15.(A. I.36–40:.possibly.four);.1556B.I.42–43.(B.I.17–18:.a.proxenos.and.a.citizen);.1554B.71–72.(B. III.346–347:.two);.1558B.I.58–61.(B.I.104–107:.three,.two.from.the.same.deme);.1559B.79– 80,.83–84,.86–87,.90–91.(B.III.253–254,.257–258,.260–261,.264–265:.the.same.set.of.two. men,.four.times);.1569A.II.5–7.(a.Theban.and.a.metic);.1575A.II.4–6,.9–11.(same.set.of.two;. the.second.is.without.his.demotic,.but.no.man.of.his.name.is.known.from.Sphettos,.the.demotic of the first: see LGPN II),.14–17.(two);.1576.fr..b.I.42–44.(a.metic.and.a.citizen.with. different.deme/demotic);.this.phenomenon.was first noted by Buck 1888, p. 157. Seven sets appear.to.be.brothers:.IG.II2.1553.17–18.(two,.no.patronymic.given,.but.from.same.deme);. 1555A.II.16–20.(A.II.189–193;.three.brothers);.1557A.II.65–67.(A.V.506–509:.two);.Agora. inv..I.3183B.II.3–5.(B.III.328–330:.two);.Agora.inv..I.3183B.II.10–11.and.1554B.II.65–66.(B. III.335–336,.339–340:.same.two.men,.twice);.1563.1–2.(both.sons.of.Lysis.of.Erchia);.1569A. III.30–33.(three.men.from.the.same.deme,.but.no.patronymics.given);.or.two.possible.family. groups,.1574.5–7,.10–12.(two.sons.and.a.father?.–.no.demotic.preserved);.1576.(fr..a).A.9–12. (father.and.son?).. 23. Men.working.with.a.koinon.of.the.eranistai:.IG.II2.1553.9–10,.22–23;.SEG.XXV.178.6–9.=. Agora. inv.. I.4763A. 6–9. (A. I.9–11);. 1559A. II.28–31. (A. II.140–143:. “Chairippos. son. of. Chairedemos.of.Halai.and.the.koinon.of.the.eranistai,.those.with.Chairippos.of.Halai”);.1558A. 39–43.(A.V.565–569:.“Philokrates.son.of.Epikrates.of.Eleusis.and.the.koinon.of.the.eranistai,. those.with.Theophrastos.son.of.Bathyllos.of.Cholargos”);.1556B.I.27.(B.I.2);.1557B.II.105– 106.(B.II.152–153);.1566A.I.27–28;.1568B.II.19–20,.22–23;.1569A.III.18–20;.1570A.I.25–26,. I.57–59,.I.60–62,.II.83–84;.1571.10–11,.13;.1572.10–11..An.eranos.is.a.group.that.pools.its. resources for a common financial purpose, like a loan, Harrison 1968, p. 183 and Cohen 1992, pp..207–210.(older.views.at.pp..207–208);.their.“friendliness”.has.commonly.been.misunderstood.as.friendliness.to.borrowers.in.the.form.of.interest-free.“friendly”.loans,.when,.as.Cohen. has.shown,.the.quality.of.“friendliness”.actually.arises.from.the.fact.that.members.of.an.eranos.

II..Interpretations

17

inscriptions,.then,.there.is.thus.much.of.interest.here;.and.perhaps.because.of.their. formulaic.quality,.and.the.fragmentary.remains.of.only.three.headings.out.of.a.possible.seventeen.or.eighteen.stelai,.there.is.also.much.here.that.is.mysterious. II. Interpretations The five fundamental elements that have been combined to create the existing understanding.of.these.phialai-inscriptions.–.the.understanding.that.they.were.related. to slave-manumission or freedman status – were all identified in the nineteenth century..Alexandros. Rangabé. and. Ernst. Curtius. observed. that. these. inscriptions. appeared.to.be.(a).lists.of.dedications, and Rangabé first observed that the ajpofeuvgw. language.pointed.to.an.origin.for.these.dedications.in.(b).court-cases.24.Wilhelm. Koehler.in.1878.made.a.connection.between.the.phialai.listed.here.and.the.fiavlai ejxeleuqerikaiv. listed.in.two.(at.that.time.unpublished).Acropolis.inventory.lists,. translated.as.(c).“freedmen’s.phialai,”.which.were.melted.down.to.make.silver.hy­ driai.in.320/19.BC.and.313/12.BC.25.“It.cannot.be.doubted.that.the.achievement.of. freedom was the reason for dedication,” he wrote, in that superbly confident nineteenth-century.way;.the.slaves.freed.were.those.who.lived.apart.(oiJ cwri;~ oijkou'nte~). from.their.masters.and.paid.them.ajpoforav,.“tribute.”26.Three.years.later,.Heinrich. Schenkl.re-emphasized.the.courtroom.derivation.of.ajpofeuvgw.language,.and.suggested.(d).the.divkh ajpostasivou.(“the.charge.of.rejection”).as.the.type.of.charge. lying. behind. it.27. Six. years. after. that,. Ulrich. von. Wilamowitz-Möllendorff..

24.

25.

26.

27.

are friends to each other – a group of friends embarking on a common financial venture that could.well.intend.to.make.money,.despite.the.noble.metaphorical.uses.investigated.by.Millett. 1991,.153–159.(whose.characterization.of.eranoi.as.philoi.obligated.at.one.level.to.help.fellowcitizens and city also does not mesh well with men giving financial assistance to slaves or freedmen,.who.are.not.citizens). See.Rangabé.1855,.pp..572–577.nos..881–2.and.p..1000.no..2340,.for.whom.the.prosecuted. “won.their.case”.(gagné leurs procés,.p..574);.Curtius.(1843,.p..19.no..VII.=.IG.II2.1553).ventured. that. those. “escaping”. were. slaves. who. had. sought. asylum. and. were. now. dedicating. thank-offerings.to.the.“Schutzgottheit”.of.asylum.(but.all.that.slaves.who.took.asylum.received. was.the.privilege.of.being.sold.to.a.new.master,.Harrison.1968,.p..172)..For.ajpofeuvgw.as.legal. language,.see.also.Lipsius.[1905–1915].1966,.pp..624.n..12. Koehler. 1878;. the. inventory. inscriptions. are. IG. II2. 1469A. 5–6,. 15. and. 1480A. 9. (restored).. Nothing.is.known.of.these.phialai.beyond.these.references,.and.Koehler’s.assumptions.have. become.standard;.a.different.interpretation.of.exeleutherikai.will.be.proposed.below, pp. 53– 55. Koehler.1878,.p..175;.at.p..176.he.cites.in.support.[Xen.].AP.I.11,.o{pou ga;r nautikh; duvnamiv~ ejstin, ajpo; crhmavtwn ajnavgkh toi'~ ajndrapovdoi~ douleuvein, i{na †lambavnwmen w|n pravtth/†. ta;~ ajpoforav~, kai; ejleuqevrou~ ajfievnai.(text.of.Gray.2007)..Whether.the.choris oikountes. were.slave.or.freed.is.a.long-standing.debate.in.the.scholarship.(see.Harrison.1968,.p..167.n..5. and.the.summary.of.Cohen.1998,.pp..119–120),.arising.from.a.mistake.of.Harpokration’s.(he. wrongly.assumed.that.slaves.needed.to.live.with.the.master,.so.that.those.who.did.not.were. necessarily.freedpeople). Schenkl.1881,.improving.on.his.1880,.p..217,.where.he.had.thought.the.phialai.merely.thankofferings for victory in an (unspecified) court-case.

18

Part.I..History

identified each phialē.as.(e).a.tax.for.the.“judicial.establishment.of.freedom.”28.In.a. footnote,.he.restored.the.fragmentary,.non-stoichedon.heading.of.IG.II2.1578.(published.only.a.few.years.before,.in.1879)29.as.follows,.since.“it.really.cannot.be.restored.any.other.way:”30 [Polemarcou'n]to~ Dhmotevlou~ tou' ∆Ant[i]mavcou ÔAl[a][ievw~ divkai ajpo]stasivou ÔEkatonbaiw'no~ p[evmpt]ei ejpi; [d]ev[ka]. “Demoteles,.son.of.Antimachos,.of.Halai,.[was.polemarch;.the. dikai apo]stasiou on the fifteenth of Hekatombaion.” Wilamowitz.restored.this.heading.only.in.passing,.for.he.was.pursuing.another.argument; it was for others, specifically for Carl Buck in 1888, to work out the details of.what.it.might.mean.for.the.lists.of.phialai. Buck. did. so. by. examining. the. second-century.AD. lexicographer. Harpokration’s definition of the dikē apostasiou.more.closely.than.Schenkl.had:31 divkh tiv~ ejsti kata; tw'n ajpeleuqerwqevntwn dedomevnh toi'~ ajpeleuqerwvsasin, eja;n ajfistw'ntaiv te ajp∆ aujtw'n h] e{teron ejpigravfwntai prostavthn, kai; a} keleuvousin oiJ novmoi mh; poiw'sin: kai; tou;~ me;n aJlovnta~ dei' douvlou~ ei\nai, tou;~ de; nikhvsanta~ televw~ h[dh ejleuqevrou~. 28. Wilamowitz-Möllendorff.1887,.p..110.and.n..1;.he.also.decided.in.n..1.that.the.legal.process.was. one.in.which.an.Athenian.citizen.“vindicated.into.freedom”.a.non-Athenian.falsely.treated.as.a. slave.(as.the.Roman.in libertatem vindicavit),.which.to.his.mind.explained.the.metic.(not.slave). nomenclature.of.the.inscriptions..This.interpretation.was.soon.refuted.by.others,.e..g.,.Kahrstedt. 1934,.p..309,.who.noted.that.although.this.sort.of.intervention.was.purely.the.right.of.Athenian. citizens,.metics.were.found.“prosecuting”.in.these.inscriptions.(above n. 21)..Moreover,.in.Athens.the.legal.action.most.closely.resembling.“vindication.into.freedom”.was.the.dikē aphaire­ seos,.a.dikē.of.the.(former).master.against.the.(would-be).vindicator,.not.of.or.against.the.slave/ freedman.whose.status.was.at.issue:.Lys..23.9–10.and.Is..fr..18.(Loeb;.fr..16.Thalheim),.with. Harrison.1968,.pp..178–179;.Rädle.1969,.pp..12–13;.Scafuro.1994,.p..184.n..16. 29. Koumanoudes.1879,.pp..528–530.no..2,.who.had.restored.[ajpro]stasivou.in.the.second.line. 30. Wilamowitz-Möllendorff. 1887,. p..110. n..1. (“…welche. nicht. wohl. anders. ergänzt. werden. kann”);.Calderini.1908,.p..430.questioned.this,.but.only.by.suggesting.that.[–]stasivou.could. have.been.part.of.a.patronymic..[“Arcon]to~ in.line.1.is.certainly.unlikely,.since.the.formula.in. the.fourth.century.was.ejpi;.[name].a[rconto~,.and.here.the.name.follows.[–]to~. 31. Schenkl. (1881,. p..169). had. merely. quoted. this. entry. (s..v.. ajpostasivou). of. Harpokration,. to. show.that.the.freed.were.not.entirely.free,.but.could.become.so.through.this.dikē..The.Greek.of. Harpokration,.here.as.elsewhere,.is.quoted.from.the.1853.text.of.Dindorf,.reprinted.in.1969.. Harrison.(1968,.p..185.n..3.–.but.not.when.he.quotes.the.same.passage.at.p..165.n..1!).intimated.that.Harpokration’s.text.had.read.ejpistavthn,.not.prostavthn,.and.that.prostavthn.was.a. correction.from.Suidas.(see.below n. 38);.I,.however,.see.no.sign.in.the.textual.tradition.of. Harpokration.that.the.text.ever.read.ejpistavthn. Pollux 8.35 (and 3.83) has a short definition similar. to. Harpokration’s;. Suidas. (s..v. ajpostasivou divkh). and. Synagoge Lexeōn Chresimōn. (1.434 Bekker) too give a very similar definition, and Suidas also adjusts the confusing final phrase.to.tou;~ de; nikhvsanta~ televw~ loipo;n ejleuqevrou~.(“they.are.completely.free.hereafter”),.and.then.incorrectly.adds.that.apostasiou.was.a.dikē.instituted.by.owners.against.slaves. claiming.freedom..The.Lexicon Rhetoricum.(1.201.Bekker).gives.much.the.same.wording.but. inserts.“if.they.did.not.do.what.the.laws.require.manumitted.slaves.to.do.for.their.manumittors”. (a} keleuvousin oiJ nojmoi poiei'n tou;~ ajpeleuqevrou~ toi'~ ajpeleuqerwvsasi, mh; poiw'si).

II..Interpretations

19

“…it.is.a.kind.of.dikē against.freedmen.permitted.to.those.who.have.freed.them. if.they.abandon.them.(their.former.owners).or.register.another.person.as.overseer.(prostates).and.do.not.do.the.things.that.the.laws.command..And.those.who. are.condemned.are.necessarily.slaves,.but.those.who.win.are.now.completely. free.” And. as. Harpokration. goes. on. to. say,. this. dikē. is. found. frequently. (pollavki~). “among. the. orators,. in. Lysias. in. his. For Aristodemos. and. in. Hypereides. in. his. Against Demetria for apostasis..Aristotle’s. Constitution of the Athenians. writes. about.the.polemarch.as.follows:.‘he.introduces.the.dikai apostasiou,.aprostasiou,. inheritances,.and.heiresses.’”32.Buck.zeroed.in.on.the.phrase.about.abandonment,. and. linked. this. to. requirements. in. manumission. inscriptions. elsewhere. for. freed. slaves.to.serve.their.former.masters.in.various.ways.after.manumission.33.By.explicating Harpokration’s definition from a perspective informed by manumission practices.of.the.wider.Greek.world,.especially.Delphi.in.the.Hellenistic.period,.Buck. thought.to.justify.and.explain.the.role.of.the.dikē apostasiou.in.these.inscriptions,.a. role.that.Koehler.had.in.passing.rejected.34 In. 1901–1902,. Marcus. Tod. published. more. of. these. inscriptions,. endorsed. Buck’s. conclusions,. noted. that. freedmen. took. on. the. legal. status. of. metics,. and. summarized:.“[w]e.see,.then,.that.the.metics.[i..e.,.metic-freedmen].who.dedicated,. whether.in.deference.to.law.or.to.custom,.the.fiavlai ejxeleuqerikaiv.had.been.accused.by.their.patrons.of.failing.to.perform.their.duty.to.them..They.had.been.acquitted,.and.were.now.metics.pure.and.simple,.having.the.privilege.of.free-born. metics,.that.of.choosing.their.own.patrons.”35.For.him,.those.who.had.been.freed. are.now.truly.free;.the.phialē.is.not.a.tax.but.a.registration.fee.“paid.to.secure.the. inscription.in.a.public.place.of.the.result.of.the.trial;”.and.the.trial.might.well.have. taken.place.by.collusion,.that.is,.by.prior.agreement.between.master.and.(former). slave.–.a.form.of.reward.for.a.faithful.freedman,.as.manumission.was.a.reward.for. a. faithful. slave.36. In. 1934,. Ulrich. Kahrstedt. looked. at. IG. II2. 1578. more. closely.. Deducing.that.the.inscription,.although.only.a.fragment.and.with.a.heading.already. plausibly.restored.by.Wilamowitz,.had.numerous.entries.in.its.list,.he.assumed.that. all.these.phialai-entries.must.have.been.the.result.of.one.day’s.courtroom.work.–. 32. The.association.of.the.polemarch.with.apostasiou.(and.aprostasiou).in.[Ar.].AP.58.3,.treated. below pp. 33–35,.is.also.repeated.in.Pollux.8.91. 33. Buck.1888. 34. In.particular,.Buck.(1888,.pp..156–158).also.sought.to.refute.Koehler’s.objection.(in.his.lemma. on. IG. II.768). that. because. metics. prosecuted. in. these. inscriptions. (inter homines enim, qui patronum fuisse dicendi essent, saepius, inquilini referuntur).but.could.not.be.prostatai.(because.they.were.metics),.and.because.prostatai.had.to.prosecute.in.the.apostasiou,.the.charge. here.could.not.be.apostasiou..Koehler’s.and.Buck’s.views.are.re-examined.below n. 59. 35. Tod.1901–1902,.p..200;.the.basics.of.the.argument.–.that.these.were.dedications.by.those.freed. from. obligation. through. the. dikē apostasiou. –. were. also. endorsed. by. Clerc. [1893]. 1979,. pp..288–294.and.Foucart,.1896,.pp..61–77. 36. Tod.1901–1902,.pp..201.and.202;.Kränzlein.(1975,.p..264).revives.the.notion.of.a.fee.(Gebühr). –.for.making.use.of.the.court.in.manumission..Todd.(1993,.p..191).will.later.also.cautiously. endorse.collusion.

20

Part.I..History

the fifteenth of Hekatombaion, the day that appears in the heading of the inscription –.and.concluded.that.the.legal.actions.that.generated.them.could.therefore.not.have. been.“real”.court.cases:.“it.is.quite.clearly,”.he.concluded,.“a.matter.of.an.empty. form.that.has.developed.out.of.the.dikē apostasiou.and.dragged.the.name.of.dikē. along.with.it,.but.is.nothing.more.than.the.manumission.itself.”37.The.master.has. freed the.slave,.then.prosecutes.him.(or.her).apostasiou.but.lets.the.case.be.dismissed.at.the.trial,.presumably.by.remaining.silent;.consequently.the.slave.is.declared.free.even.of.the.requirement.of.having.a.prostates..Thus,.“the.whole.business. is. the. formal. completion. and. registration…of. the. manumission.”38. In. this. way,. Kahrstedt.combined.a.number.of.the.preceding.observations:.the.lists.were.of.dedications.that.resulted.from.court-cases.involving.slaves.who.were.freed.–.but.these. were.not.real.court-cases;.rather,.what.lay.behind.the.lists.was.a.denatured.dikē.that. had.become.an.administrative.procedure.by.the.last.third.of.the.fourth.century..In. short,.not.just.a.collusive.but.a.fictive legal action,.adapted.from.an.existing.dikē.to. give.a.former.slave.the.security.of.public.registration.for.his.or.her.new.status,.and. freedom.from.having.any.prostates. Buck’s,.Tod’s,.and.Kahrstedt’s.formulations.have.been.the.basis.of.all.of.the. subsequent.interpretations.of.these.inscriptions..Most,.like.Kahrstedt,.see.the.“trials” as fictitious.39.William.Westermann.reinforced.Buck’s.arguments.by.extending. the.parallel.with.the.Delphic.manumissions.and.emphasizing.that.the.apophugontes. were freedpeople now finally being “freed” from paramonē,.the.“obligation.to.stay. and.serve”.the.former.master.by.agreement.made.at.time.of.manumission.and.found. often. in. the. Delphic. manumissions.40. David. Lewis. suggested. that. IG. II2. 1560.. 37. Kahrstedt.1934,.pp..306–307.(“…es.ist.ganz.deutlich,.daß.es.sich.gar.nicht.um.wirkliche.Prozesse.handelt…Es.handelt.sich.ganz.offenbar.um.eine.leere.aus.dem.Prozeß.ajpostasivou.entwickelte.Form,.die.den.Namen.dieser.divkh.fortschleppt,.aber.nichts.mehr.ist.als.die.Freilassung. selbst“).. Strack. (1914,. pp..24–25. n..2). had. thought. these. were. not. “wirkliche. Prozesse”. because.the.gift.was.always.in.the.same.amount,.and.too.high.for.poor.people. 38. Kahrstedt.1934,.307.(“[d]as.ganze.Verfahren.ist.die.formale.Vollziehung.und.Buchung…der. Freilassung”)..No.freedman.could,.however,.be.entirely.free.of.the.requirement.of.having.a. prostates,. since. the. freed. were,. juridically,. metics. (Harrison. 1968,. 185;. contra,. ZelnickAbramovitz.2005,.pp..309–310);.so.Tod’s.suggestion,.above,.that.they.are.now.free.to.choose. their.own.prostates.rather.than.necessarily.having.their.former.master.as.prostates,.is.better,. Klees.1998,.p..346..Even.if.Harpokration.had.used.epistates.rather.than.prostates.in.describing. the.dikē.apostasiou.(see.above n. 31),.the.use.of.this.word.sheds.no.light.on.this.issue,.and. Zelnick-Abramovitz. (2005,. pp..248–254),. who. believes. that. Harpokration. did. use. epistates,. concluded.that.prostatai.and.epistatai.were.metaphorical.synonyms.. 39. Calderini.1908,.pp..430–431;.Diller.1937,.pp..146.n..31,.148;.Westermann.1955,.p..25;.Lewis. 1959,. p..237;. Rädle. 1969,. pp..16–21;.Albrecht. 1978,. pp..328–329.. J.. and. L.. Robert. (1946– 1947, p. 318 no. 87a) questioned fictitiousness. 40. Westermann.1946,.pp..96–97;.the.listing.of.the.phialē was, for the freed, “sufficient public testimonial.both.of.the.original.grant.of.freedom.with.paramonē.and.of.the.elimination.of.the.paramonē. residua.[sic].of.their.former.enslavement”.(p..97),.and.100.dr..would.cover.tax,.charges.for.court. procedure,.and.a.publication.fee..He.therefore.follows.Kahrstedt.in.thinking.that.the.process.made. the.freed.entirely.free.(which.is.perhaps.what.he.means.in.Westermann.1955,.p..18.when.he.discusses.“those.manumitted.by.the.single.procedure.of.dikē.apostasiou”.–.or.had.he.changed.his. mind?),.while.Harrison.(1968,.p..183).believed,.with.Tod,.that.the.successful.completion.of.the..

II..Interpretations

21

preserved.in.part.a.law.that.made.the.dedication.of.a.phialē.(as.a.registration.fee). compulsory.41.Arnold.Kränzlein.argued.that.IG.II2. 1576.–.which.had.a.version.of. the.formula.lacking.notation.of.phialai.–.gave.a.list.of.dedications.resulting.from. the. dikē apostasiou;. all. the. others. conveyed. the. results. of. simple. manumissions. performed.“in.the.court”.(ejn tw'/ dikasthrivw)/ ,.as.mentioned.in.Isaeus.fr..18.(Loeb;. fr..16.Thalheim).42.According.to.Kränzlein,.the.two.types.of.legal.action.were.different,.and.only.for.the.latter.were.fees.of.100.dr..in.the.form.of.a.silver.phialē.required.43 Edward Cohen, arguing that these were first-time manumissions “in formalistic.actions.(dikai apostasiou),”.has.revived.the.suggestion.of.Koehler’s.and. Buck’s.that.the.slaves.involved.were,.in.particular,.the.ones.who.“lived.apart”.(oiJ cwri;~ oijkou'nte~).and.would.therefore.have.been.able.to.pay.for.the.silver.phialē. 100.dr..by.weight.–.and,.indeed,.for.the.price.of.their.own.freedom.44.In.1998.Hans. Klees.revived.an.idea.of.Adolf.Wilhelm’s45.and.associated.the.phialai.inscriptions. with.a.Lycurgan.law.([Plut.].Mor..841f–842a),.usually.thought.to.refer.to.prisonersof-war,.which.Klees.read.as.forbidding.any.Athenian.citizen.or.metic.from.buying. freedmen.convicted.in.the.dikē apostasiou.without.the.permission.of.their.masters;. the.lists.are.to.assist,.in.a.way.not.entirely.clear,.with.the.enforcement.of.this.law.46. The.most.recent.scholar.to.treat.the.subject,.Rachel.Zelnick-Abramovitz,.sees.the. trials.as.genuine.dikai apostasiou.trials,.the.winners.becoming.“thoroughly.free”. (her definition of exeleutherikos) and paying a publication fee. She is the first to explore. the. consequences. of. the. phrasing. of. SEG. XXV.180. (Agora. inv.. I.5656),. which makes clear that the trials took place with the assistance of five men; she posits.that.these.cases.were.themselves.heard.among.the.“monthly.trials,”.since.according.to.‘Aristotle’.(AP 52.2) “the five” introduced these.47.For.over.one.hundred. years,.however,.no.one.has.doubted.that.these.inscriptions.are.lists.of.dedications;. that. the. dedications. are. those. of. slaves. or. ex-slaves,. or. possibly. of. their. former. masters; that the legal action, fictitious or otherwise, must be one specifically geared toward.adjusting.the.slaves’.status.in.some.way;.that.the.legal.action.used.was.the. dikē apostasiou;.and.that.the.lists.are.the.result.of.a.new,.late.fourth-century.polis. intervention.–.tax.or.publication.fee.–.into.what.had.been.a.private.and.unregulated. arrangement.between.master.and.slave.

41. 42.

43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

process.freed.the.former.slave.“from.any.restrictions.laid.upon.him.at.his.original.manumission,”. and.possibly.granted.him.the.right.to.choose.his.own.prostates. Lewis. 1959,. p..237,. and. 1968,. p..376;. Kahrstedt. (1934,. p..309). had. thought. it. implausible. (“weniger.wahrscheinlich”).that.the.dedication.of.a.phialē.was.required.by.law. Kränzlein.(1975,.264).also.thought.IG.II2.1578.did.not.include.phialai.in.its.formula,.but.see. Part II no. 29..Is..fr..18:.although.this.oration.was.delivered.in.“a.trial.associated.with”.the. aphairesis eis eleutherian,.not.manumission,.as.Zelnick-Abramovitz.(2005,.p..284) points.out,. and.the.phrase.may.therefore.refer,.in.a.non-technical.way,.to.the.freedom.indirectly.granted.by. the.successful.defense.of.an.aphairesis.case. Kränzlein.1975,.p..264. Cohen.1998,.quotation.at.p..122;.Koehler.1878,.pp..175–176;.Buck.1888,.pp..155–156;.also.Diller 1937, p. 148. The legal action is, for Cohen, first-time but entirely complete manumission. Wilhelm.1911,.p..9.(made.in.passing). Klees.1998,.pp..334–354. Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.pp..285–289.

22

Part.I..History

As. each.scholar.proposed. his.or. her.own. interpretation,.each. also,.naturally,. pointed.out.weaknesses.in.the.interpretations.of.others..Many.of.the.objections.are,. indeed, quite cogent. Taken together, they cast serious doubt on even the five fundamental.points.on.which.most.scholars.have,.one.way.or.another,.agreed.for.over. a.century..Some.of.the.objections.have.derived.from.general.questions.about.historical. context. and. historical. plausibility. that,. although. disquieting,. have. not. in. themselves been sufficient to force a re-examination of the overall interpretation (although.perhaps.they.should.have):.(1).if.these.are.manumissions,.why.were.they. done.in.this.cumbersome.fashion?.In.Athens.manumission.was.otherwise.achieved. only.informally,.and.with.the.polis.playing.a.role.(and.a.different.role.from.what.is. presumed.here).only.in.exceptional.circumstances.48.(2).If.each.stele.records.the. results.of.one.day’s.legal.cases,.there.are.far.too.many.on.each.stele.to.have.occurred.on.one.day.–.if.real.cases.–.and,.pragmatically.speaking,.even.far.too.many. “administrative.actions”.to.have.occurred.on.one.day.as.well.49.(Standard.answers:. nonetheless.this.occurred,.so.the.polemarch.must.have.had.“a.full.day;”.or.each. stele,.despite.the.heading.of.IG.II2.1578,.had.the.results.of.more.than.one.day’s. cases.listed.50).(3).The.concentration.of.the.inscriptions.in.the.330s.and.320s.suggests.a.high.number.of.legal.cases.determining.the.status.of.slaves.or.ex-slaves.in.a. very.short.period.of.time.–.is.not.the.number.of.masters.manumitting,.prosecuting,. or. waiving. their. rights. too. high,. and. why. now?51. (Standard. answers:. there. were. specific historical reasons for an increase in manumissions, or attempts to draw slaves.back.into.slavery,.at.this.time;.or.taxes/fees.on.this.process.were.newly.instituted.at.this.time,.leading.to.a.new.epigraphic.visibility.for.a.regular.but.previously. 48. Informal.modes,.Rädle.1969,.pp..14–16,.in.particular.Dem..29.25–26.(deathbed.declaration);. Aesch..3.41,.44.(herald.in.theater:.forbidden.by.336.BC);.testamentary.manumission.(see.also. below n. 69);.and.Is..fr..18.(Loeb;.16.Thalheim),.“let.go.in.the.dikasterion”.(only.one.known. case.from.sometime.after.358.[Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.p..73],.and.see.above n. 42)..See. also.Cohen.1998,.pp..106–107:.“the.state…largely.ignored.it”.–.slavery.–.as.seen.in.its.lack.of. interest. in. manumission.. Exceptional. circumstances:. like. after. Arginusae. (Aristoph.. Frogs. 33–34,.694.with.scholia;.Hellanikos.FGrH.323a.F25;.Andoc..2.23,.1.149;.Diod..Sic..13.97.1);. after.the.Thirty,.for.“some.of.them.were.clearly.slaves,”.[Ar.].AP.40.2);.in.the.fourth.century,. freedom.was.awarded.to.slaves.for.informing.against.wrongdoers.in.cases.of.sacrilege.(Lys.. 5.3,.5).or.destroying.sacred.olives.(Lys..7.16),.with.R..Osborne.2000;.Harrison.(1968,.p..171). had.argued.that.this.occurred.in.cases.of.treason.and.the.theft.of.public.money.as.well,.a.claim. that.Osborne.sought.to.modify. 49. Kahrstedt.1934,.pp..306–307..In.“real”.dikai,.a.jury.could.deal.with.only.“several.cases.in.a. day”.and.a.graphē could.take.all.day,.Hansen.1991,.p..192.([Ar.].AP.67.1.[Chambers].said.four. dikai.per.day);.see.also.Kränzlein.1975,.pp..261–263,.Rhodes.1981,.p..666,.and.MacDowell. 2000. 50. Quotation,.Lewis.1959,.p..238;.Lewis.(1968,.p..372),.Klees.(1998,.p..345.n..52;.who.also.notes. that.cases.in.which.guilt.was.manifest.could.have.moved.quickly),.and.Zelnick-Abramovitz. (2005,.pp..282.and.285).all.observe.that.each.stele.could.have.more.than.one.day’s.results.on. it,.and.the.last.also.argues.(2005,.p..288).that.the.inscriptions.are.“registers.of.many.verdicts,. grouped.under.several.dates.” 51. Todd.1993,.p..192.(“it.is.hard.to.believe.that.the.majority.of.former.owners.would.willingly. agree.to.forfeit.their.rights”);.Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.p..284.(“[d]id.more.than.300.manumittors.forfeit.their.right.to.the.services.of.their.manumitted.slaves?”).

II..Interpretations

23

undocumented.activity.52).(4).If.the.phialai.were.a.tax.or.fee.imposed.by.the.polis,. such.a.fee.(in.the.form.of.a.compulsory.dedication.upon.manumission).was.otherwise.unknown.in.Athens.and.was.very.high.compared.to.what.those.“fees”.were. elsewhere;. and. there. were. certainly. less. legally. cumbersome. ways. to. register. or. publicize.the.manumission.(partial.or.complete).of.a.slave.53.(Implied.answer:.such. fees.are.found.subsequently.in.other.cities,.so.Athens.was.merely.a.pioneer.here.54). 52 More slaves simply desired to be free at this time, as is confirmed also by references in New Comedy,.Rädle.1969,.p..22;.slaves.were.increasingly.part.of.the.family.in.the.fourth.century,. and.could.safely.be.freed,.Bourriot.1974;.economic.hardship.after.350.BC.compels.owners.to. free.slaves,.encourages.the.freed.to.avoid.obligations,.and.creates.circumstances.for.many.dikai apostasiou,.Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.pp..289–290..New.taxes.(“compulsory.dedications”),. Lewis.1968,.p..376;.a.state.intervention.to.pay.for.the.cost.of.publication,.Klees.1998,.p..352.. Visibility:.“[t]he.fact.that.all.the.evidence.is.crowded.within.a.time.span.of.two.decades.or. less…suggests.that.the.whole.procedure.was.not.a.normal.one.in.Athens.but.was.created.to. meet.peculiar.conditions.of.the.moment,”.Finley.1951,.p..291.n..71. 53. Kränzlein.1975,.pp..258.(would.masters.care.so.much.for.publicity.that.they.would.put.themselves.through.this?),.259,.and.262–263;.easier.would.be.an.inscription.that.read.“these.were. freed,”.for.example;.also.Klees.1998,.p..346..Taxes.paid.to.the.demosion.are.an.unattractive. option,.since.individual.or.group.payments.of.taxes.were.not.recorded.on.stone.at.Athens.(D.. Harris 1994, p. 216 and Samons 2000, pp. 312–317 [fifth century]), and manumission taxes elsewhere were usually a proportion of the value of the slave, not a flat (100 dr.) tax, Westermann.1946,.pp..97–98;.see.also.Harrison.1968,.p..183,.and.Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.pp..288– 289..The.closest.parallel.in.Athens.for.a.“fee”.collected.as.a.required.dedication.is.an.inscribed. list.of.liturgists.who.dedicated.phialai.50.drachmai.by.weight,.see.Lewis.1968,.pp..374–380. no..51.(331/0),.who.associated.this.inscription.with.IG.II2.417.(333.or.332?),.now.restudied.by. Lambert. 2001,. pp..52–59. (but. no. language. of. necessity. or. requirement. can. be. restored,. see. below n. 164);.IG.II2.417.may.also.prescribe.an.inscribing.fee,.but.of.only.one.drachma.per. person,.which.is.considerably.less.than.the.100.drachmai.of.our.phialai-inscriptions..And.is.it. not.an.odd.world.where.freed.slaves.must.make.a.dedication.twice.as.expensive.as.what.wealthy. liturgists.must?.Parker.and.Obbink.(2000,.441).rightly.call.100.drachmai.“a.high.price:”.compare.the.parallels.in.the.next.note. 54. Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.pp..83–84,.197–201;.the.best.examples.are.from.late.Hellenistic.and. Roman Thessaly, where lists of the freed who had paid fifteen staters “for the inscribing” were put.up..There.are.even.two.other.examples.of.dedications.of.vessels.by.freedmen,.but.only.one. appears.to.be.a.required.tax.or.fee..In.SEG.XLIII.379.=.I.Beroia.3.(with.SEG.XLVI.731),.king. Demetrios. directs. Harpalos. that. freedmen,. who. “appear. to. have. been. previously. dedicating. phialai”.in.the.sanctuary.of.Herakles.(provteron faivnontai fiavl[a~ ajnativq]es[qai] eij~ to; iJerovn),.should.now.dedicate.kerata.and.skyphoi,.since.the.god.now.had.more.phialai.than.he. needed.(ejpei; ou\n [ejstin] pe[rio]usiva eij~ th;[n] creivan):.this.sounds.not.like.a.required.tax.or. fee.(since.the.king.has.only.weirdly.distant.knowledge.of.it.–.this.dedication.of.phialai.“appears”.to.him.to.be.the.case).but.like.a.voluntary.dedication,.using.the.regular.verb.for.dedication..In.SEG.XLVIII.1208.(Magnelli.1997,.1998;.Gortyn),.the.dedication.of.a.phialē.seems.to. be. legally. required. in. addition. to. a. payment. (to; ginnovmenon). for. lusis,. which. may. refer. to. manumission.itself,.or.to.releasing.the.freed.from.paramonē;.the.ed. princ..considers.the.payment.for.lusis.(but.not.the.dedication.of.the.phialē).a.tax..Compared.to.the.Athenian.phialaidedications, these two examples are later (248 BC and second-first century BC), the financial outlay.less.(50.and.32.drachmai.respectively),.and.the.epigraphical.evidence.is.very.clear.about. the.legal.status.of.the.dedicators..Elsewhere,.“fees”.paid.in.money.are.much.lower:.two.drach­ mai.per.freedperson.in.Xanthos,.Metzger.1979,.32.ll. 18–20 (337 BC?); a sacrifice and five drachmai.(paid.to.the.treasury).per.freedperson.in.Kos,.Parker.and.Obbink.2000,.417.ll..25–27.

24

Part.I..History

(5).The.inscriptions.reveal.that.among.the.slaves.there.were.some.family.units.all. handled.together.in.court.at.the.same.time.(e..g.,.IG.II2.1576.57–64).–.but.historically,.slave-owners.have.not.recognized.or.respected.slave.families.in.manumission. or.in.court..Why.do.they.do.so.here?55 (No answer.) And finally, (6) should one not at.least.be.wary.of.interpretations.that.depend.on.restorations.(as.the.[dikē apo]stasiou. in.IG.II2.1578.2),.or.on.the.drawing.of.connections.between.inscriptions.where.a. connection is not firmly established: are these phialai,.for.example,.really.phialai exeleutherikai?56.Or.could.they.be.something.else? Other.objections,.when.taken.together,.drive.scholars.in.opposing.and,.indeed,. mutually.exclusive.directions,.creating.(mostly.unobserved).contradictions.in.the. overall.interpretation.of.these.inscriptions..Thus:.if.these.lists.are.the.results.of.a. slave’s (first-time) manumission, why are the slaves named in the way they were? The.metic.nomenclature.of.the.defendants.in.the.inscriptions.strongly.suggests.that,. at.the.time.of.the.legal.action.(the.participle.ajpofugw'n),.these.people.were.already. juridically.free.57.Moreover,.according.to.Harpokration.the.dikē apostasiou.was.not. used for the (first-time) manumission of slaves. To say that it was is to twist (rather than merely extend) his already rather full definition, and indeed to make the penalty.of.enslavement.for.losers.totally.pointless.58. On the other hand, if these lists are not first-time manumissions but the results of a.legal.action.undertaken.to.free.a.former.slave.from.lingering.obligations.imposed.at. the.time.of.manumission,.or.re-enslave.him.(or.her).for.non-performance.of.such.obligations,.why.can.metics,.who.cannot.be.prostatai,.prosecute.their.former.slaves?59.

55.

56. 57. 58. 59.

(125–120.BC);.twenty.drachmai (twenty-five staters) per freedperson (paid to the treasury) in Chaeroneia.(IG.VII.3406;.that.it.was.paid.also.noted.in.3307,.3339,.3344,.and.3398;.second. century BC); perhaps (a sacrifice worth as much as?) fifty drachmai. (the. text. is. heavily. restored).per.freedperson.to.Adrasteia.and.Nemesis.in.Kos.(ED.144.l..9,.second.century.BC):.all. amounts.that.are.at.most.half.what.the.phialai.in.Athens.weighed. There.are.no.examples.in.Athens.of.slave-families.sold.together.except.for.Hyp..5.Ath..(Jensen),. where.the.oiketes.Midas.and.his.two.sons.are.to.be.sold.to.Epikrates.(but.this.is.sharp.dealing.by. the.owner:.the.purchaser.wants.only.one.of.the.boys);.C..Jones.2008.emends.a.new.fragment.of. Hypereides.(which.claims.that.slave-dealers.respected.family.ties).but.notes.that.it.could.be.pure. rhetoric..Those.slaves.choris oikountes.seem.to.be.allowed.de facto.families:.in.Men..Epitr..Syriscus.(an.oiketēs.[line.191]).has.a.wife.and.baby.recognized.as.his.own.(lines.50–52,.85–86);.similarly.Lampis.(Dem..34.37).has.a.wife.and.children..Elsewhere,.manumission.seems.to.have.split. families.apart,.see.Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.pp..164–166.(who.also.noted.some.exceptions),. and.the.possible.example.studied.by.E..Harris.2004..Diller.(1937,.p..149).also.noted.that.there.is. little.evidence.for.slaves.born.into.Athenian.households,.and.concluded.that.“[t]he.practice.of. breeding.and.rearing.slaves.to.replenish.the.supply.was.foreign.to.the.system.of.Greek.slavery.” As.Schenkl.(1881,.p..170).warned. Kränzlein.1975,.pp..258.and.263;.the.use.of.a.participle.referring.to.the.legal.case.rather.than.a. verb.referring.to.the.dedication.emphasizes.the.defendant’s.status.at.the.time.of.case,.not.his.or. her.status.at.time.of.dedication. Westermann.1946,.p..96;.Kränzlein.1975,.pp..257–258. Metics.cannot.be.prostatai.or.prosecute.as.prostatai.because.metics.must.have.citizen-prostatai. of.their.own,.a.requirement.enforced.by.the.graphē aprostasiou.(see.below pp. 43–44),.an.objection first noted by Koehler in 1883 (above n. 34);.also.Kahrstedt.1934,.pp..306.and.308.n..2;. dismissed.by.Clerc.[1893].1979,.p..292.(if.they.can.own.property.they.can.claim.the.rights.of. prostatai).and,.magisterially,.by.Lipsius.[1905–1915].1966,.p..624.n..12..Buck.(1888,.p..158).as-

II..Interpretations

25

For.that.matter,.how.can.collectives.of.eranistai.receive.post-manumission.services.as. prostatai,.given.that.such.koina.tend.to.lead.ad hoc.rather.than.long-term.existences?60. Eranistai.certainly.would.have.no.claims.to.duties.if.they.were.merely.helpful.third. parties.lending.money.to.the.manumittor,.and.their.legal.standing.(as.third.parties).to. demand. repayment. from. the. manumitted. slave. would. also. have. been. very. weak.61. serted that metics can prosecute for unfulfilled obligations even without being prostatai..But.in.an. Athenian.dikē.the.injured.party,.and.no.one.else,.must.prosecute,.and.legally.the.only.injured. party.here.was.the.former.master;.since.the.dikē.apostasiou specifically upheld the master’s right to.be.prostates,.only.the.prostates.could.prosecute.here..At.p..157.n..21.Buck.argued.that.even.if. metics.had.to.bring.suit.through.their.own.prostatai,.the.metic.and.not.his.prostates.would.be.referred.to.as.the.plaintiff.(there.is.no.evidence.in.favor.of.this.point),.while.Harrison.(1968,.p..185. n..2).and.Zelnick-Abramovitz.(2005,.p..280.n..12).thought.that.perhaps.the.prostates.of.the.metic. became.the.prostates.of.the.metic’s.freedman.as.well.(although.this.does.not.solve.the.problem).. Klees.(1998,.p..345.n..50).insisted.that.metic.and.freedman.could.have.a.“Patronatsverhältnis”. between.them,.and.cited.Harpokration.(s..v..polevmarco~):.“Isaeus,.in.the.defense.of.a.case.apos­ tasiou. against.Apollodoros…who. was. a. Samian,. a. metic”. (∆Isai'o~ ejn ajpologiva/ ajpostasivou pro;~ ∆Apollovdwron..…Savmio~ to; gevno~ mevtoiko~…)..Yet.there.are.problems,.since.Harpokration. also. says. that.Apollodoros. furnished. sureties. to. the. polemarch. (ejgguh'saiv fhsi pro;~ tw'/ polemavrcw/ ∆Apollovdwron).because.(gavr).he.was.a.metic.–.but.only.metic.defendants.furnished. sureties,.Harrison. 1968,.p..196. and.Rhodes.1981,. p..655..So. I. would.necessarily. emend. pro;~ ∆Apollovdwron.to.pro;~ ∆Apollodwvrou.–.he.wrote.“in.the.defense.of.a.case.apostasiou.in.the.name. of.Apollodoros”.–.and.identify.Apollodoros.as.an.enslaved.Samian.who.had.been.freed,.now.a. metic. 60. Ad hoc:.strongly.implied.by.Finley.1951,.p..106.(his.study.has.eliminated.the.possibility.of. “any form of permanent or continuing group as a significant factor…in the field of moneylending.generally,.in.Athens.before.the.Roman.era”);.see.Poland.1909,.29;.Cohen.1992,.pp..209– 210.nn..118–119;.N..Jones.1999,.pp..307–308..Aristotle’s.only.examples.of.longer-established. eranoi were specifically qusiva~ e{neka kai; sunousiva~.(NE.1160a19–20;.examples.of.only.the. first given by Maier 1969, p. 87 n. 1). Can a koinon.be.a.collective.prostates?.Not.if,.to.be.so,.a. koinon.must.be.acknowledged.as.a.single.person.juristically,.which,.contra.Clerc.[1893].1979,. p..293,.seems.not.to.have.occurred,.see.Kahrstedt.1934,.pp..305–306,.Harrison.1968,.p..242. and.1971,.p..22.n..8,.E..Harris.1989,.and.Migeotte.1997,.p..169.(on.individual.liability.within. a.group)..And.if.only.the.leader.of.the.koinon.of.eranists.is.the.prostates,.would.not.the.koinon. be.cheated.of.the.slave’s.services.–.and.why.would.the.koinon.of.eranists.even.be.mentioned.in. the. lists?.All. the.evidence.of. ownership. by. commonalities.(Harrison. 1968,. pp..242–243. nn.. 1–2).is.for.land,.although.the.polis.owned.slaves..The.best.that.can.be.said.is.that.there.is.no. evidence.that.any.of.the.problems.that.would.have.arisen.out.of.joint.but.indivisible.claims.to. service.rather.than.property.were.ever.worked.out.legally,.and.the.temporary.existence.of.koina eranistōn.in.particular.made.them.an.unlikely.source.of.such.claims.(especially.if.such.koina. were called together specifically to raise the money to free a slave). 61. The. instructive. parallel. here. (Lewis. 1968,. p..369). is. Neaera,. [Dem.]. 59.29–35:. in. Corinth,. Phrynion.–.possibly.the.head.of.the.eranists.(Finley.1951,.p..105.and.Harrison.1968,.p..182).–. paid.the.money.collected.as.an.eranon.to.Neaera’s.two.owners,.who.then.set.Neaera.free..Because.Phrynion.paid.for.Neaera’s.freedom.but.did.not.buy.or.free.her.himself,.however,.his. legal.position.was.weak..Zelnick-Abramovitz.(2005,.p..221).incorrectly.concluded.that.“Neaera.was.considered.to.belong.to.Phrynion.even.after.her.manumission,.presumably.because. she.still.owed.him.money,”.but.in.fact.Neaera.neither.belonged.to.him.nor.owed.anyone.anything:.when.Phrynion.tried.to.seize.her.as.a.slave.in.Athens.(not,.n.b.,.prosecute.her.for.aposta­ siou.or.its.Corinthian.equivalent,.which.he.would.have.done.had.he.actually.been.her.prostates,. nor.bring.a.case.against.her.as.a.defaulting.debtor),.Stephanos.asserted.her.freedom.and.Neaera. was.declared.kuria.and.eleuthera.in.the.arbitration.that.followed,.essentially.a.verdict.that.by.

26

Part.I..History

Indeed,.even.if.(as.Clerc.argued.as.early.as.1893)62.the.eranistai.bought.the.slave.and. then.set.the.slave.free.(as.they.would.have.to,.to.be.legal.prostatai.with.the.right.to. prosecute),.repayment.of.their.loan.could.be.pursued.through.apostasiou.only.if.the. debt.were.explicitly.and.legally.transformed.(how?).at.or.after.manumission.into.the. freedperson’s.obligation.63 But “failure to repay a debt” is not one of the specific failures.of.obligation,.listed.by.Harpokration,.that.can.justify.the.apostasiou.–.unless.it.is. hidden.in.“the.things.that.the.laws.command”.(see.above pp. 18–19).–.and.in.Delphi. when.the.repayment.of.an.eranos-loan.occurs,.it.is.almost.always.repaid.to.third-party. eranists.and.not.to.manumittors,.and.the.implication.of.its.appearance.in.an.inscription. is that repayment must be specifically listed as a condition of manumission when the former.slave.is.to.repay.the.loan.64.So.the.involvement.of.metics.and.eranists,.and.their. listing. in. these. inscriptions,. pose. certain. problems. to. any. existing. interpretation. of. these.lists.as.the.result.of.dikai apostasiou. Finally,.why,.no.matter.which.type.of.“manumission”.it.is.said.to.be,.are.there. no.witnesses.listed,.as.there.are.in.(later).manumission.inscriptions.elsewhere,.if. legal.proof.was.the.point.of.both.formal.court.case.and.inscription?65.Why.are.there. so.many.cases,.when.the.Athenaion Politeia.and.Pollux.say.that.private.cases.(the. dikai idiai,.which.would.under.most.circumstances.include.cases.involving.masters. and.freedmen).were.heard.by.a.tribal.judge.only.on.appeal.(ephesis).from.the.di­ aitetai.(arbitrators)?66 Why are the cases heard in a court supervised by five men,

62. 63. 64.

65.

66.

Athenian.law.Phrynion,.although.looking.very.much.like.the.leader.of.a.group.of.eranists,.was. neither.prostates.nor.master.nor.legal.creditor;.see.Kapparis.1999,.pp..249–250..If.the.obligation.were.legally.acknowledged.by.the.former.slave.after.manumission.–.it.could.not.be.accepted.before,.since.slaves.could.not.enter.into.legally.enforceable.agreements.in.their.own. personae.(rather.than.as.an.extension.of.their.masters,.see.Gernet.1955,.pp..168–172.and.Harrison.1968,.p..175).–.the.repayment.of.such.a.loan.could.have.been.enforced.by.a.dikē eranikē. (see. [Ar.]. AP. 52.2;. Maier. 1969,. pp..137–139;. Cohen. 1992,. p..209. n..115;. Kapparis. 1999,. p..231). Clerc.([1893].1979,.p..293).and.Kahrstedt.(1934,.p..306).posited.that.the.new.owner.had.gathered.together.the.lenders.as.a.koinon.under.his.name.. Buck.(1888,.p..162),.Westermann.(1955,.pp..25–26),.and.Zelnick-Abramovitz.(2005,.p..222). all.assume.that.a.freedperson’s.failure.to.repay.an.eranos-loan.could.automatically.be.prosecuted.as.a.dikē apostasiou.. In.eight.cases.from.Delphi.in.which.the.freed.slave.is.obliged.to.repay.the.eranos-loan.(all.between.171.and.157.BC),.he.or.she.must.pay.down.the.loan.made.to.the.owner.by.the.lenders.but. do.so.by.paying.to.the.lenders.ejpi; to; o[noma “on.the.owner’s.account”.(FD.3.6.95;.SGDI.1754,. 1772, 1791, 1804, 1878, 1909, 2317); 1804 also specifies that there is (now) a contract, syn­ grapha,.to.which.the.freed.slave.is.now.a.party.(poihvsasa ta; gegrammevna ta; ejn ta' sungrafa'. [sic])..Only.in.IG.VII.3376.(Chaeronea).does.the.slave.repay.the.master.directly.for.a.loan.the. master.had.raised.with.eranists. And.even.when.performed.informally.at.Athens,.manumission.took.place.in.front.of.witnesses,. Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.p..74;.our.phialai-inscriptions.are.never.consulted.or.referred.to.as. a. form. of. proof. in. oratory,. although. other. inscribed. documents. were,. see. Sickinger. 1999,. pp..160–170. The.tribal.judges.sent.dikai idiai.of.metics.to.arbitrators.([Ar.].AP.58.2),.heard.such.cases.themselves.only.on.appeal.(Rhodes.1981,.p..656),.and.otherwise.themselves.(as.one.of.the.Forty,. one.for.each.court).heard.only.“the.other.cases”.([Ar.].AP.53.1),.which.Harrison.(1971,.p..19). and.Rhodes.(1981,.p..587).interpret.as.a.“simplifying”.statement,.since.the.tribal.judges.also.

II..Interpretations

27

when.manumission.was.otherwise.almost.entirely.informal?.And.if.men.are.actually.counting.ballots.and.manning.the.water-clock,.why.would.they.and.the.dikasts,. working hard, tolerate a collusive case – or how could such a case be fictive, especially since Athenians do not otherwise seem to have undertaken fictive legal actions?67.What.sorts.of.obligations.are.freed.children.imagined.to.owe?68.And.why. is. there. no. good. other. evidence. for. any. serious. obligation. imposed. on.Athenian. slaves.at.manumission.in.the.fourth.century?69 In. other. words,. scholars. have. made. choices,. but. each. choice. left. a. piece,. or. pieces,.of.evidence.unexplained..If.these.are.manumissions,.the.(apparent).use.of. the.dikē apostasiou.(or.just.any.kind.of.court-hearing).and.the.metic.nomenclature. of.the.freed.at.time.of.manumission.are.particularly.hard.to.explain..If.these.are.real. did.not.hear.monthly.suits,.homicide.cases,.matters.of.family.or.family.property,.or.other.cases. reserved.to.the.archons.–.which.may.have.included.apostasiou.itself..The.issue.is.whether.AP. 58.2.makes.the.dikē apostasiou an.exception.to.the.rule.of.how.dikai idiai.were.treated.or.not,. and.is.discussed.further below p. 45..Pollux.8.91.seems.to.be.the.most.suggestive.statement. that. all. “private. dikai”. including. apostasiou. handled. by. the. polemarch. were. sent. on. to. the. tribes,.some.ending.up.before.arbitrators:.“and.he.(the.polemarch).distributes.the.allotted.cases. of.metics,.isoteles,.proxenoi,.a.share.to.each.tribe:.on.the.one.hand.handing.over.to.the.diaitetai,. on.the.other.introducing.the.dikai apostasiou,.aprostasiou,.and.of.metic.inheritances”.(divkai de; pro;~ aujto;n lagcavnontai metoivkwn ijsotelw'n proxevnwn: kai; dianevmei to; lacovn, eJkavsth/ fulh'/ mevro~, to; me;n diaithtai'~ paradidouv~, eijsavgwn de; divka~ ajpostasivou [ajprostasivou]. klhvrwn metoivkwn);.but.this.may.be.merely.a.mangling.of.[Ar.].AP.58.2. 67. Kränzlein.1975,.pp..258–259.(would.the.Athenians.have.developed.–.tolerated.–.this.use.of.the. courts.merely.for.the.sake.of.the.income.from.a.registration.fee?);.Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,. pp..252.n..139.and.284–285..“Fictive”.legal.actions.are.supposed.by.an.older.generation.of.legal.scholars.who.saw.them.at.work.in.Roman.law.and.imported.them.from.that.legal.system. into.the.Athenian;.younger.legal.scholars.like.Todd.(1993,.p..13).and.E..Harris.(pers..comm.). are.considerably.less.affected.by.the.Roman.paradigm,.and.more.skeptical. 68. Kränzlein.1975,.p..259. 69. Diller.1937,.p..146.n..31;.Harrison.1968,.p..185;.Kränzlein.1975,.pp..259–260;.Cohen.1998,. pp..114. and.116..Klees.(2000,.pp..5–15;.11–15. on.paramonē).lists.what.types.of.obligation. there. seem. to. have. been. (e..g.,. having. the. former. master. as. prostates);. this. (without. the. paramonē).is.a.very.light.burden.and.not.worth.the.trouble.of.a.court-case.to.shed.(and,.p..18. n..68,.he.does.not.think.apostasiou.was.used.to.police.violations.of.paramonē)..Bruns.(1880). and.Westermann.(1946,.pp..99–103).consider.the.wills.of.the.philosophers.in.Diogenes.Laertius’s.third-century.AD.work.(3.41–42;.5.11–16,.51–57,.61–63,.69–73;.10.21).good.evidence.for. the.existence.of.more.serious.paramonē.in.Athens,.as.does.Todd.1994;.Cohen.(1998,.p..114. n. 47) finds the wills “probably apocryphal,” as do I. Even if in part genuine, however, manumission.with.paramonē.does.not.appear;.in.Plato’s,.Epicurus’s,.and.Strato’s.wills.(3.42,.10.21,. 5.61–64).slaves.are.set.free.unconditionally;.in.Aristotle’s.will,.he.prescribes.delayed.manumission.(5.15),.which.someone.else.will.have.to.carry.out;.and.Theophrastos.(5.55;.285.BC).and. Lykon.(5.73;.225.BC).“set.free”.slaves.“remaining”.a.certain.period.of.time.–.which.could.be. manumission.with.paramonē,.but.could.also.be.delayed.manumission,.since.the.present.participle.precedes.the.present-tense.verb.(literally,.“she,.remaining.two.years,.I.set.free”)..But.apart. from.the.problematic phialai-inscriptions, these problematic wills, Harpokration’s non-specific reference. to. “the. things. the. laws. command,”. and. the. problematic. evidence. of. Plato’s. Laws. 11.915a–b.(which.lists.some.plausibly.historical.obligations.like.therapeia.and.marriage.that. met.the.approval.of.the.former.master.–.but.then.lists.some.clearly.non-historical.prescriptions. about. the. freedman. not. being. wealthier. than. the. master. and. not. staying. longer. than. twenty. years.in.the.country),.there.is.no.evidence.for.serious.paramonē.in.fourth-century.Athens.

28

Part.I..History

emancipations.from.further.obligations,.it.is.unlikely.that.metics.had.the.standing.to. prosecute.their.freed.slaves,.and.temporary.koina.of.eranists.as.prosecutors.intent. on.recovering.a.loan.legally.recast.or.reconceived.as.a.long-term.obligation.make. little sense; and the chance that these emancipations were collusive and fictive is dramatically reduced by the specific details of courtroom disposition and activity given. in. one. inscription.. Rather. than. attempt. a. strained. rearrangement. of. all. the. usual pieces in a lightly inflected version of the usual interpretation(s), I will instead make.an.alternative.case.that.is,.to.my.mind,.more.plausible.because.it.conserves.all. of.the.evidence..I.will.argue.that.these.inscriptions.are.(a).inventory-lists.of.phialai. dedicated.as.(b).tithes.from.unsuccessful.prosecutions.of.(c).metics.through.the.(d). graphē.aprostasiou.(not.apostasiou,.but.aprostasiou, traditionally defined only as prosecution.of.a.metic.for.not.having.a.prostates,.but.including,.I.will.argue).(e). failure.to.pay.the.metoikion.or.metic-tax..In.this.way,.I.hope.to.explain.all.the.mysterious.anomalies.of.the.inscriptions:.why.they.were.inscribed.when.they.were.(although.their.contents.can.go.back.to.the.340s);.why.the.formulae.can.be.different. and.also.abbreviated;70.why.citizens,.metics,.and.koina.prosecute.metics.and.sometimes. metic. families;. why. the. phialai. of. the. inscriptions. are. uniformly. “100. by. weight”.and.dedications.resulting.from.real.trials;.and.why.the.cases.are.introduced. by the polemarch and heard in a court where five men supervise the proceedings. This.interpretation,.above.all,.takes.these.inscriptions.out.of.the.history.of.slavery. and.into.the.history.of.metics.at.Athens.after.the.Social.War,.itself.a.complicated. story.of.legal.uncertainty.and.practical.disabilities.intentionally.alleviated.but.never. lifted.by.the.polis,.at.least.in.the.fourth.century. III. the legal disabilities and Vulnerability of metics in Fourth-Century Athens Metics.were.foreigners.(and.their.descendants).who.changed.their.dwelling.place. by.coming.to.Athens,.where.they.rented.property.and.practiced.numerous.crafts,. trades,. and. livelihoods,. and. labored. under. a. number. of. well-known. disabilities.. They.were.liable.for.military.service;.they.could.not.marry.Athenians.or.produce. Athenian-citizen. children;. they. could. not. own. land;. they. could. not. attend. the. ekklesia, vote, or hold office; the wealthier among them performed liturgies and paid. the. eisphora;. they. had. to. have. a. prostates;. and. they. paid. the. metoikion. or. 70. No.one.has.ever.proposed.a.compelling.solution.to.the.problem.of.the.somewhat.different.formulae..See.Koehler.1878,.p..177.(“eine.ungeschickte.Redaktion”);.Wilamowitz-Möllendorff. 1887,.p..110.n..1.(the.prosecutors.won,.and.we.should.supply.eJlwvn.–.or.possibly.ejxelovmeno~ eij~ ejleuqerivan,.since.otherwise.in.these.inscriptions.the.losers.should.have.slave,.not.metic. nomenclature?),.followed. by.Foucart.1896,. pp..64–67.and.Tod.1901–1902,. p..201.. See.also. Lewis.1959,.pp..237–238.(different.styles;.or.a.law.shifted.the.burden.of.supplying.the.phialē. from.freed.to.former.master.–.but.in.Lewis.1968,.p..372.he.realized.this.was.an.untenable.position);.Rädle.1969,.p..21.and.Kränzlein.1975,.pp..260–262.(just.different.formulae.for.the.same. action);.Klees.1998,.pp..350–351.(no.satisfactory.explanation);.and.Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,. pp..282–283.(summary).

III..The.Legal.Disabilities.and.Vulnerability.of.Metics.in.Fourth-Century.Athens

29

metic-tax.71 It is this last, the paying of taxes, that figures most prominently, along with the changing of residence, in ancient definitions of the metic. For example, the definition of Aristophanes of Byzantium (ca. 257–180 BC) reads,72 mevtoiko~ dev ejstin, oJpovtan ti~ ajpo; xevnh~ ejlqw;n ejnoikh'/ th'/ povlei, tevlo~ telw'n eij~ ajpotetagmevna~ tina;~ creiva~ th'~ povlew~: e{w~ me;n ou\n posw'n hJmerw'n parepivdhmo~ kalei'tai kai; ajtelhv~ ejstin, eja;n de; uJperbh'/ to;n wJrismevnon crovnon, mevtoiko~ h{dh givnetai kai; uJpotelhv~.. “a.metic.is.whenever.a.man.comes.from.abroad.and.resides.in.the.city,.paying. tax for some fixed needs of the city; up to a certain number of days he is called a.visitor.(parepidēmos).and.is.free.from.taxation,.but.if.he.exceeds.the.limited. period.he.then.becomes.a.metic.and.subject.to.taxation.” And.Harpokration’s.(s..v..metoivkion),. ÔUpereivdh~ ejn tw'/ kat∆ ∆Aristagovra~. mevtoiko~ mevn ejstin oJ ejx eJtevra~ povlew~ metoikw'n ejn eJtevra/ kai; mh; pro;~ ojlivgon wJ~ xevno~ ejpidhmw'n, ajlla; th;n oi[khsin aujtovqi katasthsavmeno~. ejdivdonto de; uJp∆ aujtw'n kaq∆ e{kaston e[to~ dracmai; ibæ, o{per wjnovmasto metoivkion, wJ~ dhloi' Eu[boulo~ ejn th'/ Plaggovni. ∆Isai'o~ d∆ejn tw'/ kat∆ ∆Elpagovrou kai; Dhmofavnou~ uJposhmaivnei o{ti oJ me;n ajnh;r ibæ dracma;~ ejtevlei metoivkion, hJ de; gunh; zæ, kai; o{ti tou' uiJou' telou'nto~ hJ mhvthr oujk ejtevlei: mh; telou'nto~ d∆ ejkeivnou aujth; telei'. o{ti de; kai; oiJ dou'loi ajfeqevnte~ uJpo; tw'n despotw'n ejtevloun to; metoivkion a[lloi te tw'n kwmikw'n dedhlwvkasi kai; ∆Aristomevnh~. Mevnandro~ d∆ejn ∆Anatiqemevnh/ kai; ejn Diduvmai~ pro;~ tai'~ ibæ dracmai'~ kai; triwvbolovn fhsi touvtou~ telei'n, i[sw~ tw'/ telwvnh/. oiJ mevntoi mh; tiqevnte~ to; metoivkion mevtoikoi ajphvgonto pro;~ tou;~ pwlhta;~, kai; eij eJavlwsan ejpipravskonto, w{~ fhsi Dhmosqevnh~ ejn tw'/ kat∆ ∆Aristogeivtono~. ejnebivbazon de; kai; eij~ ta;~ nau'~ tou;~ metoivkou~, wJ~ oJ aujto;~ rJhvtwr ejn Filippikoi'~ dhloi'. ejkavloun de; oiJ kwmikoi; skafeva~ tou;~ metoivkou~, ejpei; ejn tai'~ pompai'~ ta;~ skavfa~ ejkovmizon ou|toi. “Hypereides.in.the.speech.Against Aristagora..A.metic.is.anyone.from.one.city. who lives as a metic in another city, not visiting briefly like a xenos,.but.having. established.residence.there..Twelve.drachmai.were.given.by.them.each.year,. which.was.called.the.metoikion,.as.Eubulus.[the.comic.poet].makes.clear.in.his. Plangon..Isaeus.Against Elpagoras and Demophanes.shows.that.a.man.pays. twelve.drachmai.and.a.woman.six,.and.that.if.the.son.pays,.the.woman.need. not,. but. that. if. he. does. not,. then. she. must.. Others. of. the. comic. poets,. and.. 71. This.summary.views.the.position.of.metics.synoptically,.without.taking.a.position.on.when.any. or.all.of.these.disabilities.may.have.been.imposed..Changing.residence,.Levy.1988,.pp..47–53;. disabilities,.Clerc.[1893].1979.pp..15–117;.Gerhardt.1933,.pp..61–64;.Harrison.1968,.pp..189– 199;.Isager.and.Hansen.1975,.pp..67–68;.Whitehead.1977,.pp..69–108,.Todd.1993,.pp..194– 199;.Hunter.2000,.pp..16–23..On.the.various.taxes,.see.Andreades.1933,.p..279.(eisphorai.and. liturgies.may.have.fallen.more.heavily.upon.metics.than.upon.citizens). 72 Ar. Byz. fr. 38 (Nauck), transl. Whitehead 1977, p. 7 (adjusted); but this is a generic definition, and although it probably includes metics in Athens Aristophanes does not specifically say so, MacDowell.1978,.p..77.

30

Part.I..History

especially.Aristomenes,.have.made.clear.that.even.slaves.freed.by.their.masters. paid.the.metoikion. Menander,.in.his.Anatithemene.and.The Girl Twins.says.that. in.addition.to.the.twelve.drachmai.they.also.paid.the.triobolon,.perhaps.to.the. tax.collector..Those.metics.who.did.not.pay.the.metoikion.were.arrested.before. the.poletai,.and.if.convicted.they.were.sold,.as.Demosthenes.says.in.his.Against Aristogeiton..And.they.put.metics.on.board.ships.[as.sailors/rowers].too,.as.the. same.rhetor.makes.clear.in.his.Philippics..And.the.comic.poets.called.the.metics.‘tray-ers’,.since.they.carried.trays.(skapheai).in.the.processions.” As.Pollux.(3.55).later.put.it,.mevtoiko~ oJ to; metoivkion suntelw'n,.“the.metic.is.the. one.who.pays.the.metoikion.”73.The.metoikion.was.a.direct.tax.–.a.distasteful.imposition.disliked.by.free.Athenian.citizens74.–.and.thus.the.true.hallmark.of.this.status.. It.was.a.gift.when.the.city.of.Athens.made.a.metic.isoteles,.made.him.a.man.who. paid. “equal. taxes”. with.Athenian. citizens. themselves,. for. although. liturgies. and. eisphorai.(no.doubt).cost.a.wealthy.metic.more,.the.metoikion.was.a.marker.of.inferior.status.and.gratefully.shed.75.Of.all.the.disabilities.to.which.metics.were.subject,.that.of.the.metoikion.was.the.most.obvious.–.for.it.had.to.be.paid.in.person,. which.involved.public.acknowledgment.of.their.inferior.status..Non-payment.of.the. metoikion.was.therefore.about.more.than.just.uncollected.revenue,.and.the.penalty. for it was supremely harsh: that penalty, and therefore the defining danger of metic status,.was.enslavement.76 The.fact.that.metics.are.without.exception.the.defendants.in.the.cases.that.produced. phialai. steers. us. towards. the. metic. condition,. with. the. metoikion. and. the. threat.of.enslavement.at.its.heart,.for.hints.as.to.what.those.cases.might.have.been.. By.reconstructing.the.steps.of.the.prosecution.for.non-payment.of.the.metoikion,. through.literary.sources.but.also.through.the.legal.clues.that.the.phialai-inscriptions. provide,.and.by.identifying.the.consequences.for.metics.who.were.convicted.(§.IV). 73. In.the.lexicographical.tradition,.changing.residence.and.paying.tax.are.the.two.characteristics. of.metic.status.most.stressed,.see.Lexicon Rhetoricum.(1.281.Bekker),.Suidas.(s..v..mevtoikoi,. 3.378–379.Adler),.Clerc.[1893].1979,.p..15;.Todd.1993,.pp..195.and.197. 74. RE2.30,.1932,.col..1448,.s..v..Metoikoi.(H..Hommel),.a.form.of.control.more.than.a.form.of. income;.Whitehead.1977,.pp..75–77;.Todd.1993,.p..198.and.1997,.p..113;.Gauthier’s.(1972,. p..122).suggestion.that.they.paid.every.month.would,.if.true,.only.reinforce.a.feeling.of.inferiority..On.citizen.attitudes.and.taxes,.see.now Gallo.2000. 75. Gift.of.isoteleia,.Clerc.[1893].1979,.pp..200–217,.Harrison.1968,.p..189,.and.Whitehead.1977,. pp..11–13. (well-attested. epigraphically,. and. see. also. Pollux. 8.155–156).. Diodorus. 11.43.3. claimed.that.Themistocles.had.offered.ateleia.to.metics.and.technitai.to.get.them.to.come.and. settle.in.the.Piraeus,.and.although.the.passage.is.problematic.(see.Whitehead.1977,.pp..148– 149.and.Garland.1987,.pp..60–61).it.should.not.be.dismissed.outright,.since.manipulation.of. tax-status.would.become.a.regular.means.of.creating.incentives.or.rewarding.the.worthy..Mark. of.inferior.status,.see.Clerc.[1893].1979,.p..21;.Whitehead.1977,.p..76;.Todd.1997,.p..113;.Niku. 2002,.p..41. 76. Even.compared.to.other.kinds.of.state-debtors,.Andreades.1933,.p..278.(who.also.notes.that. “the lexicographers find in this tax the chief distinguishing mark of the class of metics”); Todd (1997, p. 115) sees in the harshness of the penalty a reflection of the Athenian opinion that “non-payment.was.viewed.as.a.deliberate.attempt.to.breach.the.status-barriers.between.metic. and.citizen.”

III..The.Legal.Disabilities.and.Vulnerability.of.Metics.in.Fourth-Century.Athens

31

or.acquitted.(§.V),.an.explanation.leading.–.eventually.–.to.the.phialai.themselves,. and.then.to.these.inscriptions,.will.be.proposed..Because.income.and.metics.were. both.matters.of.considerable.interest.to.the.Athenian.polis.after.350.BC,.this.explanation.will.also.resonate.much.more.loudly.than.slave-manumission.with.what.is. known.of.Athenian.law.and.Athenian.epigraphy.at.that.time. Any.metic.was,.seemingly,.vulnerable.at.all.times.to.the.charge.that.he.or.she. had.not.paid.the.metoikion..A.Demosthenic.speech.(25.57;.338–325.BC).delights.in. telling.a.story.very.damaging.to.the.reputation.of.one.Aristogeiton,.that.after.the. latter.had.been.sheltered.and.assisted.by.his.metic.mistress.Zobia,.and.although.he. was. neither. prostates. nor. tax-collector,. “he. seized. her. with. his. own. hands. and. dragged.her.off.to.the.poleterion.metoikiou.(aujtoceiriva/ pro;~ to; pwlhthrivon tou' metoikivou ajphvgage);.if.her.tax.had.not.been.paid,.she.would.have.been.sold.”.In. the.court-case.that.followed.(for.of.course.Zobia.resisted),.Zobia’s.actual.prostates. and.the.poletai,.state.auctioneers,.were.called.as.witnesses..Since.a.similar.disaster. (the.same.speech.claims,.25.65).had.befallen.Aristogeiton’s.own.mother.–.she.too. had.been.seized.and.sold,.in.her.case.after.losing.in.a.court-case.for aprostasiou77. – Aristogeiton’s willingness to inflict such injury on another woman close to him shows.that.he.is.a.particularly.loathsome.person,.and.has.been.for.some.time..The. same.kind.of.sudden.seizure.for.non-payment.of.the.metoikion.was.said.to.have. been inflicted on the philosopher Xenokrates as well: “and when the tax-collector (telwvnou). had. laid. hands. on. Xenokrates. the. philosopher. and. was. dragging. him. (ajpavgonto~).to.the.metoikion,.he.(Lycurgus).stepped.in.his.way.and.hit.him.on.the. head.with.his.walking-stick,.set.Xenokrates.free.(ajpevluse),.and.locked.up.(the.taxcollector).in.the.prison.for.acting.improperly.”78.All.of.these.stories.emphasize.sudden.seizure.and.enormous.danger..The.seizure.–.apagogē.or.agogē.–.could.be.performed.in.public.by.anyone,.and.it.could.happen.at.any.time.79.If.the.anecdotes.are. not.just.accurate.but.complete,.they.even.suggest.that.the.poletai.had.judicial.authority, and that metics could find themselves enslaved very quickly. These.stories.are,.however,.likely.to.be.more.dramatically.effective.than.legally. complete.and.accurate,.since.most.scholars.agree.that.the.poletai.had.no.judicial. 77. A.necessary.emendation.of.apostasiou.to.aprostasiou.(since.she.is.sold:.those.who.lose.in.apo­ stasiou.cases.“become.slaves,”.i..e..are.returned.to.their.masters).by.MacDowell.1978,.p..82,. endorsed.by.Todd.1993,.p..191.n..40;.already.contemplated.by.Thumser.1889,.p..418.n..5.and. Lipsius.[1905–1915].1966,.p..625..In.contrast,.Klees.(1998,.p..339).assumes.that.apostasiou.is. the.correct.reading,.and,.also.taking.Demosthenes’s.anecdote.as.a.telescoped.version.of.what. happened,.reinterprets.the.story.as.sale.by.the.master.after.the.slave.convicted.in.the.dikē apos­ tasiou.had.been.returned.to.his.possession. 78. [Plut.].Mor..842b;.cf..Plut..Flam..12.4–5,.where.Xenokrates.is.hauled.off.by.(plural).telonai. and.rescued.by.Lycurgus,.who.then.prosecutes.the.telonai.with.a.dikē aselgeias..On.the.story,. see Whitehead 1981, pp. 235–238; DL 4.14 incorrectly identified the (purchaser and) liberator as.Demetrius.of.Phaleron..This.seizure.by.tax-farmers.became.a.topos:.in.DL.4.46,.the.father.of. philosopher.Bion.falls.victim.to.a.tax-farmer.and.is.sold.with.his.household – but.in.Olbia. 79. Agogē.was.a.restricted.form.of.arrest.(Hunter.1994,.pp..135–136),.but.was.not.limited.to.citizens;.the.seizer.could.be.a.metic,.just.as.even.in.graphai.involving.metics,.e..g.,.wrongful.imprisonment,.[Dem.].59.66,.and.[Dem.].59.62.against.those.who.give.foreign.women.in.marriage.

32

Part.I..History

powers.at.all.80.Such.cases.may.well.have.begun.with.a.seizure.and.ended.in.slavery. for.the.convicted,.but.several.other.steps.must.also.have.intervened..What.follows. is.a.reconstruction.of.what.happened.when.an.apparent.failure.to.pay.the.metoikion. brought a prosecution, a reconstruction that finds its most likely path conforming to the.four.most.important.legal.details.in.the.phialai-inscriptions.(details.which.themselves.suit.the.dikē apostasiou.less.well):.the.involvement.of.the.polemarch.(IG.II2. 1578); the presence of five men, each from one of two tribes (one man supervising the. water-clock,. one. man. supervising. the. ballots),. and. the. venue. of. the. “middle. court.of.the.new.(courts)”.(the.last.two.both.documented.in.SEG.XXV.180);.and,. finally, an identification of the [–]stasivou.of.IG.II2.1578.as.[ajpro]stasivou,.not. [ajpo]stasivou. (1). The polemarch..IG.II2.1578.has.been.restored.as.giving.the.name.of.a.polemarch.in.its.heading,.followed.by.[–]stasivou.and.a.date,.then.by.very.fragmentary. entries.with.metic.names..(I.accept.the.restoration.of.polemarcouvnto~,.see.Part II no. 29.).The. combination. of. polemarch. and. metics. makes. excellent. sense,. since. metics were, specifically, the polemarch’s charge. A metic defendant was always taken.to.the.polemarch,.as.Lysias.(23.2).makes.clear.81.Indeed,.the.polemarch’s.involvement.in.a.case.was.considered.a.privilege.–.although,.as.MacDowell.says,.“we. do.not.know.why”.–.that.could.be.granted.as.a.special.favor.to.other.strangers,82.and. may.have.been.in.part.a.protective.oversight,.perhaps.necessary.because.only.metics.and.strangers,.never.citizens,.could.be.enslaved.if.they.lost.certain.court-cases.83. The.polemarch.“looked.after”.his.resident-foreign.population.as.the.archon.“looked. 80. Clerc.([1893].1979,.p..17).thought.the.poletai.made.an.instant.determination,.as.did.Hansen. 1976,.p..29.(the.poletai.could.sell.a.metic.into.slavery.“presumably.without.any.previous.hearing. before. the. jurors”). –. a. kind. of. administrative. rather. than. judicial. decision,. as. Schenkl. (1880,.p..185).had.also.thought..But.such.a.determination.would.have.to.be.made.on.written. records.alone,.which.could.(as.in.the.example.of.deme-records).be.lost.(Dem..57.26,.60–61).or. corrupted.(Dem..57.58–61),.and.certainly.for.citizens.a.court-case.on.issues.of.(apparently). document-dependent.status.was.necessary,.see.Whitehead.1986a,.pp..105–109.at.108.(“the.role. of.the.courts.as.a.corrective.was.an.absolutely.vital.one”.in.Demosthenes’s.case).and.pp..292– 301..So.too.here,.a.scheduled.hearing.or.a.court-case.would.surely.have.been.necessary;.and. Harrison.(1971,.p..28.n..1).and.Langdon.(1991,.p..65).also.argue.convincingly.that.the.poletai. had.no.administrative.or.judicial.power.of.this.sort.anyway..Rather,.if.authorized.by.(e..g.).a. court-decision.they.would.execute.the.sale. 81. Lys.. 23.2,. “I. summoned. him. before. the. polemarch,. thinking. him. to. be. a. metic;”. also. Isoc.. 17.12.. See. Rhodes. 1981,. p..654;. Todd. 1993,. pp..167,. 168,. 196,. and. 333;. Boegehold. 1995,. p..23;.Hunter.2000,.p..21..This.does.not.necessarily.mean.that.the.polemarch.heard.the.case,. only that cases involving metic defendants seem to have been routed through him first. 82. Privilege,.Harrison.1968,.p..193.and.Todd.1993,.p..195;.quotation,.MacDowell.1978,.p..222. 83. Harrison.1968,.p..165:.only.foreigners.and.metics.could.be.penalized.with.enslavement.–.in. (losing).cases.of.xenias,.marriage.with.a.citizen,.apostasiou,.aprostasiou.–.along.with.a.person. claiming.to.be.free.and.of.correct.parentage.in.order.to.achieve.registration.in.a.deme.whose. status.is.disputed.by.his.demesmen;.if.this.person.loses.his.case.in.the.dikasterion,.[Ar.].AP. 42.1,.the.city.sells.him.into.slavery.to.anyone.who.would.buy.him.(Dem..24.131.with.MacDowell.1978,.pp..70.and.264.n..111)..Citizens.were.never.punished.with.enslavement,.Todd. 1993,.p..139.

III..The.Legal.Disabilities.and.Vulnerability.of.Metics.in.Fourth-Century.Athens

33

after”.citizens.and.especially.the.vulnerable.amongst.them,.the.orphans.and.heiresses.84 The.polemarch.was.responsible.not.just.for.the.“looking.after”.of.metics,.but. also.for.seeing.that.the.cases.brought.against.metics.were.heard.in.the.appropriate. legal.venue..‘Aristotle’.(AP.58.2–3).explains: divkai de; lancavnontai pro;~ aujto;n i[diai m(e;n) a{i te toi'~ metoivkoi~ kai; toi'~ ijsotelevsi kai; toi'~ proxevnoi~ gignovmenai: kai; dei' tou'ton labovnta kai; dianeivmanta devka mevrh, to; laco;n eJkavsth/ th'/ fulh'/ mevro~ prosqei'nai, tou;~ de; th;n fulh;n dikavzonta~ toi'~ diaithtai'~ ajpodou'nai. aujto;~ d∆ eijsavgei divka~ tav~ te {tou'}.ajæpæosta[s]ivou ækai; prostas[iv]ouæ kai; klhvrwn kai; ejpiklhvrwn toi'~ metoivkoi~, kai; ta\ll∆ o{sa toi'~ polivtai~ oJ a[rcwn, tau'ta toi'~ metoivkoi~ oJ polevmarco~. “He.also.has.as.his.lot.the.private.suits.(dikai…idiai).involving.metics,.isoteles,. and.proxenoi;.it.is.necessary.that.he.take.them.and.divide.them.into.ten.groups,. and.assign.by.lot.one.group.to.each.of.the.ten.tribes,.and.that.those.judging.for. the.tribe.then.hand.them.over.(if.necessary).to.the.arbitrators..He.himself,.furthermore,.introduces.the.charges.(dikai).of.apostasiou.and.aprostasiou,.and.of. inheritances.and.heiresses.among.the.metics;.in.other.respects,.the.polemarch. (performs). for. the. metics. the. same. duties. as. the. archon. (performs). for. citizens.” –

m(e;n): movnon.Kaibel.and.Wilamowitz;.4 ajpodou'nai: paradou'nai Papageorgios;.aujto;~ d∆: ou|to~ d∆ Keaney;.5.tou'. del..by.Kaibel.and.Wilamowitz;.5.text.of.L.(the.only.ms.).reads.ajosta[s]ivou.and. omits.kai; prostas[iv]ou,.which.is.then.written.in.as.a.correction.above.the.line.

Although.his.“lot”.was.quite.broad,.the.polemarch.is.noted.as.having.a.special.interest.in.apostasiou.and.aprostasiou,.both.of.which.he.“introduced,”.as.Demosthenes. had.said.85.“To.introduce”.was.not,.in.the.second.half.of.the.fourth.century,.necessarily.the.same.as.to.hear,.or.even.to.preside.over,.the.case..The.polemarch’s.role.as. “introducer”.might.have.been.as.little.as.checking.the.technicalities.and.handing.on. the case to another group, as much as actually presiding, or as significant as pronouncing. the. verdict,86. but. he. was,. nominally,. the. magistrate. through. whom. all. 84. A.parallel.explicitly.drawn.by.Dem..46.22,.in.a.law.about.epidikasia.for.heiresses,.“the.archon. is. to. eisagein. and. epimeleisthai,. and. the. polemarch. the. same. for. metics;”. the. archon. also. “looked.after”.orphans,.[Ar.].AP.56.6–7. 85. Dem..35.48,.“Will.the.polemarch.introduce.into.court?.Yes,.for.apostasiou.and.aprostasiou.”. 86. For.Rhodes.(1981,.p..629).the.introducer.“check[ed].that.the.case.submitted.to.him.was.technically.in.order.and.prepare[d].it.for.presentation.to.the.court.”.Earlier,.Rhodes.(1981,.p..583).had. decided that the introducer was “an official who brings a case to court and presides in the court,”.as.Harpokration.(s..v..hJgemoniva dikasthrivou).says:.“other.dikai.fall.to.the.lot.of.other. (different).archons,.and.the.magistrates.introduce.to.the.dikasterion.the.cases.which.have.been. brought,.each.(magistracy).leading.and.presiding.for.each.(hJgoumevnh kai; proestw'sa).”.On.the. other.hand,.if.the.“introducing”.by.the.polemarch.is.to.be.understood.as.implying.an.association. with.dikavzein.“to.announce.the.verdict”.(dikavzousin…eijsavgonte~.appear.together.in.the.case. of the “five men” discussed below, [Ar.] AP.52.3,.p. 36),.then.perhaps,.too,.the.polemarch.(like.

34

Part.I..History

cases.involving.metics.had,.initially,.to.go..He.took.a.greater.or.lesser.role.thereafter,.depending.on.the.type.of.case..Dikai idiai.were.vetted.by.him,.but.subsequently. received.little.of.his.personal.attention:.dikai.idiai.were.sent.to.the.tribes,.who.heard. cases.whose.value.was.under.ten.drachmai themselves,.and.sent.on.cases.of.greater. value.to.the.arbitrators.(diaitetai),.a.less.formal.venue.than.a.full.citizen.dikaste­ rion.87.The.phrase.dikai idiai.here.emphasizes.that.dikē.was.not.being.used.in.the. general.sense.of.“case”.or.“judicial.process,”.but.in.the.more.narrow.and.technical. sense:. dikē. as. a. true. ‘private’. suit,. which. only. the. injured. party. has. the. right. to. bring.88.The.dikē apostasiou.should.be.a.classic.example.of.a.dikē idia,.for.it.could. be.brought.only.by.the.former.master.against.his.former.slave.for.the.latter’s.‘private’.failures,.as.Harpokration.made.clear.89.Since.the.value.of.an.apostasiou.case. would.have.been.the.value.of.the.freed.person,.and.therefore.worth.more.then.ten. drachmai,.the.tribes.would.have.sent.it.on.to.the.arbitrators..After.initial.vetting,. then,.the.polemarch.must.have.“introduced”.cases.of.apostasiou.in.any.of.the.further.senses.of.the.word.only.if.these.cases.came.back.on.appeal.from.the.arbitrators. to.a.dikasterion.90.So.although.the.polemarch.and.metic-freedmen.are.associated.in. dikai apostasiou,.it.is.likely.that.this.was.only.a.brief.encounter.at.the.beginning.of. every. case;. any. later. and. more. extensive. association. in. an. actual. court. occurred. only.in.an.unknown.proportion.(appeals).of.the.total.number.of.cases. The.association.of.polemarch.and.metic.in.a.case.involving.the.non-payment.of. the.metoikion,.on.the.other.hand,.is.likely.to.have.been.more.extensive..In.this.kind. of.case.the.city.had.a.direct.interest,.an.interest.pursued.by.individual.prosecutors. on.the.state’s.behalf..Tax.cases.involving.metics.were.therefore.more.likely.to.be. classified as demosiai.(“public”),.which.involved.not.only.the.public.interest.but. also public self-regard: Demosthenes defined a dikē demosia.as.a.case.that.offended. the.polis,.not.just.a.person.in.his.private.capacity.91.And.since.metic-tax.cases.were. likely.demosiai,.they.will.have.been.treated.differently.from.dikai idiai,.although. both.initially.passed.through.the.hands.of.the.polemarch;.that.is,.metic.tax-cases,.as. demosiai,. were. not. sent. on. to. the. tribes. nor. subsequently. put. into. the. hands. of..

87.

88. 89. 90. 91.

the five men) was responsible for announcing the verdict, as in IG.I3.104.11–12.(Drakon’s.homicide.law,.basilei'~…dikavzein;.dikavzein.does.not.mean.“to.act.as.judge,”.a.role.played.by. the.ephetai),.discussed.Stroud.1968,.pp..42–45.and.49..Cohen.(1973,.p..187).points.out.that. eisagogeis.(“introducers”).can.have.both.a.technical.and.a.non-technical.meaning,.and.suggests. that.magistrates.as.eisagogeis.are.closer.to.the.latter.and.play.a.merely.pro forma.role. [Ar.].AP.58.2.with.53.1–2,.the.latter.a.description.of.the.courts.of.“the.Forty”.chosen.four.from. each.of.the.ten.tribes..These.have.as.their.lot.“all.the.other.cases”.that.are.not.monthly.(53.1),. and.themselves.have.jurisdiction.in.cases.whose.value.is.up.to.ten.drachmai;.greater.than.that,. and.the.cases.are.passed.on.to.the.arbitrators..All.commentators.agree.that.these.courts.of.the. Forty.are.the.same.as.“the.tribes”.to.which.metic.dikai idiai.are.sent.(the.description.is.more. perfunctory. at. 58.2. because. the. process. has. already. been. described. at. 53.1–3),. see. Rhodes. 1981,.pp..655–656. Todd.1993,.p..99:.dikai.“could.be.initiated.only.by.the.individual.who.had.personally.suffered. the.wrong.that.the.procedure.was.intended.to.correct.” Harpokration.(s..v..ajpostasivou),.above pp. 18–19;.Todd.1993,.p..111. [Ar.].AP.53.2–3.(appeals.from.the.arbitrators.are.eij~ to; dikasthvrion),.and.see.above p. 26;. I.thank.P..Rhodes.for.clarifying.this.point.for.me.. Dem..21.25–28,.32,.44–45.

III..The.Legal.Disabilities.and.Vulnerability.of.Metics.in.Fourth-Century.Athens

35

arbitrators,.but.must.have.followed.a.different.procedure,.going.directly.to.the.di­ kasterion.92.And. if. metic. tax-cases. did. instead. go. directly. to. a. dikasterion,. and. never.to.arbitration,.then.there.was.no.appeal:.for.every.metic.(or.possibly.metic. family).charged.there.would.be.one.court-day,.one.decision,.and.one.(possibly.extensive).encounter.with.the.polemarch..Thus.although.both.apostasiou.and.metic. tax-cases.involved.the.polemarch.and.the.polemarch.“introduced”.both.in.at.least. two.senses.of.that.word.(initial.vetting.and.“introducing”.a.case.to.a.dikasterion),. the. polemarch. was. more. likely. to. be. more. deeply. involved. –. ”introducing”. to. a. dikasterion.–.with.every.tax.case,.but.only.with.a.proportion.of.the.dikai apostasiou. brought,.since.he.would.have.“introduced”.these.cases.to.a.dikasterion.only.if.the. case.were.appealed..The.polemarch.is.thus.more.important,.more.visible,.and.more. active.in.tax-cases,.which.may.also.justify.the.unique.dating.formula.–.dating.by. polemarch.–.partially.restored.in.the.heading.of.IG.II2.1578.1..Moreover,.(a.minimum. of). 413. acquittals. in. the. phialai-inscriptions. would. probably. mean. at. least. twice. that. many. cases. in. total. if. these. were. tax-cases. (assuming. that. defendants. were.convicted.in.approximately.equal.numbers).–.but.the.number.of.total.cases.of. apostasiou.heard,.to.result.in.(a.minimum.of).413.acquittals,.would.have.to.be.even. –.much?.–.higher.than.826,.since.the.413.would.represent.acquittals.from.appeals,. not.from.initial.cases..The.higher.the.number.of.initial.cases,.the.less.likely.it.is.that. such.cases.could.have.been.generated.from.a.type.of.charge.that.involved,.in.turn,. the.prosecution.of.only.a.proportion.of.slaves.manumitted.in.the.second.half.of.the. fourth.century.BC..So.the.differing.extent.to.which.cases.involving.metics.are.personally handled by the polemarch make him a more significant presence in taxcases.than.in.apostasiou-cases,.and.make.the.413.attested.acquittals.in.the.phialaiinscriptions.less.likely.to.be.from.apostasiou-cases.than.from.tax-cases. (2). The “five men.”.The.polemarch,.beyond.initial.vetting,.“introduces”.no.private. cases.(dikai idiai).involving.metics.except.on.appeal,.which.includes.cases.of.apo­ stasiou;.he.otherwise.“introduces”.only.in.cases.of. aprostasiou,. inheritance,.and. heiresses,.as.AP 58.2–3 says. The reference to five men performing various courtroom. roles. in. SEG. XXV.180. (Agora. inv.. I.5656). makes. clear. that. the. cases. that. generate.phialai.are.taking.place.in.a.dikasterion.93.What.would.“introducing”.in. this.context.mean?.Is.the.polemarch.likely.to.have.presided.in.the.dikasterion,.or.is. he.likely.to.have.handed.the.case.over to these five? Who were these five men? There.are,.here,.two.basic.options..First:.according.to.‘Aristotle’.(AP.66.2.Chambers), in most cases – unless we are specifically told otherwise – the magistrate, 92. Their.parallel,.tax-cases.involving.citizens,.did.not.go.to.arbitrators.either,.but.were.heard.by.a. special.board,.the.apodektai,.who.were.competent.to.try.lesser.cases.(cases.under.ten.drach­ mai).themselves,.but.“introduced”.cases.of.greater.value.to.“the.courts,”.[Ar.].AP.52.3.(quoted. below p. 36).. For. the. apodektai,. see. Harrison. 1971,. pp..27–28;. Rhodes. 1981,. pp..557–558. (they.could.also.be.ferocious.in.personally.pursuing.unpaid.taxes,.see.Dem..24.162.and.197).. Harrison.(1971,.p..28.n..1).thought.the.polemarch.would.have.kept.such.a.metic.tax-case.for. himself.–.his.“tribunal”.would.be.“where.a.matter.of.disputed.payment.would.be.resolved.”. 93. Harpokration.(s..v..hJgemoniva dikasthrivou) specified that the polemarch “introduced” his special.cases.“to.the.dikasterion,”.which.also.suggests.that.these.cases.were.not.administrative. procedures.

36

Part.I..History

assigned.to.a.court.by.lot.([Ar.].AP.62.1),.“presides”.(hJ ajrch; hJ ejfesthkui'a)94.and. chooses.from.the.allotted.dikasts.in.each.dikasterion five men to perform the functions of watching the water-clock, supervising the ballots, and so on. These five men.are.chosen.each.from.one.of.two.tribes,.as.is.also.the.case.in.SEG.XXV.180. (Agora.inv..I.5656).95.They.work.together.with.the.presiding.magistrate.rather.than. alone, and the employment of five men in these capacities, like the use of magistrates as “introducers,” is specifically attested after the mid-340s, in keeping with the.dating.of.the.phialai-inscriptions.96. So dated are also, however, another set of “five” also chosen each from two tribes.([Ar.].AP.52.2–3),.our.second.option:97 klhrou'si de; kai; eijsagwgeva~ eæ a[ndra~, oi} ta;~ ejmmhvnou~ eijsavgousi divka~, duoi'n fulai'n e{kasto~. eijsi; d∆ e[mmhnoi proikov~, ejavn ti~ ojfeivlwn mh; ajpodw'/, ka[n ti~ ejpi; dracmh'/ daneisavmeno~ ajposterh'/, ka[n ti~ ejn ajgora'/ boulovmeno~ ejrgavzesqai daneivshtai parav t[i]no~ ajformhvn: e[ti d∆ aijkeiva~ kai; ejranika;~ kai; koinwnika;~ kai; ajndrapovdwn kai; uJpozugivwn kai; trihrarcika;~ kai; trapezitikav~. ou|toi me;n ou\n tauvta~ dikavzousin ejmmhvnou~ eijsavg[on]te~, oiJ d∆ ajpodevktai toi'~ telwvnai~ kai; kata; tw'n telwnw'n, ta; me;n mevcri devka dracmw'n o[nte~ kuvrioi, ta; d∆ a[ll∆ eij~ to; dikasthvrion eijsavgonte~ e[mmhna. “They pick by lot five men as introducers, who introduce the monthly dikai,. each.(of.whom).covers.two.tribes..The.monthly.(dikai).are.for.a.dowry,.if.someone.owing.it.does.not.pay.it;.if.someone.borrows.at.a.rate.of.one.drachma.(per. mina.per.month).and.defaults;.if.someone.wishing.to.ply.his.trade.in.the.agora. borrows.capital.from.someone.(and.defaults);.also.for.battery.and.eranikai.and. koinonikai. (“eranos-loans”. and. “associations”). and. slaves. and. yoke-animals. and.trierarchies.and.banking.matters..These.men,.acting.as.introducers,.preside. over.these.monthly.(dikai),.but.the.apodektai.(“receivers”).handle.(cases).entered.by.and.against.tax-collectors,.being.in.charge.for.cases.up.to.ten.drach­ mai,.and.introducing.the.others.monthly.into.the.dikasterion.” In this account, “five men” themselves do the “introducing” to the “monthly” courts and.“preside”.or.“give.the.verdict”.(dikavzousin).98.Matters.arising.from.disputes. involving.slaves.(ajndrapovdwn).were.heard.here.as.monthly.cases,.as.were.the.larger. tax.cases.“for.and.against.tax-collectors,”.“introduced”.by.the.apodektai.(receivers). to.“the.dikasterion”.on.a.monthly.basis..Monthly.dikai.were.dikai.created.after.355. 94. The.participle.was.restored.by.Kaibel.and.Wilamowitz,.and.is.incorporated.into.the.Teubner. text.of.Chambers.(1986),.on.the.clear.example.of.tw'/ a[rconti tw'/ ejfesthkovti in.[Ar.].AP.64.4. 95 Lewis (1968, p. 373) first made the connection to [Ar.] AP.66.2,.and.noted.the.tribal.distribution.of.the.men.in.SEG.XXV.180.12–17.(Agora.inv..I.5656.12–17). 96 The five, placed “after ca. 340” by Boegehold 1995, p. 38; introducers, Rhodes 1981, p. 583 (“after.the.mid.340s”)..Pollux.8.101.especially.connects.the.institution.of.“introducers”.and.the. monthly.courts,.to.be.discussed.next:.eijsagwgei'~: oiJ ta;~ ejmmhvnou~ divka~ eijsavgonte~: h\san de; proikov~, ejranikaiv, ejmporikaiv;.all.belong.to.the.same.time.period. 97. For.discussion.of.the.text.(emended.in.ways.that.have.no.bearing.on.issues.of.interest.here).see. Rhodes.1981,.pp..582–587,.many.of.whose.suggestions.for.translation.I.have.also.followed. 98. For.the.second.translation.of dikavzousin,.see.above n. 86.

III..The.Legal.Disabilities.and.Vulnerability.of.Metics.in.Fourth-Century.Athens

37

in.which.complaints.were.accepted.monthly.and.a.verdict.was.reached.before.the. next.month’s.complaints.were.entered;99.the.implication.of.speed.would.suit.the. implication. of. speed. that. anecdotally. informs. the. stories. of. prosecution. for. metoikion-evasion.100. Yet for these second five to be the five of SEG.XXV.180.(Agora.inv..I.5656),. manning.the.water-clock.would.have.to.be.equated.with.dikavzousin…eijsavg[on]te~. (since that was what the five in the “monthly courts” are said to do), and the polemarch. would. have. to. bow. out. even. as. the. most. minimal. of. “introducers”:. some. (later?).historical.change.or.adjustment.would.have.to.be.postulated.for.‘Aristotle’s’. account.of.the.monthly.courts.and.the.inscription.from.the.phialai-generating.cases. to.be.relevant.to.the.same.kind.of.case..This,.at.least,.is.Zelnick-Abramovitz’s.suggestion, in arguing that these five of the monthly courts and the five of SEG.XXV.180. (Agora.inv..I.5656).are.the.same:.she.claims.that.dikē.apostasiou is classified as a monthly.case.(which.explains.the.“day-of-the-month”.dating.in.IG.II2.1578),101.and. is.referred.to.(only).under.the.“vague”.formulation.“cases.of.slaves”.in.Athenaion Politeia.52.3;102 the five are responsible for the case, introduce it, and are therefore listed.in.the.inscription;.and.the.polemarch.comes.to.introduce.apostasiou.(to.the. “monthly.courts”).only.later.103.Although.aspects.of.this.interpretation.are.attractive. . 99. For.the.date,.see.Rhodes.1981,.p..583 and Cohen 1973, pp. 9–59 (definition at p. 40), who argued. that. speed. in. these. trials. was. achieved. by. skipping. the. anakrisis.. Harpokration. (s..v.. e[mmhnoi divkai).had.also.included.emporikai.as.monthly.cases:.e[mmhnoi divkai: ai{ te ejmporikai; kai; ejranikaiv: Dhmosqevnh~ kaiv ÔUpereivdh~, cases which Cohen sees as especially significant.for.the.creation.of.the.monthly.courts. 100. And.might.also.be.appropriate.if.metics.were.expected.to.pay.the.metoikion.month.by.month,. as.Gauthier.1972,.p..122.suggested. 101. Zelnick-Abramovitz.2005,.pp..287–288. 102. Zelnick-Abramovitz. 2005,. p..287:. “the. vague. formulation. suggests. that. other. slave-related. charges.may.have.been.meant.”.Harrison.(1971,.pp..22–23.n..10).and.Rhodes.(1981,.p..586). have.discussed.whether.these.monthly.dikai.involving.slaves.were.over.matters.of.damage.to.or. by.slaves,.but.the.possibility.of.the.dikē apostasiou.has.not,.before.now,.been.seriously.entertained..Moreover,.to.me.Zelnick-Abramovitz’s.reasoning.is.faulty:.Harpokration.(s..v..o{ti.pro;~ th;n fulhvn).claims.that,.in.defense.of.a.charge.of.apostasiou,.Isaeus.had.said.that.dikai.involving. slaves.were.heard.by.the.tribe.of.the.owner.(o{ti pro;~ th;n fulh;n tou' kekthmevnou aiJ pro;~ tou;~ douvlou~ lagcavnontai divkai ∆Isai'o~ ejn ajpologiva/ ajpostasivou pro;~ ∆Apollovdwron dhloi'),. while.[Ar.].here.in.AP.52.2–3.says.that.cases.involving.ajndrapovda.are.heard.in.the.monthly. courts..Cases.involving.“slaves”.thus.seem.to.go.to.two.different.courts.(and.the.difference.in. wording.–.an.andrapodon is a captive enslaved in war – is quite possibly significant, since a captive.could.be.ransomed.by.his.family,.and.probably.the.sooner.the.better),.while.nowhere.is. it specified where cases involving freed.slaves.go..To.take.one.reference.to.slaves.(Aristotle’s). but.not.the.other.(Isaeus’s).as.referring.to.freedmen,.as.she.does,.seems.a.dubious.proposition. 103. Zelnick-Abramovitz.(2005,.p..288).suggests.that.the.monthly.dikai apostasiou.were.transferred. from the five eisagogeis. to. the. polemarch. (who. thereafter. introduced. them. in. the. monthly. courts).before.[Ar.].wrote.the.AP..This.is.a.weak.argument,.however,.since.it.is.the.AP.that.supplies.both.(apparently.contradictory).pieces.of.information..A.parallel.might.be.provided.by.the. thesmothetai.who,.Cohen.(1973,.pp..184–186).argues.(from.reconciling.[Ar.].AP.59.5.and.Poll.. 8.101), come to replace the five as “introducers” of the monthly dikai emporikai;.but.Rhodes. (1981,. pp..57. and. 584). notes. that. the. “normal. view”. of. this. contradiction. is. “that. Pollux. is. simply.wrong.”

38

Part.I..History

(the five, the apparent parallel of monthly organization), the lack of a good fit between.the.monthly.courts,.apostasiou.(which.is.never.named.in.AP.52.2–3),.and.the. polemarch. (excluded. in. 52.2–3. as. an. “introducer”),. as. well. as. the. much. clearer. parallels between the roles the five men play in the inscription and in the Athenaion Politeia’s.description.of.the.activity.of.a.regular.dikasterion, make the first option the only truly viable one. The “monthly courts” are a red herring. Because the five men.do.the.donkey-work,.the.venue.of.SEG.XXV.180.(Agora.inv..I.5656).is.a.regular.dikasterion,.and.because.this.is.a.regular.dikasterion,.the.magistrate.–.in.this. case.the.polemarch.–.“presides”.after.the.middle.of.the.fourth.century..“Introducing”.in.the.phialai-cases.must,.therefore,.include.“presiding;”.the.presence.of.the. five men reinforces the implication of close association in a real court between metic.defendant.and.polemarch.already.suggested,.and.therefore.also.the.likelihood. that.the.phialai.do.not.derive.from.cases.of.apostasiou. (3). The “middle of the new courts.”.SEG.XXV.180.(Agora.inv..I.5656).does. supply.the.name.of.the.dikasterion.in.which.these.cases.have.been.heard..In.the.one. other.extensive.surviving.reference.to.“the.middle.of.the.new.courts,”.from.the.inscribed.records.of.the.poletai,.this.court.was.the.venue.in.which,.after.determination. that farmers of metic-taxes, of the five-drachma tax for the mines, of the fivedrachma.tax.for.Theseus,.of.a.tax.on.a.stone-quarry.in.the.Piraeus,.and.of.the.onedrachma.tax.for.Asklepios.had.not.kept.up.with.their.monthly.payments.to.the.city,. a property (of equivalent value) of their guarantor was confiscated and sold:104 “On the second of Skirophorion, in the middle of the new courts. Ratifier (kurwthv~).from.the.prytaneis.Euthykles,.son.of.Eukles,.from.Kedoi..Euthykles,.son. of Euthymenides, of Myrrhinous, registered for confiscation ([aj]pevgrayen).an. apartment.house.(sunoikivan).in.Piraeus.below.Mounichia.which.is.bounded.on. the.north.by.a.house.of.Eukles.of.Myrrhinous,.on.the.south.by.a.house.of.Protarchos.of.Piraeus,.on.the.east.by.the.road.to.the.city,.and.on.the.west.by.a.house. of. Euthymachos. of. Myrrhinous. –. this. apartment. house. belonging. to. Meixidemos. of. Myrrhinous. who. owes. to. the. public. treasury. (tw'/ dhmosivw)/ . of. the. Athenians.a.bond.(ejgguvhn).which.he.guaranteed.for.Philistides,.son.of.Philistides,. of. Aixone. who. shared. in. levying. the. metic. tax. (metascovnta tevlou~ metoikivou).in.the.archonship.of.Pythodoros.(343/2);.the.sixth.and.seventh.and. eighth.and.ninth.payments.(th;n katabolhvn),.these.four,.each.of.100.drachmai;. and another bond on the mines for the five-drachma.tax:.the.sixth.and.seventh. and. eighth. payments,. these. three,. each. of. 125. drachmai;. and. another. bond. which.he.guaranteed.for.Telemachos,.son.of.Hermolochos,.dwelling.in.the.Piraeus, who shared in levying the five-drachma.tax.for.Theseus:.the.fourth.and. fifth and sixth and seventh and eighth and ninth and tenth payments, these seven,.each.[of.100].drachmai;.and.another.bond.for.a.stone-quarry.in.the.Piraeus: the fourth and fifth payments; these two, each of 115.5 drachmai;.and. another.bond.which.he.guaranteed.for.Kallikrates,.son.of.[Kallikrates],.dwelling.in.Besa,.who.shared.in.levying.the.[one-drachma].tax.for.Asklepios;.the. seventh.and.eighth.and.ninth.and.tenth.payments,.these.four,.each.of.36.2/3. 104. Agora.XIX.P26.460–498.(342/1–339/8),.transl..Meritt.1936,.pp..405–406.(adjusted).

III..The.Legal.Disabilities.and.Vulnerability.of.Metics.in.Fourth-Century.Athens

39

drachmai;. these. sums. having. been. [doubled]. since. neither. Philistides. nor. Telemachos.nor.Kallikrates.paid.to.the.[city].the.purchase-price.(wjnhvn).(of.their. tax-farming).nor.did.Meixidemos.pay.the.bonds.which.he.had.guaranteed.to.the. city, but was written down on the Acropolis. R(atifiers): Phyakines, son of Kephisophon,.of.[–];.and.Charias,.son.of.Elpinikos,.of.Potamon..The.purchaser. was.Telemachos,.son.of.Theangelos,.of.Acharnai,.the.amount.being.3705.1/3. drachmai..The.sum.was.deposited.in.full.in.one.payment.” The.guarantor.is.punished.when.those.who.are.collecting.taxes.(of.either.a.secular. or.a.sacred.kind).do.not.pay.the.installments.they.owe,.and.the.proving.of,.and.penalty.for,.defaulting.on.taxes.of.both.types.are.judged.in.the.same.court..This.conforms. to. a. remark. of. Demosthenes’s. (24.96),. that. those. who,. being. in. charge. of. sacred.or.civic.money,.fail.to.make.payment.are.to.be.charged.“using.the.tax-farmers’.laws.”105.Both.failures.belong.together.and.both,.apparently,.are.decided.and. punished.here,.in.“the.middle.of.the.new.courts,”.part.of.a.complex.built.at.some. point.in.the.340s.106.This.is.not.a.case.of.apostasiou.or.aprostasiou;.it.is.a.tax-case. ending.in.an.apographē.(a.“writing-up”.or.denunciation.of.a.man’s.property),.followed by confiscation and sale of the written-up property.107.Yet.the.use.of.the.same. court-space.for.this.kind.of.tax-related.case.and.the.case.that.led.to.the.phialai.is. suggestive:.were.cases.of.the.same.general.type.tried.in.the.same.place?.As.late.as. 340.this.was.probably.the.case..By.Aristotle’s.time,.however,.most.magistrates.were. assigned.to.most.courts.by.lot.108.Thus,.although.clearly.tax-cases.could.be.heard.in. the.middle.of.the.new.courts,.the.middle.of.the.new.courts.did.not.necessarily.see. only. tax. cases.. But. cases. involving. metics. charged. with. non-payment. of. the. metoikion.could.have.been.heard.here,.“introduced”.and.presided.over.by.the.polemarch and handled by five men in “the middle of the new courts,” where, it turns out,.other.tax-cases.were.also.heard..This.last.parallel.is.probably.no.more.than.a. delightful coincidence, but two common strands, metics and taxation, fit well within the first three of the clues provided by the phialai-inscriptions. This.inscription.(Agora.XIX.P26),.a.segment.of.one.of.the.accounts.of.the.po­ letai,. also. conveys. a. little. more. information. about. tax-collecting,. and. about. the. 105. tou;~ e[conta~ tav te iJera; kai; ta; o{sia…th;n boulh;n aujtou;~ eijspravttein crwmevnhn toi'~ novmoi~ toi'~ telwnikoi'~.(the.boulē.here.being.the.agent),.Crosby.1950,.p..240..What.these.laws. are.is.unknown;.Migeotte.1997,.167.suggests.that.SEG.LXVIII.96.(Stroud.1998;.374/3.BC). may.be.one. 106. “Middle.of.the.new.courts”.in.existence.by.342.BC,.Boegehold.1995,.pp..9,.15.(=.Building.C. in.NE.corner.of.Agora),.36. 107. R..Osborne.(1985,.pp..44–47).discusses.this.particular.case.in.his.explication.of.the.different. types.of.apographē. 108 In the fifth and early fourth centuries each magistrate always used the same court, MacDowell 1978,.pp..35.and.40..In.contrast,.in.[Ar.].AP.63.1.magistrates.are.assigned.to.their.courts.by.lot,. but.even.in.his.time.(AP 57.3–4) homicide cases were still heard in one of five locations that gave.their.names.to.the.court.(Delphinion,.Palladion,.etc.),.the.Eleven.heard.cases.in.the.Parabyston.(AP.52.1.with.references.in.Rhodes.1981,.p..581),.and.the.largest.juries.always.met.in. the.Heliaea.(68.1)..The.polemarch’s.jurisdiction.could.have.been.ancestral.enough.(like.that.of. the.archon.basileus).that.he.did.not.go.into.the.lottery.for.a.courtroom,.but.AP.58.does.not.say. so.and.it.is.unsafe.to.assume.it.

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Part.I..History

metic-tax. itself.. First,. metics. themselves. could. bid. on,. and. win,. a. tax-collecting. concession:.Telemachos.and.Kallikrates,.mentioned.above,.were.both.metics.collecting. taxes. for. Theseus. and.Asklepios. respectively.. Moreover,. they. were. also. members.of.groups.who.“shared”.in.collecting.the.tax..For.those.who.farmed.a.tax. –.bid.on.a.contract.with.the.polis.for.its.collection.–.could.be.a.group,.not.just.an. individual;. Philistides,.also.mentioned.above,.was. one.who. “shared.in.the.metic. taxes.”.Consortia.for.collecting.taxes.are.known.from.other.sources,.like.Andocides. 1.133–134,.who.relates.to.his.dikastic.audience.how.he.foiled.the.ambitions.of.a. rival.in.this.regard.109 ∆Aguvrrio~ ga;r ouJtosi; oJ kalo;~ kajgaqo;~ ajrcwvnh~ ejgevneto th'~ penthkosth'~ trivton e[to~, kai; ejprivato triavkonta talavntwn, metevscon d∆ aujtw'/ ou|toi pavnte~ oiJ parasullegevnte~ uJpo; th;n leuvkhn. …kerdavnante~ de; triva tavlanta, gnovnte~ to;.pra'gma oi|on ei[h, wJ~ pollou' a[xion, sunevsthsan pavnte~, kai; metadovnte~ toi'~ a[lloi~ ejwnou'nto pavlin triavkonta talavntwn. ejpei; d∆ oujk ajntwnei'to oujdeiv~, parelqw;n ejgw; eij~ th;n boulh;n uJperevballon, e{w~ ejpriavmhn e{x kai; triavkonta talavntwn. ajpelavsa~ de; touvtou~ kai; katasthvsa~ uJmi'n ejgguhta;~ ejlevlexa ta; crhvmata kai; katevbalon th'/ povlei… “Two.years.ago.this-here.Agyrrhius,.this.kalos k’agathos,.was.the.chief.bidder. for. the. pentekostē. [the. two-percent. tax. on. imports. and. exports],. and. bought. (that.tax).for.thirty.talents,.and.all.those.who.met.with.him.under.the.poplar. took shares with him…After making a profit of three talents, they saw what a gold.mine.the.business.was,.and.so.they.combined,.gave.shares.to.the.other.bidders,.and.tried.to.buy.it.again.for.thirty.talents..Since.no.one.was.competing. with.them,.I.myself.went.to.the.Council.and.kept.outbidding.them,.until.I.bought. it.for.thirty-six.talents..Having.ousted.them,.I.then.furnished.you.with.sureties,. collected.the.money,.and.paid.it.over.to.the.state.” “Those.who.met.with.him.under.the.poplar.all.took.shares,”.as.Philistides.had.a. share: men shared the risk and the profit of this lucrative business of tax-farming. Moreover,.while.Agyrrhius.clearly.bought.the.entire.concession.for.collecting.this. pentekostē.(since.it.cost.him.and.his.partners.thirty.talents),.Philistides.and.his.partners.may.not.have.held.the.only.metic-tax.concession.in.any.given.year..If.each. owed.100.drachmai.each.prytany.(as.the.above.inscription.makes.clear.Philistides. did),.each.therefore.owed.1000.drachmai.per.year;.but.if.the.statistic.of.10,000.metic. men.between.317.and.307.BC.given.by.Ktesikles.is.even.approximately.correct,. then.the.annual.income.from.the.metic-tax.should.have.been.at.least.120,000.drach­ mai.–.twenty.talents110.–.and.Philistides.might.have.had.as.many.as.119.partners.. 109. This.text.is.from.MacDowell.1989,.pp..57–58,.whom.I.have.also.followed.on.some.points.of. translation..Andocides.makes.it.sound.as.if.he.were.alone,.but.in.fact.he.headed.a.group.that. made a small profit, braceva ajpekerdaivnomen oiJ metascovnte~..Another.example.of.sharing.in. taxes.is.Lyc..Leokr..58,.