Mentoring African American Males : A Research Design Comparison Perspective [1 ed.] 9781623968038, 9781623968014

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Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective

A Volume in: African American Male Series: Guiding the Next Generation Through Mentoring, Teaching and Counseling Series Editor William Ross

African American Male Series: Guiding the Next Generation Through Mentoring, Teaching and Counseling Series Editors

William Ross Prarie View A&M University Counseling African American Males: Effective Theraputic Interventions and Approaches (In Preparation) Edited by William Ross Teaching African American Males: Strategies for Academic engagement and Behavior Management (In Preparation) Edited by William Ross

Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective

Edited by

William Ross

INFORMATION AGE PUBLISHING, INC. Charlotte, NC • www.infoagepub.com

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The CIP data for this book can be found on the Library of Congress website (loc.gov). Paperback: 978-1-62396-801-4 Hardcover: 978-1-62396-802-1 eBook: 978-1-62396-803-8

Copyright © 2014 Information Age Publishing Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the publisher. Printed in the United States of America

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements and Dedication .............................................. vii Forward.......................................................................................... ix William Ross Introduction .................................................................................. xi Lucian Yates, III S E C T I O N

1

QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH 1.

A Mentoring Model to Increase Diverse Educational LeadersThe Effectiveness of Mentoring for Novice Educational Leaders ....................................................................... 3 Pamela Barber-Freeman

2.

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics .......................13 John Gray

3.

The Impact of Mentoring on African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses at a Predominantly White Community College .......................................................................33 Leonard C. Bass v

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CONTENTS S E C T I O N

2

QUALITATIVE RESEARCH 4.

A Phenomenological Investigation on the Role of Mentoring in the Academic Development of African American Male Secondary Students .......................................................................67 Jillian Inge

5.

“Can You Help Me?” Exploring the Influences of a Mentoring Program on High School Males of Color Academic Engagement and Self-Perceptions in School ................................ 83 Curtis Lewis

6.

African American Males, Mentoring, Sense of Community, and the Strength of Fictive Kinships ............................................ 99 John Leonard Mason, Jr.

7.

Paying It Forward: Black Men in a Predominantly Latino Community .................................................................................. 113 James McKeever

8.

The Rising Tide Lifts All Boats: Uncovering the Experiences of Academically Successful African American Male High School Students ...........................................................................131 Nicole Patrice Allain

9.

A Case Study of Mentor-to-mentee Program to Help African American Males Graduate from High School .............................151 Mary E. Jenkins-Williams and Peter P. Kiriakidis S E C T I O N

3

MIXED METHODS RESEARCH 10.

Implementing a Mentoring Program for African American Males to Improve Student Satisfaction at a Predominantly White Institution..........................................................................163 Curtis C. Coonrod Conclusion: Mentoring African American Male Students...........181 Pamela Barber-Freeman and William Ross About the Authors ........................................................................185

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AND DEDICATION

Apart from the efforts of myself, the success of any project depends largely on the encouragement, guidance and mentoring of many others. I take this opportunity to express my gratitude to the people who have been instrumental in the successful completion of this book: to all those who provided support, researched, talked things over, read, wrote, offered comments, allowed me to quote their remarks, and assisted in the editing, proofreading and design. Without their continued efforts and support, I would not have been able to bring my work to a successful completion. Special thanks is extended to Pamela Barber-Freeman, William Parker, and Lucian Yates III, who have provided personal and professional mentoring to me over the years, and exemplify the qualities of mentorship that are highlighted in the chapters of the book. I would like to thank all of the authors for their research and creative contribution to this text for enabling me to publish their work. I would like to thank Wayne Purdin for helping me in the process of proofreading and editing. He was a tremendous asset and provided the professionalism that was needed during a difficult stage in the development of this project. A special acknowledge is extended to Ashanti Easley for her research contribution to this book as my graduate assistant. Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages vii–viii. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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I would like to thank my wife, Angela for standing beside me throughout my career and while writing this book. She has been my inspiration and motivation for continuing to improve my knowledge and move my career forward. She is my rock, and I dedicate this book to her. I also thank my wonderful children, Jonathan and Joseph for always making me smile and for their understanding on those weekend mornings when I was writing this book instead of playing games. I hope that one day they can read this book and understand why I spent so much time in front of my computer. I pray this book will be a motivation and inspiration to them.

FORWARD William Ross

A mentor is often defined as a trusted counselor or guide or a wise, loyal advisor or coach. Webster defines the action of mentoring as one-on-one encouragement, advising, or befriending of an individual. In mythology, the archetypal mentor was a character in Homer’s epic poem The Odyssey. When Odysseus went to fight in the Trojan War, he entrusted the care of his kingdom to his advisor, Mentor, which included overseeing and teaching Telemachus, Odysseus’s son. In Africa, prior to Greeks and Romans, when a child was born, each village shared the responsibility for raising and educating the child into the customs and traditions associated with that village. While the child had contact with every member of the village, there was always one older child (not a family member) who would be assigned the responsibility to ask questions and listen carefully to the younger child. In Swahili, this questioning person was called, “Habari gani menta,” which in English means ‘the person who asks what’s happening’. According to Parsloe and Leedham (2009) of the Oxford School of Coaching and Mentoring, mentoring is provided to support and encourage people to manage their own learning in order that they may maximize their potential, develop their skills, improve their performance, and become the person that they want to be. A personal mentor is always someone who cares about people, someone they can easily trust, who can help them to develop their potential. Mentoring sessions are both private and confidential, ensuring an environment where each individual feel Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages ix–x. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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safe and supported. Professional mentoring is about helping mentees to understand, plan, and implement whatever it is that they want to achieve. Mentors assist others to make significant transitions in knowledge, work, or thinking. A mentor provides guidance and support in a variety of ways to a developing individual, acting as confidant, role model, or tutor. Through a variety of approaches, a mentor helps to expand the mentee’s horizons and increase his or her chances of success on every level, offering guidance, support, and assistance as the person faces new challenges. Like the original character in The Odyssey, mentors assist by nonjudgmental listening, giving advice, and through sharing their experiences, their own life challenges and successes. Mentoring is designed to help each person to fully understand where they are now, where they want to go, and how to achieve it in the best way possible. Today, thousands of people worldwide from all walks of life benefit from this form of help and advice. Today, the concept has become universal, and most people regard it as a highly effective developmental tool. Mentors provide expertise to less experienced individuals to help them advance their careers, enhance their education, and build their networks. Postmodern organizational mentorship takes place in the environment of a learning organization, and focuses on developing competencies. An ideal mentor is now considered to be an experienced, objective sounding board with the power to influence events. A mentor helps and supports people manage their own learning, their potential, develop their skills, improve their performance and become what they want to be. This is in contrast to the earlier notion of a mentor guiding persons to preconceived societal norms of excellence. There has been a great deal of empirical work conducted on different mentoring theories; therefore, it would be easy to conclude from the large number of research papers and studies on mentoring that the field is well covered. In actuality, however, this is far from the truth. For example, there are far more quantitative studies than qualitative. There are hardly any that offer a mixed method perspective that combine quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. Moreover, mentoring isn’t a single, readily classifiable practice or set of activities. Rather, the kaleidoscope of mentoring is constantly changing. Across the world, the word mentoring has many meanings; most, if not all, are valid within their own context. What this volume attempts to do is address some of the challenges in the area of mentoring African American males. This text reports on the research results that are qualitative in nature in addition to some that are from a quantitative approach. There has been tremendous research on the academic achievement of African American males and the potential impact of mentoring on their increased academic success. This book documents some of the mentoring attempts that have had a positive influence on their academic success. Notwithstanding the current statistics relating to African American males, and in light of the historical African traditions, mentoring is offering African American males exceptional opportunities to impact their lives and their communities as mentees and mentors.

INTRODUCTION Lucian Yates, III

The American Association of Colleges of Teacher Education (AACTE) reports that 82% of all recent bachelor’s degrees in education were awarded to White candidates; and over 75% of all teacher candidates were female (2013). Less than 15 percent of all teachers are Black, and less than 2 percent of our nation’s teachers are African American males (Duncan, 2010; U.S. Department of Education, 2004; National Education Association, 2012). Yet, America’s public schools are becoming more diverse. In terms of achievement, African American males are usually are at the bottom of every index. Ehrenberg (1995) confirmed the work of Smith (1993) that stated when students have role models or mentors of similar gender, race, or cultural backgrounds as themselves, it is more likely that they will succeed academically (also see Inge, Chapter 4). In this compilation of studies, Ross is to be commended for assembling this aggregation of scholars to explore the role of mentoring on African American males. This work adds to the body of knowledge and is a treasure trove of information for those desiring to create mentoring programs within schools or school districts. This work is divided into three sections—based of the research methodology— quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods. In Section One, Barber-Freeman develops a mentoring model as a tool for training strong educational leaders. Only 12% of all superintendents in the U.S. are female and less than five percent are women of color. These numbers do not Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages xi–xiv. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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reflect the increasing diversity of students in the public school. This model can be utilized in developing a framework for supporting diversity. In his quasi-experimental, nonequivalent control group study, Gray uses repeated measures design to explore the effects of group mentoring achievement motivation intervention on seventh and eighth grade African American male middle students from two schools in an urban school district. His findings support the notion that mentoring can have significant effects on African American males’ academic achievement. Bass’ study of the effects of mentoring on African American male students enrolled in remedial courses at a predominantly White community college, found that the mentored students completed more credits, had higher GPAs, and realized significantly higher persistence rates (a measure of how many students return from one semester to the next semester) than their non-mentored colleagues. The population for this study included 1,046 students and 48 mentors. In Section Two, six qualitative studies explore the impact of mentoring on various aspects of academic, social, and engagement of African American students. Inge’s phenomenological study examines how the construct of mentoring can support the academic development of African American male secondary students. His approach is unique in that he studies the mentors and not the mentees. The findings suggest that mentors with similar backgrounds as their mentees were better able to relate to them than they were to those with dissimilar backgrounds. Additionally, mentors reported that mentees were more likely to envision themselves in professional areas beyond their perceived cultural norms. Lewis’ study on mentoring’s influence on males of color is guided by one major question: How do high school males of color describe and make sense of their academic engagement and their self-perception while participating in an ecologically structured school-based mentoring program? The results of his indepth analysis using observations, interviews, and data from journal writings are reported here. Tinto’s integration framework (1975 & 1988), serves as the conceptual framework for Mason’s study of undergraduate African American males’ formal mentoring journey. College completion, he discovers, is determined by students’ own academic resilience and by encouraging the creation of growth relationships (See p. 101). According to Tinto, academic adaption, social integration and faculty engagement are necessary for African American males to reach graduation. McKeever’s, Paying it Forward, is a study that looks at the mentoring relationship between limited educated African American males in a predominantly Latino recreation center and the Latino young men. The community, and the youth they mentor, are not necessarily located where they live, but at the recreation center where they congregate. McKeever reports that new forms of cross-cultural mentorship develop, and the findings challenge traditional top down approaches to studies of mentorship.

Introduction • xiii

Using Critical Race Theory (CRT), Allain’s phenomenological study explores common characteristics and experiences of academically successful African American male students in a predominantly minority public high school. Additionally, it explores the students’ beliefs about the achievement gap and the internal and external factors that set them apart from their underperforming peers. One of the major findings of this study is that these African American males maintain distinct ethnic and academic identities that are shaped by caring adults. The last study in Section Two was conducted by Jenkins-Williams and Kiriakidisin a high school in a large urban city in the northeastern U.S. There, the majority of African American males were not meeting high school graduation requirements, and the dropout rate was extremely high. The administrators implemented a mentor-to-mentee program to alleviate these identified problems. Their experiences are reported in this study. The onlycase presented in Section Three is a mixed methods study by Conrod. This study explores the impact of intervention on student satisfaction among African American males enrolled at a predominantly white institution (PWI). The findings of this study validate the importance of mentoring relationships for African American males enrolled at PWIs for two reasons: For improving students’ academic success, and enabling African American students to“fit in” at the PWI. Each chapter in the work concludes that mentoring, especially for African American males, is a MUST. Ross and his contributors are to be commended because this project confirms the research of Tinto (1975 and 1988), Yates, Pelphrey, and Smith (2008) and otherssuch as Masten, Best, & Garmezy (1990); Benard (1991); Garmezy (1991); and Finley, Barnes, & McFrazier (in press) , which indicate that these factorssignificantly increase the probability of African American males being successful. The number one difference why some students are successful and others are not is the presence of a pro-social adult in their life. This is the classic definition of mentoring. REFERENCES American Association of Colleges of Teacher Education. (2013). The changing teacher preparation profession. Washington, DC: Author. Benard, B. (1991). Fostering resiliency in kids: Protective factors in the family, school, and community. Portland, OR: Western Center for Drug-Free Schools and Communities. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED335 781). Duncan, A. (2010, June 14). Duncan: Black male teachers needed. (T. Harris, Interviewer) Ehrenberg, R. G. (1995). Role models in education. Industrial & Labor Relations Review, 48(3), 34–41. Finley, T. L., Barnes, D., & McFrazier, M.L. (in press) Images of ideal mentors: Perspectives of African American male pre-service teachers. In Yates, L. (in press). Restructuring the future: Educating African American pre-service teachers. Houston: Scholars Pub. Garmezy, N. (1991). Resiliency and vulnerability to adverse developmental outcomes associated with poverty. American Behavioral Scientist, 34(4), 416–430.

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Masten, A. S., Best, K. M., & Garmezy, N. (1990). Resilience and development: Contributions from the study of children who overcome adversity. Development and Psychopathology, 2, 425–444. National Education Association. (2012, October 5). Teacher diversity: The need for a diverse teaching staff. Retrieved October 5, 2012, from Blacks: Education Issues: http://www.nea.org/home/15215.htm Smith, Y. R. (1993). Recruitment and retention of African American and other multicultural physical educators. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 64(3), 66–70. Tinto, V. (1975). Dropout from higher education: A theoretical synthesis of recent research. Review of Educational Research, 45, 89–125. Tinto, V. (1988). Stages of student departure: Reflection on the longitudinal character of student leaving. Journal of Higher Education, 59(4), 438–455. U.S. Department of Education. (2004). The secretary’s third annual report on teacher quality: A highly qualified teacher in every classroom. Jessup: ED Pubs. Yates, L., Pelphrey, B., and Smith, P.A. (2008). An exploratory phenomenological study of African American male pre-service teachers at a historical Black university in the mid-south. National FORUM of Applied Educational Research Journal 21(3), 1–1.

SECTION 1 QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH

CHAPTER 1

A MENTORING MODEL TO INCREASE DIVERSE EDUCATIONAL LEADERS The Effectiveness of Mentoring for Novice Educational Leaders Pamela Barber-Freeman

OVERVIEW Mentoring is an invaluable tool for developing strong educational leaders, who will embrace change, take risks, and finally act. Progressive school leaders realize the necessity of interconnectedness in meeting educational, societal, and psychological challenges. When a mentoring relationship―a continuum of ongoing professional development and continuous inquiry―is in place, the potential exists to create the type of educational environment where no child is left behind. The purpose of this research is to examine the use of a conceptual framework in Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 3–11. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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preparing educational leaders to understand and work with diverse stakeholders in school settings. INCREASING PLURALISM IN U.S. INSTITUTIONS The educational face of our society is being altered due to tremendous changes in the economics, education, and demography. The rapid change in the demographics of the United States has made diversity one of the most significant social features of our society. Due to differential birthrates and immigration patterns, America is experiencing a major ethnic shift with increased numbers of African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans becoming more prevalent in our schools. This country has become the most racially diverse nation in the world (Koppelman & Goodhart, 2005). Within local communities, this phenomenon exists as well. In Texas, African American and Hispanic American youth constitute 63% percent of the school age population and have the highest dropout rate of any other ethnic group in the state (Texas Education Agency, 2012). During the 2012–2013 school year, Hispanic youth comprised 50.2% (2,480,000) of Texas students (4,933,617) (TEA, 2013). For this same school year, African American youth constituted 12.8% of Texas public school students (Castro, 2013). STATEMENT OF PROBLEM Certainly, one of the most important questions in educational leadership concerns the procedures for addressing diversity in the public schools. Our diverse population is continuously increasing, but educational leaders themselves do not reflect diversity within our public schools as evidenced by 12 percent of the nation’s superintendents being female, and only five percent being people of color. The Texas Education Agency (1999) indicates that African American students comprised 18.7 percent of dropouts while Hispanic Americans made up 51.3 percent. According to research, one reason for this failure is the quality of leadership, as well as the lack of sensitivity to the cultural dynamics within our nation (Astin & Astin, 2000). Therefore, it is imperative that we equip all ethnic groups with the theoretical and methodological tools to help frame and answer questions of educational reform. Throughout the country, educators by the thousands are creating new ideas of educational reform that challenge conventional wisdom. However, sharing that valuable information from one community to the next is a vacillating proposition. Educators must find strategies to enhance cultural sensitivity and involvement of diverse stakeholders. Henze, Katz, Norte, Sather, and Walker (2002) state three reasons for educational leaders to improve interethnic relations: (1) students whose safety needs are not addressed are unlikely to focus on learning, (2) students are operating in multicultural environments in the school and future workplace and therefore need social skills to work with others, and (3) schools should be places for societal change. Such efforts would address the highest level

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of Banks and Banks’s Levels of Integration of Multicultural Content, i.e., the Social Action Approach (2005). Students identify important social issues and are actively involved in resolving them. These assertions show that educational leaders have influential roles in influencing reform beyond the school level. Administrators must possess a thorough understanding of the learning process, as well as the ability to communicate and cooperate with people of diverse cultures, positions, and perspectives within the school and the community. The purpose of this research is to examine the use of a conceptual framework for use in preparing educational leaders to understand and work with diverse stakeholders in school settings. ROLE OF THE HBCU IN DEVELOPING CULTURALLY SENSITIVE LEADERS With the continuous growth of a diverse population, it becomes quite apparent that the dynamics of the culturally heterogeneous world has become both complex and problematic. In fact, one of the most compelling needs of our time is to reach for the forgotten half of our population, who have the capability of leading but who are being left behind by the new economy. Creating a greater need for more inclusion of all ethnic groups who have the theoretical and methodological tools to help frame and answer questions that concern all Americans is critical. Accepting the premise that higher education is a pipeline for developing productive citizens, academia must take the opportunity to lead the way and demonstrate to the rest of the nation how to accept and nurture a diverse community of leaders. Particularly in the education field, teacher education programs play a critical role in helping future teachers develop the necessary skills for working with diverse students. Banks and Banks (2005) comment, “Teacher education programs should help teachers to attain the knowledge and behaviors needed to work effectively with students from diverse groups as well as to help students from mainstream groups develop cross cultural knowledge, values, and competencies” (p. iv). Consequently, the question is whether institutions of higher education are up to the challenge of meeting the needs of this diverse population. Therefore, it seems practical, and necessary, for historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs), those institutions that are graduating the largest numbers of diverse students, to become an active and viable component in developing leaders for diverse schools. HBCU’s assuming a greater role in this process is critical to continuing the educational pipeline as well. In postsecondary institutions, enrollment of ethnically diverse graduate students has declined as a whole. Between the 1999–2000 and the 2000–2001 school year, the percentage of American Indians, Hispanics, and African Americans obtaining first professional degrees decreased by –3.7%,–1.5%, and–2.5% respectively (National Center for Education Statistics, 2003). Improving the quality of the curriculum will support recruitment efforts. There is also a need for a conceptual framework for reforming curriculum standards and providing training for personnel, who will lead and educate Amer-

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ica’s future citizens. Because education is a continuum, and not just K–12, it is imperative that programs and institutions that educate and train preservice and inservice leaders become active with educational reform. Since HBCUs facilitate the largest numberof diverse leaders on the educational continuum, there is a need for leadership centers on HBCU campuses to provide our nation and the world with leaders equipped with new knowledge and strategies for educational reform. Leaders in HBCU settings must be mentored to become effective in practices to support diverse learners. According to Castenell, “Rather than being viewed as deficient institutions that offer little or no value in the reform conversation, HBCUs must be viewed genuinely as resources in reforming the delivery of education and crafting a new role for higher educational institutions in the care of the economy” (2007, p. 254). THE VALUE OF MENTORING Mentoring is an invaluable tool for developing strong educational leaders, who will embrace change and commit to risk taking and action. Progressive school leaders realize the necessity of interconnectedness to meet all educational, societal, and psychological challenges. The business community has examined mentoring in order to increase their pool of qualified leaders. According to Champlin (2001), mentoring is of particular importance today for ethnic minorities. She contended that federal regulations have tried to increase minority numbers in the workplace, but have failed to ensure environments that promote minority productivity and retention. Additionally,, other studies of racial minorities at three large U.S. corporations has shown that those who advance the furthest share one characteristic: a strong network of mentors and corporate sponsors who nurture their professional development. This same model must be employed within the educational arena. ACTION MODEL: A FRAMEWORK FOR DEVELOPING SCHOOL LEADERS WHO EMBRACE DIVERSITY The state of Texas has adopted legislation that requires mentoring or some other formal support system as part of the induction process for all school administrators (Texas Administrative Code Title 19, Part 7, Chapter 241, Rule 241.20). To address this state requirement, the researchers have developed a mentoring model that examines four variables necessary for effective leadership: (a) knowledge, (b) skill, (c) disposition and, (d) evaluation. The lead researcher initially developed the conceptual framework, the ACTION model, which stands for Analyze, Collaborate, Train, Integrate, Operationalize, and Network (see Figure 1.1), to address the need for having a mentoring model for leaders to utilize in developing a framework for supporting diversity. Furthermore, throughout the educational system, there is a desire to engage stu-

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FIGURE 1.1. ACTION Conceptual Model

dents in higher levels of critical thinking, utilizing multiple academic disciplines. The ACTION Model proposes to combine various instructional methods that will enhance leadership skills. In this capacity, diverse individuals can come together to learn from one another, to build the bridge between policies and practice, to shorten the learning curve for anyone interested in bettering the future for our children, to develop leadership that responds to the challenges of the future, and to give each other encouragement and support. In an age where there are continuous innovations in instructional techniques and technology, colleges and universities have been hard pressed to pursue creative ways of increasing student involvement and motivation, enhancing academic achievement, and aiding in student retention. The central premise is that educational leaders, who fail to understand and appreciate their own histories, cannot fully understand the present or effectively manage the future. While simultaneously offering comprehensive guidance, new and exciting insights and future considerations that shape best practices for school leaders, this mentoring model identifies the disposition necessary to produce effective leaders (see Figure 1.2). This model provides a common core of knowledge, skills, and dispositions that focuses on valuable lessons for educational leaders through deep understanding of school culture, climate, and collaboration. According to the (2008) Interstate School Leaders Licensure Consortium’s (ISLLC), dispositions are defined as an leader’s values, beliefs and attitudes. The values include integrity and honesty; whereas, the beliefs of the leader’s dispositions would include believing that all

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FIGURE 1.2. ACTION Model Components

students can learn. The leader’s attitude demonstrates passion for community mobilization. Dispositions needed for an effective mentoring module are: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Articulating a belief in the dignity, worth, and learning ability of all individuals; Articulating respect for human differences and variability in the context of a pluralistic culture and exhibit that belief in leadership; Advocating just equitable treatment of all individuals; and Appreciating and committing to ongoing scholarship and the use of technology.

Procedure The ACTION model was piloted in the Spring of 2009 using a convenience sample of first-time principals or assistant principals in school districts in Texas. These participants were graduates of an administrative certification program who completed a rigorous internship experience using the ACTION model. The knowledge base presented in the internship course was to provide a school setting that would move students beyond theory and into the interpersonal relationships

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and personal dimensions of school leadership practices. Specific knowledge base information was gained through the following: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Description and discussion of how leaders develop and learn; Description of how culture and cultural differences contribute to learning and growth; Description/explanation of how to engage future leaders in critical thinking; and Explanation of the legal, ethical, cultural and societal issues related to education.

Educational administrative skills include translating sound research strategies into sound practices that must be addressed in graduate training. During this process, the university professor provided students/trainees with hands-on experience while improving their abilities to recognize, conceptualize, and address problems. The following concepts guided the research for this study: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Utilize approach to curriculum, pedagogy, and classroom management; Demonstrate respect for cultural differences; Employ current theories of learning, cultural, and school leadership; and Use a variety of approaches for student and teacher assessment INSTRUMENTATION

To examine these variables, i.e., knowledge, skills, dispositions and evaluation, a 15-item survey was developed by the researchers. In addition, a descriptive survey research method was used to collect initial data from the sample of internship students. Also, a case study approach was used to explore the phenomena of mentoring during the induction period. Specifically, emphasis was placed on the induction year of first-time principals or assistant principals in school districts in Texas. It is imperative that institutions of higher education begin to develop programs to train and support leaders who will expand the variety and character, accountability, and productivity of their school district’s educational programs (SREB, 2007). Providing effective experiences for novice educational leaders in the relevance and methods for working with teachers and students in a way that fully integrates support and formative assessment of leadership practice is enhanced through mentoring models. These supporters assist beginning administrators in collecting and interpreting evidence of leadership performance, in reflecting on their leadership, and in identifying meaningful professional development activities that are targeted to their individual needs. The following questions were the premise for evaluating the mentoring conceptual framework to provide formative assessment and individualized support based on assessment information for beginning administrators:

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FIGURE 1.3. Leadership Mentoring Process Chart

1. 2. 3. 4.

Why is the concept of mentoring a concern particularly for educational reform? Why is it important to develop a mentoring model during the internship program? Why is mentoring important to the establishment of collaborative partnerships? Why is mentoring important to the successful longevity of diverse educational leaders in the twenty first century?

The mentoring model proposed by these researchers seeks to establish the important knowledge, skills, disposition and the evaluation process during the

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mentoring relationship. The mentoring model intends to provide meaningful professional development for new educational administrators during their induction years, and tools and resources for both new and experienced administrators to use as they work together in mentoring-learning relationships for implementing induction programs (see Figure 1.3). The model will be evaluated through a partnership between the university where the researchers are employed and local school districts. An overview of this process is illustrated in the figure above. REFERENCES Astin, A. W. and Astin, H. S. (2000). Leadership reconsidered: Engaging higher education in social change. Battle Creek, MI: W. K. Kellogg Foundation. Banks, J. (2005). Approaches to multicultural curriculum reform. In J. Banks & C. A. M. Banks (Eds.), Multicultural education: Issues and perspectives (5th edition update, pp. 242– 264). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons, Inc. Banks, J., & Banks, C. A. M. (2005). Multicultural education: Issues and perspectives (5th edition update). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons, Inc. Castenell, L. A. (2007). Historically Black colleges and universities: An opportunity for leadership in the twenty-first century. In M. C. Brown & R. Bartee (Eds.), Still not equal: Expanding educational opportunity in society (pp. 245–258). New York, NY: Peter Lang. Castro, T. (2013, June 12). Hispanics now majority in Texas Public Schools, Districts assess if they are ready for change. Huffington Post. Retrieved from: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/06/12/hispanics-majority-texas-schools_n_3427239.html The Council of Chief State School Officers. Educational leadership policy standards: ISLLC 2008. Retrieved from: http://www.ccsso.org/publications/details. cfm?PublicationID=365 Division of Accountability Research. (2009, January). Enrollment in Texas public schools 2007–2008. Austin, TX: Texas Education Agency. Retrieved from http://ritter.tea. state.tx.us/research/pdfs/enrollment_2007-08.pdf. Henze, R., Katz, A., Norte, E., Sather, S. E., & Walker, E. (2002). Leading for diversity: How school leaders promote positive interethnic relations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Koppelman, K. L. & Goodhart, R. L. (2005). Understanding human differences: Multicultural education for a diverse America. Boston, MA: Pearson Education, Inc. National Center for Education Statistics. (2003). Digest of education statistics. Washington, DC: U. S. Department of Education. Southern Regional Education Board (2007). Schools need good leaders now: State progress in creating a learning-centered school leadership system. Atlanta, GA: Southern Regional Education Board. Texas Education Agency. (2013). Enrollment in Texas Public Schools 2011–2012. Austin, TX: Division of Research and Analysis.

CHAPTER 2

NECESSARY PARTNERSHIP: MENTORING AND ACADEMICS John Gray

INTRODUCTION With regard to reaching African American males and steering them toward a positive mindset and overall success, I would venture to state that the educational system is at a crossroads, considering the cultural realities and plight of African American males. With statistics that show more of our inner-city Black males dropping out of school than graduating high school, it is imperative that new and innovative strategies are put in place to combat the maladies that plague our current educational system and overall society. With this concept as the focus, this chapter looks at best practices to determine whether a mentoring program is effective in regard to the academic achievement of African American middle school males. It is the determination of this author that not only is mentoring effective but it also has become necessary for African American male academic success. The chapter will investigate the effects on academic achievement of a group mentoring/achievement motivation intervention for seventh- and eighth-grade African American male middle school students from two schools in an urban school district. Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 13–32. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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A quasi-experimental, nonequivalent-control-group, repeated measures design was used to analyze student grades in math and language arts before and after they received mentoring. Motivational theory, including expectancy value theory, attribution theory, and achievement goal theory, provided the theoretical foundation for the study. Independent t-tests were used to compare the student grades for an entire school year, before and after treatment. Based on the data collected and analyzed, the grades of the intervention group improved significantly and the mentoring intervention program was deemed a success. The implications for positive social change include leveling the playing field for academic achievement and success for this underachieving student population. Research suggests that there is a substantial achievement gap between Grade 7 and 8 African American males and their European American counterparts. This gap can be seen in their achievement in math and language arts, two academic content areas that provide foundational skills needed for success in other areas such as science and social studies. Dweck (2008), Jencks & Phillips (1998), and Ladson-Billings (1994) hypothesized that there is a detachment between the dominant culture model that frames schooling in the United States and the multiple learning styles demonstrated by minority students who may be culturally or linguistically diverse (as cited by Goodwin & McIntosh, 2008). As a result, according to Reynolds, (2002), an achievement gap exists between European Americans and many students of color, particularly African Americans. This study, which is highlighted in this chapter, examined the effect of a group mentoring and achievement motivation (independent variable) intervention on the language arts and maths grades of African American boys in grades 7 and 8 (the dependent variables). This study also evaluated whether the intervention correlated with improved grades in math and language arts. According to research, no single factor can be viewed as the determining factor for lack of progress on closing the achievement gap. Possible explanations include growing income inequality, differences in quality among teachers of African American and European American students, growth in racial isolation in schools, trends in parental education, and cultural differences (Bittle, 2009; 50-State Report Card, 2009). Prior studies revealed that parents’, teachers’ and administrators’ perceptions of minority groups definitely hinder academic progress, especially when these perceptions clash with the goals of the school or of learning (Bowen & Bok, 1998; Jencks & Phillips, 1998; Mikelson, 1990; Ogbu, 2004). The intervention for the experimental group at School A was designed to address attitudes that may impede academic progress. The achievement disparity between European American students and African American, or other racial minority, students continues to be problematic for educators, regardless of movement in the direction of academic equivalence for all students (Lee, 2002; Reini, 2009).

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics •

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Previous studies to clarify the reasons for this achievement gap revealed a number of factors that might be responsible (Brooks-Dunn & Markman, 2005; Lee & Burkham, 2002; Magnuson et al., 2004; Whitehurst et al., 1994), but Lucas (2000) surmised that imbalanced achievement between European Americans and minority groups defied uncomplicated explanations. For example, past research showed that regardless of the immense changes in mathematics education since 1989, achievement gaps based on socioeconomic status (SES) and race/ethnicity remained (Lubinski, 2002). To address the problem in this study, the intervention specifically targeted the needs of seventh- and eighth-grade African American boys. A positive relationship between group mentoring/motivation intervention and student achievement would suggest a long-term approach for addressing the achievement gap. Inner-city minority school children generally start school with inadequate educational preparation. Without proper intervention, they continue to fall behind throughout their academic careers (Reynolds, 2002). Interventions that can change a negative mindset can boost achievement and reduce achievement discrepancies (Dweck, 2006). By implementing a group mentoring/achievement motivation program, as outlined for this study, mentors sought to change their negative attitudes about academic achievement by providing encouragement, guidance, and direction. These changes offered students the goal of higher academic achievement to which they may not otherwise have aspired. The design used to analyze student grades in math and language arts before and after they received mentoring was quasi-experimental with repeated measures utilizing a nonequivalent control group. Forty African American male students comprised the experimental group, and forty African American male students comprised the control group. Since archival data was used, the intervention was not administered as a part of this study, but had been previously administered by the schools. The hypothesis was that achievement, as measured by grades in math and language arts (the independent variables for), would rise for the experimental group. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The focus and theoretical framework of this study was based on motivational theory. As such, I focused on expectancy-value theory, attribution theory, and achievement goal theory. According to the literature, these were paramount to educators, because they focused on the major components of motivation beliefs: control, competence, and value (Summers, 2008). These theories were key in the interpretation of research that sought to explain why particular students lacked motivation and why certain other students were highly motivated (Summers, 2008). According to the literature, control beliefs delve into the perceptions students have of their own successful outcomes for their perceived goals; competence beliefs represent how students gauge their own abilities to succeed at a given task.

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(Schunk & Zimmerman, 2006); and value beliefs represent students’ values system and predicts why they do or do not stick to a given task until completion (Anderman & Wolters, 2006). Understanding motivational theory is highly important for educators, especially those at the primary level, because a number of studies reveal a decline in academic achievement for students as they transition from elementary to middle school (Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Penn, 2002). Expectations of student achievement are linked to the perceived inner confidence of students, and studies have clearly revealed that the expectation for achievement and students’ belief in their own abilities align with getting good grades (Wigfield, 1994: Wigfield & Eccles, 1992). According to research literature, there is no single motivational theory that can be applied to a lone application, but understanding motivational theory in general can help educators answer such questions as: What is the origin of motivation? What internal or external factors prevent students from being motivated? It is clear from research that educators who are able to expand their views about motivation and its effects on student learning and growth are more likely to differentiate their instruction to cultivate higher levels of student achievement (Turner & Urdan, 2007). This study is significant because the outcome of its intervention strategy could help to increase achievement in minority communities by helping to close the achievement gap, especially for African American males—one of the population groups hardest hit by underachievement. It is my assertion that in order to break the ongoing cycle of nonperformance of African American males, mentoring that places a high emphasis on internal change is a must. The factors that must be emphasized are motivation, self esteem, efficacy, and cultural competency in mentoring. MENTORING Mentoring describes a relationship in which a person receives counsel, training, and encouraging from a more experienced counselor. In the human services or educational arenas, mentoring describes a relationship between a more knowledgeable adult and a younger apprentice. It is a rapport in which the adult delivers continuing direction, teaching, and inspiration (DuBois & Karcher, 2005). Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969) and motivation theory provide models for understanding how mentors or supportive adults can positively influence children who have had a history of disruption in their lives (Shlafer, Poehlman, Coffino, & Hanneman, 2009). Research on attachment theory is steered by the notion that the same motivational structure that gives rise to the intimate emotive attachment between parents and their children is duly liable for the bond that forms between mentors and mentees in emotionally intimate relationships. Research has shown that the application of this theory in a mentoring program framework shows that contented collaboration between mentors and mentees who have same and/or dif-

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics •

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ferent genders will positively motivate mentees’ perceptions such that they feel high security, trust, and belongingness in mentoring activities (Allen et al., 2005; Scandura & Williams, 2001; Young et al., 2006). Many of the children identified as candidates for mentoring in urban areas have experienced multiple risks for not achieving in greater society, making them ideal targets for interventions. Mentoring programs are good methods for intervention because students need the guidance and support from key role models absent in their environments (Shlafer et al., 2009; Walker, 2007); and nonparental adults such as mentors have the ability to provide models of caregivers who may challenge the preconceived notions of adults that adolescents have obtained (Rhodes, Haight, & Briggs, 1999). Mentoring can be described as community relationships within various settings. These settings can be educational, recreational, or religious. In order for mentoring to be deemed effective, committed and consistent activity must be prevalent (Rhodes & DuBois, 2006). Although many mentoring programs vary by the goals they set for their programs, the common denominator in each program is to reduce the academic failure rate of at-risk students and give them lifelong tools to become productive members of society (Tierney, Grossman, & Resch, 2000). A myriad of reasons have been shown to contribute to healthy mentoring connections, including regularity and constancy of meaningful interaction, perceptions of in-depth relation between mentor and protégé, and the mentor’s style and attitude (Deutsch & Spencer, 2008). Bell (1970) outlined the method of identification with the role model by the individual as involving any or all of the following: supposed connection between the individual and the role model, mimicking by the individual of the role model, and incorporation by the individual of the role model’s character traits and values. Interaction, according to Bell can occur in many different forms. The mentor relationship is seen as a valuable one, especially for at-risk students, because it allows the person being mentored (the mentee) the opportunity to learn new behaviors, new skills, new career interests, or new attitudes about the value of education for success in life (Boston, 1976, 1989). Studies have shown that mentoring is especially important in high school and late college years (Arnold, 1993) as well as in middle school (Rhodes et al., 2005), where relationships with teachers take on great importance. At the same time, however, middle and junior high schools often exude difficult barricades to effective student-teacher relationships (Rhodes). A growing emphasis on high-stakes, standardized testing under No Child Left Behind has created curricular burdens that have inhibited educators, thereby leaving little time for the discussions and undertakings that usually pull them closer to their students in a relational sense (Rhodes, 2006). Moreover, larger student-to-teacher ratios have left students with a smaller share of their teachers’ attention (Rhodes et al., 2005). Beyond the constraints of the school day, researchers and educators are turning their attention to after-school and community-based mentoring programs that promote learning, guard students from harmful peer pressure, and generate occa-

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sions for them to shape connections with compassionate mentors. In addition to the community-based programs, after-school mentoring programs are gradually being seen as significant for constructive youth growth. Such programs can provide youth with a sense of protection, guidance, and opportunities to take initiative and engage in meaningful activities. Youth who participate in after-school or community programs are supervised and constantly given positive reinforcement. Participants in mentoring programs quite often describe them as safe havens from the dangers of harmful peer pressure (Hirsch et al., 2000; Rhodes et al., 2005). THE INFLUENCE OF MENTORING PROGRAMS ON AFRICAN AMERICAN STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT The importance of providing at-risk, underachieving, or minority children with mentors has been repeated in the literature (Grantham & Ford, 2003; Goldner, Hebert, & Olenchak, 2000; Perrone 1991; Mayseless, 2008; Reay & Mizra, 1997; Shlafer et al., 2009; Steinberg, 1991). The continuing importance of mentoring is partly due to the conditions in which many young people, especially African American males, live and go to school (Steinberg, 1991). These include densely populated urban areas with high rates of crime and drug abuse, continued lack of economic opportunity, widespread family dysfunction, and single-parent or twoparent working families. In these situations, few young people have any intergenerational contact (Rhodes et al., 2005), and even fewer have one close relationship with a nonparental adult before reaching adulthood (Steinberg, 199l). Today, it is even possible for a Black child to go through K-12 without ever having an African American teacher or an African American mentor (Green, 2009). The conditions surrounding young African American males contribute to alarming statistics reported in the October 2007 report titled America’s Cradle to Prison Pipeline released by the Children’s Defense Fund (CDF). CDF’s report provided glaring evidence of the social status of African American children and youth, and highlighted data that affect African American children, but more inexplicably, African American males. For example, the report stated that African American male youths have a 1 in 3 chance of going to prison in their lifetimes compared to a 1 in 17 chance for their European American male counterparts. It stated that homicides among African American males 15–19 years of age denote one of the preeminent causes of death for this population. It also stated that 59% of Black males who quit school before completing school had prison records. Youth mentoring programs are gaining popularity in regard to after-school programming (Rhodes, Ranjini, Roffman, & Grossman, 2005) to help fill the void for counseling, career guidance, and positive adult role models for at-risk youth. The value of the connections that mentors obtain with their mentees is presumed to appreciably affect the achievement of mentoring interventions. Although successful mentoring relationships can help youth in a multitude of ways, relationships that do not succeed for any number of reasons may lead to a feeling of mistrust on behalf of the youth (Rhodes, Ranjini, Roffman, & Grossman, 2005).

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics •

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THE IMPORTANCE OF CULTURAL COMPETENCY IN MENTORING

When linking students to mentors in the community, the cultural competency levels of these service providers is an important consideration (GrantThompson, 1997). Borrowed from the field of mental health, the term cultural competence refers to the willingness and ability of an individual to value the importance of culture in the delivery of services to segments of the populations. Operationalizing cultural competence was defined by Cross et al., (1989) as the incorporation of knowledge about individuals and groups of people with said knowledge serving to increase and enhance the quality of life for that population. While the literature does not specifically address the cultural competence of mentors, it does address the cultural competence of teachers (Harmon, 2002). It can be argued that the same characteristics of culturally competent teachers would apply to culturally competent mentors. Harmon described culturally competent teachers as those who see themselves as part of the community and have a desire to give something back to that community; and as those who demonstrate a connectedness with students with culturally relevant teaching practices that include reaching out to include the students’ families in the education process. Harmon stated that culturally competent teachers are involved in their students’ communities, often as advocates for the students. They are comfortable with the differences (or similarities) between themselves and their students, are nonjudgmental, and are equipped with a keen knowledge of the concerns of discrimination and social justice. Harmon (2002) and others (Boykin, 1994; Sullivan, 1979), suggest that educators and mentors who understand the cultural beliefs, values, norms, and traditions of their students are able to impact the lives of their students and mentees. The name of the treatment program for this study was named The Young Men of Distinction. The program was instituted for seventhand eighth-grade African American males at School A, which comprised the intervention group for the study. The treatment was not instituted as part of this study, but rather was a regular program provided by the school. Archival data was used to study the effect of the intervention. The group of students met weekly on Wednesdays from 3 to 4:30 p.m. Although there were various moments of in-school interaction between the members of the group and their mentors, the in-depth mentoring and cohesive bonding of group members and mentors took place after school hours. The after-school meetings were group sessions that provided the participants the opportunity to discuss a variety of societal issues that were prevalent to the population of the participants. Some examples of topics that were discussed include: commitment, persistence, work ethic, making good choices, being respectful of others, conflict resolution, staying focused, tips on being organized, handling peer pressure, and leadership. The students also had individual meetings with a mentor who was assigned to them for the school year. The students met with their mentors at the school site or at off campus sites. Their mentors discussed the above-mentioned topics with

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the students and tracked the students’ academic progress through weekly progress reports from their teachers. At the end of each week, the students received an academic and behavioral progress report from their teachers, and the parents and mentors receive a copy, as did the school administrators. If a participating student received a grade of D or F in any of the school’s quarterly marking periods, then the student was mandatorily placed in the school’s tutoring program. Attendance in the mentoring program’s after-school mentoring sessions were mandatory, and likewise, attendance was mandatory for students who were referred to the afterschool program for academic reinforcement. The Young Men of Distinction afterschool mentoring program met at the onset of the school year and concluded at the end of the school year, making the program a year-round effort. DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS The data used in this research was a collection of standardized measures of academic performance earned during the first and fourth quarter grading periods for the 2008–2009 school year from a sample group of seventh and eighth grade African American male students from the two schools participating in the study. The academic performance of students was measured by report card grades for math and language arts (ordinal data coded as interval data). The data analysis procedure began with descriptive statistics that summarized and examined the variables. The purpose of the study was to investigate the effects on academic achievement of a group mentoring and achievement motivation intervention for a sample (N= 80) of male African American middle school students in grades 7 and 8 from two schools in an urban school district. The study sought to determine if there were statistically significant differences in mathematics and language arts grades between an experimental or intervention group of students who participated in an after-school group mentoring and achievement motivation program, as compared to a control group of students who did not participate in the mentoring program during the 2008–2009 school year. An ex post facto quasi-experimental, nonequivalent control group pre-test and post-test research design was used, with no random assignment since the data already existed in the schools’ data entry systems. As vice principal in one of the schools from which part of the sample was drawn, I was able to collect existing student data, and other data was collected from recent work history in the other school. The data was from four marking periods in the 2007–2008 school year before the intervention and the fourth quarter grades for the 2008–2009 marking period after the intervention. The collected data consisted of recorded student grades in mathematics and language arts for 40 students who comprised the intervention group for the 2007–2009 school years, as well as recorded student grades in mathematics and language arts for 40 students who comprised the comparison group for the 2007–2009 school years.

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics •

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ORGANIZATION OF DATA ANALYSIS Data was organized to provide analysis of participants’ math scores and language arts scores before the intervention. These preintervention scores constituted the participants’ grades in math and language arts for the 2007–2008 school years. The grades were coded numerically for data analysis purposes. A grade of F was coded as 0, a D grade was coded 1, a C grade was coded 2, a B grade was coded 3, and an A grade was coded as 4. Analysis of seventh and eighth grade math and language art scores for the fourth quarter following the intervention were considered the scores after the intervention. Data was analyzed based on the study’s research questions. Methods of data analysis were similar for each research question. Descriptive statistics were used to examine the variables (math and language arts grades), and independent t-tests compared the differences in the means of student’s math and language arts report card grades between the intervention group and control group from the seventh and eighth grades. An alpha level of .05 was used for all statistical tests. Using an alpha level of .05 minimizes the possibilities of the researcher making a Type II error, which is the error of not rejecting the H0 when it is false. Data was entered into SPSS version 16.0. ANALYSIS OF DATA Research Question 1: Is there a statistically significant difference between the intervention group’s and control group’s math grades before the intervention? A numeric summary of descriptive statistics showed students who participated in the intervention had a minimum grade of 0 (grade equivalent of F) and a maximum grade of 2.75 (grade equivalent of C+) before the intervention. The mean grade for the group was 1.31 with a standard deviation of .61. The control group had a minimum grade of .25 (grade equivalent of F) and a maximum grade of 3.0 (grade equivalent of B) before the intervention. The mean grade for the control group was 1.16 with a standard deviation of .54 (see Table 2.1). Frequency tables showing the number of students in each grade category revealed that there were 10 students who participated in the intervention and received a grade value greater than or equal to 2.0 (grade equivalent of C) before the intervention (see Table 2.2). The control group (see Table 2.3) had a total of four participants with a grade value greater or equal to 2.0 (grade equivalent of C) An independent sample t test (see Table 2.4) was used to determine if the mean difference between the grade values of the group receiving the intervention and the grade values of the control group were significantly different. Assuming equal variances the t value was 1.103 with 78 degrees of freedom with a p value of .274. Since the p value was not less than or equal to .05 the null hypothesis was not proven and there is no significant difference between the intervention group and control group’ in their math grades before the intervention.

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JOHN GRAY TABLE 2.1.

Math Descriptive Statistics Before the Intervention Math Intervention Group

N

Valid

Math Control Group

40

40

Missing

0

0

Mean

1.3125

1.1688

Mode

1.00

1.00

Std. Deviation

.61694

.54710

Minimum

.00

.25

Maximum

2.75

3.00

The t test failed to demonstrate a statistically significant difference between the mean grade of the math students participating in the intervention (M= 1.31, std = .61) and the mean grade of the math students who did not participate (M= 1.16, std= .54). Research Question 2: Is there a statistically significant difference between the intervention group’s and control group’s language arts grades before the intervention? The group of students who participated in the intervention had a minimum grade of 0.0 (grade equivalent of F) and a maximum grade of 3.00 (grade equivalent of B) before the intervention. The mean grade for the group was 1.22 with a

TABLE 2.2. Frequency Table Showing Students (Math Intervention Group) in Each Grade Category Valid

Frequency%

Valid %

Cumulative %

0

1

2.5

2.5

2.5

0.25

1

2.5

2.5

5.0

0.5

3

7.5

7.5

12.5

0.75

4

10.0

10.0

22.5

1

10

25.0

25.0

47.5

1.25

4

10.0

10.0

57.5

1.5

2

5.0

5.0

62.5

1.75

5

12.5

12.5

75.0 95.0

2

8

20.0

20.0

2.25

1

2.5

2.5

97.5

2.75

1

2.5

2.5

100.0

Total

40

100.0

100.0

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics •

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TABLE 2.3. Frequency Table Showing Students (Math Control Group) in Each Grade Category Valid

0.25

2

Frequency%

Valid %

Cumulative %

5.0

5.0

5.0

0.5

1

2.5

2.5

7.5

0.75

4

10.0

10.0

17.5

1

20

50.0

50.0

67.5

1.25

4

10.0

10.0

77.5

1.5

3

7.5

7.5

85.0

1.75

2

5.0

5.0

90.0

2

2

5.0

5.0

95.0

2.75

1

2.5

2.5

97.5 100.0

3

1

2.5

2.5

Total

40

100.0

100.0

standard deviation of .63. The control group had a minimum grade of .25 (grade equivalent of F) and a maximum grade of 3.0 (grade equivalent of B). The mean grade for the control group was 1.36 with a standard deviation of .60 (see Table 2.5). The frequency table shows that seven of the intervention participants received a grade value greater than or equal to 2.0 (grade equivalent of D) before the intervention (see Table 2.6). The control group (see Table 2.7) had 11 students with a grade value greater or equal to 2.0 (grade equivalent of D). The independent samples’ t test (see Table 2.8) showed that the mean difference between the grade values of the group receiving the intervention and the TABLE 2.4. Independent Samples Test Comparing the Grades of the Intervention Group and the Control Group before the Intervention Levene’s Test for Equality of Variances

F

Sig.

t-test for Equality of Means

95% Confidence Interval of the Difference

Std. Mean Error Sig. Differ- Differ(2-tailed) ence ence Lower

t

df

Upper

–1.103

78

.274

–.14375 .13038 –.40331

.11581

–1.103

76. 901

.274

–.14375 .13038 –.40337

.11587

Equal variances assumed Math

3.266

.075

Equal variances not assumed

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JOHN GRAY

TABLE 2.5.

N

Language Arts Descriptive Statistics before the Intervention Language Arts Intervention Group 40

Valid Missing

Language Arts Control Group 40

0

0

Mean

1.2250

1.3688

Mode

1.00

1.00

.63498

.60444

Std. Deviation Minimum

.00

.25

Maximum

3.00

3.00

TABLE 2.6. Category Valid

TABLE 2.7. Category

Valid

Frequency Table Showing Students (intervention group) in each Grade

0.25 0.5 0.75 1 1.25 1.5 1.75 2 2.5 3 Total

Frequency 1 3 2 14 1 5 3 9 1 1 40

Percent 2.5 7.5 5.0 35.0 2.5 12.5 7.5 22.5 2.5 2.5 100.0

Valid Percent 2.5 7.5 5.0 35.0 2.5 12.5 7.5 22.5 2.5 2.5 100.0

Cumulative Percent 2.5 10.0 15.0 50.0 52.5 65.0 72.5 95.0 97.5 100.0

Frequency Table Showing Students (Control Croup) in each Grade

0 0.25 0.5 0.75 1 1.25 1.5 1.75 2 2.25 2.75 3 Total

Frequency 1 3 1 2 15 7 2 2 4 1 1 1 40

Percent 2.5 7.5 2.5 5.0 37.5 17.5 5.0 5.0 10.0 2.5 2.5 2.5 100.0

Valid Percent 2.5 7.5 2.5 5.0 37.5 17.5 5.0 5.0 10.0 2.5 2.5 2.5 100.0

Cumulative Percent 2.5 10.0 12.5 17.5 55.0 72.5 77.5 82.5 92.5 95.0 97.5 100.0

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics •

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TABLE 2.8. Independent Samples Test Comparing the Grades of the Intervention Group and the Control Group before the Intervention Levene’s Test for Equality of Variances

F

Sig.

95% Confidence Interval of the Difference

t-test for Equality of Means

t

df

Mean Std. ErSig. Differ- ror Dif(2-tailed) ence ference

Lower

Upper

Equal variances assumed .386

.536

1.037

78

.303

.14375

.13861

–.13221 .41971

1.037

77.811

.303

.14375

.13861

–.13222 .41972

Equal variances not assumed

grade values of the control group were not significantly different (see Table 2.8). Levene’s test for equality of variance was .536 and therefore the assumption was made that the variances were equal. Assuming equal variances, the t value was 1.137 with 78 degrees of freedom and a p value of .303. With the p value not less than or equal to .05 hypothesis 2 was proven as there was no significant difference between the intervention and control group’s language grades before the intervention. The t test failed to reveal there was a statistically significant difference between the mean grade of the language arts grades of the students participating in the intervention (M= 1.22, std = .63) and the mean language arts grades of students who did not participate (M= 1.36, std= .60). Research Question 3: Is there a statistically significant difference between the intervention group’s and control group’s math grades after the intervention as measured by the fourth-quarter math grade? The numeric summary of the intervention participants’ grades, after the intervention, had a minimum grade of 1.00 (grade equivalent of D) and a maximum grade of 4.00 (grade equivalent of A). The mean grade for the group was 1.90 with a standard deviation of .74. For those who did not participate in the intervention (control group), there was a minimum grade of .00 (grade equivalent of F) and a maximum grade of 2.0 (grade equivalent of C). The mean grade for the control group was .97 with a standard deviation of .73 (see Table 2.9). The frequency table shows that 28 of the students who participated in the intervention received a grade value greater than or equal to 2.0 (grade equivalent of C) after the intervention (see Table 2.10). The control group (see Table 2.11) had 10 students with a grade value greater or equal to 2.0 (grade equivalent of C) after the intervention.

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JOHN GRAY TABLE 2.9. tion N

Math Descriptive Statistics after the Interven-

Valid Missing

LAL_C

LAL_Int

40

40

0

0

Mean

.9750

1.9000

Mode

1.00

2.00

Std. Deviation

.73336

.74421

Minimum

.00

2.00

Maximum

2.00

4.00

TABLE 2.10. Frequency Table Showing Students (math intervention group) in each Grade Category after the Intervention. Frequency Valid

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

1

12

30.0

30.0

30.0

2

21

52.5

52.5

82.5

3

6

15.0

15.0

97.5 100.0

4

1

2.5

2.5

Total

40

100.0

100.0

The independent samples’ t test (see Table 2.12) showed that the mean difference between the grade values of the group receiving the intervention and the grade values of the control group were significantly different. Levene’s test for equality of variance was .973 and therefore the assumption was made that the variances were equal. Assuming equal variances, the t value was 5.599 with 78 degrees of freedom and a p value of .000. With the p value less than or equal to .05 H3 is rejected as there is a significant difference between the intervention and control group’s math grades after the intervention. The t test revealed there was TABLE 2.11. Frequency Table Showing Students (Math Control Group) in Each Grade Category after the Intervention Frequency Valid

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

0

11

27.5

27.5

27.5

1

19

47.5

47.5

75.0

2

10

25.0

25.0

100.0

Total

40

100.0

100.0

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics •

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TABLE 2.12. Independent Samples Test of Math Scores for the Control Group and Treatment Group after the Intervention Levene’s Test for Equality of Variances

F

Sig.

t-test for Equality of Means

t

df

Std. Mean Error Sig. Differ- Difference (2-tailed) ence

95% Confidence Interval of the Difference

Lower

Upper

MATH_C Equal variances assumed .001

.973

–5.599

78

.000

–.92500 .16520

–1.25389

–.59611

.000

–.92500 .16520

–1.25389

–.59611

Equal variances not assumed –5.599 77.983

a statistically significant difference between the mean of the math grades of the students participating in the intervention (M= 1.90, std = .74) and the mean grade of students who did not participate (M= .97, std= .73). Research Question 4: wIs there a statistically significant difference between the intervention group’s and control group’s language arts grades after the intervention as measured by the fourth-quarter math grade? The descriptive statistics table shows the participants in the intervention had a minimum grade of 1.00 (grade equivalent of D) and a maximum grade of 4.0 (grade equivalent). The mean grade for the group was 1.95 with a standard deviation of .71. The control group had a minimum grade of .00 (grade equivalent of F) and a maximum grade of 3.0 (grade equivalent of B). The mean grade for the control group was 1.00 with a standard deviation of .78 (see Table 2.13). TABLE 2.13. Language Arts Descriptive Statistics after the Intervention N

Valid Missing

LAL_C

LAL_Int

40

40

0

0

Mean

1.0000

1.9500

Mode

1.00

2.00

Std. Deviation

.78446

.71432

Minimum

.00

1.00

Maximum

3.00

4.00

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JOHN GRAY

TABLE 2.14. Frequency Table Showing Students (Language Arts Intervention Group) in Each Grade Category after the Intervention Frequency Valid

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

1

10

25.0

25.0

25.0

2

23

57.5

57.5

82.5

3

6

15.0

15.0

97.5 100.0

4

1

2.5

2.5

Total

40

100.0

100.0

A frequency table showing the number of students in each grade category demonstrated that there were 30 participants in the intervention who received a grade value greater than or equal to 2.0 (grade equivalent) after the intervention (see Table 2.14). The control group (see Table 2.15) had 10 students with a grade value greater or equal to 2.0 (grade equivalent). The independent samples’ t test (see Table 2.16) showed that the mean difference between the grade values of the group receiving the intervention and the grade values of the control group were significantly different. Levene’s test for equality of variance was .537 and therefore the assumption was made that the variances were equal. Assuming equal variances, the t value was 5.663 with 78 degrees of freedom and a p value of .000. With the p value less than or equal to .05 we reject Null hypotheses 4 that there is no significant difference between the intervention and control group’s language arts grades after the intervention. The t test revealed that there was a statistically significant difference between the mean of the language arts grades of the students participating in the intervention (M= 1.95, std = .71) and the mean grade of students who did not participate (M = 1.0, std. = .78). TABLE 2.15. Frequency Table Showing Students (Language Arts Control Group) in Each Grade Category after the Intervention Frequency Valid

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

0

11

27.5

27.5

27.5

1

19

47.5

47.5

75.0

2

9

22.5

22.5

97.5

3

1

2.5

2.5

100.0

Total

40

100.0

100.0

Necessary Partnership: Mentoring and Academics •

29

TABLE 2.16. Independent Samples Test of Math Scores for the Control Group and Treatment Group after the Intervention Levene’s Test for Equality of Variances

F

Sig.

t-test for Equality of Means

t

df

95% Confidence Interval of the Difference

Mean Std. Error Sig. Differ- Differ(2-tailed) ence ence Lower

Upper

Equal variances assumed .385

.537

–5.663

78

.000

–.95000 .16775

–1.28397 –.61603

–5.663

77.326

.000

–.95000 .16775

–1.28402 –.61598

Equal variances not assumed

CONCLUSION The results of the data analysis clearly showed the positive effect of the mentoring program on student achievement in mathematics and language arts for the intervention group over the control group. While there were no significant differences between the grades of the intervention group and the control group before the intervention, the data showed that there was a significant difference after the intervention between the math grades for the intervention group (M = 1.90) over the control group (M =. 97), and for the language arts grades for the intervention group (M =–1.95) over the control group (M = 1.0). In relation to the research problem and the research questions, the study results are more significant in that the mentoring program was a nonacademic intervention, yet resulted in significant academic gains for participating students. The data derived from the program clearly shows the importance and relevance of mentoring African American males. In my scholarly estimation, it should not be a question of whether mentoring programs should be implemented into school curriculums, but when and how quickly they can be implemented. REFERENCES Allen, T. D., Day, R., & Lentz, E. (2005). The role of interpersonal comfort in mentoring relationships. Journal of Career Development, 31(3), 155–169. doi:

10.1177/089484530503100301 Anderman, E. M., & Wolters, C. A. (2006). Goals, values and affect: Influences on student motivation. In P. A. Alexander & P. H. Winne (Eds.), Handbook of Educational Psychology (2nd ed., pp. 117–129). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Bell, A. P. (1970). Role modelship and interaction in adolescence and young adulthood. Developmental Psychology, 2, 123–128. doi: 10.1037/h0028613 Bittle, S. (2009). Nation’s report card finds achievement gap persists. Retrieved from http://www.publicagenda.org/blogs/nations_report_card_

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Boston, B. (1976;1989). The sorcerer’s apprentice: A case study in the role of the mentor. Washington, DC: ERIC Clearinghouse on Handicapped and Gifted Children, Council for Exceptional Children. Bowen, W. G., & Bok, D. (1998). The shape of the river: Long-term consequences of considering race in college and university admissions. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Bowlby, J. (1969) Attachment and loss: Vol. 1. Attachment. New York, NY: Basic Books. Boykin, A. W. (1994). Afrocultural expression and its implications for schooling. In E. R. Hollins, J. E. King, & W. C. Haymann (Eds.), Teaching diverse populations: Formulating a knowledge base (pp. 225–273). New York, NY: State University of New York Press. Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, and Lisa Markman, (2005). The contribution of parenting to ethnic and racial gaps in school readiness, The Future of Children, 15(1), 139–68. Cross. T. L., Bazron, B. J., Dennis, K. W., & Isaacs, M. R. (1989). Toward a culturally competent system of care. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Child Development Center. Deutsch, N. L., & Spencer, R. (2009). Capturing the magic: Assessing the quality of youth mentoring relationships. New Directions for Youth Development, 121, 47–70. doi: 10.1002/yd.296 Dubois, D., & Karcher, M. (2005). The handbook of youth mentoring. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Dweck, C. S. (2006). Mindset: The new psychology of success. New York, NY: Random House. Dweck, C. S. (2008). Mindsets and math/science achievement. Paper prepared for the Carnegie–IAS Commission on Mathematics and Science Education, Stanford University. Eccles, J. S., & Midgley, C. (1989). Stage/environment fit: Developmentally appropriate classrooms for early adolescents. In R. E. Ames & C. Ames (Eds.), Research on motivation in education (Vol. 3, pp. 139–186). New York, NY: Academic. Goldner, L., & Mayseless, O. (2008). The quality of mentoring relationships and mentoring success. Journal of Youth & Adolescence, 38(10), 1339–1350. doi: 10.1007/

s10964-008-9345-0 Goodwin, A. L., & McIntosh, K. (2008). Diversifying the teaching force. In T. L. Good (Ed.), 21st century education: A reference handbook. (Vol. I, pp. 23–32).. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Grantham, T., & Ford, D. Y. (2003). Beyond self-concept and self-esteem: Racial identity and gifted African American students. The High School Journal, 87(1), 18–29. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/pss/40364310 Grant-Thompson, S. K., & Atkinson, D. R. (1997). Cross-cultural mentor effectiveness and African American male students. Journal of Black Psychology, 23(2), 120–134. doi:

10.1177/00957984970232003 Harmon, D. (2002). They won’t teach me: The voices of gifted African-American innercity students. Roeper Review, 24, 68–75. doi: 10.1080/02783190209554132 Hirsch, B. J., Roffman, J. G., Deutsch, N. L., Flynn, C. A., Loder, T. L., & Pagano, M. E. (2000). Inner-city youth development programs: Strengthening programs for adolescent girls. Journal of Early Adolescence, 20(2), 210–230. doi:

10.1177/0272431600020002005

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Jencks, C., & Phillips, M. (Eds.). (1998). The Black-White test score gap. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute Press. Ladson-Billings, G. (1994). The dreamkeepers. San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass. Lee, V. E., & Burkham, D. T. (2002). Inequality at the starting gate: Social background differences in achievement as children begin kindergarten (p. 14). Washington: Economic Policy Institute. Lubienski, S. T. (2002). A closer look at black-white mathematics gaps: Intersections of race and SES in NAEP achievement and instructional practices data. Journal of Negro Education, 71(4), 269–287. doi: 10.2307/3211180 Lucas, S. R. (2000). Hope, anguish, and the problem of our time: An essay on publication of The Black-White Test Score Gap. Teachers College Record, 102, 461–473. Magnuson, K., (2004). Inequality in preschool education and school readiness, American Educational Research Journal, 41(1), 115–57. Mikelson, R. A. (1990). The attitude-achievement paradox among Black adolescents. Sociology of Education, 63, 44–61. doi: 10.2307/2112896 Ogbu, J. U. (2004). Collective identity and the burden of “acting White” in Black history, community and education. Urban Review, 36, 1–31. doi:

10.1023/B:URRE.0000042734.83194.f6 Penn, J. D. (2002). Motivational theory and the middle school. Paper prepared for GEAR UP, Western Michigan University, April 2002. Retrieved from http://www.wmich. edu/gearup/pdf/MOTIVATIONAL_THEORY.pdf Perrone, P.A. (1991). Career development. In N. Colangelo, & G. A. Davis, Handbook of gifted education (pp. 321–327). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Reay, D., & Mizra, H. S. (1997). Uncovering genealogies of the margins: Black supplementary schooling. British Journal of Sociology in Education, 18(4), 477–499. doi: 10.1080/0142569970180401 Reini, E. W. (2009). Examining different school strategies’ effects on reducing the achievement gap between African American and White students. ERIC No. ED489891. U. S. Department of Education: Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://www.eric.ed.gov/ ERICWebPortal/custom/portlets/record=ED48081&ERICExtSearch_Search_Type Reynolds, G. M (2002.). Identifying and eliminating the achievement gaps: A research based approach. Retrieved January 13, 2010 at http://www.ncrel.oorg/policy/pubs/ html/bridging/identify.htm. Rhodes, J. E., Haight, W. L., & Briggs, E. C. (1999).The influence of mentoring on the peer relationships of foster youth in relative and nonrelative care. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 9, 185–201. Rhodes, J., & DuBois, D. (2006). Understanding and facilitating the youth mentoring movement. Social Policy Report, 20, 3–19. Rhodes, J., Ranjini, R., Roffman, J., & Grossman, J. B. (2005, March). Promoting successful youth mentoring relationships: A preliminary screening questionnaire. The Journal of Primary Prevention, 26(2), 147–167. doi: 10.1007/s10935-005-1849-8 Scandura, T. A., & Williams, E. A. (2001). An investigation of the moderating effects of gender on the relationships between mentorship initiation and protégé perceptions of mentoring functions. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 59, 342–363. doi: 10.1006/ jvbe.2001.1809

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Schunk, D. H., & Zimerman, B. J. (2006) Competence and control beliefs: Distinguishing the means and the ends. In P. A. Alexander, & P. H. Winne (Eds.). Handbook of educational psychology (2nd ed.). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Shlafer, R. J., Poehlman, J. L., Coffino, B., & Hammeman, A. (2009). Mentoring children with incarcerated parents. Implications for research, practice and policy. Journal of Family Relations, 58(5) 507–519. doi: 10.1111/j.1741-3729.2009.00571.x Steinberg, L. D. (1991). Jumping off the work experience bandwagon. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 11, 183–205. doi: 10.1007/BF01537466 Sullivan, A. R. (1979). Cultural competence and confidence: A quest for effective teaching in a multicultural society. Paper presented at the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, Competency Based Multicultural Project Conference. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED091388). Summers, J. J. (2008). Cognitive approaches to motivation in education. In T. L. Good (Ed.), 21st century education: A reference handbook. (Vol I). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Tierney, J. P., Grossman, J. B., & Resch, N. (2000). Making a difference: An impact study of big brothers/ big sisters (re-issue 1995 study). Philadelphia, PA: Public/Private Ventures Turner, J. C., & Urdan, T. (2007, November). Development and change of teacher beliefs and practices in mathematics. Paper presented at the Biennial Meeting of the Southwest Consortium for Innovative Psychology in Education, Phoenix, AZ. Walker, G. (2007). Mentoring, policy, and politics. Philadelphia, PA: Public/Private Ventures. Whitehurst, G.J. (1994) Outcomes of an emergent literacy intervention in Head Start, Journal of Educational Psychology, 86(4), 542–55. Wigfield, A. (1994). Expectancy-value theory of achievement motivation: A developmental perspective. Educational Psychology Review, 6, 49–78. doi: 10.1007/

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Wigfield, A., & Eccles, J. S. (1992). The development of achievement task values: A theoretical analysis. Developmental Review, 12, 265–310. doi:10.1016/02732297(92)90011-P Young, A. M., Cady, S., & Foxon, M. J. (2006). Demystifying gender differences in mentoring: Theoretical perspectives and challenges for future research on gender and mentoring. Human Resource Development Review, 5(2), 148–175. doi:10.1177/1534484306287140

CHAPTER 3

THE IMPACT OF MENTORING ON AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES WHO TEST INTO REMEDIAL COURSES AT A PREDOMINANTLY WHITE COMMUNITY COLLEGE Leonard C. Bass

You will never lighten any load until you feel the pressure of another in your own soul. To truly understand another, you must feel the pathos of the people you are trying to help. —Ravi Zacharias INTRODUCTION This chapter is being written fully acknowledging that scholars contributing to this text and many others have already offered supremely articulate expositions and research elucidating the educational and social issues facing African AmeriMentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 33–64. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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can men in higher education. There is also no doubt that many reading this text are already deeply engaged in the immensely complicated challenge of trying to close the achievement gaps that African American males are experiencing on their community college campuses and beyond. In this chapter, findings from a study that was conducted in 2011 are presented to help readers better understand the impact mentoring has on African American males who test into remedial courses at a predominantly white community college, and on mentors’ perception of African American males. It is my sincere hope that this chapter and the research that informs it will cause readers to seriously consider the benefits of being intentional about the systemic cultivation of meaningful relationships between college faculty, staff, administrators, and the African American males on campus. Without deep convictions grounded in intentionality and purpose, a feeling of pathos, and an unwavering hope for these students, the programs and services in our schools will only continue to show mediocre gains towards closing the persistent achievement gaps facing African American males. The notion that the rising tide will lift all boats, and that institutions can take a one-size fits all approach to designing programs aimed at improving student learning stands on weak evidence. Scholars such as Cuyjet (2006), Davis (2012), Harper (2012) and others focusing much of their research efforts on African American males in College assert that providing opportunities for these men to connect with faculty and staff outside of class creates a level of support and comfort for them that can combat negative attitudes and feelings toward their college experience that often result in a lack of academic success and disillusionment. This study and other studies involving African American male achievement in higher education builds on the research from higher education scholars such as Alexander Astin, Vincent Tinto, George Kuh and others whose research illuminates the many benefits of actively engaging students in College. Research has found that the benefits of student engagement include: “cognitive and intellectual development, moral and ethical development, … and successful college adjustment” (Harper, 2012). There are a number of ways colleges and universities can build engagement opportunities into the student experience. The community college involved in the study discussed in this chapter chose to invest in the development of a mentoring program for African American males as a way to actively engage their most at-risk student demographic. In the last decade, there have been few studies examining the impact of mentoring on the African American male student experience in community colleges, and there were no studies found that specifically examined the impact of mentoring on Black males who test into remedial courses at predominantly White community colleges, or the impact mentoring had on the perceptions mentors had of these students. Despite the statistics and scarce examples, emerging research is showing that under the right conditions students from socially and academically disadvantaged

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 35

backgrounds can learn and have the potential to be successful in college and beyond. Regarding Black Male achievement in college, Professor Shaun Harper from the University of Pennsylvania has recently completed the most extensive qualitative research study on successful Black undergraduate men titled the Black Male College Achievement Study (BMCAS). His study employs an anti-deficit achievement framework to invert the commonly asked questions regarding black males in higher education. The questions he asks come from a position of black male undergraduate achievement and are broken in the three categories: 1. Pre-College Socialization and Readiness, 2. College Achievement, and 3. PostCollege Success. Among many others, one of the significant findings from the BMCAS supported the notion that despite negative educational statistics being reported nationally black male success in college can be more than an accident, and through intentionality and purpose, Colleges and universities can create successful learning environments for Black males on campus. The following quote from a student involved in the study captures this idea perfectly: The only thing that makes me different from them is that I was lucky enough to have [parents who maintained invariably high expectations, an influential teacher, access to a college preparatory program, a peer mentor who shared the secrets of success, or life-changing opportunities to travel or establish meaningful relationships with college- educated adults who possessed tremendous social capital]. (Harper, 2012)

Although Harper’s study was focused on African American males enrolled at four-year institutions, the findings from the study are important and should be considered carefully by anyone interested in improving the success rates of African American males in all sectors of higher education. According to Cuyjet (2006), “Community colleges must make a conscious effort to ensure that African American male students integrate completely into the fabric of the institution.” Cuyjet concluded that “this process should include successful peers, faculty, staff, and administrators who provide these students with a sense of community” (p. 67). It is important also that these individuals serve as mentors and role models to help Black male students feel a sense of connection and learn how to navigate the community college system successfully. Statistics and data often allow us to think of the issues facing others in abstraction and, as Jean Baker Miller suggests, “speaking and thinking in abstraction sometimes permits us to accept what we might not admit to on a personal level” (Baker Miller, 1976). The community college that started the mentoring program involved in this study recognized the need to establish a program that would move the administration, faculty and staff beyond a professional understanding of the needs of their African American males to a personal one. The College President led this effort by using the institutions student performance data and national studies that illuminated the challenges facing African American males on community college campuses to garner the support of the Board of Trustees and faculty in the

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development of the Minority Male Mentoring Program (MMMP). Through her commitment to serving as a mentor in the program and her expectation that there be involvement from College employees at all levels, she was able to establish a platform to engage in meaningful conversations about the impact of race on campus and specifically about the challenges facing African American males in remedial courses. The decision to keep mentoring ratios to a level not to exceed 2:1 allowed for greater levels of involvement college-wide and deeper connections between students and their mentors. The result was a significant shift towards the creation of a positive and inclusive campus culture for African American males on a predominantly white community college. The attitude of policy makers, administrators, and educators must move away from a deficit and pathological view of Blacks and instead focus on inequities in their institutions by removing those obstacles that stand in the way of African American students’ progress (Stephens, 2007). This study suggests that institutions that aspire to address the achievement gaps facing their African American male students should begin by developing structured engagement opportunities intended to cultivate meaningful relationships between their students and the faculty and staff. METHODOLOGY The study conducted used quantitative analyses of academic and demographic data, and an online survey, to gain an in-depth understanding of the impact mentoring had on academic performance, persistence, and the student experience. In addition, an online survey for mentors was administered to examine the impact of mentoring on mentors’ perceptions of African American males. The study included 1,046 mentored and non-mentored Black male community college students needing remediation in Math, English, or Reading, and their 40 mentors. The online student survey was completed by 194 of the 1,046 African American male students involved in the study. In addition, an online mentor survey was completed by 40 out of 48 mentors who served in the college’s Minority Male Mentoring Program (MMMP). The study incorporated three main cohorts from the fall 2009 through spring 2011 semesters. The three main groups: 1) Black males who test into one or more remedial courses at a predominantly White community college and who decided to participate in the college’s Minority Male Mentoring Program (MMMP), 2) African American males who tested into one or more remedial course but who opted not to participate in MMMP, and 3) Mentors from the MMMP. The mentors included in the study were all volunteers who worked at the college in various capacities: vice president, dean, director, coordinator, staff, or faculty. The two overarching research questions that this study tried to answer were: What impact does mentoring have on Black males who test into remedial courses at the predominantly White institution (PWI) community college involved in this study? And, can mentoring impact a mentor’s overall perception of Black males?

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 37

To answer these two overarching questions, this study pursued answers to four sub-research questions: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Do students who participate in the College’s MMMP experience higher levels of academic success compared to those who do not? Do students who participate in MMMP have higher rates of academic progress (e.g., retention and persistence) compared to those who do not? Do students who participate in MMMP have a more positive attitude about the College’s campus climate compared to those who do not? Does serving as a mentor for African American males in the college’s Minority Male Mentoring Program positively influence mentors perceptions of African American male students?

These questions were answered through online surveys, student demographic data, and academic data. The data collected was analyzed to determine what impact mentoring had on African American males who tested into remedial courses at a PWI community college. There have been a number of studies conducted in the last two decades looking at the impact of mentoring on college students (Crisp, & Cruz., 2009), but very little research or attention has been given to the impact of mentoring on African American males who test into remedial courses at predominantly White community colleges. The study incorporated a wide range of variables to enhance validity, and improve ability to measure the true impact of mentoring on African American males. These variables were as follows: age, parents’ level of education, parents’ income, number of credit hours attempted and completed during the mentoring/non-mentoring period, courses enrolled in during the mentoring experience, and earned cumulative GPA while enrolled at the college during this study. The community college involved in this study was a public 2-year institution with two campuses: one in a high-income affluent community and another in a mid-to-low income blue-collar community. Students from both campuses were involved in this study. At the time of the study, the college was serving approximately 16,522 credit and 13,723 noncredit students. The racial/ethnic makeup of the student body (18.9 percent minority students) was more diverse than the overall makeup of the county (15 percent minority population) it resides in, but African Americans made-up only 11.5% of the college’s enrollment with African American males comprising 6.2 percent. DATA COLLECTION The community college involved in the study routinely collected the academic and demographic data needed for the study. Student academic information required for the study was collected through several mechanisms at the institution. A portion of the data was collected via student transcripts. Some components of the data set were culled from the college’s Student Information System. All Af-

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LEONARD C. BASS

rican American male students who tested into a remedial course from fall 2009 to spring 2011 were included in this study. Their inclusion involved either their demographic and academic information, and/or volunteering to participate in the online student survey that was administered. As mentioned earlier, the study incorporated a wide range of variables to enhance the study’s validity and ability to measure the true impact of mentoring on African American males. These variables included: age, parents’ level of education, parents’ income, number of credit hours attempted and completed during mentoring/nonmentoring period, courses enrolled in during mentoring experience, and earned cumulative GPA while enrolled at the college involved in this study. The online survey collected student feedback regarding their college experience. The survey included 10 questions, with nine questions rated on a Likert scale having a ranking of (5) strongly agree to (1) strongly disagree, and a section for comments to be given for each question. The last question (#10) was a yes/no question that asked students to indicate whether or not they had a mentor and participated in the College’s Minority Male Mentoring Program. The survey asked both African American male students who participated in MMMP and those who did not, the degree to which they agreed or disagreed with the questions in the student survey (see survey questions below). The student survey was administered and data was collected using Survey Monkey. This survey assisted in better understanding the impact mentoring has on African American male student perceptions of campus climate at a predominantly White community college. The mentors who participated in the Minority Male Mentoring Program were also given a nine-question Likert-scaled survey with rankings of (5) strongly agree to (1) strongly disagree to determine whether or not mentoring African American

TABLE 3.1.

Data Sources Research Question

Do students who participate in the college’s Minority Male Mentoring Program (MMMP) experience higher levels of academic success compared to those who do not?

Source of data being collected Data collected from student academic records. Overall GPA and grades from remedial education courses (e.g., math & English) will be collected.

Do students who participate in MMMP have Persistence and enrollment data collected from the higher rates of academic progress (e.g., retention College’s student information system. and persistence) compared to those who do not? Do students who participate in MMMP have a Online survey. more positive attitude about the college’s campus climate compared to those who do not? Does serving as a mentor for African American Online survey. males in the College’s Minority Male Mentoring Program positively influence mentors perceptions of African American male students?

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 39

males had a positive influence on their perceptions of these students. The tenth question requested that mentors completing the survey indicate how they racially identify themselves. Data needed to be requested from several different sources in order to adequately answer the research questions. Utilizing data from one institutional depository (e.g., student information system) provided the information needed to better understand whether or not mentoring had an impact on African American male students’ academic performance. Table 3.1 outlines how the four major research questions were addressed through data acquisition and the source of the data. INSTRUMENTATION The students involved in the study tested into at least one of the college’s remedial courses in math, English, or reading, and were enrolled in at least one semester between fall 2009 and spring 2011. The mentors included in the study were all volunteers who worked at the college in various capacities: vice president, dean, director, coordinator, staff, or faculty. The mentors who were asked to participate in the survey had served as a mentor in MMMP for at least one semester between fall 2009 and spring 2011. The college’s MMMP was established in the fall 2009 semester by the Vice President of Student Affairs and the Dean of Students to improve the academic success rate and student engagement of African American males testing into remedial courses. The MMMP was launched in response to extensive data analysis that determined that the African American male students who test into remedial courses were the college’s highest-risk cohort. These young men were found to have the lowest retention, persistence, and academic success rates of any other ethnicity or gender at the institution. In addition, they lagged behind in the areas of transfer and graduation rates. The students involved in the study may have been enrolled at the college prior to fall 2009. When the program started in fall 2009, any African American male enrolled that term who TABLE 3.2.

Descriptive Data on the Two Groups MMMP Group M (SD)

Non-MMMP Group M (SD)

24.00 (6.99) N = 245

2009 Family Income 2010 Family Income

Variable Age

t-test

Sig.

24.14 (7.45) N = 801

.261

.764

29279.10 (24544.48) N = 157

33859.38 (34562.26) N = 354

1.50

.134

25608.14 (24544.48) N = 152

27669.99 (25164.79) N = 352

.85

.395

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LEONARD C. BASS

TABLE 3.3 Education Level Some Middle School

Some High School

Some College

Unknown

Total

Educational Level of Parents 2009 Father N (%)

2009 Mother N (%)

2010 Father N (%)

2010 Mother N (%)

MMMP

11 (12.8%)

8 (9.3%)

16 (12.9%)

7 (5.6%)

Non-MMMP

10 (7.3%)

6 (4.4%)

19 (7.2%)

14 (4.2%)

Total

21 (9.4%)

14 (6.3%)

35 (9.0%)

18 (4.6%)

MMMP

56 (65.1%)

48 (55.8%)

84 (67.7%)

67 (54.0%)

Non-MMMP

82 (59.9%)

69 (50.4%)

164 (61.9%)

135 (50.9%)

Total

138 (61.9%)

117 (52.5%)

248 (63.8%)

202 (51.9%)

MMMP

15 (17.4%)

26 (30.2%)

24 (19.4%)

47 (37.9%)

Non-MMMP

41 (29.9%)

57 (41.6%)

82 (30.9%)

108 (40.8%)

Total

56 (25.1%)

83 (37.2%)

106 (27.2%)

155 (39.8%)

MMMP

4 (4.7%)

4 (4.7%)

27 (17.5%)

3 (2.4%)

Non-MMMP

4 (2.9%)

5 (3.6%)

34 (21.8%)

11 (4.2%)

Total

8 (36%)

9 (4.0%)

24 (11.8%)

14 (3.6%)

MMMP

86 (100%)

86 (100%)

124 (100%)

124 (100%)

Non-MMMP

137 (100%)

137 (100%)

265 (100%)

265 (100%)

Total

223 (100%)

223 (100%)

389 (100%)

389 (100%)

Group

had ever tested into a remedial course was invited to participate. The same criteria were used when invitations for participation were sent to students in fall 2010. The program was initially designed to provide students with mentoring for one year. In the second year, students were expected to support the MMMP as peer mentors to newly enrolled African American male students. Descriptive data on the two groups of students investigated in this research is presented in Table 3.2. Both student groups in Table 3.2 represent the African American male students who tested into at least one remedial course at the predominantly White community college involved in this study. The MMMP group represents those students who were assigned a mentor and participated in the col-

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 41

leges’ Minority Male Mentoring Program, and the Non-MMMP group represents those who were eligible but opted not to participate. The two groups were compared using the variables listed in Table 3.2. The data in the table was acquired from the Colleges Datatel Students Information System. Independent samples t-tests were used to compare the two groups. As shown in Table 3.2, none of these t-tests were significant, suggesting that the two groups were similar in age and family income. Descriptive data on the parent’s educational level is presented in Table 3.3. The two groups were compared using a chi-square test of independence. The only significant result was for father’s education in the 2010 cohort (chi-square = 9.65, p = .022). As shown in Table 3.3, the father’s educational level for the nonMMMP group was somewhat higher as compared to the educational level of the fathers for the MMMP group. However, the effect is small. It is also evident that there is a significant amount of unknown data for this variable. DESCRIPTIVE DATA ON MENTOR SUBJECTS The mentors who participated in the survey were represented by three racial categories: African American, White, and Other (those who identified as Other were primarily African-born or multiracial). The racial variation was greater than expected for a predominantly White institution, and was as follows: eight African American, 26 White, and six Other. The mentors ranged in age from 28 to 62 years old. They taught and worked in a variety of subjects and areas within the college. Mentors had a minimum of a bachelor’s degree and many held doctoral degrees. The mentors all volunteered to participate and received no release time or monetary compensation for the time they committed to mentoring. They were recruited through personal invitation by the Vice President of Student Affairs. RESEARCH QUESTIONS Mentoring Impact on Academic Success Descriptive data on credits attempted, credits completed, and cumulative GPA for the two groups is presented in Table 3.4. These data were analyzed by independent samples t-tests, all of which were significant at the .01 level. In addition to the significance level, Table 3.4 also contains ∂η2 for each effect since this is the currently used measure of effect size. As shown in Table 3.4, the effect sizes were small (the target value for a meaningful effect size is .10 or larger). The data indicates that African American male students who participated in MMMP realized academic success rates that were significantly higher than non-MMMP students when comparing credits attempted, credits completed, and cumulative GPA. As another way to analyze academic success, students’ GPAs were dichotomized into above and below 2.0. These results are presented in Table 3.5.

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TABLE 3.4.

Data on Credits Attempted, Completed and GPA Mean (SD) of Mean (SD) of Non-MMMP MMMP Group Group

t-test

Significance

∂η2 (Effect Size)

Attempted Credits

17.56 (18.22) N = 245

12.20 (17.61) N = 801

4.05

.000

.015

Completed Credits

18.31 (18.91) N = 245

13.42 (18.81) N = 801

3.56

.000

.012

Cumulative GPA

1.85 (1.05) N = 245

1.44 (1.23) N = 801

4.81

.000

.022

TABLE 3.5.

GPAs Above and Below 2.0

MMMP Non-MMMP

GPA Below 2.0

Above 2.0

Total

MMMP Count Percent of Cohort

190 44.5%

136 55.5%

245 100.0%

Non-MMMP Count Percent of Cohort

483 60.3%

318 39.7%

801 100.0%

Total Count Total Percent

592 56.6%

454 43.4%

1046 100.0%

The chi square computed on the data in Table 3.5 was highly significant (chi square = 19.02, p = .000). As shown in Table 3.5, the percentage of the MMMP group that had GPAs above 2.0 was 55.5, while only 39.7 percent of the nonMMMP group attained this level of academic success. When examining success rates in remedial courses (math, English, and reading) and their corresponding college-level courses, and comparing the two cohorts, I found that out of 22 courses, the only courses where there was a statistically significant difference was English 010 and Math 010, the lowest-level remedial courses in math and English. In both courses, the MMMP students were succeeding at a higher rate. An equally important finding was that despite the higher academic success rates of MMMP students, neither cohort made satisfactory academic progress, as both MMMP and non-MMMP students have mean GPAs below 2.0. MENTORING IMPACT ON PERSISTENCE. Data on persistence for the two groups is presented in Table 3.6. For this table, the data represents the percentage of the group taking courses in each semester from

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 43 TABLE 3.6.

Persistence Rates

Term Fall 2009

Spring 2010

Fall 2010

Spring 2011

Group

Mean (SD)

MMMP

.99 (.118)

Non-MMMP

.99 (.087)

Total

.99 (.099)

MMMP

.85 (.362)

Non-MMMP

.61 (.489)

Total

.70 (.461)

MMMP

.57 (.499)

Non-MMMP

.39 (.489)

Total

.45 (.499)

MMMP

.53 (.503)

Non-MMMP

.30 (.461

Total

.38 (.487)

fall 2009 to spring 2011. To make this analysis meaningful, the data was analyzed separately for those students who entered the program in fall 2009 as compared to those who entered in fall 2010. Data on the fall 2009 cohort is presented in Table 3.6. The data in Table 3.6 was analyzed by a repeated measures analysis of variance (grouped by semester). All three of the relevant terms were significant (main effect for semester: F = 111.94, p = .000, ∂η2 = .357; main effect for group: F = 13.949, p = .000, ∂η2 = .065; interaction: F =5.13, p = .009, ∂η2 = .025). As shown in Table 3.6, after four semesters, almost 50 percent of MMMP students are no longer enrolled compared to 70 percent of the Non-MMMP students. An identical analysis was completed for the students who entered in the fall 2010. The mean persistence rates of the MMMP and non-MMMP groups are presented in Table 3.7. The data in Table 3.7 was analyzed by a repeated measures TABLE 3.7. Term Fall 10

Persistence Rates for Fall 2010 Cohorts MMMP (Grp1) Non-MMMP (Grp2)

Mean

Std. Deviation

N

1

1.00

.000

30

.99

.122

134

.99

.110

164

.73

.450

30

.74

.441

134

.74

.441

164

2 Total Spring 11

1 2 Total

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analysis of variance (grouped by semester). For this analysis, the only significant effect was for semester (main effect for semester: F = 162.00, p = .000, ∂η2 group: F = .010, p = .922, ∂η2 = .000; interaction: F =.054, p = .817, ∂η2 = .000). IMPACT OF MENTORING ON THE STUDENT EXPERIENCE The online student survey used in the study examined the experiences of remedial African American male students at a predominantly White community college to determine if there was a difference in attitude regarding campus climate between MMMP and non-MMMP students. Only 194 remedial African American male students out of 1046 opted to complete the engagement/experience survey for a response rate of 18.5 percent. Students in the mentoring program participated at nearly twice the rate of those who were not in the mentoring program (75/245 = 29 percent, compared to 123/801 = 15 percent). The survey instrument used was designed to examine specific aspects of student life and student engagement relative to the literature, and the theoretical basis on which the study was conducted. The theoretical basis was Tinto’s (1987) and Astin’s (1984) theories of student engagement, which suggests that students who make meaningful connections with a faculty or staff member in college realize greater levels of satisfaction and engagement within their institutions, ultimately leading to higher retention rates and academic performance. Despite its brevity and simplicity, it was very difficult to convince or motivate students to participate in the online African American Male Student Engagement/ Experience study. Incentives that were offered (e.g., two $100 gift cards raffled, three dollar vouchers for food at the college’s café) had little effect on students’ survey completion. For 6 weeks, repeated email requests and phone calls requesting that students go online and complete the survey also had little effect. The most effective survey completion strategy by far occurred in the last week of the study: paying students in the mentoring program to encourage their peers to complete the survey. This accounted for the completion of over 25 percent of the African American Male Student Engagement/Experience surveys, and took the least amount of time. The mentors serving in the college’s Minority Male Mentoring Program were very responsive to requests to complete the Mentor Experience/Perception survey. After two requests for participation (over two weeks), 83 percent of the mentors had completed the survey. After six weeks of bi-weekly email requests, incentives and word of mouth encouragement , only 29 percent of the African American male students participating in MMMP had completed the survey. The ranking for the survey was Strongly Agree (5), Agree (4), Neutral (3), Disagree (2), AND Strongly Disagree (1) for questions 1–9. For Question 10, students were asked to indicate whether or not they were assigned a mentor and participated in MMMP by answering Yes or No. The responses to Question 10 created some confusion that will be discussed later. Descriptive data on the questionnaire items for both groups is presented in Table 3.8. The means for the two

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 45 TABLE 3.8. Student Survey Results: Remedial African American Male Student Experience at a PWI Community College Ranking Q1

Q2

Q3

Q4

Q5

Q6

Q7

Q8

Q9

1

2

3

4

5

Mean

Sig.

# of MMMP Responses

0

2

8

33

26

4.20

.269

# of Non-MMMP Responses

2

8

17

53

46

4.06

# of MMMP Responses

2

6

13

27

21

3.86

# of Non-MMMP Responses

6

8

16

56

40

3.92

# of MMMP Responses

2

7

9

26

24

3.93

# of Non-MMMP Responses

4

17

30

50

24

3.99

# of MMMP Responses

2

11

15

24

14

3.41

# of Non-MMMP Responses

9

16

24

37

31

3.33

# of MMMP Responses

1

2

8

33

25

4.14

# of Non-MMMP Responses

2

6

17

40

61

4.21

# of MMMP Responses

0

0

11

30

26

4.22

# of Non-MMMP Responses

2

3

13

49

59

4.27

# of MMMP Responses

2

4

9

33

21

3.97

# of Non-MMMP Responses

2

6

21

50

47

4.06

# of MMMP Responses

1

5

10

29

24

4.01

# of Non-MMMP Responses

3

7

21

58

36

3.94

# of MMMP Responses

0

3

6

29

31

4.28

# of Non-MMMP Responses

0

3

14

46

63

4.34

.679

.910

.715

.656

.709

.516

.584

.574

groups were analyzed by independent samples t-tests that are also presented in the Table 3.8. As shown in Table 3.8, the responses to each question have a mean of at least 3.33 or higher, suggesting that the overall experiences of both the MMMP and non-MMMP students are positive. The low mean ranking (MMMP = 3.41 and non-MMMP = 3.33) and the surprisingly high number of 2 scores for question 4 may suggest that both MMMP and non-MMMP students are only modestly receiving the support and encouragement they expect or need to prevent attrition. Clearly this is an area that requires some further attention on the part of the college staff and faculty. It is also evident from Table 3.8 that there is no statistical difference between the two groups on any of the questions. In addition to the ranked responses, the survey also collected comments for each question to which some students provided additional feedback. The comments were extensive and can be found in the dissertation that informed this chapter (Bass, 2011).

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THE IMPACT OF MENTORING ON MENTORS PERCEPTIONS OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE STUDENTS When examining the impact of mentoring on the perceptions of mentors towards African American males, I found that, overall, serving as a mentor had a positive influence on the mentors’ perceptions. For the most part, mentors were eager to participate in the online survey and provide their opinions and feedback regarding their experiences. The mentors had an 83.3 percent survey completion rate (40/48). Drilling down into the responses, I examined impact by race to determine if a mentor’s race affected their responses. When comparing the responses of mentors by race, I found that there were no significant differences between the responses for White and non-White mentors on the survey except for questions 5 and 7. For question 5, non-Whites had a higher mean score of 4.79 when compared to Whites, who had a mean score of 4.31. Question 5 states, “I chose to serve as a mentor for the Minority Male Mentoring Program (MMMP) because I am genuinely concerned about the needs of African American males. (If neutral, disagree, or strongly disagree, please indicate reason for serving as a mentor).” Similarly for question 7, non-White mentors had a higher mean score of 4.43 when compared to Whites, who had a mean score of 3.65. Question 7 states, “Prior to serving as a mentor for MMMP, I was cognizant of the unique needs of African American male students” (see Table 3.9). In addition to perception, the survey also inquired about the following: mentor’s ability to connect with their TABLE 3.9.

Mentor Survey Results Mean

SD

Q1

Race Designation (1) Non-White/(2) White 1 2

N 14 26

4.36 4.00

1.082 1.132

Q2

1 2

14 26

3.50 3.92

1.401 1.164

Q3

1 2

14 26

3.50 3.27

1.506 1.002

Q4

1 2

14 26

3.00 3.42

1.359 .758

Q5

1 2

14 26

4.79 4.31

.426 .736

Q6

1 2

14 26

2.64 3.19

1.277 .849

Q7

1 2

14 26

4.43 3.65

.852 .977

Q8

1 2

14 26

4.29 3.85

.726 .834

Q9

1 2

14 26

4.00 3.50

.784 .812

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 47

mentee, whether or not race was a factor in trying to develop a relationship with the assigned mentee, mentor interest in the needs of African American male students, awareness of the unique needs of African American male students, and also whether or not the mentors thought the college’s environment was supportive of African American male students prior to the implementation of MMMP. Responses to question 6 regarding the college providing a supportive environment for African American male students had the lowest mean score of all the questions asked (3.0), suggesting that prior to the launch of the college’s MMMP, the college may not have been intentionally focusing on or putting effort towards supporting and/ or meeting the needs of their African American male students. The design of this survey, like the student survey, was intended to examine specific aspects of a mentor’s understanding, conscientiousness, and appreciation of the unique needs of African American male students relative to the literature on this topic. According to Gary Howards’s book We Can’t Teach What We Don’t Know (1999), without some background knowledge and an understanding and appreciation for the African American students’ culture, traditions, and historical experiences, it is nearly impossible for non-African American faculty members to be effective in teaching or serving as mentors to African American students. The online mentor perceptions survey asked ten questions aimed at determining mentor’s understanding of the unique challenges and issues African American male students face in college. As shown in Table 3.9, the mean for the responses to each question are presented and have a mean of at least 3.00 or higher (except for Q6), suggesting that mentoring did influence mentors perceptions of African American male students. The response to question #6 from non-Whites suggests that there may have been a feeling that Prior to MMMP the College environment for Black males, specifically, had not been supportive and there had not been a commitment to their success. Similar to the student survey, in addition to the ranked responses, the mentor survey also collected comments for each question to which some mentors provided additional feedback. The following are the mentors’ comments listed by question and categorized by race of the mentor: Non-White Mentor Responses to Mentor Survey Questions: Q2. I was able to connect with my mentee and develop a meaningful relationship. Comments: • I think it did. Being bi-racial allowed me to better understand where my mentees were coming from, and I was able to share common experiences and challenges I have faced throughout my College-going experience, and provide guidance. (Score “2”) Non-White • Not sure if it is my racial background as much as my personality. (Score “3”) Non-White

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• Student opened up because he felt that I understood him. (Score “2”) NonWhite Q3. My racial background did not factor into my relationship with my mentee. Comments: • While I do not make it the focus, I do recognize that there are issues surrounding certain groups of students and try to keep those things in mind. (Score “5”) Non-White • I often look for African American males on campus to try and make connections since I am aware of some of the unique challenges they face. (Score “4”) Non- White • Not really as I identify with the student’s race. (Score “3”) Non-White • I am more conscious of my mentee’s different cultural perspective as a Nigerian than I am of his race as being Black. (Score “2”) Non-White • Interaction with students can vary based on race. (Score “3”) Non-White Q4. I am conscious of a student’s race when I interact with them on campus. Comments: • I feel that each mentee brings something unique to the relationship; therefore, while I interact with African American males daily, I learn something new about each of them personally. (Score “3”) Non-White • Again, being bi-racial I have experienced many of the same racial challenges as my mentees. (Score “2”) Non-White • Although I understand what it means to be an African American female, I realized the challenges of being an African American male are a lot different and thus, the barriers are different for those seeking to pursue higher education. As the primary breadwinner of their household, many times they will sacrifice their education in support of their family. (Score “4”) Non-White • We related well, I was well aware of many issues. (Score “1”) Non-White Q5. My mentee taught me things about being an African American male that I was not previously aware of. Comments: • I am passionate about serving and teaching this cohort of students how to attain success. (Score “5”) Non-White • I am an African American, and the success of African American males is just as important to me. (Score “5”) Non-White

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 49

Q6. I chose to serve as a mentor of the Minority Male Mentoring Program (MMMP) because I am genuinely concerned about the needs of African American males. Comments: • I don’t feel that the College is unsupportive of any of its students; I feel that the College was presented with a wonderful opportunity to enrich this group of student lives’ in a different way. (Score “5”) Non-White • I really don’t know the answer to this question. (Score “3”) Non-White • My brother attended the college about 3 years ago and he didn’t return because he couldn’t seem to really connect with the College and navigate the resources that were available to him. The few things that kept him involved and connected were connecting with other African American male students and Tony Davis, the only African American male advisor on campus. He also remained connected by hosting an urban gospel radio show with some friends. (Score “2”) Non-White • Students feel disconnected when dealing with various staff members, they feel as though some staff members of other races do not relate. (Score “2”) Non-White Q7. Prior to MMMP the college environment for African American males, specifically, was supportive and committed to their success. Comments: • The needs were evident by the grades earned by my African American Male students. (Score “5”) Non-White Q8. Prior to the Minority Male Mentoring Program I was cognizant of the unique needs of African American male students. Comments: • I have always seen their potential; I feel like the program is helping them see it, as well. (Score “5”) Non-White • I am pleased to see so many students want to participate. (Score “5”) NonWhite Q9. Serving as a mentor in the MMMP positively influenced my perception of African American male students. Comments: • I now seek out my African American males who do well in class and ask if they would like to become peer mentors. (Score “4”) Non-White

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• The issues at hand are not new to me, so my approach did not have to change. (Score “3”) Non-White • White mentor responses to mentor survey questions: Q2. I was able to connect with my mentee and develop a meaningful relationship. Comments: • I was able to connect on several levels, earlier on with my Mentee, once he responded to my multiple calls and emails. (Score “3”) White • My mentee did not want a relationship. (Score “2”) White • Though he is older and has a great deal going on, so he isn’t as needy as many mentees. (Score “4”) White • • Just started as mentor 2 weeks ago. (Score “5”) White Q3. My racial background did not factor into my relationship with my mentee. Comments: • I’m not sure if it did or not. My mentee did not want a relationship and, perhaps, it was a factor for him. It was not for me. (Score “3”) White • I believe similarities in things we are both going through transcended that. (Score “4”) White • The difference of our race was addressed in initial meeting with Mentee and has served as supportive measure to our mentoring relationship. (Score “5”) White • I did have concerns that my ethnicity might cause barriers (make my mentee reticent to relate to me). To my knowledge it did not. (Score “4”) White • I don’t know how to answer this. I have a good relationship with my mentee. But, if I were a younger person and African American and male we would definitely have a different relationship—maybe more personal and less education based. I don’t think my race has been a barrier—but I am sure it factors into the relationship. (Score “3”) White Q4. I am conscious of a student’s race when I interact with them on campus. Comments: • In my work, I need to be aware of the diversity of all students, so that I may interact with them appropriately and in an effort to be culturally competent. (Score “5”) White • I’m also conscious of what students are wearing/their hair color etc. without making any inferences. (Score “4”) White • Obviously, the moment one sees another individual, racial affiliation becomes apparent. I also try to be aware of ethnic differences—cultural as

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 51

well as racial in readings chosen and activities undertaken so all feel a sense of belonging and experience at least a peripheral exposure to difference. (Score “4”) White Q5. My mentee taught me things about being an African American male that I was not previously aware of. Comments: • I have had previous experience with other African American male students that reinforce the need for me to work with College administration to get a program like the MMMP started. (Score “4”) White • Have many African American friends so I was pretty aware prior. (Score “3”) White • My mentee was African, not African American. (Score 3”) White • Our relationship has been based on discussing strategies for academic success. We have never really discussed being African American male in a White environment. The topic has not come up. We have been too preoccupied with study techniques, becoming self-directive, making tutorial connections. (Score “3”) White Q6. I chose to serve as a mentor of the Minority Male Mentoring Program (MMMP) because I am genuinely concerned about the needs of African American males. Comments: • I met this student in my class. He is not officially in the program. (Score “3”) White • I saw, for too many years, many African American male students not interested in learning and not feeling like they could or should learn. Many said that they didn’t know if they would even be alive in 5 to 10 years. I believed that I could make a difference with some of the students if the College environment demonstrated support in an active and visible way, such as through the MMMP. (Score “5”) White • In my role at the college, I work with many different students who are in need of the same type of support and guidance. The MMMP served to make that connection happen with these students. (Score “3”) White • I believe all “at-risk” students have a need for mentors. (Score “3”) White • I joined the program because I saw a need to help a specific segment of underachieving population. That they were African American male was not really a factor. I go by the content of the students need, not the color of their skin. Frankly, I was concerned that an “African American Male” program might do more damage in perception of African American males, almost like targeting them as classic underachievers, thus feeding long-

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held damaging stereotypes of African American inferiority. However, that fear, at this point, seems to be unfounded, as the program has not as yet run into any denigration of perception of that type to my knowledge. This makes me both happy and relieved. (Score “4”) White • I became a mentee to help students in a cohort that needed help. If it was White men, I would have been a mentor as well. (Score “3”) White Q7. Prior to MMMP the college environment for African American males, specifically, was supportive and committed to their success. Comments: • I think MCCC was supportive of all students, including African American males. (Score “4”) White • Prior to MMMP, the College was doing little to nothing to address the needs of African American male students. (Score “1’) White • From my perspective and experience, yes. (Score “4”) White Q8. Prior to the Minority Male Mentoring Program I was cognizant of the unique needs of African American male students. Comments: • My work has allowed me to gain better insight into the issues facing many African American male students particularly those issues affecting their socialization and learning needs. (Score “4”) White • To those I had read about in journals, newspapers, and had discovered from my own experiences with African American male students—but certainly, I in no way understand all the needs of this demographic group of students. (Score “4”) White • Yes cognizant, but there is always more to learn about other people and their situations. (Score “3”) White Q9. Serving as a mentor in the MMMP positively influenced my perception of African American male students. Comments: • In my work with African American male students, prior to becoming a mentor, I had mixed perceptions. Since becoming a mentor, my perception has become overall more positive and supportive of their learning needs. (Score “4”) White • I just looked at them as any other student....race did not matter. (Score “3”) White

African American Males Who Test into Remedial Courses • 53

• I have the same perception as I did prior to serving as a mentor. (Score “3”) White • I have always found the majority of students at MC3 to be receptive, courteous, and in pursuit of a better way of life. It is life that often throws them the curve and interrupts their progress. The stories are as individual as the students, with some commonalities, of course, such as lay off, new job, illness, divorce, military service, incarceration, death in a family, etc. (Score “4”) White • Did not sway my perception in any way. Only positively influenced my perception of my mentee. (Survey “3”) White Q10. My experience mentoring African American male(s) at the college has positively impacted how I treat other African Americans. Comments: • I have always tried to treat all races equally as an individual. (Score “3”) White • Prior to becoming a Mentor, I always worked to be respectful and supportive of African American male students as with any other students of diversity. (Score “4”) White • I treat all students in the best way that I can. (Score “3”) White • Again, a non issue.....they are all students.....the needs are the same, but the approach is different. (Score “3”) White • I think I always treated all students with the greatest respect, feeling it a privilege to be part of their lives and to work together as co-learners. Certainly, being a mentor has raised my consciousness of the plight of many of these young men. But I think I still have the same respect for African American males, as I have always had for their uniqueness as individuals, skin color not the factor. (Score “3”) White The following subsection provides detailed answers and thoughts on the sub-research questions that were posed to establish whether or not African American male students who participated in the college’s Minority Male Mentoring Program realized better academic performance, higher persistence rates, and positive attitudes about the college’s campus climate, compared to those who did not. In addition, the next sections will provide a brief explanation of findings relative to the impact mentoring had on mentor’s perceptions of African American male students. Research question 1: Do students who participate in the college’s Minority Male Mentoring Program (MMMP) experience higher levels of academic success compared to those who do not? This study revealed that there were significant differences between the two groups of African American male students in the following academic areas: cumulative attempted credits, cumulative completed credits, and cumulative GPA.

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In all three areas, the mean for the MMMP group was significantly higher than the non-MMMP group. It is evident from Table 3.4 that MMMP students performed better academically than their non-MMMP peers. Table 3.5 also indicates that there was a significantly higher percentage of MMMP students earning above a 2.0 GPA compared to Non-MMMP students. However, the mean of both cohorts suggested that, overall, neither group of African American male students made satisfactory academic progress, as they both had mean cumulative GPAs below a 2.0. When examining success rates in remedial math, English and reading, and their corresponding college-level courses, it was discovered that out of 22 courses, the only courses where there was a statistically significant difference was English 010 and Math 010, the lowest-level remedial courses in Math and English. In both courses, the MMMP students were succeeding at a higher rate. Seeing that neither the MMMP students or the non-MMMP students are earning mean cumulative GPAs above a 2.0 and making passing marks in their developmental courses, one could surmise that to be academically successful African American males who test into remedial courses at predominantly White community college need more than just mentoring. These academic findings reinforce and support what much of the literature indicates: that mentors and mentoring programs alone are not enough to improve the success rates of remedial African American male students in college. It may also suggest that the mentoring program at the college involved in the study requires some attention and/or improvement. Frey and Noller (1986) state that “the interpersonal and professional complexities of the mentoring relationship can result in negative as well as positive outcomes” (p. 49). Otto (1994) states that “while most mentoring relationships naturally develop into true lifelong friendships, some become counterproductive and negative” (p. 18). The findings from this study suggest that the relationships between mentor and mentee were very positive and productive, but the study did uncover that there was a very small segment of the survey completers who were not having a positive experience. For example, in response to question 1 which states: “When I initially enrolled at the College I felt that the staff (e.g., faculty, academic advisors/counselors, administration) was supportive and interested in helping me make a successful transition to college,” one student, who indicated he was participating in MMMP, responded this way: “Weren’t trying to hold me back but didn’t go out of their way to help me.” His ranking of 2 also indicated that he disagreed with question 2, which states–“I feel that there is a genuine concern for my well-being and success at this college.” Another student in MMMP responded to question 2 by saying, “They weren’t really trying to help. Didn’t feel strongly supported.” He also indicated he disagreed with question 2, with a ranking of a 2. These types of responses appear to be outliers, but they do point to the need for further research, perhaps an indepth qualitative look into students’ perceptions relative to the quality of impact mentoring program is having on their academic success.

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Research question 2: Do students who participate in MMMP have higher rates of academic progress (persistence) compared to those who do not? This study found that students who participated in MMMP beginning in fall 2009 experienced higher rates of persistence compared to non-MMMP students. The difference was significant early in the program but after a year of participating in the program the persistence rates dropped dramatically. By the fall of 2010, there was no significant difference in the persistence rates of MMMP versus nonMMMP students. In fact, of the cohort that enrolled in fall 2010, the non-MMMP students persisted at a higher rate than their MMMP peers; however, the difference was not significant. The dramatically declining persistence trends and higher non-MMMP persistence rates point to what is sometimes referred to as “Early Glow,” a phenomena that exists when there is considerable effort, energy, and resources dedicated to an initiative at the outset of project implementation. This happens as a result of early leadership attention, focus, and institutional commitment. Over time, with competing priorities, implementation challenges, and funding limitations, the program loses its momentum and ultimately its effectiveness. Freedman’s (1992) warning to program developers is that they should be mindful of the inherent dangers of fervor without supporting infrastructure. It would be a stretch to begin suggesting that the necessary infrastructure was not in place for the college’s MMMP, but clearly further research is necessary to determine why there was such a dramatic decrease in persistence for the fall 2010 cohort. Future researchers should consider an examination of the following variables to determine cause: comparison of high-achieving versus low-achieving African American Males motivation level of the student and mentors over-time, and changes in MMMP structure or operations between fall 2009 and fall 2010. There are a number of variables researchers could consider but the aforementioned provide a good starting point. Research question 3: Do students who participate in MMMP have a more positive attitude about the college’s campus climate compared to those who do not? Overall, the respondents indicated through their survey rankings and comments that their perceptions of the campus climate were positive. After careful analysis, there was, however, no significant difference in the student experience between MMMP and non-MMMP students who completed the online survey. The comments, however, did provide some very valuable insight into how a small segment of the surveyed population felt about their experience at the college. It was evident from some of the comments that experiences did vary among students regardless of whether or not they participated in MMMP. but the rankings indicated that the students overall were satisfied with their experience, and felt as though the college provided a supportive and welcoming environment. One hypothesis re-

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garding the lack of difference on the student experience survey between MMMP and non-MMMP students is that those who had a positive experience at the college were more inclined to complete the survey versus those who had not. This suggests that for a small percentage (19 percent) of the remedial African American male population, both MMMP and non-MMMP, their college experience is positive. It is important to keep in mind that even among survey completers not all responses were positive. As indicated earlier, there were some students participating in MMMP who reported not being satisfied with their mentoring experience or not feeling supported. For those who did not complete the survey, one can only speculate about their experiences. Clearly, to fully understand the experience of the remedial African American male student at the predominantly White community college involved in this study, additional research on those who did not complete the survey is required. Research question 4: Does serving as a mentor for African American males in the college’s Minority Male Mentoring Program positively influence mentors perceptions of African American male students? The mentors’ survey responses indicated that, overall, their participation in the mentoring program had a positive influence on their perceptions of African American male students, regardless of race. However, when comparing responses by race, non-White mentors had a significantly greater concern for the needs of African American male students and were more cognizant of the needs of African American male students prior to serving as a mentor in the program. Although the differences in these two areas were statistically significant when comparing mean scores, White mentors’ scores were still very positive to both of these questions. Overall, the comments mentors provided, like those from the students, appeared to be very individualized, although more than the students.’ The mentors’ comments revealed several identifiable themes that were interesting and should be noted. The first was the idea that White mentors attempted to, and reportedly did, connect with their mentees in ways that transcended race, and many saw themselves and their mentees as individuals. Much of the literature on how race is lived and experienced in America points to this fact that Whites, more than non-Whites, subscribe to color-blind ideology and make attempts to approach cross-racial relationships from this perspective. Tatum (1999) states that “they [referring to Whites] often perceive themselves as color-blind, completely free of prejudice, unaware of their own assumptions about other racial groups” (p. 95). This was reflected in some of the following comments that were made by some of the White mentors; “I have always tried to treat all races equally as an individual,” “I just looked at them as any other student....race did not matter,” “I’m also conscious of what students are wearing/their hair color etc. without making any inferences,” “I joined the program because I saw a need to help a specific segment of an underachieving population. That they were African American male was not really a

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factor. I go by the content of the students’ need, not the color of their skin. Frankly, I was concerned that an ‘African American Male’ program might do more damage to the perception of African American males, almost like targeting them as classic underachievers, thus feeding long-held damaging stereotypes of African American inferiority. However, that fear, at this point, seems to be unfounded, as the program has not, as yet run into any denigration of perception of that type to my knowledge. This makes me both happy and relieved.” Some of the comments made by the non-White mentors revealed that they felt the college was not always a positive, welcoming place for African American male students: “My brother attended the college about 3 years ago and he didn’t return because he couldn’t seem to really connect with the college and navigate the resources that were available to him. The few things that kept him involved and connected were connecting with other Black male students and the only African American male advisor on campus. He also remained connected by hosting an urban gospel radio show with some friends.” “Students feel disconnected when dealing with various staff members, they feel as though some staff members of other races do not relate.” The variation in responses provides a glimpse into varying perspectives Whites and non-Whites have regarding how race is perceived and experienced at the college. The small number of responses, and limited context, points to the need for further research in this area. ADDITIONAL FINDINGS FROM NEWLY FORMED COHORTS Perhaps one of the most interesting unintended consequences from the study was to discover the groups of students who, through their responses to question 10, revealed that they were confused, or unaware of their involvement in MMMP. The study identified students who were enrolled in the mentoring program and had a mentor, but did not realize they were enrolled, and those who were not enrolled, but indicated that they were and that a mentor had been assigned. After careful review of the data and conversations with MMMP staff, I learned that this is a challenge for the staff of MMMP. Students or their parents often sign up for the program early in the semester, or before the semester starts, and a mentor assignment is not made until weeks later. The program does not have a formal matching process and leaves the outreach to the assigned mentor. This is done deliberately so the student feels that individual attention is given to him by a college staff person and he is not part of a “big college program.” The program staff indicated that sometimes when this happens, the mentored student does not make the connection between the MMMP program and the mentor. Regarding the non-MMMP students who indicated they were participating in the program and had been assigned a mentor, program staff reported that there are a number of students who attend MMMP sponsored events and meet with them for various things such as tutoring, advising, and other support services, but have been reluctant to sign-up to be in the program formally for fear of not being able to commit to it. The find-

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ings indicated that there were no significant differences in academic performance, persistence, or attitudes among the groups based on their responses to question 10, which may corroborate reports from program staff. CONCLUSIONS AND RELATIONSHIP TO THE LITERATURE The social climate of college campuses, especially with regard to discrimination and racism, is often cited as a factor that stands in the way of minority students’ achievement and retention in higher education (Ancis, Sedlacek, & Mohr, 2000). Studies have found that campus climate affects the educational experiences of African American students at predominantly White campuses (Allen & Haniff, 1991; Nettles, 1991). Therefore, it stands to reason that if the issue of campus climate on college and university campuses is addressed and an environment is created that is accepting and supportive of all Black students, then academic achievement and retention of this group can be substantially improved. Community colleges can achieve this, in part, by providing programs and services that focus on creating a diverse campus climate. Such programs and activities should include creating mentoring programs, offering diverse orientation programs, providing proper funding for minority student groups and club operations, hiring diverse faculty and staff, and including content into the curriculum that is relevant to students from non-majority backgrounds (Clements, 2000). As mentioned previously, many of the White mentors saw their mentees as “individuals” with race not being a factor in their decision to serve as mentor, or in the way they initially perceived their mentees. Grant-Thomas and Powell (2006) suggest that Whites often approach their understanding of race in large part as an individualist act, not as a group act. Their assertion is that most White Americans, due to a lack of consistent, overt racism exhibited by themselves and other White people, think that racial equality has been achieved, not only for individuals, but for the group, and that African Americans have reached equal if not better levels of education than themselves. Lewis (2006) explains that “A strong commitment to color-blind racial narratives makes it possible to exist with the contradictions of living in racialized ways while ignoring or refuting Whiteness” (p. 194). The literature reminds the reader that when engaging in cross-racial mentoring, mentors of the dominant race should recognize their position of privilege and work to understand the unique needs and cultural differences that exist between them and their mentee. Wright-Edelman (1999) explains that cross-racial mentoring is possible as she recounted the lessons and support she received from her two White male mentors—Howard Zinn and Charles Merill. In their study of seven institutions, Watson, Terrell, Wright, and Associates (2002) found that students experienced greater academic success when faculty and student service professionals collaborated to create a holistic approach to best practice, and took into account students’ social and psychological needs both in and out of class. This study provides evidence that mentoring alone should not be considered the answer to improving the success rates of African American

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males in community colleges. Even though this study confirmed that mentoring had a positive impact on students, it is evident from the findings that mentoring alone will not result in the types of academic advancement necessary to address the significant achievement gaps African American male students face in higher education. LIMITATIONS Throughout this study, the demographic data that was used was restricted to information that could be culled from the college’s Student Information System, Datatel. The data available was limited to what the college received from the student at the time of enrollment or through completing financial aid paperwork. Any information that could have been available by examining high school transcripts, or conducting student interviews, was not pursued or initially considered. In some cases, the data needed (e.g., parents’ educational level and family income) was not readily available so I was left with small data sets from which to analyze data and make determinations. This study was also limited to the students who agreed to participate in the online experience survey. Due to the way the study was designed, it was not possible to ascertain how the students who did not complete the survey felt. It is possible that this provided a distorted view of the attitudes and experiences of the African American male students who tested into remedial courses. Finding a way to collect surveys from a larger group of the students could have provided a richer and deeper understanding into the attitudes of these students enrolled at the predominantly White community college. Another limitation to the study was the short-period of time that the program had been operating. The literature suggests that for mentoring programs to reveal and realize their full potential, they need at least 5 years of implementation (Stromei, 2000). This time is necessary as mentoring involves relationship building, establishing trust, and the sharing of experiences where the mentor provides guidance and support to the mentee on how to handle various situations or issues. Not having a clearly established and agreed upon definition for mentors and mentees at the time of program implementation was also a limitation for this study. MMMP’s loose programmatic structure lent itself well to the programs original intent of connecting students with college staff and faculty. However, not having an established mentoring definition, training program guidelines, and expectations made it difficult to determine what aspects of mentoring were leading to success and which were not. In addition, it may have contributed to the student’s confusion about whether or not they were in the mentoring program. Lastly, because the program was in its infancy, many meaningful variables were not available to help determine the actual impact that mentoring was having on students’ academic performance. One example is the lack of mechanisms to track the number of contacts mentors had with their mentees. Also, the program did not have data on the nature of the mentoring meetings (e.g., personal, aca-

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demic, professional) to determine in what ways and areas mentees were receiving support, assistance, and guidance. These and other data sets could have allowed for a more robust and rich understanding of the impact mentoring had on the African American males involved in the study. RECOMMENDATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE For those who have existing programs such as the MMMP involved in this study, Redmond’s (1990) target goals for averting minority student attrition as a focal point for program development is recommended. The goals include the following four ideas: “1) promote greater student, faculty, and administrator contact, communication, and understanding; 2) create a culturally valid psychosocial atmosphere; 3) intervene promptly when students have academic difficulties; and 4) encourage the use of college or university resources designed to aid students with nonacademic problems” (p. 192). Success with mentoring ultimately depends upon the students involved becoming a part of the academic and social fabric of the institution. Although formal mentoring programs have shown signs of aiding in the success of African American students, community college leaders cannot limit their efforts to mentoring programs alone. They must also implement programs that encourage informal faculty-student interactions and other forms of informal mentoring for these students. The programs should include a variety of factors that address both academic deficiencies and social and personal challenges Black male student face in particular. Mentoring cannot be one-dimensional and should be part of a larger comprehensive academic support strategy that includes services like intensive tutoring, supplemental instruction, study halls, learning communities, and mandatory involvement in leadership programs and other clubs and organizations. Research has demonstrated that students who participate in such programs are much more satisfied with their college experience than those who do not participate (Fleming, 1984; Hughes, 1987; Lavant, Anderson, & Tiggs, 1997; Woolbright, 1989). This research is of particular importance to those who intend to develop mentoring programs intended to serve at-risk student populations. The importance of establishing an evaluation plan prior to the development of a formal mentoring program cannot be overstated. A well-thought-out and carefully constructed program evaluation plan will enable developers to set measurable goals and objectives on which to build the program. An example of this would be to set a goal for how many times a mentor would meet with their mentee, and provide a means for tracking that information so assessment could be done to determine if the number of contacts influenced or impacted student outcomes. Another example would be to develop satisfaction surveys that could be used during the course of the mentoring program to monitor the level of connection and satisfaction of participants with each other and the mentoring experience. There are many other examples such as these that should be carefully considered before

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developing a formal mentoring program so the program is managed in the most effective manner. Lastly, Carmin (1998) urges program designers who will be involved in the work of actually building and managing formal mentoring programs to work closely with affiliate researchers who can assist with research and assessment as the program evolves to ensure that a sound assessment plan is in place to monitor program effectiveness and progress. Specifically, the author recommends demographic questionnaires, specimen records of interactions, path analysis, and covariance structure analysis to combat the methodological pitfalls most program evaluators face when attempting to quantify and report on program effectiveness. She further explains why it is necessary to work closely with an affiliate researcher pointing out that choosing a methodology for assessing mentoring is complicated not only by the definitional varieties, but by the data collection relying primarily on ex post facto designs such as self-report and interviews, small sample size, data contaminated by subject response style and memory distortions, and idiosyncratic instrumentation for measuring results (p. 10). FUTURE RESEARCH Much of the research on the impact of mentoring in education has been criticized for its lack of consistent definitions, poorly constructed and executed research methods, and the overall lack of identification of the mentoring functions that are most important to academic success for students (Crisp & Cruz, 2008). This study could be subject to such criticism; however, this research can serve as a valuable contribution to existing literature on mentoring African American males at community colleges. There is a need for further research in the following areas: 1.

2.

An examination of additional variables such as: number of contacts made between mentor and mentee, length of meetings, type of meeting (e.g., phone, email, face-to-face), and racial, generational, and like interest between mentor and mentee, would have served to provide a deeper understanding into the variables that have the highest impact on the success of a mentoring relationship. It should be noted that perception data collected from the surveys was only received from those willing to provide feedback on their experiences at the college, approximately 29 percent of the total remedial African American male student population from fall 2009 to spring 2011. Additional research is necessary to further examine the perceptions and experiences of the other 81 percent of African American males who test into developmental courses at predominantly White community colleges to gain a better understanding into the role mentoring plays in helping them overcome potential feelings of isolation, acculturative stress, and disconnectedness. A modified version of the survey, focus groups and individual interviews could begin to create tangible evidence on the use-

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fulness of mentoring for these students. Therefore, to fully understand the experience of those involved in this study, additional research of the survey non-completers is required. The variation in responses provides a glimpse into the varying perspectives White and non-White mentors have regarding how race is perceived and experienced at the college. The small number of responses, and limited context, points to the need for further research in this area. It would be useful to examine the success rates of African American male students who test into remedial courses compared to African American male students who test into college-level courses to determine the impact that testing into remedial courses has on the academic success rates, persistence and satisfaction of these students. It may be determined that college-level placement, and/or acceleration through the developmental sequence may be as much of a factor, or a greater factor on success as is mentoring. Lastly, this study examined the impact of mentoring over a 2-year, 3-semester period. The persistence data indicated that when the program began in fall 2009, MMMP students had higher persistence rates compared to non-MMMP students, but when disaggregating the cohorts by year, I found that there was no significant difference between the enrolling fall 2010 MMMP and non-MMMP cohorts. Therefore, to better understand the long-term impact of mentoring on African American male students who test into remedial courses at predominantly White colleges, a longitudinal study is warranted. A study that would last 5 years would be appropriate as the literature suggests that mentoring programs needs 5 years to fully mature and to reveal their full impact (Stromei, 2000). This would also provide additional data on transfer and degree completion rates, which serve as additional key performance indicators of student success and goal attainment. CLOSING REMARKS

The following quote has a profound meaning for all who are committed to helping the next generation of learners, of all backgrounds, at institutions of higher education, especially those who work and teach in community colleges. The quote is from Samuel Betance’s (2003) book How to Become an Outstanding Educator of Hispanic and African American First-Generation College Students. Betance’s thoughts underline the ongoing need for mentoring and poignantly describe the present and future state of higher education and the responsibility we have to meet the relatively new challenges and opportunities that await us: “For the first time in the history of colleges and universities, educators have to do what no previous generation of their peers had ever done before: educate learners who are members of the dominant society along with those who are not; educate those who view the institutions of the greater society as their friend, along

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with those who do not; educate those intelligent students who come with a middleclass college-learning framework and whose journey is enhanced by developed competencies... along with those equally intelligent students who do not have those skills; educate those who are blessed with a vast network of supporters who provide resources to help them ... along with those who are not blessed with such support; educate those who come from well-to-do backgrounds and those who do not; educate those for whom completing post-secondary, higher educational requirements, and earning degrees form part of their rich family history, along with those for whom it does not; educate those whose cultural heritage/interest/ racial group identity are positively affirmed in our racially stratified society, along with those whose are not; and educate those who are white, and those who are not” (p. 44). The results from this study indicate that mentoring can have a positive impact on the academic success and persistence of African American males who test into remedial courses at a predominantly White community college. The results also indicate that mentoring positively influences mentors’ perceptions of African American male students. The research provides useful data for administrators and faculty interested in or considering mentoring programs for their at-risk cohorts of students. It would be wise to review the implications for practice and future research sections of this chapter carefully, and invest time examining other mentoring studies before starting implementation of a mentoring program. However, the dire situation facing African American male students serves as a call to swift and decisive action for those who have the ability to effect change on college and university campuses throughout this country. REFERENCES Anderson, L. P. (1991). Acculturative stress: A theory of relevance to Black American. Clinical Psychology Review, 11, 685–702. Astin, A. W. (1984). Student involvement: A developmental theory for higher education. Journal of College Student Personnel, 25, 297–808. Betance, S. (2003). How to become an outstanding educator of Hispanic and AfricanAmerican first generation college students. In F. W. Hale (Ed.), What makes racial diversity work in higher education: academic leaders describe models. Sterling: VA: Stylus Publishing LLC. Carey, K. (2008). Graduation rates watch: Making minority students success a priority. Washington DC: Education Sector. Children‘s Defense Fund. (2007). America’s cradle to prison pipeline report. Washington, DC. College Board. (2010). The educational crisis facing young men of color: Reflections on four days of dialogue on the educational challenges of minority males. New York. Cuyjet, M. (2006). African-American men in college. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Crisp, G., & Cruz, I. (2009). Mentoring college students: A critical review of the literature between 1990 and 2007. Research in Higher Education, 50, 525–545.

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Davis, J. E. (2012). Negotiating masculinity in college: African American males and academic engagement. In M. C. Brown, T. E. Dancy, and J. E. Davis (Eds.), Educating African American males: Contexts for consideration, possibilities for practice (pp. 53–66). New York: Peter Lang. Dickens, W.T. & Flynn, J. R. (2006). Black Americans reduce the racial IQ gap. Psychological Science, 17, 913– 920. Foundation of the Mid South. (2008). Black male: Why the Mid South cannot afford to avoid the disparities facing its Black men and boys. Retrieved from http://fndmidsouth.org/Documents/Black_Male_web.pdf Harper, S. R. (2012). Black male student success in higher education: A report from the National Black Male College Achievement Study. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania , Center for the Study of Race and Equity in Education. Howard, G. (1999). We can’t teach what we don’t know: White teachers, multicultural schools. New York, NY: Teachers College press. Jipguep, M. E., Harrison, R. J., & Bonner, F. B. (2009). The participation of black males in higher education: 1968–2007. In Black American Males in Higher Education: Diminishing Proportions Diversity in Higher Education, 6, 83–97. Bingley, UK: Emerald Group. Rambish, M. (2011). Community College Developmental Arithmetic Course Outcomes By Instructional Delivery Approach (Doctoral Dissertation). Chester, PA: Widener University Stephens, S. (2007, March 20). Prentiss chosen to help achievement of Blacks, Latinos. The Plain Dealer. Tinto, V. (1987). Leaving college: Rethinking the causes and cures of student attrition. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

SECTION 2 QUALITATIVE RESEARCH

CHAPTER 4

A PHENOMENOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION ON THE ROLE OF MENTORING IN THE ACADEMIC DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE SECONDARY STUDENTS Jillian Inge

INTRODUCTION The demographics of college campuses throughout the nation reveal a growing disparity in the enrollment of African American males in comparison with that of African American females (Frierson, Pearson, & Wyche, 2009 ) (See Figure 4.1). And while the defining components of success are relative and college enrollment is not the sole precursor in its fruition, the resulting issues unfold as we begin to examine the factors contributing to this trend. More importantly perhaps, are the effects of a reality that the educational attainment for many African American male students may not facilitate opportunities for success. Thus, in an analysis Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 67–81. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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FIGURE 4.1. Source: U.S. Census http://census.gov/population/socdemo/education/cps2008.html

of the productivity of many African American males, Morial (2007) conveys a reality that necessitates systemic reform in our schools and communities. Here, Morial writes: This state of underachievement, with its devastating and far-reaching ramifications, is the most serious economic and civil rights challenge we face today. It’s a problem with a major rippling effect. Not only does it impact individual black men. It also hurts their families and communities. It’s not just a problem for the African-American community. It’s a problem for everyone in this nation. (2007, p. 3)

It is fitting therefore to offer a review of research findings that communicate the design of structures and practices that support the academic development, particularly in the sciences, of African American male students. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM A growing body of literature (Inge, 2012; Moore, 2006; Ferguson, 2000) has documented the underachievement of African American males in the K–12 pipeline. Kozol (1991) notes that Many African American males face obstacles in their academic success cause of the complexity of the urban systems and the inadequacies they experience in schooling. In this reality, Kozol identified low expectations, negative stereotypes, and predisposed notions as the many reasons for their underachievement. It is argued by Kozol that even the tangible characteristics of failing schools, such as underfunding, pale in comparison to the factors that underline the relationship between teacher expectation and student achievement.

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Ogbu (1991) offered that low teacher expectations are a routine existence in the classroom where it is reported that African American male students are often viewed as having the inability to perform beyond minimal or mediocre levels of achievement. Noguera (2003) found that African American males believe teachers do not place great concern on their learning, and, even as messages of low expectations are implicitly conveyed, the students’ role and relation to the learning environment are questioned. Interactions marked by opposition are heightened because of students’ perceived self-worthlessness and insignificant contribution to classroom interaction. As a result of emotional connections of this nature, student achievement is stymied (Connell, Spencer, & Aber, 1994). Although a great deal of focus has been given to the influence of teacher expectations on student performance, much attention has also been applied to the role of students’ interests and values on academic performance. It has been shown that, while African American males do value learning, there is a tendency to place more emphasis on success occurring outside the classroom such as with athletic ability and peer interaction (Graham, Taylor, & Hudley, 1998; Hudley & Graham, 2001, Isom, 2007). It is the belief that gratification associated with academic performance is not as attainable and immediate as that of other measures of talent. Furthermore, for many African American males, the ability to excel in certain areas is a component of their perceived cultural expectation (Karaunanyake & Nauta, 2004). For these reasons, the value of subject mastery and the rewards thereof are oftentimes not discerned. As offered by various researchers (Ford, 1996; Hale, 1986; Marcia, 1980), self-perception and self-identity are found to be defining elements of adolescent development; however, this process is compounded for African American males

FIGURE 4.2. Percent of 2012 ACT-Tested High School Graduates Meeting College Rediness Benchmarks For English

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FIGURE 4.3. Percent of 2012 ACT-Tested High School Graduates Meeting College Rediness Benchmarks For Mathematics

whose explanation of self is often in a tug-of-war with their perceived societal role. In many instances, the motivation or demonstrated ability to achieve is hindered by fear of dissociation with their environment and peers (Ford, 1996). Studies have found (Irving & Hudley, 2008), that even when academic ability is demonstrated and sustained, many African American males fail to enroll in gifted classes because of the social dishonor attached to academic achievement. Thus, in science education, this stigma is magnified even further as science is traditionally

FIGURE 4.4. Percent of 2012 ACT-Tested High School Graduates Meeting College Rediness Benchmarks For Reading

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FIGURE 4.5. Percent of 2012 ACT-Tested High School Graduates Meeting College Rediness Benchmarks For Science

viewed as a field for the academically talented, or who are derogatively called “nerds.” Figures 4.2 to 4.5 is representative of this data. METHOD Creswell (2003) stated that research design is dictated by the type of questioning, and that inquires based on asking “how” or “what” convey an open and emerging design (p. 106) that is characteristic of qualitative investigations Therefore, when considering the construct of the study, which was rooted in exploring how science interest is shaped, it was appropriate to engage in qualitative rather than quantitative research. A phenomenological study was conducted to identify how the lived experiences of African American male mentors play a role in shaping the choices of African American male high school students through mentoring. As the problem of this study is the underachievement of African American males, it was appropriate to employ a research design rooted in gaining an understanding of African American male interactions in learning environments and the factors that promote learning. Accordingly, examined were the role of mentoring relationships and the specific contributions of mentors in their experiences with African American males. As Bryman (2004) contends, research should be directed toward making sense of an individual’s world or specific experiences that form the perspective of the individual’s representation of phenomenology. According to Merleau-Ponty (1968), phenomenological investigations convey data through the medium of language. Through student language or semiotics (Lanigan, 1988), meaning is derived from the phenomenon of interest; that is, the views and experiences of participants as expressed through language provide

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the basis for understanding a given phenomenon. The defining elements of the phenomenon were the experiences of African American males in learning science, and the factors that could potentially shape their interest in the subject. Semiotics was used to help understand this phenomenon. The central construct of the study was to examine the practices indicated by the African American male identity as being effective in mentoring African American male students. Framed around the theories of mentoring (Mullen, 2005, p. 1), ethnic identity (Yinger, 1976, p.200), and communalism (Boykin et al., 2005, p. 341), the objective of the study was to understand if and why interest in academic success, science interest to be exact, was shaped by a mentoring relationship when both the mentor and mentee were of the same identity. The following four questions guided the research study: 1.

2.

3.

4.

What has been your experience as mentor in the field of science for African American male high school population of students? How would you describe your experiences in terms of influencing students in their choices of postsecondary programs? How receptive are African American male high school students toward the guidance and direction instituted in a mentoring relationship when the mentor is an African American male? What advice do you have for other mentors of African American male students in the field of science? What can mentors and schools do to improve the participation of African American males in the field of science? What is the design of an effective mentoring relationship for African American males to African American male high school students? DATA COLLECTION

Miles and Huberman (1994) suggested that selecting participants for qualitative investigation involves identifying their potential contribution to the research. Therefore, to ascertain an understanding of the phenomenon of interest, it was necessary to select participants whose experiences related to the phenomenon being investigated, that is, the academic development of African American male students, particularly in the field of science. Accordingly, study participants needed to have mentored and interacted with African American males students involved in the learning process. One of the defining characteristics of a qualitative tradition of inquiry is the nature of which data is collected. In phenomenology, it is indicated that “long interview protocols” (Creswell, 1998, p. 113) are the primary methods of obtaining data. Furthermore, as this tradition is rooted in understanding a specific phenomenon, as described from the perspectives of the participants (Creswell, 1998), it was beneficial to seek a small sample. Data collection was based on the premise

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that a data set that is too large will compromise the process of deriving meaning and understanding. Thus, this study involved four participants. Interviews served as the key tool of data collection. Rubin and Rubin (2005) argued that interviews in qualitative studies would be structured to be open-ended. Rubin and Rubin contended that the main questions in the interview should set the stage for follow-up questions and probing questions. The main questions serve to address the underlying inquiry; any follow-up and probing questions are designed to obtain more in-depth meaning and ensure the overall productivity of the interview. Focus groups were also used to obtain data. It was asserted by Bryman (2004) that focus groups allow for a more detailed discussion as participants build upon each other in terms of their responses. It is further explained that the nature of focus groups facilitate dialogue amongst participants that is representative of everyday conversation, thereby offering a genuine account of participants’ views on specific questions. ANALYSIS As the research questions were framed around the concepts of ethnic identity and communalism in mentoring African American male students, frames of analysis were created to closely examine segments related to these concepts (Tesh, 1990). Although this process of creating frames of analysis was employed as the initial step in analyzing data, additional frames were changed, modified, or created as the analysis unfolded. The necessity for this became apparent because after the data was examined and its meaning negotiated, specific portions appeared to become more meaningful or important in answering research questions. Once frames of analysis were formed, I searched for elements in the data that could be established as a relationship to the frame. Hatch (2002) explained that this component of data analysis of creating domains (p. 166) was essential in establish categories that will be analyzed for meaning, and ultimately the formation of themes. Domains are characterized as having cover terms and included terms (Hatch 2002, p. 165) that form the relationship of the item indicated in the frame of analysis. Elements appearing in the domains were coded in the data to allow an examination of their frequency; a potential indication of their salience to the data. Coded elements (Table 4.1) that were found to reoccur across the domains were established as categories. After the categories were formed, I again examined the domains and searched for the commonality or thread that connected all the data. As Hatch (2002) stated, this point in data analysis, searching for themes, asks “how does all this fit together” (p. 174). In order to ascertain the common thread, however, I examined my domain sheets and the data itself. This step was followed by reading the data for statements connected to or exemplified in themes.

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TABLE 4.1.

Categories Emerging from Data

Category 1

Category 2

Category 3

Images

Self-Esteem

School System

Exposure

Self-Confidence

Academic Preparation

Guidance

Male Interaction

Culture

Peer Pressure

Father Figure

Sense of connection

Category 4 Identity

RESULTS Following the reading and analysis of the interview transcripts, coded data, and domain sheets, four overarching themes were found to emerge: Theme 1: Communal Interaction, Influence, and Responsibility Repeatedly expressed throughout the data was the need for African American male students to interact with positive images in their immediate surroundings. Responding to an inquiry regarding the importance of African American male students being mentored by African American males, one participant stated: I think it’s definitely important because the biggest reason is most of them don’t have a father figure in the home. Not only do they not have any father figures in the home, but normally they don’t have a lot of interaction with adult males, period, in their community. Usually, their teachers are female. They live in a single mother household, in which there’s nothing wrong with that, but generally, they don’t have a lot of interaction with males. So, I think it’s important just to have that because, I mean, a lot of them are looking to mold themselves after somebody.

Another participant conveyed the role of the images that mentors’ portray and the effects of these images on the lives of their mentee. This was expressed as follows: When young Black males see a Black man in a suit and tie, he always thinks, he’s somebody special or he’s successful and because he’s wearing a suit and tie and he comes from some place other than where they’re from because they don’t usually see men in a suit and tie in the community.

Aligned with the idea of community and responsibility one assumes for the environment, many of the mentors expressed the belief that it was their obligation to serve as role models and positive images for African American males. After asking the participants during the focus session to describe their role as a mentor and their primary responsibility, one participant agreed with the general view of others stating,

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I can agree with guidance, because I see our young people don’t look at the consequences of their behavior. So I see us as guidance in the form of role modeling, you know showing them positive images, and trying to point them in the right direction of things.

Theme 2: Acceptance One sentiment expressed throughout the interviews was the idea that the academic success and interest of many African American male students are thwarted due to their need to be accepted by peers, and to their perceived role in society. With this, because they do not routinely interact with and see successful African American males, especially in science, success in this form is viewed as being “corny” or “uncool.” When I inquired about the obstacles to establishing a mentoring relationship, one participant responded, “One of the main things is peer pressure.” He went on to explain how a program adopted in school was once successful; however, challenges arose when students began to feel pressure from their peers to portray a certain image. To be exact, it was not viewed as cool to achieve good grades. Stated in the response, “It was a real nice thing for the kids and everybody, but it stopped because we would tell them to get good grades in school, and the communication stopped because of peer pressure.” He continued, “If you get A’s in school, you are a nerd.” Speaking from the perspective of the student feeling peer pressure, he expressed, “I ain’t no nerd; I’m not going to get all A’s.” Then, continuing from his own perspective, “And it got crazy and it’s still that way; so, they don’t want to get good grades; they don’t want to get B’s because they’re afraid that someone would call them a nerd. Another participant offered that one reason why African Americans male students do not show an interest in science is because it may be perceived as “not cool” to have an interest in this field. He stated, “Are there cool people who touch science? Are there cool people who play with animals and are veterinarians and so forth?” Alluding to the importance of the images presented to African American male students by the African American community, the participant added, And then to some extent, I do get mad at some African Americans who are scientists. And so you ask me, how come science isn’t a big subject in the African American community. I’m not saying there aren’t any, but oh for the day when scientists will come back to their own neighborhood and start doing classes. Oh for the day when veterinarian and doctors will start. I’m not saying they’re not doing it, I’m just saying that one reason why some of our students are not going into that field is because they don’t see African Americans in that field. Theme 3: Expectations A considerable amount of data pointed to how the images representative of African American males shape the expectations of African American male students. Expressed throughout the interview was a view that students gain an idea of what

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they can or want to become, in part, because of what they see in their immediate surroundings. I asked one participant his idea of how identity, or a student’s sense of who they are factored into their interest in a particular field of study. He replied, Well they will say, I want to but I don’t know anybody in that field. I don’t know how to relate to anybody in that field. Sometimes they figure that they see a few white people, Asians, they think the course is so hard. You know they lower their expectations because they don’t see people in that field.

Similarly, I asked another participant if African American students were more inclined to enter a field if they interacted with a mentor or African American male in that field. The participant responded by stating, I think it does definitely because a lot of them, they have an idea about what Black men can or can’t do. They have… a lot of time feel like they’ll be held back from certain things and… so if they see another Black man that’s succeeding in a particular area, or something that they have an interest in, I think it’s more of a motivating factor.

Theme 4: Development All of the participants in this study expressed a positive impact of adult male interaction on self-esteem, character, and overall development of African American male students. The participants spoke of their role as a mentor in providing an example and guidance for this demographic of students, when in many instances a father figure is not present. “A lot of those kids, this is the first time they’ve had a lot of interaction with an adult male,” stated one participant in describing how the mentoring relationship develops. Another participant pointed to the lack of adult male interactions in the lives of many African American males. “Most of them don’t have father figures in the home, but normally they don’t have a lot of interaction with adult males period.” He added, “A lot of them don’t have guidance or anything. Some of their lack of direction comes from them not having any guidance, and adult male guidance.” In describing how the images that African American male students see influence their identity and how they grow, one participant responded, Eventually kids pick different role models. If there is no male in the house, he’ll choose a role model in the male he sees in the street. Usually it’s the guy with the most money and the guy that looks the best, the guy that has the most girls, the biggest car; and they see what he does and they’ll try to walk like him, talk like him, and they will try to act like him, and be like him.

The onset of analyzing data involved creating frames that allowed me to focus on specific components of data. The conceptual framework and research questions were the guiding pieces in developing these frames of analysis. Ultimately,

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the goal of this process was to discover themes that would allow me to address research questions. RESEARCH QUESTION 1 What has been your experience as mentor in the field of science for African American male high school population of students? How would you describe your experiences in terms of influencing students in their choices of postsecondary programs? The focus group interview guide and the individual interview guide were developed to gain an insight into the mentor/mentee relationship between African American males and African American male students. The importance of guidance was repeatedly expressed when participants were asked to describe how they viewed their role as mentor. One participant indicated that, “A lot of them don’t have any guidance or anything.” In this context, it was conveyed that the role of guidance refers to assisting the students in outlining a plan, a plan for their lives, educational preparation being the primary tool. For example, one participant narrates how many African American male students have an interest in pursuing a career in professional sports: Every time we go to the school we say, What do you want to be when you graduate? Basketball player, football player, and our Principal puts on this show for them and says here’s what you do. You can only be a football player for about for about five years. There are only so many professional football players in the world. You’ve got thousands of kids coming out of school next year. Only a few of them are going to make it to the pros. So why don’t you be a financial agent. You get five to ten football players and you can get ten to fifteen percent of what they have.

The goal in this presentation was to make students aware of the options that are available. Thus, in an analogy relating career options to that which they see, one participant stated: Inner city kids have a certain filter that is turned on. You know they see that color and they identify with that color readily, you know. And what happens is that one of the functions that we have is that in addition to seeing blue that we could offer green, and we could offer purple, and we could offer other colors. And there’s other things we bring to the table and make them aware of.

Consequently, the participant noted, “their goals are changed and enriched when additional opportunities are presented.” This view reinforces how the expectations (Theme 3) African American males place upon themselves are shaped by the options they see as achievable. In addition, gleaned from the responses is the hope that guiding African American male students in a positive direction will give them a purpose and support their opportunities for further growth; hence, supporting Theme 4: Development.

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RESEARCH QUESTION 2 How receptive are African American high school students toward the guidance and direction instituted in a mentoring relationship when the mentor is an African American male? During the focus group interview, one of the questions asked participants to describe the reaction of their mentee in establishing the relationship. As mentors are dressed in professional attire during the initial meeting with their mentee, one participant pointed out how the image kids see in their mentors is often different from the images they see from the African American males in their neighborhoods. When young Black males see a Black man in a suit and tie, he always thinks he’s somebody special or he’s successful and because he’s wearing a suit and tie and he comes from someplace other than where they’re from because they don’t usually see men in a suit and tie in the community. He continued: “So I let them know that I come from the same neighborhood they came from, the same schools they went to, and did the same things they did. I finally said I just went to school and I listened to my teacher and I listened to my parents and I graduated from high school and I went to college.” The participant later added, “So we establish a rapport from there.” Suggested here is that a sense of connection or familiarity between mentor and mentee is essential in building a relationship. This supports Theme 1, communal influence and interaction, that is, the images African American males see in their immediate surroundings and the interactions they encounter with members of their community or cultural group are influential in their development as an African American male. In seeking to understand the role of ethnicity in the relationship between mentor and mentee, I asked one participant to describe how important it was for African American males to have a mentor who was an African American male. He indicated, “it’s them seeing themselves in that person, and being able to fit their personality in them.” A later comment, A lot of them have an idea about what a Black man can or cannot do. A lot of times they feel like they’ll be held back from certain things and so if they see another Black male that’s succeeding in a particular area, or something that they have interest in, I think it’s more of a motivating factor, if he can do it, I can do it too kind of thing.

This statement suggest that when African American male students see African American males, or have African American males who have achieved a level of success in their chosen fields, it promotes healthy self-esteem (Theme 4: Development) and increases the expectations (Theme 3) of what they can accomplish.

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RESEARCH QUESTION 3: What advice do you have for other mentors of African American male students in the field of science? What can mentors and schools do to improve the participation of African American males in the field of science? One category that emerged throughout the data was the importance of exposure in the lives of African American male students. It was stated in both focus groups and individual interviews that the limited exposure of academically enriching opportunities hinders students’ interest in the science field. As stated by one participant when I asked how identity factors into their interest in certain fields of study: Exposure is the key word. So, it might look corny, but then there’s always more aspects to it. And then you might say to an urban youth that living on a farm is corny because they’ve never been exposed to it, they’ve never seen it, and they don’t know what the inside of it is about. And that’s what our mentoring job is—to expose our African American youth, to expose them to areas that they probably or may not have ever been able to encounter if it wasn’t for us.

The role of self-confidence in students’ interest in science was discussed as an outcome of that which they were exposed to as it connected to their academic background. That is, for many students their internal doubts and perceived inability to achieve at high levels of success hinder their progression. Several participants communicated the direct impact of the educational system in the academic development of African American male students. Further, along with the concept of exposure, it is this lack of preparation that is thought of as having a direction impact on their ambition. One participant stated, I think they are already a lot of times discouraged about their intellectual capabilities because of the public school system that they don’t see themselves going in any direction that is going to require them to deal with higher education and everything.

This view conveys the intangible value of education in terms of fostering the idea to students that they have the ability to pursue their aspirations. Suggested here also is that the educational background of students is paramount in shaping their aspirations. Within this view is Theme 3, expectations, and Theme 4, development. RESEARCH QUESTION 4 What is the design of an effective mentoring relationship for African American males? As elements in the interview transcript unfolded to eventually form themes connecting the data, the design of an effective mentoring relationship was shown to support the responses presented in other research questions. Theme 4: Development of self-confidence and self-esteem, for example was regarded as being an important factor in Research Question 3, which asked what schools can do to

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improve the participation of African American males in science. When I asked participants to describe the factors that are influential in developing students’ selfconfidence, one participant stated, “I think they kind of get a general idea that people are disappointed in them as a group, you know what I mean as Black males.” Related to this thought was one participant’s detail of the attitude and behavior where one of the adult mentees showed positive change after becoming involved with the program. His account contrasted the normalcy within the mentee’s surrounding with the environment of the mentoring program, and explained how mentoring brought about this change. He stated, Well, I think that a big deal in terms of interacting with guys like that is when you’re dealing with them, it makes a big difference for them to know that you actually care about them, that you’re actually there to help them, you’re voluntarily doing this, and that you’re not looking down upon them.

He emphasized the meaning of interactions with, “And that’s not something that grown Black men are getting from other men, or society in general. They say the first thing you learn as a Black male is that we don’t want you.” Presented in this data was the idea that interactions that nurture the self-esteem of African American males constitute the design of an effective mentoring relationship; hence, supporting Theme 4: Development. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY While the purpose of this study was to examine the role of mentoring in the academic development of African American males, recommendations for further studies related to this stream of inquiry emerged. One dominant recommendation was the need to investigate the influence of African American male teachers in the academic achievement and social development of African American male students. While one of the constructs of mentoring is role modeling in this study, teacher role modeling and interactions with students influenced how African American males shaped their perspectives and choices. CONCLUSION The data substantiated the influence of communal interaction in the overall development of African American males. That is, members of this demographic subgroup, and every subgroup for that matter, are shaped and molded by the experiences and exposure intertwined in their daily being. Imagine, therefore, how the possibilities and achievements of African American males could extend far beyond the present reality if the guidance and direction exemplified in the mentoring relationships presented in this study became commonplace. It is not an overstatement to suggest that future data illustrating the educational attainment of African American males will exist as a contrast to the figures of present day if collective responsibility becomes the cultural norm. As every individual exists as an

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intricate fiber, it is essential that we mobilize opportunities for African American males to contribute to the overall fabric of our society. REFERENCES Boykin, A. W., Albury, A., Tyler, K. M., Hurley, E. A., Bailey, C. T., & Miller, O. A. (2005). Culturally based perceptions of academic achievement among low income elementary students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 11(4), 339–350. doi : 10.1037/1099-9809.11.4.339 Bryman, A. (2004). Social research methods (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Connell, J. P., Spencer, M. B., & Aber J. L. (1994). Educational risk and resilience in African-American youth: Context, self, action, and outcomes in school. Child Development, 65(3), 493–506. Creswell, J. W. (1998). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five traditions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Creswell, J. W. (2003). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Ferguson, A. (2000). Bad boys: Public schools in the making of black masculinity. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Frierson, H. T., Pearson Jr. W., & Wyche, J. H. (2009). Black American males in higher education: Diminishing proportions. Bingley, England: Emerald. Ford, D.Y. (1996). Determinants of underachievement as perceived by gifted, above average, and average Black students. Roeper Review, 14, 130–136. Ford, D. Y., Harris, J. J. III, Tyson, C. A., & Frazier Trotman, M. (2002). Beyond deficit thinking: Providing access for gifted African American students. Roper Review, 24, 52–58. Graham, S., Taylor A., & Hudley, C. (1998). Exploring achievement among ethnic minority early adolescents. Journal of Educational Psychology, 90, 606–620. Hale, J. (1986). Black children: Their roots, culture and learning styles. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Hatch, J. A. (2002). Doing qualitative research in education settings. Albany, NY: State University of New York. Hudley, C., & Graham, S. (2001). Stereotypes of achievement striving early adolescents. Social Psychology of Education, 5(2), 201–224. Inge, J. (2012). A Phenomenological investigation on the role of mentoring in the academic development of African American male secondary students. (Doctoral Dissertation). Retrieved from \http://searchproquest.com/docview/96335334240 (3502351) Isom, D. A. (2007). Performance, resistance caring: Gender identity in African American boys. Urban Review, 39(4), 405–423. Karunanayake, D., & Nauta, M. (2004). The relationship between race and students’ identified career models and perceived role model influence. The Career Development Quarterly, 52, 225–234. Kozol, J. (1991). Savage inequalities: Children in America’s schools. New York, NY: Crown. Lanigan, R. L. (1988). Phenomenology of communication: Merleau-Pont’s thematics in communicology and semiology. Pittsburg, PA: Duquesne University Press.

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Marcia, J. E. (1980). Identity in adolescence. In J. Adelson (Ed.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (pp. 159–187). New York, NY: Wiley & Sons Merleau-Ponty (1964, 1968). The visible and the invisible (A. Lingis, Trans.). Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press. Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis: A sourcebook of new methods (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Moore, J., III. (2006). A qualitative investigation of African American males’ career trajectory in engineering. Implications for teachers, school counselors, and parents. Teachers College Record, 108(2), 246–266. Morial, M. (2007). Empowering Black males to reach their full potential. In S. Jones (Ed.). The state of Black American 2007: Portrait of the Black male (pp. 13–16). New York, NY: Beckem Mullen, C. A. (2005). Mentorship primer. New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishers. Noguera, P. (2003). The trouble with Black boys: The role and influence of environmental and cultural factors on the academic performance of African American males. Urban Education, 38(4), 431–459. Tesch, R. (1990). Qualitative research: Analysis types and software tools. New York, NY: Falmer Press. Yinger, J. M. (1976). Ethnicity in complex societies. In L. A. Coser & O. N. Larsen (Eds.), The uses of controversy in sociology (pp. 197–216). New York, NY: Free Press

CHAPTER 5

“CAN YOU HELP ME?” Exploring the Influences of a Mentoring Program on High School Males of Color Academic Engagement and Self-Perceptions in School Curtis Lewis

INTRODUCTION African American and Latino males are often described as “disenfranchised” or “endangered” in our K–12 schools and society (Gibbs, 1988; Hare, 1987; Jordan & Cooper, 2003). In many of this county’s largest cities, a number of them are dropping out of school at alarming rates and achieving academically at a lower rate than their White male counterparts. The aforementioned high dropout rates, school suspensions and expulsions, the overrepresentation of African American and Latino males in special education, and serious underrepresentation in Advanced Placement (AP) or college preparation must be noted and carefully examined (Garibaldi, 2007; Kearns, Ford, & Linney, 2005; Klopfenstein, 2004; Kunjufu 1990, 2005; Martin, 2000; Noguera, 2003; Schott Foundation Report, 2008). As opposed to their white counterparts, African American males suffer from shorter life spans, higher mortality rates, and poorer quality of health. African Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 83–98. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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American and Latino males have a higher percentage of incarceration, and many are growing up in single family homes where the mother is the sole provider (Hall, 2006; Noguera, 2003). Consequently, many of these young men are pushed into despair. The failures that African American and Latino males face in K–12 schools limit their opportunities as adults to become active participants in the workforce; Instead, many become participants in crime, unemployment, and the criminal justice system. In 2009, the National Urban League reported that African Americans are twice as likely as Whites to be unemployed, three times as likely to live in poverty, and more than six times as likely to be incarcerated. There has been a plethora of scholarly research, and oftentimes bleak national discussions in the media and in our schools that have documented the “trouble” that many of our African American males in K–12 schooling are currently facing. The barrage of scholarly work that has supported this perceived “trouble” has been well documented. Scholars (Brown & Davis, 2000; Klopfenstein, 2004; Kunjufu,1990, 2005; Linney, 2005; Noguera, 1995, 2003, 2008; Polite & Davis, 1999) have saturated the discourse with the plight that is often referred to as the “endangered” paths of African American and Latino males. Recent reports from the NYU Steinhardt’s Metropolitan Center for Urban Education, The College Board’s Advocacy and Policy Center, The Urban League (2009), and The Schott Foundation (2008), among others, have documented the issues facing African American and Latino males in K–12 schools and beyond. For example, the K–12 schooling experiences of African American and Latino males are often now characterized as a “pipeline to prison.” The College Board’s Advocacy and Policy Center (2010) report stated, “The kids in the pipeline have been retained at least once; they’ve been suspended at least once; they have low GPAs; very little credit accumulation in high school; and they’re behind at least one grade level” (p. 6). STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Results from the 2007 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) showed that African American and Latino high school males scored an average of 29 points below White students in reading and 28 points below White students in math (NCES, 2007). Further, Black, Latino, and Native American males also represent the lowest number of students taking Advanced Placement (AP) courses in high school (The Schott Foundation Report, 2008). The persistence of the achievement gap between African American and Latino males and their White counterparts has led to a stark contrast between the educational aspirations and accomplishments of each group. It also has a significant effect on the positive life outcomes and upward mobility of males of color in society. In a recent report, the College Board Advocacy and Policy Center (2010) argued that there is a “Third America” that is often ignored by mainstream society. The report stated:

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This America is often captured in popular television documentaries and newspaper stories and includes frightening statistics about unemployment, poverty and high rates of incarceration. The citizens of this Third America are primarily men, and mostly men of color. These men now live outside the margins of our economic, social and cultural systems. They are the byproduct of many societal failures—including the failure of our nation’s schools (p. 4). In addition, across all races, young women are outperforming young men with respect to high school graduation rates. White women perform 4 percentage points better than white men, while African American, Hispanic, Native American, and Asian women outperform men in their ethnic or racial group by 9, 9, 7, and 2 percentage points, respectively. Analyses indicate that African American women earn two-thirds of the college degrees awarded to African American students; while, for Native Americans and Hispanics, the number is 60 percent (College Board and Advocacy and Policy Center, 2010). Whether one talks about prisons, where African American males are almost half the inmate population and Hispanics constitute 20 percent, or whether one talks about violent crime, where young black men are five times as likely to be murdered as whites, the situation in many of these communities must be seen as a crisis. Below is a summarization of some startling statistics facing African American and Latino/Hispanic males. Some of the following statistics from the Urban League (2009) help to illustrate how the K–12 failures of these males often lead to dismal and limited options for prosperity in their adult life. • For African Americans, the proportion holding a high school credential was about the same in 2006 as it was in 1986 (about 84 percent). • Meanwhile, the proportion of Hispanics holding a high school credential increased from 59 percent to 65 percent. • School completion rates for Asian Americans and Native Americans in 2006 were 91 percent and 71 percent, respectively; trend line data to 1986 on these populations are not available. • With regard to college attendance, enrollment rates for young African Americans (18 to 24) increased from 22 to 32 percent, while Hispanic enrollment rates increased from 18 to 25 percent. Across the board, males from all racial and ethnic backgrounds are likely to be suspended at about twice the rate of females. In the case of black males, however, the rate is almost three times as high. “Status dropout” rates for 16- to 24-yearolds tell a similar story. Here, while black males are more likely than whites to be dropouts, the rate for Hispanic males is almost four times that of whites. Arrest and incarceration rates for men of color are extraordinarily high. One recent estimate holds that the chance of a young African American man going to prison is one in three. Meanwhile, about 20 percent of male inmates in state or federal prisons are Latinos, almost two-thirds of them between the ages of 18 and 34. In the foreseeable future, it is apparent that if current demographic and educational at-

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tainment trends continue, especially for men of color, the educational level of the overall American workforce will probably decline. So what can be done to narrow the achievement gaps among Black and Latino and White males? How do we increase the number of Black and Latino male students who graduate from high school and obtain a bachelor’s degree? How do we increase the options (college and/or work) beyond high school for these males? How do we prepare “at-risk” males of color for academic and social success in school or the work force beyond high school? The need for these males to be successful in K–12 schools and in society is important to the overall productivity of our society. Scholars (Hall, 2006; Holland, 1996; Ogbu, 1990) have argued for the increased implementation of positive mentorship programs in schools. They argue that the lack of positive adult males of color in schools and at home contribute to the lack of academic and social success for these males in schools. They also contend that positive mentoring programs that are focused on the academic and social success of males of color would help to alleviate some of the issues they face in school. Since mentoring programs are generally aimed at helping underserved youth cope with adverse social and economic circumstances that place them in “at-risk” or “endangered” categories (Hall, 2006) it would be important to house more of these programs in K–12 schools where the downturn of these students’ lives often begin. METHOD This study sought to understand how young high school males of color described their experience in a gender-focused and ecologically structured mentoring program through investigation of the following overarching research question: How do high school males of color describe and make sense of their academic engagement in school and self-perception while participating in an ecologically structured school-based mentoring program? The research study drew on the experiences of the young males in the program, through which I collected observations of them in both settings (as mentors and mentees), interviews, journal/reflective writings, and observations made outside of their role in the program. The program took place in a small Midwestern urban center of Jamesville. The school district has approximately 16, 000 students with a range of diversity both racially/ethnically and economically. The district has 25 elementary schools, four middle schools, three high schools, and two special-use facilities. The IMPACT Mentoring Program took place in five of the district’s elementary schools. The participants of the program were all high school males of color from various schools in the local community. They were part of a larger research project that primarily focused on the academic and social disparities that exist among boys of color in K–12 schools. Project IMPACT was a research project that focused on the academic and social success of boys of color in grades pre-K to 3rd grade. This research project had three components: professional development for teachers, parent involvement, and mentoring.

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The goal of Project IMPACT was to provide opportunities for males of color from pre-K to 3rd grade to improve on their academic and social success in school. Hence, the project provided professional development opportunities for teachers on best practices for teaching males of color, provided workshops and opportunities for parents to discuss their role in the success of young males of color, and offered ways parents and teachers can work together more effectively. The mentoring program provided opportunities for young high school males of color to work with teachers in the pre-K to 3rd grade classrooms as mentors to the students whose parents elected to be a part of the research project. During the summer months, college mentors, high school students, and pre-K to 2nd grade males of color were involved in a summer program. During the summer program, the high school students worked in classrooms with teachers, and the college mentors served as both their immediate supervisors and mentors. A 2-week mentor training for the high school students was developed that focused on job skills (dress, attendance, etc.), working with younger kids, and mentoring. The high school students worked in the classroom 4 days each week, with the 5th day tailored towards more professional and personal development activities, led by the college mentors. Over the course of the summer (2 months) the high school and college mentors spent an average of 20 hours per week together. The program also continued throughout the school year. DATA COLLECTION There were a total of 18 African American and Latino high school males who were a part of the program. All of the young men were selected to be a part of the mentoring program based on at least one of the following requirements: Special education student, not living with biological parents, or low income; these requirements were set forth by those who funded the high school mentors (Workforce Investment Act and City of Jamesville Human Relations Department). My study includes 10 participants. These 10 males were selected because they participated in the 2009 summer school component of the program and continued to be involved as mentors during the 2009–2010 school year. The 11 high school mentors who volunteered had to meet the following criteria: a high school male of color in grades (9–12); a minimum of one year participation in the mentoring program; and participation in all of the mentor training sessions. Out of a total of 18 young men in the program, there were only 10 high school males who were eligible to participate in the study. At the end of the summer session of the program, I discussed my research project with all of the high school mentors to solicit their interest in the research project. At that time, I clearly stated to them that their participation or lack thereof would have no bearings on their position as a paid high school mentor in the program. I also made them aware of what would be required of them (potentially three interviews, observations in the after-school mentoring program and the Thursday training sessions, review of journal reflections, video recordings, etc.), which was noted

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in the consent form. The participants’ demographic (self-identified) makeup for this research was as follows: two Latino and eight African American males. Three of the participants were seniors; two of them were juniors; two of them were sophomores; and three were freshman. Eight out of the ten participants lived in a single-family household. Each of the proposed research questions, which guided and influenced the design of this research, were connected to a layer of the conceptual framework. The proposed research questions were as follow: 1. 2. 3.

How do high school males of color describe and understand their experience in a school-based mentoring program? How do these males describe and understand their relationships with their college mentors and elementary-aged mentees? How, if at all, does the ecological structure of the program shape these males’ academic engagement and self-perception?

Based on my proposed research questions, a qualitative methodology allowed me the opportunity to investigate in-depth the experiences of the participants (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). Qualitative methodology is defined as a situated activity that locates the observer in the world. Furthermore Denzin and Lincoln (2005) state, “qualitative research involves an interpretive, naturalistic approach to the world” (p. 3). This research is an attempt to make sense of the experiences of the young men in the mentoring program and how their interactions and involvement in the mentoring program shaped their self-perception and academic engagement in school. This was an interview/observation study in which I focused on how the participants described and understood their experiences in the IMPACT mentoring program. Creswell (1998) defined ethnography as a description and interpretation of a cultural, social group or system. In this study, I provided a thick description (Geertz, 1971) of a particular group of Black and Latino males of color in the Midwestern town of Jamesville. With that, it was also important that the context in which these young men described their experience was taken into consideration. Moreover, the data collection was a prolonged process that involved myself (the researcher) in a participant observation role at times. Creswell (1998) stated that ethnography, as both a process and an outcome of research, involves prolonged observation of the group, typically through participant observation in which the researcher is immersed in the day-to-day lives of the people or through one-on-one interviews with members of the group. The use of interviews and observations as an aspect of qualitative research entails being able to participate with people intimately and not just study them remotely to understand how they make meaning of situations, their culture, ideas, etc. Though I focused on the high school mentor, this study involved me personally, as I cannot conduct a study about these students’ absolute reality without filtering it through my own perspective. Britzman wrote, “research is about con-

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structing particular versions of truth, questioning how regimes of truth become neutralized as knowledge, and thus pushing the sensibilities of readers in new directions” (2000, p. 38). Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw wrote, “the goal in fieldwork, then, is to generate theory that grows out of or is directly relevant to activities occurring in the setting under study” (1995, p. 167). They eschew the idea of grounded theory because they contend that at every stage of the ethnographic process, the researcher uses some theory to make some sort of sense of the situations. I recognize that the theories I hold about the world help construct what I observe in it and how I represent it. ANALYSIS The following outlines the purpose of each interview and the research question(s) they addressed: Interview 1 (December 2009) The first interview focused on student demographic information and how the students perceive their academic engagement in school. This 30–45-minute interview addressed the study’s main research question: How do high school males of color describe and make sense of their academic engagement in school and selfperception, while participating in an ecologically structured school-based mentoring program? Questions focused on the students’ schooling experience, their thoughts about their academic ability, and their home environment. Interview 2 (April 2010) This interview focused more on their thoughts and attitudes about the mentoring program, its structure, and their relationships with the college mentors. The interview addressed all three research questions. This interview also provided clarity and a more in-depth understanding of some interactions that I observed at the mentoring site. The length of the interview ranged from 45 minutes to one hour. Interview 3 (June 2010) This 60-minute interview captured participants’ experience in the program for the academic year. It followed up on students’ initial thoughts about their academic engagement and self-perception, their thoughts about the structure of the mentoring program, their relationships with the elementary-aged mentees and their college mentors, and their overall thoughts about how, if at all, the structure of the program shaped their academic engagement and self-perception.

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Participant Observations (August 2009–June 2010) The participant observations were another form of data collection used in this study. In the observations, I looked for activities centered on the relationship building between the high school and college mentors. I also observed the overall structure of the program along with activities that promoted the academic and social success of Black and Latino males. I conducted three observations that were an hour long (thirty total) with each participant while they were working in the elementary schools as mentors/tutors of the younger students. These observations allowed me to observe the setting that the participants were in, what the environment was like, and how they behaved in another setting. In addition, it provided me with a sketch of their mentoring practices and interactions with the college mentors and elementary students. This was important to observe for any indication of how their interactions with the younger students may have influenced their own thoughts about school. I listened to things that they said to the younger (elementary) students and how it may or may not have translated into how they felt about or acted in school. I took and organized the notes into field notes that were coded, organized into themes, and analyzed. I also observed the high school students when they were all together on Thursdays during the study hall and mentor/tutor training. These observations gave me insight into how the high school students’ involvement in the mentoring program was or was not shaping their thoughts about school and their academic engagement and self-perception. The high school males were also part of discussions centered on academic engagement in school, social and political issues in school and society, and other topics of interest to them. These discussions also provided insight into how they perceived themselves, schooling, and other issues that may have affected their self-perception. I kept notes and videotaped these discussions. The videos were used to capture the dialogue and used as another set of eyes for me as the researcher. I reviewed the videotapes and made observation notes from them. The videotapes were used to analyze the dialogue that occurred during the discussions between the college and high school students. It was also important for me to examine their relationship and interactions with their peers. I analyzed the interviews, observations, and the documents (journals, reflective writing, etc.) of each individual participant. The notes taken during the observations became field notes and were analyzed and coded for themes that were similar or different from those created from the interviews. I first conducted open coding, reading through all of the data and analyzing it based on its content (Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 1995). I read all texts, tagging data with codes that reflect possible analytic categories. From the initial reading of the data, I began to create memos recording my impressions, issues, and, more importantly, themes that emerged through the open coding process. Some potential themes included the role of the college mentors, the influence of the structure of the program on their thoughts about school, their academic engagement, etc. After the initial reading, I reread

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the texts and initial memos with my research questions in mind to identify major themes. Then I grouped the major themes from this second reading of the data and conducted a more focused coding based on the themes that emerged. From there I wrote integrative memos to link data together and understand themes more deeply between participants, to check for commonalities. I used the data analysis tool Atlas TI to analyze my data as I have listed above. I examined each interview (interviews 1–3) individually and then looked for common themes within and across participants. These themes became a part of my overall analysis and interpretation of how the participants understood and described their experiences. Some of the themes are below: • The academic expectations and inquiry set forth by the mentoring program staff gave the high school students the support needed to develop an increased desire to do well in school. • The various schooling experiences and home environments yielded various academic identities amongst the high school students. • The various activities that occurred at the mesosystem (work with pre-K to 3rd-grade students) level of the program facilitated the increase in academic engagement. • The role and interactions with college mentors and program manager and program director influenced how the young men perceived themselves as young men of color. • The various activities that occurred at the exo- and meso-system levels influence their thoughts about themselves (current selves vs. possible selves). • The high school students’ role as mentor helped to give the high school students an awareness of the importance of helping others and giving back to their community. • The development of positive male relationships (texts, outings, phone calls) with other high school mentors and program staff helped to facilitate a family-like environment for the young men that gave them a sense of belonging that they may have not received in other settings (school and community). • The activities that occurred at the exo- and macro-system levels (the creed, trips, community assignments) of the program helped the young men to think about their roles as young boys and future men in society and potential future fathers. Table 5.1 illustrates how the questions, conceptual framework, and analytical strategy match the method that I used to collect the data. The table also shows what level of the conceptual framework the question addresses. The conceptual framework informed my data analysis. Each of the research questions asks about a particular aspect of the program’s ecological system. Therefore the data that I analyzed gave me information about how each of the particular systems function, and their influence, if any, on the high school students’ academic engagement and

How, if at all, does the ecological structure of the Interviews 1 and 3 program shape these males’ academic engagement and Document Analysis self-perception?

High school mentors, college mentors and program manager.

Interview 2 High school mentors Observations as mentors and mentees Document Analysis

How do these males describe and understand their relationship with their college mentors and elementary-aged mentees? Transcribe interviews and create field notes from observation. Code and develop themes

Transcribe interviews and create field notes from observation. Code and develop themes

Transcribe interviews and create field notes from observation. Code and develop themes

Analytical Strategy

Interview 1 and 3 High school students Observations Document Analysis

Whom

How do the high school males of color describe and understand their experience in a school-based mentoring program?

Method Transcribe interviews and create field notes from observation. Code and develop themes

Question

Research Methods

Macro and micro level

Meso and micro levels

Exo, meso and micro levels

Micro, meso, exo, and macro levels.

Conceptual Framework

•

How do high school males of color describe and make Interview 1 and High school mentors sense of their academic engagement in school and Observations Document self-perception while participating in an ecologically Analysis structured school based mentoring program?

TABLE 5.1.

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self-perception. As I analyzed the data, the information was categorized based on where it fit on the conceptual framework. So data that stemmed from a particular level of the system was coded and analyzed as a part of that system and what direct or indirect influence, if any, it had on the high school student. I chose to only use data from the interviews and observations (field notes) because the themes from the observations and interviews were more salient. Furthermore, the students often repeated things they shared in their journals that they discussed in group discussions and their individual interviews. RESULTS/DISCUSSION Today is a new beginning in which we strive to succeed through intellectual, academic and social growth. Today is struggle, tomorrow is victory, and every day is a chance for success… —IMPACT mentoring program creed As encouraging as those first two sentences are in the IMPACT program’s creed, it is just as exciting and encouraging to know that there are young men who believe and try to conceptualize their lives in such a manner. To know that although today might be a struggle, tomorrow could be victory and every day beyond that a chance for success could inspire even those at the most vulnerable, hopeless, dark, and desperate levels of their lives to imagine a beacon of hope. After I finished a group discussion with the young men, I was asked the following two questions: “What made you want to be successful in life and do the things you are doing?” and, “Did you have any help becoming successful?” Quite honestly, I paused for a few seconds to think about those very straightforward, but thought-provoking questions. I knew who played a significant role in my life up to that point, but never thought much beyond that. I understood why the students asked those questions. I was a young, African American male who like many of them grew up in an urban environment, albeit my urban environment being much larger. I had recently told a very brief synopsis of my childhood that was very intriguing to many of them because they realized that we shared some similar childhood experiences associated with neighborhood violence and impropriety that are often a result of the economic struggles of a community. Those two questions were the catalyst that sparked my interest in studying this topic. I felt it was very important for me to share my story with them, but it was more important that the young men had the opportunity to create their own. It was in this instance that I sought to explore their stories. In my direct involvement with the young men it was clear that their involvement in this program went beyond the small monetary compensation that they receive, and there was something else that the young men were receiving that extended beyond monetary value. As the young men began to engage in the program’s mission and goals, they began to

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reflect and make sense of who they were, reflect on their home and school experiences, and start to think differently about their current school and life trajectories. With this, I set out to understand and examine the experiences that the young men had in the IMPACT mentoring program. The young men’s experiences in school and at home influenced and helped them construct their perceptions of themselves academically and as young men currently and in the future. In this study I attempted to answer the question: How do high school males of color describe and make sense of their academic engagement in school and self-perception while participating in an ecologically structured school-based mentoring program? In this chapter, I discuss the four major findings related to the overarching research question. These findings include (a) the influence of the ecological structure of the program on the high school males’ academic engagement and self-perception, (b) same-race and same-gender mentoring, (c) the males’ conceptions of manhood and how these concepts influenced their self-perception, and (d) the concept of surrogate mentoring as it relates to the relationships that developed between the high school males and the program staff. I also provide a discussion of the various nuances present in the development and reshaping of the young men’s self-perceptions and academic engagement in school. Further, I discuss the implications of this study for structuring school-based mentoring programs, for K–12 education, and for future research. The young men involved in this study were very honest and descriptive about how their home and school environment influenced their academic engagement in school and self-perceptions before entering the IMPACT mentoring program. The ten participants shared some commonalities in their home and school experiences; however, their reaction to these experiences varied. Some of the high school males used their experiences to motivate them to do well in school, while others lacked the motivation. Moreover, their home environment influenced their conception of manhood and their current roles as young men. All of the young men were aware of the negative perceptions that are often associated with males of color in society: high dropout rates, high incarceration rates, and aggressive behavior (Davis, 2005; Noguera, 2003). Although many of them were headed in the direction of dropping out of school, and had some involvement with the criminal justice system and displayed some aggressive behavior (fighting), they all adamantly reassured themselves in the interviews and group discussions that they were different from what the negative perceptions of African American or Latino males are at the societal level. The high school males were naïve or in denial about how some of their actions supported some of the negative societal perceptions of African American and Latino males. CONCLUSIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS As Duncan (2002) explicated, the first step to improving the academic and social success of males of color in school would be to listen to what they have to say about their experiences. What I have attempted to do in this study was to illumi-

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nate ways to improve the experiences of males of color in schools; to assist the young men in developing a counterstory to the negative experiences that many of them had in school; and to demonstrate a positively constructive program that helped to motivate students to perform well in school and provide them with the skills and tools needed to be successful in life. Mentoring programs, if implemented effectively and have clear goals, could prove to be successful for the students involved. It is also important that a level of trust be established between the mentor and mentee. Finding ways to develop those trusting relationships could prove valuable for them academically and socially. Mentoring programs must be created with the child in mind. The time must be allotted for the child and his or her mentor to develop relationships that are not temporary but potentially long term. Our most vulnerable students need more than our typical one-on-one, 2-hour-per-week mentoring sessions. Instead, our most at-risk students need mentors who are capable of being cultural mediators, as Irvine (1987) suggests, to help students navigate their way through school. To this end, I suggest that mentoring programs take an aggressive ecological approach where they are not only focused on getting to know the child but also on getting to know the aspects of the child’s life that influence the child the most. To do that, school-based mentoring programs should provide spaces for students that allow them to explore some of the issues that they are grappling with most. When applicable, it is important that mentoring does not occur in isolation. Mentoring in isolation means to mentor the child without bringing in key components of the other settings they interact with. Parents, as well as school personnel, should be well informed, and when applicable, involved in the process. For example, the mentor should have periodic conversations with the parent(s)/guardian(s) of the mentee to check on how the child is doing in the home setting. They should also be invited to participate in activities that may display the academic and social growth of their child. It is also important to provide the mentees opportunities to not only receive some form of help and assistance, but to also be provided with opportunities to assist others. This can be done through volunteer opportunities or by asking the mentee to become a mentor of someone either in their family or in their community. The typical youth mentoring program requires a minimum of about 2 hours weekly where the mentor and mentee spend time with each other. This time could be spent in various ways: talking with youth about social issues, working with youth on some academic concerns, spending recreational time together, etc. Moreover, the typical relationship is often short-term: the year-long relationships are often established only to fulfill a personal, professional, or educational requirement. Many of our most at-risk, vulnerable, endangered, or any other word short of saying doomed, youth are often paired with mentors in programs where the sole purpose of the program is to give interested adults an opportunity to test

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out whether they want to work with these kinds of youth, with no regard for their social, cultural, racial, or gender mismatch. I do not disregard the positive influence that mixed race, culture, or gender matches have on youth. What I am suggesting here is not that those youth programs as such are not valuable and do not provide the necessary temporary guidance that the youth may need in the short term. Instead, there needs to be more than short-term solutions tossed at long-term problems. Long-term problems that have spent a lengthy time developing need to have an ecological, more holistic approach to address the complex issues that often exist with our most disadvantaged youth IMPLICATIONS FOR SCHOOL AND K–12 SCHOOL ADMINISTRATORS This program also has implications for K–12 school administrators. As administrators in schools where there is a high population of minority males who are at risk of failing and dropping out of schools, administrators and other staff members should reach out to local universities and community organizations to find ways to partner with them on school-based mentoring programs. Programs like IMPACT could be one step in the right direction toward alleviating all of the dismal statistics concerning males of color in schools across the United States. Schools should find ways to implement programs for their at-risk youth—male or female—who are struggling academically and socially in school. Most programs currently in place focus on the academic achievement aspect of the child’s failures, but there must be more of a comprehensive approach to dealing with our most vulnerable youth. Their problems are not usually simple ones. We must find creative ways to tap into the child holistically. These programs should be located in the schools and include the input of the children, parents, community members, businesses, local politicians, organizations, teachers, and other school staff. If programs continue to only focus on one aspect of a child’s being then we will continue to miss the opportunity to holistically affect the child. The programs should not intend to infiltrate the child’s home environment as though the parent is not doing a good job. Instead, school districts could provide programs to use school-based mentoring programs to provide opportunities for high school students to work with students in middle and elementary schools. This study has shown the positive influence that these programs have on at-risk high school students. IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH Further research could be done to examine how males perform academically and socially in school after their involvement in the program. It would also be important to talk with the parents of the young men to see if and how these young men have changed at home. It would also be important to closely examine the impact that mentoring the pre-K to 3rd-graders had on the high school students. Finally, it

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will be important to see the impact that this program had on the college mentors and the younger pre-K to 2nd grade students in the program as well. Future research on this topic could include a longitudinal study that would follow the young men beyond their time in the program to see if the things they learned in the program are embodied beyond their tenure in the program. Funding could be secured for a program like IMPACT to be implemented in other school districts where young men of color are struggling academically and socially in school to see if the program can be effective in other contexts. This program could also be implemented and researched for its viability with struggling high school women of color as well. Finally, a qualitative study needs to be done on the influence of the high school and college mentors on the pre-K to 3rd grade students to measure the value of the program on their thoughts and feelings about school and themselves due to their involvement in the program. It would also have been helpful to interview the college mentors and program manager about their experiences with the high school males in the program. I did not interview the teachers or any of the school personnel about their views of the young men in class. The high school students’ home environments were described from their perspectives, so to interview the parents/guardians whom the young men lived with could have also been useful to provide another perspective on the experiences of the men in their home environments. This study only focused on the students’ qualitative views of their self-perceptions, but a survey or a selfperception scale to gather quantitative data on the possible changes in their selfperceptions could prove valuable. REFERENCES Brown, M. C., & Davis, J. E. (2000). Black sons to mothers: Compliments, critiques, and challenges for cultural workers in education. New York: Peter Lang. College Board Advocacy and Policy Center (2010) (advocacy.college.org). Denzin, M. &Lincoln, Y. (2005), (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed., pp. 257–277). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Duncan G.A. (2002). Beyond love: A critical race ethnography of the schooling of adolescent Black males. Equity & Excellence in Education, 35(2), 131–143. Gibbs, J.T. (1988). Young, black, and male in America. New York: Auburn House. Gill, W. (1992). Helping African American males: The cure. The Negro Educational Review, 63, 31–36. Kunjufu, J. (2005). Countering the conspiracy to destroy Black boys. (Second edition). Chicago: African American Images. Noguera, P. (2003a). The trouble with Black boys: The role and influence of environmental and cultural factors on the academic performance of African American males. Urban Education, 38(4), 431–459. Noguera, P. (2003b). Schools, prisons, and social implications of punishment: Rethinking disciplinary practices. Theory into Practice, 42(4), 341–350. Ogbu, J. (1990). Mentoring Minority Youth: A Framework. John D and Macarthur Foundation. Chicago, IL. 90.

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Polite, V. C. & Davis, J. E. (1999). African American males in school `and society. Practices and policies for effective education. New York: Teachers College Press. Schott Foundation for Public Education. (2008). Given half a chance: The Schott 50 State report on public education and Black males. Cambridge, MA

CHAPTER 6

AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES, MENTORING, SENSE OF COMMUNITY, AND THE STRENGTH OF FICTIVE KINSHIPS John Leonard Mason, Jr.

INTRODUCTION New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg (2011) stated in a speech announcing New York City’s most recent initiative for African American and Latino males, Even though skin color in America no longer determines a child’s fate, sadly it tells us far more about a child’s future than it should. That reality is not something we ever tell a child. Because, how could we possibly explain to young black and Latino boys that they are twice as likely as white children to grow up in poverty, twice as likely to drop out of school, and twice as likely to end up out of work? Bloomberg’s (2011) speech ended with “now the real work begins.” Unfortunately, colleges and universities today mirror Bloomberg’s vocalized concerns and are struggling with their undergraduate African American and Latino male Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 99–112. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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populations. This struggle is expansive, including recruiting students to campuses, acculturation to the campus climate, effective identification of achievement gaps (causal of remediation), integration into the existing social milieu, accurate tracking of progress towards degree, and mechanisms insuring persistence to graduation (Astin, 1985; Cuyjet, 2006a; Flowers, 2005; Harper, 2012; Harper & Harris, 2010; Lee, 1999; Pascerella & Terranzini, 2005; Tinto, 1983). This chapter focuses on Mason’s (2012) phenomenological study of undergraduate African American and Latino male protégés at an urban university in the Northeast. The study explored the protégés’ experiences at the university, and how these experiences lent themselves (ultimately) to academic excellence and degree attainment. The lessons gleaned from the protégés stood in stark contrast to the nationally reported trends of African American and Latino males holding the lowest graduation rates from colleges and universities as compared to any other demographic (Knapp et al., 2010). The literature, cited in the study, surrounding the struggles of African American and Latino males in the collegiate setting, address the effects of campus climate, personal preparation, institutional responsibility, societal inequalities, developmental inadequacies, educational interventions, and faculty engagement towards graduation efficacy. The study assented with other empirical studies that formal mentoring, as an academic intervention, was successful in increasing the matriculation, persistence, graduation efficacy, and general engagement of males of color (Cuyjet, 2006; Flowers, 2005; Byrd & Edwards, 2009). MENTORING AS A CONSTRUCT The strength of formal mentoring rests in its ability to catalyze the engagement process between students (early in their program of study) and faculty, administrators, or other students (advance level). The current body of literature does not agree on a single definition of formal mentoring; rather, it sees formal mentoring in the educational context as a one-to-one dyad between a person of greater knowledge and standing, and that of a student. For this discussion, we will expand the standard formal mentor definition to include contextual psychosocial and navigational markers needed to frame the dyad. A Mentor–A person of superior knowledge and standing (faculty, staff member, or student) who is assigned to students for a one-to-one relationship comprising navigational elements (the college environment in general, academic integration, and specific programs of study), unfair advantage elements (the core issues of being African American in American society), and psychosocial support (general welfare, celebration of excellence, life planning, exploration of career/educational options, and the social integration progress). This person will construct a relationship that, “First, is an intentional process of interaction between at least two individuals… Second, is a nurturing process that fosters the growth and development of the protégé…Third, is an insightful process in which the wisdom of the mentor is acquired and applied to the protégé…Fourth, is a supportive, often protective

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process. The mentor can serve as an important guide or reality checker in introducing the protégé to the environment he or she is preparing for (Ragins & Kram, 2007). Finally, an essential component of serving as a mentor is role modeling” (Shandley, 1989, p. 59–60). The ultimate goal of the formal mentoring relationship is to provide the protégés with the necessary tools, skills, strategies, and attitudes to “unpack” the baggage that may render them anemic in their academic journey. The body of literature is replete with accounts of students who could not successfully navigate and neutralize their own internal issues. In these instances, their scholastic aptitude was rendered a nonissue as the issues outside of the classroom prevailed, and attrition was the end result. Similar studies highlight students who used the circumstances around them as motivating factors to overcome their obstacles (both real and perceived). Based on its core components academic resiliency may be engineered by mentoring organizations into established program outcomes. However, a challenge mentoring programs may face is the conflict between the apparent homogeneity of the student body and the true diaspora of students. Without an unmasking of the complexities of the student body this schism remains a hindrance in attaining a mentoring program’s desired outcomes. Boykin’s (1986) analysis of college matriculation provided a singularly significant premise for predominantly white institutions (PWI): without taking into account the traditional and normative development tasks, manhood of salience themes, and the prevalent inequality of higher education, a male of color may rarely have the internal compass necessary for the successful navigation of a collegiate program of study. Mason (2012) adapted Boykins (1986) Triple Quandary as a rubric for illustrating the diversity of the lives of the undergraduate protégés in the study. Once the lives of the protégés were deconstructed an additional analysis clearly extracted the stories as to how the protégés navigated educational issues. In many instances, the literature looking at PWIs reflects the treating of students (students of color and the majority) in a homogenous fashion. This provides a singular, linear, path through which all undergraduates are expected to successfully progress. Even when there are two paths (one for majority students and one for students of color) the same practice of intrahomogeneity denies the rich plurality that births the diaspora of expression within the African American and Latino populations. This single item may account for many of the institutional mismatches often seen by PWIs. This chapter is based on Mason’s (2012) phenomenological study, Brother Will You Lend a Hand, which utilized a qualitative lens to extract the experiences of the undergraduate protégés. The verbatim significant statements of the study created a unique canvas from which the experiences of the protégés were clearly extracted. The narrative also represented a rich textual picture showing: the means by which protégés navigated the educational waters, the content and curriculum used to teach the building blocks of resilience, and the complex interplay used with their fellow protégés to survive and succeed. The study additionally analyzed

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the relationship between academic resiliency theory and relational mentoring theory, and was seen to connect the plight of African American males not graduating from college to the educational intervention of formal mentoring. This additional analysis connected academically resilient traits within students with the creation of growth fostering relationships. The product of this academic resiliency served to theoretically catalyzes the “Tintonian” triggers (academic adaptation, social integration, and faculty engagement) (Tinto, 1983) necessary for the males of color to increase their graduation efficacy. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM African American males are the least likely of all ethnic demographics to complete an undergraduate degree in American higher education (Flowers, 2005; Harper, 2012; Harper & Harris, 2010; Knapp et al., 2010; Lee, 1999). In spite of the current increased number and variety of educational interventions focused toward improving African American males’ persistence to graduation, significant gains are not evident. Of the 152,500 baccalaureate degrees conferred to African Americans in the 2007–2008 academic year (10% of all degrees conferred), males’ graduation rate of this demographic is a dismal 34.0%, compared to other demographics’ graduation rates: 45% for Asian males, 44% for White males, and 39% for Latino males (Knapp et al., 2010; Table 1). Clearly, the efforts of higher education administrators in increasing the academic success of African American males deliver inconsistent results (marginally increasing the persistence rate, but ineffective in stemming the graduation noncompletion rate). The impact of this level of noncompletion continues to touch the African American and Latino communities. Specific manifestations include: the degradation of the ongoing family structure, erosion of community stability, economic reduction at all levels, and an increasing sense of situational hopelessness. Over time, diminished scholastic attainment has a far-reaching ripple effect resulting in a less stable employment rate, lower tax revenue, decreased home ownership, limited disposable income, highly specified spending, and greater instances of incarceration. Pouncy (2006) summarizes the plight of college noncompletion as: If less educated young men could change their skin color or their ethnicity, their employment and incarceration woes would be reduced but not eliminated. If they could change their educational status to include an education beyond the high school level, their employment and incarceration problems would essentially vanish (p. 293).

METHOD Mason’s (2012) qualitative research study used a phenomenological lens to distill the perceptions of formal mentoring from African American male undergraduate protégés within an existing formal male mentoring program. Lindlof & Taylor (2002) described the phenomenological method “as a philosophical method for

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unpacking the essence of lived experiences” (p. 237). Moustakas (1994) further clarified the phenomenological method as providing “first person reports of lived experiences” (p. 52). It is this first person unpacking of experiences that provides a clear connection for the study’s investigation of protégés’ perceptions within a formal mentoring construct. The study utilized a purposeful criterion sample of undergraduate African American male students, selected from a larger qualified pool of protégés. The criterion filter used for selection was: current registration for at least half-time status (6 credit hours), African American ethnicity (self-reporting), currently serving as a protégé in a formal mentoring program, and the ability to fully participate and complete the research study. These selection screens were minimal, as the essence and variety of mentoring relationships in all of their possible formations was the goal. A series of two semi-structured interviews were conducted to distill the formal mentoring experiences of the subjects. The study was guided by the overarching question: “What were your lived experiences as an African American male protégé as it relates to formal mentoring?” Additional prompts were used to reach the overarching research question and fell under two larger areas: “What were your experiences with formal mentoring?” and “In what context did the mentoring take place?” All interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed, and presented to the participants for member checking. The final amended transcribed narrative would be analyzed according to the steps of Moustakas’ (1994) Transcendental Phenomenological Analysis of Data. The transcendental phenomenological analysis of data process was selected as the specific tool to extract the stories of the mentoring relationship, to reveal how the archetype of formal mentoring was lived by the participants studied, and chronicle the stories of protégés’ mentoring experiences in their own words. The transcendental method does not rely on the interpretation of data or the assignment of meaning. Rather, this method allows for the organic development of a single statement of meaning derived from the transcribed interviews of participants. DATA COLLECTION For this study, an e-mail was sent to each member of the Mentor College Mentors (MCM) formal mentoring program. This e-mail contained an overview of the proposed study, an invitation to a meeting to discuss participation in the study, and contact information for questions in advance of the meeting. Forty-three students expressed interest in the study by response to the e-mail, while 27 students, included in the 43 count, attended the interest session. Each perspective student was given a fact sheet of the study, approved by Mentor College. These interest sheets were returned and analyzed according to select points comprising the criterion purposive sample. Selected participants were those students who most closely aligned to the study criterion. The seven students selected were unique, and diverse in their back-

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grounds. This variety added depth and significance to the study. The number of participants from whom the data was collected was highly scrutinized by the research team. Contrary to quantitative research, the number of participants bears no numerical significance, save manageability of the process by the researcher. Moustakas (1994) states, There are no in-advance criteria for locating and selecting the research participants… Essential criteria include: the research participant has experienced the phenomenon, is intensely interested in understanding its nature and meaning, is willing to participate in a lengthy interview and (perhaps a follow-up interview), grants the investigator the right to tape-record, possibly videotape the interview, and publish the data in a dissertation and other publications (p. 107).

The interviews were guided by the predetermined prompts that moved the conversation directly into the extraction of the lived experiences of the formal mentoring experience. However, the study’s design contained several “general questions” and “small talk” that were used to begin the interview; this was designed to put the protégé at ease, form a context within which the study participants can relate their experiences with formal mentoring, and set a more relaxed mood for the interview (Moustakas, 1994; Stevick, 1971). The initial prompt questions related to two general areas: a) demographic inquiry (classification, major, and length of protégé status), and b) perception of institutional support of the MCM program. Based on previous studies of the formal mentoring archetype, the prompt questions were designated to lead participants into a more conversational mode of response, allowing for greater sharing of personal beliefs (Moehers-Udahl & Creswell, 2004). The interviews provided rich, descriptive conversations that allowed for the protégés to share not only their perspectives of mentoring, but the manner in which these perspectives were tied to their academic attainment process. All interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed, and submitted back to the participant in the second interview for correction of misunderstood words or expressions. This was vitally important for the research team to clarify any concepts, words, phrases, or responses that may have been troublesome in the transcription phase, as dialectic unfamiliarity (regional accent of participants) was a major concern. The final approved transcript was placed within an Excel Spreadsheet for ease of data analysis. ANALYSIS The results of the interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed into both Microsoft Word and Excel files for analysis, and processed using the linear method outlined by Moustakas (1984); The Epoche, Phenomenological Reduction (Horizonalization—significant statements, establishing Clusters of Meaning, construction of a Composite Textural Description); Imaginative Variation (construction of a Composite Structural Description); and Synthesis of the Meaning and Essence (construction of a Composite Textural and Structural Description). Mousta-

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kas (1994) suggests that in the analysis of phenomenological data, “no position whatsoever is taken...nothing is determined in advance;” the researcher remains present and focuses on one’s own consciousness “by returning to whatever is in memory, perception, judgment, feeling, whatever is actually there” (p. 84). Mason (2012) states, The transcendental phenomenological method begins with the epoche—the researcher’s first bracketing of their existing knowledge through the use of self-description of the phenomenon in question. The concept is Greek in origin, denoting the moment where all knowledge about the existence of the external world, or part, is suspended. The epoche is instrumental to this methodology, as the intentional setting aside of deeply entwined personal views of the phenomenon creates a context within which the researcher will focus on the stories reported by the study participants (p. 67).

The study’s constructed grid of the transcribed interviews assisted in following the Moustakian Analysis of Data Protocol, which included: • Listing the verbatim transcript one line per response. • Listing each significant statement from the transcript. • Compiling a list of nonoverlapping significant statement (these are the invariant horizons or meaning units from Moustakas, 1994) by removing duplicate entries/statements, • Relating or clustering the significant statements into themes (Phenomenological reduction per Moustakas). This process is repeated for each interview/participant. The study used the data tables constructed in the prior step to compose a Composite Textural Narrative, aligning all single narratives under assigned themes. The study then used Imaginative Variation, the bridge ascribing larger horizons of meaning across all interviews, to construct a composite structural description of the event. This representation of all research participants “is a way of understanding how the participants, as a group, experience what they experience” (Moustakas, 1994, p. 142). The final process, Synthesis of Texture and Structure, reduced the group themes and meaning units into a single-unit or composite description of the experience (using verbatim entries from the transcripts). This is the extracted essence of the lived experiences and a true representation of the study. It is this linear progression that resulted in a concentrated narrative that depicts the phenomenon in its purest forms. The specific steps outlined—epoche, phenomenological reduction, imaginative variation, and synthesis of texture and structure—can be seen as a cognitive refinery, producing high quality personal stories. The final analysis produced significant statements that supported the assignment of the following overarching themes: Environment Birthing a Sense of Community, Coping Strategies, The Complexity of Formal Mentoring, It Takes A Community to Raise a Graduate, and Synergy.

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RESULTS/DISCUSSION Environment Birthing a Sense of Community The rich composite narrative’s alignment under the five themes (above) provided a clear sense that the MCM program delivered several key modules. The most significant module was attached to Environment Birthing a Sense of Community. The narrative clearly illuminated the manner in which members of the formal mentoring process considered other members as “family.” Within the spatial boundaries that defined the MCM office students believed that they could operate with great transparency, not needing the standard armor that hid them outside of this “safe space.” The assignment of family, the fictive kinship process, extended to champions of the program among the faculty, staff, administrators, and community liaisons. The narrative spoke of students “being themselves,” “finding people that were like them,” and “not having to explain their very existence.” McMillan and Chavez (1984) affirmed the veracity of this point through their psychological sense of community theory. Simply, people form psychological bonds with those around them based on shared experiences, shared vision, common purpose, and the ability to work together. Mason (2012) attributed the strength of the MCM organization to the deployment of both the sense of community for organizational tenacity, and fictive kinships for relational resolve. There was a third piece of this braided concept that was slightly more theoretical–the room/office itself. The physical space that served as the official lodging for the program, also served as an unofficial meeting place, study lounge, movie theater, restaurant, classroom, academic advisement office, computer lab, and nightclub. Members of the community were welcome to utilize the space in any manner required. The office became the canvass upon which the actual narrative stories were written. The office became the boundaries where the community began and ended. The office became the published location of the family reunion where you would meet aunts and cousins, accepting them as “belonging” because they had membership within the larger community. Coping Strategies The module of Coping Strategies encompassed the core ideologies necessary for the protégés to actualize academic resiliency. The difference between a student who, for lack of a better term, tries and the student who finds a way to make things happen is often their grasp of the “big picture.” The study clearly showed the power inherent to the mentoring dyad as mentor and protégé took problems, deconstructed them, analyzed the core pieces, and determined the best strategy for each component. This exercise became the first step in the protégés normal compliant period of the mentor meetings. Not surprisingly, the protégés took this exercise and codified the process into a strategy employed each and every time their outcomes fell short of their expectations. The more seasoned protégés were able to use this strategy as a predictive analytical tool in that they could fortify their

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defenses (overall schedule, securing tutors, insuring additional hours of sleep, coordinating peer support, and focusing on internal “self assurance”) as greater obstacles approached. The protégés that were well acquainted with this process appeared “more relaxed,” “having greater self confidence,” and “exercising greater balance” than those students who were just reacting to life (Mason, 2012). The Complexity of Formal Mentoring The module covering the Complexity of Formal Mentoring underscores the vast literature available on formal and informal mentoring. Mentoring is not a “one size fits most” application. This study clearly exhibited formal mentoring as a dynamic, ever-changing, often unpredictable relationship. As the mentor and protégé developed the relationship, different aspects of the union were highlighted. It was impossible to predict what was going to be of importance based on a conversation, occurrence, or success in previous academic terms. This proved to be one of the most challenging issues of the study for the protégés observed viewed this variance as being tied to the mentor. The mentor, subsequently, was given responsibility for the ultimate success or failure of the dyad. This attitude was cited in many studies on the negative aspects of mentoring. A healthy mentorprotégé dyad must include agreed upon boundaries, responsibilities, expectations, and outcomes. The dyad should also have agreed upon communication strategies (frequency, mode, and length) and an “out” clause where either of the parties may end the relationship. For this specific study, it was shown that for the peer mentoring dynamic, a central ombudsman role allows for both mentors and protégés to have an outlet for disagreements that arise, often due to personality clashes. The protégés of the study spoke clearly that it was easier to have a “peer mentor,” than a traditional “formal mentor” chosen from the faculty, administration, or staff. Their rationale, however, was surprising. The protégés spoke of greater transparency with the peer mentor than with the traditional formal mentor. When pressed for an example the protégés spoke of the traditional formal mentor giving examples, counsel, and roadmaps that were based on what SHOULD be done. The peer mentors’ examples, counsel, and roadmaps were drawn directly from what did or did not prove effective in their progression. Only upon direct challenge did the traditional formal mentors provide experiential learning examples. This study allowed for a glimpse into the problems formal mentoring programs encounter where care is not taken to allow for the diversity representative of every student body. Many programs experience only marginal success based on the underestimation of this very important foundational truth. It Takes a Community to Raise a Graduate and Synergy The last modules of the study are interconnected in that the protégés, by definition, had multiple mentors at differing levels of the university. This fact was not immediately apparent in the narrative. The analysis of the significant statements

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pointed to the fact that different subjects were reserved for specific types of relationships. For example, general student matters, e.g., class selection, tutoring, personal matters, and annoyance with the system in general were easily addressed by any (and all) members of the protégés’ circle. Greater discernment followed issues that were perceived by the protégé of having a possible adverse outcome. These issues were vetted to traditional formal mentors, seasoned peer mentors, community liaison mentors, or mentors affiliated with a church. The protégés were very vocal that each of their mentors was a member of the larger community, even if that person never ventured on campus. It was this manifestation of the connective nature of the community concept that was reiterated across narratives. The protégés also reported feeling a sense of indebtedness to their mentors and the community in general. The term “pay it forward” was used by a number of protégés to address their blueprint for future service. Their desire both to serve as mentors, represent the mentoring program to the community (both service learning and community service), and recruit the next generation of protégés was repeated throughout the narrative. The protégés also underscored the need for a more formal recognition of external members of the community that were the direct result of fictive kinship bonds. This collective often had no direct tie to the institution other than the protégé with whom they had a relationship. Yet, through the eyes of the protégés the collective was entitled to every right and privilege as their fellow students. This was tethered, in the narrative account, as the natural evolution of the program as it grew and matured. The community in the mind of the protégés was a seamless amalgamation of institution and protégés’ world. This larger community was now representative of the area of “safety” for the protégé. CONCLUSIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS The findings of the study held that the formal mentoring program served as a catalyst in the formation of a relational sense of community, utilizing fictive kinship bonds, in which protégés perceived as a “safe space” where role definition, maturation process exploration, and training to compensate for the inherently unequal terrain of the higher education landscape took place. The study also held that the mentor-protégé relationship served as a catalyst in the formation of coping strategies that reinforced traits of academic resiliency, namely: self-efficacy, planning, control, decreased anxiety, and persistence. The study demonstrated that the mentoring function in the higher education context was highly complex and pronounced by components outside of the psychosocial or vocational arenas. The complexity of the mentoring function, conjoined with the dynamic of fictive kinship bonds, resulted in protégés using multiple mentors (institutionally based and community based) in the execution of their coping strategies. The study also emphasized the necessity of Mentor College as a collective to take responsibility for producing graduates, which completed their program of study on time.

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Colleges and Universities Must Become Strategic Speaking in broad terms for the general population, and specifically for males of color, no single collegiate entity or office has the tools, skills array, or personnel requisite to insure a student will matriculate, participate, integrate, persist, academically excel, and graduate (Bean, 1990; Braxton, 2000; Harper, 2012; Hossler, 2006; Hossler & Kalsbeek, 2008b; Titus, 2004). The necessity of integrative efforts transcending the college landscape is at the core of increases in strategic enrollment management functions and strategic retention plans on college campuses (Barbatis, 2010; Braxton, Brier, & Hossler, 1988; Hossler & Kalsbeek, 2008). The vision, mission, and strategic plan of a postsecondary institution rarely contain a mandate to align resources to maximize graduation efficacy. This absence is a direct result of college administrations’ underestimation of the integrative nature of the graduation process. With escalating governmental requests for oversight, this issue will continue to be at the forefront of postsecondary concerns. For Students of Color Safety Often Equates to Success This study poignantly expressed the desire of the protégés to have an intentional space where they could be “themselves.” The MCM office served as a counterspace/safe space that placed protégés into a position of personal comfort and catalyzed a relational sense of community within which the formal mentoring relationship flourished. A developing body of empirical discourse discusses the implications of counterspaces on institutions’ campuses by marginalized students trying to endure what may be seen as a “hostile or unfriendly” environment. Tatum (1997) stated, “We need to understand that in racially mixed settings, racial grouping is a developmental process in response to an environmental stressor, racism. Joining with one’s peers for support in the face of stress is a positive coping strategy” (p. 62). Not surprisingly, not all entities of the collegiate environment are in favor of this type of grouping. Programs of this nature are seen as being both divisive (within the larger student body) and not worthy of the financial and human resources dedicated to their success (return on investment argument). As stated earlier, strategic plans must include intentional collaborations between academic and student affairs divisions that birth physical safe spaces for males of color. These specific spaces require staffing, monetary resources, and policies that serve to assist students in the successful navigation of factors that may thwart their educational end attainment. The absence of core/essential support elements yields a mixed message to the students and may lead to a subpar result. As shown through in this study, protégés respond more favorably when placed in an environment where a sense of community is formed, and where this community extends the familiarity of fictive kinships.

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A New Era of Training is Required The requisite core competencies for staff, faculty, and administrators with primary responsibility for the oversight and education of African American males must include an understanding of their tripartite nature; traditional and normal human development, exploration of themes surrounding the definition of male roles, and strategies necessary to navigate an educational system based on structured inequality. There exists an immense opportunity to diffuse the perceived negative aspects of the educational journey if the champions of the journey equip themselves to empathize with African American males. Current studies highlight the ever-present racial bias at many institutions of higher education. This bias is present in spite of the training efforts that emerged in the late 1980s and often continues. Chief administrators for all levels of the college mandated earlier advances in this area. Over time, however, mandatory efforts were replaced with suggested (often optional) trainings; lacking the same sense of urgency. New administrators, faculty, staff, and students may never face the inherently uneven educational landscape they champion through actions, words, and core beliefs. This point is a central problem when these members of the community are assigned to work with males of color. Within the protégés’ narratives there were numerous references to “not being understood by the institution.” As an extension of this training, the very language of the academy should be challenged to omit limiting and divisive constructs that leave African American males as a homogeneous, marginalized, ill-prepared group. The narrative of insufficiency must be replaced with the strength of present scholarship that dispels the “at-risk” phenomenon generally and advances the standard of high-achieving African American males as a new normality. The second tier of the narrative of insufficiency, which speaks to students of color being unable to capture missing elements in their preparation, must also dissipate. Rather, new models of prematriculation “bridge” programs and remediation must be forged with our partners in academic affairs, TRiO programs, and secondary schools to affect any assessed gaps in skills/content areas. A Desperate Need for Empirical Mentoring Research Harper (2012) posits that his study of 219 high achieving African American men showed no ties to formal mentoring programs either prior to matriculation or on the student’s home campus or community. This clear detachment between academic resilience and success, and formal mentoring as a self-assessed rational for success is both puzzling and troubling. Puzzling as this outcome stands as the antithesis for the protégés’ experiences chronicled in Mason’s (2012) study, and troubling because the Harper (2012) finding may speak to the basic misunderstanding of nomenclature within the mentoring world. As there is no universally agreed upon definition of formal mentoring, no agreed upon mentor-protégé dyad construct that typifies mentoring, and no empirically validated theory that serves

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as the foundation of the critical mass of studies, it will be some time before Harper’s (2012) results are affirmed or vilified. This observed fact speaks clearly to the need for a grounded theory approach to formal mentoring and mentoring theory. An additional area for future research addresses the paucity of empirical research linking formal mentoring programs with degree attainment, which continues to be an elusive metric. Observational studies attribute the persistence of students in part to the mentor-protégé archetype; however, these casual annotations lack the necessary rigor for program validation and causality. It is this last point that sustains formal mentoring programs as a “feel good” intervention and not a necessity in the higher education landscape. Research designs that directly identify components within the formal mentoring construct as quantifiable catalysts for student successes are long overdue. This line of research would serve as a necessary crosswalk with ongoing studies in the strategic enrollment management arena, strategic retention services, and TRiO program development. FINAL THOUGHTS Mason’s (2012) study conveyed that students have compelling stories of how the complex mentor-protégé relationships guide their success, catalyze their introspection and role definition, and allow them the safety to operate as “themselves.” The formed relational community provided both rules and rewards for each of its members. Delving into the protégés’ interplay could result in a better understanding of the construction of the community, how the community serves as a vehicle to drive its members, in what ways the “safe space” served to amplify the learned traits of academic resiliency, and in what ways fictive kinships bonds provide the tensile strength for peer-to-peer relationships. A vast offering of uncharted research awaits scholars focusing within the discipline of formal mentoring. REFERENCES Anderson, E. (1999). Code of the streets, decency, violence, and the moral life of the inner city. New York: W.W. Norton and Company Inc. Anderson, M., & Collins, P. H. (2004). Race, class, and gender, an anthology (5th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson. Anzaldua, G. (1999). Borderlands: La Frontera. San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute Books Blauner, R. (1972). Racial oppression in America. New York: Harper & Row Publishing. Canada, G. (1995). Fist, stick, knife, gun: A personal history of violence in America. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. DuBois, W.E.B. (1899/1967). The Philadelphia Negro: A social story. New York, NY: Schocken Books. DuBois, W.E.B. (1971). W.E.B. DuBois: A reader (A. Paschal, Ed.). New York, NY: Collier Books. DuBois, W.E.B. (1903/1997). The souls of Black folk. New York, NY: Bedford/St. Martin’s.

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DuBois, W.E.B. (1920/1999). Dark water: Voices from within the veil. Mineola, NY: Dover Publications. Ebert, R. (1991). “Boys N The Hood” [Movie review]. Rogerebert.com. Retrieved from (http://rogerebert.suntimes.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/19910712/REVIEWS/107120302/1023). Emerson, R. M. (2001). Contemporary field research: Perspectives and formulations. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, Inc. Feagin, J., & O’Brien, E. (2003). White men on race: Power, privilege, and the shaping of cultural consciousness. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Glazer, N., & Moynihan, D. P. (1970). Beyond the melting pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hare, N., & Hare, J. (1984). The endangered Black family: Coping with the unisexualization and coming extinction of the Black race. San Francisco, CA: Black Think Tank. Hartmann, D. (2001). “Notes on midnight basketball and the cultural politics of recreation, race, and at-risk urban youth.” Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 25(4), 339–371. Lewis, O. (1968). The study of slum culture–backgrounds for La Vida. New York, NY: Random House. Lorber, J. (1994). Paradox of gender. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Messner, M. A. (2009). It’s all for the kids: Gender, families, and youth sports. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Omi, M., & Howard W. (1994). Racial formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1980s. New York, NY: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Ryan, W. (1971). Blaming the victim. New York, NY: Pantheon Books Vaca, N. C. (2004). The presumed alliance: The unspoken conflict between Latinos and Blacks and what it means for America. New York, NY: Harper Collins. Wilson, W. J. (1978). The declining significance of race: Blacks and changing American institutions. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. Wilson, W. J. (1987). The truly disadvantaged: The inner city, the underclass, and public policy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Wilson, W. J. (1996). When work disappears: The world of the new urban poor. New York, NY: Vintage Books. U.S. Census Bureau. (2010). State and County QuickFacts. Retrieved from http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/06/06037.html U.S. Department of Justice. Federal Bureau of Investigation. 2010. Uniform Crime Report, 2010. Clarksburg, WV: Criminal Justice Information Services Division. Retrieved June 2011 (http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/ucr#ucr_cius).

CHAPTER 7

PAYING IT FORWARD Black Men in a Predominantly Latino Community James McKeever

INTRODUCTION In 2001, director John Singleton preached to the “culture of poverty” (Lewis 1968) choir in his film Baby Boy. Film critic Roger Ebert (2001) fawned over the director’s work: John Singleton’s “Baby Boy” is a bold criticism of young Black men who carelessly father babies, live off their mothers and don’t even think of looking for work. It is also a criticism of the society that pushes them into that niche. There has never been a movie with this angle on the African-American experience. The movie’s message to men like its hero is: yes, racism has contributed to your situation, but do you have to give it so much help with your own attitude?

Ebert was wrong in saying that “there has never been a movie with this angle.” In fact, this is an all too familiar angle in film, literature, and academia. In 1991 Singleton’s Boyz in the Hood delivered one clear message; the problem in the “hood” revolves around the lack of suitable Black male role models. The African Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 113–130. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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American author Terry McMillen rose to popularity on the backs of her stereotypically irresponsible, White-woman-chasing, Black male characters. I grew up watching many such films and now my Black children are being exposed to more of the same with films, such as Freedom Writers (2007) and the Blind Side (2009), that feature White women as the saviors of people of color. The above, coupled with the brutal and violent realties in the lives of people of color—both from street violence and at the hands of representatives of the state— paints a bleak picture for African Americans and Latinos today. Although African Americans were only 12.3 percent of the population in 2010, they represented nearly half (49.8%) of all victims of homicide in the same year (U.S. Department of Justice, 2010). The police shooting of Tyisha Miller in 1999, Oscar Grant in 2009, Manual Diaz in 2012, and civilian shooting of Travon Martin in 2012 to name a few, and the news coverage of Black/brown racial skirmishes at local high schools, have worn on me. I know good Black men; I have worked with and have been mentored by them. As Black people we have done so much with so little; it really is amazing. The list of Black inventors, artists, academics, and writers is endless. Black men and women have sacrificed for the greater good, turned the other cheek, and stood toeto-toe against an overwhelming foe. What about these men’s stories? I needed to read them, and I began to feel like I needed to write them—everyday Black men who cared about their communities. Much of past literature on Black mentorship has focused on homogeneous communities in the Midwest (Blauner 1972; DuBois 1971, 1999, and 1903/1997; Omi & Winant 1994; Ryan 1971). I focused my research on multiracial Los Angeles for a very particular reason. Los Angeles is foreshadowing a trend that is occurring in many parts of the country: Latinos, particularly Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants are displacing African American communities. I have volunteered and worked in spaces in Los Angeles where there were the occasional issues between Black and brown people, but mostly, I witnessed cooperation and even affection for one another. These stories of cooperation do not seem to be deemed newsworthy by the media. This led me to the question: If these news reports and films are accurate, then where did these “good Black men” who worked in Latino communities come from? Also, why are these Black men working in these Latino spaces? It was my weariness of the racialized stereotypes of Black man and the over exaggeration of the Black/brown divide that lead me to want to conduct this research. I wanted to know what things Black men were doing to improve the community and how they were adjusting to demographic shifts where Latinos were increasingly replacing African Americans in spaces in Los Angeles. By no means am I trying to prove that there are “good Black men” out there; but I am more just seeking to understand their motivations, efforts, and their connection to the Latino community.

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ECONOMIC DOWNTURNS AND THE DOWNTRODDEN In the 1980s, the United States was hit with a major recession that was even more devastating to minority communities. Sociologist tried to explain these effects and conditions. William Julius Wilson, in his work The Truly Disadvantaged (1987), noted that as middle-class Blacks began to achieve, they moved from their previous African American neighborhoods to the suburbs, leaving an impoverished underclass. This work overstated Black middle-class unity with the Black underclass. It also implied that Blacks were unique in this aspect. This type of flight to the suburbs has been experienced by many groups especially Whites. In Wilson’s analysis, it is the responsibility of the Black middle class to provide a culture of success for other Blacks to emulate. Elijah Anderson (1999) describes “old heads” as mostly men who lived in lowincome African American communities and had been able to obtain some economic markers of success. “Old heads” served as “a neighborhood mentor, who follows a youngster’s career, may ‘pull his coat tail,’ intervening and warning him about what will happen to him if he does not change his ways” (p. 102). Anderson goes on to discuss how continued economic disenfranchisement has led to fewer “old heads” in the community. The “old heads” are replaced by “new heads” that are the neighborhood gang members and drug dealers. According to Anderson these “new heads” now possess the economic markers of success. It is this relative material wealth that cause the neighborhood youth to look up to them and gives them credibility. Often politicians, media, and academics blame the problem of youth gangs and at-risk youth on a perceived lack of male mentorship. Academics imply that what the African American community needs to do is fill the void of male role models (Anderson 1999; DuBois, 1899/1967; Glazer & Moynihan 1970; Hare & Hare 1985; Wilson 1978, 1987, and 1996). Organizations such as “Big Brothers, Big Sisters” see their target population being at-risk youth of whom 90% live below the poverty line, 80% are African American, Latino, or Asian/Pacific Islander and 75% live in single-family homes (www.bigbrothersbigsisterslaie.org). Organizations such as this are frantically trying to fill the void left behind by absentee fathers (often the racial code for Black men). Regardless of a large majority of sociological work focusing on structural oppression, the majority of public opinion still follows an outdated person-blame approach. While academics may say that the problem is structural, the average everyday Americans are still being bombarded by racially coded images of “welfare queens,” the “athlete/criminal of the month,” and gangster rappers who often perpetuate a particular image of “Black life.” My work seeks to understand the manner in which African American mentors navigate through anti-Black sentiments as they choose to mentor youth. Are their actions a response to the rhetoric, resisting it, or a reflection of a more complex understanding of their social world?

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THE SITE My site is a park and recreation center in a low-income community of El Lado Este1. People’s Park services predominantly low-income Latino youth who share similar exposure to gangs, poverty, schooling, community, and family backgrounds. The youth at the park are seen as relatively innocent or “at-risk.” The park staff and volunteers see themselves as trying to keep these youth out of trouble and giving them alternative activities to gang involvement. This is a particularly important time and space. Multiracial Los Angeles is indicative of the changing demographics throughout the country. The area that this park is situated in has been the site of a long-term economic depression. By examining African Americans mentoring in majority Latino communities, my work in this chapter challenges much of popular opinion and some of the academic work (Vaca 2004) that highlights conflicts between African Americans and Latinos. By examining the relationship African American coaches have to the youth within the space of a predominately Latino Park, I argue that the issues of race are more complex than Nicholas Vaca’s (2004) analysis that highlights the tension between these communities. I also observe that unlike William Julius Wilson’s (1987) and Anderson’s (1999) mentors who lived in their communities, this park acts as a “community hub” that draws these coaches back long after they have moved from the surrounding neighborhood. I argue this observation complicates the notion of community, expanding it beyond a place where someone lives to a place where people congregate and create relationships of community meanings. I discuss the messages sent by what I call “community heads” about issues of gender, race, family and responsibility. “Community heads” may not live in the community that they are serving. They may or may not have the “markers of success” that Elijah Anderson’s “old heads” had and yet may still be respected by the youth in the community. RESEARCH QUESTIONS Much attention has been given to assess the effectiveness of traditional mentoring programs such as “Big Brothers, Big Sisters” and how they deal with at-risk youth. This research sheds light on less traditional forms of mentoring by focusing on African American men who provide mentorship as a supplementary role as volunteer coaches. The following research questions were used to explore a group of African American men’s mentorship roles in the community: (1) How do mentors who work with children in public venues navigate the tension between the personal responsibility/blame discourse that is societal prominent with an understanding of institutional racism and constricted structures of opportunity that these “at risk” youth face? (2) How do mentors navigate the decidedly multiracial 1

El Lado Este is a low-income predominantly Latino suburb of Los Angeles. Boarded up businesses scar the landscape of El Lado Este and serve as noticeable signs of the effects of the recession and a stalled attempt at gentrification.

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contexts that they are working within? What does “Black on brown mentoring” look like? (3) How do mentors mobilize gender (consciously or not) in their mentoring? (e.g., are there overt messages about manhood that mentors deliver to boys, and if so, what do these messages mean to the mentors?). METHODS In order to answer my research questions, I used ethnographic methods including participant observation, auto-ethnography, and interviews. These methods allowed me not just to observe, and inquire, but also to experience what the mentors do. I have been volunteering at People’s Park Recreation Center2 for over 30 years; thus, part of my work will rely on past experiences and my insider’s status. Some of this work is auto-ethnographic. According to Robert Emerson, “Auto-ethnography seeks to draw data directly from the fieldworker’s own experiences and insights” (2001, p. 125). Auto-ethnography gives the researcher the ability to do field work amongst one’s own people and it also allows the researcher to “produce field data that is sensitive to emotional and bodily experiences” (Emerson, 2001, p. 125). One of the hardest parts of having such an insider’s perspective was being able to experience the park as if it were my first time. I had become accustomed to the site to the point that I stopped noticing things such as the graffiti around the pool area and rest rooms, the number of Latino families who came to the park early on a Saturday to stake out a space for a birthday party, the way the restrooms were filthy at times and smelled like urine, the rough appearance of the women and men who attended the Narcotics Anonymous meetings that were held there, and the other aspects of the park away from the basketball gym. In order to try to see the space anew I began to take walks around the park at different times during the day and evenings, taking photographs as I went. I watched men young and old playing soccer with trash cans for goal receptacles. Younger Black, White, and Latino men and women played in softball leagues, while older Latino men still played in hardball leagues against one another. On Sunday mornings, a group of Latino men began to have informal weekly basketball tournaments complete with a tiny flip top scoreboards, untrained referees, and barbeque after the game. I noticed the street vendors selling hot dogs wrapped in bacon, pupusas (a Salvadorian staple), raspados (flavored shaved ice), and fruit. I noticed the number of women who would power walk around the park and the number of boys grinding their skateboards on the concrete benches by the pool. I would take the pictures home and examine them. But this time, as I looked at the photos, I did not simply look at what I had focused my camera on but more on what was in the blurred background so that I wouldn’t miss what was there. I also spent 6 months volunteering about 20 hours per week at the park as part of this research project. I coached three basketball teams: a 7- to 8-year-old boys’ 2

Pseudonym

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and girls’ team, a 9- to 11-year-old girls’ team, and a 13- to 15-year-old boys’ team. I conducted two one-hour-long practices and coached two games per team each week. This kept me in the space 7 days a week. I was not the only coach who had multiple teams. I counted six other coaches who had two teams. Five of them did this because they had children that they coach on multiple age levels. The sixth coach was asked to coach an additional team by the director. Often the most reliable and dedicated coaches were asked to take multiple teams. I was also asked to coach the 13- through 15-year-old boys’ team for the all-star tournament. We did well and won the tournament; that added on an extra month of volunteer service. I felt what these coaches felt: in the beginning of the season—exhilarated and anxious, by the middle of the season—less excited and beginning to feel tired, and by the end of the season, we were all ready for it to be over. I also observed other African American coaches and staff as they worked with youth. I conducted formal interviews with four African American male coaches: Ricky Jackson, an 18-year-old, single, African American male; Tyrell Jones, a divorced, 34-year-old paraplegic; Marques Walker, a 32-year-old, married father of two; and Charles Foreman, a 47-year-old, married father of three. These coaches have demonstrated multiple years of service to the park. I conducted the interviews in the space of their choosing. Two of them chose to be interviewed in a coffee shop and the other two in the park itself. Each interview took approximately an hour and twenty minutes. I also conducted informal interviews with coaches, Latino parents, park staff, and young adults who were part of the park’s program. For some of these interviews I was able to pull out a pad of paper to jot down notes. At other times I would conduct an informal interview and went to my car to jot down notes. For most of these interviews, we discussed the parents’ views of the park and the coaches. I also asked fathers about the degree of parenting and supervision they were doing at home. I also participated in a variety of other events. I went to fairs, community meetings, attended park advisory board meetings, helped with setup and cleanup with events, and assisted with fundraisers. While this may seem to go beyond the responsibilities of a volunteer coach, it was quite common. Many of the more “dedicated” coaches also attended these meeting and helped with fundraisers. Once the staff had identified a coach as someone who cared about the youth, they knew that they could ask them to help out with anything that would benefit young people. Using an intersectional framework allowed me to take the multiple identities of my respondents into account. According to Margaret Andersen and Patricia Hill Collins (2004, p. 19), intersectionality considers “…race, class, and gender are simultaneous and intersecting systems of relationship and meaning, we come to see the different ways that other categories of experience intersect in society… Seeing these connections is what we think is most important analyzing race, class, and gender.”

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Intersectionality is a valuable analytical tool in understanding the interplay between hegemonic masculinity, Black masculinity, and the role of Black women in the performance of race, class, and gender roles among African American men. Intersectionality allows me to be aware of the oppression that Black and Latino men face, while also examining their role as privileged and oppressive in the gender hierarchy. By using an intersectional methodology, I can challenge my sexist participation within academia itself. Being aware of my standpoint is crucial for this type of discourse. I am in a unique position to do this, once I recognize my multiple roles as oppressed and oppressor, which may lead to new ways to ask questions about Black men and boys. In order to accomplish this I did not normalize racial, class, and gendered identities, but was attentive to the specific race, class, and gendered identities of my respondents. I was also aware of the way in which this may give them a different view and experience of the social world. I paid particular attention to gender, not treating it as a default category of an individual, but being aware of the manner in which race, gender and class affect an individual’s identity. FINDINGS Basketball gave coaches a medium to engage young people on one level that created the ability to talk about other issues as well. Sports are used by men of all ages, in different kinds of social environments, as an icebreaker. A quote from Gloria Anzaldua’s Borderlands is an excellent illustration of how People’s Park places multiple cultures, classes, and races into a particular space and, as she says, “The space between two individuals shrinks with intimacy” (p. 19). People’s Park is an intimate space that has seemed to carve out a main common purpose: provide community youth with safe and positive activities and, as one of my respondents Andres states, a place where racial problems “are to be left at the door.” The race of the youth or coaches is of no significance to the program. There is, however, a sense of class consciousness, that these are mostly workingclass youth who are “at-risk.” In the city of Los Angeles, African Americans are only 8.7% of the population while Latinos represent 47.7% of the population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). These numbers often translate to the fact that there are few “Black spaces” left in Los Angeles. In comparison, Latinos’ numeric majority means that there are few spaces Latinos can go where they are not the majority. This may allow Latinos to have less face-to-face racial confrontations, something that African Americans have to face more often. This means that there are few spaces where African Americans can go to escape the visibility of their race. The volunteer coaches, score keepers, referees, and paid employees. at People’s Park work hard to incorporate the youth into all aspects of the park. New directors have challenged this commitment from time to time, but it has been kept alive through park staff, parents, coaches, and the youth themselves. Thus, while people may see the inanimate space as “someone” that they owe a debt of

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gratitude to (e.g., referring to the park as “she” and explaining that “she saved my life”), in actuality, it is the tradition of service by coaches, staff, parents, and youth that actually gives People’s Park life. It is the commitment that people have to keeping the space as one that supports youth and the youth’s appreciation of this space that is respected. DEALING WITH AND ESCAPING RACE AND RACISM Black male coaches occupy a particular position in this shifting racial and gender regime of the park. While for the most part, People’s Park is perceived as a racial oasis and there is little outright racial hostility and violence found in the space, it’s not immune to tensions. There may be minor quips or comments during the basketball draft, political moves from middle-class Whites to acquire park space, or actual physical confrontations. These Black coaches have lived under the racial microscope their whole life. This makes these coaches more aware, and at times more sensitive, to slight racial quips. They are able to see the similarities in the Latino experience of race to that of African Americans. In the United States, there is an overall awareness that African Americans have been the victims of a brutally racist system. Often Latinos’ history as the victims of racism has been obscured in history books. This gives Black coaches credibility in this minority community when it comes to issues of race. Black coaches’ visibility places them in a place of being the minority among minorities. The strategies that they have used to deal with racism in their personal lives are now passed on to the Latino communities and enable them to navigate this context in creative ways. The recognition of institutional racism coupled with an individual free will approach recognizes the difficulties of navigating a cumbersome system with the need for individual social mobility for this population. All the respondents are aware of race and racism but had different reaction to its impact or what is the proper response. Each respondent recognized that there is structural racism but felt individuals had agency. Each Community head had experienced racism himself. Charles has a college degree; Marques attended college for 2 years, Ricky is attending college, while Tyrell is a high school dropout. Marques, Ricky and Charles all felt that decision making was a crucial factor in the ability for African Americans and Latinos to move ahead. This may be due to their own investment in education, which demonstrates that they have participated in the institutional means to achieve success. They are physically and emotionally invested in the American ethos, they believe that if you get an education and work hard you can get ahead. All three do believe that there are racial barriers, but they believe as Dubois (1971) did that education is the key to African Americans, and, in this case, Latinos, overcoming racial barriers. Tyrell believed that a formal education most definitely may be helpful but does not guarantee success. He was far more cynical of what he saw as a racist and oppressive system and felt that a formal education may not be enough. Tyrell also felt that, “street knowledge” was

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also important. He knew that young Black and Latino men experience a great deal of negative stereotyping that made it difficult for them to get ahead. Tyrell felt that formal knowledge could be useful in gaining legitimate economic success but that street knowledge was crucial for day-to-day survival for low-income youth. He understood that youth sometimes commit crime to get money but felt that they really needed to understand the eventual consequences of their actions including incarceration and death. Personal responsibility was definitely a theme with Tyrell but, out of my respondents, he was the one most likely to believe that institutional racism is far more important. This may be due to his personal background, which was the most disadvantaged out of my respondents: he grew up in poverty in a dysfunctional family, got involved in gangs, was shot and paralyzed, and he spent time in juvenile institutions and prison. Tyrell recognized that some people have too much to overcome, so street knowledge can be invaluable for simple survival. His respect for street knowledge is a practice in resistant agency. Class may also be a factor in determining how the respondents view the structure versus agency argument. Charles and his wife lead a comfortable middleclass lifestyle. They both have managerial positions in the county’s parks and recreation system. They own their own home and are relatively comfortable. Charles’ comments about the eventuality of his daughters experiencing racism exemplify the way in which these respondents felt that the youth should deal with racism. Charles tells his daughters that there is racism and the way that they should handle it to “give them no excuse” to discriminate against them. The common response of the respondents is to recognize structural racism but they feel there is little you can do to change the structure thus you need an individualistic approach to dealing with it. This individualist approach is a form of reproductive initiative that does not challenge institutional racism but follows a hegemonic view of social mobility leaving the social structure intact. This is a common response among minority groups. Marques, who is marginally middle class, and Ricky, who is working class, share this viewpoint. However, Tyrell is more cynical about the power of individual agency. While the first three respondents may have seen some minor personal victories to which they may cling to support this view, Tyrell has seen little evidence of individual success against a racist system. He remains hopeful, but cautious. Second, these coaches had little to no problem dealing with issues of race in this predominately Latino community. As my research shows, the coaches received instant respect that for many of them went beyond the basketball court. With the exception of Ricky (the youngest of my respondents), all of community heads had been asked by youth and parents to go beyond coaching basketball to talking to youth about other issues such as education, parenting, dating, work, and respect. This demonstrates a trust and respect that goes beyond the boundaries of the basketball court. This seems to be one of two main reasons that these African American coaches keep coming back to this space. First, this type of respect is unusual for Black men who are used to being treated poorly and nega-

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tively stereotyped. There is also a commitment to the youth of the park. For three of these coaches (me included) this was a direct response to our own experience as youth; either being helped by such a space or turned away as in the case of Tyrell. GENDER: IT IS STILL A HETEROSEXUAL MAN’S WORLD Gender is an organizing principle that structures our daily lives (Lorber 1994). While Americans have at least learned the proper dialogue about racism, too often, many Americans feel there is a thin line between sexism, chivalry, and protection. While all four of these coaches had good intentions, only Charles delivered a nuanced message about sexism. Ricky Jackson, an 18-year-old Black man who also grew up playing in the park, spoke little about these issues but felt that his example of being a responsible college student sent the desired message. Marques Walker’s and Tyrell Jones’s concerns for young men’s gendered identity were almost entirely tied to “dressing like gang members.” When it came to women’s dress, Marques expressed a view that I had heard from many men and women at the park: “You need to dress like a lady if you want to be treated as one,” leaving the blame for men’s negative behavior on women. Thus gendered messages were limited and limiting; they were based on assumptions about these youths’ lives and placed them into small heteronormative boxes. Most of the talk about gender was typical messages given to working-class boys and girls. All of the respondents emphasized that education was important regardless of gender. However, gender-specific messages to the boys include avoid gangs, stop feigning toughness, and have respect for women. Gang avoidance was a major message but was usually given to these young men with the assumption that they were not already gang members. There was little talk about what to say to a young man who was already part of the gang. Also, many of the mentors did not mention talking to the young women about gangs, a mother asked me to do just that with her daughter who I was coaching. With the exception of the one case I encountered, the general assumption at People’s Park is that young men are at risk for gang behavior, but young women are not. The gender-specific messages sent to young women were mostly about proper sexual behavior. First, there was a presumption of heterosexuality, thus all messages about romantic relationships automatically defaulted to heterosexual relations. The most common discussions about women’s gender behavior were about clothing. Marques demonstrates a common discussion among many people working in the park about young women’s clothing styles as being too tight and provocative. Many went on to blame these same young ladies for the negative aggressive sexual behavior of young boys. This is a very common hegemonic response that often leads to the conclusion that “some girls are asking for it.” The implications of these messages were that if you want a young man to respect you for whom you are as a person than you need to respect yourself. Respecting yourself means dressing in a conservative manner that does not provoke a negative sexual

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response, making these young men not responsible for their own negative sexual behavior and possibly excusing the respondents for their own transgressions. The exception to this was Charles. Raised by a strong single mom, Charles had raised two teenage girls, and recognized that there is sexism. He never focused on what clothing styles they wore but that they were strong and capable and could prove that on the basketball court. To him, the issue was very personal in wanting to help his daughters see themselves as capable strong women who are more than just the object of men’s desires. He could have chosen a traditionally gendered view of female success in pursuing a male partner that would make enough money to support her and their future family but, instead, felt that their personal development was crucial for their success. He saw basketball as an exemplary of equality. Their success on the court gave them a sense of power, and their ability to beat many of the boys let them know that they can compete in a “man’s world” on and off the court. Basketball allows boys to hold onto the traditional heterosexual normative in a safe and less threatening manner, but it may be a threat to heterosexual femininity. Some parents feared that their daughters’ continued participation in basketball into their high school years was a threat to their heterosexuality. I was asked by a mother to talk to a teenage girl named Maria about her bisexuality. I said; “Sure, I can talk to her, but if you expect me to tell her to be heterosexual I can’t do that. I can talk to her, find out how she’s doing and maybe help you find support for how you’re dealing with her sexuality.” She thanked me and I consented. I told Maria, “It really is none of my business but your mother wanted me to talk to you.” I also told her that it is a difficult issue for many parents to deal with and that she should try to be as open with her mother as possible. I did some research and told her that I can put her in touch with a teen support group in the Valley that can help her and her mother and father deal with her sexuality better. I then went back and told Maria’s mom about our conversation and gave her the information for the “parents of gay teens” group. She then thanked me, shook my hand and never asked me to help her daughter again. The findings from People’s Park reveal that if you step outside the heteronormative message, you may not be asked for help again. AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW OF BLACK/LATINO RELATIONS It is important to understand the multiple responses Black and brown communities will have. Nicholas Vaca’s work Presumed Alliance (2004) examined the way in which these two communities have an underlying conflict as these demographic shifts transformed neighborhoods and put these two groups in competition for limited political and governmental resources. While Vaca focused on these macro-level interactions, my research focused on the micro-level daily interactions in this community. While it is not completely free of micro racial aggressions, People’s park is a space that most would make a claim of being a “racial oasis.” Not a single African American coach declared that he had experienced racism or been discriminated against while coaching basketball. In fact, when asked what

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it was like working with Latino youth the typical answer came from Charles Foreman, a 47-year-old, African American, married father of three: I never considered that; I never looked at it. I just see kids, I guess. It’s funny, when I was growing up, I grew up in an era that was more segregated than it is now; I grew up and I listened to a certain kind of music and I didn’t know any Hispanic songs. When I was growing up, there were no Hispanics in Arkansas that I saw.

Charles illustrates the difference between living in the Black/White state of Arkansas to multiracial Los Angeles where he not only got exposed to Latino culture but also immersed in it to such an extent that he never noticed the racial differences of the youth he coached. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS Parks are one community context in which male mentoring still exists in poor communities. Three policies need to be implemented: (1) the expansion of such sites as public places, (2) formal training of Community heads, and (3) making parks places where mentors can cultivate the next generation of Community heads not just by coaching and teaching them lessons but by having ways to hire them, integrating them into a structured system. CREATING A “HOME COURT ADVANTAGE” The expansion of spaces like People’s Park is important. Decades ago an athletic director named Bill Deuce allowed me to coach and changed the face and purpose of People’s Park. Since then, it is not uncommon to see youth coaches at multiple parks. Much of this is because of the changes in economic situations since the 1970. El Lado Este is not alone in suffering from relentless economic downturns that have scarred neighborhoods across the country. Parents are often working lower paying jobs for longer hours than their parents worked. Many of these parents do not have the time to coach, and teenagers have filled the void. Often the rhetoric of programs for “at-risk youth” focuses on mentorship and activities for youth. Geoffrey Canada (1995) saw the creation of safe zones for youth as a way of dealing with poverty and violence in low-income communities. He put research into practice by creating the “Harlem Children’s Zone” a space dedicated to ending the generational cycle of poverty. While these are important, there is a much less nuanced way of looking at the creation of large safe spaces and jobs for these youth. Often the rhetoric of safe spaces focuses on increased law enforcement presence or removing “negative elements” from the space. There is less focus on creating open and safe spaces for all youth, including gang members and drug dealers. There are reasons that basketball becomes the conduit for this integration at People’s Park. First, it is an indoor activity that is unaffected by the weather, allowing it formally and informally to be played year round. This creates continuity

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among youth, parents, and coaches. The second is the spatial relationship of the office to the gym. The office is literally just six feet away from the gym. This proximity gives a sense of safeness and security to parents and youth. It also discourages gang members and drug dealers from conducting illegal activities so close to park staff. Third, basketball is a simple sport that allows you to practice by yourself or play with others, from one person to as many as twenty. All the equipment that is needed is a basketball and a hoop. The expansion and cultivation of these spaces would aid in the protection of at-risk youth. This type of space not only provides the possibilities of mentorship but also a bit of autonomy. While supervision is nearby, it is not intrusive, giving youth the opportunities to explore, make mistakes, learn from those mistakes, and grow. The maintenance and cultivation of these spaces has been left solely up to staff, parents, and the occasional politician. This is an expansion of what Hartmann (2001) found was the motive of midnight basketball leagues that were meant to provide safe and positive activities during the high-crime hours of 10:00 PM to 12:00 AM, using basketball as a stepping stone to other activities. It is not enough to just create the program, but there must be a “grass roots” responsibility and ownership of the program. The neighborhood and community heads must defend it. The base for this program already is in place at most local parks, with the youth, community heads, and dedicated staff. At People’s Park, there have been directors who did not follow this youth-first ethos and raised the prices of participation in the athletic program. This met with formal and informal resistance, as parents voiced their complaints and other staff offered unofficial “scholarships” to young people who could not afford to play at the new costs. The concerted efforts of the staff, coaches, and the park advisory board either aided in the transfer of the directors or convinced them to change their policies. At other times, there were programs such as “Summer Night Lights” that provided youth with opportunities to play basketball and a variety of other programming free of charge. This was an initiative created by Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaragosa that targeted parks in “gang neighborhoods” to have evening programming Wednesdays thru Saturday evenings in order to combat crime. It was an expansion of the concept of midnight basketball programs to include other games, food, and activities for the youth to occupy their time until midnight. These spaces provide an invaluable site for the community and need to be funded and expanded. TRAINING MENTORS These spaces should identify and train dedicated mentors. There is a difference between a dedicated mentor and a dedicated coach. A dedicated mentor’s service goes beyond the athletic arena. Often, parks do recognize Community heads and ask them to participate in a variety of activities outside of coaching. I have identified many other activities that I have been asked to do at People’s Park, including

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speaking at community meetings, acting as park advisory board president, and chaperoning for teen dances. Parks see mentors as caring individuals who can be counted on when needed. I have shown in this research that mentors can practice resistant or reproductive agency, challenging or reinforcing some oppressive social norms. Mentors have been raised within a particular society and exposed to various social norms; some of these norms support equality and tolerance while others support discrimination. Thus mentors can teach youth helpful lessons that can be powerful and intuitive or hegemonic and repressive. In order to address this issue, training programs should be set up for mentors. Once dedicated mentors are identified at various locations, a training session can be held. The training session needs to be broken up into three parts: practicing critical thinking; recognizing your own biases; and accurate information about issues of education, race, and gender (the most often discussed issues of parents, youth and mentors). Teaching Community heads critical thinking will help them and youth who struggle with complex and important issues. The ability to analyze an argument in a critical manner will allow Community heads to break through “commonsense” viewpoints and questions systematic and structural oppressions. This will also allow Community heads to question their own biases and encourage them to develop and teach strategies of resistant agency that challenge oppressive systems. This is crucial if these volunteers want to practice what are called “upstream solutions.”3 This would be a productive skill that they can be passed on to youth, parents and other mentors. When it comes to education, many of the mentors have a limited and dated view of the education system. Some of the mentors did not go to college themselves and have little information besides the traditional message of “go to college.” Accurate information about the differences between community colleges, teaching colleges, liberal arts, and research ones can be given to Community heads in a short informational handbook that would be useful to youth and increase the value of Community heads by making them the resident expert. The information should be localized and include what is the differences in these institutions: average high school grade point average, SAT scores, costs, choosing an institution that is best suited for your career goals, and scholarships and other funding. This may seem to be the job of a high school counselor, but this is probably the most asked about subject for the majority of the mentors in this study. This is understandable, as education is seen as the most important tool for upward mobility. As stated earlier, while many of Community heads recognize that institutional racism exists, they choose to focus on the individual responsibility rhetoric. There needs to be more information about structural racism and stratification. Fighting structural racism seems like a far more daunting task then dealing with individual 3

Upstream solutions address the root cause of social problems, rather than the symptoms of the problems; e.g., they address poverty, lack of quality education, and misogyny instead of finding “downstream solutions” to crime, low graduation rates, and rape.

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racism. Community heads are clearly concerned about the outcomes for youth in the community. It would be advantages for them to be able to connect their individual efforts to a larger movement. Drawing connections between their efforts to social movements of the past, present, and future would be empowering and assist them in recreating their own messages about youth. This type of information can serve as a reminder that the system is formidable but not impenetrable. Community heads can see their efforts as a form of resistant agency that is seeking to change racist and classist systems that disproportionately hurt communities of color. Sexism and homophobia may be the most difficult issues to address. Most Americans at least have access to a shared cultural dialogue about race (Feagin & O’Brien 2003). On a conscious level, most Americans can agree that racism is wrong, although there would be much debate on what constitutes racism and what should be done to remedy the situation. However, sexism and homophobia are so built into a hegemonic form of oppression that it leads to endless debates by men and women over nature versus nurture, chivalry versus sexism, etc. Messner (2009) reminds us that sport is almost always sex segregated, thus creating a structured context for the perpetuation of sexist beliefs. Much of the rhetoric that I heard about gender reified sexist stereotypes about men of color and women. Training about hegemonic masculinity and a hyper-masculine subordinate masculinity can give Community heads a more nuanced way of addressing issues of sexism. To achieve this goal, mentors who are male and heterosexual would have to acknowledge that views of sexuality are shaped by the larger society and place them in a position of privilege. Then they can employ critical thinking strategies to examine their own biases and the intended and unintended messages they send boys and girls. For example, using this strategy can be of particular use when talking to young men and women about women’s sexuality and dress. Many of the messages about young women who dress in risqué clothing reify “blame the victim” rape stereotypes. These sexist messages leave the responsibility of men’s negative, intrusive, and egregious behavior on women. Training mentors in recognizing the sexism of this message would help men see that regardless of what women wear, men have no rights to their bodies without permission. For women, a more nuanced message could replace internalized feelings of shame and guilt with thoughts of power and control. This mentor training program may seem like an impossible task that would be too costly to even be considered by a public park. The Los Angeles Recreation and Park’s department now works with a private contractor to give coaching clinics. They require all volunteer coaches to attend the clinic yearly; I have seen this same presentation 5 years consecutive. The program I have outlined could be implemented in the same way. Mentors, once identified, would have to volunteer for the training. Those who are truly dedicated would want to discuss these problems with hopes to better service the community.

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FROM PLAYERS TO VOLUNTEERS TO EMPLOYEES I have met many Recreation and Parks employees who have told me that they grew up playing in the park. The parks provided many low-income children like me with our first paycheck through refereeing, umpiring, or working with lowincome programs that hire youth in the summer. For some of these youth, this has lead to full-time careers at the park. Common advice in Black communities has been to “go get a government job.” This has also been a trend in the Latino community. Many African Americans have followed this advice and gone into professions such as probation, teaching, and social work. Much of the exposure to these jobs has been direct as a receiver of services, and indirect in the form of advice from family and friends, some of whom worked in these spaces. The difference in spaces like People’s Park is that it has the ability to involve and employ these youth at a very young age. This doesn’t just give them an opportunity in the future, but provides them with acceptable alternatives for their present. It gives them something positive to do, a space that is welcoming and safe, and it even provides some income. There needs to be a formalized method similar to the practices of People’s Park that moves youth from playing in the park, to becoming a committed volunteer and then employee. This would foster the next generation of Community heads to inherit the culture of the park. CONCLUSION I have challenged traditional viewpoints about Black mentorship and its relationship to race and class by demonstrating that the class status of my respondents was of little consequence to their volunteer work. I challenged the almost monolithic view on race relations between African Americans and Latinos, showing that these groups show a great deal of cooperation in People’s Park on a daily basis. This can very important in examining future race relations as Latino populations move to various locations all over the country usually in or near existing Black communities. I also challenge the monolithic messages of gender and sexuality that further marginalize men of color, women, and the gay/lesbian community. This research also challenges notions in the popular culture of absentee Black men and the importance of such mentorship. By no means does this research say that community heads are anything more than an additional tool for the community to use. They are not taking the place of absentee fathers or mothers; they are just an extra ear and voice for youth. This research has important policy implications. During this economic recession there has been a rush to cut back on public services. Members of the Los Angeles Recreation and Parks system have met to discuss the possibility of privatizing park services. This would mean that private companies for profit would run these public services. In order to run a basketball league at a profit, they would have to raise the prices of the services. This would be devastating to a community that needs low-cost services. These services give these youth alternatives to

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negative and criminal activities. The society has to decide if it wants to invest in cheaper upstream solutions like intervention programs or downstream solutions such as incarceration. The choice seems simple. If the economic downturn has overwhelmingly harmed low-income communities, then mentorship and jobs may be the way out of the crisis: providing adults with purpose, youth with hope, and both with jobs. REFERENCES Anderson, E. (1999). Code of the streets, decency, violence, and the moral life of the inner city. New York, NY: W.W. Norton and Company Inc. Anderson, M. and Collins, P. H. (2004). Race, class, and gender, an anthology (5th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson. Anzaldua, G. (1999). Borderlands: La Frontera. San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute Books Blauner, R. (1972). Racial oppression in America. New York, NY: Harper & Row Publishing. Canada, G. (1995). Fist, stick, knife, gun: A personal history of violence in America. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. DuBois, W.E.B. (1899/1967). The Philadelphia Negro: A social story. New York, NY: Schocken Books. DuBois, W.E.B. (1971). W.E.B. DuBois: A reader, edited by A. Paschal. New York, NY: Collier Books. DuBois, W.E.B. (1903/1997). The souls of Black folk. New York, NY: Bedford/St. Martin’s. DuBois, W.E.B. (1920/1999). Dark water: Voices from within the veil. Mineola, New York, NY: Dover Publications. Ebert, R. (1991). “Boyz N The Hood” [Movie review]. Rogerebert.com. Retrieved from (http://rogerebert.suntimes.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/19910712/REVIEWS/107120302/1023). Emerson, R. M. (2001). Contemporary field research: Perspectives and formulations. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, Inc. Feagin, J., & O’Brien, E. (2003). White men on race: Power, privilege, and the shaping of cultural consciousness. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Glazer, N., & Moynihan, D. P. (1970). Beyond the melting pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City. Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press. Hare, N., & Hare, J. (1984). The endangered Black family: Coping with the unisexualization and coming extinction of the Black race. San Francisco, CA: Black Think Tank. Hartmann, D. (2001). Notes on midnight basketball and the cultural politics of recreation, race, and at-risk urban youth. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 25(4), 339–371. Lewis, O. (1968). The study of slum culture–backgrounds for La Vida. New York, NY: Random House. Lorber, J. (1994). Paradox of gender. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press Messner, M. A. (2009). It’s all for the kids: Gender, families, and youth sports. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1994). Racial formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1980s. New York, NY: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Ryan, W. (1971). Blaming the victim. New York, NY: Pantheon Books

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Vaca, N. C. (2004). The presumed alliance: The unspoken conflict between Latinos and Blacks and what it means for America. New York, NY: Harper Collins. Wilson, W. J. (1978). The declining significance of race: Blacks and changing American institutions. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. Wilson, W. J. (1987). The truly disadvantaged: The inner city, the underclass, and public policy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Wilson, W. J. (1996). When work disappears: The world of the new urban poor. New York, NY: Vintage Books. U.S. Census Bureau. (2010). State and county quickFacts. Retrieved from http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/06/06037.html U.S. Department of Justice. Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2010). Uniform crime report, 2010. Clarksburg, WV: Criminal Justice Information Services Division. Retrieved from (http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/ucr#ucr_cius).

CHAPTER 8

THE RISING TIDE LIFTS ALL BOATS Uncovering the Experiences of Academically Successful African American Male High School Students Nicole Patrice Allain

INTRODUCTION As the nation makes significant attempts to narrow the achievement gap through such initiatives as the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) of 2001 (PL 107–110), a focus has been placed on the social and educational crises facing African American male students in the United States. Although nationally, the statistics regarding African American male achievement leave the unsettling impression that all African American males are faring abysmally, this is indeed an overstatement. Many African American male students are graduating from high school, attending college, and avoiding the criminal justice system. These males were faced with the same obstacles and conditions as their counterparts; however, they had successfully avoided becoming statistics. Yet the statistics that are most often shared Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 131–150. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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through the media paint a grim picture of the future of the nation’s young African American males. Education statistics consistently reveal that Black students “cluster at the bottom of the distribution of virtually every indicator of school failure, such as dropouts, absenteeism, suspension and expulsion rates as well as low standardized test scores” (Edney, 2004, p. 37). Less than half of Black males graduate high school within 4 years compared to 75 percent of white male students (Edney, 2004). The unemployment rate for African American males between the ages of 16–29 is twice that of young White, Hispanic, and Asian men (Kaiser, 2006). While the statistics and academic crisis facing African American male students should not be overlooked or minimized, the use of such deficit statistics only provides a partial story that excludes the voice and the experiences of African American males that are achieving in our nation’s public schools. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Many states have focused their efforts and resources on ways to improve educational experiences for African American males. This focus has involved major reform initiatives, as well as increased funding for programs on both the state and local level. No Child Left Behind legislation provides funding for supplemental services which are defined as “free academic help such as tutoring or remedial help in subjects such as reading, language arts, and mathematics” (PL 107110). However, these initiatives are based primarily on a deficit model of reform, which often deemphasize student strengths, while holding students, their families, schools, and communities solely culpable for academic underachievement (Lynn, 1999). The school reforms mandated by NCLB, which are primarily focused on remediation not enrichment and have failed to utilize the most powerful resource, the successful African American male student. According to Toldson (2008): Every black community, regardless of economic resources, contains shining examples of young black men who achieve in school, regardless of immeasurable social disadvantages. Exploring characteristics that vary on the spectrum of African American male achievement levels provide a greater level of depth and insight into factors that are associated with high achievement among African American males (p.8)

Using a strengths-based model is more productive than the use of deficit models that “place underachieving black males at the center of the research and diminish the relevance of high-achieving black males” (Toldson, 2008, p. 8). In an increasingly changing global economy, the need to have a solid education and skills are imperative. With staggering numbers of African American males leaving the public school system without a diploma, the nation is losing a cadre of young men who have the aptitude to make significant contributions. This has serious implications as research shows that academic failure and dropout rates can be linked to incarceration rates (Christle, Jolivette, & Nelson, 2005). The talents and skills of African American male students have gone largely underutilized and ig-

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nored and the voices of academically successful African American male students are frequently excluded from the development of reform initiatives. Using the experiences of academically successful African American male students can help school systems and public officials restructure the educational experiences for all students, eradicating the pipeline from public school to prison. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY In his article, Trouble with Boys (2008), Pedro Noguera emphasized the need to include the voices of successful African American male students in the dialogue concerning efforts to narrow the African American male achievement gap. He stated, “understanding how such students navigate this difficult terrain may be the key to figuring out how to support the achievement of larger numbers of Black students” (p. 63). Likewise, in his book Beating the Odds (1998), Freeman Hbrawoski postulated that by focusing on the highest achieving young African American males, “we can identify attitudes, habits, behaviors, perspectives and strategies to reverse the current downward trends involving Black male behavior and academic performance” (p. 6). The body of research regarding African American male achievement looks primarily at their experiences within predominantly urban minority settings or in predominantly White elite school settings. The research on academically successful African American males within a predominantly minority suburban high school setting is scant. This study is significant because it explores the complexity of achievement within a school structure where resources are abundant and the dominant culture is not the majority of the student body. Further, exploring the experiences and behaviors of those African American male students who have defied the myriad of obstacles impeding their success can provide valuable insight to educational leaders who are concerned about the pervasive African American male achievement gap and looking for substantive strategies to combat it. METHODOLOGY This qualitative research study focused on the experiences and perceptions of academically successful African American male students who attend predominantly minority public high schools. This phenomenological study was conducted utilizing student interviews and focus groups. Data collection for this study spanned one school quarter, which is 3 months in duration. RESEARCH DESIGN Phenomenology According to Creswell (2007), phenomenology “describes the meaning for several individuals of their lived experiences of a concept or a phenomenon” (p.

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57). The researcher focuses on describing the commonalities shared by all participants as they experience the phenomenon. The basic purpose of phenomenology is to create a description of the universal essence of the experiences of multiple individuals. During a phenomenological study “the inquirer then collects data from persons who have experienced the phenomenon, and develops a composite description of the essence of the experience for all of the individuals” (Creswell, 2007, p. 58). Phenomenology borrows from the philosophical tradition. The writings of German mathematician Edmund Husserl, as well as Heidegger, Sarte, and Merleau-Ponty are frequently referenced (Speigelberg, 1982). While borrowing from several philosophical traditions, there are many commonalities. Phenomenology is based upon the lived conscious experiences of individuals. Further, phenomenology focuses primarily on the development of a description of the essences of these experiences, not on the explanation or analyses of them (Creswell, 2007, p. 58). This study utilized the tenets of phenomenology in order to explore the shared experiences of academically successful African American males as they navigate between their academic and ethnic identities. Sampling Methods This study focused on African American male high school students (grades 10–12) who are meeting academic success. For this study, academic success is defined based on the following criteria: grade point average of 3.0 or better, scores of proficient on standardized tests, enrollment in at least one honors or advanced placement class, consistent school attendance (five or fewer absences annually), and involvement in school extracurricular activities such as sports and school clubs. The aforementioned criteria for defining academic success are consistent with the factors that numerous public school districts use to measure student success. Recognizing that academic success used by school districts was operationalized through a Eurocentric lens, the criteria were expanded to include involvement in extracurricular activities as a means of defining academic success. In addition, participants were not required to meet all of the criteria of success. However, they were required to meet three-fifths of the requirements including grade point average and course enrollment. The sampling frame for this study consisted of all African American male students attending two public high schools from Flagship School District1. From this frame, a purposive sample of 12 academically successful African American male students (three from each grade level) was drawn from two schools. The two schools share socioeconomic and demographic similarities, which will make for a rich comparison. However, the two schools differ slightly in their racial composition with School 1, Figure 8.1, being majority African American and School 2, 1

Pseudonyms have been used throughout this study to protect the identity of the school district, schools, and all participants

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FIGURE 8.1.

Racial Composition School 1

FIGURE 8.2.

Racial Composition School 2

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Figure 8.2, being majority Hispanic. Flagship School District (FSD) has been selected for this study due to its high enrollment of African American male students. Flagship School District, considered a premier school system in the nation, has reported successes in narrowing the academic achievement gap among African American males and their white counterparts. Additionally, FSD, which is located near a major urban area, comprises students of diverse socioeconomic status, which has been identified in the research as a variable that impacts achievement. Using the criteria for academic success as well as the assistance of the school administration, students were identified for their participation in the study. While participants were purposively chosen to participate in the study, student participation was voluntary and contingent upon the written permission of his guardian. DATA COLLECTION For this study, a series of two 45–60-minute interviews were conducted with each participant. The first interview consisted of five open-ended questions that explore the participant’s background and ethnic identity. The second interview consisted of six open-ended questions focusing on the participants’ present experiences with school (courses, teachers, and peers) and personal/academic obstacles that they face. During each interview, I asked follow-up questions when necessary for clarity or to further explore a topic raised during the participant’s response. During the interview process, I used an interview protocol sheet to capture observations and reflections. The use of interview protocols included questions that allowed for open-ended responses and flexibility so that important but unexpected dimensions of the phenomenon will not be lost (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003). At the conclusion of each interview, the participant was thanked for his participation and was assured of his confidentiality. Again, I asked the participant if he had any questions. I informed each participant that a transcript of the interview would be shared with him as a means to verify whether an accurate collection of data occurred. The third interview was in the form of a 60-minute focus group discussion. I conducted two focus group discussions (one per school site) consisting of 5–7 students. According to Bogdan and Biklen (2003), focus groups are useful in providing multiple perspectives on a topic and to stimulate group participants to share their views on a topic or to even realize what their own views are. The purpose of the focus group discussions was to allow participants to reflect on their own experiences and the role of academic and ethnic identity in their own lives as well as explore the topic of academic success within the school structure with other participants. Before beginning each focus group, participants were provided light refreshments, as well as an opportunity to mingle with each other. Name tags were provided to each participant. I reviewed the purpose of the discussion and established the ground rules of the discussion with the assistance of the participants. These ground rules covered items such as listening to each group member and taking turns during the discussion. The ground rules were displayed visibly in the room. Again, I reminded

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the participants of their confidentiality and answered any questions before proceeding. An assistant took notes to capture the essence of the focus group discussion as I facilitated the discussion. Each focus group met for no longer than one hour. At the conclusion, I thanked all the participants and answered any questions. Each participant and his guardian were sent a letter thanking them for their participation in the research study. In addition, the participants received a gift card to a local book store for participating in the study. I informed the participants that once the study is complete, findings will be shared with them and their local school district. As a means of data validation and member checking, several participants were asked to review the notes of the focus group in order to verify that the account presented was accurate. DATA ANALYSIS Data collection and analysis was an iterative process informed and guided by the research questions and the relevant research literature. Upon the completion of individual semistructured interview #2 with all participants, data saturation was reached as evidence by the repetition of participant responses within and between groups. Transcriptions of the individual semistructured interview # 1, individual semistructured interview #2, and focus group meetings notes underwent an in-depth analysis using a modified version of Colaizzi’s method of analysis of phenomenological data (Moustakas, 1994) and the NVIVO 9 software. Maintaining the fidelity of the phenomenological approach, the initial reading of transcripts was conducted without any analysis. During the second reading of the transcripts, codes were developed to identify and categorize recurring words and themes that specifically relate to the experience of the phenomenon by the participant. Next, a third reading of transcripts occurred where data was clustered or grouped by thematic labels. After all of the transcripts were read, segmented and coded, I analyzed the findings for existence of emergent themes. VALIDITY Creswell (2007) viewed and defined validation in qualitative research as the following: It is an attempt to assess the accuracy of findings, as best described by the researcher and the participants. Validation is a distinct strength of qualitative research in that the account made through extensive time spent in the field, the detailed thick description, and the closeness of the researcher to participants in the study adds to the value of the accuracy of the study (p. 207).

For this study, the member checking and the acknowledgment of the researcher’s biases or reflexivity were acknowledged. Additionally, the researcher created reflective memos and field notes focused on analysis of data, procedures and strategies employed during the study, researcher’s frame of mind regarding the topic and the

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TABLE 8.1. Student

Summary of Student Profiles School

Grade

Anthony

2

10

1 sports team

Extracurricular Activities

Small Learning Community

Antwan

2

11

3 sports teams

Engineering

Charles

1

12

4 sports teams; mentoring program; volunteers

Academy of Leadership

Coby

1

11

Part time job; volunteers

Mass Communications

Daryl

2

11

3 sports teams

Engineering

David

1

11

1 sports team

International Baccalaureate

Deon

1

10

ROTC; 1 sport team

Academy of Leadership

Eddie

1

12

volunteers

Medical Bio Sciences

Eric

1

10

volunteers

Academy of Leadership

John

2

10

mentoring program

Information Systems Academy

Lewis

2

12

National Honor Society; Key ClubInformation Systems Academy

Malik

2

12

part-time job; 1 sports team

Engineering

Information Systems Academy

participants, and points of clarification (Bogdan & Biklen 2007) and referred to them during both the data collection and analysis process. RESULTS/DISCUSSION Phenomenology focuses on first creating a textual description of the experience documenting “what is happening” as the participant experiences various components of the phenomenon (Creswell, 2007). This textual description is in the form of verbatim examples from the participant (Creswell, 2007). Table 8.1 is a summary of the participant profiles providing contextual understanding of their responses and experience of the phenomenon. FAMILIAL INFLUENCES. All twelve participants in this study credit family members, immediate and extended, with shaping their positive attitudes and beliefs about school and their academic performance. While parents were the family members mentioned most frequently, siblings and extended family were also cited as having had an influence. Out of the twelve research participants, four participants live in single parent households headed by a mother. Each of these young men spoke of their mother’s influence on their academic identity. Coby, a junior, shared his earliest educational experiences shaped by his mother: Growing up, she always focused a lot on education like I was reading and writing and coloring when I entered kindergarten. So I was kind of always ahead

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of everybody else. And like coming home from school or even before I started school, I would read two books a day. We would go to the library maybe once or twice a month. And we watch like more of the educational shows. And we used to do math problems and stuff on the big sheets of paper and huge pencils and then we used to do coloring books like the math, we had to connect the dots and all the others. And we had to do crosswords puzzles; we did a lot of those on weekends. So then when I started going to school, I was already in the habit of doing my work and being the first to be done with it. Three of the participants spoke of their mother’s influence in the form of encouragement and motivation. Charles, a senior, reflected on his mother’s consistent encouragement of him through a focus on his future: Like my mom always told me that if I ever wanted to get a good job and support a family, I needed to do well in school. That was like consistently always forced down my throat, like you got to do well, you got to do well. Daryl, a junior, spoke of his mother’s encouragement more globally: She gets on me for my C’s. She always pushes me to do better. She encourages me for every little thing. She pushes me to do things I don’t want to do, but she knows they’ll benefit me.

David, also a junior, expressed his mother’s encouragement and influence on his academic identity in terms of expectations: She really had a strong influence on what I was going to be doing. She was like, you can’t not pick honors classes or go just doing on-level classes because that would be probably too easy, and I want you to actually make it hard for you so you actually learn that life isn’t fair, stuff like that.

The participants also described ways in which their fathers have influenced their academic identity. Half of the young men live in households with both parents; while, two live in single parent households headed by fathers. Eddie, a sophomore, spoke extensively of how his single father’s presence and motivation have influenced his attitude and behavior in school: I was with him all the time; I went with him everywhere. He always taught me to just do your work; make sure that’s done first, and after that, if you get good grades and all that stuff, then you can do whatever you want after… My dad is always there to make sure I’m doing my work and even if he’s not there, I just know that I have to get good grades and my dad kind of made me a promise that if I get a scholarship, he’ll give me a car in my sophomore year in college.

Lewis, a senior, lives with both his parents, and spoke intensely about his admiration of his father and its impact on his academic identity: I view my dad as a great individual; so, if my dad can do it, I want to measure up to him because I idolize him. So, I want to be successful like him, and that motivates

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me to do well in school…And my dad, I love it when he’s proud of us like when we’re showing him our report cards and stuff. He gives us a hug or a good handshake and like, I don’t know, just being a son like thinking my dad was really proud of me. I don’t know. I really like that. So I like to keep making him proud by doing well in school.

While parents were the family members mentioned most frequently, extended family and siblings were also cited as having an influence. David additionally credited his grandmother and aunt with shaping his academic identity: Well, my grandmother, she is really like driven by education. She was actually a teacher for almost 35 years and was one of the first in her family to go to college; so, it’s a big priority that you get your education in my family. My aunt follows up behind her because she had it at heart also and came up, and although she doesn’t have a college degree, she tried to go, she actually has a very nice job that like she’s doing very well right now. So if I didn’t have a good education, I’m not saying I’ll be like banished from my family, but they always want me to have something to do, always something you have like a good job and know that what you’re doing is kind of what you want to do and you’re doing well with it.

Antwan, a junior, spoke about how his older sister changed his earlier lackadaisical attitude about school and how his older brother focused him through sharing his own experiences: I think it was my sister telling me that once I get to high school, I can’t be doing that, because then after high school I’m going to college. Like it’s my life…My brother told me he had so many opportunities to go to a bigger college and to do something good with his life. And when I was entering high school, he was like, if you get good grades all throughout your high school and you get a score on your SAT or ACT, then a lot of colleges are going to be interested in you and they’ll take you.

TEACHER INFLUENCES Research participants cited teachers and mentors most frequently after family as the people who have had the greatest influence on their attitudes about school. The participants described their experiences with elementary school teachers and mentors as laying a foundation of their view of school. This foundation was based upon the nurturing role of the adult, the adult’s expectations for the participant, and the participants’ desire to please the teacher or mentor. Daryl gave the following account of his middle school teacher: She was my reading teacher, and she was just one of those teachers that you never forget. We were like her kids. She would take care of us. She gave some of us rides home. She just went beyond the role of teacher. She was like a second mother to us. She would help us with other classes. We would get behind in her class just so that we could do work for other classes. She would always push us to work harder and

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try to do better. And then whenever everybody did good and had no E’s, she would throw us a party, so it kind of pushed us to do better.

Lewis described how his elementary school chorus teacher nurtured his love of music and sparked his extracurricular interest. That’s the main thing I took from elementary school because she taught us all about music. And I like music very much. And I feel like she’s a part of me getting into music by not giving up on like our chorus group whenever we weren’t doing the best or we didn’t really feel like singing that day, showing up to a concert because we were shy or anything. I feel like she helped bring out that extracurricular side of me in a way to like do other things outside of school.

He later described his desire to please his teachers as a motivating force for him to do well in school: I just wanted the teacher to like me. I don’t like when the teacher would yell at the class or we’re in trouble or we’re doing something bad. I would always like feel really bad whenever a teacher is yelling at us. So I always try to do what I could to be on the teacher’s good side like if they wanted us to do work and I want to make them proud. I like getting along with the teachers.

In the spirit of phenomenology, research participants answered questions about their current experiences with the phenomenon of being academically successful African American males during semi-structured interview#2. Research participants described their daily school routines, including time spent in and out of class. In addition, the participants shared their perceptions of the impact of the organizational, academic, and social structures in place in their schools on their academic success and how they believe they are treated by their peers and teachers. Findings show that the academic success of the participants was positively influenced by the following: (a) active involvement in a small learning community; (b) participation in extracurricular activities and sports; (c) utilization of school-based academic supports; (d) teacher relationships and expectations. The findings indicate that the academic success of participants was at times hindered by the following: (a) perceived negative teacher relationships and expectations; (b) overextended schedules; and (c) rigorous academic homework, assignments, and tests. Further, the findings indicate that the participants view the social structure of their respective schools in terms of race and personal interests. SMALL LEARNING COMMUNITIES. Both research sites for this study utilize a small learning community organizational design. Prior to enrolling in the high school, students select an academy based on their interests or future career aspirations. Students opting not to join an academy follow a general liberal arts diploma program. The academy offerings, as mandated by the Flagship School District, are different at each school. Some

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of the academies offered at the research sites are: Media and Communications, Information and Global Technology, Mass Communication, Leadership Training, Bio Medical Sciences, Engineering, and International Baccalaureate (IB). Students select courses based on their academy and receive recognition and designation at graduation for involvement in the small learning community structure. Every participant in this study was a member of a small learning community and represented a cross section of academies offered at their respective schools. The participants spoke about the positive influence that belonging to an academy has had on their academic achievement as African American males. Eddie, a member of the Bio Medical Sciences Academy, described the academy experience as one creating an overall sense of belonging: The academy you’re involved in is the academy that you feel like is most comfortable for you. And if you’re not involved in an academy, it’s like it’s very difficult to get around here because most of the school, most of the classes, I mean, are based on those academies.

Lewis, a member of the Information Technology Academy, spoke of belonging in terms of academic support and camaraderie with his peers: And mainly most of my close friends are in there; so, it’s nice. And we all help each other out really when we’re getting ready for an interview or studying for an internship. We all help each other out by organizing―we meet sometimes to discuss what’s going to go down with the interview, how we should dress, how we should behave, what we should do, ask questions, stuff like that. We basically just help each other out to get through the academy so when we all graduate we get the pin.

David who is a member of the IB program extended the discussion of camaraderie to include both peers and teachers: The students and the teachers are always looking out for your back. They’ll put stuff up and help you on something. I had a math project that was due a couple days back that had to be 10 or 11 pages, and I wasn’t understanding the concept totally, so I was kind of falling behind. So I went on the study group and asked around, and some people helped me get the concept so I could finish.

Deon’s experience with his small learning community was an outlier. He was the only participant to share a sense of not belonging when associated with his membership in the Leadership Academy at his school: For example, they (the academy directors) always tell us that we’re supposed to be some kind of family, but I’m thinking in the back of my mind, these people are not my family. Well, they’re way smarter than me, in my opinion, academically anyway, because socially, and street smarts, and common sense, like world news and all that, they’re as dumb as a dog. But, yeah, they’re way smarter than me. They complain about A’s and B’s, like, oh, I got a 95, whereas I’m trying to keep it at a B or a high C. So academically wise, that’s kind of why I feel I don’t belong sometimes with

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them. It makes me feel dumb. I’m surrounded by geniuses basically. They’re all like A’s and B’s, and they do all sorts of community service hours and things. Yeah, they’re just way ahead. They’re ready for high school. And it makes me feel kind of like dumb and unprepared.

While Deon expressed feelings of not belonging and isolation in the Leadership Academy, his description of his involvement in the NJROTC program and classes at his school was quite different: In ROTC, I’m part of rifle team, academic team, and color guard, which involves ceremonial things like with the flags. I’m also first platoon MPO, which is mustering petty officer, and that’s basically the second in command for the platoon commander. And when he’s not there, I take charge of the platoon and I carry out the plan of the day, which is basically whatever plans we have. I address meetings and things like that that we have during lunch time sometimes.

I come from a military background. I’ve wanted to be in the military since I was three, and I’ve been surrounded by parents and people who are in the military. So ROTC is kind of―I kind of like fit in there. It’s my home away from home. That’s why I always go to the ROTC every day for something. EXTRACURRICULAR ACTIVITIES. One of the criteria for selection for the study was involvement in an extracurricular activity or sport. All twelve participants were members of a diverse group of clubs and some play for numerous sports teams. Their perceptions about the role these activities have played in helping or hindering their success also varied. Overall, the findings showed that participant involvement in extracurricular activities, particularly sports, had positively contributed to their academic success in building relationships, developing leadership capacity, and fostering a commitment to public service. Both schools in this study have school-based mentoring programs designed specifically for African American male students. The programs are sponsored by an African American male staff member. Each mentoring program meets at least twice a month. Student members are required to dress professionally for the meetings where prominent African American males in their local community speak to them about issues of importance to African American males. Members also take field trips to local colleges and other cultural sites. Participation in both mentoring programs is voluntary and nonexclusive. Four of the twelve participants in the study are members of mentoring programs in their respective schools (two from each site). Charles, a senior, described how his membership in a mentoring program has impacted him as a student: BBATE means Black Boys Aiming to Excel. What we do is we learn how African Americans are viewed and how our BBATE group should be like. We should be the

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example and show people that we aren’t just people you see on the streets, being viewed as selling drugs and all that stuff. We can do great things. I think Mr. Williams has helped us, and helped me a lot to see that we have more potential than we see, and we shouldn’t let people based on their views of what they saw on TV and movies and all that; we shouldn’t let that affect us. We are in charge of our own destiny and we should keep working towards our goal in life to work hard… Yeah, just to work hard so we can teach our future sons and daughters.

Other research participants who are also members of school-based mentoring programs shared similar sentiments on how the groups helped to give them focus and motivation to excel and also provided them with a support network within the school. They have further used their experiences to serve as mentors to fellow peers, as well as students at a local elementary school. Coby shared his experience as a student mentor at Golden Elementary School: I like working with the younger children. And if the child is going through something that I’ve been through, it’s easier for me to help them get through it. Well, last year, I actually had two of my mentees, they were growing up with large families where a lot of nephews and cousins living with them, so they didn’t really get the attention they wanted. So they needed someone there that could show them attention and show them what to do and how to do it. I remember we went to Six Flags, and I was with my mentee, and he said that he’s never been to Six Flags before, so he wanted to get on every single roller coaster and every single ride. And I have a fear of heights. So I said, he’s never been to Six Flags, so if he wants to go and get on a ride, I’ll get on it. So we basically got on every roller coaster. I felt that he was able to get the attention he deserved and the attention he needed. And then he wrote me a little―he gave me a big thank you poster at the end of the year saying thank you for showing him the attention he needed and he actually felt special, and now he feels as if he’s ready to go into the sixth grade.

Likewise, Eric also used his talents to serve as a mentor to other students. He volunteered on Saturday mornings to mentor and tutor elementary school students at one of Flagship School Districts’ tutorial centers. He gave the following description: Saturday, I help out at Chambers Saturday School from like 8:30 to 11:30. My cousin said I would like it because I like working with kids―I don’t have any problem tutoring kids like helping kids with schoolwork, so… She said I should try it and I love it.

School clubs and sports also served as opportunities for leadership and service for the research participants. The majority of participants are involved in community-service-based projects or volunteer activities. This finding is notable because their involvement in such activities is beyond the state mandated service learning requirement, which all have completed, yet they still volunteer. Participants spoke about their various clubs with passion and dedication. Notably, Lewis is the vice

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president of his school’s National Honor Society and member of the Key Club, while both Charles and Daryl are three-season athletes at their schools. In order to remain involved, all three young men must maintain eligibility of grades (2.0 or better). For the student athletes, this requirement has kept them focused on their school work, while participating in the sport. Anthony, a sophomore, spoke about how he maintained a balance during football season: I did pretty good first semester because I made sure that right when I got home after practice was over, I started on my homework. Actually, during school, they gave us an hour study hall to do our homework before practice started.

However, heavy course loads and involvement in extracurricular activities required the participants to keep long hours. The participants in the study reported feeling overwhelmed and overextended at times due to their demanding schedules. The average research participant arrived daily at school before 7 a.m. and did not leave until after 6 p.m. when they went home to complete additional hours of school work. David, who was up at 4 a.m. twice a week for swim practice remarked, “ I like the people here and I like coming to school to meet my friends and have fun and stuff like that, but just the workload and stuff like that―It’s just like a lot.” Participants also used words like “busy,” “hectic,” “tedious,” “long,” and “eventful” to describe their school days. CONCLUSIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS Based on participant answers to questions during the two semistructured interviews as well as their responses to questions posed during the focus groups, two major themes emerged during the course of the study: Who’s Got My Back? When reflecting upon their experiences with the phenomenon of being an African American male and academically successful student, every participant credited the formation of their academic identity to a family member. While mothers were referenced most frequently, family members included extended relatives such as grandparents and aunts, uncles, and godparents. This familial support was also categorized by participants through relationships with surrogate kin, such as church pastors and mentors. From these relationships, the young men, learned the value of studying and hard work and were encouraged to dream big dreams. This theme reiterates the earlier research of Hbrawoski (1998) who interviewed highly successful African American male college students. Active parental support for education was emphasized more than any other factor has being integral to their academic success (p. 139).

Outside of family, teachers were also cited most often as playing an integral part in the establishment of the participants’ academic identity. Participants referred to relationships with teachers that went beyond classroom instruction. Par-

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ticipants consistently used phrases such as “she was like a mom” and “she took care of us” to describe nurturing relationships with teachers that encouraged them to do well academically. Garibaldi (1992) found in a study of New Orleans Public Schools that the teachers’ attitudes, perspectives, and expectations impact the student achievement of African American males. This is also consistent with the finding of the 2002 study by Conchas where students cited the importance of family and home life as well as the significance of adult role models in contributing to their academic identity. The participants in this study seemed to be both aware and unaware of their academic success. They recognized that their hard work had led to academic success. However, they viewed their success as a necessary means to reach their desired future goals. This perspective of academic success is consistent with the findings of Graham and Anderson (2008) who found academically successful African American males view their success as a result of their proper planning, hard work, and desire to challenge themselves academically. However, they see academic success serving a utilitarian function as a means to an end. For the participants in this study, their feelings about school were mixed. While the majority of the participants expressed positive feelings about school, three of them were ambivalent about school. They viewed it as something that they had to do in order to be successful in their long-range goals but would rather not do. This utilitarian view of education is similar to that described by Gayles (2005) where academically resilient African American males described their education in terms of capital or credential to advance them to the next phase of life, not in terms of love and passion for learning. I AM MY BROTHER’S KEEPER Numerous research studies have focused on the impact of mentoring programs on African American male students. Gordon, Iwamoto, Ward, Potts, and Boyd (2009) found that involvement in Afrocentric mentoring programs fostered success in middle school boys. For the young men in this study, participation in mentoring groups centered around Afrocentric themes throughout their educational development had also contributed to their academic success. Five of the twelve participants had participated in a formal school-based African American male mentoring group at some point during their education. Four of the participants were currently participating in a mentoring program at their high school. These mentoring programs had served multiple purposes in the formation of their ethnic and academic identities. The mentoring programs had given the participants a sense of pride and awareness in their communities. Through the various programs, participants had met academically successful adult African American males who fostered in them a sense of responsibility to give back to the African American community and to be responsible for each other. The programs had given them a safe haven to discuss issues germane to their lives as African American males with other African American males.

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Two of the participants in the study were placed in mentoring programs by their single mothers who realized that they were dealing with anger issues. From these programs, the young men learned alternative ways to deal with anger, and they encountered the experience of a positive adult African American male presence, which was absent in their lives. Involvement in such programs fostered a sense of altruism and desire to give back to their individual communities. Two of the young men now serve as mentors to elementary students. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR POLICY AND PRACTICE By utilizing a strengths-based approach, the research study gave voice to the experiences of academically successful African American male students, a perspective that is often absent in the literature. From these counterstories, educational leaders and policy makers can glean insight on ways of adapting policy and practices in order to increase the academic achievement of all African American males. Based upon the findings, the following recommendations in the areas of policy and practice should be considered: 1. Access to Extracurricular Activities. Local school districts should revisit the academic policy for eligibility for participation in extracurricular activities and sports. The participants in this study were able to be involved in extracurricular activities based upon maintaining a minimum grade point average required by the school district. Participants in this study attribute their involvement in extracurricular activities and sports as being an integral part of their academic success. However, underachieving African American males in many school districts, including Flagship School District, are shut out of the opportunity to participate in extracurricular activities based on failing to meet a minimum grade point average. School districts should extend access to extracurricular activities by implementing a growth model where student participation in an extracurricular activity is based on demonstrated incremental improvement and maintenance of grades, rather than on a minimum starting grade point average to determine eligibility. Such a model would give struggling students an incentive to achieve academically and access to the multiple benefits of extracurricular involvement described by the research participants. 2. Implementation of a Small Learning Community Structure. Participants in this study were all members of smaller learning communities within their schools that provided them with a sense of belonging, purpose, and structure. Participants acknowledge that the high expectations of teachers within these small learning communities, academic collegiality, and the focus on longterm goals influenced their academic success. Participation in these small learning communities was strictly voluntary. Given the benefits of this organizational structure in the academic success of African American male students, public

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school districts should revamp existing organizational structures to provide small learning community options to all students. This reorganization would require the allocation of time, resources, and staffing in order to create functional small learning communities in which students truly benefit. 3. Culturally Relevant Pedagogy. Based upon the findings of this study, it is clear that teacher expectations, or lack thereof, have a profound impact on the academic success of African American male students. The messages, both verbal and nonverbal, that teachers send to students often determine success or failure. The diversity in the nation’s student population continues to grow, yet the teaching force remains predominantly White. Given this fact, the need for culturally relevant pedagogy training is important. Multicultural theorist, Gary Howard (1999) stated “White teachers can contribute to the dissolution of [racial] barriers when we suspend the assumptions of dominance and begin to view the schooling experience through the eyes of those who have been marginalized by it” (p.79). State and local school districts, in conjunction with university teacher preparation programs, should require ongoing professional development on equitable teaching practices, issues of White privilege, and empathy towards issues of diversity. 4. Wrap-around Support Systems. The participants in this study were supported academically and emotionally through involvement in numerous support systems that included, but were not limited to, tutorial programs and mentoring groups outside of the general education program. Many of the participants acknowledge personally seeking out the aforementioned support systems. It is recommended that state and local educational agencies provide wraparound support systems to all African American males in order to support their physical, emotional, and intellectual growth. The academically successful African American students of the Flagship School District represented in this study are bright, witty, outspoken young men who have experienced various trials and tribulations, like many of their classmates. Both their ethnic and academic identities have been shaped by relationships with adults (both familial and nonfamilial), awareness of racial disparities, and their own personal desires to defy stereotypes. They take pride in being both African American and academically successful students. However, that pride comes with a sense of responsibility to avoid becoming a statistic. While facing self-doubt and the pressures of measuring up to the smarter kids in their classes, the young men in this study have utilized all the resources that Flagship School District has in place. As members of smaller learning communities and extracurricular activities, their schools are homes away from home. Each has credited relationships with teachers who set high expectations and the use of academic supports

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as impacting their academic success. Although they attend high schools where the minority comprises the majority, they have had fleeting feelings of not belonging in advanced and honors classes, which have been exacerbated primarily by white peers and teachers. Overall, these young men feel a sense of belonging with other African American peers but feel that their friends often look to them for guidance and academic support. Although these young men share similar character traits, they are not monolithic in their interests, beliefs, or personal challenges. Some have wrestled with issues of anger while others have had to find ways to compensate for learning difficulties. Despite the obstacle, the young men have demonstrated resilience as evidenced in their can-do attitudes. They have found various ways to cope with their obstacles and have never let their circumstances be an excuse. REFERENCES Bogdan, R. C., & Biklen, S. K. (2003). Qualitative research for education: An introduction to theories and methods (4th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Christle, C., Jolivette, K., & Nelson, M. (2005). Breaking the school to prison pipeline: Identifying school risk and protective factors for youth delinquency. Exceptionality, 13(2), 69–88. Conchas, G. (2006). The color of success: Race and high achieving urban youth. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Creswell, J. (2007). Qualitative inquiry & research design. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Edney, H. T. (2004) Black students still struggle in post-Brown era, New York Amsterdam News, 95, 37–38. Gordon, D., Iwamoto, P. K., Ward, N., Potts, R., & Boyd, E. (2009). Mentoring urban Black middle-school male students: Implications for academic achievement. Journal of Negro Education 78, 272–286. Graham A., & Anderson, K. (2008). “I have to be three steps ahead”: Academically gifted African American male students in an urban high school on the tension between ethnic and academic identity. Urban Review Issues and Ideas in Public Education, 40(5), 472–499. Hbrawoski, F. (1998). Beating the odds: Raising academically successful African American males. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Lynn, M. (1999). Toward a critical race pedagogy: A research note. Urban Education, 33(5), 606–626. Moustakas, C. (1994). Phenomenological research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. No Child Left Behind Act of 1991, PL 107-110, 107th Congress, (2002)115 Stat. 1001. Noguera, P. (2008). The trouble with black boys and other reflections on race, equity, and the future of public education. New York, NY: Jossey Bass. Schuman, D. (1982). Policy analysis, education, and everyday life. Lexington, MA: Heath. Seidman, I. (2006). Interviewing as qualitative research: A guide for researchers in education and the social sciences. New York, NY: Teachers College, Columbia University.

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Speigelberg, H. (1982). The phenomenological movement (3rd ed.). The Hague, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff. Stewart, D., & Mickunas, A. (1990). Exploring phenomenology: A guide to the field and its literature (2nd ed.). Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. Toldson, I. (2008). Breaking barriers: Plotting the path to academic success for school-age African American males. Washington DC: Congressional Black Caucus Foundation.

CHAPTER 9

A CASE STUDY OF MENTORTO-MENTEE PROGRAM TO HELP AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES GRADUATE FROM HIGH SCHOOL Mary E. Jenkins-Williams and Peter P. Kiriakidis

INTRODUCTION This study was conducted at one high school within a school district located in a large urban city in the northeastern United States, where the majority of African American males were not meeting high school requirements to graduate. The dropout rate among the African American male students was very high. School administrators implemented a mentor-to-mentee program to help these students graduate. The focus of this case study was on the experiences of the participants in the mentor-to-mentee program and graduated from high school. The participants were interviewed to understand their experiences with the mentor-to-mentee program. Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 151–160. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM The United States is experiencing a high school dropout crisis for young, African American males. The United States struggles to graduate 50% of African American male students (Allen, 2009). The dropout rate for African American male students is among the highest in the United States. The school’s population consisted of 98% minority students; African American male students made up 40% of the school population at the research site. The graduation rate of these students is about 30%. School administrators implemented a mentor-to-mentee program to connect youth males (mentees) with persons who offer guidance and counseling (mentors) to help youth to graduate. The problem at the research site was that the experiences of African American males, who have graduated from high school and participated in the mentor-to-mentee program, have not been examined. Stakeholders at the research site, who are school and district administrators and high school teachers, needed research-based findings on the factors influencing African American males’ graduation. METHOD According to Merriam (2009), a qualitative case study design can be used to hear the voices of the participants. Interviews may be used to collect rich thick descriptions from the participants to answer the research question (Creswell, 2008/2009; Seidman, 2006). Semi structured face-to-face interviews were used to elicit participant responses (Glesne, 2011) that summarize their perceptions of outcomes or experiences (Spaulding, 2008). ASSUMPTIONS, LIMITATIONS, DELIMITATIONS, AND SCOPE For the purpose of this qualitative case study, assumptions included: (a) all participants provided honest responses during the semistructured face-to-face interviews; (b) all participants participated in the mentor-to-mentee program; (c) the goals and objectives of the mentor-to-mentee program contributed to the graduation of the participants; and (d) the mentor-to-mentee selection process to assign a competent mentor (teacher) to a mentee (African American male) contributed to the graduation of the participants. Limitations included: (a) interview data from the participants at the research site, (b) the gender of the participants, (c) research design, (d) small research sample, (e) the depth of the participants’ responses; (f) the goals and objectives of the mentor-to-mentee program designed and implemented at the research site; and (g) sampling method, which was stratified random sampling to enhance representativeness of the final sample by selecting participants who graduated and had participated in the mentoring program. Stratified random sampling limited the generalizability of the findings. This study was delimited to six recent high school graduates at the research site. The scope of this case study was that the participants were from one urban high school within a school district.

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REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE To conduct this study, over 100 peer-reviewed academic journals and textbooks from EBSCO, ERIC, Education Research Complete, Sage, and ProQuest were reviewed. Search terms included high school students, graduation from high school, diversity and graduation, high school dropout rates, African American males, mentoring, mentor-to-mentee programs, the factors influencing African American males’ graduation, critical race theory, mentoring programs with focus on graduating African American males from high school. According to Bonner and Jennings (2007), mentoring programs are sometimes not organized on a large scale to handle the number of students within the district. Mentoring programs should: (a) include strategies to keep students in school (Barney-DiCianno, 2009); (b) be inclusive for all students; (c) focus on students who have not experienced school success (Howard, 2002); and (d) focus more on students’ experiences with mentoring programs (Alvarez, 2010). Successful mentoring programs depend on establishing an emotional connection between mentor and mentee (Cadima, Leal, & Burchinal, 2010; Langer, 2010) and should be evaluated (Cordova, 2009) in terms of how the presence of mentors in the lives of the mentees can effect change in areas that decrease the probability of negative trajectories such as high school dropout (Clarke, 2009) particularly of African American males (Holcomb-McCoy, 2007). Mentoring programs for youth may help students build supportive and trusting relationships at school (Alter, 2009) and in impoverished communities (Perkins, Borden, Villaruel, Carlton-Hug, Stone, & Keith, 2007). Mentored youth may have better attendance and be more connected to their school, schoolwork, and teachers (Sprague, 2007) because they may be supported for improving academic outcomes (DuBois, Portillo, Rhodes, Silverthorn, & Valentine, 2011). Critical race theory (CRT) is: (a) a set of legal scholarship theories about racial inequality (Ladson-Billings, 2011); (b) cross-disciplinary (Hartlep, 2009); (c) regarding racism in education (Padron, 2009; Payne, 2010) that is difficult to detect (Walker, 2010); (d) about the relationship between race and the law (Patton, McEwen, Rendon, & Howard-Hamilton, 2007); (e) about creating equitable discourses (Lynn & Parker, 2006); (f) about documenting inequity or discrimination (Dixson & Rousseau, 2005); and (g) about exploring race and racism in society via storytelling (Ladson-Billings, 2011). High school teachers should engage all students (Anderson, 2007). African American males should be motivated and engaged in the learning process and school teachers and administrators should be more sensitive to some of the experiences of these students on their educational journeys (Senegal, 2011). Teachers may: (a) positively impact student learning (Cordova, 2009); (b) encourage students to actively participate in learning, schoolwork, and social life of school (Dynarski, Clarke, Cobb, Finn, Rumberger, & Smink, 2008); (c) help students at risk (Cummings, 2010); (d) serve as models of success for African American youths (Adelabu, 2008); and (e) implement mentoring programs designed for

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African American students to provide them with an invaluable support (HolcombMcCoy, 2007; Powell & Harper, 2008). Mentors should be role models (Dortch, 2000) and teach students right from wrong (Hart Research Associates, 2011). Boy Scouts of America, 100 African American Men of America, Inc., and Concerned African American Men have been offering mentoring for young men throughout the United States (Bonner & Jennings, 2007) to provide important supplemental social and educational experiences for students during the out-of-school time, which includes after school, weekends, and summers. POPULATION AND SETTING The population for this case study was all African American males at the research site. For the sample, a stratified random purposeful sampling was used to identify participants who graduated from the high school with specific knowledge about mentor-to-mentee mentoring at the research site (Lodico, Spaulding, & Voegtle, 2010). Potential participants who met the following selection criteria were invited to participate in semistructured face-to-face interviews: (a) African American males who attended high school at the research site; (b) graduated from the high school at the research site; and (c) participated in the mentor-to-mentee mentoring program at the research site. Those students who met the selection criteria were given consent forms outlining the purpose of the study and ethical protection of the participants. Those who returned signed consent forms were invited to the interviews that were held at the school library in a private meeting room. All participants were 18 years old or older and were assigned a pseudonym to protect their anonymity. DATA COLLECTION Semistructured face-to-face interviews were used for data collection. An interview protocol was used during the interviews to elicit: (a) response to each situation at hand, (b) the emerging worldview of the respondents, and (c) new ideas on the topic (Merriam, 2009). Participants who agreed to participate in the study were interviewed. Each interview was about one hour and was audiotaped with permission from each interviewee, and notes were taken (Lodico et al., 2010). During each interview, a synopsis of the research study was presented to each participant (Creswell, 2008). Documenting and recording participants’ responses on tape ensured that their stories were told in their own words (Merriam, 2009). A pseudonym was assigned to each interview transcript. After each interview, interview data was transcribed within 48 hours. Each participant was asked to review the interview transcript at a second interview, based on his interview responses, to offer feedback to ensure the trustworthiness of the data. The second interview was one-on-one interview, like the first interview, and about one hour in duration.

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The purpose of the second interview was member check to make sure the data collected in the first interview were accurate and correct. ANALYSIS Data from the interviews were transcribed and analyzed using open coding and thematic analysis to identify emergent themes and patterns. Open coding was used to categorize information within this study to determine themes and patterns within data. Interview information was categorized in relevant groups with multiple relevant descriptions of mentoring programs. Each significant datum was assigned a code. All like codes were grouped together. Different categories and data were re-reviewed and rearranged to best fit the categories. Interview data was categorized by writing labels on post-it notes and index cards. In order to determine emergent themes or patterns, data transcripts were re-read for keywords and phrases. FINDINGS The findings included that a mentor-to-mentee mentoring program at the research site contributed to the graduation of high school African American males. The participants (mentees) reported that during the mentoring program they established a meaningful relationship with their mentors. Mentors: (a) motivated the participants to avoid truancy and succeed academically; (b) encouraged the participants to reach their academic goals; and (c) provided academic advice. Mentors encouraged mentees to be involved in school activities such as school sports. Mentees’ involvement in sports helped them learn about sportsmanship, teamwork, and wellbeing. Most participants reported that through the interactions with their mentors, the mentees were motivated to strive to attend college and/or university. All participants agreed that they focused on graduating because the mentors shed further light on the benefits of graduation from high school. All participants reported that mentoring programs for young African American males are needed in high schools where the relationship between the mentor and the mentee is professional in nature where the mentor is the role model who may guide the mentee to focus on graduating from high school. The majority of the participants agreed that mentors taught them how to achieve personal and academic goals and how to create equitable discourses between mentors and mentees at the high school. Some participants reported that school games such as soccer and football helped them feel integrated in the school community. Few participants reported that study groups for struggling high school students were helpful after school. DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS The findings of this case study are in line with the finding of Alvarez (2010), Alter (2009), Barney-DiCianno (2009), Bloom (2010), Bonner and Jennings (2007),

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Cadima et al. (2010), Langer (2010), Cordova (2009), Clarke (2009), DuBois et al. (2011), Holcomb-McCoy, (2007), Howard (2002), Perkins et al. (2007), Sprague (2007), Woodland (2008), and Woodland, Martin, Hill, and Worrell (2009). CRT applies to the setting of this study because the participants reported the need to create mentoring programs to create equitable discourses (Lynn & Parker, 2006). African American males should be motivated and engaged in the learning process and school teachers and administrators should be more sensitive to some of the experiences of these students on their educational journeys (Senegal, 2011). Mentors who are teachers may: (a) positively impact students’ learning (Cordova, 2009); (b) be an example of success; (c) encourage students to actively participate in learning, schoolwork, and social life of school (Dynarski et al., 2008); (d) help African American males who are at risk (Cummings, 2010); (e) serve as role models of success for African American youths (Adelabu, 2008); and (f) implement mentoring programs designed for African American youths to provide them with an invaluable support (Holcomb-McCoy, 2007). A high school mentor-to-mentee program should be designed with the focus on making a difference in the lives of African American males. Mentoring programs should also focus on students’ personal and academic needs. Mentors should be school faculty such as school teachers, counselors, coaches, and administrators with experience in helping African American males succeed in high school. Mentors should focus on how to use school sports and academic programs such as school clubs to capitalize on the cultural strengths of young African American males. Mentees need mentors at school who are good role models who know how to have advisor-to-student rather than teacher-to-student interactions. School administrators should encourage the implementation of mentoring programs at high schools and should assign competent teachers as mentors who know how to help African American males set and achieve personal and academic goals. Cordova (2009) stated that it may be difficult to change students’ negative attitude toward teachers or school in general; however, the relationship with a few or even one individual teacher may impact students’ psychological engagement, possibly even buffering them from some of the other “push/pull” factors that contribute to the high dropout rate. In fact Brendtro et al. (2002) wrote that some children reach beyond their families in search of substitute attachments with other adults or peers. Educators and policymakers need to consider how to implement intermediate strategies aimed at increasing student engagement (Dynarski et al., 2008). When asked what the most important thing is that a parent or another adult can do to make a positive difference in a young person’s life (Hart Research, 2011), the answers are similar, whether coming from children, their parents, caregivers, or adults in general: talk to them and be involved in their lives, listen to them, support and encourage them, teach them right from wrong, and be a good role model. Rumberger and Lim (2008) claimed that factors such as students’ school engagement, the quality of grades students receive, students’ school behavior, and students’ relationships with their teachers are predictors of school success or fail-

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ure. Feelings of closeness with teachers have been associated with more positive academic adjustment for students (Cadima, Leal, & Burchinal, 2010). The presence of mentors in the lives of these youth can effect change in areas that decrease the probability of negative trajectories such as school dropout (Clarke, 2009). High schools are in need of acquiring more positive role models for young African American students, particularly African American males (Holcomb-McCoy, 2007). With appropriate support, a school that promotes excellence, and adults who nourish their growth, success is possible for all students. It is paramount that schools, particularly secondary schools, create school environments that give African American students the best opportunities possible and that they are not places in which only the resilient can be successful. CONCLUSION/RECOMMENDATIONS The purpose of the research was to focus on a critical element of the nation’s achievement gap—African American males. According to a recent Skillman report (Lewis et al., 2010), the nation’s young African American males are in a state of crisis. Dramatic changes in school performance as minority student’s move to high school suggest that declines in engagement in school may not simply be an effect of adolescence but may be shaped by the experiences and academic and social environments that African American students encounter in high schools (Holcomb-McCoy, 2007). The most consistent theme that surfaced throughout the qualitative interviews and questionnaires was the prevalence of the significance of two way communication as discussed by the participants, their parents, and the mentors. The data also provided the basis for these additional themes to emerge: (a) positive role models, (b) guidance, support, and trust (c) goal setting (d) teaching life skills and (e)resiliency. In addition, there were a number of subthemes which were also revealed from analyzing the data. In conclusion, mentoring programs may help high school African American males graduate (Smith, 2011) when these programs focus on: (a) strategies to keep these students in school (Barney-DiCianno, 2009); (b) inclusiveness for all students; and (c) establishing an emotional connection between mentors and mentees (Cadima et al., 2010; Langer, 2010; Zachary & Fischler, 2009). Mentors should be role models (Dortch, 2000) and teach students right from wrong (Hart Research Associates, 2011). The findings of this case study may help stakeholders identify the factors that help more African American males to: (a) graduate from high school, (b) participate in the mentor-to-mentee program, and (c) attend classes at the high school. School and district administrators may use the findings to not only help more African American males graduate but also to develop and implement more inclusive mentoring programs.

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REFERENCES Adelabu, D. (2008). Future time perspective, hope, and ethnic identity among African American adolescents. Urban Education, 43(3), 347–361, doi: 10.1177/0042085907311806. Alvarez, E. (2010). Dropout prevention program for African American and Latino youth in Compton: A grant proposal project (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Digital Dissertations database. (AAT 1486393) Anderson, K. (2007). Mentoring and standardized achievement of African American males in the elementary and middle grades. Middle Grades Research Journal, 2(1), 49–72. Barney-DiCianno, D. (2009). The impact of urban high school mentoring programs: A study to determine students’ perceptions of school climate, school connectedness, and academic success. (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Digital Dissertations database (AAT 3380452). Bloom, D. (2010). Programs and policies to assist high school dropouts in the transition to adulthood. The Future of Children, 20(1), 89–108, doi: 10.1353/foc.0.0039 Bonner, F., & Jennings, M. (2007). Never too young to lead: Gifted African American males in elementary school. Gifted Child Today, 30(2), 30–36. Cadima, J., Leal, T., & Burchinal, M. (2010). The quality of teacher–student interactions: Associations with first graders’ academic and behavioral outcomes. Journal of School Psychology, 48,457–482. doi:10.1016/j.jsp.2010.09.0001 Clarke, L. (2009). Effects of a school based adult mentoring intervention on low income, urban high school freshmen judged to be at risk for dropout: A replication and extension (Doctoral dissertation). www.rutgers.edu. Cordova, M. (2009). The impact of a teacher training program on student engagement (Master’s thesis). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses database. (ATT 1472289) Creswell, J. (2008). Educational research: Planning, conducting, and evaluating quantitative and qualitative research (3rd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Educational. Creswell, J. (2009). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Cummings, L. (2010). Evaluating the influence of participation in a diverse high school based group mentoring program (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/psych_diss/69 Dixson, A., & Rousseau, C. (2005). And we are still not saved: Critical race theory in education ten years later. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 7–27 doi: 10.1080/1361332052000340971. Dortch, T., & 100 African American Men of America Inc. (2000). The miracles of mentoring: How to encourage and lead future generations. New York, NY: Broadway Books. DuBois, D., Portillo, N., Rhodes, J., Silverthorn, N., & Valentine, J. (2011). How effective are mentoring programs for youth? A systematic assessment of the evidence. Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 12(2), 57–91, doi: 10.1177/1529100611414806. Dynarski, M., Clarke, L., Cobb, B., Finn, J., Rumberger, R., & Smink, J. (2008). Dropout prevention: Institute of Education Sciences practice guide, what works clearinghouse. Washington, D.C: Institute of Educational Sciences, National Center for

Helping African American Males Graduate from High School • 159 Education Evaluation and Regional Assistance. US Department of Education. Retrieved from http://ies.ed.gov/ncee/wwc. Glesne, C. (2011). Becoming qualitative researchers: An introduction (4th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson Education. Hart Research Associates. (2011). The state of black children and families: Black perspectives on what black children face and what the future holds. Washington, D.C.: The Black Community Crusade for Children. Hartlep, N. (2009). Critical race theory: An examination of its past, present, and future implications. Retrieved from the ERIC database http://www.eric.ed.gov/PDFS/ ED506735.pdf Holcomb-McCoy, C. (2007). Transitioning to high school: Issues and challenges for African American students. Professional School Counseling, 10(3). Retrieved from http://schoolcounselor.metapress.com/content/t786743452x51lk2/ Howard, T. (2002). Hearing footsteps in the dark: African American students’ descriptions of effective teachers. Journal of Education for Students Placed at Risk. 7(4), 425–444, doi: 10.1207/S15327671ESPRO704_4 Ladson-Billings, G. (2011). Boyz to men? Teaching to restore African American boys childhood. Race, Ethnicity, and Education, 14(1), 7–15. doi 10.1080/13613324.2011.531977 Langer, A. (2010). Mentoring nontraditional undergraduate students: A case study in higher education. Mentoring and Tutoring: Partnership in Learning, 18(1), 23–38. doi: 10.1080/13611260903448318. Lodico, M., Spaulding, X., & Voegtle, X. (2010). Methods in educational research: From theory to practice. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Lynn, M., & Parker, L. (2006). Critical race studies in education: Examining a decade of research on U.S. schools. The Urban Review, 38(4), 257–289. doi: 10.1007/s112560006-0035-5. Mauer, M. (1999). The crisis of the young African American male and the criminal justice system. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. Merriam, S. (2009). Qualitative research: A guide to design and implementation. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Padron, E. (2009). An American crisis. The Presidency, 12(1), 18–23. Patton, L., McEwen, M., Rendon, L., & Howard-Hamilton, M. (2007). Responding to the realities of race on campus: Critical race perspectives on theory in student affairs. New Direction for Student Services, 39–53, doi: 10.101002/ss.256, www.interscience.wiley.com. Payne, M. (2010). Educational lynching: Critical race theory and the suspension of African American boys (Unpublished master’s thesis). San Francisco State University, San Francisco, CA. Perkins, D. F., Borden, L. M., Villaruel, F. A., Carlton-Hug, A., Stone, M. R., & Keith, J. G. (2007). Participation in structured youth programs. Youth and Society, 38(4) 420–442, doi: 10.1177/0044118X06295051 Powell, K., & Harper, H. (2008). The African American male handbook: A blueprint for life. New York, NY: Simon and Schuster. Seidman, I. (2006). Interviewing as qualitative research: A guide for researchers in education. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.

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Senegal, P. G. (2011). A case study of a southeastern African American male mentoring community college program. (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Digital Dissertations database. (ATT 530665) Smith, J. (2011). Black voices: African American young adult males’ perception of teacher–student relationships and implications for academic achievement (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Digital Dissertations database. (AAT 346876) Spaulding, D. (2008). Program evaluation in practice: core concepts and examples for discussion and analysis. San Francisco, CA. Jossey-Bass. Sprague, C. (2007). The impact of peer mentoring on the academic and nonacademic performance of high school students (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Digital Dissertations database. (ATT 3319305) Walker, B. (2010). Re-entry of African American male high school dropouts through the lens of critical race theory with content analysis of the case studies (Master’s thesis). Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/25608673 Woodland, M. (2008). Whatcha doin’ after school? A review of the literature on the influence of after-school programs on young African American males. Urban Education, 43, 537–561. doi: 10.1177/0042085907311808. Woodland, M., Martin, J., Hill, R., & Worrell, F. (2009). The most blessed room in the city: The influence of a youth development program on three young African American males. Journal of Negro Education, 78(3), 233–245. Retrieved from http://www. jstor.org/stable/25608743 Zachary, L., & Fischler, L. (2009). The mentee’s guide: Making mentoring work for you. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

SECTION 3 MIXED METHODS RESEARCH

CHAPTER 10

IMPLEMENTING A MENTORING PROGRAM FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES TO IMPROVE STUDENT SATISFACTION AT A PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTION Curtis C. Coonrod

INTRODUCTION Many campuses across the country are struggling with finding the right programs, services, and new initiatives to improve retention and graduation rates of their students. This is specifically true for predominantly white institutions (PWI) that are primarily concerned about the retention and graduation rates of African American males. Love (2008) indicated that determining the appropriate diversity initiative for PWI campuses is paramount in retaining African American students. Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 163–179. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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Given the economic climate in higher education, solving the retention issue can greatly impact the financial situation for any institution. Resources for higher education are remaining flat and in some cases shrinking, shifting more of the costs to students, with little evidence indicating that this situation will change anytime soon (Tinto, 2007). Accountability has become more than just a buzz word, accrediting bodies as well as the general population are seeking confirmation that universities are being held to the highest standards, and is improving, or at least maintaining their quality and accessibility (Tinto, 2007). Finally, the cost of attrition has major consequences on the finances, and equally as important, on the reputation and ratings of the institution (Billups, 2008). However, this study was not initiated by the potential financial gains for the university, but for the critical need to know what resources were necessary to impact higher student satisfaction, retention, and graduation rates primarily for African American males. Specifically, the goal was to understand the impact an intentional mentoring program would have on African American males at a predominantly White institution. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this research study was to understand the relationship between a successful mentoring program and student satisfaction of African American males enrolled at a PWI. The study was grounded in peer-reviewed research of the likes of Vincent Tinto, John Bean, Barbara Metzner, and George Kuh who have studied and written extensively on the topic of student retention, and who are cited in nearly all studies related to student retention. Much of their studies have concluded that positive interactions and meaningful engagement with the campus, including faculty, greatly contribute to a student’s sense of satisfaction (Bean & Metzner, 1985; Kuh, 2001; Tinto, 2007). Furthermore, the study was influenced by the research of Michael Cuyjet, Terell Strayhorn, and Shawn Harper, just to name a few, who have focused their studies specifically on African American students, and, in many instances, on African American males. Cuyjet (2006) indicated that meaningful involvement is central to the success of African American male students, and enhances their overall college experience. Wilson (2000) indicated that the African American male has been described as an “endangered species,” and the successful African American male is now being viewed as something of an anomaly (p. 175). Furthermore, much of the research on African American college students at PWIs indicated that African American students encounter difficulty in social and academic integration (Chavous, 2011). Therefore, understanding why African American male students leave the institution prior to earning a degree is essential in order to focus on activities and strategies that might increase their persistence rates at the university (Harper, 2008; Tinto, 2007). Eimers (2001) indicated that if the relationship between college experiences and college success were better understood, particularly for minority

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students, perhaps colleges and universities could enhance the success of minority students on their campuses (p. 387). Therefore, gaining a better understanding of the challenges African American males face and the frame of reference from which they come should assist the institution in developing a strategic plan that could lead to greater satisfaction and persistence of these students (Benton, 2001). Understanding the Literature When considering student engagement, mentoring, and meaningful campus interaction, a connection to student retention seems to be fairly consistent throughout the literature. Providing positive student engagement and interaction, which includes a strong mentoring program, typically have a long-term impact on student retention (Cuyjet, 2006; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991; Tinto, 2007). While the focus of this study was more succinctly defined, it was still imperative to consider the broader topic of student retention as part of the literature review. A scan of the literature regarding student retention reveals substantial writing on meaningful student interaction with various campus stakeholders, which remains consistent among all populations. Several studies have shown that positive interaction and involvement lead to success for African American male students (Bean & Metzner, 1985; Kuh, 2001; Tinto, 2007; Cuyjet, 2006). I focused the literature review on various topics that tend to be consistent and most germane to the problem being studied. These included, but are not limited to retention, persistence, student engagement, campus connection, campus environment, and assessment. Several theories emerge on this research problem, with widespread agreement on many of the issues and potential solutions; however, the problem of persistence and retention continues to haunt colleges and universities all across the country (Tinto, 2007). Furthermore, the literature review began more broadly with a discussion of retention, which is essentially an institutional problem, and persistence, which speaks specifically to issues facing students. Finally, the literature review became more focused on strategies that have had the most impact on African American males and their decision to continue their enrollment at the university, including campus connection, student engagement, and mentoring. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Student Engagement I found that much of the literature on student retention has a focus on the first year experience of college students as it relates to overall satisfaction, and continual enrollment at the institution. Barefoot et al. (2005) indicate institutions that achieve first-year excellence place a high priority on the first year among competing institutional priorities, and they accept a significant share of the responsibility for first-year student achievement. This is important for all students but is particularly critical for African American males as they deal with not only the adjustment

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to the collegiate experience but also many rival external influences (Cuyjet, 2006; Chavous, 2011; Harper, 2008). Campus Connection Furthermore, connectivity seems to be a common theme among those studying student retention, and encouraging students to maintain and develop new contacts are important elements for student satisfaction especially with underrepresented students. Tinto (2006) suggests that whereas we once assumed that retention required students to break away from past communities, we now know that for some students, the ability to remain connected to their past communities, family, church, or tribe, is essential to their persistence. Peer groups are an important influence on students as they navigate the campus landscape; negotiate the rigors of the academic experience; begin to shape news ideas; and make choices about activities, careers, and persistence (Astin, 1982; Brown, 2005; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). In addition, Love (2008) suggested that integration of diverse components, such as cultural events, mentoring programs, and professional development workshops, builds a framework for transformational leadership, bridges gaps that encompass the whole person rather than partially connecting individuals and cultures, and creates changes to increase minority retention. Moreover, Griffin, Nichols, Perez, and Tuttle (2008) suggest a number of practical strategies to involve students of color into campus activities, giving them a sense of belonging and increasing their level of satisfaction. These include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

engaging underrepresented students in the campus community before they arrive on campus; host orientation events to welcome new students and educate them about campus leadership opportunities; work with engaged student leaders from underrepresented communities to personally recruit uninvolved peers; create and support groups that cater to diverse needs of underrepresented student populations; hold student organization leaders accountable for reaching out to underrepresented students and fostering an inclusive community; use inclusive leadership models to provide ongoing training and develop opportunities for student leaders; encourage and support student leaders to organize programs that raise the consciousness of their peers and inspire activism; establish mentoring programs to connect new student with faculty members and administrators; encourage collaboration between faculty, student affairs professionals, and other campus administrators committed to the successful involvement of underrepresented student populations;

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communicate with parents during the year about the involvement of minority student leaders; and celebrate the contributions of minority student leaders (pp. 126–130).

All of these suggestions can have a positive impact on the collegiate experience for underrepresented students and especially for African American males. Certainly African American alumni could also be added to several of the suggestions to enhance and strengthen the student experience (Cuyjet, 2006). Moreover, Strayhorn (2008) suggests that one reason Black men may depart from college is due to the lack of sense of belonging. He further states that a confluence of factors may make it difficult for Black men to “fit in,” particularly those attending predominantly White institutions (Strayhorn, 2008, p. 502). As the intervention for this study centered on meaningful engagement, particular attention was given to incorporating past contacts with new ones in order to enhance the students’ experience at the institution, and to ensure a sense of belonging. In addition, given the focus on substantial interaction between African American males as a mechanism to increase student satisfaction and retention, engagement with African American faculty is very important (Cuyjet, 2006). DawsonThreat (as cited in Zamani-Gallaher & Polite, 2010) highlighted the importance of faculty-to-student interaction for African American male college students, and offered a pedagogical frame of reference for faculty. She offered the following three recommendations: (a) provide African American male students with a safe space for expression of their personal experiences (b) facilitate and promote the understanding of difference and the negation of stereotypes, and (c) provide the opportunity for these students and others to explore Black manhood issues (p. 257). The message seems clear that a safe and supportive environment must be created and maintained for African American male students to feel comfortable in their surroundings, which should enhance their potential to achieve academic success. CAMPUS ENVIRONMENT In addition, Cuyjet (2006) emphasized the significance of the academic climate for African American males on campus to student achievement. He suggested five interventions that could be implemented by staff in support of African American males, which include: a. b.

c.

enhance the positive effects and diminish the negative impact of peer group influence; assist students with staying connected to family and extended family members as African American males typically have strong ties to such groups; create strong student-faculty relations and assure African American men that asking for help from faculty is not unmanly;

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assist with developing self-esteem among African American males students, particularly as it relates to academic success; and assess the academic climate for African American males and how they perceive the institution views them (p. 239). MENTORING

The literature, especially with regards to African American males on college campus, often suggests that mentoring is a crucial part of the strategy to help them succeed; however, it is somewhat more challenging to establish a successful mentoring program at predominately White institutions (Cuyjet, 2006). If PWIs are to enjoy the same mentoring success stories as their Historical Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU) counterparts, it is essential that campus stakeholders and student affairs practitioners begin to inform their faculty and staff colleagues that mentoring is more than just providing academic and social remediation for a particular student subculture (Cuyjet, 2006). Cuyjet further states that it should be an experience designed to empower protégés rather than foster dependency (p. 104). As a PWI, the university has to continue to look for ways to create and sustain a supportive and inclusive environment whereby African American males will achieve the desired academic success (Harper, 2008). The designed intervention, including a mentoring program and related student engagement activities, assisted with creating the appropriate steps that will transform the current culture at the university into the future. RESEARCH DESIGN Although this study began with the attempt to use mixed methodologies, it was quickly decided that a qualitative study would best address the issue facing the institution. Clearly the qualitative aspect, making use of “constructions” to better understand the situation of African American males, was most critical to the success and potential outcomes that can significantly impact change at the study site (Stringer, 2007). Using the research of Guba and Lincoln, Stringer (2007) suggested that constructions are created realities that exist as integrated, systematic, sense-making representations, and are the stuff of which people’s social lives are built (p. 41). The aim of inquiry is not to establish the truth or to describe what really is happening but to reveal the different truths and realities—construction— held by different individuals and groups (Stringer, 2007, p. 42). Furthermore, focus groups and personal interviews were utilized to acquire in-depth information for this study. Guiding questions were taken from the National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) that is administered every other year at this university. According to the NSSE website, 761 colleges and universities administered the survey in 2011 with nearly 1,500 participating since 2000. I received permission from NSSE to use these questions for the focus groups and personal interviews. This data provided supplemental information to the personal

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interviews and focus groups, which helped to better understand, connect, and support African American male students. The qualitative aspect of this study was more influential in gauging the impact on the African American males overall student satisfaction and likelihood of continuing their enrollment. Moreover, their perception and the quality of the experience provided the core of this study as to how African American males felt about their situation, which most likely will drive their decision on whether or not to continue their enrollment at the institution (Cuyjet, 2006; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991; Strayhorn, 2008; Tinto, 2007). Target Population, Sampling Method, and Related Procedures Improving the persistence rates for African American males is an important goal, and part of the institution’s strategic plan. Obtaining strong qualitative data that includes African American males’ perceptions was critical to establishing strategies to improve persistence rates. Furthermore, given the institution’s highly successful precollegiate program for students in high school that serves as a pipeline for university enrollment, the improved persistence rates greatly enhances institutional image and recruitment potential. Therefore, being deliberate with regards to the target population and sampling procedures, produced a smaller number of participants for the various phases, and provided the necessary in-depth information needed to determine appropriate intervention strategies. Target Population Although the institution’s desire to increase the number of first-time African American males enrolled is embedded in their strategic plan, the fact remains that the current enrollment is small, which impacted the potential eligibility for this study. My use of a purposeful sampling process, consciously selecting people on the basis of a particular set of attributes, created some limitations with regards to the number of potential participants (Stringer, 2007). The university enrolls about 55 new first-time African American males each fall and all were invited to participate in this study. A male counselor in the Office of Multicultural Relations assisted with recruiting students for two focus groups and personal interviews. Two focus group sessions, consisting of a total of 12 students, were conducted to supplement the information gained through the surveys and personal interviews. Since students’ participation level with campus activities fluctuates greatly at the university given outside campus obligations (family, work, and church), the numbers were reasonable for this particular study. Sampling Method This study made use of purposeful sampling, a method that consciously selects people on the basis of a particular set of attributes (Stringer, 2007). Both the setting and the participants were selected for specific reasons related to the nature

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of the study. The institution is a predominantly White institution, located in an urban setting, and enrolls primarily commuting students. The participants selected for the study were primarily undergraduate African American males who were enrolled for the first time at the university and were seeking a degree. While all undergraduate African American males attending the university were eligible to participate in the study, first-time college students represented the majority of the study participants. Related Procedures Undergraduate African American males students enrolled for the first time at the university were invited to participate based on a list provided by the Office of the Registrar. These students were selected based on their enrollment status (first time at the university), gender (male), and ethnicity (African American). These students were invited to participate in a multicultural male mentoring program via a letter that included information about the program. In addition, African American male students visiting the primary student support office were informed of the focus groups and invited to participate. Each participant completed an informed consent form, which gave the researcher permission to include them in the study, and informed them that they could leave the study at any time. The intervention planned for this study was a consistent mentoring program for African American males at a predominantly White institution (PWI); therefore, participants were selected on the basis of race and ethnicity. Other participants in the mentoring program included the staff in the primary student support office; other students, staff, and faculty; as well as alumni and community leaders. The other participants in the study were instrumental to the mentoring component of the intervention strategy. Data Collection The qualitative data collection process involved focus groups of participating African American males in the mentoring program and other activities through the primary student support office. Twelve African American males participated in these focus groups. The goal for this exercise was to gather qualitative data in a collective manner about their level of satisfaction with the university, the primary student support office, activities that are important to them, and any other concerns they had with regards to their academic success. Finally, and probably the most important part of the study, was the conducting of personal interviews of six males participating in the program. This in-depth data collection became the core of the study, and provided critical information needed to make significant changes that will impact the success of these students. Understanding the backgrounds of these students, the concerns they have about their academic success, support services they feel necessary to succeed, and what

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factors influence their decision to continue their enrollment at the university was critical to ascertain. Data Analysis Procedures Focus groups and structured personal interviews were used to collect the qualitative data for this study, which was then interpreted and analyzed. The focus groups and personal interviews were face-to-face encounters with extensive field notes taken, as no recording devices were utilized. This helped ensure a level of comfort on the part of the participants. After completion of the focus groups and personal interviews, the data was interpreted and analyzed. Data interpretation refers to developing ideas about your findings, and relating them to the literature and to broader concerns and concepts (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). Moreover, most of the literature suggested that there is some relationship between increased student satisfaction and meaningful engagement with the institution (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991; Tinto, 2007). Furthermore, leading researchers on student retention have discovered that making this connection between the student and the institution early on in their academic career is critical to the student’s success, and ultimately their persistence (Barefoot et al., 2005). How would a mentoring program create a more positive campus experience for African American males and improve student satisfaction? Information gathered from the focused groups and the personal interviews substantiated that a mentoring program was critical for African American males to have a positive campus experience. Furthermore, it was especially important that an African American male be part of the staff in the primary student support office to serve in a mentoring role for these students. SUMMARY OF THE RESULTS Although I originally chose a mixed methodology for this study, clearly the qualitative data provided the most meaningful findings that answered the research questions. Moreover, the rich qualitative data produced by this study had significant implications for policy, programmatic, and service decisions that face the university, especially as it relates to African American males and student satisfaction. In analyzing and discussing the data from this study, I organized the information using a thematic analysis approach, which provided the necessary context in order to make such decisions. I hypothesized that there was a significant relationship between a strong mentoring program and related student engagement activities that increases African American males’ level of satisfaction, leading to higher persistence rates. With the university being a predominantly White institution (PWI), the expectation was that African American males enrolled at the institution would seek out other African American male faculty, staff, counselors, and peers to assist them with adjusting to the university.

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The overall research question was: How would a mentoring program create a more positive campus experience for African American males and improve student satisfaction? The two focus groups and the personal interviews conducted as part of this study provided the most credible data, which clearly indicated that a mentoring program geared towards African American males at this predominantly White institution, does create a more positive experience for such students. Using a thematic approach to analyzing the qualitative data, trust in particularly the male mentor in the primary student support service office was ranked extremely high. The African American males in the study indicated a great deal of confidence in this individual and felt comfortable discussing all matters with him. Their experience was certainly enhanced by having such a strong relationship with the male mentor. The second question guiding this research study was: What activities are perceived to be most important to African American males in terms of providing a more positive campus experience? Responses to this question were somewhat surprising, as the African American males in this study indicated that they did not rely on the campus for social engagement activities. Students indicated that they participated in some campus activities, but given the university’s urban setting, it was hard for the university to compete with the wide range of activities available to them in the larger community. Furthermore, a major theme surfacing from the qualitative data was “maintaining established connections.” The established connection theme was a major reason that on-campus student activities were less of a priority for African American males in the study, as they continued participating in community-based activities in which they were most familiar. The study participants relayed that they looked at campus activities simply to enhance their established social interaction and engagement. The final question leading this research study was: What impact does a mentoring program have on increasing student satisfaction among African American males at a predominantly White institution? The data indicated that a mentoring program had a significant impact on student satisfaction, and the African American males in the study desired even more mentoring relationships. Three themes surfaced from all of the qualitative data collected, namely: trust, cultural awareness, and care/concern. The males in this study indicated that the mentoring relationships they had, particularly with the male mentor in the primary student support service office, but also informally with other African American male professionals, represented an understanding of them and a deep commitment to their success. This was extremely important to them, and made them feel good about their decision to attend and remain at the university. DETAILED ANALYSIS I used a thematic analysis of data collected through two focus groups in which 12 African American males participated along with personal interviews with six

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African American males. I conducted the focus groups while a counselor from the primary student support service office handled the personal interviews. Furthermore, where possible, I used words and phrases taken directly from the participants in the focus groups and personal interviews. Stringer (2007) indicated that to minimize the propensity to conceptualize events through their own interpretive lenses, researchers should, wherever possible, apply the “verbatim principle, using terms and concepts drawn from the words of the participants themselves. By doing so they are more likely to capture the meanings inherent in people’s experience (p. 99). Since the participants shared their own stories for this research, it is only fitting that the researcher uses as many direct quotes as possible. FOCUS GROUP SESSIONS I originally intended to host just one focus group session with a goal of having 15 to 20 African American males participating. Although 15 students indicated that they would volunteer for the first focus group, only seven actually participated due to scheduling conflicts and other issues. Given the turnout for the original focus group, a second session was scheduled to obtain additional responses to the study questions. The second focus group engaged five African American males in the same discussion as the original focus group for a total of twelve participants. Study participants were solicited through email invitations from the male counselor in the primary student support service office, as well as personal invitations as students visited this office. Finally, some students learned about the focus group through other students and decided to participate. An interesting dynamic was established from the volunteers in the two focus groups that created a natural comparative group, which had not been planned for. Four of the 12 study participants were older students who had been enrolled at the university for 2 or more years. These individuals were active participants in the focus group, and shared information that helped compare the situation for African American males prior to the genesis of the mentoring program and as it is now. The remaining eight participants were students enrolled for the first time at the university. Responses from the focus group were categorized by each of these groups for comparative purposes. While responses varied from each of these groups, many similar themes emerged, which furthered supported my hypothesis as it related to mentoring relationships. Focus group participants were introduced to me by the male counselor in the primary student support service office. This introduction as well as an explanation of the study seemed to put the study participants at ease and encouraged them to fully engage in the study. I fully explained the intent of the study as well as the informed consent process which each participant signed and received a copy. All were advised that they could leave the study at any time. Each focus group was asked a total of nine questions with each participant encouraged to respond but not required. In most instances, all participants added

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something to the conversation. Given my role at the university, and in an effort to maximize honest feedback, it was determined through the IRB process that no recording device should be used. I took extensive field notes, which were later transcribed for the data analysis. The interview questions for the focus group were designed to: (a) solicit information about the participant’s perceptions including any reservations of the university prior to enrolling, (b) reason for choosing the university, (c) engagement activities during the past year, (d) level of campus support for African American males, and (e) how important a mentoring program is for their success and continual enrollment. All of these questions helped with addressing the overall research questions for this study. The questions for the focus groups and personal interviews consisted of the following: • What had you heard about the university prior to enrolling and who did you hear it from? • Why did you choose the university and what factors influenced your decision? • Did you have any concerns or reservations about enrolling at the university and if so, what were they? • Do you live on or off campus? Why did you chose your particular living situation and do see any advantages to your living situation • In your experience at the university during the current year, about how often have you talked about career plans with a faculty member or advisor? Do you find faculty members or advisors to be readily accessible? • To what extent does the university help you cope with your nonacademic responsibilities (work, family, etc.)? • To what extent does the university provide the support you need to thrive socially? What activities, amenities, or other opportunities do you feel are missing at the university? • Is a mentoring program important to you for your success at this university? What kind of mentor(s) would you like? • What do you feel you need from the university in order to be successful? • To what extent does the university provide the support you need to help you succeed academically? What do you need that the university is not providing? What is the university doing really well that they should continue or enhance? • What activities outside the classroom have you participated in during the last several months? • What do you feel you need from the university in order to be successful?

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THEMATIC ANALYSIS From the data collected through the focus groups and personal interviews with African American males, I established that six major themes and one minor theme existed. The major themes include (1) trust, (2) cultural awareness, (3) practical decision making, (4) high quality, (5) care/concern, and (6) maintain established connections. The feedback from the study participants identified an interesting minor theme of stereotypes, which was framed differently especially by the two age groups and will be discussed in this section. Theme 1: Trust The African American males participating in this study often used the word trust, especially as they described their experience with such things as advising, whether it was for academic purposes or other purposes, from the support offices. There seemed to be a sense of skepticism about the information they were receiving, and they most often used the student support service office as a sort of “fact check.” The African American male mentor was increasingly important for this role, as the students felt totally confident with the advice he provided. Additionally, the majority of the study participants indicated that the mentor in the primary student support service office was much more approachable and they felt comfortable seeking advice. These students felt that the mentor in the primary student support service office was much more invested in their success, while the advisors in the academic departments were less accessible, making the advising experience less comfortable. Theme 2: Cultural Awareness The African American males in this study spoke extensively about the importance of cultural awareness on the part of the university in increasing their level of comfort at the institution. One student said, It is easier to take no from the primary student support service office who has a cultural awareness, personal connection and tremendous trust. We believe in what they say, as they unequivocally have our life on their mind. This helps with accountability.

Another student indicated, “I need more people at the university who can relate to me culturally and personally and give me life advice.” Finally, one other student said, I would like to see more discounted fees and more of a cultural connection to faculty. I want to see more African Americans in my field of study and more diverse faculty with applicable stories like mine, so that I would have someone to relate.

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Moreover, the study participants often related that they did not want to be treated differently because they were Black, but did want the campus to have a cultural appreciation and truly value diversity. Theme 3: Practical Decision Making Practical decision making was quite evident among many of the study participants, especially as it related to how they made their selection of which college to attend. Many students in the study chose the university primarily because of cost and proximity. Most of the students that participated in the study received substantial scholarship offers from the university that made college affordable for them, and lessened the amount of debt they would need to incur. The financial aid packages, along with the ability to stay at home, were very attractive for these students. Ironically, living off-campus was a better option for most of the students because of cost and their feeling that they had better control over their learning environment outside of class. These students believed that living offcampus, whether at home or in an apartment, was less distracting to their studies than living on-campus. All of the students in the study were very focused on being successful academically, and were taking steps to increase that possibility. Theme 4: High Quality The students participating in this study were proud of their previous academic accomplishments and were equally proud of their choice of attending the university. Most of the African American males in this study spoke highly of their academic major, and related that it was instrumental in their decision to attend the university. Some students made an observation that the university needs to do a better job communicating the high quality of academic programs, and it needs to maintain great faculty members who keep coursework challenging. Additionally, one student indicated that the university needed to ensure that students were being admitted who had the ability to succeed. Finally, students expressed a desire for campus facilities like the library and computing labs having extended hours. All of these observations were made in the context of maintaining the high quality that they felt existed at the university. Theme 5: Care/Concern The final question of both the focus groups and the personal interviews represented a “wrap up” question that was broad enough, and allowed the study participants an opportunity to express anything they wanted. The most important issue that arose from the responses was the need for the university to genuinely care about the students’ success. One student passionately responded, “I need the university to care about me actually being successful. I just need them to care. If the university doesn’t care then the degree doesn’t mean much.” Another student indicated that “the male mentor in the primary student support service office al-

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ways made me feel as though I wanted to come back to the university the next day, no matter what happened the day before.” Furthermore, the African American males in the study related that the care and concern theme was attributed in a large part to the mentoring relationships the students’ had with the primary student support service office. Conversely, there was a sense among the students that more established mentoring relationships with African American male faculty, staff, and other peers would increase the feeling that the university genuinely cared about their success and well-being. Theme 6: Maintain Established Connections The importance of maintaining established connections was prevalent in many of the responses to questions in the focus groups and personal interviews. African American males in this study often indicated that their decision to attend the university was influenced by the importance of staying connected with family, and in some case the need to provide some level of care for a family member. Tinto (2006) suggests that whereas we once assumed that retention required students to break away from past communities, we now know for some students the ability to remain connected to their past communities, family, church, or tribe, is essential to their persistence. Cuyjet (2006) also suggested that one retention strategy was to assist students with staying connected to family and extended family members, as African American males typically have strong ties to such groups. The established connection theme was also a major reason that on-campus student activities were less of a priority for African American males in the study, as they continued participating in community based activities in which they were most familiar. One student indicated, “The university is doing a good job working with what they have. It is hard to compete with activities in the community like the Central West End and the Loop.” Another student indicated that, “Support is there if you to take advantage, however, 85% of social activity are external to the campus.” One final theme that the researcher categorized as a minor theme was stereotypes. The students in the focus groups approached the stereotype issue from two different ways, with the older students expressing very negative opinions. These students spoke of concern about racial tensions on campus, especially with faculty and the denigrating of African American students when they asked questions. They often indicated that they were looked at differently because of being African American. Conversely, students who were new to the campus expressed concerns of wanting to see more African Americans, especially males in professional roles. They indicated that they saw more African Americans in service related positions, and wanted to see more in professional roles that gave them the encouragement that they could be successful in their careers and to serve as role models. Rarely did they speak of concerns about racial tension that could be contributed to their experiences in precollegiate programs that made them more familiar with the campus.

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CONCLUSION The focus on African American males for this study was consistent with the university’s strategy to attract and retain a more diverse student body. As retention is an important issue for the university, information gathered from this study can be adaptable to other student populations and lends itself for further study. The data collected through the focus groups and personal interviews of African American males certainly supported the claim that a mentoring program is critical to the success of these students, and helps give them a sense of belonging. Established mentoring relationships instills a sense of trust, care, concern, and cultural awareness, and provides stability for African American males at this predominantly White institution. REFERENCES Astin, A. (1982). Minorities in American higher education. San Francisco, CA: JosseyBass Barefoot, B., Gardner, J., Cutright, M., Morris, L., Schroeder, C., Schwartz, S., …. Swing, R. (2005). Achieving and sustaining institutional excellence for the first year of college. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Bean, J., & Metzner, B. (1985). A conceptual model of nontraditional undergraduate student attrition. Review of Educational Research, (55), 485–540. Bean, J. (1980). Dropouts and turnover: The synthesis and test of a casual model of student attrition. Research in Higher Education, 12(2), 155–187. Benton, M. (2001). Challenges African American students face at predominantly White institutions. Challenges, 2, 1–15. Retrieved from Colorado State University website: http://www.colostate.edu/Depts/SAHE/Journal2/2001/Challenges.htm Billups, F. (2008). Measuring college satisfaction: A multi-year study of the factors leading to persistence. Higher Education, 5, 1–17. Retrieved from Johnson & Wales University website: http://scholarsarchive.jwu.edu.highered/5 Bogdan, R., & Biklen, S. (2007). Qualitative research for education: An introductory to theory and methods. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Brown, C. (2006). The impact of campus activities on African American college men. In M. Cuyjet (Ed.), African American Men in College (pp. 47–67). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Chavous, T. (2002). African American college students in predominantly White institutions of higher education: Consideration of race and gender. African American Research Perspectives, 8(2), 142–150. Cuyjet, M. (2006). African American men in college. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Ehrenberg, R. (2006). The perfect storm and the privatization of public higher education. Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning, 38(1), 46–53. Eimers, M. (2001). The impact on student experiences on progress in college: An examination of minority and nonminority differences. Journal of Student Affairs and Research, 38(3), 386–409. Griffin, K., Nichols, A., Perez II, D., & Tuttle, K. (2008). Making campus activities and student organizations inclusive for racial/ethnic minority students. In S. Harper (Ed.), Creating inclusive campus environments for cross-cultural learning and stu-

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dent engagement (pp. 121–138). Washington, DC: National Association of Student Personnel Administrators (NASPA), Inc. Harper, S. (2008). Creating inclusive campus environments for cross-cultural learning and student engagement. Washington, DC: National Association of Student Personnel Administrators (NASPA), Inc. Kuh, G. (2001). Assessing what really matters to student learning: Inside the National Survey of Student Engagement. Change, 33(3), 10–17. Kuh, G., & Hu, S. (2001). The effects of student-faculty interaction in the 1990s. The Review of Higher Education, 24, 39–332. Love, D. (2008). Revitalizing retention efforts for African American college students at predominantly White institutions. Paper presented at the meeting of the Allied Academies International Conference, Reno, Nevada. Pascarella, E., & Terenzini, P. (1991). How college affects students: Findings and insights from twenty years of research. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Strayhorn, T. (2008). How college students’ engagement affects personal and social learning outcomes. Journal of College & Character, 10(2), 1–16. Strayhorn, T. (2008). Fittin’ in: Do diverse interactions with peers affect sense of belonging for black men at predominantly White institutions? Journal of Student Affairs and Research, 45(1), 501–527. Strayhorn, T. (2008). The role of supportive relationships in facilitating African American males’ success in college. Journal of Student Affairs and Research, 45(1), 26–48. Stringer, E. (2007). Action research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Tinto, V. (2006). Research and practice of student retention: What next? Journal of College Student Retention: Research, Theory & Practice, 8(1), 1–20. Tinto, V. (2012). Completing college: Rethinking institutional action. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. Wilson, M. (2000). Reversing the plight of African American male college students. Black Issues in Higher Education, 17(18), 175. Zamani-Gallaher, E., & Polite, V. (2010). The state of the African American male. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press.

CONCLUSION

MENTORING AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE STUDENTS Pamela Barber-Freeman and William Ross

One of the most important questions in educational leadership for the 21st century concerns the process of producing strong, effective diverse leaders for our nation’s public schools, businesses, society, and economy. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, minorities currently make up roughly one-third of our total population. By the year 2042, this minority will become a 54% majority. More importantly for educators, by the year 2023, minorities will comprise more than half of all schoolage children. The fact that the diversity in our public schools is continuously increasing while our educational leaders, CEOs, and political leaders do not begin to reflect the diverse population, poses a challenge and problem. Specifically, in our public educational system we find that 14% of the nation’s superintendents are female, and only 5.1% are people of color (The Race Debate, 2004). In Texas, African Americans and Hispanic Americans youth constitute 53% of the school age population and have the highest dropout rate of any other ethnic group within the state. In postsecondary institutions, enrolments of African American males are declining while prison populations of this group are increasing. With the continuous increase of a diverse population, it becomes quite apparent that the dynamics of the culturally heterogeneous world has become both complex and problematic. In fact, one of the most compelling needs of our time is to reach for the “forgotten Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 181–184. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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half” of our population who have the capability of leading but who are being left behind by the new economy. As our nation and world continues to become ever more diverse and inclusive in nature, the importance of young children learning in school systems that are truly reflective of society becomes increasingly more important and pertinent (Delpit, 1995). If students of diverse backgrounds are going to receive an unbiased and appropriate education from our public school systems, then stereotypes that impede their opportunities to do so should be examined and resolved. Creating a greater need for more inclusion of all ethnic groups who have the theoretical and methodological tools to help frame and answer questions that concern all Americans is critical. One reason for this failure is due to the quality of leadership as well as the lack of sensitivity to the cultural dynamics within our nation. Therefore, it is imperative that we equip all ethnic groups with the theoretical and methodological tools to help frame and answer questions of increasing the number of diverse educational leaders in our country by creating more mentors for our African American male youth. A primary goal of educational institutions is to create an intense intellectual awareness of the enriching aspects of cultural pluralism and respect for differences as well as examining the negative consequences of prejudicial exclusion— to prepare students to live in a self-sustaining and productive manner within the mosaic of cultural experiences in our society. This does not happen with African American males; specifically, racial profiling and the killing of Trayvon Martin in March 2012 is a prime example of how many African Americans are traditional victims of prejudicial exclusion. To substantiate this fact, on July 18, 2013, President Barak Obama spoke concerning race in American; one of the few times that the President of the United States spoke without notes or the use of a teleprompter. President Obama, as were many Americans, was trying to find some sense with the verdict for George Zimmerman, the killer of Trayvon Martin. And when you think about why, in the African American community at least, there’s a lot of pain around what happened here, I think it’s important to recognize that the African American community is looking at this issue through a set of experiences and a history that doesn’t go away… There are very few African-American men in this country who haven’t had the experience of being followed when they were shopping in a department store. That includes me… And so the fact that sometimes that’s unacknowledged adds to the frustration.” (Transcript, 2013) As the President of the United States, President Obama’s passionate speech confirms how African American men are diverse in terms of their socioeconomic status, values, belief systems, political ideologies, sexual orientation, racial identities, and other social variables. But, they all have one commonality among them and that is the societal racism (micro aggression) that, too often, leads to oppression. The assessing of racial conflicts of African American males is the premise for many research studies in our educational system; yet, the research has not looked at all of the facets that promote racial inequalities. One mode to address this issue among African American males is to create mentoring models that will

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increase their intellectual awareness while supporting their academic development. Throughout the country, educators by the thousands are creating new ideas of educational reform that challenge conventional wisdom. But, sharing that valuable information from one community to the next is a hit-or-miss proposition. Therefore, the purpose of this book is to examine mentoring viewpoints from researchers of African American males and to develop a conceptual framework where educational leaders and activists can come together to learn from one another, to build the bridge between policies and practice, to shorten the learning curve for anyone interested in mentoring African American male students and bettering the future for our children by developing leaders who can respond to the challenges of the future and give encouragement and support. This bridge is based on the student-teacher relationship. The importance of relationships in schools has received increasing attention in educational research and practice which includes a growing body of case studies and clinical narratives that directs our attention to the engaging but elusive idea of social trust as essential for meaningful school improvement. This research provides educators the opportunity to examine identity, integrity, and vocation choice—key ingredients that are brought into relationships with students. Schools are about relationships, a myriad of them between students and teachers, parents and teachers, administrators and teachers. This aforementioned premise can simply be defined as mentoring. So now, we pose the question, “What is mentoring?” Mentoring is usually an intense, dyadic relationship in which the mentor furthers the professional and personal development of the protégé by providing information, assistance, support and guidance. The mentoring relationship is usually organized around supportive activities, such as: observation (visiting); demonstration (coaching); conferencing (feedback); and, affirmation (supporting). Dalton, Thompson, and Price (as cited in Hunt & Michael, 1983) view mentoring as a four-stage process through which careers may progress: apprentice, colleague, mentor, and sponsor. An assumption made is that eventually the protégées will mature into mentors, given that the teaching career is viewed as developmental, cyclical, and maturational. The mentorship process can serve as a construct to ensure continuous leadership development. Although almost everyone agrees that principals need formal training to prepare for their positions, few agree on what the nature of this training should be. Higher education may teach examples of leadership behaviors, but it is unlikely to transmit the practical knowledge and characteristic behaviors that are the hallmark of successful African American male students. Increasing research shows that school leaders, throughout all stages of their careers, can benefit from a mentoring system in which a seasoned leader of African American male students or protégés puts theory and praxis into the context of experience by using a mentoring model. The mentoring model discussed in chapter 1 is an invaluable tool for developing strong diverse leaders who will embrace change and commit to taking risks and finally acting. Progressive school leaders realize the necessity of

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interconnectedness to meet all educational, societal and psychological challenges. When mentoring relationship—a continuum of on-going professional development and continuous inquiry—is in place, the potential exists to create the type of educational environment where “no child is left behind.” The business community has examined mentoring in order to increase their pool of qualified leaders. According to Champlin (2001), mentoring is of particular importance today for ethnic minorities. She contends that Federal regulations have tried to increase minority numbers in the workplace, but have failed to ensure environments that promote minority productivity and retention. In addition, Thomas found that the progression of racial minorities at three large U.S. corporations has shown that those who advance the furthest share one characteristic: a strong network of mentors and corporate sponsors who nurture their professional development through developing teams. This same model must be employed within the educational arena. REFERENCES: The Race Debate. (2004). Administrator Magazine. Retrieved from http://www.scholastic. com/browse/article.jsp?id=404 Champlin, M. (2001, November). Mentoring the leaders of tomorrow: Reforma’s response. Retrieved from http://lisjobs.com/career_trends/?p=134 Delpit, L. (1995). Other people’s children: Cultural conflict in the classroom. New York, NY: The New Press. Hunt, D. M., & Michael, C. (1983). Mentorship—A career training and development tool . Academy of Management Review, 8(3), 475–485. Thomas DA. (2001, April). The truth about mentoring minorities. Race matters. Harvard Business Review, 79(4), 98–107 Transcript: President Obama’s remarks on Trayvon Martin ruling. (2013, July 19). Retrieved from http://www.npr.org/2013/07/19/203679977/transcript-obamas-remarks-on-trayvon-martin-ruling

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Dr. Nicole Allain is an Assistant School Administrator for Montgomery County Public Schools in Montgomery County, Maryland. Dr. Allain is a career educator with over 17 years of classroom and administrative experience. She holds a doctorate degree from Howard University in Educational Leadership and Policy. Dr. Pamela Barber-Freeman is a tenured Professor. She has served as a math teacher and Counselor in Oklahoma public schools and community college; an Associate Professor in Curriculum & Instruction Mississippi State University; and, currently a Professor at Prairie View A&M University. She has taught ethnically diverse mathematics students at various educational levels since 1972. She was selected one of 60 professors nationwide to as a Certified Consultant for Gender Equity in Math, Science and Technology by the Teacher Education Equity Project whose goal is to increase females’ relatively low level of participation in mathematics, science, and technology. Dr. Barber-Freeman was also selected one of 60 professors from around the world for certification to be a GLOBE Trainer. She was one of 60 professors invited to participate in the 2003 Congressional Children’s Caucus Members’ Briefing: Closing the Achievement Gap in Washington D. C. Dr. Barber-Freeman is the co-author of four books. Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective, pages 185–188. Copyright © 2014 by Information Age Publishing All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

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Dr. Leonard C. Bass is the Dean of Learning Support on the East Campus of Valencia College in Orlando, Florida. Throughout his 15 year career in higher education he has served as a faculty member and held leadership roles in student and academic affairs. His focus on helping underserved and underrepresented students succeed in higher education began during his tenure as the Director of the Alliance for Minority Participation (AMP) program at Temple University in 2001. Since then his work on strategic program design and mentoring has been presented at numerous conferences nationwide. In 2010 he co-founded Strategic Educational Consulting, LLC to provide support to educational institutions interested in engaging in innovative and effective student support programming aimed at closing the achievement gaps facing underrepresented and low achieving students. A year later, a program he helped launch at Montgomery County Community College resulted in receiving the prestigious “Most Valuable Player Award” from the President of the college. In his current role at Valencia College he is focusing on helping students find purpose, working with faculty to develop an early intervention system through intentional assessment and responsive engagement strategies, and the development of curriculum that incorporates innovative digital learning strategies for first year college students. Dr. Bass holds a doctorate degree in Higher Education Leadership from Temple University. Dr. Curt Coonrod is Vice Provost for Student Affairs and Dean of Students at the University of Missouri-St. Louis and provides leadership to all units in the Division of Student Affairs. In addition to serving as the chief student affairs officer, Dr. Coonrod serves as the liaison to the Provost and other academic units. He is a Clinical Associate Professor in the College of Education with over 30 years of experience in higher education and holds a doctorate degree in Education Leadership and Management. Dr. John E. Gray is the Vice Principal of the Sovereign Avenue School in Atlantic City, NJ. In addition to serving as a school administrator, Dr. Gray serves as the Chairman of Brighter Horizons Educational Services, which provides consulting services to school districts and educational organizations. He has over 15 years of experience in education and holds a doctorate degree in Administrator Leadership for Teaching and Learning. Dr. Jilllian Inge has been a science teacher with the School District of Philadelphia for 14 years. She has a bachelor of science in biology from Delaware State University, a Master of Arts in Curriculum and Instruction from Delaware State University, and a Doctorate of Eduation in Teacher Leadership from Walden University. Her research interests include the relationship between mentoring and academic development in African American students and the factors contributing to the interests of African American students in pursuing science related careers.

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Dr. Mary E. Jenkins-Williams earned her doctorate degree in Educational Administration at Walden University. She earned her Administrative Certification, Educational Specialist Certification, and her Masters of Art in Teaching from Wayne State University. She is a career educator with over 20 years of teaching experience working in Detroit Public Schools. Her current role is high school Administrator and Executive Cabinet Member for University Prep Science and Math School District in Detroit, Michigan. Dr. Jenkins-Williams has facilitated and supported district initiatives related to instructional practices in Grades 9–12. Her research interests include the relationship between mentoring and the graduation rate of African American male high school students, K–12 best practices, and minority student achievement. Email: [email protected]. Dr. Peter Kiriakidis earned a doctorate degree in Educational Leadership in Higher Education, a Master’s degree in Computing, a Bachelor of Education degree in Computer Science and Mathematics, and a Bachelor of Science degree in Computer Science and Mathematics. He has expertise in quantitative, qualitative, and mixed-methods research. As a University Research Reviewer, his role is that of a content expert, research methods expert, and editor. He has been working with EdD, PhD, and DBA doctoral committees to ensure that each dissertation meets high quality standards set forth by the university. Dr. Curtis Lewis is the founding principal of Henry Ford Academy: Elementary School. Dr. Lewis earned his Bachelor’s degree in Elementary education and Master’s degree in Curriculum and Instruction from Michigan State University. He was a 5th grade teacher, middle school math teacher, and an alternative education teacher at the secondary level. His Ph.D. is from Michigan State University. During his time as a graduate student, Dr. Lewis taught classes at Michigan State University, coordinated an intervention program for first time youth offenders, and was director of a mentoring program for young males of color. Dr. John L. Mason serves as an adjunct faculty member at both Mercer University (Atlanta, GA.) and John Jay College of Criminal Justice (New York, NY). He has over 25 years of experience in the administration of Higher Education functions. Creatively leading teams in: Student Affairs, Academic Affairs, Institutional Advancement, Multicultural Education, Strategic Planning, and Training and Development. Dr. Mason holds a Ph. D. in Educational Leadership. Dr. James McKeever is the Chair of the Philosophy and Sociology at Los Angeles Pierce College. His research interests are in the intersections of race, class, and gender with an emphasis on Black and Latina/o community, as well as issues that have to do with the negative outcomes for minority youth and therapeutic interventions. Dr. McKeever is a former American Sociological Association Minority

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Fellowship Program NIDA Research Fellow. He has also volunteered working with “at-risk-youth” for over thirty-years. Dr. William Ross is an Associate Professor and Licensed Professional CounselorSupervisor. He has over 20 years of experience in outpatient settings, substance abuse, disaster response, at-risk adolescent, community education, and private practice. His clients have ranged from large corporations to non-profit agencies, schools, and individuals. His specialties include substance abuse, job-related difficulties and career related issues, classroom management strategies, individual/ personal coaching, life transitions, employee assistance, and program evaluation and development. He is dedicated to helping individuals and organizations improve through education, insight, and change. He is the editor of “Mentoring African American Males: A Research Design Comparison Perspective” and a seasoned presenter at state and national conferences on topics related to technology in education, online learning and internet counseling. He was awarded the Texas A&M University System “Chancellors Teaching Excellence Award” and “The 12th SLOAN—C International Conference on Distance Learning Award.” His expertise extends to creating and assessing developmental guidance programs in Texas public schools. Dr. Lucian Yates, III, award winning teacher, principal, superintendent, dean, and education consultant has served as the Dean of the Whitlowe R. Green College of Education and Chair of the School of Education at Kentucky State University. He has a BA and MA in history, political science, and education from Morehead State University and a Ph.D in Curriculum, Instruction, and Supervision from Ohio University where he studied the learning styles of minority students. As a member of the board of the National Alliance of Black School Educators (NABSE), he wrote the conceptual paper and implemented the first African American Male Youth Leadership Summit for students in grades eight though ten. Yates has traveled extensively across the U.S. and the world to deliver presentations and facilitate consultations on issues concerning teaching in urban areas and ways to improve the understanding of the learning styles of African American males and how to reduce high school dropout rates. In St. Petersburg, Russia, he presented learning strategies on the onset of the country’s move from a communist state to a democratic state and consulted with education corporation Kumon Institute of Education Co., Ltd. in Ottawa, Canada, to deliver advice on how to expand study centers in urban areas. The author of numerous articles for several academic journals, Yates has served as the director of education recruitment and retention for the Kentucky Department of Education and as the superintendent of the Harrisburg School District in Harrisburg, Pa. An accomplished professor, he has also been featured in U.S. News and World Report, Who’s Who and Atlantic Monthly.