Melania the Younger: From Rome to Jerusalem (Women in Antiquity) 9780190888220, 9780190888237, 9780190888251, 0190888229

Table of contents :
Cover
Series
Melania the Younger
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
Acknowledgments
Maps
Family Trees
List of Abbreviations
1 Finding Melania
2 Rome: Empire, City, and Church
3 Aristocracy, Family, and Property
4 Pagans and Christians in Late Ancient Rome
5 Ascetic Renunciation
6 Exiting Rome and the Sack of the City
7 To Sicily and North Africa
8 To Jerusalem
9 To Constantinople and Back
Translation: The Life of Saint Melania the Younger
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

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M E L A N I A T H E   YO U N G E R

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WOM E N I N A N T IQU I T Y Series Editors: Ronnie Ancona and Sarah B. Pomeroy This book series provides compact and accessible introductions to the life and historical times of women from the ancient world. Approaching ancient history and culture broadly, the series selects figures from the earliest of times to late antiquity. Cleopatra A Biography Duane W. Roller

Theodora Actress, Empress, Saint David Potter

Clodia Metelli The Tribune’s Sister Marilyn B. Skinner

Hypatia The Life and Legend of an Ancient Philosopher Edward Watts

Galla Placidia The Last Roman Empress Hagith Sivan Arsinoë of Egypt and Macedon A Royal Life Elizabeth Donnelly Carney Berenice II and the Golden Age of Ptolemaic Egypt Dee L. Clayman Faustina I and II Imperial Women of the Golden Age Barbara M. Levick

Boudica Warrior Woman of Roman Britain Caitlin C. Gillespie Sabina Augusta An Imperial Journey T. Corey Brennan Cleopatra’s Daughter And Other Royal Woman of the Augustan Era Duane W. Roller Perpetua Athlete of God Barbara K. Gold

Turia A Roman Woman’s Civil War Josiah Osgood

Zenobia Shooting Star of Palmyra Nathanael Andrade

Monica An Ordinary Saint Gillian Clark

Eurydice and the Birth of Macedonian Power Elizabeth Donnelly Carney

Melania the Younger From Rome to Jerusalem Elizabeth A. Clark

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MELANIA THE YO U N G E R FROM ROME TO JERUSALEM

Elizabeth A. Clark

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1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America. © Oxford University Press 2021 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data Names: Clark, Elizabeth A. (Elizabeth Ann), 1938– author. | Gerontius, –485. Vita Melaniae Junioris. English. Title: Melania the Younger : from Rome to Jerusalem / Elizabeth A. Clark. Description: New York : Oxford University Press, [2021] | Series: Women in antiquity | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020043532 (print) | LCCN 2020043533 (ebook) | ISBN 9780190888220 (hardback) | ISBN 9780190888237 (paperback) | ISBN 9780190888251 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Melania, the Younger, Saint, 385?–439. | Melania, the Younger, Saint, 385?–439—Homes and haunts. | Christian women saints—Biography. Classification: LCC BR1720.M 37 C57 2021 (print) | LCC BR1720.M 37 (ebook) | DDC 270.2092 [B]—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020043532 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020043533 DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.001.0001 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Paperback printed by LSC communications, United States of America Hardback printed by Bridgeport National Bindery, Inc., United States of America

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For Annabel, Bart, Debbie, Randall, Sarah,Valeria

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Contents

Acknowledgments  ix Maps  xi Family Trees  xv List of Abbreviations  xvii 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Finding Melania  1 Rome: Empire, City, and Church  20 Aristocracy, Family, and Property  39 Pagans and Christians in Late Ancient Rome  61 Ascetic Renunciation  76 Exiting Rome and the Sack of the City  98 To Sicily and North Africa  114 To Jerusalem  146 To Constantinople and Back  170

Translation: The Life of Saint Melania the Younger  199 Bibliography  241 Index  277

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Acknowledgments

I wish to thank several colleagues who have helped me in the writing of this book. First and foremost, I  thank Theodore C.  Papaloizos for allowing me to use his translation of the Greek version of the Life of Melania the Younger (unpublished Ph.D.  dissertation, The Catholic University of America, 1977)  as a base for my own translation in this volume. For help with specific points, I thank James Goehring, Cam Grey, Laura Lieber, Michael Penn, Michele Salzman, Caroline Schroeder, Kristina Sessa, Dennis Trout, and Annabel Wharton. For assistance with Roman coins, I  thank Hagith Sivan, Constantin Marinescu, and Brad Nelson. Duke graduate student Nathan Tilley helped me with the images. I am immensely grateful to Joshua L. Tootoo, a cartographer at Rice University, who worked with me to develop the map of “Melania’s” Italy and Sicily. My debt over the years to Alan Cameron and his work is immense; it was in one of his National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) seminars that I first wrote on Melania. Duke University librarians Greta Boers and Joshua Leto helped to secure materials for my project. Thanks to Stefan Vranka, Executive Editor at Oxford University Press for Classics, Ancient History, and Archaeology, and to Ronnie Ancona and Sarah Pomeroy, series editors of “Women in Antiquity,” for their patience and assistance. Many thanks also to Rajesh Kathamuthu, Project Manager of Newgen Knowledge Works, for his professionalism, courtesy, and patience during the production process of this book. My many friends at Duke and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, as well as those in New York and elsewhere, have cheered me through some trying times as I  wrote Melania the Younger:  From

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Rome to Jerusalem. I especially thank Julie Byrne, Maria Doerfler and Nicholas Williams, Barbara Harris and Stanley Chojnacki, Laura Lieber and Norman Weiner, Elaine Maisner and Richard Jaffe, Joel Markus, Tomoko Masuzawa and Donald Lopez, Patricia Cox Miller and David Miller, Clare Woods, and Robin Darling Young and Malcolm Young. I  thank Brigitte Kahl of Union Theological Seminary for housing me during some periods of my research and writing. This book is dedicated to some North Carolina colleagues whose friendship and colleagueship have sustained me over thirty years and more: Sarah Beckwith, Deborah DeMott, Bart Ehrman, Valeria Finucci, Randall Styers, and Annabel Wharton.

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Acknowledgments

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Maps

Some Churches in Rome in Melania’s Era

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Roman Empire in Fourth Century, with Dioceses and Some Provinces

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Family Trees

Family of Melania the Elder and Melania the Younger (cos. = consul; PVR = prefect of the city of Rome; PPO = praetorian prefect) Antonius Marcellinus (cos. 341)

C. Ceionius Caecinia Rufius Volusianus m. Lolliana (PVR 365)

?Proculus

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Melania I m. Valerius Maximus (PVR 361–2)

Valerius Publicola

m.

(Son?)

Valerius Severus (PVR 382)

Ceionius Rufius Albinus (PVR 389−91)

Pinianus I (PVR 385−7)

Rufius Antonius Agrypnius Volusianus (PVR 417−8; PPO 428−9)

Albina

Melania II

m.

Valerius Pinianus II

Severus

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Family Tree of Paula the Elder and Paula the Younger (cos. = consul; PVR = prefect of the city of Rome; PPO = praetorian prefect) C. Ceionius Rufius Volusianus (cos. 314) C. Ceionius Caecinia Rufius Albinus m. Lolliana (PVR 365)

Ceionius Rufius Albinus (cos. 335; PVR 335/7)

Blesilla m. Rogatus Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus

Paula I m. Toxotius

Ceionius Rufius Albinus (PVR 389/91)

Daughter Blesilla

Pammachius

Eustochium

m.

Paulina

Rufina

Toxotius

m. Laeta

Paula II

(son?)

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Family Trees

Albina (m. Valerius Publicola)

Rufius Antionius Agrypnius Volusianus (PVR 417–8; PPO 428–9)

Melania II

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Abbreviations

AB ACW AJA ANF ARCA CAH CCL CH CIL CLA CP CSEL CSS CTh DOP FC GCS HTR JECS JEH JLA JRA JRS JTS LCL NPNF PBSR PG PL

Analecta Bollandiana Ancient Christian Writers American Journal of Archaeology The Ante-​Nicene Fathers: The Writings of the Fathers down to A.D. 325 Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers and Monographs Cambridge Ancient History Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina Church History Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum Christianity in Late Antiquity Classical Philology Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum Cistercian Studies Series Theodosian Code Dumbarton Oaks Papers Fathers of the Church Die Griechischen Christliche Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderts Harvard Theological Review Journal of Early Christian Studies Journal of Ecclesiastical History Journal of Late Antiquity Journal of Roman Archaeology Journal of Roman Studies Journal of Theological Studies Loeb Classical Library A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-​Nicene Fathers Papers of the British School at Rome Patrologia Graeca Patrologia Latina

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PLRE RQH SBF SBL SC SWR TCH TRW TTH TU UMM, SS WSA

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Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire Revue des Questions Historiques Studium Biblicum Franciscanum Society of Biblical Literature Sources Chrétiennes Studies in Women and Religion Transformation of the Classical Heritage The Transformation of the Roman World Translated Texts for Historians Texte und Untersuchungen University Museum Monographs, Symposium Series The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the 21st Century

Abbreviations

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Finding Melania

Melania the Younger: A Brief Overview Across the decades, Americans have loved tales of “rags to riches”; Christians in late antiquity,1 by contrast, cherished those of “riches to rags.” They found a spectacular example in the life of Melania the Younger. Melania was one of the richest women in the Roman Empire of her era. Born in Rome amid fabulous wealth around 385 ce, she opted for a life of ascetic renunciation as soon as her family circumstances permitted. As a Christian ascetic and pilgrim, she traveled the Mediterranean world—​from Rome to Sicily, North Africa, Egypt, Jerusalem, and Constantinople—​dispersing wealth, property, and ornate clothing as she went. After her death in 439, she became the subject of a Vita (Life) by a monastic companion of her later years, Gerontius. One of the fullest extant accounts of an ancient woman, her Life remains in both Greek and Latin versions; a translation of the Greek version is found in this volume. Given her family’s prominence, Melania, her relatives, and 1.  On the nomenclature of “late antiquity,” see James J.  O’Donnell, “Late Antiquity:  Before and After,” 203–​13; Edward James, “The Rise and Function of the Concept ‘Late Antiquity,’ ” 20–​ 30; Clifford Ando, “Decline, Fall, and Transformation,” 31–​60; Frank M. Clover and R. Stephen Humphreys, “Toward a Definition of Late Antiquity” (Madison WI 1989), 3–​26. In traditional British university curricula, the period from 300 ce to 600 ce was “a black hole, a no man’s land between ancient and medieval history, properly studied in neither” (Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire [Oxford 2006], xii). In the mid-​twentieth century Arnaldo Momigliano, Henri Marrou, A.  H.  M. Jones, and others rescued the later Roman period from oblivion, neglect, or outright denigration. Although scholars debate where “late antiquity” begins and ends, the life of Melania the Younger (ca. 385–​439) falls safely within any definition of the period. Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0001

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her acquaintances are mentioned in numerous ancient sources. Despite many omissions and historiographical puzzles, we are able to date some events of her life with a high degree of probability.2 Melania the Younger was the granddaughter (and namesake) of a famous fourth-​ century aristocrat-​ turned-​ ascetic Melania the Elder. In the 370s, the elder Melania, after her husband and two of her sons died, adopted the ascetic life and decamped from Rome to Jerusalem. There, with her monastic companion Rufinus of Aquileia, she founded monasteries on the Mount of Olives. She left behind in Rome her one surviving child, Valerius Publicola, after having assured his well-​being and the funds to launch his career as a member of the senatorial aristocracy. Melania the Younger was his daughter. Publicola had at first opposed his daughter’s desire for ascetic renunciation. Perhaps, a recent commentator suggests, his mother’s abandonment of him to pursue ascetic commitments may have soured his views on the subject.3 One of the historiographical puzzles of Melania’s Vita is Gerontius’ total silence concerning her famous grandmother. According to the Life, Melania the Younger was coerced into marriage by her parents, despite her ardent desire for a life of religiously motivated celibacy:  she had, Gerontius writes, been “wounded by divine love” (Life 1).4 The parents prevailed and Melania was married, probably in 398, to Valerius Pinianus (Pinian, in shortened form), her senatorial-​class cousin. She was thirteen or fourteen, and he was seventeen. Although their youth may startle our contemporaries, the legal age for marriage in Roman law was twelve for girls and fourteen for boys.5 Aristocratic parents might deem it important for daughters to marry and reproduce at a young age to cement family fortunes and inheritance.6 While an often-​large age difference between Roman spouses of the upper classes meant that many women would be widowed within

2. Patrick Laurence, Gérontius, La Vie latine de sainte Mélanie (Jerusalem 2002), chap.  1, “Chronological Research,” proposing dates for Melania. Dates given in the following paragraphs are largely derived from Laurence’s calculations. 3. Judith Evans-​Grubbs, “Marriage and Family Relationships” (Chichester UK 2009), 208. Palladius (Lausiac History 54.2), by contrast, claims that Valerius Publicola provided funds for his mother’s religious projects and charities. 4.  See Kristi Upson-​Saia, “Wounded by Divine Love” (Oakland 2017), 86–​105. 5.  M. K. [Keith] Hopkins, “The Age of Roman Girls at Marriage,” 313, with legal sources. 6.  Hopkins, “Age of Roman Girls,” 321; he admits that this is a conjecture. Those lower in the status hierarchy presumably felt less pressure to cement alliances early: see Brent D. Shaw, “The Age of Roman Girls at Marriage: Some Reconsiderations,” 43.

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ten or fifteen years of marriage,7 Pinian and Melania remained married for at least thirty-​three years. She lived on eight years after his death. Once married, Melania tried to avoid sexual relations—​but Pinian insisted that they produce two children to inherit their wealth and property. This plan was foiled, since both children soon died, a not extraordinary event for the era: about half of all children died before age ten, most in infancy.8 Melania, herself close to death, pressured Pinian to forego further sexual relations and adopt a life of ascetic renunciation with her. Her father, who had earlier forbidden her renunciations, upon his deathbed in (probably) 405 gave the couple his blessing to take up the life Melania desired. For her, bereavement was liberation.9 Throughout her seven years of married life in Rome, Gerontius reports, Melania had never ceased to yearn for a life of ascetic abstinence. On this, she and Pinian now embarked together, he, it seems, less enthusiastically. Gerontius emphasizes Melania’s wealth to heighten the contrast with the poverty that she chose. He also stresses the holiness and purity of her life, her humility, sacrifices, devotion to the church, and rigorous ascetic practices, some of which border on self-​torture. Extreme asceticism represented a radical rupture not only with the traditional senatorial lifestyle but also with Christian monasticism as it would later be practiced in the West.10 Melania scarcely ate or slept, refused to bathe, and replaced her former silks with cheap clothes that irritated her skin. In addition, she engaged in extensive philanthropy, the recipients of which were mainly monastic establishments, churches, and clergy. (The poor and other unfortunates received some, as secondary recipients.) Such deprivations were considered holy practices, performed in repentance for one’s sins, and in Melania’s case for her earlier life of luxury—​ “an exorcism of feminine profligacy.”11 To bask in money and property was, in her view, a temptation of the Devil. Attempting to abandon Rome and the lifestyle expected of them, Melania and Pinian soon found how difficult it was to rid themselves of their wealth and properties. Even the most highly placed members of the imperial court claimed that they could not afford to buy their Roman mansion when the couple wished to sell it. Disputes with 7.  Richard P. Saller, Patriarchy, Property and Death (Cambridge 1994), 219. 8.  Evans-​Grubbs, “Marriage and Family Relationships,” 203. 9.  Kate Cooper, “The Household and the Desert” (Turnhout 2005), 12. 10.  Claude Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune” (Rome 1999), 15. 11.  Linda L. Coon, Sacred Fictions (Philadelphia 1997), 115.

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members of Pinian’s family ensued over the property: at stake were the lives of thousands of slaves, staggering amounts of gold, and real estate spread across several provinces of the Roman Empire. The flight of Melania and Pinian from Rome, accompanied by Melania’s aristocratic widowed mother, Ceionia Albina, coincided with the downfall of her highly placed protectors at the imperial court, Serena and Stilicho. Stilicho was the head of the western armies and the father-​ in-​law of the emperor Honorius. The couple’s flight also coincided with the increasing Gothic pressure on the city, which resulted in the sack of Rome in August 410. By the time of that event, Melania and Pinian had decamped to their estates, first to one in the suburbs, next to one in Sicily, and finally to one in Roman North Africa. Although the text of the Life is somewhat garbled concerning these events, the trio probably left Sicily for North Africa in the fall of 410, before navigation stopped for the winter months.12 In North Africa, they settled on their estate, allegedly larger than the territory of Thagaste itself (present day Souk Ahras, Algeria), and built monasteries for men and for women. They met bishops Alypius of Thagaste, Aurelius of Carthage, and Augustine of Hippo. In Augustine’s city, Hippo Regius, Pinian narrowly escaped being ordained a priest—​an encounter about which we learn from other sources that are uncomplimentary to all concerned. After seven years in North Africa, Melania, Pinian, and Albina embarked for Jerusalem, detouring for a brief stop in Egypt; the couple would later return to visit desert holy men. After settling for a period near the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, Melania, from around 419, lived a life of seclusion in a small cell. Later, after the death of her mother and then of Pinian, in 431 or 432, she built first a monastery for women, and then one for men. The Life describes her building and guiding (from the sidelines) these Jerusalem monasteries, as well as her instruction of the nuns she gathered around her. A last exciting adventure was Melania’s trip overland in 436 from Jerusalem to Constantinople, a voyage of about 1,200 miles.13 The reason for the journey? She hoped to convert her (probably) still-​pagan uncle, Rufius Antonius Agrypnius Volusianus, former prefect of Rome (417–​ 18), to Christianity. Volusianus (Volusian, in shortened form) was on a senatorial mission in Constantinople, fêting the marriage of the eastern 12. Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, 52. 13.  E. D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage (Oxford 1982), 56.

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Roman princess Licinia Eudoxia to the western emperor, Valentinian III. While in Constantinople, Melania stayed in the palace of Lausus, a former high imperial official. Lausus plays a role in the history of early Christian asceticism:  he commissioned Palladius to write his Lausiac History, an important compendium of stories about ascetics, largely those in Egypt.14 Both Melanias receive extravagant mention in this text. Lausus’ palace, with its important collection of statuary, has intrigued art historians. In Constantinople, Melania met aristocrats and members of the imperial family. According to Gerontius, she was successful in her effort to convert her uncle, aided by bishop Proclus of Constantinople. After her uncle’s death, she spent forty days in mourning before starting the trip back to Jerusalem, trudging through winter snows. She arrived in time to celebrate Easter, which in 437 fell on April 11. The next year, she received the empress Aelia Eudocia, wife of Theodosius II, who was making a pilgrimage to the Holy Places. In her last years, Melania undertook more building projects, including a chapel to house relics of the protomartyr Stephen, whose bones had allegedly been unearthed in Jerusalem earlier in the fifth century. In late December 439, she made the short trip to Bethlehem to worship at the site of Jesus’ nativity. A  few days later, after her return to Jerusalem, she died, at age fifty-​four. Modern readers may be excused from wondering why she did not expire earlier, given the punishing deprivations to which she had subjected her body. Perhaps her fierce lifelong determination kept her alive. Her life had been filled with more adventure than most women of any time and place would ever experience.

The Text of the Life of Melania the Younger (Vita Melaniae Junioris) and Its Author For many centuries, Melania remained relatively unheralded. Although she was remembered in Eastern Orthodox liturgies, saints’ Vitae, and a few documents of the western church, only in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did she become better known through the

14.  On Palladius, see Demetrios S. Katos, Palladius of Helenopolis (Oxford 2011).

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discovery of the Greek and Latin texts of her Life.15 In 1884, the papal nuncio in Madrid, Mariano del Tindaro Rampolla, found a Latin manuscript of Melania’s Vita in the Escurial Library. Rampolla, however, was a busy man in the next years, serving as a cardinal and as Pope Leo XIII’s secretary of state. Only after losing a bid for the papacy in 1903 did he complete his book, Santa Melania Giuniore, senatrice romana. The book, published in 1905, contained the Greek and Latin texts of her Life.16 In 1903, the Bollandists (an association of ecclesiastical scholars who edited the saints’ vitae preserved in the Acta Sanctorum) brought out a Greek text of the Life that they had discovered in the Barberini Library in Rome.17 “Melania fever” erupted, occasioning lively debates over the priority of the Latin or the Greek text. Today, many scholars think that there was a primitive Greek text, from which both the present Greek text of the Bollandists and the Latin version discovered by Rampolla were derived, and to which the redactor for each version added other items.18 Modern commentators agree on assigning authorship of the Life to a monk, Gerontius. In both versions of the Life, the writer makes clear that he had spent years with Melania. Other sources report that Gerontius, who had been ordained as a priest, directed Melania’s monastery for several decades after her death in 439. He is described as an ardent Monophysite (now often called miaphysite), a religious party that rejected the language of the “two natures” of Christ, divine and human, formulated at the Council of Chalcedon in 451. Allegedly he called Juvenal, bishop of Jerusalem, a “Judas” for accepting the Chalcedonian formula.19 Perhaps Gerontius composed the Life soon after the council. One source claims that Gerontius became an archimandrite, an overseer of monasteries within the district of Jerusalem.20 15.  For discussion, and the discovery of Latin and Greek versions of Melania’s Life, see Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, chap. 3; Elizabeth A. Clark, The Life of Melania the Younger (New York and Toronto 1984), 1–​24; Denys Gorce, Vie de Sainte Mélanie (Paris 1962), 7–​20, 45–​62. English translation of the Latin version in Carolinne White, Lives of Roman Christian Women (London 2010), 179–​230. 16.  Mariano del Tindaro Rampolla, Santa Melania Giuniore (Rome 1905). For the intrigue, see Michael Penn, “Afterlives” (Oakland 2017), 246–​47. 17.  “S. Melaniae Iunioris, Acta Graeca.” 18.  For discussion of the arguments, see Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, 122–​46, and E.  A. Clark, Life of Melania the Younger, 4–​13. Rampolla argued for the priority of the Latin text. 19. John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 47. Also see Timothy D. Barnes, Early Christian Hagiography (Tübingen 2010), 252. For more on the controversy over the “natures” of Christ, see chap. 9, 188–191 passim. 20.  Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius 62.20–​63.1.

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An important question remains: When did Gerontius become part of Melania’s entourage? Although some texts claim that as a boy he had stayed with her and Pinian in Rome, the vagueness of the Life on many points of Melania’s early and young adult life stands against this view. Rather, he appears to have joined her family only later, probably in Jerusalem. (Gerontius himself states that Pinian was the source of some details of Melania’s youth; that is, that he himself had not been an eyewitness.) As the reader can note, the Life is much fuller regarding the Jerusalem period onward. The author’s relatively slim knowledge of the activities of Melania, Pinian, and Albina in Sicily and Roman North Africa remains disappointing.21 The publication of the Greek and Latin versions of Melania’s Life in the opening years of the twentieth century did not excite only scholars; the general public was also caught up in the fervor.22 In the United States, the Washington Post in its edition of October 21, 1906, proclaimed, “Saint Melania Richest Woman That Ever Lived.” The Post calculated Melania’s annual income to have been $175 million in 1906 dollars (equivalent, Michael Penn notes, to over four billion dollars in 2016 currency: more than Bill Gates’ annual income at that time). The Post’s report was repeated in papers across America, with a different comparison, namely, to John D.  Rockefeller. In 1908, Georges Goyau published Sainte Mélanie (383–​439) and recalculated Melania’s income to something less eye-​popping, albeit still very grand.23 In recent times, translations of and commentaries on the Life and the splendid volume Melania: Early Christianity Through the Life of One Family have again made her a subject of interest.24

Other Sources Concerning Melania The Life, however, is not the only source pertaining to Melania and Gerontius. For example, Palladius, a fifth-​century Christian bishop, provides information on both Melanias in his Lausiac History, which was completed in 420 ce. Before his days as a bishop, Palladius had 21.  For Gerontius’ identity and allegiances, see Gorce, Vie, 54–​62; Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, 118–​21, and E. A. Clark, Life of Melania the Younger, 13–​16, 20. 22.  The following amusing examples were uncovered by Michael Penn, “Afterlives.” 23.  Penn, “Afterlives,” 249–​53. 24.  See nn. 2, 15–​17 above for texts and translations.

Finding Melania

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journeyed to and sojourned in Palestine around 385 and subsequent years. He then made a “grand tour” of Egypt, where he lived for approximately twelve years.25 He left Egypt in spring 400, probably a victim of bishop Theophilus of Alexandria’s rout of monks devoted to the teachings of the third-​century theologian Origen and his latter-​day followers. Palladius then traveled east to become bishop of Helenopolis, a city in the Roman province of Bithynia.26 After the fall from favor of bishop John Chrysostom of Constantinople and his exile, in 404, Palladius fled to the West, seeking the protection of Innocent, bishop of Rome, and pleading on behalf of Chrysostom. While in Rome, he was entertained by, and perhaps stayed with, Melania the Younger.27 The Life of Peter the Iberian by John Rufus is a second source, important for information about Gerontius. Peter, a Georgian prince, as a child had been taken as a hostage to the court of Constantinople. His biographer claims that Peter met Melania in Constantinople in 437 and traveled to Jerusalem in either 437 or 438. There, Melania hosted him in her monastery.28 Peter, an anti-​Chalcedonian, was later chosen as bishop of Maiuma in Palestine but served for only a few months before his party was crushed. He also established a monastery in Jerusalem.29 The author of Peter’s Life claims that Gerontius was born in Jerusalem around 395. After their arrival in 417, Melania and Pinian took him under their care and inducted him into monastic life. Eventually, John Rufus reports, Gerontius became a priest and later led Melania’s monasteries for forty-​ five years.30 Other ancient sources, such as the monastic vitae by Cyril of Scythopolis, provide further information on Gerontius and monastic life in Palestine.31 The letters of Augustine are still another source, offering details of Melania, Pinian, and Albina’s visit to North Africa and (probably) of 25.  E. D. Hunt, “Palladius of Helenopolis,” 458, 466; Eduard Schwartz, “Palladiana,” 161–​62. 26.  Hunt, “Palladius of Helenopolis,” 472. Melania the Elder, who had helped the Origenist-​ oriented monks, left her monastic retreat in Palestine for Italy, allegedly to assure that her granddaughter was not falling into the hands of “heretics”–​–​presumably, anti-​Origenists (Palladius, Lausiac History, 46.2–​4, 54.3). 27. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.7. See Hunt, “Palladius of Helenopolis,” 476; and Claudia Rapp, “Palladius, Lausus, and the Historia Lausiaca” (Aldershot UK and Burlington VT 2001), 279–​90. 28. John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 29–​ 44. See Cornelia B. Horn, Asceticism and Christological Controversy (Oxford 2006), 233, 278; Paul Devos, “Quand Pierre l’Ibère vint-​il à Jérusalem?” 347–​48. 29. Horn, Asceticism and Christological Controversy, 87–​91, 198–​203. 30.  John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 44–​48; Horn, Asceticism and Christological Controversy, 141, 145, 248. 31.  Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius 42.14–​15, 49.8, 62.20, 67.14–​15, 115.2, 127.19.

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Melania’s uncle Volusian. From these letters, we learn of Pinian’s escape from being dragooned into priestly service in Hippo and Augustine’s somewhat disingenuous replies to the angry family about the incident. These events are completely passed over in Gerontius’ Life. Moreover, some letters of Augustine and his friends concern a certain Volusian (most likely Melania’s uncle), expressing his doubts about Christian teachings. These letters show that one of the intermediaries between Augustine and Volusian was count Marcellinus, to whom Augustine dedicated his monumental work The City of God, as well as several other treatises. Another treatise opposing the Pelagian movement (On Nature and Grace) is directed to friends of Pinian. Most important, Augustine’s treatise On the Grace of Christ, and On Original Sin was written for Albina, Pinian, and Melania themselves. Another important source regarding Melania’s family was the poet Paulinus of Nola, possibly a distant relative. Paulinus, a wealthy aristocrat turned Christian ascetic, established a shrine to Saint Felix at Nola, in Campania, Italy.32 Paulinus details Melania the Elder’s return to Italy in around 400 from her ascetic retreat in Palestine and the grand reception given her by her extended family. Shabby in old black rags, she was mobbed by her aristocratic relatives, clad in silk and riding in gilded carriages, who (Paulinus claims) rejoiced to gather dirt from her clothes and feet.33 Melania the Younger and Pinian visited Paulinus in Nola at least once, and perhaps twice, according to her Vita. Letters are an important source of information concerning women ascetics in this era, for example, those of the ascetic teacher and theorist Evagrius Ponticus to Melania the Elder;34 those of Jerome, detailing women’s ascetic life in Rome and Palestine, including his companion Paula’s foundation of a monastery for women in Bethlehem;35 and those of John Chrysostom to women ascetics in Constantinople. Moreover, chroniclers and historians report on incidents closely related to Melania’s family and events of the time. Various 32.  See Dennis E. Trout, Paulinus of Nola (Berkeley 1999); John Matthews, Western Aristocracies (Oxford 1975), 73–​74. Kim Bowes emphasizes how this establishment “sidelined” the local bishop (“ ‘Christianization’ and the Rural Home,” 168). 33.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.12, discussed in Trout, Paulinus of Nola, 131. 34.  See discussion and references in Elizabeth A. Clark, The Origenist Controversy (Princeton 1992), 191–​93. 35. Jerome, Letter 108 on Paula (chap. 20 on the regime of her monastery). Andrew Cain plausibly argues that Jerome’s notice on her death in this letter was intended to promote a cult devoted to Paula, similar to a “martyr cult” (“Jerome’s Epitaphium Paulae,” 105–​39).

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ancient historians—​the pagan sympathizers Zosimus, Eunapius, and Olympiodorus and the Christians Orosius, Socrates, and Sozomen—​ provide information on Rome and Constantinople.36 (Unfortunately, the history by Ammianus Marcellinus breaks off about the time of Melania the Younger’s birth.)37 The anonymous author of the Chronicon Pascale details events, largely in the eastern part of the empire, from the late fourth century into the early seventh. Other authors compiled the Notitia Dignitatum for Constantinople and Rome, a work that lists the various monuments and buildings in these cities, providing interesting insights into urban life. With assistance from these and other sources, we can construct a fairly full picture of Melania’s life and activities, even while recognizing that the sources are unabashedly biased and that some details are doubtless lost forever.

Hagiography: Its Purposes and Its Problems The Life of Melania the Younger is a hagiography, that is, a pious devotional work that presents its subject as a saint. While ancient biographies usually centered on an important male (an emperor, general, or statesman), hagiography was an equal-​opportunity genre. Gerontius in his introductory remarks engages in the self-​denigration typical of hagiographers, making themselves “as nothing” in relation to their exalted subjects. (As historian Derek Krueger writes of hagiography, “With the Holy Spirit at work, what then is an author?”)38 In truth, Gerontius’ narrative is rather flat-​footed, with none of the rhetorical flare and witty turns of phrase with which Jerome describes his female friends and his opponents.39 36.  Zosimus used Eunapius (who was hostile to Stilicho) as a source up to 404; then he turned to Olympiodorus, whose more even-​handed history covered 407–​25, with flashbacks to the career of Stilicho. These historians were sympathetic to paganism; see Wolf Liebeschuetz, “Pagan Historiography” (Leiden and Boston 2003). For Christian historians:  Orosius wrote his History against the Pagans in 417–​18; Socrates and Sozomen wrote their Church Histories in the mid-​fifth century. 37.  John Matthews, The Roman Empire of Ammianus (Baltimore 1989):  the eighteen extant books cover only from 353 to 378 (11, 27). 38.  Derek Krueger, “Hagiography as an Ascetic Practice,” 228. 39.  For a good example, Jerome’s Letter 22 on Paula’s daughter, Eustochium, who took up the ascetic life in Bethlehem with her mother and Jerome; see Neil Adkin, Jerome on Virginity (Cambridge 2003).

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How to unearth details of social and cultural history from hagiographical accounts has been a perplexing problem for modern scholars. In the case of Melania’s Life, Gerontius’ concern is not to critique ancient economic and social structures, for example, income inequality, class privilege, or slavery. For scholars today, it is hard to overlook these disturbing issues. Gerontius puts Melania and her spiritual quest at center stage, even when her actions have a debilitating effect on others. Her philanthropy is measured:  although she gives enormous sums to bishops and monks, she keeps at arm’s-​length from contact with the urban poor who may receive some trickle-​down benefits.40 (Gerontius explains, perhaps defensively, that the couple did not want others to see them doing good deeds [Life 35].) All this should not surprise, given ancient views toward class and slavery, among Christian as well as pagan writers of the era. We shall note one interesting exception when we examine the ancient Christian treatise On Riches. This caveat registered, hagiographies can resonate with readers today. Although our contemporaries may dismiss sainthood as a “primitive throwback,” Françoise Meltzer and Jaś Elsner argue that the categories that fascinate postmoderns—​“excess, marginality, transgression, porous subjectivity”—​also define the category of the saint. They continue, “To sanctify excess is a form of domestication; in the institutionalization of a saint there frequently lies the attempt to neutralize, to appropriate, or otherwise bring under rule. Politics is never far behind.”41 As we shall see in Gerontius’ representation of Melania, the “politics” sometimes involves aligning her with his theological preferences and divorcing her from theological approaches and persons that he considered insufficiently “orthodox.” At first sight, Melania’s Vita provides a tantalizing analogy to the ancient genre of the Hellenistic novel, or “romance.” These novels, which flourished in the precise period in which Christianity was developing, often featured an aristocratic heroine at odds with relatives who aimed to thwart her love relation. The adventures of these heroines resonate with Melania’s, yet the novels end with marriage and “happily ever after.” In this respect, Melania’s Vita might be called an “anti-​romance,” since for years she struggled to keep Pinian at a distance. For Melania, the 40.  An exception:  at the beginning of their ascetic renunciations, Melania and Pinian are represented as visiting the sick, prisoners, and those sentenced to the mines (Life 9). This “hands-​ on” approach appears to fade as they advance in their renunciations. 41.  Françoise Meltzer and Jaś Elsner, “Introduction,” Saints (Chicago and London 2011), ix, xii.

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wedding bells came very early in a life that was resolutely spent trying to silence them. Here, the “happily ever after” involves a life of dirt and near starvation. Moreover, Melania’s Vita is pedagogical and didactic, not “entertainment”:  she combats heresy, instructs in Christian virtue, and sets an example so stringent that few could emulate it. Her role is as teacher, to Pinian, to her nuns, to Constantinopolitan aristocrats. While literate ancients treated the novels as entertainments to be enjoyed after a good lunch,42 Melania’s Vita was read by bishops and monks, the latter of whom preserved copies of it in their monasteries—​from which they were rescued in modern times.

Women’s Roles in Early Christianity Before we begin our detailed exploration of Melania’s Life, we should briefly note the representation of women in early Christian texts. Despite the heavily androcentric nature of these texts, women found their place in them, not only as objects of censure who needed careful surveillance but also as leaders, martyrs, pilgrims, patrons, and ascetics.43 In the New Testament, women are represented as traveling with and helping to support Jesus and the disciples; they stand last at Jesus’ cross as the male disciples flee and arrive first at his tomb; they serve as coworkers with Paul and other male leaders. In texts relating to some forms of second-​and third-​century Christianity—​those grouped under the umbrella term “Gnosticism,” or in the Spirit-​centered schismatic Montanist sect—​ women are represented as prophets, leaders of congregations, even (so proto-​orthodox churchmen feared) as baptizers. Whether or not any women of what became “mainstream” Christianity were ordained as priests, they are well-​attested as deaconesses, helping to prepare women 42. Persius, Satire 1.134: “post prandia Callirhoen do.” 43. For examples of what follows, with textual references, see Elizabeth A. Clark, “Devil’s Gateway” (Lewiston NY and Queenston ON 1986); Elizabeth A. Clark, “Early Christian Women” (Charlottesville 1990); Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her (New York 1983); Patricia Cox Miller, Women in Early Christianity (Washington DC 2005); Susan Ashbrook Harvey, “Women in Early Byzantine Hagiography” (Charlottesville 1990), 36–​59; Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, trans. Sebastian P. Brock and Susan Ashbrook Harvey (Berkeley 1987); Gnosticism and Images of the Feminine, ed. Karen King (Philadelphia 1988); Lives of Roman Christian Women, trans. Carolinne White (London 2010); Virginia Burrus, Chastity as Autonomy (Lewiston NY and Queenston ON 1987); L. Stephanie Cobb, Dying to Be Men (New York 2008); Coon, Sacred Fictions; Franca Ela Consolino, “Female Asceticism and Monasticism” (Cambridge MA and London 1999), 8–​30.

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for baptism, among other functions—​and in some geographical regions receiving an ordination for this role. By the second century, an order of “widows” dedicated to work in the nascent church is in evidence. There were also tales of brave—​but fictional—​women in the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, books very popular in the first Christian centuries but not included in the canonical New Testament. One of the best known, the Acts of Paul and Thecla, concerned the aristocrat Thecla, who upon hearing the apostle Paul preach renounced her plans for marriage, suffered persecution at the hands of her mother and city officials, and had exciting adventures as a transvestite preacher of God’s word. Presumably a fictional character, Thecla was accorded status as a “real” woman who inspired a large cult center in Asia Minor. Visitors to Thecla’s shrine included the late fourth or early fifth-​century pilgrim Egeria, who wrote an account of her trip to the Holy Land and surrounding territories, one of the few writings by a woman that remain from ancient Christianity.44 Egeria also described the liturgy and religious processions in Jerusalem, to which we shall return. For more detailed literary coverage of individual women, however, we turn to stories of martyrs and ascetics. Women martyrs are prominent in works such as the Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas. The strength of allegedly weak women “talking back” to their pagan persecutors and enduring tortures served as good propaganda for early Christian preachers and apologists. The most numerous accounts of notable early Christian women concern ascetics. From the second and third century, high honor is accorded Christian women who maintained lifelong virginity, celibacy after being widowed, or sexual abstinence within marriage: like female martyrs, they were a group about whom Christian apologists could boast. The disdain with which some early Christian writers viewed sexual relations even within marriage continues to startle readers today. One poem by Paulinus of Nola, an epithalamium celebrating a couple’s marriage, ends with his hope that they will not engage in sexual relations.45 Second marriage after the death of a spouse was increasingly condemned (despite attempts of some New Testament writers to shore it up) as a sign of excessive indulgence in sex and a desire for “worldly glory.” Soon, marriage itself was considered a second-​or even third-​best 44.  See Stephen J. Davis, The Cult of Saint Thecla (Oxford and New York 2001); Egeria, Diary of a Pilgrimage (New York and Ramsey NJ 1970). 45.  Paulinus of Nola, Poem 25.

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alternative: the ranking gave pride of place to lifelong virginity, next to chaste widowhood, and last to marriage. From the fourth century onward, there remain numerous accounts of women who committed themselves to ascetic renunciation.46 After the legalization of Christianity in the early fourth century, as many new converts with varying levels of dedication entered the church, adoption of the ascetic life allowed a Christian to show his or her superior commitment. In this spirit, the ascetic enthusiast Jerome reminded one young devotee to learn a “holy arrogance: know that you are better than they [married women].”47 Celebrated theologians such as Jerome and John Chrysostom wrote extensively about ascetic friends, largely aristocrats-​turned-​ascetics.48 Like Melania, these women gave up much to embrace the ascetic life. Women from wealthy families also became patrons of Christian causes, much as males of their families had served, and continued to serve, as civic patrons of communities and corporations throughout the Roman Empire.49 Through women’s patronage, churches and monasteries were built, the poor were fed, the sick were cared for, and writers such as Jerome and Rufinus of Aquileia were supported in their literary endeavors. Christian women of means who committed themselves to perpetual virginity or to chaste widowhood were an enormous financial asset for the church; no wonder that bishops and other Christian leaders wrote such enthusiastic encomiums of them.50 The contrast with their former state of abundance and luxury made their renunciations shine more brightly. Among female patrons who contributed to church building projects—​aside from empresses (of whom we will hear more later)—​ was Poimenia, who in the late 380s built the Church of the Ascension in Jerusalem.51 In Rome, the wealthy Vestina left a bequest, funded by selling “enough” of her ornaments and pearls, to build the church dedicated 46.  See the classic: Peter Brown, The Body and Society (New York 1988). 47. Jerome, Letter 22.16, to the teenaged aristocrat-​turned-​ascetic Eustochium, Paula’s daughter. 48.  See Elizabeth A. Clark, Jerome, Chrysostom, and Friends (New York 1979); Andrew Cain, The Letters of Jerome (Oxford: 2009), chap. 3. 49.  On women’s patronage of churches and other religious causes, see Elizabeth A.  Clark, “Patrons, Not Priests,” 253–​73. 50.  Rita Lizzi, “Una società esortata all’ ascetismo,” 144–​53. 51.  On Poimenia, see Palladius, Lausiac History 35.14–​15 (she traveled to Egypt to see the desert father John of Lycopolis; the visit ended in a riot); and John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 43. The church was not yet erected when Egeria visited Jerusalem; pilgrims and tourists mention it only after 390. Later popular tradition credited it to the empress Helena.

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to Saints Gervasius and Protasius.52 In the fifth century, Demetrias, the virginal heiress of the vastly wealthy Anician family, commissioned a church to Saint Stephen in Rome, in which she was buried.53 Women also gave funds for the construction of monasteries. Jerome’s friend Paula accompanied him to the Holy Land (i.e., the Roman province of Palestine);54 together they founded monasteries in Bethlehem for men and for women, soon after the time that Melania the Elder was establishing hers in Jerusalem. Also of a distinguished Roman family, Paula, like Melania the Elder, married and bore and raised children before she devoted herself full time to asceticism: she gave birth to four daughters before producing the requisite son—​a surprising indulgence in marital sexual relations, for which Jerome blames Paula’s husband for his insistence on a male heir.55 Paula’s granddaughter, who inherited her name as well as her ascetic life in Bethlehem, figures in Melania’s Vita, attending our heroine on her deathbed. Here, I offer a caveat. A half century ago, when female scholars (myself included) began to recover the neglected women of Christian history, we were excited by our discoveries. Delighted by these finds, some of us overlooked more material concerns. Although “the body” soon garnered much attention, the representations of class, economics, and social structures went largely unremarked. My treatment of Melania in this book represents an attempt to remedy this earlier oversight, to connect her to events and structures of the “real” world.

Education and Literacy in Late Antiquity Melania is represented as being literate in both Greek and Latin, a feature that requires some explanation. Only about 10% of the adult male population was literate at the time of Christianity’s inception—​although 52.  Book of Pontiffs 42.3 (Innocent)). Gervasius and Protasius were Milanese saints, miraculously discovered by bishop Ambrose during his quest for relics. 53.  On Demetrias, see Jerome, Letter 130; Anne Kurdock, “Demetrias ancilla dei” (Cambridge 2007), 190–​224; Andrew S. Jacobs, “Writing Demetrias,” 719–​48. On Demetrias’ church, Book of Pontiffs 47.1 (Leo I); Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle (Princeton and Oxford 2012), 307. Also see Kim Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values (Cambridge 2008), 94–​96; Carlos Machado, “Roman Aristocrats” (Zurich and Berlin 2011), 501–​4; Kate Cooper, “Poverty, Obligation, and Inheritance” (Cambridge 2007), 183. 54.  On how Roman Palestine became the “Holy Land,” see Robert L. Wilken, The Land Called Holy (New Haven 1992); Andrew S. Jacobs, The Remains of the Jews (Stanford 2004). 55. Jerome, Letter 108.4.

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“literacy” can signal anything from the mere ability to read lists of names or products to familiarity with the “high” literature of Greece and Rome.56 Girls of the Roman aristocracy enjoyed enough literary training to be familiar with Latin authors such as Virgil.57 The education of upper-​class boys, by contrast, aimed at turning out men suited to be public officials, who had learned the rhetorical arts needed by statesmen, lawyers, and officers of the empire.58 Rhetorical education, however, was of no practical use to girls and women. Christianity, it should be noted, was a highly textual religion that spurred literary production—​not that many Christians could themselves read the voluminous works by bishops and ascetic enthusiasts.59 The education of children was largely class-​dependent. Most elementary education was private and hence expensive, requiring at least ten years of study.60 For those in the western empire, there was no alternative educational system to concentration on classics of Latin literature (Virgil, Cicero, Sallust, and Terence in particular) and training in rhetoric. “Changing the educational system,” Alan Cameron claims, “would have meant changing the definition of culture, in effect the definition of the elite.”61 The system enabled an instant class identification for such males the minute they spoke62—​perhaps much like England in

56.  William H. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge MA and London 1989), 22, 282, 285. He adds that literacy declined after that period. This minimalist estimate has been challenged:  see essays in Literacy in the Roman World, ed. Mary Beard et al. (Ann Arbor 1991). Even that low percentage, however, means that about two million people in the Roman Empire were readers (Keith Hopkins, “Conquest by Book” [Ann Arbor 1991] 134–​35. 57. Jerome’s many letters to women show that he expected them to be familiar with the quotations from and allusions to Latin authors (as well as those from Scripture and the church fathers) with which he peppered his missives. He also engaged in biblical studies with his female friends and claimed that a few of them learned enough Hebrew to be able to recite the Psalms in their original language. For documentation, see Elizabeth A.  Clark, “Friendship between the Sexes,”  74–​76. 58. For a longer discussion, with references, see E.  A. Clark, “Friendship between the Sexes,”  70–​78. 59.  Peter Brown, “Concluding Comments” (Zurich and Berlin 2011), 607: “The effort of reading and producing so many new books gave a novel tempo to later antiquity as a whole.” He adds, “We have entered the age of the book” (608). 60.  A  standard older work is H.  I. Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity (New  York 1964). Now see Robert A. Kaster, Guardians of Language (Berkeley 1997); Peter Heather, “New Men for New Constantines?” (Aldershot UK and Brookfield VT 1994), 21. The state subsidized higher education, thus clearly benefitting the upper classes (A.  H.  M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire [Baltimore 1986; London, 1964], 2: 998). 61.  Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford 2011), 357. 62. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 17.

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the nineteenth century. A  literary education bonded upper-​class men across the entire empire. Literacy in Latin did not imply literacy in Greek. Throughout the fourth century, the ability of Latin-​speakers to read Greek (usually signaling a relatively high level of education) declined.63 In the late fourth century, even a then-​imperial capital, Trier, struggled to find a Greek grammarian.64 Imperial women are sometimes credited with bilingual reading skills.65 In the eastern part of the empire, official administrative business was conducted in Latin, but other communications with subjects were in Greek.66 Some eastern intellectuals, such as the Greek-​speaking rhetoric professor Libanius in Antioch, had ambivalent, even hostile, feelings about his charges becoming educated in Latin, a popular pursuit for those vying for government positions.67 The two languages were going their separate ways geographically. Writing is a different skill from reading: few female Christians of the era are credited as writers. In the mid-​fourth century, the Christian aristocrat Faltonia Betitia Proba composed a Latin poem detailing biblical episodes, especially those of the life of Jesus, the verses of which were derived entirely from lines of Virgil’s poetry.68 And in the late fourth or the early fifth century, the pilgrim Egeria composed her account of travel to the Holy Land and surrounding territories; to the section she wrote on Jerusalem we shall return in ­chapter 8. The two Melanias shared this literary culture. Melania the Elder’s intellectual abilities were exceptional for the time, even if Palladius inflates them:69 he asserts that she read through millions of lines by the Greek-​ writing theologians Origen, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil of Caesarea, and other Christian writers, not just once but seven or eight times. By doing so, he claims, she was able to free herself from “knowledge falsely so 63.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 528–​29: especially following the split of the empire into eastern and western sectors, “Rome rapidly became a cultural as well as a political backwater”; he doubts the strength of the two Melanias’ knowledge of Greek (534). 64.  CTh 13.3.11 (dating to 376); Jones, Later Roman Empire, 2:987; Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 529. 65.  Of Pulcheria, sister of Theodosius II (Sozomen, Church History 9.1); of Maria, wife of Honorius (Claudian, Epithalamium on the Marriage of the Emperor Honorius lines 232–​35). 66.  Fergus Millar, A Greek Roman Empire (Berkeley 2006), 13, 16–​17, 21, 35. 67.  See Raffaella Cribiore, The School of Libanius (Princeton and Oxford 2007), 206–​12. 68.  For Proba and her poem, see Elizabeth A. Clark and Diane Hatch, The Golden Bough (Chico CA 1981). 69.  On ascetic women’s reading, see Kim Haines-​Eitzen, The Gendered Palimpsest (Oxford 2012), chap. 2 (“Reading, Not Eating”).

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called.”70 Here, Palladius obliquely asserts her freedom from heresy—​a point under dispute, as she was aligned with the pro-​Origenist faction of the day.71 Melania the Younger’s Life also testifies to its heroine’s high literacy, although she apparently did not undertake her grandmother’s extraordinary feats of theological study. Gerontius calls Melania a completely bilingual lover of learning:  her fluency in Latin fooled people into thinking that she did not know Greek, yet when she read in Greek, she was so adept that people might have assumed that she did not know Latin (Life 21, 26). This ability reveals her class background. Gerontius claims that she read through the Old and New Testaments three or four times a year and made copies of them (surely just excerpts) to give to holy people. She read as many books by “the saints” as she could lay her hands on. In addition, Gerontius reports, she wrote “without mistakes” in notebooks, marking out how much she should read and write every day, deciding how much to cover in the canonical Scriptures and in sermon collections. After these exertions, she read some in the Lives of the Fathers, “as if eating dessert” (Life 26, 23). Melania’s ability to read these biblical and religious texts enabled her to teach the nuns in her monasteries and others she encountered. Melania the Younger, then, stood in a line of impressive women who had paved the way: she, like them, was an ascetic, a pilgrim, a patron, a reader. Yet various features—​her extreme wealth and family history, the historical circumstances that marked her exit from Rome, and her travel around the Roman Empire—​set her apart.

The Organization of This Book This book is organized around the cities and sites with which Melania the Younger was associated: Rome and environs, Sicily, Roman North Africa, Egypt, Jerusalem, Constantinople. In the chapters that follow, I explain pertinent aspects of Roman history and politics; class or status structures in the later Roman Empire, especially those pertaining to the aristocracy; specifics regarding property (estates and their produce, 70. Palladius, Lausiac History 55.2, alluding to 1 Tim. 6:20. Paulinus of Nola (Letter 29.13) wrote that she lay on the ground to study, the pleasure of reading reducing the discomfort. 71.  For a detailed study, see E. A. Clark, Origenist Controversy.

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slaves, mansions, art), inheritance, and patronage; the Christianization of the empire; religious divergences, both between Christians and “pagans” and among various Christian groups; travel, its modes and difficulties; and the development of religious and monastic life, especially in Jerusalem. Melania’s was a rich life, made richer to modern readers by its many connections with the wider world of late antiquity. I hope that the present book will introduce her fascinating story to more readers.

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Rome: Empire, City, and Church

The Roman Empire in the Later Fourth Century In Melania’s time, the Roman Empire stretched from the Atlantic Ocean in the west to Mesopotamia in the east, from present-​day Britain and Germany in the north to Egypt and the countries of North Africa in the south. Its extent surpassed that of any other state that ever developed in western Europe.1 No wonder that Romans might consider most of the known world “theirs.” The Mediterranean, which linked several parts of this territory, was “our sea,” Mare nostrum. In an era without modern communications and forms of travel, this vast territory was challenging to govern. Attempting to facilitate the task, the late third-​century emperor Diocletian initiated a number of reforms. He split up larger provinces into smaller ones, each with a civilian and a military ruler. Diocletian, and Constantine after him, greatly expanded the imperial bureaucracy, until it numbered about one hundred governors of provinces (each with a staff of around one hundred), ten prefects, and twenty vicars, all of whom needed legal services.2 By the year 400, there were at any one time an estimated six thousand senior administrative positions per generation and 17,500 staff members of the above-​mentioned officials.3 1.  Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire (Oxford 2006), xi. 2. Tony Honoré, “Roman Law 200–​400” (Oxford 2004), 121; Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge 2001), 38. A  vicar, in the new scheme, was head of a group of several provinces. 3.  Edward J. Watts, The Final Pagan Generation (Oakland 2015), 60; Peter Heather, “New Men for New Constantines?” (Aldershot UK and Brookfield VT 1994), 18–​21; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 28. Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0002

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Diocletian also divided imperial rule between two senior emperors (augusti) each with a junior official (caesar); this quartet established residences stretching from what is today Turkey, Bulgaria, and the Balkans across to Germany. The arrangement was practical, not legally established or binding. One-​man rule, however, came back into operation with Constantine and his successors, to diverge again later in the fourth century. Throughout the fourth century, no emperor made his permanent seat of government in the city of Rome.4 Constantius II, for example, had been emperor for twenty years before he ever entered Rome in 357.5 At the time of Melania’s birth, no emperor was in residence. While the city was no longer the imperial center, Roman senators continued to retain the prestige of their rank, privileges not extended to ordinary citizens, and often great wealth. Even with the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine, which opened more opportunities for new groups with talent to enter the imperial system, aristocratic privilege was preserved.6 In the mid-​ 290s, Diocletian introduced another important reform. In an attempt to break the inflation of the mid-​third century, he instituted a new gold-​based monetary system. The important new coin was the gold solidus, which originally contained one-​sixtieth of a pound of gold but by Melania’s time had been reduced to one-​seventy-​second of a pound. Lesser coins were minted in bronze and silver-​clad bronze. High-​level officials were paid in gold solidi and were exempted from the obligation to pay for civic expenses in their home cities.7 In the late fourth century, the wealthy unabashedly displayed their gold—​more gold than the world had seen before the discovery of the Americas.8 The ancient historian Olympiodorus states that the annual income of the richest senators was around four thousand pounds of gold 4.  On imperial residences, see Bryan Ward-​Perkins, “A Most Unusual Empire” (New  York 2014), 116–​17. 5.  Gazing at Rome’s buildings and monuments, Constantius II was drawn through the city in a vast military display, described by the historian Ammianus Marcellinus (16.10.10). On the later Roman Empire, and for the following paragraphs, see Averil Cameron, The Later Roman Empire (Cambridge MA 1993); Peter Brown, The World of Late Antiquity (London 1971); A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire (Baltimore 1986 [London, 1964]); John Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court (Oxford 1975); Christopher Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge MA 2004). 6. Watts, Final Pagan Generation, 79. 7. Watts, Final Pagan Generation, 61, 62. 8. Jean-​ Michel Carrié, “The Historical Path of ‘Late Antiquity’” (Newcastle upon Tyne 2016), 188.

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(288,800 solidi).9 By comparison, for the average workman, three gold solidi might pay for a year’s upkeep.10 We shall later get a better sense of the enormity of Melania and Pinian’s wealth, and how gold would haunt her in her attempt to renounce the world.

Emperors of the Late Fourth and Early Fifth Century At the time of Melania the Younger’s birth circa 385, the emperor Theodosius I, a military man of Spanish origin, had been ruling from Constantinople for seven years, and the young Valentinian II, controlled by his mother and male advisors, in Italy, for two. Theodosius had come to power when his predecessor, Valens, was defeated in battle and killed by the Visigoths in 378—​a harbinger of things to come.11 Theodosius arrived at the eastern court with a coterie of western supporters.12 Among his actions that would have world-​historical importance, he arranged a settlement with the Goths that allowed them to live as federate peoples on the Roman side of the Danube River. In September 394, Theodosius fought a dramatic battle against a usurper, Eugenius. The battle was fought at the Frigidus River, near the most western Alpine pass, on the road to Aquileia. Eugenius was captured and executed; his general Arbogast committed suicide, as did the aristocrat Virius Nicomachus Flavianus, who had sided against Theodosius.13 An earlier generation of scholars considered this battle a “last stand” for paganism (of which Flavianus was a leading Roman exponent) against Christianity, but this interpretation is now largely rejected. After the death of the western emperor Valentinian II in 39214 and of the eastern emperor Theodosius I in 395, the latter’s two young sons inherited the imperium:  Arcadius (age seventeen or eighteen) 9.  By Watts’s calculation, in 2015 prices, about $61 million (Final Pagan Generation, 63 and n16). 10. Walter Scheidel, “Real Wages in Early Economies,” 447; Richard Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals (Berkeley 1982), 100. 11.  Ammianus Marcellinus 31.12–​13. 12. Matthews, Western Aristocracies, 131, 139. 13. Sources: Zosimus, Historia Nova 4.58; Orosius, Seven Books of History Against the Pagans 7.35.11–​19; Eunapius, Book 9, frag. 60.1: Theodosius cut off Eugenius’ head and paraded it on a long spear throughout Italy. 14.  On varying accounts, see Stephen Williams and Gerard Friell, Theodosius (London 1994), 127 and 217n43. Zosimus, Historia Nova 4.54 (murder by the general Arbogast).

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Figure 2.1  Theodosius I, flanked by his sons Arcadius and Honorius, watching races in the hippodrome of Constantinople and offering laurels of victory. From the base of the obelisk of Thutmose III (fifteenth century BCE.), brought from Egypt to Constantinople by Theodosius I around 390 ce. Credit: Shutterstock.

was to rule in Constantinople, and Honorius (age ten) in the West.15 (Figure 2.1 shows Theodosius with his two sons watching races in the Constantinople Hippodrome.) These youths were unprepared to lead the empire, to ward off factions and scheming court officials and to meet the ever-​increasing threat posed by “barbarians” within and without the empire.16 Until a few decades earlier, fourth-​century men who had succeeded to imperial rule had done so as adults, as military leaders, prepared to understand (and manipulate) the complex patronage network of the empire.17

15. Jones, Later Roman Empire 1:173; Williams and Friell, Theodosius, 129. Theodosius died after a fall from his horse. Meaghan McEvoy, Child Emperor Rule in the Late Roman West (Oxford 2013), 148, stresses the precariousness of the western government at this moment, Theodosius dying so soon after his defeat of a usurper. 16.  The ancient Christian historian Orosius found the brothers “glorious progeny,” but modern commentators, “unintelligent and pusillanimous” (Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.34.4; Williams and Friell, Theodosius, 140). 17.  Guy Halsall, Barbarian Migrations (Cambridge 2007), 111, 194; McEvoy, Child Emperor Rule, 305–​8, 321, 324.

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Earlier, Theodosius I  had appointed Stilicho, descended from “barbarian” Vandals, as Master of the Troops (magister utriusque militum: both infantry and cavalry) and as regent for his young son (or sons).18 Stilicho, although better equipped for ruling than Arcadius and Honorius, was greatly disliked by some ancient historians and members of the senatorial aristocracy, who scorned his Vandal origins.19 Stilicho, to whom Theodosius in 386 gave his niece and adopted daughter Serena in marriage, came to be as powerful as Honorius himself in the West, if not more so.20 The eastern emperor Arcadius died in 408, leaving a seven-​year-​old son, Theodosius (II), as ruler. Theodosius II reigned longer as augustus than any other Roman emperor.21 In 421 he married Athenais, a cultured Greek pagan who converted to Christianity upon her marriage and was renamed Aelia Eudocia. Among her accomplishments was the composition of a poem commemorating the Roman defeat of Persia in 422.22 Eudocia will figure prominently in Melania’s story: in 438 she made a pilgrimage to Palestine, where she visited Melania, whom she had recently met in Constantinople. Although the western emperor Honorius had married successively two daughters of Stilicho and Serena, he nevertheless died childless in 423, at age thirty-​eight.23 Theodosius sent young Flavius Placidus Valentinianus (later, Valentinian III) and his mother Galla Placidia to Rome to claim the throne for the family. Valentinian was only six when he was named augustus in 425; his mother and the general Aetius in effect ruled the empire for ten years.24 We will meet up later with 18. Zosimus, Historia Nova 4.59 and 5.4. For the debate over whether Stilicho was regent over Honorius alone or over both sons, see Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 216–​18; Williams and Friell, Theodosius, 138. 19.  The Christian historian Orosius on Stilicho:  he was the “offspring of that effete, greedy, treacherous, and sorrow-​bringing race, the Vandals”; he wished to make his son emperor, and hence “offered the blood of the entire human race to cover one boy in the purple” (Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.38.1 and 5); the son, Eucherius, was killed after his father was executed in August 408 (7.38.6). 20.  Stilicho and Serena: Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.4; Olympiodorus, frags. 1.1 and 3. 21.  Jill Harries, “‘Pius princeps’” (Aldershot UK and Brookfield VT 1994), 35. For a “rehabilitation” of Theodosius as an effective ruler, see essays in Theodosius II (New York 2013). 22.  Fergus Millar, A Greek Roman Empire (Berkeley 2006), 73–​74, citing Chronicon Paschale 578 and Socrates, Church History 7. 21.7–​10; see Kenneth Holum, Theodosian Empresses (Berkeley 1982), chap. 4. 23. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.28; on the marriages, see Chris Doyle, Honorius (London and New  York 2019), 101–​5. Had Honorius taken a vow of continence? (Holum, Theodosian Empresses, 49). 24. Jones, Later Roman Empire 1:173–​74; Hagith Sivan, Galla Placidia (Oxford and New York 2011), chap. 4; McEvoy, Child Emperor Rule, 223–​34; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 258–​60, 369–​7 1; James J. O’Donnell, The Ruin of the Roman Empire (New York 2008), 88–​89.

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Valentinian III, when Melania’s uncle Volusian, trailed by Melania, journeyed to Constantinople to represent the West at the marriage of this western emperor with the eastern princess Eudoxia.

Cities in the Roman Empire and the City of Rome In late antiquity, slightly fewer than two thousand communities counted as “cities.” Cities were governed by councils of the more affluent residents; their members (decurions) held office for life by property qualification and in practice by hereditary right. The city, a distinctive feature of Roman civilization, flourished by persuading elites in the provinces to share its political and cultural values.25 The city represented a way of life, passed from generation to generation of elites imbued with values derived from their long literary education.26 With Christianization, a new constituency of the city emerged:  the poor, traditionally overlooked, became an important urban block. Bishops, the managers of charity operations, now had an opportunity to show their power as highly important urban patrons, as community leaders and advocates for their constituents.27 The Christianization of Rome, we shall shortly see, fostered the development of the cult of martyrs and saints, which drew the ever-​growing Christian community out to cemeteries in the suburban areas.28 The wealthy dwellers of Rome positioned their estates on the city’s famous Seven Hills. Their mansions formed a crescent, an outer greenbelt, embracing the densely built-​up area. The less well-​off lived in sections such as Trastevere, the most densely populated area of the city by this time.29 The Aurelian Wall, constructed in the late third century, precisely defined the boundary between urban and suburban spaces.30 “Suburbs” covered an extensive area: one hundred Roman miles in each

25. S.  T. Loseby, “Mediterranean Cities” (Chichester UK and Malden MA 2009), 140–​41. On emperors’ attempts to tie decurions to their civic obligations, see A. H. M. Jones, “The Caste System,”  79–​81. 26.  J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, Decline and Fall of the Roman City (Oxford 2001), 401. 27.  Loseby, “Mediterranean Cities,” 148; Claudia Rapp, “Bishops in Late Antiquity” (Princeton 2004), 177. 28.  Loseby, “Mediterranean Cities,” 150. 29.  Richard Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City (Princeton 2005), 16, 15. 30.  Glen L. Thompson, “The Pax Constantiniana” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2015), 33.

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direction.31 Thus when Melania fled Rome for “the suburbs,” she may have gone some distance. Although Rome at the turn to the fifth century was still the city of senatorial prestige, actual government of the West was conducted elsewhere—​at Milan, and then at Ravenna. Rome successfully survived both because it maintained its ancient political prerogatives and acquired a new prestige through the Roman bishopric and its large martyr cult.32 With close to a million inhabitants (although the population dropped after the Goths’ sack of the city in August 410—​on which see more in c­ hapter 6), Rome differed from other towns or cities both in size and in the amenities it offered. According to a fourth-​century list, the city of Rome had twenty-​ eight libraries, eleven forums, eighteen aqueducts, nine circuses and theaters, forty-​ six brothels, 290 granaries and warehouses, 44,000 housing blocks for middle and lower-​class residents, and 1,790 domus, private residences and mansions, among which were those of the Valerii, the family of Melania and Pinian.33 The city also maintained eleven huge public baths—​but that number was dwarfed by the over eight hundred private ones.34 Rome was the only city (later joined by Constantinople) that had an annona, a system of government-​supported food distribution.35 Rome’s “consumption power” was enormous, requiring many goods from across the empire and a huge labor force to supply and maintain it.36 Economic historians estimate that perhaps 40% of the food consumed by Romans of middling or humbler status was paid for and provided by the state: grain (later bread), pork, oil, wine at a reduced price, and perhaps salt. The grain and oil came from overseas (often Africa), but with the crises of the fifth century, culminating in the Vandal invasions 31.  Giusto Traina, 428 AD (Princeton and Oxford 2009 [2007]), 55. 32. Jones, Later Roman Empire 1:687. 33. Numbers counted slightly differently by various commentators; here, as cited in Krautheimer, Rome, 14, from “De Regionibus,” in the Codex Urbis Romae Topographicus (Würtburg 1870),  20–​27. 34. Jones, Later Roman Empire 2:705. On baths, see Kristina Sessa, Daily Life in Late Antiquity (Cambridge 2018), 64–​67. 35.  Paul Veyne, Bread and Circuses (London 1992), 386. In late antiquity, Egypt supplied approximately 220,000 tons of grain annually to Constantinople, requiring 647 average-​sized grain ships to deliver (over thirty-​two full vessels every week to sail from Alexandria during the four-​ and-​a-​half-​month period of the harvest and sailing season): see Christopher Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity (Baltimore and London 1997), 42. 36.  W. V. Harris, “The Mediterranean and Ancient History” (Oxford 2005), 34; Robin Osborne, “Introduction: Roman Poverty” (Cambridge 2006), 7.

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of North Africa in the 420s and 430s, the supply was interrupted.37 The city had 274 bakeries for the distribution of bread.38 For five months of the year, pork was issued for free; during those months, butchers had to produce twenty thousand pounds of pork daily to feed those eligible for the dole.39 The Mediterranean was open for sailing only from mid-​March to early November, at the outside limits; the best sailing was from late May to mid-​ September. Even in good weather, ships carrying grain from Alexandria could take a month or two, arriving in Rome at the earliest in May.40 The trip from North Africa (the economic powerhouse of the western Empire)41 to Rome was quicker, taking from five days to two weeks.42 Hundreds of state-​ subsidized vessels were needed for this vast transfer of food and wealth; incentives were also offered to private entrepreneurs to finance transport ships.43 Any disruption of the bread supply in Rome could result in riots, a notable example of which erupted when Melania and her family were attempting to sell their property and exit Rome (on this, more later). By 414, after the sack of the city, the urban prefect, Caecina Decius Acinatius Albinus (a relative of Melania’s), reported to the emperor Honorius that the quantities of grain the city was receiving did not suffice for the increased number of people pouring into the city. Albinus claimed that on just one day, fourteen thousand people had been entered on the city rolls to receive the food dole.44 There was, as these figures suggest, a lively competition for food. To provision the cities, urban elites needed

37.  Jean Durliat, De la Ville antique (Rome 1990), 116, 117, 121, 123. Once grain from Egypt became earmarked to be sent (only) to Constantinople, Sicily became an important supplier of grain for Rome: see R. J. A. Wilson, “Piazza Armerina and the Senatorial Aristocracy” (Catania 1984), 176. After the Vandal conquest of Carthage, the port from which ships left for Rome, the center of travel on the Mediterranean moved eastward (Michael McCormick, Origins of the European Economy [Cambridge 2001], 91, 104–​5). 38.  Notitia Dignitatum, cited in Jones, Later Roman Empire, 1:699. 39. Jones, Later Roman Empire 1:702. 40.  Lionel Casson, Ships and Seamanship (Princeton 1971), 270, 297; the trip back was much quicker, allowing for a second crossing (298). 41. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 273. 42.  ORBIS: The Stanford Geospatial Network Model of the Roman World; Casson, Ships and Seamanship, 283. 43. McCormick, Origins of the European Economy, 87, 89, 91. 44.  Caecina Decius Acinatius Albinus (to Honorius), in Olympiodorus, frag. 25. See discussion in Durliat, De la Ville antique, 107. On Albinus, see PLRE 2:50–​51, and Stemma 13 (of the Ceionii Rufii), PLRE 1:1138.

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both to extract surplus goods from country peasants and to share these food supplies with less affluent city dwellers.45

Christianity at Rome in the Fourth Century: Churches and Martyr Shrines In the fourth century, Romans who converted to Christianity negotiated a new civic identity. There had been no Christian cult in Rome for its first thousand years.46 Now, after the legalization of Christianity in the early fourth century, inhabitants of all classes, with varying degrees of commitment to rigor, were joining up. In Melania’s era, estimates of Christians in Rome suggest one hundred thousand or more.47 In the first few centuries of the Common Era, the Roman church had been a composite of rival Christian communities.48 Although Roman bishops early claimed authority for themselves and their see, they did not yet have the power they would later enjoy; nevertheless, they derived prestige from their residence in the (then) seat of empire. The church historian Eusebius of Caesarea provides useful statistics regarding the church at Rome in the mid-​third century: it counted forty-​ six priests, seven deacons, seven subdeacons, forty-​two acolytes, and a combined total of fifty-​two exorcists, readers, and doorkeepers. Over 1,500 poor persons, he adds, were fed and clothed by the church.49 In the early fourth century, Constantine’s building projects and his gifts to Roman churches did much to raise the status of Roman Christianity. In addition, the development of martyr cults and their shrines distinguished the city’s Christian religious life and attracted pilgrims. The wealth of the Roman church grew, especially through rich Christians’ bequests of estates. It was supported largely by revenues from these lands.50 Oddly, Melania’s Life says nothing about the bishop of Rome. A few brief and oblique references are tempting: when Melania attempted to 45.  Garnsey and Humfress, Evolution of the Late Antique World, 5. 46.  Dennis E. Trout, “Damasus and the Invention of Early Christian Rome,” 519. 47.  Thompson, “Pax Constantiniana,” 22; Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 102 (“a few hundred thousand”). 48.  See the classic articles by George LaPiana, “Foreign Groups in Rome,” 183–​403, and “The Roman Church at the End of the Second Century,” 201–​77. 49. Eusebius, Church History 6.43.11; and Rapp, “Bishops in Late Antiquity,” 149. 50. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 2:781–​82. See c­ hapter 4 for further description.

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flee her marriage, the matter was “reported to the reverend Fathers” (Life 4).51 And “by whom” was Melania’s case brought to the attention of these “reverend Fathers”? Perhaps by her parents or other relatives who were eager for her to reproduce and continue the family line? Similarly, it is unnamed bishops who mediated Melania’s meeting with Serena and the couple’s offer to sell her their mansion (Life 11, 14). Would these have included the bishop of Rome, who in the first years of the fifth century was Innocent I? Gerontius is silent. After the boom in imperial building during the Constantinian era, lay aristocrats became patrons, or co-​patrons, of ecclesiastical building agendas.52 By Melania’s era, the city was dotted with about twenty-​five endowed churches called tituli. For these, local elites provided the land, paid for the building, and provided an endowment to support its clergy and maintain the church’s structure.53 The titulus thus represented a compromise arrangement between bishops and local communities.54 Tight rules attending the use of money and property connected to a titulus somewhat limited the bishop’s power.55 In these smaller local churches, Rome’s Christians worshipped. The city also had some grand churches:  Saint John Lateran and (old) Saint Peter’s, both built by Constantine, who gave estates and income to provide for them.56 Constantine’s power was on display in such churches, just as his predecessors had shown theirs through other, “secular” types of building projects. He also erected a church dedicated to 51.  The holy men, so Gerontius reports, quoted to her Paul’s words in 1 Corinthians 7:16, “Wife, how do you know if you will save your husband?” 52.  Carlos Machado, “Roman Aristocrats” (Zurich and Berlin 2011), 514. Roman clergy (a step or more down the social hierarchy) also became patrons of tituli: see Hillner, “Clerics, Property and Patronage,” 60, 66, 68. Note that her evidence includes lists from the fifth and sixth centuries, beyond the time of our discussion. 53. Krautheimer, Rome, 18; Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 62; Thompson, “Pax Constantiniana,” 23. Also see Dennis Trout, ed., Damasus of Rome (Oxford 2015),10. Tituli probably did not develop out of early “house churches,” as was formerly assumed. 54. Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 69. 55.  Charles Pietri, “Evergétisme,” 328, 331. 56.  Book of Pontiffs 34. 9–​20. Krautheimer (Three Christian Capitals, 100) estimates that the market value of the land was around 300,000 gold solidi, the income from which was 25,000 solidi (this estimate may be high). The embarrassing fact that Constantine, at the end of his life, had been baptized by an “Arian” (i.e., heretical) bishop perhaps prompted the later myth that Constantine had been baptized in Rome (David M. Gwynn, “Christian Controversy” [Leiden and Boston 2015], 211–​12). The Christian senator Pammachius, Jerome’s friend and Paula’s son-​in-​law, used the martyr shrine at Saint Peter’s for the banquet he threw for the poor:  see Paulinus of Nola, Letter 13.3; discussed in Richard Finn, Almsgiving (Oxford 2006), 105; Lucy Grig, “Throwing Parties for the Poor” (Cambridge 2006), 146, 149.

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Saints Marcellinus and Peter, and his family undertook the construction of the small church dedicated to Saint Agnes, which became known as Santa Costanza.57 On imperial estates, he and his female relatives built Saint Lawrence Outside the Walls, the basilica beside the tomb of Saint Lawrence;58 on Melania’s connection with this site, we shall see more later. Constantine’s constructions, however spectacular, failed to make Rome a “Christian capital of a Christian Empire.” That role would go to Constantine’s new city, Constantinople.59 Constantine donated the Lateran basilica, his private foundation, to the Christian community of Rome.60 He sited it on the grounds of the Sessorian Palace, associated with the imperial guard; this act of architectural appropriation was aimed to erase the memory of the forces who had supported Constantine’s rival Maxentius.61 Constantine (or his mother, Helena) built the first domestic relic church in Rome, nestled on the grounds of the Sessorian Palace. Housing a piece of the True Cross, the church came to be called Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, “Holy Cross in Jerusalem.”62 The Lateran held three thousand or more, with separate structures for the clergy, offices, and a baptistery. It announced itself as a monumental public building, like the basilicas (public assembly halls) that had grown up in cities across the empire. It was, in effect, the throne room of Christ, the King of Heaven.63 The Lateran was used at Eastertime for the baptisms of all new converts in Rome. Its location, however, proved problematic: it was on the edge of the city, an inconvenient trip for both the clergy and the catechumens awaiting instruction and baptism by the bishop. From the end of the century, baptisteries connected to newly

57.  Book of Pontiffs 23; Thompson, “Pax Constantiniana,” 34n55. Book of Pontiffs 34 (doubtfully) associates Helena with the former church (Michaela Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftung römischer Kaiserinnen vom 4. bis zum 6. Jahrhundert (Münster 2015), 43, 47–​48. 58.  Book of Pontiffs 24; Charles Pietri, Roma Christiana (Rome 1976), 1:37–​40; Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 23; Richard Krautheimer, Wolfgang Frankl, and Spencer Corbett, Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae 2.1 (Rome and New York 1959), 6. 59. Krautheimer, Rome, 33. 60. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 30. 61. Sarah Bassett, The Urban Image of Late Antique Constantinople (Cambridge 2004), 34; Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals,  15–​18. 62.  Book of Pontiffs 34, 22; Krautheimer, Rome, 21–​24; Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 85–​86; Galit Noga-​Banai, Sacred Stimulus (Oxford 2018), 16–​20; doubting Helena’s involvement is Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftung römischer Kaiserinnen,  43–​45. 63. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 18.

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constructed churches offered venues for baptisms at other times of the year.64 The Lateran, located on the Caelian Hill, was not far from the domus that scholars identify as likely belonging to Pinian’s family.65 Also nearby was the relic church in the Sessorian Palace, with its piece of the True Cross.66 The Life does not mention her visiting these churches. The church and martyr shrine featured in her narrative were those associated with Saint Lawrence. It was here that Pinian, frightened at Melania’s near death, at last agreed to live a life of sexual abstinence with her. From about 360 to the mid-​fifth century, other bishops of Rome entered the church-​building contest. Whether modest in decoration or grand, these churches reflect the bishops’ conscious building policies.67 Among these were the Basilica of the Apostles on the Appian Way, dedicated to Peter and Paul,68 Saint Peter in Chains, Saint Sabina, Saint Mary Major, and Saint Stephen in the Round on the Caelian Hill.69 Towering above their surroundings like monumental public buildings, these churches clearly announced Christianity’s new standing—​and that of its bishops.70 The Liber Pontificalis (the Book of Popes) and dedication plaques eagerly attribute these initiatives to Rome’s bishops, even if wealthy lay people paid for the churches’ construction. For example, the wealthy Vestina financed the church dedicated to Gervasius and Protasius (the present Saint Vitalis), and Pammachius, Jerome’s senatorial friend, provided funds for the church of Saints John and Paul.71 Grand basilicas, however, were not the places where Christians went for daily worship.72 Even in the fourth century, many Christians still worshipped in homes or other private spaces, often those of aristocrats 64. Krautheimer, Rome, 28, 56–​57. 65. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 28. 66. Trout, Damasus of Rome, 4. 67. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 96. Some could hold 800–​1,400 people. 68.  Machado, “Roman Aristocrats,” 496, dated to the 340s. It was rededicated as S. Sebastiano in the sixth or seventh century. 69. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 105, 107. Some of these may have been used as station churches to celebrate the great feast days, e.g., Christmas vigil at S. Maria Maggiore (118). 70. Krautheimer, Rome, 35; Thompson, “Pax Constantiniana,” 36. 71. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 33, 34, 99. For Vestina’s church, Innocent I claimed credit (Book of Pontiffs 42.3 and xxxviii–​xxxix). Pammachius (a cousin of Pinian’s grandfather Albinus), although generous in his charity, kept enough property to continue to quality for the senate:  see Georges Goyau, Sainte Mélanie (Paris 1909), 57, 68. Jill Harries adds that Pammachius’ childlessness probably enabled his generous benefaction (“Treasure in Heaven” [Aberdeen 1984], 62). 72. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 102.

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who served as hosts to small local Christian meetings.73 As we shall see, Melania and Pinian had their own private chapel in the Roman mansion in which they lived. Melania’s extreme wealth allowed her “to privatize the holy,” bringing into the home rituals usually celebrated in communal churches.74 Martyr cults flourished in, or more accurately just outside of, the boundaries of Rome proper. For traditional Romans, bodily remains were considered defiling, to be kept away from the heart of the city. Christianity, however, succeeded in transforming the degrading condition of martyrdom into triumph. The first martyr churches were located outside the Aurelian Walls, rising above the martyrs’ graves.75 New roads and lanes were developed to reach these funerary complexes, especially along the Appian Way.76 Rome was a city that lauded its martyrs. The Roman calendar of 354 already listed fifty-​two martyrs, thirty-​four of whom had suffered at Rome itself. By the 420s, however, the list had greatly expanded to 130, of whom one hundred seem truly Roman. The city became a great pilgrimage center, offering its martyrs for wider appreciation.77 As John Chrysostom put it in 387, emperors, generals, and consuls all come to Rome “to venerate the tombs of a fisherman and a tent-​maker” (i.e., Peter and Paul).78 Later, Chrysostom lamented that he was not up to making a pilgrimage to Rome, where he longed to see the chains of Paul and the prison in which he was held captive. To be sure, Chrysostom adds, we remember the testimonies of his miracles, “but they do not excite the same love as those of his wounds.”79 Jerome, for his part, later reminisced about his student days in Rome in the 360s, when on Sundays he toured the catacombs; descending into the dark crypts reminded him 73. Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 73; the “domestic church” may have lasted longer than scholars earlier believed. 74.  Linda L. Coon, Sacred Fictions (Philadelphia 1997), 116; Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 79. 75.  Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (San Francisco 1986), 446–​50; Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 28; John R. Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital (Oxford 2000), 154; Lucrezia Spera, “The Christianization of Space,” 32; Gillian Clark, “Bodies and Blood” (London and New York 1998), 99. 76.  Spera, “Christianization of Space,” 36. 77.  Gustav Bardy, “Pélerinages à Rome,” 224. 78. John Chrysostom, Against the Jews and the Gentiles 9, cited and discussed in Bardy, “Pélerinages á Rome,” 226–​27. 79.  John Chrysostom, Homily 8 on Ephesians 2, cited and discussed in Bardy, “Pélerinages á Rome,” 227. The items Chrysostom yearned to see suggest how far the religious tourist trade had progressed by the end of the fourth century.

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of a line in Virgil’s Aeneid (2.755, paraphrased), in which Aeneas seeks his wife in the ruins of Troy: “Everywhere the horror and the silence itself terrified our souls.”80 Jerome was quick to find a classical allusion to fit any occasion. The year before Melania was born saw the death of bishop Damasus (384), who had left a strong mark on the city through his patronage of martyr cults. While the emperor Constantine took care to place martyr churches outside the city walls,81 Damasus erected them in the heart of the city. He laid the foundation for the church of Saint Anastasia on the Palatine Hill, close to imperial palaces and pagan shrines and temples:  siting the church in the heart of pagan Rome symbolized Christianity’s new status.82 Damasus also organized the construction of a new church to Saint Lawrence on his own family estate. In 384, he oversaw the laying of foundations for the massive basilica of Saint Paul’s Outside the Walls, financed by several emperors of the era, perhaps at his request.83 Damasus, claiming that the martyrs had been forgotten, sought to highlight and promote their cult.84 To this end, he created a ring of shrines around Rome that spurred interaction between city and suburbs, “town and tomb.”85 He wrote fifty-​nine metrical epigrams for martyrs and others, incised in elegant neoclassical script by Furius Dionysius Filocalus.86 This was an expensive project; the cost for such engraving was around fifteen pieces of gold for nine lines.87 With Filocalus, we encounter once more the family of Melania: he engraved a dedicatory poem on the walls of a bath belonging to Melania the Elder, probably in North Africa, composed before she decamped to the Holy Land in the 370s. The poem, an acrostic and a telestich,88 has the name of Filocalus 80. Jerome, Commentary in Ezekiel 12.40, 5–​ 13, cited and discussed in Lucy Grig, “Deconstructing the Symbolic City,” 133–​34. Grig also notes Jerome’s linking the sack of Rome to that of Troy in Letter 127.12 (cf. Aeneid 2.361–​65, 369). Also see Bardy, “Pélerinages á Rome,” 224–​25. 81.  Spera, “Christianization of Space,” 30. On Constantine’s erection of Christian structures on the edge of Rome or outside city boundaries, see Krautheimer, Rome,  21–​28. 82. Curran, Pagan City, 144. 83.  Book of Pontiffs 39; Curran, Pagan City, 142–​46; Krautheimer, Rome, 33–​34, 42. 84.  Marianne Sághy, “Renovatio Memoriae” (Stuttgart 2012), 251–​52: this was “an elegant means of eclipsing rival private cults or of barring schismatics and heretics from holy tombs.” 85.  Sághy, “Renovatio Memoriae,” 262. 86.  For a technical discussion of Filocalus and his craft, see Antonius Ferrua, Epigrammata Damasiana (Rome 1942), 21–​25. On Filocalus’ calligraphy, see Trout, Damasus of Rome,  47–​52. 87.  Peter Brown, The Ransom of the Soul (Cambridge MA and London 2015), 46. 88.  Telestich: reading down the lines of a poem, the final letters of a line spell a name, in this case MELANIAE.

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running down one side and that of Melania down the other.89 The work was done between the late 350s and early 370s, before the deaths of her husband and two of her sons turned her thoughts heavenward, away from the present world.90 Damasus’ epigrams on the martyrs guided devout visitors through Rome, showing how the city’s Christian topography had been superimposed on the sacred topography of the Roman Republic and Empire.91 Damasus’ “Romanization” project, by celebrating the heroes of Christian Rome in classicizing epigraphic verse, offered a new version of Rome’s past.92 In Damasus’ epigrams, Christian truth was expressed in good Latin; classical and Christian culture intersected.93 In his epigrams, Damasus emphasized that these Christian dead were Roman martyrs.94 He erected an inscription in the catacombs along the Appian Way to impress this point upon visitors: “Before all, you ought to know that here [in Rome] the saints live.”95 Damasus’ memorialization of the martyrs made the catacombs “the powerhouses of Roma christiana.”96 To be sure, through his patronage of churches and martyr shrines, Damasus made himself an intermediary between Rome’s Christians and its martyrs:  “Episcopal authority was grafted onto martyrs’ charisma.”97 The cult of Saint Lawrence features prominently in the Life of Melania. At the center of aristocrats’ devotion and patronage, Lawrence came to be the most Roman saint.98 At the time of the sack of Rome, 89.  Epigrams from the Anthologia Latina (London 2006)  no.  109 [120 in an older edition]; N. M. Kay, however, thinks the two people are unknown and that the poem dates to the sixth century (177–​86). For support of my reading, see Trout, Damasus of Rome, 48–​49; Krautheimer, Rome, 40; Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (New York 2011), 398. Cameron proposes that Melania the Elder paid for the bath and Filocalus engraved the poem; see Alan Cameron, “Filocalus and Melania,” 140–​44, at 144. 90.  Alan Cameron, “Filocalus and Melania,” 144. 91.  Sabine MacCormack, “Loca Sancta” (Urbana and Chicago 1990), 19. 92. Trout, Damasus of Rome, 47. On the “manly excellence” of Damasus’ martyrs, see Trout, “Damasus and the Invention of Early Christian Rome,” 518. 93.  Marianne Sághy, Patrons and Priests (PhD diss., Princeton University, 1998), 39, 255. 94. Curran, Pagan City, 156. Damasus’ election was fraught with partisan fighting, and his opponents dogged him throughout his reign. See Sághy, Patrons and Priests, for events leading up to Damasus’ installment as the sole bishop of Rome. 95.  Given in Bardy, “Pélerinages á Rome,” 234: “Hic habitare prius sanctos cognoscere debes.” 96.  Sághy, “Renovatio Memoriae,” 262–​63. 97. Curran, Pagan City, 150; Marianne Sághy, “The Bishop of Rome and the Martyrs” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2015), 38. 98. Sághy, Patrons and Priests, 231, 232; Lucy Grig, Making Martyrs in Late Antiquity (London 2004), 141.

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even pious Christians wondered why Lawrence, as well as Peter and Paul, had allowed such an event.99 On Lawrence’s feast day, August 10, Rome’s Christians—​including Melania and her mother—​flocked to the tomb and the basilica.100 Lawrence (so his legend goes) was a deacon of the Roman church during the Decian persecution in the mid-​third century. When Roman officials demanded that he hand over the riches of the church, he asked for a few days’ time, then assembled a horde of poor and suffering people whom he declared were the church’s riches. The officials did not appreciate the joke; Lawrence was tortured by being roasted on a grill. His famous quip, as reported by bishop Ambrose of Milan: “I am cooked; turn me over and eat.”101 Bishops told the story to their flocks on Lawrence’s feast day.102 Damasus, eager to promote Rome’s own martyrs, wrote an epigram on Lawrence: Blows, executioners, flames, racks, chains—​ Lawrence’s faith alone was able to lay low. Damasus, a supplicant, heaps this altar with gifts, Honoring the merit of a distinguished martyr.103 A later, possibly eighth century, story reports that the churches of Constantinople and Rome agreed upon a relic exchange: Constantinople would share its relics of Stephen in return for Rome’s donation of some relics of Lawrence. The relics of Stephen arrived in Rome, but Lawrence’s relics “refused” to leave Rome:  the persons carrying them fell down unconscious, “as if dead.” Thus Rome, specifically the Church of Saint Lawrence, now boasts relics of both Stephen and Lawrence. This story shamelessly celebrated God’s favoring of Rome and of Lawrence’s church.104 99. Augustine, Sermon 296.6; Henry Chadwick, “Augustine on Pagans and Christians” (Cambridge 1985), 23. 100. Pietri, Roma Christiana, 1:621. 101. Ambrose, On Duties of the Clergy 1.207 (in another rendition, “This side is done; turn me over and chew” (Trout, Damasus of Rome, 143). Also see Prudentius’ poem on Lawrence in Crowns of Martyrdom:  Prudentius, Peristephanon (Cambridge MA and London 1953), 2:108–​43; and Augustine, Sermons 302–​5; discussion in Grig, Making Martyrs, 138. 102. See for Augustine Sermon 302.8, dating to 400; Sermon 303.1, dating to 426; Sermon 304.1,4, dating to 417; Sermon 305A.1, dating to 401. 103.  Epigram 33, in Trout, Damasus of Rome, 141–​43, at 142. Latin text and discussion in Ferrua, Epigrammata Damasiana, 166–​68. 104.  Marios Costambeys and Conrad Leyser, “To Be the Neighbour of St Stephen” (Cambridge 2007), 279–​80, citing the Translatio sancti Stephani.

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The martyrium, where Lawrence’s remains lay, and a grand basilica dedicated to him lay outside the walls of Rome. The martyrium, constructed earlier, begun perhaps in the late second century, was functioning during the bishopric of Xystus in the mid-​third. The basilica, built by Constantine, adjoined the martyr’s crypt and was richly decorated with marble, silver, and gold.105 Both structures play a role in Melania’s story. In the Life of Melania the Younger, the heroine—​in advanced stages of pregnancy—​leaves her home to worship at Lawrence’s shrine. The Greek version of the Vita (5) recounts the story as follows. “When she was about to give birth to her second child, it was just the time of the feast of Saint Lawrence” (August 9–​10). At home, she spent the night “in vigil and genuflections in her prayer room,” that is, her private chapel. Early the next morning, she accompanied her mother to the shrine of Saint Lawrence, where she prayed to God that she might be “freed from this world and spend the rest of her life in solitude,” as she had always wished. Back at home, she went into labor and prematurely gave birth to a son, who died shortly after being baptized. Who baptized this baby? Baptism was the prerogative of the city’s bishop, but, as noted above, no bishop of Rome is named in the Life.106 Gerontius may have had his own theological reasons for suppressing reference to the Roman bishop, who in Gerontius’ own time had been on the opposing (and winning) side of the Christological controversy, on which more in ­chapter 9. According to the Greek version of her Life (6), when Melania was in danger of death, Pinian rushed to the altar (in the martyrium, or in the church dedicated to Saint Lawrence?) to beg God to spare her. Melania then extracted a promise from him that they would spend the rest of their lives in chastity. The death of her infant son gave her a reason to abandon all her silk clothes—​and when her young daughter, whom they had dedicated to virginity, died shortly thereafter, she was free from the duties of motherhood. She is not, however, reported as thanking God for relieving her of these great burdens—​as her grandmother allegedly had done after losing a husband and two sons.107 105.  See Krautheimer, Frankl, and Corbett, Corpus Basilicarum 2.1:140, 8, 131; Pietri, Roma Christiana 1:37–​40; The Book of Pontiffs 25.4 (Xystus) and 11; 34.24 (Silvester). 106.  Depending on when this second child was born, the bishop of Rome would have been either Anastasius (399–​401/​402) or Innocent (401/​402–​17). For Anastasius’ condemnation of Origenism, see Elizabeth A. Clark, The Origenist Controversy (Princeton 1992), 30, with references. 107. Jerome, Letter 39.4.

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The Latin version of Melania’s Vita (5), however, reports more fully on this incident. It also suggests that the couple was living in her parents’ house: the mystery of “whose house” will be explored later. According to the Latin version, Melania yearned to participate in the night vigil at the basilica (as distinguished from the martyrium) of Saint Lawrence,108 but her parents forbade her, fearing her weak and delicate condition. For this reason, Melania spent the vigil in her private oratory (apparently attached to her bedroom); on her knees all night, she wept and prayed to God to fulfill her “heart’s desire,” that is, to undertake a life of ascetic renunciation. In the morning, when Melania’s father sent servants (slaves) to check on her, they found her on her knees in prayer. Startled at their intrusion, Melania promised them bribes if they would not tell her father what they had seen but instead report that she had been asleep in her bedroom. She engaged in such fibs quite often, the author adds: deceptive behavior was not just sanctioned but praised, if it was for the ascetic cause. The next morning Melania accompanied her mother to the martyrium dedicated to Lawrence. The events regarding the premature birth and the baby’s death are here reported as in the Greek version of the Vita. The Latin version then continues (Life 6), offering details that have interested modern scholars and architectural historians. When Pinian saw that Melania’s life was in danger, he rushed to the martyr’s shrine (i.e., Lawrence’s) and threw himself “under” (sub) the altar, or perhaps at the foot of the altar.109 In this version, Melania sent him a message, presumably from home, begging that she be allowed to pursue a life of chastity, to which the frightened Pinian now agreed. Melania also used the incidents of the children’s deaths to try to convince her parents to let her “renounce,” to which the parents, refusing, allegedly replied, “How can we put up with criticism from unsympathetic people?” The couple, even if they committed themselves to sexual abstinence, were not yet allowed to adopt the lifestyle for which Melania yearned. Where did Melania and Pinian go when they went to “Saint Lawrence”? To the martyrium? To the basilica? One suggestion: Melania’s parents forbade her to go to the basilica in the evening, where large crowds attended the night-​long vigil. The next day, the feast day of Lawrence, however, she accompanied her mother to the martyrium. 108.  Krautheimer, Frankl, and Corbett, Corpus Basilicarum 2.1: 8. 109.  So Laurence translates, Gérontius, La Vie latine, 165.

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Pinian, on hearing that Melania was at death’s door, rushed “ad sanctum martyrem,” prostrated himself before or below the altar, and pleaded with God to save her. The altar was presumably over the martyr’s grave.110 Thus ends the account of Melania and Pinian’s association with the cult of Saint Lawrence, that most Roman of martyrs. We now proceed to situate Melania and Pinian among the Roman aristocracy and to investigate the mansion that has been claimed as their Roman abode.

110.  Richard Krautheimer, “Mensa-​Coemeterium-​Martyrium,” 26–​27, 34.

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3

Aristocracy, Family, and Property

The Roman Senatorial Aristocracy in Rome and Constantinople What did “senatorial aristocracy” mean to Romans of late antiquity? A “senator” was not an official elected by constituents to serve in a legislature but a rank that denoted males of the highest status.1 Symmachus (himself a senator) famously declared that senators were “the better part of the human race.” His letters patently reveal the sense of superiority with which the Roman elite justified their wealth.2 Occupying the rank of senator originally entailed legislative duties, but by the late fourth century, with rule by an emperor (or two) and a vast state bureaucracy, the importance of such duties had faded. The rank—​the status—​had not. Senators enjoyed different fiscal and legal privileges from those lower on the social and economic scale.3 By this era, the senatorial class itself was divided into three levels—​illustris (the highest), followed by spectabilis and clarissimus. When in the later fourth century Valentinian I melded the military with the civilian service, all officers became eligible for the clarissimus (senatorial) rank.4

1. On the senatorial rank, see A.  H.  M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire (Baltimore 1986 [London, 1964]), 1: chap. 15; and Michele Renée Salzman, The Making of a Christian Aristocracy (Cambridge MA and London 2002), chap. 2. 2. Symmachus, Letter 1.52.1: pars melior humani generis; Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire (Oxford 2006), 17. 3.  Peter Garnsey, Social Status and Legal Privilege (Oxford 1970), 276, 279, 280. 4.  When some non-​noble men were designated clarissimi, these other titles were introduced (M. T. W. Arnheim, The Senatorial Aristocracy [Oxford 1972], 9, 10). Jones, Later Roman Empire, 1: chap. 18; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 31. Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0003

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Appointment to certain offices might raise a man’s status: appointment as vicar (vicarius) of Asia, for example, carried the rank of spectabilis; the offices of praetorian prefect and of urban prefect of Rome, the rank of illustris.5 For prominent senators, such as we will meet in this book, the urban prefecture of Rome stood as the crowning culmination of an administrative career. By around 400 ce, Rome’s prefect oversaw a staff of around three hundred; as head of the senate, he was charged with its communications with the emperor. Below the senatorial rank came the equestrian class, but as the former greatly expanded in the fourth century, the latter lost much of its importance and gradually disappeared.6 The son of a senator was considered a clarissimus at birth but had to be formally enrolled in the Senate; enrollment was accomplished by having him elected to the rank of quaestor.7 There is no indication that Pinian, although of appropriate age, had entered the first stages of this career ladder before he exited Rome. Was he a “dropout” from the imperial system that young men of the aristocracy were expected to enter?8 Did his brother Severus (on whom more later) fulfill the family’s expectations for advancement up the cursus honorum? We don’t know. Launching the political career of a young male of senatorial rank was a very expensive proposition. His father was expected to pay for extravagant public entertainments celebrating the son’s assumption of his first state office. Symmachus, for example, went all out to provide his son Memmius with impressive games, spending two thousand pounds of gold on the event9—​133% of his annual income from 5.  André Chastagnol, Le Sénat romain (Paris 1992), 353; Arnheim, Senatorial Aristocracy, 10; André Chastagnol, “La Carrière sénatoriale du Bas-​Empire” (Rome 1982), 176. In the period under discussion, a “vicar” was the head of several dioceses, which themselves were composed of several provinces. 6.  Peter Heather, “Senators and Senates” (Cambridge 1998), 205, 191, 190; Chastagnol, “Carrière sénatoriale,” 172; Meyer Reinhold, “Usurpation of Status,” 297, 298. 7. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 1:530:  “A senator’s son was apparently obliged to take up his rank unless he—​or his parents—​obtained imperial permission to renounce it.” Daughters born to male clarissimi were considered clarissima. The age of appointment has been subject to debate. Keith Hopkins, Death and Renewal (Cambridge 1983), 146, opts for close to twenty-​five. A  law of Constantine in 329 suggests that boys could be nominated for the first office before they were sixteen (CTh 6.4.1). Arnaldo Marcone states that the first offices, largely ceremonial (quaestor, praetor), were held between the ages of thirteen to sixteen (“Late Roman Social Relations” [Cambridge 1998], 355). 8.  Edward J. Watts, The Final Pagan Generation (Oakland 2015), 164, on notable “dropouts” from the system, e.g., the ascetic Antony (156). Gerontius gives no indication of how Pinian managed to escape these expected duties. 9.  Olympiodorus, frag. 44, adding that a richer senator, Petronius Maximus, spent four thousand pounds of gold on his son’s games (207). Michele Renée Salzman notes that Symmachus, at

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Figure 3.1  Rhinoceros being captured to take to Rome for games. Mosaic from Villa del Casale (Piazza Armerina), fourth century. Credit: Shutterstock.

his estates.10 Symmachus complained that he had endured setbacks with the arrangements, as the “entertainers” refused to cooperate:  Saxon gladiators killed themselves rather than fight.11 For a second set of games for his son, now advancing in his career, Symmachus was frustrated that crocodiles and horses he had ordered died en route to Rome.12 (Figure 3.1 depicts animals being captured to be taken to Rome for the games.) An economic historian calculates that Symmachus’ expenditure would have been enough to pay for the public distribution of pork to three hundred thousand beneficiaries in Rome for five years.13 The cost of the games was so great that some officeholders might be designated ten years in advance to allow families time to accumulate the requisite cash.14 This huge expenditure was constantly forced up by competition age thirty-​five, was still under his father’s patria potestas, i.e., his father still controlled the family property (“Symmachus and His Father” [Rome 2006], 370, citing Symmachus, Letter 1.12). 10.  Richard Lim, “People as Power” (Portsmouth RI 1999), 272. The difficulties of translating these amounts into US dollars are legion, not least of which is that gold was worth more in the fourth century than in our own. 11. Symmachus, Letters 2.46, dated to 393. 12. Symmachus, Letters 5.56 (horses); 6.43 (crocodiles), dated to 401. I thank Michele Salzman for help on dating. 13.  Domenico Vera, “Strutture agrarie” (Torino 1996), 167–​68. 14.  Lim, “People as Power,” 273, citing CTh 6.4.22 (dated to 373).

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among the elite.15 That 177 days of the Roman year were marked out for games of various kinds prompts the modern reader to wonder when work got done.16 From these first offices, the young man was expected to ascend the cursus honorum throughout his lifetime, to a provincial governorship, then a proconsulship, and perhaps to the praetorian prefecture of Rome.17 When western emperors abandoned Rome as a seat of government, the office of urban prefect became more important and prestigious;18 the extended families of Melania and Pinian often occupied it. In the late fourth century, the great senatorial clans contributed a preponderance of governors of Roman provinces. For example, over one-​fifth of the known proconsuls of Roman Africa (a plum appointment) in the fourth century came from the Anicii, Ceionii, or collateral branches of these families.19 Whole dynasties of the major families occupied these offices. To establish such dynasties, however, sons and daughters had to reproduce and their male offspring live to adulthood, a task at which Melania and Pinian ultimately failed.20 Terms of these offices were usually very short. For example, Symmachus was in public life for forty years but held only three offices that required administrative duties. Of these, none lasted more than a year, and between them were gaps of around ten years.21 Offices were seen less as “jobs” than as items of property that could be exploited; they functioned at least partially, it has been claimed, to provide material benefits for imperial elites.22 Some senators serving in these offices enriched themselves at the expense of those they were sent to govern,

15. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 1:537; emperors tried to curb the extravagance (538). 16.  Michele Renée Salzman, On Roman Time (Berkeley 1990), 120. 17. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 1:525. Officials often complained that their duties were onerous, but the complaint seems affected (John Matthews, Western Aristocracies [Oxford 1975], 13–​15, 17, 30). 18. Matthews, Western Aristocracies,  19–​20. 19. Arnheim, Senatorial Aristocracy, 169 (especially provincial governorships); 158 (thirteen of sixty-​four proconsuls). Their descendants were in public life down to the rule of the Ostrogoth Theodoric in early sixth-​century Italy (Averil Cameron, Later Roman Empire [Cambridge MA 1993], 187). 20.  S. J. B. Barnish, “Transformation and Survival,” 124–​25. Even in the mid-​fifth century, the emperor Majorian tried to promote fertility among the upper classes, condemning parents who forced virginal daughters into lifelong celibacy and childless widows under forty who refused to remarry (Majorian, Novel 6, in CTh, 554–​57). 21. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 1:559; Matthews, Western Aristocracies, 12. 22. So Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge 2001), 46, 47.

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for which the Anician patriarch, Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus, is an oft-​cited example.23 Senators in Constantinople arrived at their status by a different route. The emperor Constantine had decamped to the East in 330 ce to build a new capital, Constantinople—​the former city of Byzantium and now the city of Istanbul. Under Constantine’s sons, a new Constantinopolitan senate was formed. Its senators, however, were often “new men,” not descendants of old families and great wealth, as was the case with their Roman counterparts. Some critics, such as the Greek-​speaking orator and rhetoric professor Libanius, mocked the fact that men of lowly and disgraceful backgrounds—​whose fathers, he claims, had been bath attendants and sausage makers—​were appointed to this high rank.24 Here, senatorial status no longer depended upon aristocratic birth: office, not birth, provided a new entrance to the aristocracy.25

Senatorial Wealth By Melania’s era, the empire’s currency system was based on gold. The richest senators had annual incomes of four thousand pounds of gold, derived from their properties; a middle group of senators could expect about 1,500 pounds, and a still lower group, about a thousand pounds—​ and this not counting the grain, wine, and other products from their far-​flung estates that would have contributed about one-​third more.26 A pound of gold produced seventy-​two gold coins, called solidi. The four thousand pounds of gold here ascribed as annual income to the richest senators thus translates into 288,000 gold solidi—​“the equivalent of the tax revenue of an entire province or the cost of supplying Rome with grain for an entire year.”27 A single working person could live for several months on just one solidus, while the very poor might get through an entire year.28 By contrast, the Roman church in the fourth century had an annual income of about twenty-​five thousand solidi, that is, 347 pounds of gold—​a substantial amount, but dwarfed by incomes of 23.  Ammianus Marcellinus 27.11.1, 30.5.4–​11; Probus was like a fish out of water, pining away when he did not occupy a prefecture (27.11.3). 24. Libanius, Oration 42.24–​25; Matthews, Western Aristocracies,  102–​3. 25. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 1:529. 26.  Olympiodorus, fragment 44.2. 27.  Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle (Princeton 2012), 16–​17. 28.  Christopher Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge MA and London 2004), 141.

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the wealthiest senators.29 Through intermarriage of wealthy aristocratic families, vast fortunes could be built up, as we see in the case of Melania and Pinian: the merger-​by-​marriage of the Aradii with the Valerii underlay Pinian’s wealth.30 The calculation of the couple’s wealth has been hampered by many factors. The Greek version of the Life (15) reports that Pinian’s yearly income was 120,000 “pieces of gold” (gold solidi); the Latin version (Life 15)  ascribes the amount to Melania. Each version, however, mentions that this amount does not include the spouse’s annual income. Moreover, these amounts do not include the one-​third more that Olympiodorus claims was extra revenue from agricultural products on aristocrats’ estates. If we ascribe similar incomes to both parties and add the third more, the couple’s combined annual income would be around 4,444 pounds of gold (= 320,000 gold solidi). Attempting to translate this amount into present-​day American currency is fraught with difficulties. If we used a recent price of gold (around $1,320 per ounce, or $21,120 per pound), the couple’s combined annual income of about 4,444 pounds of gold would be over $93 million. Whether or not we think this sum bears any resemblance to reality, we can compare their income with annual wages for ordinary workmen (around three solidi) or soldiers (four to five solidi).31 Some years ago, Keith Hopkins (in a personal communication) calculated that the 120,000 solidi mentioned in the text for just one of the couple would have supported around 16,800 families for a year. These figures at least give us some sense of proportion. Historians of antiquity have debated to what extent wealth alone was primary in determining status, or whether other aspects of social prestige (for example, distinguished ancestors) was the crucial factor.32 Historian Ramsay McMullen lists three criteria for social position in the empire: “the further back . . . , the more . . . , the closer to Rome.”33 The Valerii, the family of both Melania and Pinian, can be traced back centuries to the days of the Roman Republic. In addition, their families 29.  Lim, “People as Power,” 276, citing the calculation from Charles Pietri, Roma Christiana (Rome 1976), 1:90. 30. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 95; see PLRE 1:1147 (stemma 30, of the Valerii and Aradii). 31.  Walter Scheidel, “Real Wages in Early Economies,” 447. 32.  Nick Fisher and Hans van Wees, “The Trouble with ‘Aristocracy’” (Swansea 2015), 36–​38. For an earlier period, M. I. Finley, The Ancient Economy (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1985), chap. 2. 33.  Ramsay McMullen, Roman Social Relations (New Haven 1974), 122.

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had plenty of “the more,” meaning money; and both were ensconced in the city of Rome, not mired in the provincial hinterlands of the empire. However much Melania wished to flee Rome and live in rags, she would always bear the stamp of her aristocratic Roman background.

The Roman Family: Familia and Domus, Property Regimes, Inheritance A deceptively simple question:  What did “family” mean in Roman antiquity? Traditionally, familia did not designate the nuclear family of father, mother, and children; often it meant the slaves, and sometimes also the master’s freedmen, excluding its free members.34 By contrast, the word domus by Melania’s era designated both household and house,35 and it included cognate (female) as well as agnate (male) kin, plus dependents and friends.36 Earlier, kinship lines for senatorial elites had been reckoned only through the males (agnates). This newer inclusion of the female line in late antiquity shows that aristocrats were now more willing to have their family lines perpetrated through daughters and their children, not just through sons. The long names of men we find in late ancient sources sometimes reflect the inclusion of maternal as well as paternal ancestors. Historian Richard Saller identifies a paradox: “Neither familia nor domus has as a regular meaning the nuclear family, and yet much evidence suggests that this was the dominant family type.”37 Domus symbolized a man’s status and honor. The paterfamilias (the oldest surviving male head of the family) must protect his household; members of the domus, for their part, had to behave virtuously to ensure his prestige.38 From this perspective, Melania’s father aimed to 34.  Richard P.  Saller, “Familia, Domus,” 344, 343. Also see Beryl Rawson, ed., The Family in Ancient Rome (Ithaca 1986); Suzanne Dixon, The Roman Family (Baltimore and London 1992); and Susan Treggiari, Roman Marriage (Oxford and New York 1991). 35.  Saller, “Familia, Domus,” 349. 36.  Kimberly Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values (Cambridge 2008), 5, 213; she adds, “The great domus of Rome were urban stages upon which the drama of status was everyday performed” (102). Also see Saller, “Familia, Domus,” 339–​40; and Richard Saller, Patriarchy, Property and Death (Cambridge 1994): 74–​101. 37.  Saller, “Familia, Domus,” 339–​40, 349, 355. 38.  Saller, “Familia, Domus,” 349, 353. Saller elsewhere notes, however, that the most common meaning of pater familias is “ ‘estate owner’ without reference to familial relations” (“Pater Familias, Mater Familias,” 182, 192); the essential characteristic was “the capacity to own property” (184).

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protect the family’s honor by forbidding his daughter to act upon what he doubtless considered her reckless desire for alienation of property. From earlier times in Rome, the legal identity of the wife was kept strictly separate from that of the husband. The blood tie was all important; the wife as well as the husband remained linked to their birth families.39 At the turn to the fifth century, a young wife—​Melania, for example—​ still remained strongly identified with her parents’ line. Moreover, in theory a wife held her money separately from her husband, and property in her own right, although it had long been customary in Roman senatorial families for the wife’s wealth to be used to help her husband’s advancement in his political career. Even as “the couple” and “the nuclear family” made a hesitant entrance in later antiquity, a wealthy wife living in her husband’s domus often had her own retinue of slaves and owned farms that generated income, quite apart from her husband’s property.40 Primogeniture did not exist in Roman law of the imperial period; all children were to be included in settlements of property. Pietas—​ domestic devotion or piety—​obliged parents to leave at least part of their estate to their children. Melania’s father, Valerius Publicola, was rumored to have toyed with the idea of disinheriting his daughter, so strongly did he disapprove of her ascetic inclinations (Life 12). Indeed, fathers could disinherit children if they had good cause (as Melania’s father doubtless had), or give them only a quarter of their full share without justifying the decision.41 There was, however, a legal assumption that in most cases a daughter would receive an inheritance when her father died, as well as a dowry when she married. Among senatorial families, an appropriate dowry for a daughter was considered to be about one year’s income of the father.42 (We do not know Valerius Publicola’s income, but as a Roman senator, it would have been at least 1,500 pounds of gold, and probably edged more toward four thousand.) 39.  Jill Harries, “‘Treasure in Heaven’” (Aberdeen 1984), 55. Here she writes of intestate inheritance; by will, property could be left to anyone (54). Saller cautions against a purely legal view of the Roman family, which overlooks parents’ love and concern for their children (Patriarchy, Property and Death, 225, 232). 40. Saller, Patriarchy, Property and Death, 219; Saller, “Pater Familias, Mater Familias,” 197. 41. Saller, Patriarchy, Property and Death, 164, 162, 110, 119. 42. Saller, Patriarchy, Property and Death, 218, 224, 215–​17. From Jerome (Letter 130.6, 7), we learn that the mother and grandmother of the Anician heiress Demetrias, who pledged herself to perpetual virginity, allowed her to use her dowry money for Christian causes; no wonder that “every church in Africa danced for joy.” The Anicii were probably even richer than the families of Melania and Pinian. For Demetrias, see chap. 1, n53 of this book.

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If Valerius Publicola had exercised his legal right to disinherit his (to his mind) wayward daughter, we would presumably not have a Life of Melania the Younger—​or at least a much less dramatic one. After the death of Melania’s father, she was free to form a new household. In “an experimental moment in the history of the household,” Melania (with her now-​ascetic husband and widowed mother) attempted to reinvent “the household as an institution based on ascetic affinity rather than on blood ties.”43 To be sure, in this case there were also blood ties, but the ascetic commitment is what bound the trio. If Pinian had not agreed to remain in the marriage as a “brother,” the tale might have had a different ending.

The Families of Melania and Pinian Melania the Elder and Valerius Publicola Melania and Pinian both came from distinguished families. Belonging to different branches of the Valerii, they might look back with pride to their distant ancestor P. Valerius Publicola, who had been one of the first consuls of the Roman Republic in 509 bce.44 A  poem by their friend (and relative) Paulinus of Nola compared Pinian’s buying freedom for slaves in prison to the deeds of this noble ancestor, who had freed Rome from the tyranny of the Tarquins.45 Melania the Elder, Melania the Younger’s paternal grandmother, came from the gens Antonia. She was either the granddaughter or daughter of Antonius Marcellinus, who had been consul in 341.46 She married into the gens Valeria47 but was widowed at age 43.  Kate Cooper, “The Household and the Desert” (Turnhout 2005), 13. 44.  PLRE 1:592 and 1147 (stemma 30); Paulinus of Nola, Poem 21.220–​27 (though the first Valerius Publicola, a pagan, is now in the “black pit of hell”). See Chastagnol, Sénat romain, 314. On this ancestor, see Livy, 2.2.11, 2.8.1–​2, 2.11.4–​9, 2.15.1; Plutarch, Publicola; and Ammianus Marcellinus [Res Gestae] 14.6.11. Consuls were one of the two highest magistries of Rome, sometimes compared to the office of prime minister; in early times, they also commanded armies. 45.  Paulinus of Nola, Poem 21.251–​65; in Letter 29.5, Paulinus speaks of the elder Melania as a blood relative. 46.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.8; Jerome, Chronicle, year 374; and Palladius, Lausiac History 46. See Stemma 20, Family of Melania 1, in PLRE 1:1142. 47.  PLRE 1:592 and 1147 (stemma 30); Chastagnol, Sénat romain, 314. By her marriage to Valerius Maximus, prefect of Rome in the early 360s, the elder Melania’s line was raised to the “first rank”: so Denys Gorce, “Introduction,” Vie de Sainte Mélanie (Paris 1962), 24.

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twenty-​two, and two of her three sons died shortly thereafter.48 She remained in Rome for ten or more years to supervise the education (and then advancement) of Valerius Publicola, her one surviving child.49 (Paulinus of Nola claims that she refused to let her senatorial relatives raise him and “entrusted him to Christ”; according to Palladius, she had a trustee named for him.)50 In 374, Valerius Publicola started his senatorial career, filling the office of urban praetor.51 Given her ancestry and that of her husband, Melania the Elder took it as a given that her son should “enjoy the wealth and honors of this world.”52 After launching her son, Melania the Elder embarked on a pilgrimage to Egypt and Palestine, not returning to the West for many years.53 In Palestine, with her monastic companion Rufinus of Aquileia, she built monasteries for both women and men on the Mount of Olives. Palladius claims that Melania the Younger was “stung” by stories of her grandmother’s ascetic accomplishments; he recounts the latter’s voyage back to Italy around 400, allegedly to encourage her granddaughter in her decision for ascetic renunciation and to prevent her from being swept into “heresy.” 54 If the elder Melania’s return to Italy was to encourage her granddaughter’s ascetic renunciation, one wonders how this squared with the determination of her son, Melania the Younger’s father, to prevent such a move. The elder Melania’s return was the subject of an extravagant poem by Paulinus of Nola. When she disembarked at Naples, her extended family thronged to greet her, adorned in their full worldly glory, “crimson silk and gilded ornaments playing servant to old black rags.” They imagined that they were “cleansed from the pollution of their riches” if they claimed some dirt from her feet and those “old black rags.”55 There is, however, not one word in the Life about the elder Melania or any indication that the younger Melania was spurred to an ascetic life by hearing tales of her grandmother. Later, we will explore some possible reasons for Gerontius’ silence. 48. Palladius, Lausiac History 46; Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.8; Jerome, Letter 39.5. 49.  For Valerius Publicola, see PLRE 1:753–​54. 50.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.9; Palladius, Lausiac History 46.1. 51. Jerome, Chronicle, year 374; see Claude Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune” (Rome 1999), 17. 52.  So Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.9. 53. Palladius, Lausiac History 46 and 54; Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.6. 54. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.1, 3, 4. 55.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.12.

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In Rome, Valerius Publicola married Albina, the sister of Rufius Antonius Agrypnius Volusianus, later prefect of the city in 417–​18.56 To this couple Melania the Younger was born. There may have been another child, a son,57 but Melania appears in the Life as the only offspring. After beginning his career as urban praetor, Publicola served as consular of Campania and as patron of Beneventum, which honored him with an inscription.58 He owned estates in North Africa.59 His death occurred between 405 and 407,60 when his mother, Melania the Elder, was in North Africa.61 Paulinus of Nola regretted that Publicola died while “still preoccupied by worldly foolishness”; if only he had “put sackcloth before the toga and ascetic living before the Senate!”62 Only after Publicola died would his daughter and Pinian leave Rome, seeking freedom for ascetic practice.

Albina, the Ceionii Rufii, and the Valerii Severi Melania the Younger’s mother, Albina, was of the Ceionii Rufii; her grandfather, father, and brother had all been prefects of Rome.63 Albina’s father, Ceionius Rufius Albinus, prefect of Rome in 389–​91, was probably a pagan but married a Christian woman and fathered at least two children, Albina and her brother Volusian.64 (Thus when Melania the Younger was a small child, her grandfather was prefect of Rome.) Albina’s ancestors were allegedly from Spain, and she was likely related to Paulinus of Nola.65 56.  The poet Rutilius Namatianus, a friend of Melania’s uncle Volusian, congratulates him in the autumn of 417 on being named urban prefect of Rome (De Reditu Suo [Going Home] 1.167–​69, 415–​28). 57. Palladius, Lausiac History 54.3. In 54.6, he writes of “the younger son of Publicola,” implying that there were two. Does he mean Pinian, who had an older brother, Severus? 58. See PLRE 1:753–​54. 59. Augustine, Letter 46.2, assuming that the “Publicola” who writes to Augustine is Melania’s father. 60.  See Nicole Moine, “Melaniana,” 53–​54; Pierre Courcelle, Les Confessions de Saint Augustin (Paris 1963), 582n5. For discussion, see Elizabeth A. Clark, The Life of Melania the Younger (New York and Toronto 1984), 196n18. 61.  Paulinus of Nola and Therasia to Augustine = Augustine, Letter 94.2. 62.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 45.2, dated to May 15, 408. 63.  See Stemma 13 of the Ceionii Rufii (PLRE 1:1138). 64.  See Stemma 20, Family of Melania 1 (PLRE 1:1142). 65. Palladius, Lausiac History 46; Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.5 for the connection to Paulinus; see Gorce, Vie, 110–​11, on the Spanish link. On Paulinus’ property in Spain and Gaul, see Dennis Trout, Paulinus of Nola (Berkeley 1999), 145–​50. After his young son died, he and his ascetically minded wife relocated to Nola (Italy) in 395. There he gradually built up a “villa-​monastery-​martyr

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Albina’s brother, Volusian, was the most important of Melania’s male relatives. He will be featured later in Melania’s Life, on a senatorial mission to Constantinople.66 Volusian served as proconsul of Africa before 412, prefect of the city of Rome in 417–​18, and praetorian prefect of Italy and Africa in 428–​29. As city prefect of Rome, he was given an imperial edict in 418 to carry out against the partisans of Pelagius (on whom more later).67 The Ceionii, Albina’s family, were not among the early converts to Christianity. Albina’s grandmother, Caecina Lolliana, was a priestess of Isis, and her uncle, Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus, held a pagan priesthood.68 With Albina’s pagan father and uncle both marrying Christian women, her family provides an illuminating instance of pagan-​C hristian intermarriage among aristocrats of the period.69 Melania the Younger’s husband (and cousin), Valerius Pinianus, was a member of a different branch of the gens Valerii, the Valerii Severii.70 Pinian’s father, Valerius Severus, served as proconsul of the Roman province of Africa in 381 and prefect of Rome in 382.71 Pinian’s brother, also named Valerius Severus, is cast as a villain in Melania’s story; he may be the Severus who was consular (governor) of Campania in 400–​ 401.72 The marriage of Melania and Pinian in about 399 thus brought about a reunion of two sides of a noble family, the Valerii. That link, we shall see, involved Melania in some unpleasant real estate negotiations when she finally had the opportunity to divest.

shrine” to a local martyr, Felix, and wrote poems celebrating Felix’s feast day (Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 153, 154; and Trout, Paulinus of Nola). 66.  On Volusianus, see PLRE 2:1184–​85, with an impressive list of his offices. 67.  See Otto Wermelinger, Rom und Pelagius (Stuttgart 1975), 202–​5. See PL 48, 408–​9, replying to request of Flavius Constantius 17 (PL 48, 404–​7). 68.  Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus was a pontifex (priest) of the Vestals in 380 (Maijastina Kahlos, Vettius Agorius Praetextatus [Rome 2002], 67). While governor of the African province of Numidia, he engaged in many building projects, for which he was commemorated. See Georg Jenal, Italica Ascetica (Stuttgart 1995), 1:77n398; and PLRE 1:34–​35; Jerome, Letter 107.1. On the building projects, see Claude Lepelley, Les Cités de l’Afrique romaine (Paris 1979, 1981):  1:103–​4; 2:385, 420, 447. 69.  See Jenal, Italica Ascetica, 1:77n398. 70.  See stemma of the Valerii in PLRE 1:1147, 1142. 71.  For Valerius Severus, Pinian’s father, see PLRE 1:837 and 1142, 1147 (stemmata 20 and 30). 72. Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune,” 17 and n11, citing PLRE 1:837. Also see PLRE 2:1001–​2. Symmachus recommended the brothers to Patruinus for help after their father’s death (Symmachus, Letter 7.116).

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Aristocratic Real Estate For Romans, markers of high status included the ownership of extensive properties both in the city and throughout several provinces of the Roman Empire. In Rome, elite mansions might contain great apsed audience halls, private baths, huge courtyards, and grand reception spaces, separated from the areas reserved for purely domestic activities.73 A visitor from elsewhere claimed (too extravagantly?) that these Roman mansions had within them all the accouterments of a modest city, namely, a hippodrome, forums, temples, bathing establishments, fountains:  “One house is a town; the city [Rome] hides ten thousand towns.”74 In addition to Roman mansions, the families of the western senatorial class usually held considerable properties spread throughout the empire (Italy, Sicily, and North Africa were the favored territories), the revenues from which supported a grand lifestyle and maintained the establishments in Rome.75 The richest senators must have owned several thousand square miles, managed by agents and contractors.76 To accumulate vast tracts of land across the empire took generations, perhaps even centuries.77 In Rome, the Caelian Hill, one of Rome’s famed seven, was a favored spot for aristocrats’ mansions, and it housed two imperial estates.78 Symmachus had a house there, in which his son Memmius erected a statue to his grandfather-​in-​law Virius Nicomachus Flavianus.79 The Caelian Hill also boasted the church of Saints John and Paul, built on the site of an earlier small church.80 In addition, it housed the Basilica Hilariana, where the collegium (organizations of workers in different occupations) of the dendrophores, leaders of the cult of Attis and Cybele, had their headquarters, held their meetings, and sheltered the sacred 73. Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 75. 74.  Olympiodorus, frag. 41.1. 75.  Vera, “Strutture agrarie,” 188. 76. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 2:784, 788. 77.  Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune,” 17–​18. Against speculations that Melania the Elder came from an upstart Spanish line, Lepelley argues that those properties, spread across the Roman Empire, were not rapidly accumulated. 78.  Richard Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City (Princeton 2005) 15, 17. 79.  Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford 2011), 200. The statue featured inscriptions to Flavianus’ pagan priesthood. 80. Krautheimer, Rome, 14, 18, 33, 34; in the late fifth century, the church of Saint Stephen in the Round was built over the mausoleum of a member of the Anicii on the Caelian Hill (52, 54).

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pine of Attis—​hence their name, “tree bearers.” They also worked in and sold wood. Only in the fifth century did the cult decline, and its building was repurposed.81

Melania’s House (?) Twentieth-​century scholars have largely assumed that Melania’s house was the mansion on the Caelian Hill that was partially excavated between 1902 and 1904, during the construction of the Hospital of the Addolorata. Among the parts of the mansion then uncovered were an atrium with a covered portico, three marble herms, mosaic pavements (including one called “obscene” by archeologist Antonio Colini), a walled rectangular area bounded by tiers, and a fountain.82 More recently, especially between 1989 and 2005, further layers of the site have been excavated. Archeologists now posit that there were four main periods of the site’s construction and reconstruction, from the late Roman Republic to the late 130s, with more reconstruction a few centuries later. Among the remains more recently unearthed are a large corridor with mosaic pavements and windows that opened onto a garden. Wall plaques on the corridor were decorated with paintings of animals, plants, and human figures.83 These twentieth-​and twenty-​first-​century discoveries, however, were not the first regarding this mansion. As early as the sixteenth century, the atrium of this house on the Caelian Hill had been uncovered. In the atrium, a family would display images of its noble ancestors, tablets listing their patronage activities, and other indications of the family’s status.84 Workmen found two bronze tablets fixed to columns, with inscriptions honoring one Quintus Aradius Valerius Proculus of the early fourth century, given by communities in Roman North Africa in which he served as governor

81.  Francesca Diosono, “Professiones Gentiliciae” (New York 2016), 251–​70. They were punished for their “openly religious behavior” (262–​63, citing CTh 16.10.20.2). 82.  Mariano del Tindaro Rampolla, Santa Melania Giuniore (Rome 1905), 170; Antonio M. Colini, Storia e topografia del Celio (Rome 1944), 255–​56. 83. Sergio Palladino and Claudia Paterna (in Mariarosaria Barbera, Sergio Palladino, and Claudia Paterna), “La domus dei Valerii,” 88, 90–​94; Carlo Pavolini, “Nuovi contributi alla topografia del Celio,” 84–​87; Carlo Pavolini, Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae: Supplementum III (Rome 2006),109–​10. 84.  Werner Eck, “Cum dignitate otium,” 184–​85.

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of the province of Byzacena or as patron.85 To his brother, Lucius Aradius Valerius Proculus, were dedicated five statue bases from professional collegi and from the city of Puteoli, as well as an inscription thanking him from the corporations of suarii and confectuarii, who dealt with Rome’s meat supply. This brother had a stellar career, as governor of Byzacena, proconsul of Africa, governor of Sicily, praetorian prefect, and, twice, urban prefect of Rome; he also held various high pagan priesthoods in Rome. (It has been argued that he was the owner of the much-​admired estate at Piazza Armerina—​more on which in ­chapter 7).86 Such inscriptions and memorials—​a virtual “personal museum”—​would remind later members of the family and visitors of the family’s exalted past, their political careers and patronage networks.87 Excavations in the seventeenth century uncovered a courtyard and more items, including a famous lamp, now in the Archeological Museum in Florence. It is depicted in Figure 3.2. In the shape of a ship, the lamp symbolizes the church, with Peter guiding at one end and Paul at the other. A placard attached to the lamp reads, “Dominus legem dat Valerio Severo Eutropi vivas” (“God gave the law to Valerius Severus. Eutropius. May you live”).88 Valerius Severus, scholars assume, was the father of Pinian.89 As Catherine Chin remarks, “The extension of this lawgiving through the Roman apostles and martyrs Peter and Paul to a Roman aristocrat suggests the mingling of aristocratic genealogical thought with the idea of apostolic tradition. Pinian’s family, through baptism or otherwise, can count the apostles as part of their genealogy.”90 The theme of God giving the law to Peter, an echo of the giving of the law to Moses, became popular with Christians in late fourth-​ century Rome.91 The message on the placard, however, is odd: God 85.  On these tours of duty in various provinces of the empire, high officials had the opportunity to establish patronage relationships with local communities, as we see in this case (Matthews, Western Aristocracies, 23–​29). 86.  Mariarosaria Barbera (in Mariarosaria Barbera, Sergio Palladino, and Claudia Paterna), “La domus dei Valerii,” 84–​86. 87.  Carlos Machado, “Between Memory and Oblivion” (Stuttgart 2012), 113, 115. 88.  Beat Brenk, “La cristianizzazione della Domus dei Valerii” (Portsmouth RI 1999), 77. 89.  Brenk, “Cristianizzazione della Domus,” 81. Valerius Severus was Rome’s city prefect in 382. 90.  Catherine M. Chin, “Apostles and Aristocrats” (Oakland 2017), 27. 91.  J. M. Huskinson, Concordia Apostolorum (Oxford 1982), 4 (on dating), and passim on the development of the tradition. Huskinson notes that after 410, if not before, Paul ceded pride of place to Peter (62). The ascription on the lampstand is not a typical “traditio legis” representation, but its adaptability attests to the popularity of the idea (Pietri, Roma Christiana, 2:1421n4).

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Figure 3.2  Fourth-​century bronze lamp from house of the Valerii, Rome, with inscription dominus legem dat valerio severo eutropi vivas (“The Lord gave the law to Valerius Severus Eutropius, may you live”). From Pietro Santi Bartoli, Le antiche Lucerne sepolcrali figurate (Rome, 1729). Credit: Dumbarton Oaks Library and Collection, Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, DC.

does not give the law to Peter, but to a Roman aristocrat. Moreover, “Eutropius” (“of good character”) appears to be a new Christian name given to Valerius Severus, perhaps at his baptism. Through obedience to divine law, Valerius Severus could expect to receive eternal 54

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life.92 Was he the first male of this line to convert to Christianity? Did the lamp play its role in the private chapel of the domus of the Valerii?93 Although no church has been uncovered, archeologists found a large collection of liturgical silver, suggesting that worship of some sort took place in the house, which served as a private church.94 The eighteenth century saw still more finds of silver treasures at the site, two of them also engraved with the figures of Peter and Paul. Since these two apostles, although foreigners to Rome, had (so tradition went) been martyred in the city, the church claimed them as Rome’s very own special martyrs, its protectors.95 Peter and Paul, like Castor and Pollux, were guardians whom all of Rome might appropriate: bishop Damasus, in his epigram to them, described them as “new stars” (nova sidera).96 In the fifth century, Peter is called upon as a witness to the present authority of the Roman bishopric: a decree of Valentinian III in 445 declares, “What the authority of the apostolic see has or shall sanction, this should be law to all of them.”97 According to Melania’s Life (14), their house burned during the barbarian invasion (presumably, Alaric’s sack of Rome in 410), and the couple gave it up “for less than nothing.” A certain irony attends the situation: only after the house had burned did it “cooperate” with Melania and Pinian in their attempts at divestment.98 Decades later, probably in the sixth century, the property became a hospice, a xenodochium, and a little later the monastery of Saint Erasmus was founded on its site.99 In 1084, properties on the Caelian Hill were burned by Norman invaders.100

92. Huskinson, Concordia Apostolorum, 58. Huskinson suggests that the lamp should be seen in the context of efforts by (e.g.) bishop Damasus of Rome to push a Roman agenda, especially after a seeming victory of Arian Christians over “orthodox” ones (90). The traditio legis was thus part of a “propaganda campaign” (91). 93.  Brenk, “Cristianizzazione della Domus,” 79. 94.  Or, Bowes suggests, maybe in another of their houses (Private Worship, Public Values, 78). She writes, “The ‘private’ of the private church was the private of the elite Roman world—​built around the far-​reaching networks of family, friendship, and patronage, intensely status-​conscious” (218). 95.  Brenk, “Cristianizzazione della Domus,” 81–​83. 96.  John R. Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital (Oxford 2000), 152–​53. 97.  Francis Dvornik, The Idea of Apostolicity (Cambridge MA 1958), 71. 98.  Chin, “Apostles and Aristocrats,” 22. 99. Rampolla, Santa Melania Giuniore, 166–​73; G. B. DeRossi, “La casa dei Valerii,” 240–​42. For the xenodochium, Gregory the Great, Letter 9.67 and 83 (CCL 140A: 623, 637). 100. Colini, Storia e topographia del Celio, 258.

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Some mysteries remain, among them, whose house was it? Until recently, scholars imagined that the mansion on the Caelian Hill had passed down through the Valerii for some period of time, and that this was the house that Melania and Pinian abandoned as they left Rome. Recent scholarship has called into question these assumptions. Historian Julia Hillner’s influential article, published in 2003, points out discrepancies in the evidence.101 First, Hillner questions whether the notion of an aristocratic “family house” that passed down through generations and centuries of a family, can be substantiated. In Roman inheritance law, there was no primogeniture, so the assumption that a father would necessarily bequeath his house to his oldest son seems misguided. Often, houses could pass out of the family in one or two generations. In addition, aristocratic families might own several houses, even within Rome itself.102 The Roman senator Symmachus, for example, had three houses in Rome (one on the Caelian Hill), and many other properties:  three suburban villas, six villas on the Bay of Naples, and six others in different parts of Italy,103 plus property in Sicily and in the North African province of Mauretania Caesarensis—​and he was of only “middling” senatorial income.104 So while Melania and Pinian likely had a house in Rome, it was not necessarily the mansion on the Caelian Hill. Moreover, Hillner continues, in late antiquity, adult married children (or unmarried sons) usually did not live with their parents,105 yet some episodes in the Life of Melania (2; 5–​6) imply that Melania and Pinian were living in a parental household. As noted above, archeological evidence uncovered prior to Hillner’s article suggested that the house belonged to Pinian’s parents106—​while the Life implies 101.  Julia Hillner, “Domus, Family, and Inheritance,” 129–​45. 102.  Hillner, “Domus, Family, and Inheritance,” 130, 134. Also see Werner Eck, “Cum dignitate otium,” 189: “The rapid turnover of families in the senate resulted in swift changes of ownership. Many domus remained in the hands of the same family only for one generation.” 103. John H. D’Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples (Cambridge MA 1970), 226–​28, and Chastagnol, Sénat romain, 331–​32. 104. Chastagnol, Sénat Romain, 331, citing Otto Seeck, ed., Aurelii Symmachi Quae Supersunt (Berlin 1883), xlv–​xlvi. 105.  Hillner, “Domus, Family, and Inheritance,” 137. Perhaps they lived with her parents because Melania was so young; both she and Pinian were still under paternal power (Judith Evans-​ Grubbs, “Marriage and Family Relationships” [Chichester, UK 2009], 208). 106.  Hillner, “Domus, Family, and Inheritance,” 140, notes that the Greek text of the Life (14) implies that the house belonged to Pinian alone, while the Latin version (14) states that it belonged to both of them. But there remains the puzzling evidence of Latin Life (5), the story of Melania’s father sending slaves to check on her—​presumably they lived in the same house? Further, there are chronological difficulties in assuming that the men mentioned in the house were ancestors of Pinian (Hillner, “Domus, Family, and Inheritance,” 141).

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that it belonged to Melania’s. Last, the Life (14) recounts that the house burned down in barbarian invasions—​whereas excavations showed the remains of the house to be in good condition, with inscriptions, still intact, praising the Valerian ancestors. Moreover, to add a further puzzle, Pope Gregory the Great, at the turn to the seventh century, states that the house remained the property of a member of the Valerii after the sack of Rome in 410, that is, that it had not been sold, and that parts were transformed into the aforementioned Christian hospice.107 Hillner’s argument has given pause to Carlo Pavolini, the recent head excavator of the domus Valeriorum, who agrees that the archeological evidence must be re-​examined in relation to the text of the Life of Melania. Meanwhile, scholars are less sure that the house on the Caelian Hill was Melania and Pinian’s residence. Given that excavators in the early 1900s mentioned the good state of this house, was the house that the Life claims was “destroyed” a different property?108 Hillner’s article provides another reason to question whether Gerontius was with Melania and Pinian in Rome during their early years: not only is his knowledge of people and events vague, but it can be misleading.

The Suburban Properties and Villa(s) Melania and Pinian’s vast landholdings, scattered across several Roman provinces, included suburban properties and a villa, whose location has been debated (Life 18). Perhaps the suburban property (i.e., outside the city boundaries of Rome) was a villa along the fifth mile of the Appian Way.109 The Latin Life (7)  reports that here they entertained bishops, priests, and pilgrims; the Greek Life (9) mentions “transient foreigners.” This presumably was the house to which they retired immediately after her father’s death and where they began their practice of ascetic life away from the confusions of the city. Gerontius (Life 7)  adds a verse from Psalms 45:11 that he deemed appropriate to the occasion, “Hear, O daughter, and see; turn your ear and forget your people and your father’s

107.  Hillner, “Domus, Family, and Inheritance,” 143, citing Gregory the Great, Letter 9.28. 108. Pavolini, Lexicon Topographicum, 109. 109.  Suggested by Rampolla, Melania, 176–​79.

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house, and the king [for Christians, Christ, the Heavenly Bridegroom] shall desire your beauty.”110 A “villa” in late ancient Rome was a country place, usually associated with farming, and often connoting luxury or relaxation.111 While a distinctly Roman invention, Roman villas were often decorated with statues and other booty taken earlier from the Greek East.112 With the decline of luxury in later antiquity, villas were sometimes converted into churches or monasteries, or even into cemetery sites.113 Owners of villas expected them to be economically productive, providing more than necessary for the household itself. Some villas had workshops on them as well.114 Nicholas Purcell writes: From the coast of Campania to the heart of Rome, property was for production, and what gave the landscape of the villa, the landscape of production, a coherence from Britain to Syria, was patterns in the attitudes of producers and consumers to what was produced and how and by whom it was consumed. Purcell’s “landscape of production” is embedded in that of consumption—​ and consumption implies “stratification, patronage and evergetism” in the Roman city.115 In addition to being a place to live that would prove an economic asset, the Roman villa was also a cultural symbol. Andrew Wallace-​Hadrill illustrates the point: The Roman villa was a power-​house: at once a supreme symbol of the individual’s power, resources and ability to control the environment and its population, and a place where that power was actively generated through the harnessing of slave and

110. This verse was frequently cited by authors encouraging young women to practice asceticism. 111.  John Percival, The Roman Villa (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1976), 13. 112. D’Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples, 167; Andrew Wallace-​Hadrill, “The Villa as Cultural Symbol” (Philadelphia 1998), 46, 43, 53; Richard Neudecker, “The Roman Villa as a Locus of Art Collections” (Philadelphia 1998), 78–​80. 113.  Gisela Ripoll and Javier Arce, “The Transformation and End of the Roman Villae” (Leiden, Boston, and Cologne 2000), 74, 86, 88–​89; Percival, Roman Villa, 185, 190, 197. 114. Percival, Roman Villa, 147, 150, 161. 115.  Nicholas Purcell, “The Roman Villa and the Landscape of Production” (New York 1995), 172–​73. Evergetism: wealthy people’s philanthropy to the community.

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other dependent labour to profitable production. . . . In the midst of the country, it expresses the dominance of the city.116 The coastline leading down to Naples was a preferred site for these aristocratic villas, where fashion joined cultivated ease. Symmachus, for example, had six villas on the Campanian coast. In the first and early second centuries ce, Roman emperors had improved the roads leading there from Rome.117 Symmachus’ preferred mode of travel to his villas was by carriage, drawn by horses or mules; this slow mode of travel allowed him to ostentatiously display his elegant carriage and to visit friends along the way.118 In addition to the house or houses of Melania and Pinian in and around Rome, they also had a villa in an unspecified location on the coast (Life 18)—​ whether of Campania or of Sicily has been debated.119 This villa was divided into two parts: the patronal estate with baths, gardens, and so on, and sixty-​ two farmhouses; the Latin version of the Life (18) adds that in these houses resided the four hundred slaves who worked on the estate, from which an “inestimable income” was derived.120 The bath arrangement, “surpassing every worldly splendor,” was positioned between the sea and a forest that was home to many wild animals. From the pool, bathers could see ships sailing on the sea as well as animals in the forest. The mosaic depicted in figure 3.3 is of an aristocratic woman going to her baths. This villa was decorated with much marble, including, we may infer, statues. Christian writers of an ascetic stamp targeted the villa life of aristocrats as leading to immorality, offering illicit pleasures.121 Melania, in her ascetic mode, considered it a diabolical temptation to keep the villa. She repelled the Devil by reminding him (or perhaps herself) that “these things that exist today . . . tomorrow will be destroyed either by the barbarians, or by fire, or by time, or by some other circumstances.” 116.  Wallace-​Hadrill, “Villa as Cultural Symbol,” 43. 117. D’Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples, viii, 159. 118.  Michele R. Salzman, “Travel and Communication in The Letters of Symmachus” (Aldershot UK and Burlington VT 2004), 87, 88. 119.  Gerontius mentions property in Campania, as well as the couple’s setting sail from Sicily (Life 19; cf. Latin Life 34). Palladius, Lausiac History 61, also mentions their properties in Campania and Sicily. The anonymous author of Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium (The Description of the Whole World and Its Peoples) 54 writes that although Campania is not very large, it has many rich people. 120.  Gerontius, Greek and Latin versions of the Life, 18. Vera, “Strutture agrarie,” 193. Jones assumes that the sixty-​two hamlets each had four hundred slaves, which gives the quite incredible figure of twenty-​four thousand slaves on one estate (Jones, Later Roman Empire, 2:793, discussed in Vera, “Strutture agrarie,” 193n85). 121. Jerome, Letter 45.4.1; Augustine, Against the Academics 2.2.6, discussed in D’Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples, 119–​20.

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Figure 3.3  Aristocratic woman with her sons and slaves, going to the baths. Mosaic from Villa del Casale (Piazza Armerina). Credit: Shutterstock.

Corruptible things that can be bought cannot be compared to the eternal blessings that she presumably expected to inherit. The Devil recognized his defeat; shamed, he never troubled her again. (He reappears, however, frequently throughout the Life.) Immediately after they left Italy, Alaric invaded. All rejoiced: “Blessed are those who gave up their possessions before the arrival of the barbarians” (Life 18, 19). Of the properties of Melania and Pinian in other areas, we shall see more later. Here, it is enough to note that her (his?) property was spread across eight provinces and yielded an income of 120,000 solidi. If we assume that 80% of this income derived from agriculture on their estates, the income implies (according to Kyle Harper) that at least twenty-​five thousand laborers would have been required to cultivate their lands. Melania’s Life shows that the couple’s wealth was dependent on an enormous crew of agricultural slaves.122 On Melania’s troubles in casting off her slaves, we shall see more in ­chapter 6, “Exiting Rome,” and on her need for agricultural labor, more in ­chapter 7, “North Africa.” 122.  Kyle Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World (Cambridge 2011), 193–​95, citing M. Spurr, Arable Cultivation in Roman Italy, c.  200 B.C.–​c. A.D.100 (London, 1986), 133–​46, the lands calculated at fifty-​five thousand iuga. Harper favors the “slave society” concept developed by Moses Finley; see Finley, The Ancient Economy (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1985), 79.

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4

Pagans and Christians in Late Ancient Rome

Locating “Pagans” Who was a “pagan”? For our purposes, any non-​Christian or non-​Jew in late Roman antiquity who adhered to traditional Roman religion and/​or participated in cults devoted to other gods and goddesses. The category of “pagan,” to be sure, might include quite different practitioners: urban dwellers who merely enjoyed the holidays of the traditional Roman gods; aristocrats such as Vettius Agorius Praetextatus and his wife Paulina, ardent devotees of Roman as well as of “eastern” cults (e.g., of the Mother Goddess; of Isis and Osiris);1 or country dwellers with their local agricultural and nature rituals, against whom Augustine sometimes railed. Modern commentators suggest why the term “pagan” is problematic. Church historian Henry Chadwick quips, “The pagans did not 1.  Vettius Agorius Praetextatus held both of the top posts cherished by the senatorial aristocracy: urban prefect and praetorian prefect of Italy. When he died in 384, he was consul designate for the next year. Paulina was the daughter of a city prefect and consul (see PLRE 1, Paulina 4). In addition to holding three of the four most prestigious priesthoods of traditional Roman state religion, Praetextatus participated in the cults of Magna Mater, Mithra, Hecate, and Isis, and was initiated into mysteries of Dionysus and Eleusinian Mysteries (perhaps when he was proconsul of Achaia [Greece]): see CIL 6.1779-​1780, and for the poems he and Paulina wrote to each other. See Maijastina Kahlos, Vettius Agorius Praetextatus (Rome 2002), 17, 28, 45–​46, 63, 71, 82, 151; and Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford 2011), 153, 302–​3. Praetextatus allegedly joked to bishop Damasus of Rome, “Make me bishop of Rome, and I’ll become a Christian fast enough” (reported by Jerome, Against John of Jerusalem 8:  “Facite me Romanae Urbis episcopum, et ero protinus Christianus”). Alan Cameron comments that Praetextatus and his friends “took it for granted that they were born to be top dogs in any religion they joined” (Last Pagans, 151). Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0004

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know they were pagans until the Christians told them they were,”2 while classicists Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress bluntly claim that the “only coherence fourth and fifth century pagans had as a single group lay in their status as a Christian ‘other.’ ”3 Given the overlap and ambiguity in language, concepts, and practices between pagans and Christians, Christian writers worked hard to draw lines, to claim difference.4 To do so, they “needed” pagans in order to create conceptual boundaries between themselves and others.5 In ancient sources as well, the definition of “pagan” is at best muddled. The first documents showing Christian usage of the term paganus date to the fourth century; previously, the word was used to refer to non-​urbanites, or simply to civilians.6 While the earliest use of the word “pagan” within the Theodosian Code dates to 370, by the time of the Code’s fifth-​century compilation, the editors simply lumped together about two dozen imperial pronouncements under the title “On Pagans, Sacrifices and Temples.” The compilers, Neil McLynn dryly remarks, apparently had difficulty finding any coherence on what constituted “paganism.”7 Did some waver? Maijastina Kahlos proposes the term “incerti” to designate those “hybrids” who neither identified as Christian believers nor as nonbelievers, who did not view “Christian” and “pagan” as mutually exclusive terms. Such “uncertainty” marks the correspondence of Melania’s uncle Volusian with Augustine and Marcellinus,8 on which more later. Whether Volusian remained a pagan into the 430s or became a not very ardent catechumen, in training for Christian baptism,9 remains unclear. When we encounter Volusian in his North African setting after the sack of Rome, we shall examine the theological questions he posed to Augustine. Late in life, he journeyed to Constantinople, 2.  Henry Chadwick, “Augustine on Pagans and Christians” (Cambridge 1985), 9. 3.  Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge 2001), 153. 4.  Averil Cameron, “Christian Conversion” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2015), 10. 5.  Maijastina Kahlos, “The Importance of Being Pagan” (Zurich and Berlin 2011), 187. 6.  Thomas Jürgash, “Christians and the Invention of Paganism” (New York 2016), 117–​19, 128–​ 29; most Christian authors then used gentes or gentiles to refer to these “others”; Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 14–​15, 27. 7.  Neil McLynn, “Pagans in a Christian Empire” (Chichester UK 2009), 574; “Neither the pagans nor their gods necessarily felt obliged to fight the battles that we would have them fight” (579). 8.  Maijastina Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue (Aldershot UK and Burlington VT 2007), 31–​35. 9.  So Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 196–​97, citing Life 54 (Melania fears her uncle will die as only a catechumen).

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trailed by Melania, and there, on his deathbed, he finally took the step of baptism.

Recent Debates on Pagans and Christians Scholarly assessments of pagan-​Christian relations in late antiquity have changed considerably within the last century. In the Cold War era of the 1950s, the subject was often informed by the concept of conflict.10 Scholars in that period usually understood pagans and Christians to be fiercely pitted against each other and claimed that prominent members of the Roman aristocracy (such as the praetorian prefect Nicomachus Flavianus) had led a pagan revival in the 390s. On this model, the battle at the River Frigidus between Theodosius I and Eugenius in 394 stood as a last test.11 That the battle was a clash of religions is now disputed: no contemporary evidence suggests this, and Flavianus was the only known pagan supporter of Eugenius.12 The conflict model and the notion of a pagan revival were sharply criticized by Alan Cameron in his epoch-​making book of 2011, The Last Pagans of Rome, and in several articles related to it. Cameron doubts that senators such as Symmachus (on whom we shall shortly hear more) championed a pagan revival.13 He also aims to dismantle the “romantic myth” that these last pagans were “fearless champions of senatorial privilege, literature lovers, and aficionados of classical (especially Greek) culture as well as the traditional cults”; rather, he unceremoniously demotes them to “arrogant, philistine land-​grabbers.”14 Stéphane Ratti launched a furious attack on Cameron, defending the notion of a pagan reaction.15 Others issued more measured critiques, 10.  Averil Cameron, “Thoughts on the Introduction to The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century” (Zurich and Berlin, 2011), 48, 50. 11. Virius Nicomachus Flavianus died (or committed suicide) after the defeat. See Guido Clemente, “Introduction,” in The Strange Death of Pagan Rome (Turnhout 2013), 28; Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 273. 12.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 6; on the battle, chap. 3. 13.  Alan Cameron, “Were Pagans Afraid to Speak Their Minds? ” (New York 2016). 14.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 3, 353; Alan Cameron, “The Last Pagans of Rome” (Portsmouth RI 1999), 120–​21. 15. Stéphane Ratti, Polémiques entre païens et Chrétiens (Paris 2012), 16, 107, 179–​87. Ratti lumped Cameron together with Peter Brown and those he called Brown’s “epigones,” aligned with “the Anglo-​Saxon school of the second half of the twentieth century.” Although there are valid critiques of Cameron’s theses, Ratti’s tirade appears as a war waged by what he calls, revealingly, “old Europe” scholars against their British and North American colleagues.

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claiming that Cameron had gone too far in making pagan aristocrats “uninterested in religion” and of “a very superficial culture.”16 Still others alleged that he had inadvertently reaffirmed a traditional position (minus the apologetic view of Christianity’s rapid success), namely, that paganism had died out between the mid-​and late fourth century. Cameron’s critics note that the pagan priestly colleges continued to exist for another fifty years after the emperor Gratian’s rescript of 382, which abolished the fiscal immunities of the Vestal Virgins.17 To be a “priest” in late ancient Rome, we should add, did not entail sermons or daily and weekly services for congregants. Priesthoods were (in Cameron’s words) “social prizes rather than religious vocations.”18 Fourth-​century pagan priests, for example, oversaw the Vestals and their property, funerary monuments, the inauguration of new priests, and (with the urban prefect) the care and restoration of cultic buildings.19 Although the pagan priesthoods had lost much of their religious significance, they continued on into the fifth century.20

The Altar of Victory One episode (occurring shortly before Melania the Younger’s birth) that is frequently cited to show pagan-​Christian conflict in late-​fourth-​ century Rome concerns the Altar of Victory. From the time of Octavian (later Caesar Augustus, the first Roman emperor), an altar and a statue of the goddess Victory had stood in the Roman Senate House; senators took an oath of allegiance to the emperor’s laws upon it.21 The Christian emperor Constantius II had it removed in 357, but Julian, “the Apostate,” soon restored it. In 382, the Christian emperor Gratian again removed it. Symmachus and a delegation journeyed from Rome to Milan to implore the emperor Gratian to reinstate the Altar in the Senate House, but they were refused an audience (by “unscrupulous officials,” Symmachus adds).22 After Gratian’s death in 383, pagan senators tried again the 16.  Clemente, “Introduction,” 16. 17.  Lizzi Testa, “When the Romans Became Pagani” (Turnhout 2013), 43, 47–​49. 18.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 33, 133. 19.  Rita Lizzi Testa, “Augures et pontifices” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2009), 275. 20.  Lizzi Testa, “Augures et pontifices,” 260, 269, 271. 21. R.  H. Barrow, Prefect and Emperor (Oxford 1973), 32; text and translation of Relatio 3 on  34–​47. 22. Symmachus, Relatio 3.1; Edward J. Watts, The Final Pagan Generation (Oakland 2015), 183.

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following year with the new thirteen-​year-​old emperor, Valentinian II. They chose Symmachus, now prefect of Rome, as their ambassador: his oratorical ability, experience as an envoy, and Christian connections at court recommended him for this duty.23 Symmachus forwarded the senatorial motion (Relatio [Rescript] 3) to the emperor, asking him to reverse Gratian’s action.24 In addition to ruing the loss of state funds for traditional Roman religion, Symmachus and friends believed that the cults needed official recognition to be valid and efficacious.25 Relatio 3 pleads for the Altar’s restoration and the reinstatement of the Vestal Virgins’ rights to inheritance, especially of land, which had been prohibited by Gratian.26 Throughout, Symmachus reminds the emperor that by hewing to ancient traditions, Rome had long been protected by the gods and had enjoyed good fortune; and, to the contrary, famine and other problems had arisen when religion, meaning reverence for the Roman gods, was neglected.27 In grand rhetorical style, he declares (in words still pertinent today), “We see the same stars, share the same sky, the same world surrounds us: what does it matter which sort of wisdom a person employs in his search for the truth? Humans cannot come to so tremendous a mystery by one road alone.”28 Symmachus ends his exhortation with an appeal to family traditions, imaginatively enlisting in his cause the boy emperor’s dead imperial relatives, his father Valentinian I, and even (surprisingly) Gratian.29 Symmachus’ eloquence, however, failed to persuade the Christian emperor to restore the Altar. Scholars today are less likely to understand the incident over the Altar of Victory as a major battle between pagans and Christians. It is not attested by any imperial constitution, but only by Symmachus’ Relatio 3 and three letters by Ambrose, bishop of Milan, a bishopric conveniently

23.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 33, 37: not because of any burning pagan commitment. 24. Symmachus, Relatio 3.1–​2; Watts, Final Pagan Generation, 185. 25. Barrow, Prefect and Emperor, 32. 26.  The Vestals, however, had other resources; and only their prerogatives, not those of other priests, were affected (Rita Lizzi Testa, “Christian Emperor, Vestal Virgins,” 255, 258). Moreover, Gratian’s ruling did not confiscate the lands they already owned but simply decreed that they could not receive future properties (Lizzi Testa, “Augures et pontifices,” 263–​64). Alan Cameron, however, notes that at least six senatorial embassies went to court between 382 and 394, suggesting that pagans found Gratian’s measures harmful to the finances of various cults (Last Pagans, 42). 27. Symmachus, Relatio 3.9, 15–​17. 28. Symmachus, Relatio 3.10. 29. Symmachus, Relatio 3.20, claiming that Gratian had been misled in removing the altar and posthumously recognized his mistake.

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located for influencing the emperor in residence.30 The bishop of Rome, Damasus, from whom we might have expected to hear, stayed remarkably quiet on this topic,31 as did Augustine, who was in Rome in 384.32 It is Ambrose who represents the incident as a major war between “paganism” and Christianity. Symmachus, however, was not interested in battle. In 384, he resigned his office as urban prefect and retired to his estates in Campania, failing to “take up the flag” for paganism.33 His successor as urban prefect was Pinian’s father, Valerius Severus.34 Relatio 3, however, was not designed to engage a debate with Ambrose. In fact, only after Symmachus arrived in Milan was he presented with Ambrose’s letter urging the emperor not to restore the Altar. Ambrose “packaged” Christian triumphalism for internal consumption and “played the Altar of Victory card,” as Neil McLynn put it.35 Once Valentinian II had reaffirmed Gratian’s policy, no later Christian emperor could imagine restoring either the Altar or the subsidies to the Vestals.36 The Altar of Victory incident, however, has been called “a sideshow” compared to the debates taking place in Rome in 384 over ascetic renunciation, spurred by Jerome’s Against Helvidius, his Letter 22 to Eustochium, and his pointed critique of the Roman clergy.37 These debates, and possibly a trial, would soon see Jerome heading out of Rome for Bethlehem in 385. We shall examine features of Christian asceticism in ­chapter 5.

Later Measures against Pagans Only in 391 were pagan sacrifices forbidden in the city of Rome. John Curran calls the law of February 24, 391, directed to the prefect of Rome, Ceionius Rufius Albinus (Melania’s maternal grandfather),38 “the most 30.  Lizzi Testa, “Augures et pontifices,” 261. Gratian seems “to have done much less than he is usually credited with” (263). 31.  Robert R. Chenault, “Beyond Pagans and Christians” (New York 2016), 48, citing Ambrose, Letter 72 [17].10. 32.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 40. 33.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 298, upon his friend Praetextatus’ death; by 385, he had “quietly withdrawn from the struggle” (382). 34.  John Matthews, Western Aristocracies (Oxford 1975), 210n5. 35.  McLynn, “Pagans in a Christian Empire,” 581, 582. 36.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 58. 37.  So Chenault, “Beyond Pagans and Christians,”58. 38. See PLRE 1:1142, stemma 20.

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comprehensive law ever composed against the ancient cults.” Sacrifice was prohibited, as were visiting (pagan) shrines and revering images of the gods. Fines were levied on suburbican officials and governors of provinces (and their staff) who visited temples to worship.39 Curran adds, “Next to the conversion of Constantine himself, the law of February 391 was the most significant legal point in the history of fourth-​century Rome.”40 We should keep in mind, however, that many “laws” (such as found in the Theodosian Code) were not empire-​wide prescriptions but addressed local problems, the emperor responding to specific situations of which he had been apprised.41 The destruction of the Serapeum (a temple to the Greco-​Egyptian god Serapis) in Alexandria in 391 or 392 is sometimes seen in light of this law, but no imperial rescript ordered its destruction. Bishop Theophilus of Alexandria fanned the rage of Christians that led to the temple’s demolition, but, scholars claim, he surely exceeded what the law of 391 required.42 Alan Cameron bluntly states, “No emperor [of this era] ever ordered the destruction of a major functioning temple in a major city.”43 In the next years, imperial rulings took a sharper stand against pagans and for Christians. In 392, the emperors issued a decree to the prefect of the East (Constantinople) that went further than the law of 391, forbidding private worship of household gods as well as public worship.44 In 396, the eastern emperor Arcadius began to cancel the privileges of all pagan priests, but his decree may not have been received in the West, and the Roman priestly college was not affected.45 Both the decrees of 392 and 396 were local rulings, not general laws that held empire-​wide.46 By 400, however, the formal apparatus of the priestly colleges was gradually being dismantled; priesthoods simply faded away as older members died. The social position of the pagan priests, which 39.  CTh 16.10.10; the same law was promulgated in Egypt; see John R. Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital (Oxford 2000), 215–​16. Alan Cameron emphasizes that not all these laws were applied to Rome (Last Pagans, 62, 63). 40. Curran, Pagan City, 216. 41.  On the side of the “local,” see Rita Lizzi Testa, “Legislazione imperial” (Zurich and Berlin 2011), 467–​91. 42. Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 72, 63; Christopher Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity (Baltimore and London 1997), 161–​63. 43.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 799. 44.  CTh 16.10.12. This law may not have affected Rome. 45.  Lizzi Testa, “Christian Emperor, Vestal Virgins,” 257, citing CTh 16.10.14, directed to the praetorian prefect of the East (Constantinople). 46.  Lizzi Testa, “Christian Emperor, Vestal Virgins,” 259.

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related to their families and estates, remained even when the cults were disestablished.47 In 407, anti-​pagan laws sounded an even sharper note:  images in temples that were being worshipped were to be “torn from their foundations,” altars destroyed, and temples themselves remitted to public use.48 Only by a law of 435, however, were temples themselves consigned to destruction.49 In Rome, the conversions of temples into churches or other Christian buildings did not take place until 609.50 In Constantinople, the hugely popular circus games persisted as “enjoyments,” dissociated from anything sacred.51

“Conversion” If “pagans” were converting to Christianity in the fourth and fifth centuries, we still must ask what “conversion” meant. In 1933, classicist Arthur Darby Nock in his book Conversion sharply distinguished between what he called “adhesion” to a religion (requiring minimal commitment, which he thought characteristic of pagan groups) and “conversion” (requiring a deep personal religious and moral commitment, which he reserved largely for Christianity).52 In late antiquity, this sharp contrast does not seem to hold for the aristocracy, as we will explore further in discussing the “conversion” of Melania’s uncle Volusian. It would be unrealistic to expect deep devotion, understanding of abstruse theological propositions, and serious changes in lifestyle to be required of all converts. Reading ancient tales of mass conversions, we can be sure that not all, or even many, in the crowd experienced what Nock called “conversion.” Earlier scholars were sometimes too ready to accept as historical fact the claims of ancient Christian writers regarding former pagans’ deep embrace of Christian truth.53 Nor was the enemy 47.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 168, 167, 171. 48.  CTh 16.10.19. 49.  McLynn, “Pagans in a Christian Empire,” 577, citing CTh 16.10.25 (435). 50.  Michele Salzman, “The Christianization of Sacred Time and Sacred Space” (Portsmouth RI 1999), 131. 51.  Richard Lim, “People as Power” (Portsmouth RI 1999), 268. 52.  A. D. Nock, Conversion (Oxford 1933), 7 for definitions. 53.  Contemporaries, including Augustine, may not have been as sure about the end of paganism as later theologians and historians were: so Claude Lepelley, “L’Aristocratie lettrée païenne” (Paris 1998), 342.

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simply “polytheism.” Alan Cameron writes, “For Christians, the key distinction was less between one god and many gods than between the one true god and false gods, whether one or many.”54 Many scholars now agree that the conversion of the late Roman aristocracy did not necessarily entail a change of mentality but rather (as John Matthews put it) an “adaptation of a cultural idiom with which a repertory of common ideas could continue to be expressed.” Becoming Christian, Roman aristocrats could preserve their traditional social, economic, and cultural status, within the “positive shell” of the new religion.55 The ties of wealth, education, and status kept pagan and Christian aristocrats in better harmony than earlier scholars, imbued with the “conflict” model, had imagined.56 By the late fourth century, some important members of the Roman aristocracy (e.g., the Anicii) were Christians; others (e.g., the Ceionii) retained the traditional religion into the fifth century. An oldest son, at least, might keep to the traditional cult.57 Were “mixed” marriages a factor in the conversion of the aristocracy? In some families, males who held important offices retained ties to traditional Roman religion, while other family members converted. Michele Salzman claims that although there are few certain cases of mixed marriage in the fourth century, of those we know, pagan men married Christian women. She argues, however, that the impact of intermarriage on the Christianization of the Roman aristocracy was limited; the Christian spouse did not necessarily convert the partner or other relatives.58 Rather, Christianity spread among the aristocracy “in part because it could assure them that the new religion would not present a threat to their friendship and family networks, institutions so critical to maintaining aristocratic status.” In the fourth century, men from the provinces, those from newer families, and those in the imperial bureaucracy were more open to Christianity than those from the old pagan Roman aristocracy;59 the latter, however, did not usually 54.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 31. 55.  John Matthews, “Four Funerals and a Wedding” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2009), 146. Alan Cameron adds that the senatorial class converted “as the only way to continue holding office and preserve their ancestral role in Roman public life” (Last Pagans, 13). 56. Curran, Pagan City, 264. 57.  André Chastagnol, Le Sénat romain (Paris 1992), 314. 58. Michele Renée Salzman, The Making of a Christian Aristocracy (Cambridge MA and London 2002), 143–​46. She notes that if more Christian than pagan women show up in the sources, this is likely the result of the surviving evidence, most of which is found in ascetic texts, especially in the letters of Jerome. 59. Salzman, Making of a Christian Aristocracy, 15, 219.

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present themselves as “confessional warriors.”60 Aristocratic women were constrained by family and social structures, gradually reinforced by the church. Most aristocratic women’s lives still centered on the family, including their families’ religious preferences.61

Christianization62 With the conversion of Constantine (whether deep and heartfelt or not) began a process that unrolled throughout the course of the fourth century. First, Christianity was made a legal religion: the persecutions were at an end. Next, Constantine progressively showed favor to Christianity and its leaders. His sons also promoted Christianity, albeit not always of what became the “orthodox,” Catholic variety.63 Subsequent emperors were Christians, with the exception of the Hellenizer, Julian the Apostate (361–​63). Various laws restricted some forms of practice (e.g., divination), yet pagan practice in Rome continued into the fifth century and in some (especially rural) areas, even longer.64 “Christianization” was not accomplished overnight, or even in the course of several decades. Constantius II, in a 341 decree to the prefect of Rome, declared “Let superstitio cease!” but by this, he added, he did not mean to end the celebration of festivals and games; (pagan) temples outside the walls of Rome were to be preserved. This decree can be considered a compromise.65 By the 350s, Constantius took a stronger line against pagan temples and sacrifices.66 At mid-​century, magic and divination appear to be the “pagan” practices against which most laws on religion focused.67 60. Watts, Final Pagan Generation, 4, 7, 16. 61. Salzman, Making of a Christian Aristocracy, 176. 62. See Peter Brown, “Christianization and Religious Conflict” (Cambridge 1998), 632–​ 64. Bowes offers cautions on what “Christianization” means:  “greater numbers of Christians, greater institutional organization, greater social prominence”? (“ ‘Christianization’ and the Rural Home,” 150). 63.  Historian Timothy Barnes makes the case that Constantine and Constantius increasingly appointed Christians to consulships, prefectures, and provincial governorships; only the office of praefectus urbi [of Rome] contained a higher proportion of pagans, since “they were usually drawn from the aristocracy of Italy” (“Christians and Pagans” [Geneva 1989], 315–​21). 64. Watts, Final Pagan Generation, 209. 65.  CTh 16.10.3 (341), discussed in Richard Lim, “Christianization, Secularization” (Chichester UK 2009), 507. 66.  CTh16.10.4–​6:  Now, a man who attempts sacrifices faces execution, and his property remitted to the fisc. It is unclear that such laws were much, if ever, carried out. 67.  CTh 16.10.5.

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Many laws, as noted above, were not in fact empire-​wide prescriptions but addressed local situations. Pagan and Christian, some commentators claim, was not the most significant religious difference in late fourth-​ century Rome. Within Christianity, there were proponents and opponents of ascetic renunciation, which “threatened the traditional patterns of holding and using aristocratic property”68—​a point very noticeable among members of Melania’s and Pinian’s families. Moreover, “heresy”—​not the occasional pagan official—​was a worry for the court as well as for the church.69 In 380, eastern and western emperors issued a joint decree (Cunctos populos), declaring that all peoples under their jurisdiction should follow the religion given by the apostle Peter to the Romans and now embraced by the bishops of Rome and Alexandria.70 Much has been made of this decree, but as Neil McLynn observed, it went unnoticed for fifty years, until the compilers of the Theodosian Code revived it and included it in their work (16.1.2). McLynn argues that when Theodosius I came to power in 379, it is unlikely that he knew the fine points of “Arianism” or what came to be Nicene orthodoxy; his embrace of the latter should perhaps be attributed to his inexperience in matters of religion, not to his fanaticism.71 In 381, the emperors outlawed “heretical assemblies,” now stating that Christian orthodoxy was defined by the “Nicene faith,” citing phrases from the Creed of Nicaea (325).72 These decrees were not aimed primarily at pagans but at allegedly deviant Christians, Arians in particular; the decrees attempted to coerce the latter into the Catholic fold, as determined by the Creed of Nicaea and its later “orthodox” interpreters.73 Cities were still full of the sights, sounds, and smells of traditional cult in 68. Curran, Pagan City, 323. 69.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 195. 70.  CTh 16.1.2–​3. Text and discussion in P.  R. Coleman-​Norton, Roman State and Christian Church (London 1966), 1:353–​56. 71.  Neil McLynn, “Theodosius, Spain and the Nicene Faith” (Burgos and Segovia 1997), 1:171, 176. McLynn argues that there is nothing explicitly “Spanish” about Theodosius’ Christianity, that he was raised by imperial males in military camps, and that our knowledge of Nicene commitment in Spain in the years previous to Theodosius’ accession gives little reason to see him as a Nicene partisan at the time he took office—​that, of course, would change in subsequent years. On Cunctos populos, also see Garnsey and Humfress, Evolution of the Late Antique World, 141–​42. 72.  CTh 16.5.6. Text and discussion in Coleman-​Norton, Roman State and Christian Church, 1:364–​66. 73.  “Arians” (a term now in disfavor) referred to an amalgam of Christian groups who, despite nuanced differences, retained the traditional notion that the Son of God was subordinate to God the Father, not “of the same essence” (homoousios), as the Council of Nicaea in 325 declared.

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Figure 4.1  Projecta silver wedding casket, fourth century. Projecta and her husband, Secundus, are depicted amidst pagan symbols (Venus on a cockleshell, sea nymphs) but with a Christian inscription, secunde et proiecta vivatis in christo (“Secundus and Projecta, live in Christ.” Credit: British Museum (1866.1229.1).

the 390s, as they had been early in the century.74 Moreover, despite the higher rate of Christianization in cities, pagans were still predominant in rural areas at the turn to the fifth century.75 Art historian Jaś Elsner argues that art of various forms aided in the Christianization of Rome. He notes the mixing of pagan and Christian themes on various artistic objects, for example, the casket from the Esquiline treasure, commissioned and made at Rome to celebrate the wedding of a Projecta and Secundus. The casket, depicted in Figure 4.1, shows a naked Venus seated amidst (“pagan”) erotes and tritons, while an inscription exhorts its owners to “live in Christ.”76 As in the case of 74. Watts, Final Pagan Generation, 209. 75.  McLynn, “Pagans in a Christian Empire,” 573; similarly, Ramsay MacMullen, Christianity in the Roman Empire (New Haven and London 1984), 83. 76.  Jaś Elsner, “Inventing Christian Rome” (Cambridge 2003), 76–​77, citing Kathleen Shelton’s scholarship on the subject.

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Damasus and his epigrams, the arts, Elsner claims, were a “potent force as an agent of Christianization, through reimagining the city as a sort of martyr-​filled mother-​earth.”77 Similarly, the pagan Codex-​Calendar of 354, engraved by the same Filocalus we encountered earlier embellishing Melania the Elder’s bath, lists bishops of Rome (including Peter) and martyrs along with consuls and urban prefects. Here, assimilation and accommodation seem evident.78 Temples to Roman deities were another site for “mixing” of a different sort. From the late fourth into the fifth century, these temples, “neutralized” (i.e., no sacrifices allowed), were preserved as centers of cultural and commercial activity.79 Emperors of the period agreed that temples and statues had artistic value, and hence were to be preserved.80 Statues of gods were now understood as works of art that could be understood symbolically, rather than as an instrument for (pagan) propaganda. We shall later see a devout Christian in Constantinople, Melania’s host, Lausus, displaying in his mansion his impressive collection of Greek statuary, including images of the gods. “Pagan” religion had ceased to be the centrally divisive issue.81

Christianization: Bishops and Their Churches Christian churches, post-​Constantine, grew in both numbers and prestige. By imperial decree, bishops now enjoyed new privileges:  extra funds provided by Constantine, exemptions from otherwise obligatory public services, and travel by imperial post among them. Their sacerdotal status now gave them access to highly placed officials in the cities frequented by emperors.82 By the fifth century, there were an impressive number of bishops, if each of the two thousand larger cities of the empire could claim one.83 In some towns and cities of Roman North Africa, 77.  Elsner, “Inventing Christian Rome,” 99. 78.  Michele Renée Salzman, On Roman Time (Berkeley 1990), 42–​50, 196–​205, 230–​31, 203 (on Filocalus). 79.  McLynn, “Pagans in a Christian Empire,” 577. Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 65, 67: sacrifice may have been dropped from public festivals by the 370s; until the 390s, Christian governments were not worried about what people did in private (67). 80. See CTh 16.10.3 (341); 16.10.8 (382); 16.10.15 (399). 81.  Anna Leone, The End of the Pagan City (Oxford 2013), 238. 82.  Rita Lizzi Testa, “The Late Antique Bishop” (Chichester UK 2009), 527–​28, 529. 83.  Claudia Rapp, “Bishops in Late Antiquity” (Princeton 2004), 151.

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there were two—​one bishop for the Donatists, one for the Catholics—​ yielding a total of between five hundred and one thousand bishops.84 On the Donatists, we shall see much more when we explore religion in North Africa. A bishop’s power might wax or wane, depending both on whether (or not) he espoused the side of a religious issue favored by any given emperor and on his skill in dealing with the urban elites in his jurisdiction. Bishops in this era usually came from a rank or two below the senatorial class but needed to know how to behave appropriately in society, master rhetorical rules, and imbibe the Greek philosophies that Christianity had appropriated and turned to its own use.85 The status of bishops varied considerably by region; in Roman Africa, many bishops, including Augustine and Alypius (on whom more later), derived from decurion/​curial backgrounds.86 The sheer number of bishops in Roman Africa also suggests that few of these came from the higher classes. Only two (or possibly three) known bishops of the later fourth century (Damasus of Rome; Ambrose of Milan) were from the senatorial class. (In Ambrose’s case, he was baptized and went through all the grades of clerical office up to the bishopric in the course of one week!)87 In the fifth century and beyond, however, senatorial bishops became more common, as established social elites sought places in the higher echelons of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. By the sixth century, if not before, bishops became their cities’ spokesmen, the people’s advocates, community leaders who could stir the populace to action.88 One aspect of Christianity that doubtless recommended it to some potential converts was its emphasis on charity. Pagan philanthropists, from time immemorial, had given to citizens or equals, not to the indigent. This Christianity changed. We do have some few statistics, even if inflated in their claims. In the mid-​third century, the church at Rome was reportedly feeding 1,500 widows, orphans, and others.89 (Since perhaps some 40% of children would have lost their fathers before they 84.  Rapp, “Bishops in Late Antiquity,” 155, 156. 85.  Lizzi Testa, “Late Antique Bishop,” 530, 532, 533, 536. 86.  To be sure, there were more curiales (perhaps 250,000) in the Roman Empire in the late fourth century than there were senators, even though senatorial ranks had swelled enormously in the course of the fourth century. See A. H. M. Jones, “The Caste System of the Later Roman Empire,” 93 (decurions and their sons); for the possible six thousand senators, see Peter Heather, “Senators and Senates” (Cambridge 1998), 195. 87.  Paulinus of Milan, Life of Ambrose 9. 88.  Rapp, “Bishops in Late Antiquity,” 155, 156, 170, 177. 89.  Eusebius of Caesarea, Church History 6.43.11.

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were fourteen or fifteen, there were many widows and orphans among the poor.)90 In the late fourth century, bishop John Chrysostom in Antioch reports that his church was feeding three thousand widows and virgins.91 The Roman church in the fourth century was supported by revenues from lands it owned in Italy (distributed over twenty-​five cities), Sicily (two large groups of estates), North Africa (seven blocks), Greece (two blocks), and several other places in the East.92 Imperial generosity to the church lessened after the period of Constantine and his family; by the end of the fourth century and beginning of the fifth, aristocrats’ philanthropy took up the slack. In the mid-​ fourth-​century, however, Christian donors did not often stem from the old aristocracy, but rather were imperial officials who aspired to social promotion and used their donations to assist their rise.93 Somewhat later, the wealth of Christian aristocrats, Melania and Pinian among them, would be evident in the new churches, martyr shrines, baptisteries, and monasteries that they built and supported. Just as their pagan ancestors and contemporaries funded civic projects and buildings, these members of the Roman aristocracy similarly displayed their economic power, but now in a “Christian guise.”94 We now pass on to Melania and Pinian’s extraordinary feats of ascetic renunciation, and the philanthropies resulting therefrom.

90.  See statistics in Richard Saller, Patriarchy, Property and Death (Cambridge 1994), 189. 91. Garnsey and Humfress, Evolution of the Late Antique World, 123–​ 29, citing John Chrysostom, On Matthew 66.3 (one-​tenth of people in the city have nothing); On Acts 11.3 (half of people in Constantinople were poor (fifty thousand), and 10% were in dire need). 92. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 2:781–​82. The territories in Italy and Sicily, where there were pontifical estates, yielded about 2,500 solidi (Charles Pietri, “Evergétisme et richesses ecclésiastique,” 326–​27). Starting with Constantine, the Liber Pontificalis lists many gifts of property to the church at Rome. 93.  Pietri, “Evergétisme,” 321, 325–​26. 94.  Jill Harries, “‘Treasure in Heaven’” (Aberdeen 1984), 54.

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5

Ascetic Renunciation

Melania and Pinian’s renunciation of their senatorial property in the name of Christian asceticism was the largest and most dangerous such act of which we know.1 This dramatic claim signals the spectacular nature of the couple’s divestments—​and the problems it caused for them, as well as for their senatorial relatives. As we shall see in the next chapter, these renunciations may also have had serious repercussions for the inhabitants of Rome. Long before the advent of Christianity, Greek writers used the word askēsis, first to name the strenuous physical discipline undertaken by an athlete and later to signal the philosopher’s goal of self-​restraint.2 For Christians, these quests for bodily and mental discipline were transformed into a desire to devote one’s life to God, to strive for perfection of the self. Christian monasticism has been called the last great social experiment that developed in the ancient Mediterranean world. Like the Greek city-​state (polis) and the philosophical schools, it aimed to create the best way of life (politeia) for producing ideal human beings.3 In times past, Protestant scholars, whose own forms of religion strongly opposed vows of asceticism, often critiqued the early Christian ascetic movement and downplayed its strength. They sometimes 1.  So John R. Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital (Oxford 2000), 298. 2. For the following paragraphs, with extensive documentation, see Elizabeth A. Clark, Reading Renunciation (Princeton 1999), 14–​42; Elizabeth A. Clark, “Asceticism, Class, and Gender” (Minneapolis 2005), 27–​45; Philip Rousseau, “Monasticism” (Cambridge 2000), 745–​80; Daniel F. Caner, “‘Not of This World’” (Chichester UK 2009), 588–​600; Peter Brown, The Body and Society (New  York 1988); Peter Brown, “Asceticism:  Pagan and Christian” (Cambridge 1998), 601–​31; William Harmless, Desert Christians (New York 2004). 3.  Caner, “ ‘Not of This World,’ ” 588. Caner provides an excellent introduction to this issue. Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0005

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blamed the introduction of ascetic practice on “foreign” sources, especially on “Hellenization” (for example, Platonic “dualism,” which allegedly denigrated the realm of the physical). This approach is now seen as biased and not in accord with the historical record. One need not blame external forces or seek the “origin” of Christian asceticism only in the third or fourth centuries. Renunciation of material possessions and physical pleasures was a hallmark of Christianity from its earliest days. The New Testament itself gives ample evidence of the call to renounce: Paul’s critique of marriage in 1 Corinthians 7, many Gospel passages, and exhortations to give of one’s goods to assist widows, orphans, prisoners, the poor, and the sick (e.g., 1 Tim. 6:17–​19; James 2:14–​17; Matt. 25:36). Had not Jesus urged his hearers to “become eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven” and claimed that it was easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter heaven (Matt. 19:12, 24)? Some later New Testament writings, to be sure, attempt to counter these ascetic currents in their praise of marriage, childbearing, and strict domestic hierarchy and order (1 Tim. 2:11–​15, 5:14; Titus 2:2–​10; Eph. 5:21–​6:9). On the pro-​ascetic side, and perhaps in response, the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (such as the Acts of Paul and Thecla) tell of rich, beautiful young women who reject marriage in order to follow Christian teaching more rigorously. In the second and third centuries, writers such as Tertullian of Carthage often pointed to Christianity’s stringent sexual ethics as a sign of its lofty standards. From the late third century, more Christians committed themselves to ascetic renunciation, first in Egypt (where ancient sources report thousands of ascetic practitioners),4 Syria, Asia Minor, and Palestine. By the mid-​to late fourth century, ascetic ideals had been introduced to the West—​to North Africa, Italy, Spain, and Gaul (France)—​well attested in the writings of Jerome, Ambrose, Sulpicius Severus, and others. Although the movement was widespread, practices varied geographically. In order to renounce, Christians must have something to renounce. These “voluntary poor” were able to forfeit money, food, clothing, and private bath establishments precisely because they had access to them.5 Although Christians from lower as well as higher social strata adopted this way of life (asceticism was a “career open to talent”),6 those from the 4. Rufinus, History of the Church 2.3–​4; Palladius, Lausiac History 7, 32; Jerome, “Preface,” to Pachomius, Rules 7. 5.  Wendy Mayer, “Poverty and Generosity toward the Poor” (Grand Rapids MI 2008), 148. 6. Brown, Body and Society, 138. Asceticism, in effect, created new hierarchies.

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most prestigious worldly backgrounds, Melania among them, are disproportionately represented, and lavishly praised, in the extant sources.7 Ascetic discipline included renunciation of wealth and property, serious fasting (in many cases, eating barely enough to stay alive), curtailing sleep, scorning bodily cleanliness, and abstaining from marriage and sex, including an attempt to curb sexual thoughts and dreams. Ascetics often kept their bodies in a state of discomfort by wearing scratchy clothing next to the skin or, more extreme, loading the body with heavy chains (a practice of some Syrian devotees). Female ascetics in particular spent hours weeping in repentance for their sins, as they abandoned jewelry, makeup, and elegant clothing. The fourth-​century ascetic writer Jerome reports on his aristocratic friend Paula’s ascetic practices: she mourns, fasts, is squalid with dirt; her eyes are dim with weeping; she prays for mercy all night long, until sunrise. What a contrast with her former life in silk dresses!8 In the Bethlehem monastery that Paula built for women, she told her nuns that “a clean dress means an unclean soul.” Those who had never previously seen her, Jerome claims, would mistake her for the lowest of her maids. She wished to mortify herself so as to compensate for the luxury of her former life.9 We shall later meet Paula’s ascetic granddaughter and namesake in Palestine, in the company of Melania. As much as our contemporaries may imagine these devotees to be haters of the body, Christian ascetics themselves usually rejected a dualistic separation of soul and body. In fact, too much stress on bodily renunciations might brand a Christian ascetic as a heretical “Manichean.” Bodily discipline, Christian ascetics believed, could improve the inner person; abstinence helped to bring “clarity of soul.”10 Freed from the usual demands of worldly life, ascetics could devote themselves to prayer, recitation of the Psalms, reading of and reflection on Scripture, and meditation. Some engaged in physical labor to support themselves and their communities; others (especially aristocratic women who became ascetics) undertook menial tasks largely to demonstrate their newfound lowliness.11 A burgeoning literature of the fourth and fifth centuries attests these practices.

7.  E. A. Clark, “Asceticism, Class, and Gender,” 27–​45. 8. Jerome, Letter 45.3, 66.13. 9. Jerome, Letter 108.20 and 15. 10.  Brown, discussing Tertullian’s views, in Body and Society, 78. 11. Examples: Jerome, Letters 66.13, 77.6; John Chrysostom, Homily 13 on Ephesians  3–​4.

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Bodily deprivations, however, were not the only, or the most important, focus. Ancient sources represent ascetics struggling against the evils of anger, vainglory, and pride, vices deemed harder to root out than mere abstinence from sex and food. The list of these evils led, in western Christianity, to the formulation of the “seven deadly sins.”12 Paradoxically, the ascetic life itself, with its striving for “perfection,” could stimulate feelings of pride and of one’s own superiority—​an ever-​ present danger for ascetics. Models for ascetic living proliferated. While anchorites (hermits) lived alone, with semi-​anchorites seeing their fellow ascetics perhaps once a week, communal asceticism (cenobitism) became the norm in most areas. Total dissociation from “the world” was not entirely possible: even Egyptian anchorites appear to have engaged with villagers, taking the products of their labors for sale and acquiring needed supplies in return.13 Not all ascetics, however, took to the desert or the wilderness; urban ascetic life is also well-​documented. In Syria, early ascetics functioned within the larger structures of the church, not apart from it. In some areas, there were wandering ascetics, who believed that by adopting “homelessness,” they were following Jesus’ way of life. Sometimes celibate men and women banded together in a communal living arrangement often dubbed “spiritual marriage,” the practice of which church leaders roundly disapproved. Women ascetics, especially those from privileged backgrounds, might simply stay at home and practice their renunciations within the household: some of Jerome’s aristocratic friends in Rome adopted this mode, which we might call “house asceticism,” or perhaps more accurately, “palace asceticism.” Melania’s early efforts were of this kind. Tensions could arise between bishops and monks who claimed that they were beholden to no authority but their ascetic master and God. Groups of monks sometimes provoked riots, especially in the eastern cities of Alexandria, Antioch, and Constantinople. (In one such incident, monks in Alexandria murdered the pagan philosopher Hypatia, the subject of another volume in this series, Women in Antiquity.)14 We shall see more in ­chapter 9 about monks’ “interference” with bishops in the Christological controversies of the late fourth and fifth centuries. 12.  E.g., Evagrius Ponticus, Praktikos 6–​14 (On the Eight Kinds of Evil Thoughts); John Cassian, Conferences 5.2. 13.  James E. Goehring, “The World Engaged” (Harrisburg PA 1999), 39–​52. 14.  Edward Watts, Hypatia (New York 2017).

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Why Asceticism? Why some Christians were so enthusiastic for a life of renunciation is a question numerous scholars have pondered. The ascetics of late antiquity themselves name their desire to come closer to God, to repent rigorously for sins, to purify both soul and body. Those, however, are “insider” explanations, while analyses by modern scholars often appeal to external factors. Some have argued that after Constantine’s conversion, when floods of new (and sometimes half-​hearted) Christians entered the church, those of more intense commitment claimed a rigorous way of life to distinguish themselves from ordinary Christians. Another answer privileged the development of the church’s hierarchy and its fixed liturgies as the setting in which ascetics rebelled against this formalization for a more individualized and free expression of religious commitment. Still another explanation cites the increasingly wearisome civic duties foisted on the official classes in towns and cities that might have prompted some men to flee to the desert. And last: to women, especially of the higher classes, asceticism offered a kind of freedom, an alternative to a life of marriage and childbearing. (This thesis we will keep in mind when we examine Melania’s renunciation.) There is not, however, a satisfactory single answer to the question overall.

Pagan and Christian Critiques of Ascetic Renunciation Pagan authors of late antiquity were not sympathetic to the ascetic movement. The orator Libanius called monks the “black-​robed tribe who eat more than elephants,”15 while the Greek rhetorician and historian Eunapius, writing on the destruction of the Serapeum, blamed “so-​called ‘monks,’ men in appearance but swine in their way of life”; they openly perform “unspeakable indignities.”16 The historian Zosimus criticized the “so-​called” monks in Constantinople who abstain from legitimate marriage, “good for nothing in time of war or for any other

15. Libanius, Oration 30.8 (“On the Temples”). On Libanius and Religion, now see Peter Van Nuffelen, “Not the Last Pagan” (Cambridge 2014), 293–​314. 16.  Eunapius Book 10, frag. 56. The Serapeum was a temple in Alexandria, dating to the era of the Ptolemies, dedicated to the god Serapis.

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public necessity,” and who appropriate land under the pretext of sharing with the poor.17 The statesman and poet Rutilius Namaianus, on his sea journey from Rome to Gaul in 417, detailed his trip in a poem, De reditu suo (Going Home).18 Passing along the shore at Capraia, he notes with disdain that the island was swarming with men who “flee the light”; they are called “monks” (from the Greek monachoi, “singles”) because they want to live alone, without any witnesses to their deeds. They fear the evils of life but do not know how to accept the good. Are they there to expiate crimes?19 Seeing the island of Urgo (Gorgona), he rues that a young man of high family gave up his fortune as well as marriage; maddened, he had abandoned humans and the world. This sect is worse than Circe’s, Rutilius charges, for “Circe changed only men’s bodies; here, it is minds that experience a metamorphosis.”20 Ambrose, bishop of Milan, himself an aristocrat, pictures the amazement of Roman senators when Paulinus of Nola took up the monastic life: “That a man of such [high] birth, of his ancestry, with such talents, such eloquence, should have abandoned the senate and broken the succession of a noble family!”21 Yet despite the repugnance to monasticism exhibited in such comments, a few Christian aristocrats were attracted to the ascetic life: think of Jerome’s circle, of our Melanias, and of Ambrose himself.22 Not only pagan authors but some (perhaps many?) Christians as well thought that ascetic renunciants had gone too far. In the early 390s, Jovinian, himself a monk, was furiously attacked by Jerome for claiming that after baptism, married people were not inferior to ascetics, other

17. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.23. 18.  Rutilius Namatianus, De Reditu Suo (Going Home) 1.21–​22; Pierre de Labriolle, “Rutilius Claudius Namatianus et les Moines,” 30. For dating of his trip to 417, see Alan Cameron, “Rutilius Namaianus, St. Augustine, and the Date of the De Reditu Suo,” 33, 39. Rutilius recalls his days as Master of the Offices, when he ran the palace and the emperor’s armed guards (De Reditu Suo 1.563–​64). 19.  Rutilius Namatianus, De Reditu Suo 1.439–​52. For Rutilius as a pagan, see Labriolle, “Rutilius Claudius Namatianus,” 40. Although Rutilius was not himself a Christian, he worked with and for Christians at the imperial court (Martha Malamud, “Introductory Essay” [London and New York 2016], 10). 20.  Rutilius Namatianus, De Reditu Suo, 1.515–​26. In Homer’s Odyssey (10.229ff.), Circe changes men who land on her island into beasts. These two islands are in the Tuscan Archipelago. 21. Ambrose, Letter 58 (=27). 3. 22.  Jacques Fontaine, “L’Aristocratie occidentale devant le monachisme,” 31, 52.

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virtues being equal.23 Jovinian argued that Jesus had not issued any commandment for virginity and that God had given sexual organs to humans for a purpose.24 That the New Testament listed many married people who followed Jesus was for him a decisive refutation of Jerome’s claim that marriage was only for the “childhood” of the human race (i.e., the era of the ancient Hebrews), before it advanced to the “maturity” of the Gospel.25 Moreover, in a critique of rigorous fasting, Jovinian argued that God had created animals for human consumption, and that Jesus himself is represented as eating. He also vigorously protested Jerome’s assignment of separate ranks to Christians in heaven on the basis of their sexual abstinence (or lack thereof).26 Jovinian strongly implied that those like Jerome who advocated such extreme asceticism were heretics.27 Jerome, needless to say, angrily dissociated himself from this category.28 Families, even those with Christian members—​such as Melania’s—​ might resist their relatives’ desire for ascetic renunciation. Another likely case of family opposition concerns the family of Paula, Jerome’s favorite ascetic devotee. It may well have been Paula’s family in Rome that instigated the case against Jerome (who had not made himself popular among the Roman clergy)29 that led to his exit from the city of Rome in 385; after the fact, Jerome “masterfully recast his shameful condemnation . . . as an exile of a divinely ordained prophet.”30 Emperors too—​ even Christian ones—​ worried about the consequences of wealthy women adopting the ascetic life. That the latter might be preyed upon for their money by unscrupulous male clerics and monks, to the outrage of heirs and kinsmen, seems clear in several imperial decrees. In 370, during Damasus’ bishopric, emperors ruled that clerics and monks must not enter the houses of widows and female wards; such men, “under the pretext of religion,” were (so the emperors suspected) attempting to extract the women’s money or be named as 23.  Jovinian, in Jerome, Against Jovinian 1.3, 1.33. On Jovinian as a monk, 1.40. The definitive work on Jovinian is David G. Hunter, Marriage, Celibacy, and Heresy in Ancient Christianity (Oxford 2007). 24.  Jovinian, in Jerome, Against Jovinian 1.12; implied by Jerome in 1.36. 25.  Jovinian, in Jerome, Against Jovinian 1.5, 1.25. 26.  Jovinian, in Jerome, Against Jovinian 2.5, 2.17, 2.18–​20. 27.  Jovinian, in Jerome, Against Jovinian 1.5, 2.16. 28. Jerome, Against Jovinian 1.3. 29. On Jerome’s critique of Roman Christians and his subsequent unpopularity, see John Curran, “Jerome and the Sham Christians of Rome,” 213–​29. 30.  Andrew Cain, The Letters of Jerome (Oxford 2009), 10, 111–​26.

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heirs in their wills. Kinsmen of the women, the emperors state, may report such legacy seekers to the courts. This ruling was to be read in the churches of Rome.31 In 390, emperors again expressed their concern about Christian women who wished to dispose of their wealth and become deaconesses; they decreed that such women could not bequeath any of their property to the church, clerics, or paupers. This law, however, was repealed in the same year.32 Women’s donations to Christian causes were welcomed by ecclesiastical and monastic leaders. Olympias of Constantinople, for example, contributed major support to the church of that city before and during John Chrysostom’s episcopate.33

Ascetic Women in Rome By the time the young Melania was dreaming of ascetic poverty, some Roman Christian women, mostly aristocrats, had for nearly four decades been adopting ascetic practices.34 Jerome tells a (rather dubious) story of how it began: around 340, when the Alexandrian bishop Athanasius was in exile, he visited Rome and reported stories of the desert ascetics. There, the wealthy aristocratic girl Marcella heard him and committed herself to Christian renunciation.35 Unfortunately, the date does not square: Marcella would have been a small child in 340. In the late 350s or early 360s, however, after being widowed and briskly turning down a proposal from an elderly aristocrat, she formed a circle of ascetically minded women in her palace on the Aventine Hill.36 The sister of bishop Ambrose of Milan reportedly took the veil in Rome in 353.37 Bishop Damasus of Rome also had a sister committed to virginity, but she died very young, at around twenty.38 In the early to mid-​370s, Melania the Younger’s grandmother Melania the 31.  CTh 16.2.20. Damasus himself may have come under suspicion; his enemies labeled him the “married women’s ear-​tickler” (matronarum auriscalpius) (Collectio Avellana 1.9 [Vienna 1895]), 4. 32.  CTh 16.2.27; discussion in P.  R. Coleman-​Norton, Roman State and Christian Church (London 1966), 1:429–​32. 33.  Life of Olympias 5: ten thousand pounds of gold, twenty thousand of silver, and all of her real estate in Thrace, Galatia, Cappadocia Prima, and Bithynia, plus houses, baths, and other property in Constantinople. 34.  Gian Domenicao Gordini, “Origine e sviluppo del monaschesimo a Roma,” 248. 35. Jerome, Letter 127.5. 36. Jerome, Letters 127.5, 127.8; Letter 23.1–​2 (on Lea); Letter 24 (on Asella). On Marcella’s circle, see E. A. Clark, Jerome, Chrysostom, and Friends,  44–​45. 37.  Paulinus of Milan, Life of Ambrose 4; Ambrose, On Virgins 3.1. 38.  Damasus, “Epitaph [11] of Damasus’ Sister, Irene,” in Dennis Trout, Damasus of Rome (Oxford 2015), 103–​5.

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Elder left Rome for Egypt and Palestine, to embrace a life of ascetic renunciation.39 From the late 370s, Jerome’s friend Paula, after the death of her husband, adopted an ascetic life, as did her daughters Blesilla (who died of near starvation) and Eustochium.40 Literature encouraging renunciation, including two Latin translations of Athanasius’ Life of Anthony, was by then in circulation. Soon, in the 380s and beyond, Jerome in his many letters and treatises detailed the lives of wealthy ascetic women in Rome. The younger Melania’s biographer, Gerontius, either does not know of his heroine’s contact with any of these Roman aristocratic ascetics or chooses to represent his subject as a lone individual taking up the new form of life. By doing so, he makes her seem more special.

Giving It Away Traditional Romans expected that the rich would display their wealth, some of which would be dispensed to people of their own standing in ritual gift giving. Wealthy donors also gave buildings, statues, baths, and other civic appurtenances to their hometowns, or to cities in provinces where the males among them had held government offices.41 For example, Melania’s father, Valerius Publicola, was the patron of the town of Beneventum in Campania, which honored him; he had been governor of that province.42 In the fourth century, wealthy Christians began to divert the funds they might have spent on civic projects to building churches, martyr shrines, baptisteries, and eventually monasteries; their ostentatious giving now was in a “Christian guise.”43 Augustine, Ambrose, and 39. See Nicole Moine, “Melaniana,” 3–​ 79; Elizabeth A. Clark, The Origenist Controversy (Princeton 1992), 20–​25; Christine Luckritz Marquis, “Namesake and Inheritance” (Oakland 2017),  34–​49. 40.  On Jerome’s memorial for Paula, see his Letter 108; on Blesilla, Letters 39 and 22.15.1; on Eustochium, Letter 22. For criticism of Jerome regarding Blesilla’s asceticism, see Kate Cooper, The Virgin and the Bride (Cambridge MA 1996), chap. 5, “The Whispering Critics at Blesilla’s Funeral.” Paula’s daughter Paulina, married to Pammachius, had wished (according to Jerome) to dedicate herself to chastity after she bore children, but she died young and childless (Letter 66.3). 41. Such giving showed one’s status; it was a means of “social domination in personal relationships” (Richard Saller, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire [Cambridge 1982], 124, 126). A. R. Hands, Charities and Social Aid in Greece and Rome (Ithaca 1968), 144, reports that some 12% of benefactors’ expenditures for building projects in Rome’s western provinces were given for baths. At Timgad, in Africa, there were twelve separate bath complexes for a population of around fifteen thousand. 42.  CIL IX: 1591; see Jill Harries, “‘Treasure in Heaven’” (Aberdeen 1984), 54–​70, at 65. 43.  Harries, “ ‘Treasure in Heaven,’ ” 54.

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Paulinus of Nola recast almsgiving as “civic euergetism” and meant it to compete with older forms of civic donation.44 Giving to the poor, however, had not been a notable feature of traditional Roman benevolence. Being “poor” did not necessarily signal destitution; it meant that one worked for a living, not deriving income from land.45 The notion of providing food, clothing, and shelter for the sick, elderly, and destitute simply because they needed it seemed a foreign concept. Even Christian writers (e.g., Clement of Alexandria at the turn to the third century) urged the rich to give to the less fortunate so as to “lay up treasures in heaven” for themselves—​not because the poor were in need.46 The poor, thought to have special access to God, would pray for their wealthy benefactors, easing their path to heaven. As Lucy Grig puts it, “While the poor clearly needed the charity of the rich in order to survive, the rich needed the poor for the good of their souls.”47 Almsgiving did not require any bonding between donor and recipient.48 As Christianity spread and then became a dominant religion in the fourth century, the poor, no longer “invisible social refuse,” served as a receptacle into which elites could pour their “sin-​producing wealth.” Moreover, Christian elites-​turned-​ascetics, like Melania, strove to copy the first apostles’ poverty.49 The wealthy of both sexes took up charity efforts.50 Jerome’s senatorial friend Pammachius (a distant relative of Melania) threw a banquet for the poor at Saint Peter’s, which Paulinus of Nola lauded as benefitting donor as well as recipients.51 Thus the church became a public benefactor. Widows, orphans, and consecrated virgins without other support had the first claim on the church’s funds; next came sick and elderly Christians who were unable to work; clergy, captives, and the suddenly impoverished might also get a share. Almsgiving had a primary role in establishing the bishop’s 44.  Richard Finn, Almsgiving in the Later Roman Empire (Oxford 2006), 207. Euergetism (or evergetism): public benefaction by ancient elites. 45. Hands, Charities and Social Aid, 62–​63; Finn, Almsgiving, 19. 46.  Clement of Alexandria, Who Is the Rich Man Who Is being Saved? 27, 35. 47.  Lucy Grig, “Throwing Parties for the Poor” (Cambridge 2006), 154. 48.  Peter Brown, The Ransom of the Soul (Cambridge MA and London 2015), 44. 49.  Kim Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values (Cambridge 2008), 6–​7. 50.  Mayer, “Poverty and Generosity,” 143–​44. 51.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 13.11–​15, comparing Pammachius to Jesus; and Jerome, Letter 66; Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle (Princeton and Oxford 2012), 233–​35; Grig, “Throwing Parties for the Poor,” 146, 149; Finn, Almsgiving, 105 (on Pammachius’ xenodochium, 105–​6). Palladius (Lausiac History 62) calls Pammachius a relative of Melania the Younger; a member of the Ceionii Rufii, he was a rather distant relative (see PLRE 1:1138, stemma of the Ceionii Rufii).

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leadership over not only recipients but also the wider Christian community.52 Bishops, in effect, had become “patrons” of the poor—​and as such claimed a special role in the urban Christian landscape.

Melania’s Renunciations The new ascetic turn of Christianity threatened Roman aristocrats’ views of property, a threat, John Curran claims, that proved even more significant than the distinction between pagans and Christians.53 Some, perhaps those outside Melania’s and Pinian’s families, as well as those within, urged their parents to stand firm in forbidding their children’s renunciation (Greek Life 6). The Latin Life (6), more explicit, pictures her parents as protesting in self-​ defense, “How can we put up with criticism from unsympathetic people?” Who were these “unsympathetic people”? Were they pagans or Christians? We are not told, although they likely were also of same senatorial rank. Other ascetic women in Rome, such as Paula and Melania the Elder, had not renounced their wealth all at once: they had ensured that their children were provided for, especially that their surviving son—​one each—​would have sufficient income to launch a senatorial career.54 “To sell all often meant to sell slowly,” Peter Brown comments.55 Melania the Elder had left her son Publicola, the younger Melania’s father, in the care of the city prefect, with property to ensure his worldly success.56 While living in Egypt, she still had substantial funds at hand to help the pro-​Nicene monks, whose revenues had been cut off by the Arian-​ supporting emperor, Valens. Fleeing to Palestine, she allegedly fed five thousand exiled monks.57 Decades later, after her return to mainland Italy, she traveled to Sicily, where she sold some remaining estates.58 52. Finn, Almsgiving, 76, 213. Also see Peter Brown, Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire (Hanover NH and London 2002), chap. 3 (“ ‘Governor of the Poor’: The Bishops and Their Cities”). 53. Curran, Pagan City, 323. 54.  When Paula departed Rome to join Jerome in Bethlehem, she left her wealth to her children (Jerome, Letter 108.6). 55. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 169. 56. Palladius, Lausiac History 46.1, 54.3, discussed in Curran, Pagan City, 313–​15. 57. Palladius, Lausiac History 46.2–​4; Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.11; discussed in Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 260–​61. Nicene supporters claimed that within the Godhead, the Father and the Son were “of one substance/​essence.” “Arians” championed the supremacy of God the Father, holding that the Son could be considered (only) “of like substance/​essence” to the Father. 58. Palladius, Lausiac History 54.6.

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Likewise, when Pammachius made his ascetic commitment, he apparently kept enough of his property to remain qualified as a senator.59 Melania and Pinian, by contrast, had no children to provide for, nor was Pinian apparently intending a political career. We do hear, however, of “conniving” relatives (Life 12), on whom more below. The couple’s problem was not holding back some wealth for the next generations, but how to get rid of it. They renounced food, sex, expensive clothing, money (obviously), and property, including many slaves. Historian Kate Cooper suggests we should perhaps not view Melania and Pinian’s divestments simply as a “retreat from the world,” as Gerontius claims, but as “a continuous career in estate management.”60 To these young renouncers we turn. The wealth of Melania and Pinian was staggering—​and more difficult to liquidate than one might think. As noted in ­chapter  3, the combined sum for their annual incomes was approximately 320,000 solidi (= 4,444 pounds of gold). This puts the couple in the top strata of senatorial wealth, not in the middling level, as past commentators often assumed.61 The estate that Melania was to inherit has been compared to “the assets of a modern multinational corporation.”62 Divestment began for the couple in Rome. Even before they abandoned their Roman mansion, they used their funds to help needy and helpless people, and to set free debtors serving in prisons, penal colonies, and mines. According to Gerontius (Life 9), they acted in response to Jesus’ words to the rich young would-​be follower, “If you would be perfect, go, sell your possessions, and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven. Then take up your cross and follow me” (Matt. 19:21). Against those who tried to persuade her to moderate her ascetic practices, she strove even harder so that she might attain a higher honor in heaven than that desired by those who aimed for (mere) worldly glory (Life 62). The Latin version of the Life (15) reports that Pinian also began to sell his possessions. From some sales he received gold, from others silver, and from still others he accepted IOUs, since even wealthy buyers were not able to pay all at once. With the money accrued from these sales, Melania and Pinian began their distributions. Gerontius reports that, 59. Palladius, Lausiac History 62. 60.  Kate Cooper, “The Household and the Desert” (Turnhout 2005), 26. 61.  Domenico Vera, “Strutture agrarie” (Torino 1996), 165–​66. 62.  Cooper, “Household and the Desert,” 22.

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while still in Rome, the couple turned to “holy men” to help distribute their funds:63 40,000 coins here, 30,000 there, 20,000 somewhere else, and still elsewhere, 10,000, totaling 100,000, plus “the rest.” Whatever “the rest” amounted to, the 100,000 coins, if gold solidi, amounted to about 1,390 pounds of gold64—​and the couple was just getting started on their divestments. Elsewhere (Life 17), Gerontius details a day in which (so Melania told him) they had assembled about forty-​five thousand gold coins, to be sent to the poor and “the saints,” so much that it seemed as if the house was illuminated by the brilliance of the gold; this, she concluded, was a trick of the Devil, who insinuated that she was trying to buy the Kingdom of Heaven through her gifts. By praying, she was able to fend him off. Melania, a modern commentator writes, “exorcise[d]‌the demon of feminine self-​indulgence” through her ascetic renunciations.65

Other Early Renunciations Personal cleanliness was another Roman value that Christian ascetics scorned. Already during her early days in Rome (Life 2), Melania had ceased to visit the baths as her parents instructed; she bribed servants to say that she had bathed when she had merely wiped her face. Tipping slaves seemed to be her accustomed way of circumventing her parents’ demands that she lead an appropriately senatorial life: recall that when she was in advanced stages of pregnancy, she bribed them to tell her father that she was asleep in bed, when in fact she had been on her knees all night keeping vigil (Latin Life 5).66 Her life in filth progressed as she came out of her father’s control, with a dramatic report of such awaiting us in ­chapter 8. Food, too, in the form of a hunger strike, became a weapon deployed by Melania against her parents’ refusal to let her embrace the ascetic life more fully (Life 6). Later, probably in North Africa, she reduced her food intake to practically nothing. At first, she took only “a few drops 63.  The Greek version of the Life does not name these “holy men,” but Palladius, Lausiac History (61.4), names Paul, “a certain priest, a Dalmatian monk.” 64.  If not gold solidi but another coin, the amount would have been considerably less. 65.  Linda L. Coon, Sacred Fictions (Philadelphia 1997), 96. 66.  On the multiple functions of “bedrooms” (cubicula), see Kristina Sessa, “Christianity and the cubiculum,” 171. Sessa emphasizes the role of domestic space in Christianization.

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of oil and a little liquid” in the evening. After a while, she would eat every other day but take no oil, then expand the time between food to three days, and still later, five. Only on Saturday and Sunday did she eat some “coarse bread” (Life 22). In Jerusalem, she fasted from Pentecost to Easter, not even taking oil (Life 24).67 After she became accustomed to this more stringent ascetic routine, she began to fast on Easter as well (Life 25). Now her mother Albina intervened, claiming that it was not right to fast on the day of the Lord’s resurrection—​and persuaded Melania to take at least oil during the three days of the Easter holiday, after which she resumed her more severe routine. Gerontius comments, “She vied to surpass all others in asceticism” (Life 22). Later, she told her nuns in Jerusalem that fasting is the least of the virtues (Life 43). We might wonder how she managed to stay alive: her bones, she confessed, were glued to her flesh (Life 63). Still another renunciation involved clothes. Clothing sharply distinguished elites from non-​elites in Roman antiquity. Women showed their wealth through displays of brightly colored silks, gold cloth, and extraordinary jewelry;68 these items, Melania cast off. As described above, Paulinus of Nola compared the clothing of Melania the Elders’ relatives—​ “crimson silk and gilded trappings,” gold-​embroidered garments—​to her “old black rags.”69 Her son, Valerius Publicola, Paulinus comments, had enjoyed “the riches and distinctions of the world”;70 these allowed for the magnificent clothes that Melania the Younger now wished to relinquish. A female ascetic’s abandonment of silk garments and jewelry became a familiar trope in Christian literature of the period. Women who adopted ascetic garb were seen as proof that Christianity could cure their alleged natural tendency to vanity and greed.71 When the Anician heiress Demetrias, a refugee in North Africa from the Gothic invasion, renounced marriage and vowed herself to an ascetic life, she abandoned her fine clothes, pearls, and gems.72 Olympias, ascetic protégée and 67.  One wonders if the Greek Life is correct regarding “Pentecost to Easter,” which would cover almost a whole year; Pentecost comes fifty days after Easter. The Latin Life (24), by contrast, reports “from the forty days up to Easter,” i.e., Lent. 68. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 27. 69.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.12. 70.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 29.10. 71.  Kristi Upson-​Saia, Early Christian Dress (New York and London 2011), 6–​7. 72. Jerome, Letter 130.5. Demetrias’ mother and grandmother apparently allowed her to use what would have been her dowry for new Christian purposes (130.7). Since dowries of aristocratic girls are reckoned as about one year of their father’s income, this was a very sizeable amount.

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patron of John Chrysostom in Constantinople, gave her silk clothes to the church; Melania the Younger is credited with doing the same.73 Aristocratic Christian women of an ascetic bent provided churches with silk veils, altar coverings, and other decorations made out of their own extravagant, but now relinquished, wardrobes. One noble woman financed the building of a Christian basilica in Rome by selling (only) her jewelry.74 According to the Life (19), Melania and Pinian donated all their “valuable silk clothes” to make altar coverings for churches and monasteries, along with much silver that they broke up, repurposed into altars and “treasures” (liturgical vessels?) for churches. Palladius, after reporting that Melania gave away her silk garments to “the sanctuary,” further claims that she divided up “the rest of her silks” and made decorations for the church. How many closets-​full of silk clothing did she have? The sources do not tell us. At the beginning of Melania the Younger’s ascetic regime, she wore a scratchy garment underneath her silk dress. When her aunt (unnamed, but likely Volusian’s wife) noticed and pleaded with her not to do so, Melania, chagrined that her ploy had been detected, begged her aunt not to report her secret to her parents (Life 4). Once in Melania’s youth, Gerontius adds, some embroidery on an expensive garment touched her delicate skin, resulting in an inflammation—​which God gave her strength to bear (Life 31). After the death of Melania’s father, the couple’s debates over appropriate ascetic clothing became more intense. Aristocratic men’s clothing in late antiquity was flashy and flamboyant;75 we can picture Pinian in brightly colored silks. Now, Melania and Pinian adopted “cheap clothes,” even though, so the Life (8)  reports, in the delicacy of their youth they were not yet able to adopt more severe ascetic practices. Apparently Pinian took only a modest step toward ascetic divestiture, donning “Cilician” garments that Melania deemed still too reflective of “the vanity of the world.” After her chastisement, Pinian consented to wear even cheaper, non-​dyed clothes. The Latin Life (8) reports that Pinian’s new, ostentatiously shabby wardrobe consisted of garments that cost one solidus or less. Still, garments costing one gold coin were not, 73. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.3. On Olympias’ adoption of “contemptible” clothing, “the most ragged items,” see Life of Olympias 13, 15. 74. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 28 citing Gerontius, Life 19 and 21, and Book of Pontiffs 42 (Innocent I). 75. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 27.

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presumably, rags; a poor person might live on that amount for several months. A second debate over clothing occurred around 408 when Melania prepared to visit Serena, niece of Theodosius II, wife of Stilicho, and mother-​in-​law of the emperor Honorius. It was the custom, so Melania told Gerontius, for women of the senatorial aristocracy to bare their heads for such a visit. Yet since the Apostle Paul had written (I Cor. 11:5) that a woman should not pray with her head uncovered, and since Melania considered her whole life a “prayer,” she chose, after much inner debate, to keep her head covered (Life 11). So changed was Melania’s attire from Serena’s previous encounter with her four years earlier, when she was “blooming in her worldly rank,” that Serena called all the servants in the palace to witness her visitor, who had “triumph[ed] over all the pleasures of the body” (Life 12). Later, whether in North Africa or Jerusalem is unclear, from Pentecost to Easter week—​over ten months—​ Melania wore a (the same) mantle, cloak, and hood of haircloth that she had made for herself (Life 31).

Slaves Kyle Harper postulates that there were about five million slaves in the Roman Empire of this period, out of a total population of perhaps fifty million. The top 1–​1.5% of the population, that is, senatorial elites, probably owned half (2,500,000) of them.76 In late antiquity, slavery was not a race-​based phenomenon. Most slaves in this period were produced by “home-​breeding,” natural reproduction; the numbers of captives from foreign wars that in earlier centuries had swelled the slave population had by now dwindled.77 Urban slaves, of which Melania had many, appear in texts of the period as workers and personal assistants on the domestic staff of wealthy households. As commodities, slaves were considered an important kind of property, res mancipi, under Roman law.78 The price of a slave, however, is hard to calculate, given variations in the evidence. In Diocletian’s Price Edict of 301 (which lists maximum 76.  Kyle Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World (Cambridge 2011), 23–​24. 77.  C. R. Whittaker argues that although the numbers of slaves gained in foreign wars certainly had declined from the Republican era, there were still masses of barbarian prisoners taken into slavery; he notes that they flooded the market in 406 (“Circe’s Pigs,” 97). 78. Gaius, Institutes 2.14a–​22. Gaius was a Roman jurist.

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prices that can be charged for many items), male slaves of different ages, past early childhood, cost around two or three solidi; females, in the two-​solidi range. By contrast, Harper cites evidence from papyri that indicate in mid-​fourth-​century Egypt a male slave might sell for between thirteen and fifteen solidi. He also notes Augustine’s claim that slaves might cost less than a horse, that is, less than about twenty solidi.79 The ancient historian Orosius, writing about the flood of Gothic captives taken into slavery, rues that “herds of men” could now, the market glutted, be bought for a single gold coin (i.e., one solidus), just like poor-​ quality cattle.80 Palladius claims that Melania sold some of her slaves to her brother-​in-​law for three solidi each.81 Doubtless a highly skilled slave might cost more than ones with fewer prized talents. About slaves used in agricultural labor, we shall see more when we examine workers on North African estates. Slaves occupy a prominent place in Christian literature of the period; John Chrysostom mentions them over five thousand times in his surviving writings.82 This feature of ancient life, and ancient Christians’ failure to overturn, or even critique, the system, is disturbing to many today. Various English translations of early Christian writings, from the New Testament to the fifth-​century church fathers, often give the word for “slave” (doulos in Greek; servus or famulus in Latin) as “servant,” perhaps to sound less jarring to modern sensibilities or to soften the troubling realization that early Christians owned, bought, and sold slaves, just as their pagan neighbors did. Ancient Christian writers often claimed that Christian slave owners are brothers and sisters in Christ with their slaves, since all are “slaves of God.”83 Even when they critique the institution of slavery, they do not imagine that a person of even moderate means could do without at least one or two.84 Writers both pagan and Christian, however, criticize elites for parading their household slaves around with them in the city 79.  Prices given and translated in solidi in Kyle Harper, “Slave Prices in Late Antiquity,” 220, 221, 224, citing Augustine, Sermon on the Mount 1.19.59. 80. Orosius, Seven Books of History against the Pagans, 7.37.16. Perhaps an exaggeration? 81. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.5. 82.  Calculated by Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World, 18. 83.  Jennifer A. Glancy, “Christian Slavery” (Münster and Bern 2010), 63–​80. For an extensive study of John Chrysostom, see Chris L. De Wet, Preaching Bondage (Oakland 2015). 84. The pagan rhetoric teacher Libanius, as well, rues the fact that his lecturers were so poorly paid that they could not afford more than two or three slaves each, and some not even that (Libanius, Orations 31.11).

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to show off their wealth.85 At the affluent end of the scale, an aristocrat might own hundreds of slaves; the extremely wealthy ones, like Melania and Pinian, might own thousands. As noted earlier, the Latin word from which “family” is derived, famulus, often meant a household slave.

Melania and Pinian’s Slaves Melania was surrounded by slaves, from her days of luxury in Rome to her life as a committed ascetic, when she transformed some of them into monks and nuns. When Melania’s parents demanded that she go to the baths, “those who accompanied her” were slaves (Life 2). At the time of the vigil for Saint Lawrence’s feast day, the eunuchs her father sent to check up on her were slaves (Latin Life 5). Whether the workers on the couple’s seaside villa in Campania (or Sicily) were slaves or coloni (free tenants who in this era became legally tied to the land), or both, we do not know for sure; the Latin version of the Life states they were slaves (Latin Life 18). The Greek Life (18) reports that on this property there were sixty-​two settlements; the Latin (18), that each of the (here, sixty) villae sheltered forty slaves, giving a total of at least 2,400 slaves on this one estate.86 The Latin version also claims that during the couple’s sojourn in North Africa, they built monasteries for both men and women, where 130 female and eighty male slaves were now housed as devotees of God (Latin Life 22). Even after her divestments, Melania still had slaves:  she took seventy-​five slave women and eunuchs with her after her renunciation.87 Among the unanswered questions is whether these slaves had been manumitted or retained their servile status. Melania and Pinian’s slaves get a starring role in the Life’s descriptions of her attempt to sell her property in Rome and surrounding areas. The 85.  Cam Grey, “Slavery in the Late Roman World” (Cambridge 2011), 498, citing Ammianus Marcellinus and various church fathers. 86. Gerontius, Life 18. Patrick Laurence explains that three manuscripts give the number as “forty,” and one gives it as “four hundred” (Gérontius, La Vie Latine de Sainte Mélanie [Jerusalem 2002], 190–​91n6). Laurence asks the (unanswerable) question, if Melania freed eight thousand slaves on the suburban property, how many more were there who refused to be freed? A. H. M. Jones’s attributes the sixty-​two hamlets as each having four hundred slaves, which gives the seemingly incredible figure of twenty-​four thousand slaves on one estate (Jones, Later Roman Empire, 2:793, discussed in Vera, “Strutture agrarie,” 193n85). Gerontius’ claim that the income from the estate was “inestimable” might lead one to consider the larger figure not entirely unbelievable. 87. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.6 (the women included both slaves and freewomen); see Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World, 44.

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Life (10) represents the Devil as spurring Pinian’s brother Severus to stir up their slaves, who feared being sold to the first comer. They were persuaded to say that if they were to be sold, they would prefer to remain in the service of Severus. According to Palladius, Melania freed eight thousand of her slaves who desired their freedom, but “the rest” did not wish to be freed and opted to serve “her brother” [i.e., Pinian’s brother88]; she sold them for “three pieces of money.”89 The price of three solidi per slave, Harper suggests, was a true bargain, a compromise that the emperor Honorius had offered so that Severus might keep some of the patrimony at a favorable price. Three solidi, he adds, does not represent the prevailing market value of a slave.90 The composer of the Latin version of the Life (34) disclaims to know the number of slaves the couple set free; although he would like to report “how many thousands,” he in his uncertainty will pass on to other events to avoid the risk of citing too high or too low a number. The slaves in and around Rome, who Melania feared might revolt, did so (Life 11). If a revolt could happen so close to home, a shocked Melania reasoned, “what do you think those who are outside the cities will do to us—​I mean those in Spain, Campania, Sicily, Africa, Mauretania, Britain, and the rest of the countries?” Here we get an impressive list of at least some of the areas in which the couple held properties with slaves. She had counted, perhaps naively, on the loyalty of these family dependents. Hearing the news of a possible slave insurrection, Melania grew fearful that her slaves in the suburbs might revolt; the Latin Life (10) reports her seeming surprise that they would “oppose us.” She and Pinian took this opportunity to visit Serena, of whom they requested help in 88.  Palladius, recounting the history of Melania the Elder, reports that Valerius Publicola, Melania’s father, had “two children” (Lausiac History 54.3) and refers to the Elder Melania as teaching the “younger son of Publicola” and leading him to Sicily (54.6):  this presupposes that Melania the Younger had at least one brother, and maybe two? The Life, however, gives no indication about a brother or brothers; if there had been such, perhaps they died young? In any event, Melania’s parents worry that the family line needs her to reproduce. 89. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.5: sold for triôn nomismatôn. If nomismata means solidi, and each slave was sold for three solidi, this was a favorable rate for Severus; if she sold all the remaining slaves for three solidi, it was a present. See Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World, 193 and n246. See n90 below for equivalents. 90.  Harper, “Slave Prices,” 225. Brent D. Shaw claims that twenty-​five pounds of gold (= ninety-​ seven solidi) would be enough to buy twenty-​five horses or twenty slaves. By this calculation, one slave might cost about 1¼ pound of gold or close to five solidi (Sacred Violence [Cambridge 2011], 225n10, citing Christopher Kelly, Ruling the Roman Empire, 140–​41 for equivalents.) The one exact amount Kelly gives, however, is for the cost of a slave in late sixth-​century Palestine: three solidi for a slave girl, six solidi for a slave boy.

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disposing of their possessions, including the slaves. Serena informed her court that Melania’s father, led astray by the Devil, had even considered giving the possessions to “other children” (whoever they may be), and that every one of the senatorial relatives “had connived to get their property, wishing to make themselves richer.” Serena is represented as offering to use her authority to have Severus punished, but Melania, moved by Christian clemency, wished only to receive some imperial assistance with her divestments. Serena arranged with the emperor Honorius, her son-​in-​ law, to issue a decree that the governors and magistrates of every province in which the couple had property would be responsible for selling these properties and remitting the proceeds to the couple.91 Melania and Pinian returned home from their visit to Serena “with great joy” and planned to thank her by offering her the chance to buy their Roman mansion. This Serena declined to do, claiming that she did not have enough money to purchase it at its true value (Life 14). Other possible reasons for Serena’s demurrer, we shall explore in the next chapter. This episode concerning Severus and the slaves finds an interesting echo in Relatio 48 of Symmachus, which details a case in which slaves had supplicated the emperor in the matter of a lawsuit. Here, Symmachus is appealed to as urban prefect. The slaves’ now-​deceased senatorial owner, Catulus, a clarissimus, had left property (including the slaves) to his heirs. The imperial treasury had some claim on part of the estate, including the slaves. The heirs appear to have already won a first round in an appeal to the emperor Gratian, who died in 383. Now, in a second round, the slaves, through Symmachus, petitioned the emperors Valentinian II and Theodosius I not to be taken away from their present owners, the heirs of Catulus. They object to the matter being left to the jurisdiction of a provincial court and seek to have it placed in the hands of Rome’s urban prefect, namely, Symmachus. Symmachus is confident that the present emperors will uphold Gratian’s decision in favor of the heirs, and he bluntly states the principle underlying his rescript to the emperors: “The business peculiar to the prefecture of the city is to safeguard the rights of senators,” that is, in this case, to uphold the will of the clarissimus Catulus in the disposition of his property.92 91.  Alexander Demandt and Guntram Brummer argue that Serena’s action, without consulting the Senate, may have been a reason for her downfall (“Der Prozess gegen Serena,” 489). 92. Symmachus, Relatio 48, in R. H. Barrow, Prefect and Emperor (Oxford 1973), 230–​33. This confusing case involved a question of procedure: Should the slaves of a clarissimus living in a province register their complaint in a provincial court or in that of Rome’s urban prefect (Symmachus)?

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Slaves other than Melania’s and Pinian’s apparently resisted being cast off from family ownership. Modern scholars, contemplating the scene at Serena’s court, have been far less sympathetic to Melania and Pinian. Historian Jill Harries writes, “Far from being ‘prompted by the devil,’ Severus was acting, if in a somewhat unorthodox way, in accordance with traditional senatorial values.” Serena’s “setting aside of Severus’ claims, although not a violation of law, was a breach of conventional family solidarity unlikely to appeal to moderate Christians in the Senate.”93 Peter Brown suggests that Severus probably wished to prevent these long-​serving family dependents from being “cut loose in this brutal fashion.”94 The couple’s desire to shed their worldly goods, Kate Cooper writes, must have seemed to their dependents “profoundly hypocritical.”95 Other ancient sources, such as John Chrysostom, note that slaves might fear being set free, since some would lead harder lives outside of slavery and might be overtaken by famine.96 French historian and archeologist Claude Lepelley comments that manumission of slaves could be considered abandonment. In his reading, the episode shows that the couple had little concern for the slaves, coloni, and free workers on their estates; their concern was all for themselves, not for their dependents who would be left in a pitiful condition when barbarians invaded.97 Honorius’ decree that imperial authorities should take on the responsibility for dispensing the couple’s property gave “no assurance for the security of numerous peasants, tenants, slaves, and free servants who lived on those lands.” Melania, in Lepelley’s view, saw in the thousands dependent upon her “only an obstacle to her personal spiritual experiences.”98 Andrea Giardina concludes, “Charity becomes subversive if given without consideration of the delicate social equilibrium or of the productive system.”99 In this era, manumission of slaves 93.  Harries, “ ‘Treasure in Heaven,’ ” 67. 94. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 296. 95.  Kate Cooper, “Poverty, Obligation, and Inheritance” (Cambridge 2007), 166. 96. John Chrysostom, Homily 1 Timothy 16.2, cited in De Wet, Preaching Bondage, 22. Chrysostom writes, “Freedom here, which is often worse than bondage; for it is often embittered by famine beyond slavery itself.” He exhorts and chastises his Christian audience to be good and faithful servants (to God). 97.  Claude Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune” (Rome 1999), 22, 23. Lepelley cites Jones’ “completely British ‘understatement’ ”: “It does not seem to have occurred to this pious lady to offer favourable terms to her tenants” (Jones, Later Roman Empire 2:778). 98.  Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune,” 23, 31. 99.  Andrea Giardina, “Melania the Saint” (Chicago and London 2001), 197.

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by Christian owners was an aspect of the ascetic agenda—​but it was not always in the slaves’ best interests. The above comments, with which I largely agree, reveal that recent scholars have become both more critical and more attentive to some unfortunate real-​life consequences of asceticism than many writers of earlier generations were. Now we pass on to the circumstances surrounding Melania’s exit from Rome, which, we shall see, was still fraught with problems regarding divestment.

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Exiting Rome and the Sack of the City

Upon the death of Melania’s father, perhaps in 405, Melania (now age twenty) and Pinian (age twenty-​four) left the city. They traveled to their suburban property to begin their ascetic discipline and to plan for even greater divestments. Earlier, after the death of their children, they had wished to commit to more stringent renunciations but were thwarted by her parents.1 Now they were free from paternal authority, although, as we shall see, relatives still tried to block their project. Melania’s mother, Albina, accompanied them as they left Rome on a journey that took them to Sicily, North Africa, and, finally, Jerusalem. The location of this suburban property is unclear, whether close to the city or further away in Campania (“the storeroom of Rome”)2 where the couple had property.3 Some evidence favors the latter. Since Melania’s father had served as consular (governor) of Campania and had been a patron of the town of Beneventum,4 it is likely that the family owned land in the area. Moreover, Paulinus of Nola (located in Campania) in a poem dated to January 407 writes that Pinian is with him, which

1. Gerontius, Life 7–​8; Melania had renounced her silk dresses after her son died soon after birth (6). 2.  Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium (The description of the whole world and its peoples) 54. The anonymous author adds that although Campania is not very large, many rich people live there. 3. Gerontius, Life 11; Palladius, Lausiac History 5. 4.  PLRE 1:753–​54; Publicola as praetor of the city in 374 (Jerome, Chronicle, year 374). Claude Lepelley also names him as urban prefect (“Mélanie la Jeune” [Rome 1999]: 17). Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0006

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suggests that the couple was staying nearby.5 Wherever the precise location of this property, the couple’s renunciations took place among some of the most tumultuous moments in late ancient history.

Barbarians and Rome Although the couple and Albina left Rome well before the sack of the city in August 410, the pressures from barbarian groups had gradually been mounting. The westward-​advancing Huns pushed the Goths to the Danube River in the summer of 376. The events of summer 410 had their origin in the Huns’ advance into European territory and the disruptions that resulted.6 Melania and Pinian, as we shall see, were implicated in Rome’s attempts to hold off the Goths. The number of barbarians pressing their way into Roman territory may have been as high as one hundred thousand. This huge number easily explains how they could force their way across the Roman frontiers, overwhelming the capabilities of the Roman troops. Archeological data support the notion of vast population displacements7—​or “the migrations of peoples,” as some historians now prefer to call the barbarian incursions. On this less bellicose interpretation of events, the Goths wished only to find a safe place to live and to share in the empire’s wealth.8 In 378, Gothic forces defeated the Emperor Valens and his troops in an ill-​conceived battle at Hadrianople (now in Turkey). Thousands of Roman soldiers, and the emperor himself, were killed. The Goths freely ranged the region in 378 and 379; a year later, the new eastern emperor, Theodosius I, fighting them in Macedonia and Thessaly, was similarly defeated. At last, in 381, western imperial troops temporarily contained the Goths’ spread. The emperors concluded a peace treaty with them in 382, granting them land for settlements and meting out no punishment for the killing of Valens. The treaty also stated that the Goths were liable 5.  Paulinus of Nola, Poem 21.266–​7 1:  Pinian and Apronianus are lodged in “Felix’s house.” Pinian had earlier been to Nola, when the family greeted Melania the Elder upon her return to Italy in 399 or 400. See Nicole Moine, “Melaniana,” 25–​27. 6.  Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire (Oxford 2006), 151, 224–​28. For a contrasting view, see James O’Donnell, The Ruin of the Roman Empire (New York 2008), 86. 7. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 198–​99. 8.  Bryan Ward-​Perkins, The Fall of Rome (Oxford 2005), 4–​10, 52. Also see John Matthews, Western Aristocracies (Oxford 1975), 284–​306.

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for military service to the empire. Years later, they would be pressed to fight at the battle of the Frigidus River in September 394, in which Theodosius defeated a usurper. There they suffered heavy casualties. In contravention of the treaty of 382, the Goths now chose their own military leader, Alaric.9 Some scholars claim that if Rome had taken harder measures against the Goths at this stage, it might have been spared later fighting and the progressive weakening of the western Roman state.10 The rise of the Flavius Stilicho, a military officer of mixed Vandal and Roman origin, occurred in the midst of these events.11 In the 380s, Stilicho married Serena, niece and adopted daughter of the emperor Theodosius I; they and their son are depicted in Figure 6.1. After the battle of the Frigidus, Stilicho was raised to be senior commander of western forces, both cavalry and infantry. Moreover, Theodosius appointed him guardian of his son Honorius. When Theodosius died unexpectedly in January 395, Stilicho claimed that the emperor had given him guardianship of both young sons, Arcadius as well as Honorius. Intrigues and jostling for power with the eastern court in Constantinople followed. (The West, for example, tried to ensure that Africa did not divert the grain supply away from Rome to Constantinople.) Stilicho strengthened his power in the West by marrying his daughter Maria to Honorius, now the western emperor—​but the marriage produced no offspring.12 In 401, Alaric led an army of Goths into northern Italy; for over a year, they had tried, to no avail, to get better terms from Stilicho. On Easter Sunday 402, Goths faced Romans at the battle of Pollentia in northern Italy. Historians consider the battle a draw. The Goths retreated, to return later. When the Romans won an ensuing battle at Verona,13 Stilicho’s wife, Serena, now mother-​in-​law of the emperor Honorius, sponsored the paving of a floor in the Church of the Apostles 9. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 211, 212. 10.  Summary in Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 183–​88. 11.  On Stilicho, see Matthews, Western Aristocracies, chap. 10; a summary of events in Pablo C. Díaz, “Crisis, Transition, Transformation,” (Newcastle upon Tyne 2017), 15–​35. 12. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 216–​18; Olympiodorus, frag. 1; Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.28; Meaghan A. McEvoy, Child Emperor Rule in the Late Roman West (Oxford 2013), 162. After Maria’s death, Stilicho in spring or early summer 408 gave his second daughter, Thermantia, to Honorius in marriage (Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.28.1; McEvoy, Child Emperor Rule, 180; Doyle, Honorius,  101–​5. 13. Matthews, Western Aristocracies, chap. 11; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 215; Claudian makes it a great victory for Rome. Also see Pierre Courcelle, Histoire littéraire des grandes invasions germaniques (Paris 1948), 20, 23–​24. For a short summary, Stephen Williams and Gerard Friell, Theodosius (London 1994), 154–​58.

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Figure 6.1  Ivory diptych of Stilicho, Serena, and their son, ca. 395 ce. From Duomo, Monza, Italy. Credit: Alinari/​Art Resource.

in Mediolanum (Milan) to celebrate her husband’s triumph.14 Romans might wonder why Stilicho let Alaric escape after this battle; the poet Claudian, Stilicho’s “resident spin-​doctor in Rome,” claimed that doing so was to Rome’s advantage.15 Between 405 and 408, four major Gothic incursions upset security on the empire’s frontiers, from the Rhine to the Carpathian Mountains. In 405–​6, the Gothic king Radagaisus led thousands of troops over the Alps into Italy, where he was captured and executed in Florence. 14.  Averil Cameron, The Later Roman Empire (Cambridge MA 1993), 126, citing CIL 5.6250. 15. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 217; Claudian, The Gothic War 5.144, 96–​103, discussed in Courcelle, Histoire littéraire, 29. Claudian arrived in Rome in 394 and threw himself into Stilicho’s cause; he was probably dead by the time Stilicho was beheaded in 408 (Alan Cameron, “Wandering Poets,” 498, 499; “To capture a clever and able poet like Claudian was like gaining control of a leading newspaper” [502]).

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Goths, however, continued to cross the Rhine and spread across Gaul.16 The Rhine crossing probably had more devastating effects on imperial structures than those resulting from the crossing of the Danube three decades earlier had.17 Rome’s need for soldiers was so great that in 406, the emperors resorted to an extraordinary measure:  they promised physically fit slaves their freedom and two solidi in travel money if they would join the ranks; freemen were promised ten solidi.18 The Goths’ entrance to Italian territory was exacerbated for the Romans by the rise of an imperial usurper, Constantine III, who commandeered many of the resources of Britain and Gaul. Only in 411 did the emperor Honorius manage to have him killed.19 One consequence of Radagaisus’ defeat in 406 may partially explain some events in the Life of Melania, namely, the problems she encountered in divesting herself of slaves. With his defeat, twelve thousand Gothic warriors were drafted into the Roman army and the rest were sold as slaves, causing the bottom to fall out of the slave market;20 this precipitous drop may help to account for Melania’s fears of slave revolts and difficulties attending her divestment of slaves. Writing about these unfortunate captives, the historian Orosius rues that “herds of men” could be bought for a single gold coin (i.e., one solidus), just like poor-​quality cattle.21 When Roman troops massacred families of Radagaisus’ former followers quartered in Italian cities thirty thousand Gothic troops, who had been assigned to fight with the imperial army, deserted and joined Alaric. In 409, slaves in Rome also joined up, raising the number of Alaric’s troops.22 These slaves may well have included some who had been cut loose by their owners, who could not, or would not, feed them during the siege of Rome.23

16. Orosius, Seven Books of History against the Pagans, 7.37.13–​15; Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.26.3; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 193–​94, 219–​21. Goths in the Balkan areas also attacked in 406 (Ward-​Perkins, Fall of Rome, 57). 17.  Díaz, “Crisis, Transition, Transformation,” 23. Meanwhile, the Huns crossed the Danube in 408 (Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 194–​96). 18.  CTh 7.13.16–​17, discussed in Ward-​Perkins, Fall of Rome,  42–​43. 19.  Ward-​Perkins, Fall of Rome, 43–​44; Zosimus, Historia Nova 6.1–​2, citing Olympiodorus, frag. 13. 20. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 198; C. R. Whittaker, “Circe’s Pigs,” 97; Orosius, Seven Books of History, 7.37.16; CTh 7.13.16. 21. Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.37.16. 22. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.35–​36, 42; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 224; Guy Halsall, Barbarian Migrations (Cambridge 2007), 214. 23.  Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle (Princeton and Oxford 2012), 297.

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In 407, Alaric, as military leader of the Goths, demanded a ransom of four thousand pounds of gold not to attack Rome. Stilicho in vain tried to persuade the Senate to pay up:24 the senators, thinking of their own fortunes, refused. Stilicho’s attempt to conciliate the barbarians (which historian John Matthews calls “realistic”) caused him to lose support in the Senate and elsewhere.25 A prominent senator, Lampadius, allegedly cried, “This is no peace [pax], but a pact [pactio] of servitude.”26 When the eastern emperor Arcadius died in May 408, leaving his seven-​year-​old son Theodosius (II) to succeed him, a rumor spread that Stilicho was planning to march east to overthrow the boy ruler and take control of the eastern Empire. Some of Stilicho’s troops mutinied, spurred to revolt by the court functionary Olympius, who aimed to bring down Stilicho’s regime. Stilicho was captured and decapitated in Ravenna on August 22, 408. His son was executed and his property confiscated.27 His wife, Serena, we shall see, also met an unhappy end. Honorius also divorced (or “repudiated”) his wife Thermantia, Stilicho’s daughter. Stilicho’s friends and associates were brought to trial, and some were tortured. The prefect of the treasury, Heliocrates, was ordered to confiscate property from those who had served in magistracies under Stilicho, or who had merely been his friends.28 Honorius, short of money, presumably profited from these vendettas.29 Rome’s senatorial elite may have resented the fact that Stilicho, of Vandal origins, had risen so high.30 His policy of compromise with the Goths by buying them off led to his downfall.31

24. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.29 (on further demands, see 5.48, 50); Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 221. 25. Matthews, Western Aristocracies, 278. 26. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.29: “Non est ista pax sed pactio servitutis”; Courcelle, Histoire littéraire, 28. 27. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.32–​35, 37 (dating Stilicho’s execution to August 23); Olympiodorus, frag. 5.2; Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.38.4–​6; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 222–​23; McEvoy, Child Emperor Rule, 182–​83; Emilienne Demougeot, De l’Unité á la division (Paris 1951), 397, 427. 28. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.35, 45; Doyle, Honorius, 139, 179. On these events, and Honorius’ failure to take charge, see McEvoy, Child Emperor Rule, 187–​89, 194–​95. 29. Demougeot, De l’Unité á la division, 428, referring to a law of November 29, 408 (CTh 5.16.31); on the anti-​Stilicho reaction, 427–​39. 30.  Díaz, “Crisis, Transition, Transformation,” 16. Orosius (Seven Books of History 38.1) calls Stilicho “offspring of that effete, greedy, treacherous, and sorrow-​bringing race, the Vandals.” 31.  Jill Harries, “‘Treasure in Heaven’” (Aberdeen 1984), 68.

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Honorius dawdled: in response to another offer of peace by Alaric, he neither accepted the offer nor mustered the army to fight.32 Honorius seemed more willing to let Rome be attacked than to negotiate.33 Alaric, for his part, was losing patience. In the summer of 408, his swift advance southward through Italy toward Rome disrupted traffic on the Tiber River. Bread was rationed, famine was threatened, and plague hit the city. Cadavers could not be buried, since the Goths prevented access to the suburban cemeteries. By November 408, Alaric and his troops were outside Rome, blockading the city’s food supply. Serious famine ensued; cannibalism was suspected. It was not elites who suffered hunger during Alaric’s blockade, but rather the mass of Rome’s dwellers who depended on the annona.34 “The self-​interest of the wealthiest,” Nicholas Purcell claims, “trumped all other considerations.”35 Now occurred a dramatic event that touches on the life of Melania: Stilicho’s widow Serena, who had recently secured imperial assistance for the sale of Melania and Pinian’s far-​flung properties, was suspected of collaborating with the enemy. She was executed on the grounds of high treason at the end of 408 or the beginning of 409.36 The ancient historian Zosimus adds that Serena (earlier?) had fallen afoul of public opinion when she allegedly removed a necklace from the statue of the goddess Rhea in the temple of the Great Mother and placed it around her own neck; she was rebuked for sacrilege by the last of the Vestal Virgins.37 Far from enjoying Serena’s ongoing protection, Melania may now have been tainted by association. The year 409 seemed bleak indeed. More barbarian groups crossed the Rhine; part of Gaul had been abandoned to a usurper, now declared a legitimate emperor; much of Italy lacked defenses.38 Other barbarian 32. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.36. Rita Lizzi Testa thinks that earlier, Volusian, like other pagan senators, had deemed Honorius and Arcadius incompetent and had underestimated the Gothic threat (“Il Sacco di Roma” [Rome 2012], 107–​8). 33.  Peter Heather, “Goths and Romans” (Cambridge 1998), 513. For a more favorable view of Honorius’ “doing nothing,” see Doyle, Honorius, 142. 34. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.39; Olympiodorus 7.1, 10.1 (from Sozomen, Church History 9.8); Jerome, Letter 127.12. 35.  Nicholas Purcell, “The Populace of Rome” (Portsmouth RI 1999), 155. 36. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.38; Olympiodorus, frag. 7.3. For a detailed discussion, see Alexander Demandt and Guntram Brummer, “Der Prozess gegen Serena.” 37. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.38; Maijastina Kahlos, Vettius Agorius Praetextatus (Rome 2002), 67 (the Temple of Vesta was in use until 394). François Paschoud dates the incident to either 389 (his preferred date) or 407 (Paschoud, ed. and trans., Zosime, Histoire Nouvelle III.1 [Livre V] [Paris 1986], n88, 265). 38. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 194–​96; Lizzi Testa, “Sacco di Roma,” 83–​84.

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tribes, Vandals, Alans, and Suevi, scaled the Pyrenees from Gaul (where they had wreaked “an orgy of destruction”) to plunder Roman properties in Spain.39 With vast stretches of land in Gaul, Spain, and the upper Danube region lost to barbarian groups, tax funds available for the Roman state and the military dwindled. The court at Ravenna offered little assistance; Honorius’ weakness was all too evident. His reign was ultimately saved with the help of troops sent from the East. Honorius weathered these assaults, dying only in 423.40 The city prefect (praefectus urbi) in late 408 to early 409 was Gabinius Barbarus Pompeianus.41 To counter Alaric’s attack, some suggested that Roman officials should have recourse to the pagan gods. Prospects were so alarming that Pompeianus even considered calling in Etruscan soothsayers. One report claims that the bishop of Rome, Innocent I, was willing to overlook the plan for these sacrifices if they were done in private, but when the proposers retorted that sacrifices must be offered publicly in the presence of the Senate to be efficacious, the plan was abandoned. Meanwhile, Alaric upped his demands: he desired considerable territory in Italy and nearby regions, plus the title signaling his headship of the imperial armies. Honorius refused and did not send the hostages Alaric had requested.42 At the end of 409, Alaric undertook a second siege. Only when Portus (the port of Rome) was captured did the senators accede to his demands—​and looked, at Alaric’s urging, for an alternative emperor. They chose the prefect of Rome, Priscus Attalus, to replace the weak Honorius, but he did not favor Alaric’s requests and was deposed in July 410.43 The Senate, now desperate, agreed to pay Alaric 5,000 pounds of gold, 30,000 of silver, 4,000 silk tunics, 3,000 purple or scarlet 39. Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.40.4–​10; Olympiodorus, frag. 13.2, 15.2, 29.2; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 208; Matthews, Western Aristocracies, 307–​8. When the Vandals finally left Spain and crossed to the Roman provinces in Africa in 429, “the process of dissolution became irreversible” (Díaz, “Crisis, Transition, Transformation,” 23). 40. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 434; Matthews, Western Aristocracies, 319; Ward-​ Perkins, Fall of Rome, 1–​2; Fergus Millar, A Greek Roman Empire (Berkeley 2006), 52–​54. 41.  Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford 2011), 187; PLRE 2:897–​98. Earlier, in 400–​401, Pompeianus had been proconsul (governor) of Roman Africa (CIL 8.969); in CTh 12.6.28, Arcadius and Honorius write to him concerning tax receipts. See Claude Lepelley, Les Cités de l’Afrique romaine (Paris 1979, 1981), 2:151. 42. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.41, 48–​50, passim; Sozomen, Church History 9.6–​7; Courcelle, Histoire littéraire,  31–​33. 43. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.39–​40, 6.1; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 224–​27; Lizzi Testa, “Sacco di Roma,” 88; she places Melania’s uncle Volusian among the senators who supported Priscus Attalus (111); Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.42.7–​9.

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skins, and 3,000 pounds of pepper.44 Alaric also wished to redo treaty arrangements. The Goths dropped the siege when Honorius promised to ratify the arrangement—​but he continued to delay. Alaric, attacked by Roman forces near Ravenna, gave up attempts at negotiation. His troops headed south to begin a new siege that would lead to the sack of Rome in August 410.45

Melania and Pinian Divesting Here we backtrack in the story of Alaric’s attack on Rome to bring Melania and Pinian onto the stage of world history. Melania, with slave revolts looming and problems with renunciation of property, overcame her previous reluctance to visit Serena (Life 11). The purpose of the interview? To ask for Serena’s assistance in the dispersal of their properties. This meeting presumably took place during a brief period when the imperial court was in Rome. (Usually, in these years, the court resided in Ravenna, seeking safe refuge from the Goths.)46 The visit likely took place between mid-​November 407 and the beginning of May 408.47 Patrick Laurence calculates the date from Serena’s announcement to her court that she had last seen Melania four years earlier, when the now ragged renunciant was “blooming in her worldly rank” (Life 12), that is, before Valerius Publicola’s death, which occurred probably in 405.48 Serena intervened with her son-​in-​law, the emperor Honorius, who issued a directive to provincial governors to assist in the liquidation of Melania’s property in various provinces and to remit the proceeds to her. These funds she would use for her building projects and charities. Presumably this arrangement also relieved the couple from the need to pay agents to undertake the task. Gerontius represents the couple as

44. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.41. 45. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 224–​27; Zosimus, Historia Nova 6.1. 46.  Ravenna was surrounded by swamps, making it less accessible to invaders. 47.  So Patrick Laurence, Gérontius, La Vie latine de sainte Mélanie (Jerusalem 2002), 44–​45, citing Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.29.5, 8; 5.30.2; 5.31.1. Also see Moine, Melaniana, 59, citing Otto Seeck, Regesten der Kaiser und Päpste (Stuttgart 1919), 306, 312–​14. On Serena and Stilicho in Rome for periods in 407 and 408, see Doyle, Honorius, 136, 139. 48.  Older commentators placed the death in 406 or early 407:  see P.  G. Walsh, Letters of Paulinus of Nola, vol. 2: Letters 23–​51 (New York and Ramsey, NJ 1967), 353n10. For 406, see Moine, Melaniana 63. For 405, see Laurence, Gerontius, Vie Latine,  30–​35.

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deciding to liquidate all their assets after this interview (Life 19): Serena’s promise of imperial assistance apparently encouraged their decision. Since none of the senatorial class in Rome could afford to buy their Roman mansion, Melania offered the opportunity to Serena (Life 14). The offer is framed as a thank you for Serena’s securing imperial assistance in the sale of their far-​flung possessions. Serena, however, demurred, claiming that she did not have the means to buy the property. Although refusing the house, Serena accepted crystal vases, valuable ornaments, and precious marble statues from the couple; other gifts, such as rings, silver, and silk garments, were distributed among the court officials (Life 11, 13, 14). Such were the ancient versions of tips, bribes, and thank-​you gifts for services rendered. With the help of Serena and Honorius, the sale began with properties in Rome and environs, then extended to other parts of Italy, especially Campania, and to Spain, although attempts to sell the Spanish properties were not immediately successful (Life 19). The sale continued between 408 and 410, when the couple left Italy and Sicily for North Africa.49 The liquidation of immense fortunes, such as Melania’s and Pinian’s, had serious social and economic consequences,50 with which the couple, or Gerontius, seem blissfully unconcerned. Serena’s decision not to buy the house was doubtless prudent, given the volatility of Roman-​barbarian relations. Volatile indeed: both she and her husband Stilicho would soon be executed. Honorius’ intervention in the couple’s problem was a blow to the senatorial aristocracy’s ancient traditions. Laws in the Theodosian Code show that the old Roman nobility worried about their cohort’s alienation of property.51 Allowing this enormous fortune to escape from senatorial hands probably did not increase Serena’s popularity with that group. A further incident suggests that this was indeed the case. According to the Life (19), the urban prefect (whom we now know was Pompeianus) attempted, unsuccessfully, to have the couple’s property taken by the state—​a move probably occasioned by Alaric’s demand for a large ransom in return for not attacking the city. The Life describes the prefect as “an outright pagan,” but it

49. Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, 47. 50.  Claude Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune” (Rome 1999), 20. 51.  John R. Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital (Oxford 2000), 299; CTh 6.2.13, 12.1.49, 12.1.101, discussed in Gian Domenico Gordini, “L’Opposizione al monachesimo à Roma” (Rome 1983), 27.

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is unclear that religion played a role in this attempted confiscation.52 (It is noteworthy, and surprising, that Pompeianus is the first named “pagan” we have encountered in Melania’s Life.)53 Had the couple’s relatives called Pompeianus’ attention to the fact that in Roman law parents might revoke a gift if the child who was an heir failed in the duties of filial piety?54 (Melania’s father, however, was presumably dead by the time of these incidents, and her mother seemed agreeable to the couple’s life of renunciation.) Another possibility: if Melania and Pinian were minors (i.e., under twenty-​f ive), they would have needed to petition the city prefect for a dispensation allowing them to sell their property,55 and in this way, Pompeianus might have learned of their plans. Still another suggestion:  Had a criminal case been brought against Melania and Pinian? According to the (later) Justinianic Code, a criminal complaint against the accused party would have been necessary for property to be confiscated.56 Or again, had the couple’s relation to Serena, rapidly dropping from favor, been the charge?57 Serena’s intervention appeared to counter Roman values: a member of the imperial family had tried to obstruct the urban prefect in his attempt to preserve Roman traditions.58 Whatever may have been the reasoning behind the attempted confiscation, two factors were in play:  Melania and Pinian’s relatives were trying to prevent what they saw as the irresponsible liquidation of family property, and the senate was desperate to secure the money to meet Alaric’s demand of five thousand pounds of gold and thirty thousand of silver.59 The couple’s property doubtless seemed to Pompeianus a veritable treasure chest that could rescue Rome.

52.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 190–​91, 193, argues that paganism played no role in the issue about their property; Zosimus’ version of events suffices. 53.  The “unsympathetic people” who urged the couple’s parents to stand firm in forbidding their children’s renunciation are not identified by religion (Latin Life, 6). 54.  So Kate Cooper, “Gender and the Fall of Rome” (Chichester UK and Malden MA 2009), 198, citing Antti Arjava, Women and Law in Late Antiquity (Oxford 1996), 85, 86; see CTh 8.13.2 and 4. 55.  Youths could, however, petition the emperors to have charge of their affairs at an earlier age (CTh 2.17.2). 56.  So Laurence, Vie Latine, 215n5, citing Codex Justinianus 10.1.5. He notes a seemingly parallel case:  Theodosius I  and the city prefect of Constantinople tried to put the money of John Chrysostom’s wealthy patron Olympias in escrow until she was thirty (when presumably, they hoped, she would have more sense); Theodosius later relented. See Life of Olympias  4–​5. 57.  So Alexander Demandt and Guntram Brummer, “Der Prozess gegen Serena,” 493. 58.  Cooper, “Gender and the Fall of Rome,” 199. 59.  So Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 191.

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Pompeianus, however, met an ignominious end: the Life (19) reports, with barely suppressed glee, that on the very day that he planned to carry out the confiscation of the couple’s property, a bread shortage in the city prompted a riot; hungry Romans dragged him into the middle of the city and killed him. Inhabitants who depended on the annona turned desperate when food supplies were cut off. Elites managed for themselves. Money surely was needed from some source to meet Alaric’s demand of five thousand pounds of gold, thirty thousand of silver, four thousand silk tunics, and the other items. An official was designated to assess the senators and specify an allotment for each, but the senators proved uncooperative. The historian Zosimus blames the aristocratic family of the Anicii (one of his favorite targets), who, he alleges, controlled the city’s wealth and refused to allow an assessment among their cohort. The statues of the gods were stripped of their silver and gold ornaments to raise funds.60 This, we infer, is the motive for the city’s wish to acquire Melania and Pinian’s property.61 Moderate Christians in the Senate—​those not so enamored of ascetic renunciation—​might have approved the plan.62 In the end, the scheme regarding confiscation of the couple’s property came to naught. The mansion that was at the center of these incidents was for the moment left unsold, and according to the Life (14) was burned during the Gothic invasion; the couple then gave it up for “less than nothing.” What was this house, Catherine Chin asks, “that demands to be inherited and that refuses to be sold”?63 It seems to have been endowed with an almost mystical agency. In the years after the sack, property on the Caelian Hill fell into decline. The greenbelt was gradually abandoned and the population shrank. The Lateran palace became relatively isolated, situated in the wasteland. Across the Tiber River, outside the walls, Saint Peter’s on the Vatican Hill acquired greater importance.64

60. Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.41, 6.7. 61. Zosimus, Historia Nova 6.7.4, discussed in Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 298–​99. Similarly, Richard Lim, “People as Power” (Portsmouth RI 1999), 273. 62.  Harries, “ ‘Treasure in Heaven,’ ” 68. 63.  Catherine M. Chin, “Apostles and Aristocrats” (Oakland 2017), 21. 64.  Richard Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals (Berkeley 1982), 109, 121. From the fourth century onward, the bishop administered baptism at places other than the Lateran (110–​11).

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The Sack of Rome: August 410 In August 410, Alaric marched south to Rome for a third time. The Salarian Gate into the city was opened from inside to his troops at night.65 One source blames Anicia Faltonia Proba, whose family palace was on the Pincian Hill, close to the Salarian Gate; she is alleged to have believed that the cause was lost, and pitied starving Romans.66 The sack of the city lasted three days, August 24 to 27, 410.67 It was the first time since the Celts raided the city in around 390 bce that Rome’s defenses had been breached. The Goths burned some buildings and ransacked senatorial houses, temples, and Jewish treasures that had been in Rome since 70 ce, when Roman troops destroyed the Jerusalem Temple. As usual in wars, women were raped.68 On the Aventine Hill, the palace of Jerome’s aristocratic (but ascetic) friend Marcella was sacked.69 The temple of Juno was in ruins, its stones reused to build the church of Santa Sabina in 425.70 Among other spoils, the Goths took a huge silver ciborium weighing 2,025 pounds from the Lateran Palace, a gift from the emperor Constantine.71 The sack, notwithstanding rhetorical reports on the damage it wreaked, did not totally devastate the city. The churches of Saint Peter’s and Saint Paul’s were made places of sanctuary.72 Peter Brown writes, “Far from being a bloodbath, the Visigothic sack of Rome was a chillingly well-​conducted act of spoliation.”73 The Goths captured and absconded 65.  Olympiodorus, frag. 11; Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 224–​27. 66.  Olympiodorus, frag. 11.3: when Proba saw no hope of successful resistance to Alaric, she ordered her servants to open the gates at night. Zosimus (Historia Nova 5.38) states that Serena had been suspected of intending to do so but was executed before this happened. See Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 303. 67.  On the sack (which Orosius minimizes), see Orosius, Seven Books of History 39.1–​40.1; Courcelle, Histoire littéraire, 39. 68. Augustine, City of God 1.16. 69. Jerome, Letter 127.13. 70. Courcelle, Histoire littéraire, 39. 71. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 227–​28. During the reign of Valentinian III, Sixtus III, bishop of Rome (432–​40), asked the emperor to replace the fastigium (ciborium) in the “Constantinian basilica” that the barbarians had carried off; he did, with a silver one weighing 1,610 pounds (Book of Pontiffs [Liber Pontificalis] 46.4); the text adds that Sixtus built a basilica for Saint Lawrence with the agreement of the emperor Valentinian (46.6). In antiquity, a ciborium/​fastigium was a canopy over the altar, supported by pillars; later, ciborium referred to a chalice cup. 72. Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.39.1; Olympiodorus, frag. 11.1; Sozomen, Church History 9.9. 73. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 294.

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with the emperor Honorius’ half-​sister Galla Placidia.74 She was married in 414 to a Gothic king, Athaulf, the brother-​in-​law of Alaric; part of the loot from the sack of the city formed a staggeringly luxurious bridal gift.75 In 417, after Athaulf ’s assassination, she was married to Flavius Constantius, who had been appointed as magister militum in 410–​11. After Constantius died in 421, Honorius exiled Galla Placidia and her children to Constantinople in late 422.76 She is perhaps best remembered today for her mausoleum in Ravenna, filled with exquisite mosaics. After the sack, Alaric pressed southward through Italy to Brutti on the tip, intending to relocate to North Africa, with (in the words of an ancient historian) “the wealth of all Italy which he had taken as spoil.”77 A storm, however, wrecked his ships in October 410, and Alaric died shortly afterwards.78 Some residents of the area fled to nearby islands; in the south, Capua, near Paulinus’ beloved Nola, was destroyed.79 An ignominious end to a dramatic set of events. The devastation of Italy seemed vast to some who witnessed it. The statesman and poet Rutilius Namatianus, whom we earlier encountered criticizing Christian monks, reported that he saw ruined farms and cities on his sea journey from Rome back to Gaul in the autumn of 417.80 As “Master of Offices” in Rome in 412, and as prefect of the city for a few months in 414,81 Rutilius was in a good position to assess the damage that the Goths had wreaked. Christian writers had varied responses. Most of them, however, were not present in or around Rome at the time; their accounts are based on secondhand information. Augustine (whose reactions to the sack are found in sermons and in Books 1–​3 of The City of God) and Orosius

74.  Olympiodorus, frag. 6. For a detailed study of Galla Placidia (daughter of Theodosius I by his second wife, and mother of Valentinian III), see Hagith Sivan, Galla Placidia (New York 2011). 75. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 294–​95, citing Olympiodorus, frag. 24 (fifty silk-​clad youths bearing one hundred silver platters of gold and jewels); Sivan, Galla Placidia, 25–​27,  34–​35. 76. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 191, 238–​39, 251, 258–​59, citing Olympiodorus, frag. 33.1. 77. Jordanes, The Gothic History 30. 78. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 238; Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, 50–​51, citing Jordanes, The Gothic History 30. 79. Courcelle, Histoire littéraire, 40. 80. Rutilius Namatianus, De Reditu Suo (Going Home) 1.223–​24, 227–​28, 409–​14. Rutilius, writing a decade after Stilicho’s execution, blames him for settling barbarians in the heart of the empire (2.41–​61), discussed in Courcelle, Histoire littéraire, 30. Calculation of date by Alan Cameron, “Rutilius Namatianus, Saint Augustine, and the Date of the De reditu suo,” 39. 81.  Martha Malamud, introduction to Rutilius Namatianus’ Going Home 1, 8. The “Master of Offices” supervised the four bureaus of the palatine secretariat.

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claimed that Alaric’s sack of the city was punishment from God.82 Augustine argued, however, that the various misfortunes suffered during the sack were not so bad; in fact, God had shown mercy.83 Although Augustine in his earlier life seemed uninterested in Rome’s martyrs or their tombs,84 now, after 410—​when pagans allegedly taunted Christians with the question why the apostles and martyrs had not prevented the sack—​he claimed that the holy bodies of Peter, Paul, and Lawrence had helped to preserve the city.85 Augustine also reports that refugees from Rome had fled to North Africa;86 soon, we shall find him in the company of three notable ones, Melania, Pinian, and Albina. Orosius, for his part, blamed the sack on the city’s ingratitude; after the defeat of Radagaisus in 406, it had been given a reprieve in order to convert—​but to no avail. Alaric had merely served as God’s instrument of punishment.87 Orosius minimizes the damage to Rome and downplays the extent of the Germanic invasions of Gaul and Spain.88 Jerome was another commentator from afar, although with close ties to friends in Rome. Writing from Bethlehem, he notes that Pammachius died in the sack,89 and he pictures the ransacking of the ascetic aristocrat Marcella’s palace and her subsequent death.90 In another letter, he claims that several virgin attendants of the Anician matriarch Proba were abducted.91 Refugees, he reports, had fled to Bethlehem.92 He 82. Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.38.7, 7.39.18; Augustine, Sermons 33A, 15A, 113A, 81, 296, 105, and 25. On Augustine, Sermon 296, delivered at Carthage on June 29, 411, see Jean-​Claude Fredouille, “Les Sermons d’Augustin sur la chute de Rome” (Paris 1998), 429–​48. Fredouille traces Augustine’s developing emphases in five sermons, culminating in De exidio Urbis (preached at Carthage in late 411 or early 412), which broaches themes developed in The City of God (446, 448). Also see Theodore S. DeBruyn, “Ambivalence within a ‘Totalizing Discourse,’” 405–​21. 83. Augustine, City of God 1.10–​16, 34; Courcelle, Histoire littéraire, 50–​54; Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo (London 2000 [1967]), chap. 25; see chaps. 26–​27 on the writing of The City of God. 84. Augustine, Confessions 5.8–​12, describing his time in Rome in the 380s. Then, he was more interested in Manicheanism than in Christianity. 85. Augustine, Sermon 296, discussed in Gustav Bardy, “Pélerinages à Rome,” 228. 86. Augustine, Sermons 81.9, 25.8, 105.10.13; City of God 1.32–​33. 87. Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.37.3 and 11. 88. Orosius, Seven Books of History 7.39.15–​18, 7.40.3–​10. See discussion in Hervé Inglebert, Les Romains Chrétiens (Paris 1996), 64; discussion of The City of God and the sack, 421–​26. 89. Jerome, Commentary on Ezekiel, preface, Book 1.1. Jerome elsewhere reports that he was writing this commentary when he heard of the sack of Rome; “This is a time for tears” (Letter 126.2, dated to 412). For situating this commentary in relation to sack of Rome, see J. N. D. Kelly, Jerome (New York 1975), 304–​8. 90. Jerome, Letter 127.13–​14. 91. Jerome, Letter 130.7. 92. Jerome, Commentary on Ezekiel, preface, Book 7.

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mourns Rome: “The city that captured the whole world was itself taken captive.”93 Palladius, writing around a decade later, rues the “barbarian deluge” that fell on Rome: “Even the bronze statues in the Forum did not escape, for everything was plundered and destroyed with barbarian fury. Thus Rome, beautifully adorned for twelve hundred years, became a ruin.” Yet, he claims, there was one happy result:  God was praised because unbelievers had been “convinced” by the event.94 Last, a sixth-​century Gothic historian, Jordanes, claimed that although Alaric sacked the city, he did not set it on fire, nor did he allow his troops to do serious damage to the holy places.95 Did his Gothic origins influence his milder assessment? In retrospect, did the sack seem less devastating? We now follow Melania, Pinian, and Albina as they decamp from the Italian peninsula to Sicily, and on to North Africa, where more adventures await.

93. Jerome, Letter 127.2: “capitur urbs quae totum cepit orbem”; perhaps an echo of Horace, Letter 2.1: “Captive Greece took captive her fierce conqueror, and brought the arts to rustic Latium.” 94. Palladius, Lausiac History 54.7. 95. Jordanes, Gothic History 30.

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7

To Sicily and North Africa

Sicily Departing mainland Italy, Melania, Pinian, and Albina crossed the waters to Sicily. Neither the Greek nor the Latin version of the Life coherently explains the path of their travels, perhaps another indication that Gerontius had not yet joined them. The Greek Life (19) reports that they set sail from Sicily to visit Paulinus of Nola, “to whom earlier they had bid farewell”; readers would infer that he was still residing on the mainland. This version implies that as they decamped from Rome, they visited Paulinus before they sailed for Sicily and, after a time in Sicily, attempted to visit him at Nola again. This second attempted visit, however, ended in near shipwreck in a storm. The travelers landed on an island and from there departed straight for Africa (Life 19–​20).1 Paulinus (in Poem 21) recounts an earlier visit of the group to Nola in 407; Melania, Pinian, and Albina—​but not Valerius Publicola, by then dead—​gathered there to celebrate the feast day of Saint Felix.2 The Latin version of the Life (34), by contrast, states that Melania and entourage went to meet Paulinus in Sicily. Other sources, however, render this claim dubious. After the sack of Rome in August 410, Alaric and his troops advanced southward. On the way, they destroyed Capua, 1.  Claude Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune, entre Rome, la Sicile et l’Afrique” (Rome 1999), 18 and n16; on the incoherence, also see Georg Jenal, Italia ascetica atque monastica (Stuttgart 1995), 1:81–​82. 2.  Paulinus of Nola, Poem 21, lines 60ff., 198ff., 281–​85, 294–​311, 326–​27, 836–​47. On this event, see Dennis E. Trout, Paulinus of Nola (Berkeley 1999), 208–​9. Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0007

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near Nola.3 Paulinus told Augustine, who reports it, that Nola too had been attacked. Held by the barbarians during the siege, Paulinus had prayed, “Lord, let me not be tortured on account of gold and silver; for you know where all my riches are.”4 Thus Paulinus seems squarely situated in Nola even in the late summer and early fall of 410. It is conceivable, however, that he may have joined the party in Sicily after the Goths had passed through Nola. Both versions of the Life (Greek 19; Latin 34), however, report the dangerous storm that threatened to claim their ship. Drinking water was running low. Melania counseled the sailors not to struggle against the storm but to let the winds take the ship where they would. The sailors heeded this advice, and the relieved passengers landed safely on an island. Barbarians, however, had blockaded the island, carried off the local notables and their families, and now demanded ransom money; if not paid, they would murder the hostages and burn the city (Greek Life 19). When the town’s bishop implored Melania to help, she and Pinian paid the ransom of 2,500 coins, plus five hundred extra and food for the townspeople, and five hundred more to ransom a noble woman who had been captured (Latin Life 34 states that the coins were gold, i.e., solidi). Once again, Melania and Pinian’s money came to the rescue. Having allegedly given up everything, she still had abundant funds for acts of mercy such as this. The Latin Life implies that the trio left for North Africa from this island, but this implication is contradicted by other evidence. It is more likely that they left for North Africa from Sicily. They must have headed for Africa by October 410, to beat the mid-​November date when sea transport shut down for the winter.5 Other sources report that Melania, Pinian, and Albina stayed in Sicily for two years, presumably from the fall of 408 to the fall of 410, after Alaric’s sack of Rome.6 Palladius claims that in Sicily they lived, along with fifteen “eunuchs” (whether actual or, metaphorically, men committed to chastity), and sixty women, both free and slave, on a country estate that they still owned. Melania made the slave women “associates in her ascetic practices”—​an incipient monastery, in effect. 3.  Pierre Courcelle, Histoire littéraire des grandes invasions germaniques (Paris 1948), 40. 4. Augustine, City of God 1.10. Paulinus told Augustine that Nola had been saved by the miraculous appearance of Saint Felix (Augustine, On the Care that Should be Taken for the Dead 19, cited in Trout, Paulinus of Nola, 120). 5. Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, 52. 6.  Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune,” 18 and n16.

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Palladius adds that Melania retained properties in Sicily, Campania, and Africa to endow the monasteries that she was founding, and that Albina, Melania’s mother, had made a “private distribution of her own wealth.”7 There is no indication to whom or to what causes Albina’s considerable money was directed.

Aristocrats and Their Estates in Sicily Sicily was a favored location for the estates of Roman aristocrats. The Nicomachi Flaviani owned property there,8 as did Symmachus.9 According to Palladius, the elder Melania sold her Sicilian estate, taking the proceeds back to Jerusalem, where she died, perhaps in 409.10 In 410, her monastic companion, Rufinus of Aquileia, now in Sicily, watched the Goths burn Rhegium, across the Strait of Messina. Rufinus, who was translating Origen’s Homilies on Numbers into Latin, states in his prologue that he had joined his “loving son Pinian” in “their” flight to Sicily from mainland Italy.11 Perhaps he was staying on an estate owned by Melania the Younger and Pinian? Could this estate, close enough to the sea to view the mainland, have been the lavish property described in Life 18?12 The villas of the two Melanias were likely to have been family property constructed before the women undertook their ascetic renunciations. We can 7. Palladius, Lausiac History 61. 8.  Virius Nicomachus Flavianus was governor of Sicily in 364–​65. The junior Nicomachus Flavianus had an estate near Enna, reported as a postscript to a text of Livy (Bk. 7) that he was revising/​correcting (R. J. A. Wilson, Piazza Armerina [Austin 1983], 396–​97). Also see references to the Nicomachi in Sicily in Symmachus, Letters 2.30; 6.57 and 66. 9. Symmachus, Letter 9.52; R. J. A. Wilson, “Piazza Armerina and the Senatorial Aristocracy in Late Roman Sicily” (Catania 1984), 175. 10. Palladius, Lausiac History 54.6. See C. P. Hammond, “The Last Ten Years of Rufinus’ Life,” 417. She credits Palladius’ report (Lausiac History 54)  that the elder Melania earlier had taken Publicola’s “younger son” to Sicily:  this assumes that Melania the Younger had two brothers, of whom we hear not a word in the Life. Or perhaps Palladius is confused and means Pinian, who had an older brother? The author of the Life erases Melania the Elder from his account, while both Palladius and Paulinus celebrate her. 11.  Rufinus of Aquileia, prologue to Origen, Homilies on Numbers; see Hammond, “Last Ten Years,” 372. Hammond elsewhere cites evidence from subscriptions in several manuscripts of this work, which state that the translation was done in Sicily, at Syracuse—​which puts Rufinus on the east coast of Sicily (C. P. Hammond, “A Product of a Fifth-​Century Scriptorium,” 374). 12.  The other option for the estate described in Life 18:  Campania. Although Rufinus came from a good enough family to receive a Roman education, he was certainly not in the league of the Roman senatorial class who owned estates in Sicily and elsewhere.

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imagine that Melania the Younger’s was not too unlike the Romana Villa del Casale at Piazza Armerina, in central-​southern Sicily, which has been called “the most opulent country building yet known in the late-​Roman world.”13 There is much debate about who owned or built the Romana Villa del Casale. He or she must have been a person of exceptional wealth, likely from a great Roman family, not of the provincial Sicilian aristocracy.14 The original buildings were probably constructed in the first or second decade of the fourth century. On a modern map of the villa, there are forty-​six numbered rooms or areas. Particularly lavish are the mosaic floors, estimated to have covered some 3,500 square meters. One mosaic in the bath area depicts the Circus Maximus in Rome, with a chariot race in progress; it shows in great detail the starting gates and the spina (a low wall, decorated with sculptures) that ran down the middle of the race course. The mosaic floor in another part of the bath complex, the frigidarium, sports cupids fishing from four boats, the waters teeming with mythical creatures. In another room, the Great Hunt mosaic, highly praised for its design, movement, and variety, features exotic animals:  elephants, hippopotamuses, tigers, leopards, and ostriches.15 (In Figure 3.1., we saw a rhinoceros being snared.) This mosaic shows not only the animals being captured but also their transport across the sea and reception, presumably in Rome. A wealthy Roman would have imported these animals for games commemorating a praetorship or consulship, perhaps those of the owner of the villa.16 Ever popular with modern-​day tourists is the mosaic, depicted in Figure 7.1, of the “bikini girls,” scantily clad maidens at play,17 or perhaps engaged in an athletic contest.18 These mosaics, scholars posit, were not made by local craftsmen but by squads of African-​trained professional mosaicists, working from copybooks.19 What Melania would have thought of bikini-​clad maidens or of animal hunts to supply the games at Rome we can only guess. 13. Wilson, Piazza Armerina, 86. 14. Wilson, Piazza Armerina, 86–​ 99; Wilson, “Piazza Armerina and the Senatorial Aristocracy,” 180. 15. Wilson, Piazza Armerina, 15, 20–​21, 24–​25. 16.  Katherine M. D. Dunbabin, Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World (Cambridge 1999), 133; Wilson, “Piazza Armerina and the Senatorial Aristocracy,” 181. 17. Wilson, Piazza Armerina, 41, 48—​or possibly performing. 18.  Hugh M. Lee, “Athletics and the Bikini Girls.” 19. Wilson, Piazza Armerina, 44–​46; Salvatore Calderone, “Conteso storico” (Catania 1984), 55. For African influence on other mosaics in Sicily, see R. J. A. Wilson, “Roman Mosaics in Sicily,” 413–​28. The design of the property closely parallels those in Roman North Africa (Wilson, “Piazza Armerina and the Senatorial Aristocracy,” 175).

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Figure 7.1  “Bikini girls”: young women at play or in an athletic contest. Mosaic from Villa del Casale (Piazza Armerina). Credit: Shutterstock.

Another indication of Roman aristocrats in Sicily—​ this time, wealthy but ascetically minded Christians—​is found in a remarkable, anonymously written treatise, On Riches, dated to 411–​14.20 With the impending Gothic invasion, Roman aristocrats had decamped from Rome for safer territory.21 The author of On Riches may plausibly be associated with those who landed in Sicily, where a companion treatise places its author. There, he claims, he was befriended by a wealthy, ascetically inclined aristocratic woman, a femina clarissima.22 One is tempted to think of someone like Melania the Elder, but we have no evidence to support a closer association. She, to be sure, was dead by 411.

20.  On Riches is one of six treatises now ascribed to the same author. See Andreas Kessler, Reichtumskritik und Pelagianism (Fribourg 1999), 224, 113. English translation in B. R. Rees, The Letters of Pelagius and His Followers (Woodbridge UK 1991), 171–​211. For Latin text and discussion, see C. P. Caspari, Briefe, Abhandlungen, und Predigten (Brussels 1964 [1890]); Santo Toscano, Tolle Divitem (Catania 2006). Also see Elizabeth A. Clark, “Jews, Camels, and ‘Literal’ Exegesis:  The Pelagian Treatise De Divitiis” (Göttingen 2013), 428–​44. 21.  Peter Brown, “Pelagius and His Supporters” (New York 1972), 191, 203; Peter Brown, “The Patrons of Pelagius” (New York 1972), 218. Pelagius, too, left Rome; on him more below. 22.  Anonymous, “To an Older Friend” 5.2.

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Pelagians in Sicily and North Africa On Riches represents a form of Christianity soon to be labeled heretical:  Pelagianism. Before we turn to the treatise itself, this movement needs explication. When the Christian monk Pelagius arrived in Rome, probably from Britain, in the mid-​380s, he was purportedly shocked by the laxity of Roman Christians. To him, Augustine’s plea that he could do no good unless he was enabled by God’s grace served only to encourage sloth.23 Often (and simplistically) billed as a Christian movement favoring human free will over divine grace, Pelagianism was less a doctrine about grace and human nature, and more a reforming movement, often ascetically inclined, which aimed to call Christians to a life of perfection.24 Pelagianism taught that every human, as created in the image of God, could live without sin if he or she would only try.25 Biblical teachings, plus the example of Jesus, assist this endeavor.26 Pelagius believed that baptism creates a “new person” capable of refraining from sin, and that baptized Christians must exert their free will to live in holy rigor.27 These principles—​expounded in Pelagius’ Exposition of the Thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, his treatises On Nature and On Free Will, and his letter to the Anician heiress Demetrias28—​form the backdrop of the argument of On Riches. Augustine’s strongest claims regarding the transfer of original sin through the generations, a sin that corrupts each human from conception onward, are directed against Pelagians. For Augustine, humans always remain sinful; the church is inhabited by “convalescents.”29 Augustine accepts “Christian mediocrity.”30 23.  Augustine’s words in Confessions 10.29, addressed to God (“Give what you command, and command what you will”), disturbed Pelagius; Augustine reports this reaction in On the Gift of Perseverance 20.53. 24.  William J. Collinge, introduction to Augustine, On Nature and Grace (Washington, DC 1992), 4. 25. Kessler, Reichtumskritik,  22–​23. 26.  For an overview, see Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo (London 2000 [1967]), chap.  29 (“Pelagius and Pelagianism”); Rees, Letters of Pelagius,  1–​25. 27.  Torgny Böhlin, Die Theologie des Pelagius und ihre Genesis (Uppsala and Wiesbaden 1957), esp. 13–​15, 31–​37, 104–​6. For the anti-​Manichean dimensions of Pelagian theology as perceived in Rome, see Otto Wermelinger, Rom und Pelagius (Stuttgart 1975), 123, 221, 223, 225, 228, 236, 237. 28.  Pelagius, “To Demetrias,” is an accessible introduction to his thought, written on the occasion of her rejection of marriage and pledge to lifelong asceticism. For ET, see Rees, Letters of Pelagius,  29–​70. 29.  Peter Brown’s phrase (“Pelagius and His Supporters,” 205). 30.  This noteworthy phrase is from R. A. Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge 1990), chap. 4: “Augustine: A Defence of Christian Mediocrity.” The powerful holiness of the church could absorb the weak without suffering pollution.

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Pelagius moved to North Africa, probably to escape the barbarian threat to Rome, and lived there for some of the years Melania and entourage were present. Under attack by Augustine and friends, he moved to Palestine. The judgment against him by a synod in Diospolis in Palestine in 415 shows the extent to which Augustine’s teaching had “won”—​or at least was on the way to “winning.” This Palestinian synod accused Pelagius and his disciple Coelestius of teaching the following points, for which they were condemned: (1) Adam was created mortal and would have died anyway, even if he had not sinned; (2) Adam’s sin injured only himself, not the whole human race; (3) the Law, as well as the Gospel, leads to the Kingdom of Heaven; (4)  there were humans without sin before the coming of Jesus Christ; (5) newborn infants are in the same (innocent) condition as was Adam before the Fall; and (6)  it is not through the death or Fall of Adam that the whole human race dies, nor is it through the resurrection of Christ that the whole human race rises again. Some additional points were added to these six, one of which is of particular interest: “That rich men who have been baptized cannot count in their favor any good deeds they may seem to have done, unless they give up all that they own; otherwise, they will not be able to enter the Kingdom of God.”31 This addition shows that some churchmen were worried about teachings such as we find in On Riches. Sicily, apparently, was a hotbed for dissemination of such radical thinking. As Peter Brown has shown, the Pelagian movement appealed to upper-​class lay people in Rome and elsewhere, who became patrons of Pelagius and his colleagues. It found favor among those who wished “to live a life, to create values for themselves, different from the conventional, the second-​rate, the unthinking life of their fellows.”32 The desire to rise above the commonplace, to aim to be better than others, Brown argues, would be among the reasons, in addition to theological points, that Pelagians would be condemned.33 “Behind the counsels of perfection of Pelagius,” he writes, “we can sense the high demands of noblesse oblige and the iron discipline of a patrician household.”34 The defeat of Pelagianism by Catholic “orthodoxy” meant that the influence of the movement’s lay patrons was overshadowed by the rise of powerful 31.  On the Proceedings of Pelagius 23. 32.  Brown, “Patrons of Pelagius,” 208–​26; Brown, “Pelagius and His Supporters,” 184. 33.  Brown, “Pelagius and His Supporters,” 189, citing an imperial rescript of condemnation dated April 30, 418 (PL 48, 379–​86). 34.  Brown, “Pelagius and His Supporters,” 188.

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clerics who blocked the development of a Christian lay culture in the Latin West.35 Melania was not exempt from Pelagianism’s lure. One of Augustine’s anti-​Pelagian treatises, On the Grace of Christ, and On Original Sin, dated to 418, responded to a letter from Albina, Melania, and Pinian, now in Jerusalem. In their letter, they reported that in a face-​to-​face meeting, Pelagius had voluntarily anathematized various points that had been alleged against him and proclaimed his own Christian orthodoxy. Augustine was alarmed—​with good cause, it seems—​that the trio had been led astray by what he calls Pelagius’ sly twisting of words.36 He warns them against the teachings set forth in Pelagius’ letter to the Anician heiress Demetrias, a refugee in North Africa—​like Melania—​ from Alaric’s invasion of Rome.37 He sends them copies of documents by Pelagius and his associate Coelestius.38 Augustine concludes by stating that he knows with what “insatiable avidity” the trio reads whatever is written in confirmation of the Christian faith (i.e., his version of it).39 Augustine was clearly worried about their association with Pelagius. At first, Augustine may have been reluctant to condemn Pelagius by name, due to his powerful protectors; only after Melania and Pinian left Africa, Brown claims, had Augustine felt free to do so.40 Others in the circle of Melania and Pinian befriended Pelagius and his supporters. Pinian’s associates, Timasius and James, had earlier been closely involved with this movement. It was they who brought Pelagius’ treatise On Nature to Augustine in 415, who replied to it in On Nature and Grace.41 Upon reading Augustine’s rebuttal of Pelagius, the pair wrote to Augustine, thanking him for rescuing them from this error.42 35.  Brown, “Patrons of Pelagius,” 225. 36. Augustine, On the Grace of Christ, and On Original Sin 1.1.1–​2.2. In 1.35.32 and 2.1.1, Augustine refers to points about which Pelagius had spoken to the trio. 37. Augustine, On the Grace of Christ, and On Original Sin1.23.22, 28.27, 40.37, 44.40. 38. Augustine, On the Grace of Christ, and On Original Sin 1.32.30, 2.8.7. 39. Augustine, On the Grace of Christ, and On Original Sin, 2.48.41. “Avidity” would have been needed to read through this long, dense treatise. 40.  Brown, “Patrons of Pelagius,” 218. Brown, however, has Melania and Pinian leaving Africa in 415; more recent scholarship dates the departure to 417. For chronology of the African period, see Patrick Laurence, Gérontius, La Vie latine de Sainte Mélanie (Jerusalem 2002), 52–​56. 41.  See Augustine, On Nature and Grace 1.1, and On the Proceedings of Pelagius 47 (23). On Timasius, see Brown, “Patrons of Pelagius,” 211–​13. Francesco Paola Rizzo argues that Pelagius’ treatise De natura was well known in Sicily, from whence Timasius and James hailed (“L’eresia pelagiana in Sicilia” [Soveria Mannelli 2003]: 396–​97). Augustine depicts Pelagius’ assistant Caelestius wandering about Sicily, corrupting the simple faith of Sicilian Christians (Augustine, Letter 157.22). 42. Augustine, On the Proceedings of Pelagius 48 (24); Pelagius apparently anathematized the pair for their defection (49 [25]).

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Moreover, Timasius served as a go-​between for Pinian and Augustine when the latter tried to force ordination upon Pinian,43 on which more later. Augustine describes Timasius and James as young men of excellent pedigree, well trained in the liberal arts, and inspired by Pelagius to commit themselves to a more rigorous form of Christianity.44 Paulinus of Nola also had associations with Pelagius.45 In addition, that Pelagius was invited by Anicia Juliana, Demetrias’ mother, to write some encouraging lines for her daughter upon the latter’s adoption of a life of virginity suggests that he had known the Anicii earlier in Rome.46 There is yet another connection of Pelagians to Melania’s circle. Her uncle Volusian, as prefect of Rome in 418, was instructed by the consul Constantius to carry out imperial edicts that took a hard line against Pelagians.47 According to the second edict, issued in the fall of 418, the Roman city prefect was given the authority to carry out the death penalty against them. (Volusian, however, may have been out of office by the time this second edict was promulgated.) Volusian, in any event, did not hurry to enforce an anti-​Pelagian edict. And why should he have? Pelagius had many friends in Rome, perhaps even in Volusian’s circle. Roman Christians, however devoted, might balk at Augustine’s notion that all babies needed baptism to forgive the original sin with which they had been born and which would condemn them to hellfire if they remained unbaptized.48 With this background, we turn to the treatise (On Riches) by an anonymous Pelagian author in Sicily.

On Riches The social class to which the author of On Riches appeals—​namely, that of Melania and Pinian—​seems evident everywhere in the text. He seeks 43.  See Augustine, Letter 126.6: Timasius carried Pinian’s alleged promise that he would remain in Hippo to Augustine. 44. Augustine, Letter 179.2. 45.  Called “notorious” by Brown, “Patrons of Pelagius,” 211–​12. Pelagius sent Paulinus some of his writings: see in Augustine, On the Grace of Christ, and On Original Sin 1.38.35. Paulinus was also friendly with the Italian Pelagian, Julian of Eclanum, Augustine’s last great sparring partner. 46. Pelagius, To Demetrias 1.2. 47.  PL 45, 1750–​51 = PL 48, 404–​7 (418); he issued an edict (PL 48, 408–​9). See PLRE 2:1185 on Volusianus and PLRE 2:323–​24 on Constantius 17. Constantius, married to Galla Placidia in 417, would become the father of Valentinian III. He was augustus for some months in 421, when he died (or was murdered). 48. Wermelinger, Rom und Pelagius, 202, 205, 204.

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to inculcate a rigorous Christian version of the aristocratic ideal of a life of leisure, otium, one that would release his readers from “bondage” to possessions and from a culture of ambitious striving for honors.49 That the author aimed at the powerful is also suggested by his devastating critique of the cruel Christian judge who punishes the innocent and then brags to his wealthy guests about the tortures he has administered.50 The author’s presumed audience was readers for whom such portraits would hit home. This strongly ascetic treatise also critiques marriage, largely because of its association with money and possessions.51 That the Pelagian advocacy of rigorous renunciation was spreading in Sicily we see from correspondence between Augustine and bishop Hilary of Syracuse in 414–​15. Clues in On Riches suggest that its author was likely linked to those about whom Hilary complained.52 A worried Hilary sought Augustine’s advice and help:  some Christians (presumably Pelagian) in Sicily were teaching that unless a rich man renounced his possessions, he could not enter the Kingdom of Heaven; merely keeping the commandments without renouncing was not sufficient.53 How should Hilary address this situation? While churchmen (not coincidentally, bishops) often argued that only the use of riches, not riches themselves, was subject to judgment,54 On Riches leaves little room for any justification of wealth, not even to enable acts of charity.55 While the author’s lax opponents search for Old Testament passages that regard riches as a sign of God’s favor and read these “literally,” they interpret the New Testament’s “hard” injunctions 49. Kessler, Reichtumskritik, 2, 207, 210–​14; on Sicilian monasticism as “erudite otia,” see Rizzo, “L’eresia pelagiana,” 405. 50.  On Riches 6.2–​3; the author stresses that this is “you,” the Christian reader. 51.  Also see On Chastity 17, 10.4. 52.  Hilary to Augustine = Augustine, Letter 156; Augustine to Hilary, Letter 157. Dating: Rizzo, “L’eresia pelagiana,” 388. Also see Kessler, Reichtumskritik, 100, 187; Toscano, Tolle Divitem, 16 (citing Jerome, Commentary on Jeremiah 4.1, noting heresy in Sicily). On the aristocratic milieu in which text might be situated, Kessler, Reichtumskritik, 219. 53.  Hilary to Augustine, 414 (?)  (=Augustine, Letter 156). Hilary asks Augustine’s assistance in answering. In his response (Letter 157), Augustine, among other points, appeals to the Old Testament patriarchs, who were rich but blessed by God; distinguishes (in interpreting the story of the rich young man) between keeping the “law,” which is sufficient to “enter into life,” while “perfection” is a stage beyond; notes that “Paul” (in the Household Codes) assumes that Christians have houses and possessions; and concludes that it is a matter of being ready to give up riches, of not being “possessed” by them. In 417, Augustine mentions the Sicilian Pelagians’ critique of riches (On the Proceedings of Pelagius 23.11). 54. Kessler, Reichtumskritik, 188–​89, citing Ambrose, On Luke 5.69; On the Duties of the Clergy 1.132; Augustine, Sermon 14.3–​7 (PL 38: 112–​15). 55.  On Riches 12.1–​5.

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about renunciation allegorically to justify their own accumulation of wealth. Let us “end this false allegory,” the author exclaims.56 No allegorizing of Jesus’ claim that “it is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God” (Matt. 19:24)!57 Christians, the author continues, are told to remove occasions for sin, the most important of which are riches.58 The origin of riches lies not in God’s favor to the wealthy but in extortion and robbery.59 God cannot be the source of riches, for there is no injustice with him, the fount of all equity and justice.60 The very fact that some have riches is the cause of poverty for others: “Take away the rich man,” the author argues, “and you will find no poor person.”61 An appeal to inherited wealth does not lighten the guilt: all riches are the result of sin.62 Melania’s views of the necessity of renunciation closely resemble those in On Riches. The author of her Life, Gerontius, claims that she had taken to heart Jesus’ words to the rich young man, “If you would be perfect, go, sell your possessions, and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven. Then take up your cross and follow me” (Matt. 19:21; Life 9). This is precisely what Melania aimed to do, for “she vied to surpass all others in asceticism” (Life 22). Once freed from parental restriction, Melania advised Pinian, “Let us quickly get rid of our possessions so that we may gain Christ” (Life 15). The Devil, tempting them to keep their riches, is pictured as slyly asking, “What kind of kingdom of Heaven is that which can be bought with so much money?” (Life 17). For Melania, retaining her wealth would have aligned her with the Devil. Wealth for her had been a “burden,” as the author of the Life repeatedly stresses. Having even fifty coins left from her inheritance seemed to her too much; she offered everything she had to the Lord and prepared others to do the same (Life 30). In Jerusalem, she and Pinian “embraced extreme poverty,” perhaps even inscribing themselves on the church register to be fed along with the poor (Life 35). The sharp-​eyed reader can 56.  On Riches 18.10, 10.1. 57.  On Riches 18.1–​2. 58.  On Riches 19.3, 17.3. Striving for spiritual “health,” the “sick” Christian must rid himself of “disease,” here the “disease” of riches (On Riches 19.3, 4.1). 59.  On Riches 7.2: ex rapina et iniquitate. 60.  On Riches 10.9—​and God, unlike humans, does not change (8.2). 61.  On Riches 12.2: Tolle divitem et pauperem non invenies. 62.  On Riches 7.3–​5. Even if a rich man argues that he acquired his wealth justly, the author retorts, others cannot see this and imagine that they are justified in winning riches by any means; inadvertently, the man will become a cause of others’ sin (On Riches 19.4).

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note, however, that throughout the Life, she has money to dispense to ascetics in Egypt (Life 38) and to holy people elsewhere. Melania would have found some compatriots in Sicily who embraced her rigorous view of the Christian life.

North Africa Rome’s first province in North Africa was originally called simply Africa, and then Africa Proconsularis, which was roughly the extent of the country of Tunisia today. It became Roman territory in 146 bce, at the end of the Third Punic War, which devastated Carthage (present-​ day Tunis). By the late second century ce, North Africa had a thriving Christian community. Among its important Christian writers were Tertullian and Cyprian, bishop of Carthage in the mid-​third century, and, most notably, Augustine. With time, Roman Africa was split into further regions, so that by the early fourth century it encompassed six parts, with Numidia (covering present-​day Algeria), in which Hippo Regis lay, prominent in the religious disturbances that would follow.63 The territory had supplied many martyrs during the Roman persecutions of Christians; this background would fuel a dispute among Christian groups in the fourth and early fifth centuries, on which more later. Although some parts of the Roman Empire began to decline in the third century ce, archeologists and other recent scholars have noted that Rome’s territories in North Africa were still flourishing in the fourth century. Re-​evaluating the health of North African cities in late antiquity, they claim that mosaics, houses, and the erection or restoration of public buildings all show a relative condition of prosperity.64 These cities remained intact the longest of any in various provinces of the empire, their institutions still functioning into the early fifth century or even later.65 The sea had provided a barrier protecting the inhabitants from the invasions that other parts of the empire had suffered.66 Only after the 63.  On changes in provincial administration in Africa, see the older classic B. H. Warmington, The North African Provinces (Cambridge 1954), chap. 1. 64. Claude Lepelley, “The Survival and Fall of the Classical City” (Bari 2001), 87, 89. Questioning the continuity of municipal life in Roman North Africa is Leslie Dossey, Peasant and Empire (Berkeley 2010); she emphasizes “changes in rural consumption, the transformation of rural structures, and the impact of Christian preaching between the third and sixth centuries C.E.” (6). 65.  J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, Decline and Fall of the Roman City (Oxford 2001), 74, 100. 66.  R. P. Duncan-​Jones, “Economic Change” (Oxford 2004), 50–​51, 35, 38.

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Vandal invasion in 429 and beyond did the classical municipal system decline.67 Carthage had been the second wealthiest city (after Rome) in the western Mediterranean.68 Many elite Romans held offices and owned property in Roman North Africa. The Anicii had a stake there from at least the earliest years of the fourth century.69 In the period of Melania’s sojourn, the Roman refugee Demetrias, the Anician granddaughter of the fabulously wealthy Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus (himself proconsul of Africa in 358),70 startled her mother and grandmother by resisting marriage and taking a vow of virginity.71 Jerome’s friend Pammachius owned lands in Numidia and served as proconsul of Africa sometime before 396.72 Another Roman aristocrat in North Africa, one who met an unfortunate end, was Flavius Marcellinus, a member of the senatorial aristocracy (vir clarissimus et spectabilis) and a friend of Augustine and of Melania’s uncle Volusian.73 In 410, the emperor Honorius summoned a church council of Catholic and Donatist bishops in North Africa, charging them to decide which group was the “true church.” (About Donatists we will hear more later.) Marcellinus was put in charge of the council, held in Carthage. At the council’s end in the summer of 411, Marcellinus ruled against the Donatists.74 Two years later, he was somehow implicated, presumably by angry Donatists, in the usurper Heraclian’s revolt against Honorius; he was tried, convicted, and beheaded in September 413 in Carthage.75 Just a year earlier, Augustine, Marcellinus, and Volusian had exchanged letters on thorny theological 67.  Lepelley, “Survival and Fall,” 99. 68.  Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle (Princeton and Oxford 2012), 43. 69.  A letter from one of their clan, Amnius Anicius Julianus, proconsular governor of Africa, to Diocletian, concerns the presence of Manichees in the area. See Brent D. Shaw, Sacred Violence (Cambridge 2011), 318, citing Moses Hyamson, ed., Mosaicarum et Romanarum Legum Collatio, 15.3, (Buffalo: W. S. Hein, 1997 [1913]), 131–​32. 70.  PLRE 1:737; see the three-​plus pages of lists of his offices (736–​40). Ammianus Marcellinus (Res Gestae, 27.11.1) claims that he owned land “in almost every part of the empire.” 71.  The great Christian leaders were eager to congratulate her: Jerome, Letter 130; Pelagius, “To Demetrias.” Augustine claimed credit for encouraging her: see his Letters 150 and 188 to her mother and grandmother, who let her use her enormous dowry for Christian purposes. No wonder writers were enthused at this prize captured for the church (Jerome, Letter 130.7). She later built a church to Saint Stephen in Rome (Liber Pontificalis 47.1 [Leo]). 72. Shaw, Sacred Violence, 295 and n30 to PLRE 1:663, 1074. 73.  On Marcellinus, see PLRE 2:710–​11. He was a tribune and notarius (a public secretary). 74.  For an introduction, see Serge Lancel, Actes de la Conférence de Carthage en 411 (Paris 1972–​ 91), vol. 1: Introduction Générale, chap. 1. On Marcellinus (1:61–​66); Edictum Cognitoris (3:972–​79), for the decision. 75. Orosius, Seven Books against the Pagans 7.42.16–​17; Augustine, Letter 151.4–​8.

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problems.76 In 412–​13, the first two books of Augustine’s City of God appeared, dedicated to Marcellinus. These books reply to questions and charges that skeptics such as Volusian had raised, and they are detailed below. Augustine also dedicated other works to Marcellinus, including On the Spirit and the Letter. Surely the family of Melania must have been alarmed to hear of Marcellinus’ execution. None of these important events, however, are mentioned in Gerontius’ account. As on so many points, Gerontius either is ignorant of events, deemed them inconsequential for Melania’s story—​or deliberately withheld information that could in any way have reflected badly on her clan. Melania’s family, too, had properties in North Africa. Her grandfather’s brother (her great-​uncle) Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus had been consular governor of Numidia Constantina in 364–​67.77 An inscription honors him for restoring and dedicating the summer baths, work that the flamines (pagan priests of the imperial cult) carried out.78 In all, his name is inscribed on thirteen dedications from Numidia.79 In Cirta (Constantina), he constructed by private donation a mithraeum and endowed it.80 Given the extensive notices regarding Albinus in Numidia, it is highly probable that he had property there. A friend of Symmachus, he has been called a “fervent pagan.”81 Moreover, Melania’s grandmother Melania the Elder had an estate in North Africa; the inscription from the bath—​a poem engraved with the name of the engraver, Filocalus, running down one side and that of Melania on the other—​presumably came from this estate.82 The elder Melania, we know, was living in Africa when her son, Valerius Publicola, 76.  See Augustine, Letters 132, 135–​38 for the questions and replies. 77.  On Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus 8, see PLRE 1:34–​35, and Stemma 13 of the Ceionii Rufii (1138). 78.  Inscription from Numidian city of Mascula (modern Khenchela), from 364 to 367. From the time of Constantine, the imperial cult became secularized, i.e., no sacrifices were performed. Christians could therefore serve as municipal flamines (priests) (Lepelley, “Survival and Fall,” 90, 94). 79. Claude Lepelley, Les Cités de l’Afrique romaine (Paris 1979–​81), 1:103–​4; also see 2:385, 420, 447. 80.  PLRE 1:34 (=CIL VIII, 6975 = ILAlg 2.1.541). Mithraea were cult centers for the worship of and sacrifice to Mithra, an originally “oriental” god popular with Roman soldiers. 81.  Claude Lepelley, “Le Lieu des valeurs communes” (Paris 2002), 274. Albinus is also named in Macrobius’ Saturnalia 1.2.15. 82.  See chap. 2, P33. Alan Cameron, “Filocalus and Melania,” 144. Cameron argues that Melania the Elder paid for the bath and inscription, and (Furius Dionysius) Filocalus engraved the poem (now contained in Latin Anthology 120); perhaps the work was done between the late 350s and early 370s, “before a succession of family tragedies turned her thoughts from this world to the next.” Filocalus also engraved Damasus’ epigrams.

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died in Rome, around 405.83 As we shall see, Melania the Younger and her entourage lived in North Africa for about seven years, founding monasteries there. North Africa was considered the breadbasket of Rome. At least half of the North African lands that supplied the annona were owned by the emperor and Roman elites, who employed contractors to organize and manage the labor crews.84 The Latin version of the Life (21) claims that Melania’s estate outside Thagaste, which she and Pinian gave to the local church, was “larger than the town itself ” (an exaggeration?)85 and had baths, many craftsmen who worked in precious metals, and two bishops—​“one belonging to our faith and the other to that of the heretics.” Estate owners apparently reasoned that it was better for their own interests to keep workers contented with their favored version of Christianity than to risk riots and worse. On the estate and the “heretics,” more later. North Africa had products in addition to grain to export across the Mediterranean, such as olive oil and fine ceramic pottery.86 The presence of African red slipware, a semi-​luxury pottery, all around the Mediterranean stands against the view that the export of agricultural products was the only basis of North African wealth.87 On Melania’s estate, many craftsmen worked in gold, silver, and bronze (Latin Life 21); these wares must also have been exported for sale, as Melania, Pinian, and their monastic cohort would have had no need for such expensive decorations or jewelry. Perhaps they gave some to the church at Thagaste. Who were the workers who produced this enormous food supply? Slaves or free men? Scholarship on Roman slavery, especially in its agricultural form, has gone through significant revision in recent decades, with North Africa at the center of discussion. Whether slavery or tenancy by free men was the main system of agricultural labor has been debated. Both modes seem to have been in operation, with recent 83. Augustine, Letter 94.2. 84.  Brent D. Shaw, Bringing In the Sheaves (Toronto 2013), 23. 85. Whether North African estates were truly vast, owned by a few absentee magnates, has recently been questioned. See Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 366–​67, citing Philippe Leveau, Pierre Sillières, and Jean-​Pierre Valat, Campagnes de la Méditerranée romaine:  Occident (Paris: Hachette,1993), 181–​88; and Domenico Vera, “Enfiteusi, colonato e trasformazioni agrarie nell’Africa romana proconsulare del tardo impero,” Africa Romana 4 (1988): 967–​92. 86.  Duncan-​Jones, “Economic Change,” 36–​37. 87.  Lepelley, “Survival and Fall,” 88.

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scholars favoring long-​term tenancy as more prevalent.88 (For example, Augustine congratulated the senator Pammachius—​ Melania’s distant relative—​for persuading many coloni [free, though legally bound, workers] on his Numidian estate to come over from Donatism to the true Catholic faith.)89 Yet changes in imperial law in late antiquity suggest that tenants, supposedly free, were slipping ever closer to a state of enslavement: coloni were tied to the estate on which they were born and lost some personal freedoms.90 A. H. M. Jones estimates that many millions of agricultural laborers worked on North African estates:91 this number was needed to produce the harvest that would feed hungry Romans across the Mediterranean. Brent Shaw, more recently, has calculated that to bring in the grain crop for the annona—​approximating seventy-​five million bushels—​four or five times the normal labor crew would have been required. He invites us to imagine half a million people engaged in reaping grain in North Africa at harvest time, plus double or triple that number for carting, threshing, winnowing, and storage. For the big estates, contractors could provide a large labor supply on a predictable basis, and the laborers would receive considerable cash for short, intensive periods of work.92 Seasonal labor crews, who worked under the supervision of a bailiff or foreman,93 are of consequence for our story of Melania because they played a part in the religious controversy between Donatist Christians and Catholic Christians; we find both on Melania’s estate outside Thagaste (Latin Life 21). The “Circumcellions,” alleged to be Donatist agitators, comprised some of the seasonal workers in North Africa. We will see more about Donatists shortly. 88.  For a succinct summary of the changes, see Cam Grey, “Slavery in the Late Roman World” (Cambridge 2011), 482–​86. 89. Augustine, Letter 58.1 to Pammachius, dated to 401; Augustine hopes that Pammachius’ success will convince other senatorial landowners to attempt the same (58.3). 90.  Grey, “Slavery in the Late Roman World,” 483, 486, 491–​92, 502–​5; Noel Lenski, “Peasant and Slave” (Newcastle upon Tyne 2016), 114, 115, 119, 133–​39 passim, citing evidence from Augustine, Letters 24* and 10*; Lepelley, Aspects de l’Afrique romaine, 357–​75; C. R. Whittaker, “Circe’s Pigs,” 102 (cautioning not to exaggerate the slippage); Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge 2001), 86–​87. Whittaker argues that tenancy dated back to the Roman Republic; it did not develop out of slavery, nor was it due to a shortage of slaves (“Circe’s Pigs,” 92). He adds that in North Africa, an older model of “productive relations between dependents, client-​like labourers and chiefs” persisted into later antiquity (95). 91.  A. H. M. Jones, “The Caste System in the Later Roman Empire,” 95. 92. Shaw, Bringing in the Sheaves, 13, 19–​20, 87–​88, 90. Shaw emphasizes that in Roman North Africa, it was not common to use slaves for reaping (80). 93.  Grey, “Slavery in the Late Roman World,” 497–​98.

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Newly discovered letters of Augustine (Letters 10* and 24*) reveal that problems occasioned by slavery continued to trouble Roman North Africa. Letter 10* reports that slave traders had come to Hippo and carried off natives to sell in markets across the Mediterranean. Parents had sold their children (and for “life,” not for a fixed term as allowed by Roman law); a husband had sold his wife. In addition to these sales, many persons had simply been kidnapped; a clerk in Augustine’s monastery had been lured outside, captured, and sold. Augustine also reports an earlier troubling incident:  While he was away from his episcopal see, Galatian slave traders docked at Hippo and seized a group of children, who were heroically rescued by Augustine’s congregation. Some had been sold by their parents, but most were offspring of free citizens who had been kidnapped. Moreover, Augustine suspected that some in Roman Africa were getting rich by aiding the slave traders. He writes to his friend Alypius (a lawyer, and bishop of Thagaste, at that moment in Italy on church business) that he should encourage officials in Rome to find ways to stop the practice.94 In another letter (24*), Augustine asks a friend for legal advice concerning slavery. Since the time of Constantine, emperors had granted that many cases (but not all, and with restrictions) could be settled by local bishops, such as Augustine, in their own church courts. Here, Augustine asks about a case presented to him in which children had been sold into slavery for a certain term by their parents: If the parents die during that term, are the children released from their obligation as slaves—​or not? Can a father who is free sell his children into lifelong slavery? As for the case of a colonus who sells a son into slavery, does the buyer have greater rights over the boy than the colonus’ landowner? There is no extant reply to this letter.95 Neither in these letters nor in the many treatises and letters by other Christian writers of late antiquity is there any significant criticism of slavery per se. Most simply urge slave owners to be merciful and slaves to be obedient: they were all “brothers in Christ.”96

94. Augustine, Letter 10*. Letters 10* and 24* are discussed by Henry Chadwick in his summary of the “new letters” discovered by Johannes Divjak; texts in CSEL 88 (Vienna 1981); see Chadwick, “New Letters of St. Augustine,” 432–​34. The asterisks signal that these letters are newly discovered ones. 95. Augustine, Letter 24*. 96.  For a short survey, see Kristina Sessa, Daily Life in Late Antiquity (Cambridge 2018), 102–​4.

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Melania, Pinian, and Albina in North Africa Gerontius’ coverage of events in North Africa at the time of Melania and Pinian’s sojourn—​from 410 to 417—​is disappointingly slender. For example, he fails to mention Heraclian, the Roman military general in charge of North Africa, a post allegedly given as a reward for having murdered Stilicho with his own hands in August 408. Heraclian had supported Honorius throughout the barbarian attack on Rome but revolted against him in 413, aiming to become emperor himself. After losing a battle in Italy, he returned to Carthage, where he was murdered.97 In North Africa, Heraclian was feared as a monster: according to Jerome, he tried to appropriate the fortune of the Anicii, extracted a bribe from the Anician matriarch Proba to forestall his rape of her female companions, and forced high-​born girls into marriages with Syrian merchants.98 If this was the case with the Anicii, what ruse might Heraclian have tried to confiscate the wealth of Melania and Pinian? Or had they dispersed most of it by then, thus appearing as less attractive targets? Or did Jerome (unsurprisingly) exaggerate? We do not know. Melania, Pinian, and Albina arrived in North Africa by late fall or early winter 410 and settled on their estate in the province of Numidia, near Thagaste (modern Souk Ahras, Algeria). Alypius, Augustine’s longtime friend and bishop of Thagaste, greeted them upon their arrival. Augustine (depicted in Figure 7.2, in his earliest extant representation) sent his apologies: his duties as bishop had kept him in Hippo Regius (modern Annaba, Algeria).99 The trio began the sale of other African properties in the provinces of Numidia, Mauretania, and Africa Proconsularis (Life 20). Melania, we are told, had particularly wished to settle near Thagaste because its bishop, Alypius, was “an outstanding exegete of Holy Scriptures,” a skill pleasing to the allegedly learned and certainly devout Melania (Life 21). On Alypius’ exegetical fame, Gerontius appears mistaken. A boyhood friend of Augustine, Alypius had trained as a lawyer in Rome, thereby escaping a municipal career at Thagaste; when he converted to Christianity, he returned to his hometown and became its bishop around 395.100 Thus the family’s leadership in Thagaste 97.  On Heraclian see PLRE 2:539–​40; Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.37, 6.7–​11 passim; Sozomen, Church History 9.7–​8; Orosius, Seven Books of History, 7.42.14. 98.  Allegations in Jerome, Letter 130.7. 99. Augustine, Letter 124.1–​2; his congregation is offended by his absences from Hippo. 100.  On Alypius, see Augustine, Confessions 6.7–​10, 6.12.

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Figure 7.2  Fresco of Augustine from the Lateran. Sixth century; earliest known image of Augustine. Credit: Alamy stock photo.

carried on in a new fashion.101 The Catholic church in Africa charged bishop Alypius with missions to the bishop of Rome and to the emperor. Alypius was kinsman of Romanianus of Thagaste, “a traditional local big man.”102 Romanianus was a Manichean and Augustine’s early patron in the 380s.103 (Manicheanism, a dualistic religion, had traveled from its Persian homeland across the Mediterranean to North Africa by the early fourth century.) In an early treatise, Augustine reports that this local grandee was praised for his staging of gladiatorial games—​ including wild bears—​for his home community. His name was inscribed on bronze tablets, and statues were erected for him. He gave daily feasts to the people and had splendid bath establishments. He is talked about, Augustine writes, as “the most cultured, most generous, most refined, 101.  Lepelley, “Survival and Fall,” 99. 102. Shaw, Sacred Violence, 202. 103.  On Romanianus, see Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 9, 43, 81, 138; Augustine, Confessions 6.13, on his youthful friendship with Romanianus.

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and most fortunate of men.”104 Thus Alypius, although not of the Roman aristocracy, was well connected at the local level. Augustine, not Alypius, was the “outstanding exegete” of Melania’s tale. Near Thagaste, Melania and Pinian built large monasteries for both men and women. In them they installed slaves (perhaps their domestic staffs?)105 from their North African estates: 130 women and eighty men (Latin Life 22). However heartfelt (or not) their monastic commitments, the slaves-​turned-​monastics at least were not cast out to fend for themselves, but were provided with food and shelter. Bishops Augustine, Alypius, and Aurelius of Carthage advised the trio regarding their donations to monasteries, counseling them not to offer (simply) an outright money gift, which would quickly be used up, but to “present each monastery with a house and an income”: this would furnish a lasting memorial (Life 20). Augustine and Alypius had reason to worry that simple donations would burden the church with monastic foundations for which there was no proper endowment.106 This advice was economically realistic, in contrast to schemes of ascetic enthusiasts, who (a modern commentator claims), living in “their mystical dream,” had “no clear perception of the social problems.”107 In addition to establishing monasteries, Melania and Pinian gave the impoverished church at Thagaste revenue, “gold and silver treasures and precious veils,” to the extent that other bishops in the area became envious of Alypius’ good fortune (Life 21). The Latin version of the Life adds that the tapestries Melania donated were decorated with gold, pearls, or gold and silver discs; that even bishops of larger, and presumably prosperous, towns were envious; and that she also gave an income-​ producing property larger than the town of Thagaste itself, which had baths and craftsmen who worked in gold and silver (Latin Life 21).108 Here Gerontius leaves off the tale, but more can be filled in from Augustine’s Letters 125 and 126. In 411, during a visit of Melania and Pinian to Augustine’s see, Hippo Regius, people of that city rioted for 104. Augustine, Against the Academics 1.2, discussed in Shaw, Sacred Violence, 201–​2. “Academics”: philosophers of the Platonic Academy who in earlier centuries debated largely epistemological issues. 105.  Lenski, “Peasant and Slave,” 141, citing Life (Greek) 20–​22. 106.  Peter Brown, Ransom of the Soul (Cambridge MA 2015), 95. 107.  Lepelley, “Mélanie la Jeune,” 30, 31. 108. Laurence, Gerontius, Vie latine, 140, suggests that the Latin Life’s interest in the North African property and its bishops, when coupled with anti-​Pelagian passages, makes it likely that the Latin version was addressed to a North African bishop.

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Pinian to become their priest.109 Throughout the Life, Pinian is depicted as less enthusiastic for austere asceticism than Melania. Augustine describes him as having “a strong natural capacity for enjoying this world”;110 Palladius adds that Pinian’s ascetic life consisted of reading, gardening, and “solemn conferences.”111 Pinian, apparently terrified at the prospect of being involuntarily pressed into the priesthood, vowed that he would consider Hippo his home if he might escape ordination. He also agreed not to accept ordination elsewhere. Why this enthusiasm for Pinian’s ordination? The cause is not hard to guess: his money.112 The citizens of Hippo had seen how the church at Thagaste was enriched by the couple’s donations. Augustine’s letters on the affair attempt to smooth over a situation unflattering to all: Pinian did not settle down in Hippo, and Albina apparently accused the inhabitants of Hippo—​ and insinuated, Augustine as well—​of greed for Pinian’s money.113 Only when Melania protested Augustine’s willingness to serve as a witness to Pinian’s oath had he grudgingly agreed to leave off his signature.114 Yet Augustine apparently declared that if Pinian never returned to Hippo, he would consider him guilty of perjury.115 As for the riot, Augustine hinted at the involvement of “bad monks” and blamed “outside agitators” from Carthage.116 To Albina, he excused his involvement by claiming that he had been afraid to counter the rioting crowd.117 Throughout, defending his flock from the charge of greed, Augustine emphasized that the people of Hippo loved Pinian for his virtues, not for his wealth. Any money that comes to his church, he reports, he as bishop dispenses to members of the clergy, monks, and the numerous poor—​not to “the people.”118 Modern commentators have deemed Augustine’s defense “pretty weak.”119 Augustine did not relate

109. Augustine, Letter 126.1–​2. 110. Augustine, Letter 126.7. 111. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.7. We should also recall that Pinian had never worked. 112. Augustine, Letters 125.3 (to Alypius); 126.1, 3, 4, 6 (to Albina). 113. Augustine, Letters 125.1, 2 (to Alypius); 126.7 (to Albina); in the latter, Augustine claims that his own patrimony (“a few small fields”) was worth only a twentieth of the church property he now controlled. 114. Augustine, Letter 126.5. 115. Augustine, Letter 126.13, 14. 116. Augustine, Letters 124.2, 125.5, 126.1, discussed in Shaw, Sacred Violence, 386. 117. Augustine, Letter 126.1–​2. 118. Augustine, Letter 126.7, 8. 119.  Luce Pietri, Yvette Duval, and Charles Pietri, “Peuple chrétien ou plebs” (Rome 1992), 388–​89.

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the reaction when Pinian skipped town the next day.120 No wonder that Gerontius left this unedifying episode out of the Life—​or did Melania and Pinian (perhaps understandably) never report it to him? Gerontius interrupts his narrative of the trio’s arrival in North Africa to insert a set of chapters (Life 22–​33) on Melania’s ascetic practices. Just as ancient biographers of famous men, such as Suetonius, might organize their work topically, not chronologically, depicting the hero’s virtues, so here we find several chapters extolling Melania’s renunciations. Some were developed in the monasteries near Thagaste; others may have been refined during her years in Jerusalem. During their seven-​year stay in North Africa (Life 34), Melania increased her fasting routine: she started by eating food without oil only every other day, then progressed to three foodless days a week, and finally to five, eating “coarse bread” only on Saturdays and Sundays (Life 22). When she began to fast on Easter as well, her mother objected: she had gone too far. On the day of Christ’s resurrection, Albina chastised her daughter, we should refresh our bodies as well as our spirits. Melania was persuaded to take some oil during the three days of the Easter holiday, before returning to her severe routine (Life 25). Melania now increased other ascetic practices as well, devoting more time to prayer. She secured a small wooden chest in which to lie, too narrow for her to turn over and too short for her to stretch out (Life 32). She made for herself clothes of haircloth and wore them, even while sleeping, from Pentecost (fifty days after Easter) in one year to the fifth day of Easter week in the next. The haircloth must have been brutal on her sensitive skin; when she was a child, even embroidery touching her skin caused an inflammation (Life 31). Ascetics often believed that bodily discomfort promoted holiness. This section of the Life also notes Melania’s intellectual activities, her reading, note-​taking, and copying of Scripture, as detailed above in ­chapter  1. She was so engrossed in her reading, writing, and worship routine that she would not, until finished, recognize or speak to her mother when the latter entered her cell (Life 33). She instructed and disciplined the nuns in her monastery, insisting that they keep vigils and refrain from idle words and laughter. She exhorted many young people to preserve their virginity, keeping clear of “filthy pleasures” (Life 23, 29).

120. Augustine, Letter 126.6; discussed in Shaw, Sacred Violence, 387.

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In addition, Melania was so devoted to almsgiving, Gerontius reports, that others might assume that she believed this practice alone would gain her divine mercy. She continued to part with money, right up to her death. By that time, she had only fifty gold coins left, which she gave to an unnamed bishop. Others, encouraged by her example, sent funds for her to pass along for good causes (Life 30). The Latin Life (19) adds that Gerontius himself had learned from a priest, Tigridius (orTigrius) of Constantinople, that Melania and Pinian (perhaps before their Africa sojourn) had bought many islands on which monks could establish monasteries, donated silken garments and silverplate to make ornaments for churches, and bought monasteries in which to install monks and nuns. Another topic included in this section concerns Melania’s love for orthodoxy and hatred of heresy: she would not accept anything, even for the poor, from a person who refused to join with the orthodox (Life 27). Gerontius here relates an intriguing story from Melania’s later time in Jerusalem, concerning a woman of high status who had died while at the holy places. He had included her name along with those of dead saints during the Eucharistic service. (This is the first time that Gerontius has identified himself as being present at the events he describes.) Melania had heard from some of the orthodox that the woman was a heretic. She chastised Gerontius for including the woman’s name with those of the holy dead, stating that she would not commune with him if he mentioned the name; once was more than enough. Melania refused to take the Eucharist that day (Life 28).121 Neither the Greek nor the Latin text gives further clues about the identity of the woman, except that she had come to the holy places (presumably Jerusalem) from elsewhere. She remains a mystery. The Greek Life, in the section describing the North African sojourn, does not include the line of the Latin Life (21) that shows a seeming leniency toward another kind of “heretic”: on Melania’s estate outside Thagaste, there were two bishops, one for those of “our faith,” and one for the “heretics,” that is, Donatists (on whom more later). Perhaps she thought some kinds of “heretics” more reprehensible 121.  Patrick Laurence notes that the Latin version of the Life states that the woman was hospitata in sanctis Christi locis, which implies that she was staying in the hospitia, whose function it was to receive pilgrims. The Latin text, he acknowledges, does not explicitly claim that she was a pilgrim. Both Greek and Latin texts add that she was also communing with “us,” feigning the true faith, and then died (Laurence, Gérontius: La Vie latine, 206nn1–​4).

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than others? Did not the local Catholic bishop protest the residency of this Donatist bishop on Melania’s estate? Here, we are cautioned by Kim Bowes’ claim, that most fourth-​and fifth-​century bishops did not interfere with matters beyond their city walls.122 We shall see more of Melania’s anti-​heretical activities when we turn to her time in Constantinople. Having a church on one’s estate was a common practice in Roman North Africa. Leslie Dossey has shown that for three of its provinces (including Numidia and Africa Proconsularis), the vast majority of “churches” (ecclesiae)—​ about 69%—​ were located outside cities. By the fifth century, around two-​thirds of all North African bishops had seats on estates or in villages, not in cities. Rejecting a “top-​down” approach to the formation of these ecclesiae, she argues that in practice these “churches” were composed of groups of plebs, the common people, who joined together to elect a bishop. Moreover, on large estates like Melania’s, not just the tenants of that estate but also residents outside the estate might belong to this ecclesia.123 On this reading, inhabitants nearby, not part of Melania’s estate, may have increased the ranks of devotees. In North Africa, the estate churches on the properties of wealthy owners were built largely for tenants and dependents on the estate; they functioned (Kim Bowes claims) “largely as mechanisms for social control,” efficiently managing “human capital.”124 Into the fifth century, landowners needed no special permission to build or dedicate churches on their own estates.125 Augustine provides an example in his description of cures miraculously wrought by the relics of Stephen the protomartyr at an estate named Andurus, which had a church with a martyr shrine.126 The multiplication of churches in North Africa doubtless contributed to the fierce struggles between different Christian factions.

122.  Kim Bowes, “ ‘Christianization’ and the Rural Home,” 155. 123. Dossey, Peasant and Empire, 127, 129, 136. 124.  Kim Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values (Cambridge 2008), 161, 187. 125. Kristina Sessa, The Formation of Papal Authority (Cambridge 2012), 164. Sessa’s book largely concerns Italy and the late fifth–​sixth century; landowners in somewhat distant regions of Africa in the early fifth century probably had even more freedom. No bishop of Rome (or elsewhere) questioned Melania’s allowance of a Donatist as well as a Catholic priest on her estate near Thagaste. On restrictions under Justinian, 165–​66. 126. Augustine, City of God, 22.8.

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Religious Controversy in Roman North Africa North Africa was a hotbed of religious controversy in the late fourth and early fifth centuries. About Pelagianism we heard earlier. Other groups here need noting: Manicheans, “pagans,” and Donatists. In Augustine’s youth, he and some friends were enthusiastic for Manichean teaching. The dualistic religion of Manicheanism had spread from the East to the West by the late third or early fourth century. It offered much that Christianity did: scriptures, a theology, a liturgy, and ethical teachings and practices for both the more and the less committed. In North Africa, the religion apparently appealed to bright young men of the higher classes. Augustine was a Manichean devotee (at a lower level of commitment, as a “Hearer”) for nine years or more.127 When he went to Rome to teach, he was befriended by Manicheans.128 His gradual disillusionment with Manicheanism—​its leaders could not answer the “big questions”—​at last propelled him toward a Neoplatonically tinged version of Christianity.129 By the early fifth century, many imperial degrees had been directed against Manicheanism, but “Manichean” now often served as a slur to brand any opponents accused of deprecating the material world and the body and of embracing a rigorous asceticism: both Jerome and Augustine were dubbed “Manicheans” by their opponents.130 “Manicheans,” however, do not appear in accounts of Melania and Pinian in North Africa. Besides Pelagians, we find Donatists and, occasionally, pagans. Although practitioners of pagan rites were present in Roman North Africa at the time of Melania and Pinian’s stay, the Life mentions none on Melania’s estate. Melania’s father, Valerius Publicola, however, in 398 consulted with Augustine about the land stewards on his property, presumably in North Africa. The stewards had extracted an oath from those who had been hired to protect the land, in which the latter appealed to 127. Augustine, Confessions 3.11, 4.1; arguing for eleven years is James J. O’Donnell, Augustine (New York 2005), 44–​45. On Augustine and Manicheanism, see Brown, Augustine of Hippo, chap. 5, and especially Jason BeDuhn, Augustine’s Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1 (Philadelphia 2010), and Augustine’s Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 2 (Philadelphia 2013). Also see Elizabeth A. Clark, “Vitiated Seeds and Holy Vessels” (Lewiston NY 1986), 291–​349. 128. Augustine, Confessions 5.10. 129. This drawn-​out process is sketched in Books 5–​8 of the Confessions. One such “big question”: Whence evil? 130. Jerome, Against Jovinian 1.5; Julian of Eclanum in Augustine, Unfinished Work against Julian 1.27.66, 2.27.2, 3.10.

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their “false gods.” Publicola expresses worry that the crops may have been defiled by this oath, so that a Christian [namely, Publicola] using them or taking money from their sale is himself defiled.131 The letter continues with worries about many things and situations that Publicola fears may be defiling. Augustine, in reply, tries to alleviate his anxieties.132 Augustine’s other writings show that he was sometimes called to deal with pagan practices in the area; for example, he chastised those celebrating the new year in traditional fashion, with bawdy songs and drunkenness.133 A  newly discovered letter of Augustine depicts Numidian peasants so caught in conflicts between Catholic and Donatist Christians that they considered apostatizing to non-​Christian beliefs and practices.134 There could be violent clashes: Augustine reports on an incident at Sufes in the province of Byzacena (now southern Tunisia), in which sixty Christians were killed by pagans when the former overturned a cherished town monument, a statue of Hercules.135 Augustine, however, was cautious: shortly after Honorius issued an edict to Africa urging the suppression of idols, Augustine took the opportunity to warn Carthaginian Christians not to enter the property of pagans to demolish statues and shrines.136 Rural paganism was one thing; the paganism of cultured aristocrats another. Some of Augustine’s associates of his youth were pagans, for example, Verecundus, who owned the estate of Cassiciacum where Augustine and friends retreated to pursue a life of cultivated otium.137 Another pagan friend of the young Augustine was the aristocrat Nectarius. Some years later, we hear again of Nectarius: pagan dancers at Calama (a town near Hippo) in an overly celebratory mood had 131.  Publicola to Augustine, in Augustine, Letter 46.2. Throughout, Publicola emerges a more worried Christian than one would have expected from the Life of Melania—​unless his several queries are largely “school exercises” to test Augustine’s ingenuity. 132.  Augustine to Publicola, Letter 47.2. 133. Augustine, Sermon Dolbeau 26 = Mayence 62 (“Against the Pagans”), 1–​2; Latin text at 90–​ 141; mention of the pagan festivities on 90–​91. In nos. 18–​36, Augustine attacks those who defend statues of pagan gods by claiming that they (merely) represent parts of nature. 134. Augustine, Letter 20.20*; discussion in Henry Chadwick, “Augustine on Pagans and Christians” (Cambridge 1985), 22. 135. Augustine, Letter 50. 136. Augustine, Sermon 62.7–​8, delivered in September 399, discussed in Chadwick, “Augustine on Pagans and Christians,” 11. 137. Augustine, Confessions 9.3.6, although he had a Christian wife; mentioned in Chadwick, “Augustine on Pagans and Christians,” 18. Peter Brown remarks that Verecundus declined to receive Christian baptism because he was married; he, like some others of his day, thought that marriage precluded being a “real” Christian (Confessions 9.3.5); Peter Brown, “Asceticism: Pagan and Christian” (Cambridge 1998), 618.

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stoned and then burned the Catholic church. The citizens of Calama appointed Nectarius to plead with Augustine for clemency. Augustine insisted on monetary penalties, but not on the death penalty or corporal punishment.138 Then there was Volusian, Melania’s uncle. Christian bishops might worry that pagan Roman senators—​such as Volusian—​who owned estates in their jurisdictions would lure their tenants away from Christianity.139 In a later chapter, we will consider Melania’s trip to Constantinople to persuade her uncle to submit to Christian baptism. Earlier, however, from correspondence between Volusian, Marcellinus, and Augustine about Christian doctrine, we learn some of the sticking points that had hindered Volusian’s conversion. Volusian, writing to Augustine, argued that the doctrine of the Incarnation made no sense: How could the Lord of the universe be conceived in and born from a virgin’s body, becoming a man who needed to eat, sleep, and so on? Was somebody else directing the universe while this supposed divinity was crammed into a small human body?140 Moreover, the miracles ascribed to Jesus seem paltry when compared to those performed by pagan wonderworkers such as Apollonius of Tyana and Apuleius.141 In addition, Volusian wrote, does not the Christian God seem inconsistent in rejecting the sacrifices commanded in the Old Testament but then ordering a new one in the sacrifice of Jesus? A  last telling point from this seasoned public servant: How does Jesus’ teaching to “turn the other cheek” square with the duties of a citizen? (Volusian is presumably thinking about the judicial role of governors and other officials.) Besides, had not calamities fallen upon Rome during the reign of Christian emperors?142 That this letter was written in 412, two years after the sack of Rome, brings home the point. Augustine responded to such criticisms in both letters and the first books of The City of God. In his letters, he states (for example) that God’s omnipresence and immateriality means that he is not limited by his presence in the human body of Jesus; that Jesus’ miracles and God’s creation of the world are superior to anything that pagan wonderworkers 138. Augustine, Letters 90, 91, 103, and 104; see Lepelley, “Lieu des valeurs communes,” 284. 139. Claude Lepelley, “L’Aristocratie lettrée païenne” (Paris 1998), 408. Lepelley concludes (412–​13) that for Augustine it was not evident that this era saw the “last pagans.” 140.  Volusian to Augustine, in Augustine, Letter 135.2. Whether this Volusian was Melania’s uncle Volusian has been debated. I now think it is very likely. 141.  Volusian to Augustine, Letter 135.2; Marcellinus to Augustine, in Augustine, Letter 136.1. 142.  Reported by Marcellinus to Augustine, in Augustine, Letter 136.2.

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could do; that the Old Testament sacrifices were (merely) symbolic of things to come in Christian times, and, in any case, God uses different means to educate his people at different stages of their history.143 As for the disasters that struck Rome under Christian emperors (especially the sack of 410), Augustine reminds readers that many disasters happened under pagan emperors and that Rome was corrupt even before Christ’s advent; we should thank God for sending Christ to rescue his people from these corruptions.144 In The City of God, Augustine devises more answers to skeptics like Volusian. During the sack of Rome, he writes, the Goths spared both pagans and Christians who sought refuge in the churches—​yet pagans now blame Christianity for the disasters. In all, he argues, the sack was not so devastating. Holy people do not lose anything if they are deprived of worldly goods. As for the deaths, we all have to die sometime; even the lack of burial does no harm to a Christian. Those taken captive should find comfort in the thought that God, who is everywhere, did not desert them. Women who were raped did not lose their purity—​at least if the lust was another’s, and if in their shame they did not resort to suicide.145 Whether such words provided any consolation to those who suffered we do not know. Pagans, however, were not the prime religious concern for Augustine as bishop of Hippo Regius:  Donatists gave him much more to worry about. The Life disappointingly passes over the violent religious controversy between Catholic and Donatist Christians that had afflicted North Africa in the years before and during Melania’s sojourn there. It is Donatists to whom the writer of the Latin Life alludes when he notes that the property at Thagaste had two bishops, “one of our faith and the other of the heretics” (Latin Life 21). The bishop “of our faith” was a different person from Alypius, who had for some years been bishop in the town of Thagaste itself. Moderns may be surprised at this seeming proliferation of bishops, but various sources make clear that Roman North Africa in the early fifth century was brimming with them: about 571 bishops, Donatist and Catholic, gathered in Carthage in 411 to debate which was the “true church.”146 Predictably, bishops from cities and

143. Augustine, Letters 137.2.4–​4.14; 138.1, 4. 144. Augustine, Letter 138.3. 145. Augustine, City of God 1.1, 7, 10–​12, 14, 16–​18. 146. Lancel, Actes de la Conférence, 1:118.

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larger towns complained that so-​called bishops on rural estates (such as Melania’s) did not have equal authority with themselves.147 Donatism developed in early fourth-​century North Africa in the aftermath of Diocletian’s persecution of Christians.148 Some bishops had allegedly “lapsed,” that is, fallen away from the faith during the persecutions, offering Christian holy books to be burned or making token sacrifices to the imperial cult and pagan gods. Post-​persecution, a pressing question arose: Had Christians who had been baptized by such bishops received the true sacrament, or should they be baptized again, since the first rite had not been effective? Baptism became a flashpoint in the theological aspect of the controversy. We hear, for example, of Crispinus, the Donatist bishop of Calama, who acquired the lease of a large imperial estate and subjected eighty Catholic peasants on it to immersion in a Donatist baptismal font.149 Augustine’s justifications for “only one baptism” became an important contribution to Catholic sacramental theology, held to this day: baptism, if properly administered, is sufficient even if the officiant is sinful, for baptism is God’s sacrament. Donatists were strongly devoted to the martyrs who had given their lives during the persecutions rather than compromise their faith. Donatists charged Catholics with laxity, too willing to waffle when danger arose—​and with insufficient regard for the brave martyrs who had not done so. Scholars now believe that Donatist Christians were likely in the majority in Roman North Africa.150 Peter Brown characterizes Donatists and Catholics: Donatists thought of themselves as a group which existed to preserve and protect an alternative to the society around them. . . . Innocence, ritual purity, meritorious suffering, predominate in their image of themselves. . . . The Catholicism of Augustine, by contrast, reflects the attitude of a group confident of its powers to absorb the world without losing its

147. Lancel, Actes de la Conférence, 1:131; Donatist bishops dominated the numbers in small rural places, 142–​43. 148.  A helpful survey of Donatism in North Africa can be found in Brown, Augustine of Hippo, chaps. 19–​21. The movement was named after Donatus, an early leader of the group. 149. Augustine, Against the Letters of Petilian 2.83.184; see Chadwick, “Augustine on Pagans and Christians,” 19. 150. Shaw, Sacred Violence, 5–​6; elaborated 346–​47, 562; Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 211 (for Numidia).

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identity . . . poised, ready to fulfil what it considered its historic mission, to dominate, to absorb, to lead a whole Empire.151 We should not, however, imagine the controversy in purely, or even in mainly, theological terms. What the peasants themselves thought, and what motivated their actions, might differ markedly from those that our ancient sources, as well as modern scholars, ascribe to them.152 Donatist and Catholic groups battled each other, sometimes violently, throughout the course of the fourth century. As we enter the fifth, the two parties were still at it. By then, emperors were ready to take more decisive measures:  edicts in 405 ruled that Donatists were “heretics,” leaving this group subject to anti-​heresy laws that had become more threatening by the end of the fourth century.153 Early Christian authors’ desire to identify and condemn “heresy” was part of their attempt to formulate Christian orthodoxy; scholars now acknowledge that both concepts are constructs.154 After the Donatists were ruled “the losers” at the Council of Carthage in 411, the emperors issued fines upon them: Donatist senators of various ranks were to be fined between twenty and fifty pounds of gold; civil priests, thirty pounds; chief decurions, twenty pounds; (other) decurions, tradesmen, and plebeians, five pounds. At the bottom of the list stands “Circumcellions,” here considered a rank, to be fined ten pounds of silver.155 These are sizeable amounts, enough to make landowners and city officials wonder if Donatist allegiance was worth it: for twenty-​five pounds of gold, one might buy twenty-​five horses or (possibly) twenty slaves.156 Repressive measures followed. Donatist churches were to be given over to Catholics, their bishops and priests deprived of their property and sent into exile; any—​including estate owners—​who tried to harbor them would meet the same fate.157 What happened to the Donatist 151. Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 209. 152.  Cam Grey, “Rural Society in North Africa” (Liverpool 2016), 134. 153.  CTh 16.5.38, 5.39, 6.4–​5; Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 230. On imperial legislation regarding Donatists, with a list of all documents pertaining thereto, see Noel Lenski, “Imperial Legislation and the Donatist Controversy” (Liverpool 2016), 166–​219. 154.  Averil Cameron, “The Violence of Orthodoxy” (Tübingen 2008), 103–​4, 114. 155.  CTh 16.5.52 (412); see Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 334–​35. 156. Shaw, Sacred Violence, 225n10, citing Christopher Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge MA 2004), 140–​41 for equivalents. Twenty slaves for twenty-​five pounds of gold seems too low: Palladius (Lausiac History 61.5) claims that Pinian’s brother bought the slaves for “three pieces of money,” which was considered a giveaway, assuming these were gold solidi. 157.  CTh 16.5.54.1–​2.

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bishop on Melania’s property? We do not know. Perhaps Gerontius did not know either. At the threat of such punishments, Donatists on her property may have gracefully aligned themselves with the Catholic bishop. Or perhaps nobody enforced the law? Who were the Circumcellions? The name means “those who travel around the cellae (rural storage areas for grain or other produce),”158 but this etymology does not tell us much about their identification. We hear about them largely from Augustine.159 Although they are depicted as a terrorist wing of Donatism, ravaging the countryside and its inhabitants, Brent Shaw argues that they were mainly itinerant harvesters and seasonal workers in the countryside, providing a secular workforce. Poor but free, from a stratum of local society that had not experienced much Romanization, they worked in labor gangs as contract labor.160 In the late 380s and early 390s, they took part in anti-​pagan campaigns, attacking temples, shrines, images, and sacrifices. The transfer from anti-​pagan to anti-​Catholic violence was apparently not difficult.161 On Melania’s and Pinian’s North African estates, seasonal laborers were certainly needed:  Did these include Circumcellions? Again, we do not know. Melania and Pinian lived in North Africa for seven years, from 410 to 417. Having sold their properties there, or, as Gerontius puts it, having “disposed of the burden of their riches” (Life 34), they headed eastward and were far from Africa when Vandals arrived. Earlier, in October 409, Vandals had entered the Iberian peninsula, where they and other barbarian groups settled. In 429, with a new king (Gaiseric or Genseric), they migrated from Spain to Africa. By capturing Roman Africa (“the granary of Rome”), the Vandals could control maritime trade with Italy.162 They disrupted the collection of taxes and forwarding of food supplies to Rome. The Vandal capture of Carthage in 439 gave them the home port for perhaps the largest transport fleet in the west.163 With 158. Dossey, Peasant and Empire, 2. She notes (3) that scholars have variously identified them as Berber nationalists, peasant revolutionaries, or agonistic monks trying to create Christ’s kingdom on earth. 159. Shaw, Sacred Violence, 631: the term is “an ideological construct which lived on in these specific texts and in no others.” 160. Shaw, Sacred Violence, 638, 641, 644–​48, passim; Shaw, Bringing in the Sheaves, 218. 161. Shaw, Sacred Violence, 673–​74, citing Augustine, Sermon 62.13 (PL 38, 421) and Against the Letter of Parmenian 1.10.16 (CSEL 51.37). 162.  Giusto Traina, 428 AD (Princeton and Oxford 2009 [2007]), 81–​84. 163.  Michael McCormick, Origins of the European Economy (Cambridge 2001), 103.

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the Roman loss of Africa, the tax deficit became so severe that in 444 Valentinian III admitted that it was not possible to supply Roman troops with food and clothing. Eleven years later, the Vandal leader Genseric/​ Gaiseric would sack Rome itself.164 By 439, however, Melania, Pinian, and Albina were all dead, buried in Jerusalem. To Jerusalem we go.

164.  Pablo C. Díaz, “Crisis, Transition, Transformation” (Newcastle upon Tyne 2017), 24–​25, citing CTh, Novella, Valentinian 15.1. In 441, Valentinian reported that the Roman West was on the verge of ruin; the rich and powerful refused to pay taxes (Valentinian, Novella 10.1), discussed in Jörg A. Schlumberger, “Potentes and Potentia” (Madison WI 1989), 93.

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8

To Jerusalem

Melania in Egypt Sailing from North Africa to Jerusalem in 417, Melania, Pinian, and Albina docked briefly in Alexandria. With its two distinct harbors and linked to the Nile, the city was the center of commerce in the eastern Mediterranean, serving as the conduit for Egypt’s many resources (grain, flax, papyrus, and glass). In late antiquity, Alexandria witnessed raging religious controversy between different stripes of Christians, as well as between Christians and pagans. A prominent Jewish population had also long resided in the city.1 In Alexandria, Melania and entourage were greeted by Cyril, the city’s bishop, who was the nephew—​and successor—​of the former powerful bishop Theophilus. The latter, who had ruled from 385 to 412, had been instrumental in expelling Origenist monks (friends of Melania the Elder) from the Egyptian desert.2 In 391, Theophilus had sanctioned the destruction of the famous pagan temple of Alexandria, the Serapeum, including its irreplaceable library of ancient texts; in this, he went further than the imperial edicts against pagan structures stipulated.3 Some years 1.  For a helpful survey, see Christopher Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity (Baltimore and London 1997), chap. 2. 2.  On Theophilus and Origenism, see Elizabeth A. Clark, The Origenist Controversy (Princeton 1992), 105–​21. For a warmer view of Theophilus, see Krastu Banev, Theophilus of Alexandria (Oxford 2015). 3.  The Serapeum: the temple to the patron god of Alexandria, Serapis. On its destruction, see Rufinus, Church History 11.22–​30; Socrates, Church History 5.16–​17; Theodoret, Church History 5.22; Sozomen, Church History 7.15; Haas, Alexandria, 146–​48, 161–​69; Clark, Origenist Controversy, 53–​ 56; Edward J. Watts, Hypatia (Oxford 2017), 57–​61. Also see Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford 2011), 72, 63, 799, discussing CTh 16.10.10. Although imperial edicts banned worship Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0008

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later, Theophilus orchestrated the ouster and exile of John Chrysostom from the bishopric of Constantinople. One of John Chrysostom’s supporters had been Palladius, who traveled to Rome in 404 to seek support for John from the bishop of Rome—​and while there enjoyed the hospitality of Melania and Pinian.4 The Life (34) represents Melania and Cyril as oblivious to these earlier allegiances and animosities: Cyril received the trio in a manner “befitting his holiness.” He had taken office in 412 amid turmoil; three days of street fighting ensued between his faction and that of a rival candidate. By 415, Cyril, who abhorred Jews and pagans, had become unpopular with various groups in Alexandria, leading to conflict with the Roman governor, Orestes. Orestes had befriended the pagan philosopher Hypatia, who in March 415 was publicly and brutally murdered by Cyril’s faction: the mob stripped her and dismembered her body with broken roof tiles. Cyril had not restrained them. Christians throughout the empire—​including (allegedly) the young emperor in Constantinople, Theodosius II—​were shocked at this violence and brutality.5 There is no mention in the Life of these incidents, which occurred just two years before Melania’s visit. Years later, Cyril, like Theophilus before him, became a heretic hunter. The “heresies” he pursued largely concerned Christology, those of a “low” sort that Cyril thought denigrated Christ. His opponents—​ Nestorius in particular—​resisted what they considered Cyril’s error in allowing Christ’s divinity to overwhelm his humanity. In the late 420s and early 430s, Cyril engineered Nestorius’ ouster from the bishopric of Constantinople. Nestorius’ emphasis on Christ’s full humanity led him to challenge the notion that Mary, the mother of Jesus, should be called the “Mother of God”: humans, he said, do not give birth to “God.” In 431, however, the Council of Ephesus, spurred by Cyril, officially awarded her that title, theotokos (literally, the “God-​bearer”). Cyril openly bribed in temples and “idols,” the buildings themselves might be left standing as cultural artifacts; see chap. 4. It is unknown how many volumes from the original Alexandrian Library were housed in the Serapeum. 4. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.7. In the 380s, Palladius lived for three years with a priest, Innocent, on the Mount of Olives (Lausiac History 41); there, he knew Melania the Elder, and accompanied her and Silvia (sister of Rufinus, praetorian prefect of the East) on a trip to Egypt (Lausiac History 55). Palladius was back in Palestine, at least briefly, in 393: see Epiphanius, Letter to John of Jerusalem (=Jerome, Letter 51), 9. Melania the Elder provided Palladius with some tales of the desert fathers that he recounts in the Lausiac History. 5.  On these events, see Haas, Alexandria, 295–​316; on Hypatia’s murder, see Watts, Hypatia, 1–​3, and chap. 9, with numerous references.

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members of the Constantinopolitan court to support this decision: half a ton of gold, 117 elegant rugs, and thirty-​two ivory chairs and stools, among other costly presents.6 The Life represents Melania as siding with Cyril’s anti-​Nestorian position. In 437, while in Constantinople (as we shall detail in c­ hapter 9), she combatted Nestorian teaching, reportedly discussing theology with visitors from morning to night (Life 54). All this, however, lay years after Melania’s encounter with Cyril in Alexandria in 417. Later, in Jerusalem in 438 or 439, Cyril again met Melania, at the consecration of a shrine housing relics of Saint Stephen.7 During the trio’s Alexandria visit, however, it is not Cyril who occupies center stage, but rather the desert father abba Nestoros (Life 34). Nestoros, who allegedly possessed the gifts of prophecy and healing, journeyed to Alexandria once a year to work his curative skills. In 417, his visit coincided with Melania’s. By his quasi-​ miraculous power, Nestoros recognized Melania, Pinian, and Albina individually, after they had become separated from each other in the dense throng. Pinian, predictably, hoped to receive a blessing before making a quick exit, but Nestoros detained them. After dismissing the crowd, he recounted to them the troubles they had encountered in their renunciations and encouraged them in their endeavors. Thus edified, the three sailed for Jerusalem (Life 35). After the trio had initially settled in Jerusalem—​on which more later—​Melania and Pinian undertook a second visit to Egypt, leaving Albina behind to oversee the construction of a small cell for her daughter. This trip followed the sale of some property in Spain, a transaction previously prevented by the barbarian incursions (Life 37). Its explicit purpose was to see the desert fathers—​and to present them with funds. By Melania’s era, the Egyptian desert had long been a favored spot for monks, nuns, and hermits.8 The retreat of the would-​be hermit Antony to the desert toward the end of the third century was followed in the early fourth by Pachomius’ development of settled monastic communities, first at Tabennisi, some distance south on the Nile, and later closer to 6. Haas, Alexandria, 249–​50, citing Cyril of Alexandria, Letter 96. 7.  John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 49. Peter the Iberian in 437 fled the Constantinopolitan court (where he had been a hostage) and was sheltered by Melania on the Mount of Olives. 8. On the development of Egyptian monasticism, see Derwas J. Chitty, The Desert a City (Oxford 1966). Among more recent works, Peter Brown, The Body and Society (New York 1988), chaps. 11–​12; James E. Goehring, Ascetics, Society, and the Desert (Harrisburg PA 1999), especially on Pachomian monasticism; William Harmless, Desert Christians (Oxford 2004), esp. chaps 1–​9.

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Alexandria.9 The Egyptian desert soon was teeming with thousands of ascetics who made “the desert a city,” as bishop Athanasius of Alexandria declared.10 Monastic Rules, letters, and many sayings attributed to these desert ascetics have been preserved, as have reports from visitors such as Palladius (in his Lausiac History) and the anonymous authors of the History of the Monks of Egypt. Two of the famous sites that attracted ascetics are mentioned in Melania’s Life (39): Nitria (near the southernmost shore of Lake Mareotis) and Kellia, “the Cells.” Nitria, founded around 330, was organized as a community; from it, experienced monks desiring a more solitary life could venture deeper into the desert to “the Cells.” Still further out in the desert was Scetis, whose monks inspired many of the “Sayings of the Fathers,” probably collected in the mid-​fifth century. The first site that Melania and Pinian visited on this return trip to Egypt, likely in 418,11 is not identified in the Life (37) but was near Alexandria; Canopus seems likely. In Roman times, it was infamous for its debauchery. After the imperial anti-​pagan legislation of 391 and the suppression of pagan sanctuaries at Canopus, bishop Theophilus brought in Pachomian monks to establish a monastery there.12 Jerome, who in 404 translated the Pachomian Rules from Greek into Latin, attests the name change: the monastery is now called Metanoia (“Repentance”).13 By the early fifth century, Alexandria had become a recruiting center for Pachomian monks.14 Palladius claims that some two thousand monks now lived in the area around Alexandria.15 Returning to Alexandria, the couple met and received blessings from many holy men, including the superior of the Pachomian monastery at Tabennisi (Life 39). From Alexandria, Melania and Pinian traveled south to the famous ascetic sites of Nitria and Kellia, (Life 39). According to Palladius, the journey from Alexandria to Nitria, where nearly five thousand men practiced the ascetic life, took a day and a half.16 9.  The connection between the Pachomians and Alexandria has been well explored by James E. Goehring, “The Pachomian Federation” (Cairo and New York 2017), 49–​60. 10. Athanasius, Life of Antony 14. 11.  For dating, see Patrick Laurence, Gérontius, La Vie latine (Jerusalem 2002), 59. 12.  See Goehring, “Pachomian Federation,” 53, with references. 13.  Jerome, “Preface 1,” The Rules of Saint Pachomius (Kalamazoo MI 1981), 2:141. Jerome adds (142) that he is translating the Rules for Eustochium to use with her nuns in Bethlehem, as she takes over leadership from her (recently deceased) mother, Paula. 14.  Goehring, “Pachomian Federation,” 50, 51, 53. 15. Palladius, Lausiac History 7.1. 16. Palladius, Lausiac History 7.1–​2. Palladius stayed at Nitria for a year and then went to “the Cells” for nine years (Lausiac History 7.3, 18.1).

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Gerontius’ narrative concerning the visit to the first ascetic site, possibly at Canopus, centers on one story: Melania’s attempt to give abba Hephestion some gold. When he refused, she crept into his cell, noted that his possessions were nearly nonexistent, and hid the gold coins in a basket of salt. Hephestion discovered the coins shortly after Melania and Pinian’s hasty retreat and ran after them to return the gift. When Melania urged him to take the money for the poor, if not for himself, he replied that no needy people strayed to his cell. No resolution obtained, Hephestion threw the gold into the river.17 Nor were other holy men and women willing to accept their money, yet Melania, through a “spiritual ruse,” left it in their cells (Life 38). One wonders if Melania and Pinian were not disappointed:  they had brought at least some of the wealth derived from the sale of their Spanish properties to assist the desert fathers, but takers were wanting. Several stories narrate the desert fathers’ refusal of money from would-​be donors. One such concerned our Melania’s grandmother, Melania the Elder, who brought three hundred pounds of silver in a silver casket to the desert father Pambo in Nitria. Pambo promptly directed an assistant to send it to more needy monks in Libya and elsewhere. Melania the Elder told Palladius (who recounted the story) that she stood eagerly waiting for Pambo’s praise. When nothing was forthcoming, she pointedly reiterated that the amount was three hundred pounds. Pambo briskly replied that if she was giving the sum to God, God would know how much it was—​so “be quiet.”18 The elder Melania tells the story on herself and is suitably humbled; her granddaughter, in Gerontius’ narration, is delighted by her own ruse, and saw her deed as “a spiritual gain and a great advantage”—​to herself (Life 38). In the stories of both Melanias, the desert monks and hermits warmly receive them. That monks did not always welcome female visitors, however, is clear from accounts in which the latter were rebuffed. One such 17.  The river appears as a popular repository in which Egyptian ascetics could rid themselves of unwanted or burdensome objects, for example, a child or allegedly heretical books. For “child,” see The Sayings of the Fathers, Sisoes 10; for a similar story, John Cassian, Institutes 4.27.1–​28.1. “Heretical” books:  see “First Greek Life of Pachomius” 31 (Pachomian Koinonia 1):  Pachomius threw a book by Origen in the water; he would have burned if it had not contained the Lord’s name. 18. Palladius, Lausiac History 10.2–​4 (Pambo). Palladius continues:  as Pambo lay dying, he summoned the elder Melania to give her a basket he was finishing, as he had nothing else to leave her (10.5). Pambo was one of the Origenist-​leaning monks whom she befriended. She was also bequeathed a sheepskin by Macarius the Alexandrian (Lausiac History 18). In another story, a rich visitor tried to give money to ascetics at Scete, but none would touch it; here, the money went to the poor. See “The Sayings of the Fathers,” 6.19 (Ann Arbor MI 1966), 85.

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tale concerns a wealthy virgin who journeyed from Rome to Egypt to see Arsenius, a cultured ascetic who had formerly been a court official. Catching him outside his cell, she did indeed “see” him, but received an angry rebuke: Now you will go back to Rome and tell the other women, “I have seen Arsenius,” and the sea will become “a high road of women coming to see me.” Do you not know that you are a woman and ought not to go anywhere, he asks? The woman vows to tell no one in Rome but hopes that Arsenius will pray for and remember her. Arsenius replies, “I pray God that he will wipe the memory of you from my heart.” Later, she falls ill and regains health only when a bishop (presumably Theophilus) assures her that the rebuke was not personal; it was given because the Devil lays siege to holy men through women. She can trust that Arsenius is praying for her soul.19 Gerontius’ report about Melania and Pinian’s visit to Egyptian ascetics is thin. We are treated to no stories about the desert fathers themselves; his tale centers on Melania. He notes, however, that Melania was received “like a man.” She had detached herself from “womanliness” and acquired a masculine mentality, or better, a “celestial” one (Life 39). To refer to female ascetics as “men” or as “angels” is a frequent topos of ascetic literature, praising women who had overcome the undesirable qualities that male writers in antiquity often ascribed to them (e.g., vanity, feeble-​mindedness, weakness of will) and had acquired “male” rationality and self-​control. Leaving Alexandria, Melania and Pinian were back in Jerusalem by January 419 at the latest (and probably before, given sailing conditions), since Gerontius reports that they celebrated Epiphany there (Life 40).

Pilgrimage: Egypt and the Holy Land Long-​distance pilgrimage in late antiquity (as contrasted with visits to local shrines) centered on two sites in particular: Egypt and the Holy Land. Gerontius depicts Melania and Pinian’s second visit to Egypt as a pilgrimage. Moreover, he suggests that the trio’s initial trip to Jerusalem was also intended as a pilgrimage, motivated by their desire to see 19.  “The Sayings of the Fathers” 2.7. In Sayings of the Desert Fathers, the story is listed as Arsenius 28. This incident perhaps took place when Arsenius was in Canopus (Chitty, Desert a City, 68), where the Pachomian monastery had numerous Latin as well as Greek speakers (Goehring, “Pachomian Federation,” 53).

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the holy places (Life 34). These two venues named in the Life, however, suggest different types of pilgrimage:  in Jerusalem, they went to see, and worship at, places; in Egypt, to see people. What is often labeled “pilgrimage” encompassed various forms of religious travel. The “pilgrimages” of Jerome, Paula, Melania the Elder, and others, Rebecca Falcasantos argues, might better be seen as resettling, migration, or relocation.20 The rise of Egypt as a pilgrimage site is closely linked to the development of asceticism in the fourth century. Pilgrims traveling to Egypt saw not so much a physical space or buildings connected with incidents in sacred history (as was the case for Jerusalem) but the famed desert ascetics, whose blessings the pilgrims desired.21 These holy ascetics showed that miracles still happened, that sacred charisma was still at work.22 It is noteworthy that the Life does not represent Melania as engaged in acts of worship when she visits the desert monks. Places of pilgrimage likewise have their own rationale. Pilgrimage to certain sites rests on the assumption that acts of worship are more effectively performed there rather than elsewhere. Moreover, their holiness can be appropriated by physical contact. In Palestine, holy places acquired an aura of divinity; God, it was believed, had implanted his form on these material objects.23 Christians’ pilgrimages to the Holy Land, and to Jerusalem in particular, reinforced the notion that Christianity was a historical religion, assuring the devout that events mentioned in the Bible had happened at particular times and places.24 The holy sites bolstered the notion of Christ’s true humanity.25 In Palestine, these holy sites were distinguished from all other places by the authority of Scripture.26 Jerusalem in particular was “reshaped to accord with the Bible, and with the demands of pilgrims to see the places which bore the Bible witness,” Simon Coleman and Jaś Elsner write; “all one had to do was to think of a text, and the authentic spot could be 20.  Rebecca Stephens Falcasantos, “Wandering Wombs, Inspired Intellects,” 112–​17. 21.  Georgia Frank, The Memory of the Eyes (Berkeley and Los Angeles 2000); Georgia Frank, “Miracles, Monks, and Monuments” (Leiden 1998), esp. 503–​5 on “monks as monuments.” On pilgrimage to Coptic shrines, see David Frankfurter, “Introduction: Approaches to Coptic Pilgrimage” (Leiden 1998), 3–​48. 22.  Simon Coleman and John Elsner, Pilgrimage Past and Present (Cambridge MA 1995), 90. 23.  Sabine MacCormack, “Loca Sancta” (Urbana and Chicago 1990), 21, 22. 24.  John F. Matthews, “Hostages, Philosophers, Pilgrims” (Madison WI 1989), 44–​45. 25.  Colin Morris, The Sepulchre of Christ (Oxford 2005), 57. 26.  MacCormack, “Loca Sancta,” 20.

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provided.”27 As the number of pilgrims multiplied in the fourth century and beyond, confident identification of sites associated with the life of Jesus was necessary, even when evidence was lacking.28 The site of Jesus’ Ascension, for example, was deemed moveable: in the later fourth century, it was relocated to a spot on the Mount of Olives, marked by a church, the “Imbomon,” built by a wealthy woman, Poemenia, to commemorate the event.29 One problem haunted these commemorative endeavors throughout Palestine: most localities mentioned in the Bible were connected to Jewish, not to Christian, history. Monks in Palestine set out to “Christianize” it so that pilgrims might travel through a Christian Holy Land.30 To be sure, this process was assisted by theologians, who appropriated the Hebrew Bible as a Christian book, replete with stories and sayings that either pointed ahead to the coming of Jesus or themselves mysteriously contained some Christian doctrines, such as the Trinity. Christian pilgrimage flourished from the time of Constantine onward. In late antiquity, it was usually an elite phenomenon, requiring considerable resources and free time.31 Pilgrimage to the Holy Land became popular following the largely political and ceremonial voyage in the late 320s of the empress Helena (Constantine’s mother), who visited sites in Palestine allegedly connected with the life of Jesus.32 She was instrumental in the construction and dedication of churches, including the Eleona Church on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem and the Church of Nativity in Bethlehem, the latter built around 327, at whose dedication she was present.33 The Eleona Church (so called from the Greek 27.  Coleman and Elsner, Pilgrimage Past and Present, 84. “Jerusalem,” however, could signify not only the “goal of a physical pilgrimage” but also “the goal of an internal journey and as the New Jerusalem, site of the second coming” (Susanna Elm, “Perceptions of Jerusalem Pilgrimage” [Leuven 1989], 219–​23). The “New Jerusalem” was the goal for a second-​and third-​century Christian group, the Montanists, who retained the idea of an imminent return of Jesus and arrival of the Kingdom of God, after the “mainstream” church had begun to reinterpret that notion. 28.  P. W. L. Walker, Holy City, Holy Places? (Oxford 1990), 246–​47. 29.  John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 43; Walker, Holy City, Holy Places?  201–​2. 30.  Hagith Sivan, “Pilgrimage, Monasticism” (Urbana IL and Chicago 1990), 56–​57. 31.  Kenneth G. Holum, “Hadrian and St. Helena” (Urbana IL and Chicago 1990), 69–​70, 76, 72. 32.  On Helena, see Jan Willem Drijvers, Helena Augusta (Leiden and New York 1992); E. D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage (Oxford 1982), chap.  2; Holum, “Hadrian and St. Helena,” 66–​81; Maribel Dietz, Wandering Monks, Virgins, and Pilgrims (University Park PA 2005), 109–​14. On pilgrimage and the Christianization of Palestine, see Robert Wilken, The Land Called Holy (New Haven and London 1992); Sivan, “Pilgrimage, Monasticism,” 54–​65; Marianne Sághy, “La Notion de ‘Lieu Saint’” (Paris 2006), 429–​42. On Christian appropriation of Judaism’s holy sites, see Andrew S. Jacobs, The Remains of the Jews (Stanford 2004). 33. Eusebius, Life of Constantine 3.43 (Eleona), 3.41–​ 42 (Church of the Nativity); Asher Ovadiah, Corpus of the Byzantine Churches (Bonn 1970), 82–​83; Noel Lenski, “Empresses in the

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name for the Mount of Olives) was built over a cave where, Christians believed, Jesus had spoken with his disciples about the end of the world (Matt. 24:1–​26:2).34 Helena’s pilgrimage can be seen as a tool of government, Constantine’s court using it to fashion a new conception of the Roman Empire.35 Following in the footsteps of Helena, other women journeyed to Palestine. The most famous female pilgrim of the later fourth century was Egeria, a woman from Spain or Gaul, whose account of her travels to the Holy Land and surrounding areas is one of the few extant writings by a woman of late antiquity.36 Her description of sites has been a valuable resource for scholars seeking to understand Christian sacred spaces in Palestine and vicinity, especially those in Jerusalem, as well as the development of the liturgy in that city. To the latter we shall return. Some fourth-​century theologians and bishops tried to discourage women from undertaking trips to Palestine. Bishop Athanasius of Alexandria consoled the dedicated virgins under his care that the inspiration they received during their pilgrimage to the Holy Land was not lost once they returned home, for the sacred lies in their own “temples,” the soul. They could cultivate Christian virtues in their Alexandrian monastery just as well as in Bethlehem and Jerusalem.37 Gregory of Nyssa, in Asia Minor, pointedly asks if the Holy Spirit is not able to reach as far as Cappadocia, his home province.38 Gregory discourages women from undertaking pilgrimages, on which they exposed themselves to danger from their male escorts.39 Nevertheless, women went.

Holy Land” (Aldershot UK and Burlington VT 2004), 115; Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage, 29–​37; Michaela Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftungen römischer Kaiserinnen vom 4.bis zum 6.  Jahrhundert (Münster Westfalen 2015), 39, 42. Even before the construction of the Church of the Nativity, visitors were shown the cave where Jesus was born and his manger (Origen, Against Celsus 1.51); the story dates to the second century (Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 78; Protevangelium of James 18), combining traditions of Matthew and Luke. 34. Baldovin, Urban Character of Christian Worship, 51. 35.  So Holum, “Hadrian and St. Helena,” 72, 77. 36.  For English translations, see Egeria: Diary of a Pilgrimage (New York and Ramsey NJ 1970), or Egeria’s Travels (London 1971). Both have extensive commentary on the text. 37. Athanasius, Second Letter to Virgins 1–​6; on Athanasius’ ambivalence toward pilgrimage, see David Brakke, “Outside the Places, Within the Truth” (Leiden 1998), 445–​81. 38.  Gregory of Nyssa, Letter 2.8. For Gregory on pilgrimage, see Brouria Bitton-​Ashkelony, Encountering the Sacred (Berkeley 2005), 48–​57. 39.  Gregory of Nyssa, Letter 2.6.

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Jerusalem Jerusalem, holy city of the Jews, was partly destroyed in 70 ce by the military general and emperor-​to-​be Titus, who was sent by his father, the emperor Vespasian, to quash a Jewish revolt in Judea. A panel on the triumphal arch in Rome, built in 82 to honor Titus shortly after his death, depicts the spoils of the Jerusalem Temple being carried off by the Roman victors. Only in the second century was Jerusalem rebuilt, by the emperor Hadrian. He renamed it Aelia Capitolina in 132, expelled the Jews, and refounded Judaea and parts of Syria as a Roman colony, Syria Palaestina. Hadrian’s attempts to “de-​Judaize” Jerusalem and Palestine led to the massive Bar Kokhba revolt of 132–​35. By the time that Constantine became emperor in 306, Aelia Capitolina was an insignificant provincial town of perhaps five or six thousand people.40 Again the city was transformed, now by the building activities of Constantine and members of his family. Although the emperor Julian (“the Apostate”) in the mid-​fourth century tried to reclaim the Jewish character of the city, to counter Constantine’s “Christianized” Jerusalem, his effort (including the proposed rebuilding of the Jewish Temple) was short-​lived.41 Both civil and military governors of Palestine were stationed in Caesarea, the metropolis of the province called Palaestina Prima after 390—​but Jerusalem was the place to which pilgrims would flock.42 Pagan practice still lived on in the mid-​fourth century, as is evident in bishop Cyril of Jerusalem’s warnings against participation in pagan festivals, attendance at temples, devotion to statues of the gods, divination, and other practices.43 When Melania, Pinian, and Albina reached Jerusalem from Alexandria, they first stayed at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. During Constantine’s era, Jesus’ burial place had been “found” under a temple of Aphrodite (Venus); here, the church of the Holy Sepulcher was built and was dedicated in September 336.44 The church historian Eusebius, 40.  Jan Willem Drijvers, “The Conversion of Aelia Capitolina” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2015), 284. For a brief introduction, see Michael Zank, Jerusalem (Chichester UK 2018), 95–​102. 41.  Hagith Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity (Oxford 2008), 204. Julian was emperor from 361 to 363. 42.  Yoram Trafrir, “Byzantine Jerusalem” (New York 1999), 143; Zeev Rubin, “The Cult of the Holy Places” (New York 1999), 157. 43.  Jan Willem Drijvers, “Transformation of a City” (Leuven 2013), 309–​30, discussing Cyril’s Mystagogical Catecheses 1.1. 7–​8. 44.  See Bryan Ward-​Perkins, “Reconfiguring Sacred Space” (Wiesbaden 2003), 287. The practice of destroying pagan shrines and building churches over them was a practice of the East, not

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writing shortly after the event, described the process:  Constantine wished to develop a new church complex at a juncture of two main roads where the (pagan) emperor Hadrian in the second century had built a temple. He ordered that all debris from the temple, polluted by animal sacrifices, should be cleared away and dumped far from the location. The process was undertaken by Makarios, bishop of Jerusalem. Digging deep, workmen found the holy burial place.45 Eusebius, however, does not mention finding the cross on which Jesus died. That story was left to theologians and historians several decades later.46 The Holy Sepulcher was Constantine’s first church project in Palestine. This large complex joined two different sites, Golgotha (Calvary), the place of Jesus’ death, and the Anastasis (“resurrection”), the place of Jesus’ burial and from which believers claimed he rose. The bishop’s residence was also part of the complex. At some point, hostels, or xenodochia, lodgings for Christian travelers and pilgrims, were built around the church. The Holy Sepulcher became a popular pilgrimage destination: bishop John Chrysostom in Constantinople declared, “The whole world runs to see the tomb which has no body.”47 When Melania, Pinian, and Albina first arrived in Jerusalem, they stayed “in the shelters of the Holy Sepulchre” (Life 35), presumably in the quarters for poor pilgrims.48 Art historian Annabel Wharton describes the church, depicted in Figure 8.1: Constantine’s cathedral in Jerusalem was, like many of the other churches that he patronized, a Roman civil basilica modified for liturgical use: a large structure, internally divided by rows of columns which processed from the entrance in the West (286, 288). The church (“of wondrous beauty”) was noted in the first recorded pilgrim account of Jerusalem in 333 C.E. (Itinerarium Burdigalense 594 [Prague, Vienna, and Leipzig 1898]). 45. Eusebius, Life of Constantine 25–​28. Jonathan Z. Smith observes: Eusebius uses both “the archaic imperial language of the cosmogonic myth” (“the revival of renewal of the cosmos after a period of disorder or chaos”) and the language of “a royal-​sacerdotal purification.” Finding the tomb was not so much a “discovery as an act of self-​display,” as the tomb self-​authenticates (To Take Place [Chicago and London 1987], 80, 81). 46.  See Rufinus of Aquileia, Church History 10.7–​8; Socrates, Church History 1.17; Sozomen, Church History 2.1; Theodoret, Church History 1.17. 47.  John Chrysostom, Homily in Psalms 109.6 (PG 55, 274); and see Brouria Bitton-​Ashkelony, “The Attitude of Church Fathers toward Pilgrimage” (New York 1999), 188. 48.  A suggestion by Morris, Sepulchre of Christ, 45. For the history of the church’s architecture into the Middle Ages, see Robert Ousterhout, “Rebuilding the Temple,” 66–​78.

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Figure 8.1  Reconstructed plan of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Jerusalem, in the fourth century. Credit: Annabel Jane Wharton, Refiguring the Post Classical City: Dura Europos, Jerash, Jerusalem and Ravenna (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 89, and Cambridge University Press.

the east toward the altar, framed by a grand apse, in the west. . . . The rock-​cut tomb, provided with a marble veneer, became the focus of a great rotunda, identified as the Anastasis (resurrection). Soon, too, an outcrop behind the south nave of the basilica was identified as Golgotha, and marked with a cross. The two sites intimately associated with Jesus’s body at its most human (death) and its most divine (resurrection) made the space numinous. A single complex, known as the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, incorporated them both. For Christians, this was the most privileged of all pilgrimage destinations.49 By the end of the fourth century, Wharton adds, the Holy Sepulcher was “the center of Christian pilgrimage, the omphalos of the world. In the post classical moment, the site of the missing god had become a powerful testimony to the divine.”50 The church that 49.  Annabel Jane Wharton, Selling Jerusalem (Chicago and London 2006), 18. 50. Annabel Jane Wharton, Refiguring the Post Classical City (Cambridge and New  York 1995), 91.

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the visitor sees today, however, has only some elements of the original buildings.51 The developing legend credits Helena, on site at the excavations, with discovering the cross on which Jesus had died, the “True Cross.”52 The first mention of the True Cross in Christian literature, however, appeared only in about 350, when bishop Cyril of Jerusalem mentioned it in his Lenten Lectures (Catecheses):  “The wood of the cross is seen among us even to this day.”53 Helena herself was not associated with the event until February 395, when bishop Ambrose of Milan, in his funeral eulogy for Theodosius I, made the connection.54 Such belated reports might prompt modern readers to question the veracity of these stories, but this point did not disturb Christian devotees of late antiquity. The building of Christian churches in Palestine continued apace after the erection of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. The latter became the center of Christianity in Jerusalem, shifting attention away from an earlier holy site on Mount Zion.55 Among other notable buildings erected in the fourth century were several on the Mount of Olives:  the Eleona Church; monasteries founded by Innocent the Italian and by Melania the Elder and Rufinus; a basilica, the “Imbonon,” built by Poimenia on the alleged site of the Ascension of Jesus; a Gethsemane Church; plus hostels for pilgrims.56 The Mount of Olives, so important to cultic life, was outside of Jerusalem proper, connected by long, steep paths to the city.57 The Christian sites there and on Mount Zion were central to the liturgical processions to and from the Holy Sepulcher.58

51.  Stanislao Loffreda, “English Summary; The Constantinian Structures” (Jerusalem 1981), 223–​28; Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftung römischer Kaiserinnen, 40–​43.. 52.  See Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage, 7–​8, 39–​42; Drijvers, Helena Augusta, 81 and chap. 3. 53.  Cyril of Jerusalem, Lenten Lectures 13.4 (often called Catechetical Lectures). 54. Ambrose, Death of Theodosius 40–​49; see Drijvers, Helena Augusta, 95, 109–​13. On the preparation of candidates for baptism and ritual practices connected with it, see Wharton, Refiguring the Post Classical City,  80–​85. 55. Walker, Holy City, Holy Places? 239–​41; Eusebius, Life of Constantine 3.25–​40; Trafrir, “Byzantine Jerusalem,” 135. 56.  Drijvers, “Conversion of Aelia Capitolina,” 287–​88, 293. 57.  Trafrir, “Byzantine Jerusalem,” 138–​39. By time of Cyril of Jerusalem, the Mount of Olives was considered “integral” to the city (Walker, Holy City, Holy Places? 219–​20). 58.  Trafrir, “Byzantine Jerusalem,” 140.

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Relics Slivers of the Cross became valuable assets, the most holy and coveted relics. Sometime in the fourth century, an eager viewer of the Cross took a bite out of it and made off with the precious item.59 Helena herself allegedly appropriated some nails from the Cross to take back to Constantinople with her;60 one was placed in Constantine’s helmet, and another in his horse’s bridle, both meant to link him to Christ and to ensure his safety and that of the empire.61 In the mid-​fourth century, Cyril of Jerusalem claimed that devotees had taken portions of the wood of the Cross, “filling almost the whole world.”62 A slice of it came into Melania the Elder’s possession, courtesy of bishop John of Jerusalem; she sent a piece of her treasure to Paulinus of Nola, who in turn shared it with his friend Sulpicius Severus in Gaul.63 Relics, even when parceled out and dispersed, were thought to retain their holy power, undiminished. As the recently established imperial city of Constantinople needed relics for its churches, Constantine sent to Jerusalem to retrieve some to adorn his new Church of the Holy Apostles. Jerome reports that the emperor received the bones of Andrew, Luke, and Timothy.64 The furor for relics can be difficult for our contemporaries to understand. Saints’ relics, however, were not simply bits of dead bodies but showed that the saint had triumphed over death. These body parts needed to be widely distributed to effect salvation for more than the original possessor.65 When saints are transformed into relics, the power surrounding them is infinitely multiplied, and their geographic specificity is blurred.66 “ ‘Translation,’ ” Cyril Mango notes, “is surely too decorous a term to denote the sordid reality of the widespread transfer, 59. Egeria, Diary of a Pilgrimage 37. Egeria adds that now deacons are stationed around the Cross to protect it from such assaults. 60. Ambrose, Death of Theodosius 40, 47; and see John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims (Warminster UK 2002), 59. 61.  The story is told in Sozomen, Church History 2.1. 62.  Cyril of Jerusalem, Lenten Lectures 10.19. 63.  Paulinus of Nola, Letter 31.1, describing Helena’s role in building the church (31.4); letter dated to 402–​3; Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage, 47. John of Jerusalem was friendly with Origenist-​ leaning ascetics (E. A. Clark, Origenist Controversy, 94–​96, 191–​92). 64. Jerome, Against Vigilantius 5.43; later, Arcadius took the bones of Samuel to Thrace. 65.  Cyril Mango, “Constantine’s Mausoleum” (Aldershot UK and Brookfield VT 1993), 61. 66.  Gilbert Dagron, “Le Christianisme dans le ville byzantine” (London 1984), 23.

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dismemberment and sale of human skeletons that was to transform ‘the geography of the holy’ within Christendom in addition to generating considerable profits for both supplier and recipient.” The practice was “remarkable,” given the inviolability of tombs in Roman law and people’s deepest instincts regarding the dead.67 What do relics “do”? I again cite Wharton: A relic is the remnant of a history that is threatened by forgetting. It records duration and postpones oblivion. It offers reassurance that the past retains its authority. It collapses time. A relic is a sign of previous power, real or imagined. It promises to put that power back to work. A relic is a fragment that evokes past fullness. It is a part that allows the embrace of an absent whole. It is the living piece of a dead object. It is an intensely material sign entangled in a spiritual significance. A relic avoids intrinsically valuable materials. It works in part through the uniqueness of its survival.68 Melania the Younger, too, was keen to own relics. She acquired some for the oratory of the women’s monastery: bones of the prophet Zechariah, the protomartyr Stephen, and the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste,69 among others “whose names God knows” (Life 48). Even remains of unidentified holy persons conveyed sanctity. The Life does not report from whom Melania acquired her relics; quite likely, bishops were involved. Later, we find her, near life’s end, building a small martyrium in which she would place (different?) relics of Stephen, among others. There, monks were to pray for her after her death (Life 58, 64).

Monastic Life in Palestine The development of monasticism in Palestine was driven by reverence for the holy places.70 It was well established in various forms by the time Melania, Pinian, and Albina arrived. Some monks dwelled alone as 67.  Mango, “Constantine’s Mausoleum,” 51. 68. Wharton, Selling Jerusalem, 9–​10. The relic might be displayed in cases made of highly valuable materials but itself is wood, bone, or cloth. 69.  The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste (Armenia), Roman legionnaires, were martyred during the last persecution of Christians in the early fourth century. 70. Morris, Sepulchre of Christ, 51.

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anchorites, such as Hilarion, who at first lived in solitude in Gaza, but then gathered other men around him.71 A distinctive form of Palestinian monasticism was the laura, supposedly initiated by Chariton, perhaps in the mid-​fourth century.72 In the laura system, when fully developed, monks spent five days of the week in solitude devoted to prayer and work and two days in community.73 Some monks who dwelled in the wilderness were still quite close to Jerusalem, a short walk away;74 about these Cyril of Scythopolis wrote detailed accounts, for example, of Euthymius in the early fifth century and his pupil Sabas.75 From the 370s onward, westerners made their way to Palestine. Among them were Melania’s grandmother Melania the Elder and her companion, Rufinus of Aquileia, who settled on the Mount of Olives, and, in the 380s, Jerome and his aristocratic companion, Paula, who built monasteries in Bethlehem.76 Puzzles remain about the fate of these monasteries: Were the elder Melania and Rufinus’ monasteries still functioning, despite their own deaths seven or eight years before the younger Melania and her entourage arrived in 417? If so, why did she and her company not join them, and if not, what became of them? Had they disappeared, or perhaps been turned over to eastern ascetics?77 Or was Melania giving her grandmother’s establishment the cold shoulder? We do not know. The fate of the Bethlehem monasteries also remains a mystery. After the elder Paula died in 404,78 her daughter Eustochium took over the women’s monastery. Eustochium died in late 418 or early 419, and Jerome himself later that year.79 After their demise, one ascetic family member remained in Palestine: the younger Paula, the daughter of the elder Paula’s son Toxotius and his wife, Laeta.80 (Laeta herself was the 71.  See Jerome, Life of Hilarion 4; 29. 72.  Lorenzo Perrone, “Monasticism in the Holy Land,” 33–​34; Chitty, Desert a City, chaps. 5 and 6; John Binns, Ascetics and Ambassadors of Christ (Oxford 1994). 73.  Perrone, “Monasticism in the Holy Land,” 44. 74.  Robert L. Wilken, “Loving the Jerusalem Below” (New York 1999), 242–​43. 75.  See Cyril of Scythopolis, Lives of the Monks of Palestine; Perrone, “Monasticism in the Holy Land,” 42–​45, discussing monks’ participation in Origenistic and Christological controversies. See Binns, Ascetics and Ambassadors of Christ, on Cyril of Scythopolis and his Lives. 76.  On Paula’s ancestry, see PLRE 1:674–​7, and 1143, Stemma 23 (Family of St. Paula). Jerome claims that her father was descended from Agamemnon and her mother from the Scipios and Gracchi (Letter 108.1). 77. Suggested by Gian Domenico Gordini, “Il monachesimo romano in Palestina” (Rome 1961), 90. 78. Jerome, Letter 108.34. 79.  PLRE 1:312 and 1143 (Stemma 23). 80.  PLRE 1:675 and 1143 (Stemma 23).

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daughter of the pagan pontiff Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus, consul of Numidia in 364/​367:81 an indication of how rapidly a Roman family could move from “paganism” to Christianity to a severe Christian asceticism.) When the younger Paula was a small child in 404, Jerome had counseled Laeta on the proper upbringing and education of the little girl. He ended with a stirring request that Laeta and Toxotius send the child to Bethlehem to be raised for the monastic life; he promised to be her tutor and nurse, comparing himself to Aristotle, who had served as tutor to Alexander the Great.82 Jerome imagines the girl’s pagan grandfather, Albinus, as delighting to hear “Alleluias” from her childish lips, she who would become one of “Christ’s virgins.”83 While we may doubt Albinus’ joy, we do not know when the junior Paula arrived in Palestine—​perhaps only as a young adult. The plot thickens. Jerome’s monasteries in Bethlehem had suffered spoliation in 416. Both Augustine and bishop Innocent I of Rome report that the monasteries were attacked by unidentified marauders and set on fire, and the occupants ousted: Jerome, Eustochium, and the younger Paula are named.84 Eustochium and Paula apparently declared that the Devil was responsible.85 After 416, Jerome reports that he, Eustochium, and other friends preferred to move.86 If they moved, we do not know to where. Among other writings from the final years of his life remains a letter stating that he had met Melania and Pinian after their arrival in Palestine.87 Our interest here, however, more concerns Paula the Younger. Paula the Younger appears in both Greek and Latin versions of Melania’s Life: the Greek Life (40) correctly calls her a cousin of Melania; the Latin Vita (40) wrongly describes her as Melania’s niece.88 The question remains:  Where was Paula living? If the Bethlehem monasteries had disbanded after the attack of 416 and their two principals died a 81.  PLRE 1, 34–​35 and 1138 (Stemma 13) and 1143 (Stemma 23). 82. Jerome, Letter 107.13. 83. Jerome, Letter 107.1. 84. Augustine, On the Acts of Pelagius 66; Innocent I to John of Jerusalem (=Jerome, Letter 137); Innocent I to Jerome (=Jerome, Letter 136); Jerome to Riparius, Letter 138. See discussion in Josef Lössl, “Who Attacked the Monastery of Jerome and Paula in 416 AD?,” 91–​112. 85.  Reported by Innocent in his letter to John of Jerusalem (=Jerome, Letter 137); see Lössl, “Who Attacked the Monastery,” 95. 86. Jerome, Letter 154.2, discussed in Lössl, “Who Attacked the Monastery,” 101. 87. Jerome, Letter 143 (=Augustine, Letter 202.2). Paula (the Younger) also greets Augustine. Letter written at the end of 419. 88. Laurence, Gérontius, La Vie latine, 59.

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few years later, what became of Paula? One attractive suggestion (albeit unprovable) is that she joined Melania’s entourage. This would account for why she was so readily on the scene in Jerusalem, attending Melania and keeping her company on a trip to Bethlehem to celebrate Jesus’ nativity (Life 63). Moreover, a remark by Gerontius suggests that he and Melania had known Paula well for some time. Not originally impressed by Paula, Gerontius states that Melania labored diligently to rescue her from “great vanity and the Roman way of thinking,” and to encourage her in humility (Life 40).89 Gerontius’ perhaps biased estimate may reflect some animosity between the Jerusalem and the Bethlehem contingents. In any event, Paula, suitably reformed, appears again at the end of Melania’s life, accompanying her from Jerusalem to “Christmas” services in Bethlehem before attending her on her deathbed (Life 63, 68). After Melania, Pinian, and Albina had settled at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, they gave their remaining gold to those who oversaw the poor relief. Now, poor themselves, they considered enrolling on the church’s list of recipients of food distribution—​but apparently did not (Life 35). Another ancient source, attempting to fashion the couple in the image of the economically productive monks of Egypt, reports that Pinian earned money by selling wood he transported from the desert, and Melania by spinning wool.90 Melania never seems to have lacked for long whatever funds she needed for her building and other projects.91 Indeed, she finds money to distribute in the years to come, despite (according to Gerontius) having given away all their remaining gold. The pot never seems empty. Melania fell sick when the trio first arrived in Jerusalem. She lacked a comfortable place to rest; her sackcloth alone served as her bed (Life 35). Once recovered, she spent her time conversing with (unnamed) bishops, writing in her notebooks, and keeping vigil at night before the Cross in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. From there she would retreat to her cell for a short sleep. She began to fast again on weekdays (Life 36). Presumably she resumed the ascetic practices that Gerontius detailed in his description of their time in North Africa.

89.  Note Lössl’s observation that Jerome never adapted to any form of Christianity in Palestine (“Who Attacked the Monastery,”107). 90.  John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 39. 91. Chitty, Desert a City, 65.

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Next, Melania and Pinian found an unidentified Christian man to help them sell some of their remaining properties, especially those in regions of Spain that at last were at peace (Life 37). Spain had been overrun by Vandals since 409; in 411, Rome agreed to make them federates. When the Vandals broke the treaty, Rome dispatched the Visigoths against them. The reconquest by Rome began in 416, and within two years some of the Vandal tribes had been either exterminated or driven from the province of Baetica. Thus in 419, it was possible for Melania to lay claim to and sell the restored property.92 With more gold in hand, Melania and Pinian departed to see the desert fathers, as described earlier. During their absence, Albina organized the building of a small cell near the Mount of Olives, where Melania would stay after her return. There, sitting in sackcloth and ashes, she saw no one except, on some days, Albina, Pinian, and her cousin Paula. Melania’s servant reported that she shut herself up in this narrow cell from Epiphany (January 6) to Easter; when she emerged, her sackcloth was filled with vermin. Melania kept up these semi-​solitary ascetic practices for fourteen years (Life 40). With Albina’s death, probably in 431,93 Melania retreated to her cell to mourn for a year. After this, and inspired to bring others to an ascetic way of life, she built a monastery for women. One wonders why she waited so long before embarking on this project. Despite unanswered questions, the Life reports that Melania enlisted Pinian to collect some ninety virgins to install in the new establishment. Wishing to supply the women with all necessities, she had a cistern constructed inside the monastery (Life 41). The Latin version of the Life (41) adds that she had asked Lausus, a former chamberlain of the emperor’s palace in Constantinople (praepositus sacri cubiculi, usually a eunuch), to pay for the construction of a bath within the monastery. With their own bath facility, the women could avoid exposing themselves to outsiders—​men—​as they did when they walked to a bath inside the city, about a mile from the monastery. This is the first mention in the Life of Lausus, in whose palace Melania would stay when she traveled to Constantinople and who had been the recipient of Palladius’ Lausiac History. Gerontius reports that Melania, in her humility, refused the headship of the women’s monastery. She turned that task over to a highly devout (and unnamed) woman, who proved to be a rigid administrator. This 92.  See Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, 57. On Roman villas in Spain, see Kim Bowes, “Building Sacred Landscapes” (Madrid 2006), 73–​95 93.  For dating, see Laurence, Gérontius, Vie latine, 61.

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arrangement allowed Melania to exert a softer, behind-​the-​scenes influence. She provided extra comforts, especially for the weaker sisters: she hid things (food? pillows? linens?) under their beds, unbeknownst to the monastery’s head (Life 41). Despite her own foiled years as a mother, Melania’s feeding and care of these female ascetics, Maria Doerfler claims, granted her a new kind of “maternal existence.”94 The Vita, however, provides no evidence of a monastic rule—​unlike the women’s monastery in Bethlehem, which used the Pachomian Rule.95 Gerontius places more emphasis on her pursuit of a solitary life of renunciation than on her as foundress of a monastery.96 He does, however, recount her role as teacher, detailing her instruction to the nuns. Obedience was key, Melania taught her sisters, as was submitting oneself to others. The latter point she illustrated with a story about an “old holy man,” likely a desert father, who commanded his apprentice monk to repeatedly hit, kick, and insult a statue, which (of course) did not respond. The command was given simply to test the novice’s unquestioning obedience. Similarly, Melania counsels, the nuns should bear all insults and reproaches (but, we trust, not blows and kicks) with the same equanimity as the statue (Life 44). Melania insisted on the nuns’ attendance at both day and night religious services. According to the Life (46–​47), there were six services in every twenty-​four-​hour period: a night service of praise, another near daybreak, then at nine in the morning, noon, three in the afternoon, and evening prayers. Like other ascetic writers, Gerontius represents Melania as quoting Scripture verses to provide the rationale for a particular hour of worship. For example, the nuns should pray at the third hour because it was then that the Holy Spirit descended on the apostles at Pentecost (Acts 2:4, 14), and at the sixth hour, for then the patriarch Abraham received “the Lord” (Gen. 18:1).97 Melania tells the sisters that they must keep awake during the night office, concentrating on the liturgy. They must beware of the Devil’s tricks, since he could outdo them all in ascetic rigor:  while the nuns may fast, the Devil eats nothing; while they keep vigil, the Devil never sleeps. Other virtues, to be sure, are necessary beyond fasting, which can 94.  Maria Doerfler, “Holy Households” (Oakland 2017), 80. 95.  See n13 to this chapter. 96.  Kate Cooper, “The Household and the Desert” (Turnhout 2005), 18, 20–​21. 97. Early Christians imagined the angelic visitors to Abraham as representing the Trinity; hence Abraham was receiving “the Lord.”

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unfortunately inspire pride in one’s renunciations; each sister should decide for herself on a fasting practice. Especially important, she taught, was guarding the holy, orthodox faith (Life 42, 43, 45). About what she considered “orthodox,” we shall see more later. Especially eager that the nuns should have a proper place to receive the Eucharist, Melania had an oratory built within the monastery. Eucharistic services were held there on Fridays and Sundays, plus on feast days. To enhance the holiness of the oratory, she secured some relics for it: those of the prophet Zechariah, the protomartyr Stephen, and the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste, among others (Life 48). After Pinian died in 431 or 432—​eight years before Melania’s death (Life 49)—​she stayed in a building called the Aposteleion (perhaps annexed to the women’s monastery), where she placed his body.98 She remained there for four sorrowful years, continuing her ascetic routine. She then decided to build a monastery where the monks could observe their psalmody without interruption. She situated it at the place devotees believed was that of Christ’s Ascension, where he had told his disciples about the end of time. Some doubted whether she could carry out this project, given her poverty, but fortunately an unidentified Christian man contributed two hundred (presumably gold) coins. Joyfully, Melania called Gerontius to her and asked him to use the money to begin the construction of the men’s monastery. The building took only one year to complete (Life 49). This is the first time in the Life that Gerontius describes himself: Melania had taken him from the world, made him a priest, and presented him to God as an offering. Roberto Alciati and Mariachiara Giorda argue that we can best understand Melania’s buildings—​the Apostoleion, the women’s and men’s monasteries—​as private foundations.99 As founder, she had the legal right to sell or manage the properties, designate their superiors, and leave them to her heirs. Her Vita, in other words, represents a time before there was strict regulation of monastic property.100 Alciati and Giorda see Melania as proceeding from a first stage of “villa-​monasticism” in Italy or Sicily, to that of a traditional monastery in North Africa, to a private foundation in Jerusalem. 98.  Hugues Vincent and F.-​M. Abel, Jérusalem (Paris 1914), 2:387, on the Aposteleion annex, near the grotto of the Eleona where Jesus taught his disciples. 99.  Roberto Alciati and Mariachiara Giorda, “Possessions and Asceticism,” 435–​36. 100.  Alciati and Giorda, “Possessions and Asceticism,” 437, 438, 441–​43 (the authors imply that Paula was entrusted with care of the monastery; rather, Melania says these words to Gerontius).

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What became of the various Mount of Olives monasteries? There is no evidence of their survival after the time of Cyril of Scythopolis, who completed his Lives of the Monks of Palestine in 557 or 558.101 Before the Persians attacked Jerusalem in 614 ce, there had been twenty-​four churches, plus monasteries, on the Mount of Olives.102 Archeologists have explored the area, but nothing definitive has been uncovered regarding Melania’s establishments.

Worship Practices in Jerusalem Three sources in particular have been mined to tease out information on the development of Christian worship in late fourth-​and early fifth-​ century Jerusalem: the pilgrim Egeria’s travel diary, dating probably to the late fourth century; the writings of Cyril of Jerusalem, bishop from the 360s to the 380s, that detail catechetical instruction; and the Jerusalem Georgian Chantbook, the earliest Christian hymnal for public worship. Jerusalem imported liturgical practices from various places, pilgrims bringing their own traditions with them to the city.103 In Jerusalem, the liturgy was “historicized,” linked to specific events of Christian history.104 Egeria described the celebration of Holy Week leading up to Easter and the “Encaenia” festival that every September celebrated the dedication of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.105 On these occasions, as well as on Epiphany, gold, jewels, and silks were brought out to embellish this church.106 As her Diary well illustrates, a distinctive “mobile system of worship” developed in Jerusalem, processions of believers flowing from one holy site to another.107 This “stational liturgy,” as it came to be called, led by the bishop or his representative, visited various churches and shrines, depending on which feast, fast, or commemoration was

101.  John Binns, “Introduction,” Cyril of Scythopolis, Lives of the Monks of Palestine (Kalamazoo 1991), xl. 102.  Theodosius the Deacon, De situ Terrae Sanctae (On the Location of the Holy Land) 6. 103.  Paul F. Bradshaw, “The Influence of Jerusalem” (New York 1999), 254. 104.  Drijvers, “Conversion of Aelia Capitolina,” 291; John F. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship (Rome 1987), 104. 105. Egeria, Diary of a Pilgrimage 27–​40, 48–​49; Drijvers, “Conversion of Aelia Capitolina,” 291, 290. 106. Egeria, Diary of a Pilgrimage 25. 107. Egeria’s Diary 27–​39 describe the events of Lent and Holy Week; 45–​46 reports the catechetical instruction given to those to be baptized on Easter.

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celebrated that day.108 On Good Friday, the crowd flocked to the Church of the Holy Sepulcher to kiss the wood of the Cross (now carefully guarded after the relic-​biting incident).109 As worshippers traversed the holy sites of Jerusalem, they relived, through the liturgy, the story of Jesus’ Passion. Worship itself became a kind of pilgrimage through the sacred city.110 Melania the Younger at first participated in these public services at the Holy Sepulcher, since the Life (36) reports that when she arrived in Jerusalem, she stayed “in” that complex. After the church closed in the evening, she remained at the Cross until the psalm singers arrived; according to Egeria’s Diary (24), this was “at cockcrow,” before dawn. Melania then took a short rest in her cell. Within a few years, however, her practice appears to have changed. While Melania went on her Egyptian sojourn in 418, Albina constructed a cell for her. In it, she stayed in vermin-​filled sackcloth from the day after Epiphany until Easter (Life 40). Given the throngs that participated in these festivals, it is noteworthy that the Life does not mention Melania’s participation in them. At the time of the Easter festival, Melania emerged from her sackcloth (Life 40), but there is no mention of her joining these processions. She seemingly preferred her secluded retreat to noisy crowds. After Albina’s death, probably in 431, Melania appears to have lived in her newly constructed women’s monastery (Life 41). She and the sisters kept the daily and nightly offices of praise, as well as the previously mentioned Eucharistic services, within their own monastery (Life 46–​ 48). At the men’s monastery, the monks performed the divine service (Life 49). Another source reports that Gerontius often, especially on Sundays, conducted several services a day in the monasteries, and that on other days he conducted not just a larger gathering, perhaps for the nuns, but also a private service for Melania “according to the custom of the Church of Rome.”111 A further addition to her monastic complex was the martyrion she had built to house her relics of Saint Stephen (Life 63). We hear no more of Melania’s attendance at worship in the Holy Sepulcher. The Life later (57) reports that upon her return from 108. Baldovin, Urban Character, 36–​37, 57–​63,  87–​88. 109. Egeria, Diary of a Pilgrimage 37.2. 110.  Coleman and Elsner, Pilgrimage Past and Present, 88. Elsner critiques “idealized” accounts of the Jerusalem liturgy that assume a “monolithic evolutionary progression” into what became accepted orthodox practice (Jaś Elsner, “Piety and Passion” [London 2005], 421, 422). 111.  John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 46.

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Constantinople, she celebrated Easter “among her own sisters.” When the empress Eudocia visited Jerusalem, Melania accompanied her to the Holy Sepulcher (Life 59), but this is the only later visit we hear of to that site. Melania’s worship life in Jerusalem, it appears, went from a more public one at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher to a more private one, with vigils, prayers, psalmody, and the Eucharist all occurring within her own monastic complex. Wealth, then as now, enabled privatization. One festival, however, she did celebrate in public. Shortly before her death, Melania accompanied her cousin Paula to Bethlehem to celebrate Christ’s Nativity. There, they kept the night vigil and took the Eucharist the next morning (Life 63). This festival (“Christmas”) had its origin in western Christendom.112 That this celebration was held in December, as with the Latin church (not on Epiphany, January 6), we ascertain from the note (Life 64) that the festival of the protomartyr Stephen was the next day, namely, December 26.113 Honoring Jesus’ birth on December 25 may have been a fairly recent development, linked to the coming of Latin speakers to Bethlehem and Jerusalem. (The section of Egeria’s diary that would have covered the celebration of the Nativity is unfortunately missing.) Another interesting omission is any reference in Melania’s Life to Marian devotion. Stephen Shoemaker, analyzing the Jerusalem Georgian Chantbook, which dates to the late fourth or early fifth century, notes a “relatively advanced Marian piety already embedded within the hymnography of Sunday worship.”114 This piety is not in evidence anywhere in the Life of Melania. Melania’s pro-​miaphysite stance (at least as represented by Gerontius) and her association with Cyril of Alexandria might have provided Gerontius with the opportunity to highlight her interest in Marian devotion. As with so many aspects of Melania’s Life, we do not know whether the author or Melania herself is responsible for lacunas. Scarcely had Melania had time to “catch her breath” after completing the men’s monastery (Life 50) when she received letters from her uncle Volusian. A former prefect of Rome, Volusian had been chosen as one of two western senators to travel to Constantinople to celebrate the marriage the young western emperor, Valentinian III, to the eastern princess Eudoxia. Melania could not resist the chance to attempt the conversion and baptism of her uncle. Off she went. 112.  Michele Renée Salzman, On Roman Time (Berkeley 1990), 239, 240. 113.  In Eastern Christianity, Jesus’ birth was celebrated on January 6, Epiphany. 114.  Stephen J. Shoemaker, “Sing, O Daughter(s) of Zion” (Oakland 2017), 232, 226.

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9

To Constantinople and Back

In 436, Melania received word from her uncle Volusian announcing that he was embarking on a mission to Constantinople. He was one of two Roman senators chosen to represent the West at the forthcoming marriage of the eastern princess Licinia Eudoxia to the western emperor, Valentinian III. Eudoxia was the daughter of Theodosius II and Aelia Eudocia, and Valentinian, the son of Galla Placidia (daughter of Theodosius I) and Flavius Constantius (very briefly, emperor as Constantius III). The couple had been engaged since their infancy, a betrothal cemented when Eudoxia was two and Valentinian five.1 The marriage strategy aimed to secure an alliance between the eastern and western parts of the empire. Now adolescents, Valentinian and Eudoxia were married on October 29, 437.2 Figure 9.1a depicts Valentinian, and 9.1.b, the couple with hands joined in the traditional Roman marriage gesture, flanking her father, Theodosius II. The royal couple produced two daughters, (another) Eudocia and Placidia, the former of whom was betrothed to Huneric, son of Gaiseric, the Vandal king, as part of a peace treaty 1.  Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire (Oxford 2006), 260; Paul Devos, “Quand Pierre l’Ibère vint-​il à Jérusalem?” 341. 2.  Chronicon Paschale for 425 and 437; Devos, “Quand Pierre l’Ibère,” 341n8; Meaghan McEvoy, Child Emperor Rule in the Late Roman West (Oxford 2013), 256–​57. Socrates (Church History 7.44), however, places the marriage during the consulships of Flavius Anthemius Isidorus and Flavius Senator, which appears to put the marriage in 436. On consular dates, Roger S. Bagnall, Alan Cameron, Seth R. Schwartz, and Klaas A. Worp, Consuls of the Later Roman Empire (Atlanta 1987), 406–​7; by the mid-​fourth century, consuls held office for an entire year (20). See n4 to this chapter for another option.

Melania the Younger. Elizabeth A. Clark, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190888220.003.0009

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(a)

(b)

Figure 9.1  Gold coin, struck in Constantinople, with image of the emperor Valentinian III. The reverse depicts Theodosius II, flanked by his daughter, the bride, Licinia Eudoxia, and the groom, Valentinian III. The couple join their right hands in the typical marriage gesture, dextrarum iunctio. The inscription, feliciter nubtiis, congratulates the couple on their marriage. Credit: Brad Nelson /​Classical Numismatic Group, Inc.

of the 440s. Valentinian himself was murdered in March 455.3 By the time of these events, however, Melania, Pinian, Albina, and Volusian were long dead. Melania set out for Constantinople, hoping to convert her still-​ pagan uncle to Christianity (Life 50). Although the conversion, sealed by baptism, was successfully accomplished with the help of Proclus, the bishop of Constantinople, Volusian died on January 6, 437.4 Melania remained in the city for forty days of mourning and left Constantinople at the end of February (Life 56). Hastening back to Jerusalem in wintery weather, she arrived in time for Easter, which in 437 fell on April 11.5

3. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 371, 373–​74. 4.  The traditional dating of 437 gives Melania time to build a small oratory before Eudocia arrived in Palestine (Life 57). See, however, Kenneth Holum’s argument for 438, reasoning that Eudocia would not have left for Palestine until after the wedding of her daughter in October 437, and that Life 56–​58 indicates that she arrived in Palestine shortly after Melania herself was back home (Theodosian Empresses [Berkeley 1982], 360n39). The 438 dating, however, would not give Melania enough time, leaving Constantinople at the end of February, to return to Jerusalem in time for Easter week (Life 56–​57), as Easter occurred on March 27 that year. 5.  Patrick Laurence, Gérontius, La Vie latine de sainte Mélanie (Jerusalem 2002), 64–​67; Devos, “Quand Pierre l’Ibère,” 343 and n10.

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Traveling to Constantinople The trip from Jerusalem to Constantinople, about 1,164 miles (1,730 kilometers), might take at least eight weeks; Melania, however, made the return trip in a little over six.6 Since her journey reportedly took forty-​ four days (Latin Life 57), she must have traveled twenty-​four to twenty-​six miles a day.7 Although the Roman road system was famed, travel on it did not usually exceed twenty miles per day by mule, the most common form of transport; by carriage, the traveler might manage twenty-​five to thirty.8 Some scholars estimate that at the fastest, a lone rider on horseback using the cursus publicus (the imperially organized travel system available to only a few) might cover over fifty miles a day, if he secured fresh horses at every way-​station.9 Melania apparently traveled home by carriage. One intrepid traveler in the 330s (the “Bordeaux Pilgrim”), whose route and travel time we know, traversed the 2,221 miles from Bordeaux in Gaul (now France) to Constantinople with 230 changes of animals and 112 rest stops; he covered just under twenty miles a day.10 The trip from Constantinople to Jerusalem, as plotted by this anonymous pilgrim, was 1,159 miles, with sixty-​nine changes of animals and fifty-​eight stopping places.11 Given its arduous nature, travel was not lightly undertaken. The cursus publicus, which Melania used for her trip, was developed by the first Roman emperor, Augustus, to enable diplomatic travel. Officials entitled to use the system were to carry documents (diplomata) authorizing their business.12 Prominent among the travelers were army officers and governors of provinces, the latter of whom traversed their territories to meet with their subjects and the army, inspect cities, and sometimes conduct military campaigns.13 Once emperors recognized 6. See Lionel Casson, Travel in the Ancient World (London 1974), 315; Denys Gorce, Les Voyages (Paris 1925), 76; E. D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage (Oxford 1982), 56. 7. Gorce, Voyages, 76. 8.  Blake Leyerle, “Mobility and the Traces of Empire” (Malden MA and Oxford 2009), 115, 114. 9.  Maribel Dietz, Wandering Monks, Virgins, and Pilgrims (University Park PA 2005), 19–​20. 10.  Leyerle, “Mobility,” 117. 11. Jaś Elsner, “The Itinerarium Burdigalense,” 189. His account, Elsner writes, “is the first Roman Christian text to present Jerusalem as the centre of its world and yet as the spiritual and scriptural Other to the administrative and secular norms of its world” (195). Also see Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage, 56. 12.  Leyerle, “Mobility,” 116. Denys Gorce notes that later the word evectio was used (in place of diplomata); evectio is used in Latin Life 52 (Gorce, Voyages, 50–​51). 13. Ray Laurence, “Afterword:  Travel and Empire” (London and New  York 2001), 167, 173. Members of the Senate were granted the right to use the post when traveling to see the emperor (CTh 8.5.32, dated 371).

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the Christian church in the early fourth century, they authorized bishops to use the cursus publicus.14 Constantine, to cite a famous example, supplied bishop Eusebius of Caesarea with two government wagons to bring fifty theological books to him in Constantinople.15 The Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus, however, faulted the emperor Constantius for allowing the cursus publicus to be choked by “throngs of bishops” hastening to synods, where, he alleged, they sullied the “simple” Christian religion with their disputes.16 The documents authorizing travel via the cursus publicus stated the number of wagons and animals that could be requisitioned, the route taken, and the allowed period of travel. While the large way stations might have forty horses or mules at their disposal, not all were so provisioned. If a way station was out of fresh animals, the traveler had to wait. Residents of the territories through which the roads ran were required to maintain the way stations and care for the animals but were entitled to compensation, as determined by the governor.17 By late antiquity, mansiones (inns) or mutationes (simple hostels) were stationed every twenty to thirty-​five miles along the main routes.18 In Melania’s era, there were also Christian hostels.19 Tipping was officially forbidden20—​ but, as we shall see, Melania’s party resorted to a bribe when in a tight situation. Although the Life (52) is not explicit on Melania’s travel arrangements, she apparently had been granted authorization to use the cursus publicus, probably arranged by her uncle. At Tripoli (in present-​ day Lebanon), Messala, the functionary at the way-​station, refused to give her all the animals she needed, alleging that the warrant covered only her transport, not that of her large party.21 (Laws prohibited an entire entourage from using the system.)22 Melania and her group stayed at the nearby martyrium of Saint Leontius, where she kept vigil at the shrine until the necessary animals arrived. Her success in securing them 14. Casson, Travel, 301. 15. Eusebius, Life of Constantine 4.36.4, discussed in Anne Kolb, “Transport and Communication” (London and New York 2001), 102. 16.  Ammianus Marcellinus [Res Gestae] 21.16.18. 17. Casson, Travel, 185; Kolb, “Transport and Communication,” 97, 98. By the fourth century, the compensation earlier given to travelers who had paid for their own transport had disappeared. 18.  Leyerle, “Mobility,” 117; Kolb, “Transport and Communication,” 97; Casson, Travel, 184–​85. 19. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage, 65. 20. Casson, Travel, 186, citing CTh 8.5. 21.  Discussion in Casson, Travel, 301. 22.  CTh 8.5.4; and penalties, 8.5.35. See Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage, 57.

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was helped by a bribe of three coins (nomismata) to Messala. When the group had proceeded seven miles down the road, Messala, in a flurry of embarrassment, came running to catch up with them:  he had not realized who Melania, the holy woman, was. Crying, he seized her feet and begged her forgiveness, which Melania a little ungraciously granted. Why Messala’s about-​face? He reported that he and his wife had been “tested” at night by Leontius, the martyr, and now insisted on giving back the tip. Melania let him go “in peace,” and confessed to her party that she had prayed all night for Leontius to show them an auspicious sign for their trip—​and now they had one (Life 52). On display is the power of martyrs to move hearts, as well, it seems, as animals. Nearing Constantinople, Melania visited another martyrion, that of Saint Euphemia at Chalcedon. Euphemia, a native of Chalcedon, died in the persecution of either Diocletian or Galerius in the early fourth century. Fourteen or so years after Melania’s visit, Euphemia’s church was the setting for the Council of Chalcedon, on which more later. (Gerontius, although writing after the time of the council, does not mention the connection: he rejected that council’s formulation of the faith.) Euphemia, Gerontius claims, gave Melania strength to enter the imperial city after so many years of solitude and ascetic discipline (Life 53). Earlier in the Life (19), we hear of another person who greeted the party on the road to Constantinople:  Tigrius, a priest, who told Gerontius of Melania and Pinian’s generosity to many holy men and women at the beginning of their renunciations. Tigrius, mentioned in several ancient sources, had been a supporter of bishop John Chrysostom and was subjected to torture and banishment when Chrysostom was condemned.23 He may have known of Melania’s reception of Chrysostom’s supporters, including Palladius, in Rome in 404.

The City of Constantinople Constantinople, founded in late 324, soon after Constantine’s defeat of Licinius, was dedicated on May 11, 330.24 It was built on the site of the old Greek town of Byzantium, which the emperor Septimius Severus had 23. Palladius, Dialogue on the Life of John Chrysostom 20; Sozomen, Church History 8.17.7, 24.8–​ 9; Socrates, Church History 6.15.15; Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage, 201. 24.  Lucy Grig and Gavin Kelly, “Introduction,” in Two Romes (New York 2012), 8–​9.

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enlarged in the late second century. Politically and strategically, having a capital in the East was beneficial to imperial governance. Constantine laid out a forum in his new city that would link the area of government and the palace with new residential structures.25 The city was explicitly “Roman” in its institutions, with its baths, spiral columns, circus (the hippodrome, with an obelisk), and colonnaded streets, considered the prime expression of romanitas.26 Although many emperors of the fourth century used the city more as a “transit camp” on their travels around the empire, by the reigns of Theodosius I (379–​95) and Theodosius II (408–​50), Constantinople had become more like Rome in the first two centuries of the empire, a fixed imperial capital.27 Constantinople was well situated, with roads and waterways that linked it to various parts of the empire.28 The treasures of other cities were confiscated to decorate the new capital. Jerome wrote in his Chronicle for 324, “Constantinople was enriched with the stripping bare of almost every other city founded before Byzantium.”29 In what has been variously called one of the most expansive urban design projects ever carried out or one of the greatest urban renewal projects of antiquity, at least twenty-​two cities plus Rome contributed to Constantinople’s decoration.30 The city rapidly acquired “an invented past.”31 In extant texts, however, the term “New Rome” or “Second Rome” for Constantinople appeared for the first time only in 357.32 Not all in the West celebrated the growing importance of “New Rome.” The poet Claudian (originally a Greek speaker from Egypt), a partisan of the western emperor Honorius and his general, Stilicho, unleashed invective against Constantinople and its inhabitants. In one poem, he depicts the goddess Roma warning Honorius in disgust not to let the West become

25.  Richard Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals (Berkeley 1982), 55. 26. Sarah Bassett, The Urban Image of Late Antique Constantinople (Cambridge 2004), 27, 28; Bryan Ward-​Perkins, “Constantinople” (Leiden and Boston 2000), 326; Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 55. 27. Brian Croke, “Reinventing Constantinople” (Cambridge 2011), 241–​ 42; Bryan Ward-​ Perkins, “A Most Unusual Empire” (New York 2014), 123. 28. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 41–​42,  45–​46. 29. Jerome, Chronicle year 330; Bassett, Urban Image, 16, 48. 30. Bassett, Urban Image, 39, 17. 31.  Ward-​Perkins, “Constantinople,” 326. 32.  By the orator Themistius; see Glen Bowersock, “Old and New Rome” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2009), 41, citing Themistius, Oration 14 (184A): “deutera Roma.”

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soiled like the East.33 For centuries, the East had signaled “decadence” to Roman purists. Constantinople was enlarged again in 413 when Theodosius II erected the land walls as defenses. By the middle of the fifth century, the city was overcrowded, boasting a population of around 350,000. Dependent on grain from Alexandria, it required a large harbor area to accommodate the transport ships. A new aqueduct and three open-​air cisterns built in the fourth and fifth centuries helped meet the immense demand for water.34 In 439, Theodosius ordered the construction of sea walls around the city—​no accident in timing, for this construction took place as Vandals ravaged, and then settled in, North Africa.35 Constantinople and Rome enjoyed a special status as the only cities of the empire that had a corn dole, a senate, and administration by a city prefect.36 The Constantinopolitan senate between the 350s and the 380s grew exponentially, from barely three hundred senators to two thousand.37 In the late 350s and early 360s, the city’s status rose, judging from the orations of Themistius, the senator originally charged with adding some 1,700 new members to the city’s senate. The imperial bureaucracy likewise hugely increased:  by around 400CE each half of the empire could boast around three thousand desirable jobs associated with imperial and provincial administration.38 The elites of Constantinople, unlike Rome’s, were “new men,” owing their rise to the emperor, and whose fortunes were tied to the court.39 Fortunately for scholars today, there remain lists of the public and private buildings and other structures of the early fifth-​century Constantinople:  the Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae.40 By around 425, when this section of the Notitia was compiled, Constantinople had been divided into fourteen regions. For example, in Region 1, the 33. Claudian, Against Eutropius 1.371–​513. Claudian faults the city for allowing a eunuch, Eutropius, to become consul; discussion in Gavin Kelly, “Claudian and Constantinople” (New York 2012), 241–​64. 34.  Cyril Mango, “The Development of Constantinople” (Aldershot UK and Brookfield VT 1993 [original essay 1986]), 118–​20, 122. 35.  So Fergus Millar, A Greek Roman Empire (Berkeley 2006), 58, citing Chronicon Paschale 583 on the sea walls. 36.  Grig and Kelly, “Introduction,” 3. 37. Themistius, Oration 34.13. 38.  John Vanderspoel, “A Tale of Two Cities” (New  York 2012), 223–​24, 235; Peter Heather, “New Men for New Constantines?” (Aldershot UK and Brookfield VT 1994), 12, 18–​19. 39.  Kim Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values (Cambridge 2008), 104. 40.  For discussion of how the text was put together, see John Matthews, “The Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae” (New York 2012), 82–​85; for Matthews’ translation of the text, 86–​98.

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Notitia lists the imperial palace, Placidia’s palace, the domus of Marina (daughter of Arcadius), the baths of Arcadius, and public and private structures.41 The end of the Notitia sums up:  among other structures, Constantinople has five palaces, fourteen churches, six domus for the “divine Augustae,” three “most noble domus” (perhaps including Lausus’ mansion?), four harbors, one circus (the hippodrome, where the emperor presented himself to the people),42 two theaters, two senate houses, five storehouses for grain, 4,388 houses (domus), eight public baths, 153 private baths, twenty public bakeries, and 120 private bakeries, plus various other features.43 Clearly the number of private baths and bakeries greatly surpassed the public ones. The imperial mansions became like little cities in themselves, woven into the urban fabric, centers that structured Constantinople’s development. The public and private buildings that grew up around them beautified the city, expanded its amenities, and created jobs. The Constantinopolitan empresses vied with each other in undertaking building projects.44 The Theodosian dynasty was in power from the end of the fourth to the mid-​fifth century. In the period of Melania’s young adulthood, Arcadius, older son of Theodosius I, reigned in the East from 395 to 408. He and his queen, Aelia Eudoxia, had four children, of whom Pulcheria and Theodosius (II) were the most notable. Eudoxia is said to have given two hundred pounds of gold to the city of Gaza in 402 for a new church and a pilgrim hostel; later, she sent thirty-​two marble columns. The new church was named (unsurprisingly) Eudoxiana.45 Eudoxia died in 404, the same year that bishop John Chrysostom was exiled and the Great Church and the Senate House burned.46 Theodosius II, son of Aelia Eudoxia and Arcadius, married Athenais, the daughter of an Athenian philosopher; upon marriage, she

41.  Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae 2. In the eleventh quarter, near one of Pulcheria’s domus, she built a church of Saint Lawrence (R. Janin, Constantinople Byzantine [Paris 1964], 137). For dating to around 401, see Christopher Kelly, “Rethinking Theodosius” (New York 2013), 24. 42. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 49. 43.  Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae 16; Matthews, “Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae,” 98–​ 99, notes discrepancies between the totals listed in the conclusion and those listed under separate regions. 44.  Diliana N. Angelova, Sacred Founders (Oakland 2015), 153, 160, 173. 45.  Mark the Deacon, Life of Porphyry 53; 84. 46.  Chronicon Paschale year 404. For arguments that Eudoxia was the target of a smear campaign, see Wendy Mayer, “Doing Violence to the Image of an Empress” (Aldershot UK and Burlington VT, 2006), 205–​13.

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Figure 9.2  Gold coin with image of the empress Aelia Eudocia, wife of Theodosius II. Struck in Constantinople, around 430. ael[ia] eudo-​cia aug [usta]. Reverse: A cross within a wreath. Credit: Private Collection (New York City), ex. Archer M. Huntington Collection, HAS 30153. Photo: Marinescu Designs LLC.

was baptized and her name changed to Eudocia.47 She is represented on a coin in Figure 9.2. Eudocia made two trips to the Holy Land, the first in 438 or 439, where she was escorted by Melania, a trip about which we shall hear more.48 According to the Chronicon Paschale, later in life Eudocia ran afoul of her husband. Suspected of having had an affair with a handsome young court official, she asked permission to retreat (again) to the Holy Places of Palestine. En route, stopping at Antioch, she delivered an encomium on the city and gave money for the grain fund; the grateful citizens put up statues honoring her. She then continued on to Jerusalem, where she erected many buildings and restored the city walls. She remained in Jerusalem and died there.49 By these two pilgrimages to Jerusalem, Eudocia had recast herself as a second Helena, Constantine’s mother, who had pioneered women’s pilgrimage to the Holy Land. The devout and bookish Theodosius, his sisters who had vowed themselves to virginity, and Eudocia formed an imperial family legitimized by piety rather than by Theodosius’ military victories.50 47.  Chronicon Paschale year 420–​21. On Eudocia, see Holum, Theodosian Empresses, chap. 4. On the possibility that Antioch was her city of origin, see Michaela Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftung römischer Kaiserinnen vom 4. bis zum 6. Jahrhundert (Münster Westfalen 2015), 145. 48.  The Latin Vita shows less enthusiasm for Eudocia than does the Greek; see Laurence, Vie Latine, 139; Kate Cooper, “The Household and the Desert” (Turnhout 2005), 29. 49.  Chronicon Paschale year 444. On her (possible) involvement with Jerusalem’s city walls, see Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftung römischer Kaiserinnen, 149, 153. 50.  Jill Harries, “Men without Women” (New York 2013), 71, 70.

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Theodosius II and Eudocia were the imperial couple in residence when Melania visited Constantinople.

Christianity in Constantinople Although Constantine is known as the first Christian emperor, he built in his new city two (pagan) temples and a Capitolium, a temple honoring a trio of Roman gods. Christianity in Constantinople in Constantine’s time was apparently just one option among many.51 Despite these temples, the pagan past was less prominent here than in Rome.52 Constantine also rebuilt and enlarged the church of Hagia Eirene (Holy Peace), which served as the city’s cathedral until the first church of Hagia Sophia (Holy Wisdom) was completed in 360. The Church of the Holy Apostles, which Constantine designated as his burial place, was somewhat of an anomaly, in that it defied the ancient Roman taboo against burial within city limits, as well as the custom adopted by the recent tetrarchs of placing their mausolea inside the palace area.53 Attempting to reconcile imperial and Christian cults, Constantine would be buried in that structure in the midst of the Apostles—​exactly where one would expect to find Christ. Not long after Constantine’s death, Constantius II made the Holy Apostles into a true church. Later, this church would also house the mausolea of Arcadius, Aelia Eudoxia, and Theodosius II.54 Constantine, however, put most of his Christian religious buildings in the Holy Land, not in Constantinople. Kim Bowes, developing themes in Gilbert Dagron’s magisterial studies of Constantinople, describes its churches as a “free-​market cacophony of private churches, built not for parochial care but for personal and familial commemoration.” Funds for these churches seem not to have been channeled through the episcopate but came directly from donors. One possible reason for bishop John Chrysostom’s unpopularity in the first years of the fifth century stemmed from the suspicion that he was attempting to separate clergy from their patrons by redirecting gifts from private foundations to the Great Church, controlled by the bishop, 51. Bassett, Urban Image, 34, 35; Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 61. 52.  Grig and Kelly, “Introduction,” 23. 53. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 47, 58. 54. Gilbert Dagron, Emperor and Priest (Cambridge 2003), 139–​ 40; Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 64. On Aelia Eudoxia, see PLRE 2:410.

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namely, himself. By then, Constantinople’s elite households provided a base for the city’s Christian life.55 Theodosian empresses and members of the imperial family built churches in Constantinople and across the eastern Roman Empire. For example, Aelia Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, built the first version of the church of Saint Euphemia of Olybrius (so named for being built on the property of her son-​in-​law), in acknowledgment of her escape from war and the barbarians; the next generations further adorned it.56 Later, the empress Eudocia built a small church to Saint Polyeuctus the Martyr, which was replaced and adorned by her great-​granddaughter Anicia Juliana.57 These churches were like family heirlooms, passed down from mother to daughter.58 In the fifth century, more churches were built, among which was the Church of the Forty Martyrs.59 Constantinople, however, in contrast to Rome, lacked an essential of Christian devotion: the remains of martyrs. Later in the fourth century, eastern emperors began to correct this deficit by securing bodies and body parts from areas of the empire better endowed with martyr remains.60 Starting in the early 350s with the translation of the remains of Saint Babylas from Antioch to Daphne, a suburb of Constantinople, relics began to pour in, among others those of Timothy, Andrew, and Luke, placed in the Church of the Holy Apostles. Under Theodosius I (an especially eager relic collector) and his successors, Constantinople acquired the head of John the Baptist (one of several claimed by various churches); unspecified relics of Peter, Paul, and the prophet Samuel; and some parts of Saints Stephen, Lawrence, and Agnes.61 Pulcheria, daughter of Arcadius, sister of Theodosius II, and a notable builder of churches, was keen to secure relics for the city. In one choice acquisition, Theodosius sent money and a gold cross to 55. Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 115, 118, 120. 56.  “On St. Euphemia of Olybrius” (no. 12), in The Greek Anthology, Books I–​V (Cambridge MA and London 2014). 57.  “On the Church of St. Polyeuctus the Martyr” (no. 10), in Greek Anthology, Books I–​V. See Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftung römischer Kaiserinnen, 151–​53, 170, who attributes Eudocia’s limited church-​building activity in Constantinople (in contrast to Palestine) to Pulcheria’s sphere of influence in that city. 58.  The image is Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 114. 59.  Mango, “Development of Constantinople,” 125. On the Forty Martyrs, see chap. 8, n69. 60.  Bryan Ward-​Perkins, “Old and New Rome Compared” (New York 2012), 60–​61. 61.  Chronicon Paschale for 391 and 415:  Theodosius found the head in Cyzicus, took it to Chalcedon, and built a church in Constantinople dedicated to the saint; the head was transferred there on February 18, 391. See Cyril Mango, “Constantine’s Mausoleum” (Aldershot UK and Brookfield VT 1993), 52, 60; Croke, “Reinventing Constantinople,” 235, on Theodosius I and relics.

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Jerusalem, whose bishop in return sent him the right hand of the protomartyr Stephen. Stephen (we are told) appeared to Pulcheria in a vision, reporting that her prayer was fulfilled, that he was on his way to Constantinople. She and Theodosius went to meet the relics and escort them to the palace; she then built a church to house them.62 As mentioned earlier, a much later story (Translatio sancti Stephani, possibly eighth century) claims that the exchange of relics between Constantinople and Rome worked out to Constantinople’s detriment: the relics of Stephen sent from Constantinople arrived in Rome, but those of Lawrence “refused” to leave Rome; the persons carrying them fell down unconscious, “as if dead.”63 That even in these later centuries Constantinople might feel defensive about its supply of the holy dead in relation to Rome is hinted at in a ninth-​century encomium for two fourth-​century abbots of Constantinople: while Rome has Peter and Paul as its treasures, the author writes, Constantinople has its riches in the relics of two esteemed abbots, who are “rocks” quite comparable in honor to those of Rome.64 A church council at Constantinople in 381 declared that the bishop of that city should enjoy the prerogatives of honor after the bishop of Rome, because it was the “New Rome.” At the Council of Chalcedon in 451, this phrase was interpreted to imply an equivalence. The bishops of the East, however, had never acknowledged the primacy of the Roman see, so to them, granting “equivalence” meant little; the gesture was symbolic.65 Organized monasticism was slow in coming to Constantinople, developing only in the 380s.66 The first monks apparently belonged to groups (semi-​Arians, Messalians) later deemed heretical. There were perhaps ten to fifteen thousand monks in the area of Constantinople at the beginning of the fifth century, a large number but fewer than in 62.  Theophanes the Confessor, Chronicle (426/​427) 1.86.26–​87.5. See Giusto Traina, 428 AD (Princeton and Oxford 2009), 107; Hugh Elton, “Imperial Politics” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2009), 134. 63. See Marios Costambeys and Conrad Leyser, “To Be the Neighbour of St. Stephen” (Cambridge 2007), 279–​80. 64.  Peter Hatlie, “The Encomium of Ss. Isakos and Dalmatos” (Soveria Mannelli 2003), no. 30. “Rocks” evokes the notion of Peter (Petros) as the “rock” (petra) on which Jesus would built his church (Matt. 16:18). 65.  Neil McLynn, “‘Two Romes” (Oxford 2012), 345, on Canons 3 and 28; 354–​55. 66.  Gilbert Dagron, “Les Moines et la ville,” 232. Also in J. Pargoire, “Les Débuts du monachisme à Constantinople,” 77–​79, 105, refuting older claims that there were monasteries in the city before Constantine; he settles on 385 as the date. Moreover, the first monks on Constantinople of whom we know were attached to heretics (112). More recently, Peter Hatlie, The Monks and Monasteries of Constantinople (Cambridge 2007), 62–​65.

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Egypt or Palestine.67 By the sixth century, there would be around eighty monasteries in the city and its suburbs.68 Monks in Constantinople did not always ally themselves with the city’s bishop. Bishop John Chrysostom’s attempts to discipline monks prompted their hostility; led by Isaac the Syrian, they organized against him.69 In the early fifth century, some monks favored the views of the bishop of Alexandria, an arch-​ rival to Constantinople. Wandering groups of monks also posed problems for established ecclesiastical authorities.70 Monks, Alan Cameron claims, were largely responsible for making urban violence a major problem of the late Roman world.71 To forestall such violence, monks in 439 were barred entry to Constantinople unless they could present a letter from their bishop.72 Melania, however, sailed through easily.

Melania and Volusian in Constantinople In Constantinople, Melania was greeted by Lausus, formerly the grand chamberlain of the palace, and by her uncle. She also spoke with wives of senators and learned men and met the empress, other imperial women, and Theodosius II himself (Life 53–​56). Here she also encountered Peter the Iberian, an ascetically minded Georgian prince who had been sent at age twelve as a hostage to the Constantinopolitan court. Peter later escaped and came to Melania’s monasteries in Jerusalem. Gerontius, now head of the men’s monastery, gave Peter his monastic garb in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.73 From the Life of Peter the Iberian, we learn other details about Gerontius and religious debates of the era. In Constantinople, Melania lodged in the grand palace of Lausus (Latin Life 53).74 Lausus was a eunuch (customary for some high court officials) and an ardent Christian. Years earlier, Lausus had commissioned a book of 67.  Dagron, “Moines et la ville,” 239, 246, 252–​53, 253n125; Hatlie, Monks and Monasteries, 89. 68.  Mango, “Development of Constantinople,” 125. 69.  Dagron, “Moines et la ville,” 261, 263–​65, 258–​59; Sozomen, Church History 8.9.4–​5. 70.  Daniel Caner, Wandering, Begging Monks (Berkeley 2002), esp. chap. 6. 71.  Alan Cameron, Circus Factions (Oxford 1976), 291. 72. Andrea Sterk, Renouncing the World (Cambridge MA and London 2004), 166, citing Justinianic Code 1.3.22. 73.  John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 24–​25,  44–​45. 74.  The Greek Life (53) states that Lausus “received” her. Would Volusian have been staying in the empress Eudoxia’s palace (Life 55)? The text refers to “Volusianus’ home,” but Eudoxia appears to be there.

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vignettes depicting the Egyptian desert fathers and mothers and other famous ascetics of the era. This book, the Lausiac History, is a valuable (albeit biased) source for our knowledge of early Egyptian asceticism. Its author, Palladius, later a bishop, met Lausus in 391, when both were visiting the Egyptian desert.75 Lausus, although of ascetical inclinations, did not take up the life of a desert hermit. He returned to Constantinople, where he later rose to the office of praepositus sacri cubiculi (“Grand Chamberlain”) in the court of Theodosius II. Among his duties was the supervision of the women’s quarters at the court. Palladius, historian Claudia Rapp argues, hoped that his Lausiac History would reach the most influential women at the court; in 420, that would include the emperor’s powerful sister Pulcheria and others in her circle.76 Palladius had stayed with Melania the Younger when, in 404, he fled to Rome to seek papal help in reinstating John Chrysostom, who had been exiled by Arcadius and Eudoxia.77 Palladius was himself exiled to Egypt for a period.78 Lausus’ commissioning of Palladius to write the Lausiac History, Rapp argues, was a gesture to reconcile the imperial court with an active partisan of Chrysostom.79 Lausus, however, is known for more than being the commissioner of the Lausiac History: he had a fabled palace and art collection. Lausus, who was very wealthy, had built his palace north of the hippodrome, probably between 420 and 430. Situated near that of the emperor, it was designed on the line of imperial, rather than of domestic, architecture.80 It featured a long hallway or portico flanking the 75. For a more detailed account, see Claudia Rapp, “Palladius, Lausus, and the Historia Lausiaca” (Aldershot UK and Burlington VT 2001), 279–​90. Palladius first became bishop of Helenopolis in Bithynia and later, in 417, bishop of Aspona in Galatia Prima (Socrates, Church History 7.36.15). For Palladius’ theological leanings, see Demetrios S. Katos, Palladius of Helenopolis (Oxford 2011). 76.  Rapp (“Palladius,” 284) cites Lausiac History Preface, 3: an inspiration to “those around you, to those below you and to the Emperor himself.” Rapp argues that Lausus commissioned Palladius to write the Lausiac History as “an instrument of reconciliation” between the imperial court and those, like Palladius, who had advocated the cause of John Chrysostom. 77. Palladius, Lausiac History 61.7; Rapp, “Palladius,” 284. Theological issues were also involved regarding allegiance to teachings advocated by Origen and his latter-​day followers, especially Evagrius Ponticus, whom Palladius had encountered in the Egyptian desert. 78. Palladius, Dialogue on the Life of John Chrysostom 20. 79.  Rapp, “Palladius,” 288–​89. Moreover, she claims, the book stands as a second “reconciliation” as well: Palladius hints that the extravagant ascetic acts practiced by some Egyptian monks were not superior to the more moderate practices that Lausus might adopt; “Even amidst the bustle of the capital the path to spiritual perfection is open to those, like Lausus, who seek it with an earnest heart.” 80.  Mango, “Development of Constantinople,” 127–​28.

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premier thoroughfare in Constantinople, in which Lausus displayed his fine sculpture collection of pagan deities.81 The domed rotunda led into a seven-​apsed dining room fifty-​two meters long. It featured a huge statue of Zeus by the Greek sculptor Phidias, which had originally graced the temple in Olympia. Another noted statue that Lausus had commandeered was Praxiteles’ Aphrodite of Knidos. At least thirteen statues of various Greek deities, animals, and other representations are named in later sources.82 How did Lausus acquire these gems? When Theodosius had ordered the closure of pagan temples, the wealthy had probably found it easy to siphon off their treasured pieces as spoils.83 Is it incongruous to imagine Lausus, this pious Christian, placing a collection of pagan statuary on prominent display? Claudia Rapp argues that Christians could imagine the statues as allegories:  Zeus, for example, represented God Almighty ruling over the forces of the universe, as symbolized by the statues of lesser pagan gods.84 Sarah Bassett offers an alternative interpretation: by putting animals, pans, and centaurs together with statues of (pagan) deities, Lausus may have been hinting at his negative assessment of pagan cult images.85 Representations of these deities and the stories about them, I add, were simply part of the cultural world that educated Christians inhabited. Lausus’ collection exemplifies how art could be a mediating force between Christianity’s iconoclastic impulses and elites’ high regard for classical culture, manifesting “the healing realm of the aesthetic.”86 Would these statues have offended the chaste eyes of Melania every time she passed through these suites of rooms?87 The Life does not tell us. Later, in 475, Lausus’ mansion burned and was replaced by Christian structures.88 Melania’s uncle Volusian, whom she followed to Constantinople in hopes of converting, was the brother of her mother, Albina.89 Descended

81. Bassett, Urban Image, 113; also see Bassett’s earlier essay “ ‘Excellent Offerings’: The Lausos Collection,” 6–​25; Cyril Mango, “The Palace of Lausus,” 89–​90. A more recent study locates Lausus’ palace elsewhere in the city (Jonathan Bardill, “The Palace of Lausus,” 67–​95). 82.  On the statues:  Bassett, Urban Image, 98–​100; Cyril Mango, “Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder,” 58. 83. Bassett, Urban Image, 100, 115. 84.  Rapp, “Palladius,” 282–​83. 85. Bassett, Urban Image, 107. 86. Bassett, Urban Image, 118. 87. Gorce, Voyages, 141. 88.  Mango, “Development of Constantinople,” 128. 89.  He is listed as Volusianus 6 in PLRE 2:1184–​85. Their mother was a Christian.

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from a line of city prefects and other notable elites,90 Volusian was a former proconsul of Africa; he appears in Carthage around 410 and (likely) had some correspondence with Augustine.91 He next held the office of urban prefect of Rome in 417–​18, and his appointment was celebrated by his friend Rutilius Namatianus in his poem De reditu suo (Going Home).92 Volusian later served as praetorian prefect for Italy and Africa in 428–​29. By the time Volusian appears upon our scene in 436–​ 37, he was a distinguished elder statesman—​indeed, on his way to death. Volusian was one of two Roman senators chosen to travel to Constantinople to represent Rome in the marriage arrangements. Had he lived longer, he might have shared in the fame that history accords the return trip to Rome:  the transport of the Theodosian Code from Constantinople to Rome. Volusian having died in Constantinople, his senatorial colleague, Anicius Acilius Glabrio Faustus, was entrusted by Theodosius II to bring the Code to the West.93 The Code, a large collection of late Roman laws that has been described as “a systematic accumulation of authority,”94 was intended to symbolize and functionally express the unity of the eastern and western parts of the empire—​ although the reality fell short, as there were still two imperial courts, two separate administrations, and two armies.95 Scholars now understand the Code as comprised of responses to specific questions and problems; it created solutions to new problems that the previous rules did not cover.96 Historians, however, doubt that these laws were enforced empire-​ wide, or even enforced at all. For scholars of religion, Book 16 of the Code is an invaluable source detailing religious controversies of the era, involving pagans, Christians (especially “heretics”), and Jews. Church historian Andrea Sterk comments regarding Book 16 that since notions

90.  Especially notable is Ceionius Rufius Albinus 15 (PLRE 1:37–​38), Melania the Younger’s maternal grandfather, who was praefectus urbi Romae in 389–​91. 91.  See Augustine: Letter 132, 135–​38, and discussion later in this chapter. 92.  Rutilius Namaianus, Going Home 1.415–​28; on their friendship, 1.167–​69. On Volusian’s being directed in fall 418 to act against Pelagians, see chap. 7. 93.  Mark Humphries, “Valentinian III and the City of Rome” (New York 2012), 166, 175. John Matthews remarks that Fausto was “if possible still more distinguished” than Volusian; Fausto was prefect of Rome three times (Laying Down the Law [New Haven CT and London 2000], 1). 94.  C. Kelly, “Rethinking Theodosius,” 40. 95. Millar, Greek Roman Empire, 40–​41. For more on the Code, see essays in Jill Harris and Ian Wood, eds., The Theodosian Code (Ithaca 1993); Jill Harries, “‘Pius princeps’” (Aldershot UK and Brookfield VT 1994), 37, 41–​44; Matthews, Laying Down the Law, 3. 96.  Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge 2001), 62, 63.

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of religious authority and belief were traditionally not topics in Roman law, they were tacked on as a new subject at the compilation’s end.97 Of greatest interest for our story is the issue of Volusian’s religion: the Life unequivocally states that Melania came to Constantinople to convert her still-​pagan uncle. Volusian’s paganism has recently been questioned by Alan Cameron, who proposes instead that he was a catechumen, a person in training for Christian baptism. Cameron notes that earlier, at the time of his correspondence with Augustine around 410–​11, Volusian had expressed doubts as to whether Christian baptism was compatible with a public career.98 Their mutual friend Count Marcellinus, who presided over the Council of Carthage (411), which declared Catholic Christianity victorious over its Donatist rival in North Africa, speaks of Volusian as “being drawn away from firm belief in the true God.”99 Cameron claims that public manifestations of paganism had almost completely receded by the early fifth century, arguing that Volusian as an adult had surely never seen public sacrifice. The various priestly colleges, in Cameron’s view, had also disappeared by the time Volusian was an adult.100 In response to Cameron, Rita Lizzi Testa and others argue that Volusian was still a pagan, not a catechumen, when he came to Constantinople.101 She cites the Life (53) regarding Melania’s threat to report Volusian’s paganism to the emperor. The threat, however, seems empty, since no law at that time imposed Christianity on imperial functionaries, nor did a man’s religion seem to have influenced emperors’ choices of those officials. The emperor might have intervened if Volusian had continued to hold a pagan priesthood, but there is no evidence for this assumption.102 In response to Melania’s threat, Volusian asked for time, so that his conversion could be of his own free will, not forced. Some scholars take a moderating position on Volusian’s religious affiliation. Peter Brown suggests that even in 437, Volusian, although 97. Sterk, Renouncing the World, 164; Matthews, Laying Down the Law, 120, noting the ideological shift between the time of the Theodosian Code and the sixth-​century Justinianic Code, where “religion” stands at the beginning: the authority of God before that of the emperors. 98.  See Volusian in Augustine, Letter 138.9–​15, and further discussion in chap. 7. 99.  See Marcellinus in Augustine, Letters 135.1, 136.1; discussion in Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford 2011), 196–​97. 100.  Alan Cameron, Last Pagans, 797. 101.  Rita Lizzi Testa, “Il Sacco di Roma” (Rome 2012), 107–​8. 102.  Rita Lizzi Testa, “Augures et pontifices” (Farnham UK and Burlington VT 2009), 259.

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still “pagan,” was nominally enrolled as a Christian catechumen.103 Maijastina Kahlos proposes the term incerti to describe those who were neither Christian believers nor unbelievers, whose religion, if any, was a “hybrid.” These individuals, she posits, did not see “Christian” and “pagan” as mutually exclusive terms. She cites “moments of uncertainty and vagueness” in the correspondence of Volusian with Augustine and Marcellinus that suggest he may have been among the “uncertain.”104 I propose one possible solution to the seeming discrepancy. The Life (50) reports that Volusian, at the beginning of this episode, was still a pagan. In Constantinople, Melania contacted the bishop, Proclus, to assist in his conversion (Life 53). In between the time of Proclus’ first visit to Volusian and his baptism, at least a week passed, during which Melania was ill (Life 54). It would not be impossible for Volusian to have passed from “paganism” to the Christian catechumenate to baptism in a week: after all, Ambrose of Milan traversed the course from “unbaptized” to bishop in seven days!105 And possibly Proclus had longer than a week in which to bring Volusian to “enlightenment.”

Theological Politics and Christological Controversies Before we return to Melania and Volusian, some description of the volatile issues of theology and church politics in Constantinople might be helpful. The early decades of the fifth century saw struggles between the city’s bishops and members of the imperial court. In its opening years, John Chrysostom, bishop of Constantinople, had tangled with the court, resulting in his first deposition and exile. He was recalled when one of Aelia Eudoxia’s children died but was exiled again when he intemperately criticized the placement of a silver statue of the empress close to the main church.106

103.  Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle (Princeton and Oxford 2012), 458, citing Life 53. 104.  Maijastina Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue (Aldershot UK and Burlington VT 2007), 31–​35, passim. 105.  Paulinus of Milan, Life of Ambrose 9. For most converts, to be sure, the catechumenate was lengthier. 106.  See Socrates, Church History 6.18; Sozomen, Church History 8.18, discussed in Peter Van Nuffelen, “Playing the Ritual Game” (New York 2012), 198. For a view hostile to Chrysostom, see Zosimus, Historia Nova 5.23–​23. Zosimus, however, was no partisan of the imperial couple: he calls Theodosius II “extremely foolish” and his wife “arrogant beyond her sex” (5.24).

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Trouble between court and bishop was thus nothing new when Nestorius, an outsider to imperial circles, was elected to the bishopric of Constantinople in 428. Promising to wage war against “heretics,” Nestorius soon found himself on the receiving end of that accusation.107 Even before Nestorius’ theological opinions came under direct attack, however, monks of the city had banded against him and soon were in league with Nestorius’ rival and opponent Cyril, bishop of Alexandria.108 Monks complained to the emperors that Nestorius and his henchmen had beaten, imprisoned, and starved them.109 In the late 420s and early 430s, a controversy erupted that pitted Nestorius against Cyril. Other factors than their divergent views regarding the humanity and divinity of Christ contributed to their animosity. Nestorius had been trained at Antioch, which was renowned for biblical interpretation that emphasized instruction and moral counsel; his opponent, Cyril, represented the Alexandrian school, committed to symbolic exegesis.110 Moreover, Cyril was eager to promote the see of Alexandria’s dominance over all the eastern bishoprics, especially Constantinople’s. Head of all the bishops in Egypt, he also had a strong following among Egypt’s large monastic population. Christology, however, was the main theological point of difference. Opponents believed that Nestorius’ theology, which emphasized the full humanity of Christ, underplayed Christ’s divinity. He rejected any implication that Jesus’ human qualities had been merged with or swallowed up by divinity. In 428, he challenged the notion, popular among those of Cyril’s persuasion, that Mary was the “bearer of God” (theotokos): humans, he protested, do not give birth to “God.”111 Nestorius’ opponents, however, accused him of trying to turn the divine Christ into a mere man, or, at least, to ascribe to him two different “persons,” one divine and one human. Debates over the appropriate words (and 107.  On the struggle, see the ancient church historian Socrates, Church History, 7.29–​34 passim, and Nicholas Constas, Proclus of Constantinople (Leiden and Boston 2003), 46–​56. Nestorius allegedly told the emperor, “Give me the earth purged of heretics and I will give you heaven as a reward” (Socrates, Church History 7.29). 108.  Dagron, “Moines et la ville,” 233, 266, 268; Hatlie, Monks and Monasteries,  91–​92. 109.  Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum 1.1.5 [143]. 110.  On these exegetical and rhetorical styles, see Susan Wessel, Cyril of Alexandria and the Nestorian Controversy (Oxford 2004), chaps. 5 and 6, including an analysis of Cyril’s “rhetoric of abuse.” 111. For Nestorius’ attack on Proclus’ version of this position, see Constas, Proclus of Constantinople, 65–​68. On the controversy more generally, see Holum, Theodosian Empresses, chap. 5.

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their varying nuances in Greek and Latin) to describe Christ—​“person,” “nature”—​contributed to the controversy.112 Cyril faulted Nestorius’ position as “Jewish,” a common denigration of “low” Christologies in that era.113 Moreover, some of Nestorius’ actions had greatly annoyed the imperial family. Being an “outsider” unused to maneuvering within the court may have contributed to his downfall. He removed the portrait of the emperor’s sister Pulcheria that had hung above the altar in the Great Church (Hagia Sophia), and on Easter Sunday 428, he refused her access to the part of the church in which she had customarily received communion with the emperor and the priests.114 Pulcheria considered these actions an affront to her piety and royal dignity. In 431, Nestorius’ views were deemed heretical by the Council of Ephesus (which endorsed the term theotokos for Jesus’ mother), and the emperor, Theodosius II, an earlier supporter, dismissed him from the bishopric of Constantinople.115 As noted earlier, Cyril openly bribed various members of the Constantinopolitan court to support this decision: half a ton of gold, 117 elegant rugs, and thirty-​two ivory chairs and stools, among other desirable presents.116 Cyril engineered the ouster of Nestorius from the bishopric of Constantinople. Two decades later, the “Tome” of Leo, bishop of Rome, endorsed Jesus’ full humanity as well as his full divinity and rejected positions of the then-​bishop of Alexandria that (Leo thought) obscured his full humanity. In 451, an ecclesiastical council, meeting in the Church of Saint Euphemia in Chalcedon,117 accepted Leo’s “Tome” as one of its defining documents. The Council’s Creed, however, did not resolve the debate but simply stated that Christ existed “in” two natures, complete in his divinity, complete in his humanity. How to reconcile the 112.  For some of the linguistic difficulties, see Constas, Proclus of Constantinople, 360–​68. 113.  For examples, see Wessel, Cyril of Alexandria, 216–​18. 114.  Van Nuffelen, “Playing the Ritual Game,” 194; Holum, Theodosian Empresses, 152–​54. The story of Pulcheria’s picture is considered fictitious by Richard M. Price, “Marian Piety and the Nestorian Controversy” (Woodbridge UK and Rochester NY 2004), 34. 115.  Thomas Graumann convincingly argues that Theodosius’ main concern for the Council was for the bishops to appear united; he refrained ahead of time from designating correct doctrine. He intended to depose Cyril as well, but Cyril had escaped back to Alexandria. The Council, Graumann argues, was a “spectacular failure” in conflict resolution (“Theodosius II and the Politics of the First Council of Ephesus” [New York 2013], 109–​29, esp. 122, 129). 116.  Christopher Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity (Baltimore and London 1997), 249–​50, citing Cyril, Letter 96. The recipients ran from chambermaids to the prefect—​and more was promised if they acted in accordance with Cyril’s wishes. 117.  Evagrius Scholasticus, Church History 2.3.

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obvious difficulties of this statement was left to faith. Many dissatisfied Christians rejected the Chalcedonian formula, considering it “Nestorian,” that is, that it separated too sharply the divine and the human aspects of Christ. The Christian church splintered into three groups that remain to this day: the Church of the East (sometimes incorrectly called the “Nestorian Church”), the “miaphysite” churches that affirmed the “one nature” of Christ, and the churches that accepted the Chalcedonian Creed, content to describe Christ as one person “in” two natures. Melania’s biographer Gerontius was among those who rejected the Creed of the Council of Chalcedon. In the Life, he may have foisted his anti-​Nestorian, miaphysite views onto his subject, Melania. In addition to its pronouncement of a definitive creed for the church, Chalcedon also passed measures that helped bishops control monastic communities and private churches within their dioceses.118 Canon 4 of the Council declared that monks of both countryside and town must be submissive to the bishop, live in fixed localities, apply themselves to fasting and prayer, and refrain from meddling in ecclesiastical or temporal affairs. Monasticism in Constantinople became an institution of the church, its freewheeling status corralled.119 The Council of Chalcedon can thus be considered a watershed in the growth of episcopal power; the bishop would keep his eagle eye on both monasteries and domestic churches within his domain.120 Proclus, bishop of Constantinople, was involved in the previously mentioned theological struggles. His conversations with Volusian allegedly aided the latter’s conversion (Life 53).121 After rhetorical studies, Proclus had risen through ecclesiastical ranks to the level of presbyter (priest). Unlike Nestorius, he was an “insider,” a protégé of the former bishop Atticus who had tight connections to the court. Proclus was elected to the bishopric of Constantinople in 434 with imperial support.122 Earlier in his career, he had attacked Nestorius’ opinions, but for seventeen years as bishop he steered a mediating position among the Christian factions.123 For example, he reconciled the partisans of John 118. Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 123, citing Chalcedon, canon 4.8. 119. Dagron, “Moines et la ville,” 272–​76; Caner, Wandering, Begging Monks, chap.  6, on provisions of Chalcedon that regulated monks. 120. Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values 223. 121.  For Proclus and his career, see Constas, Proclus of Constantinople, 7–​13, and Socrates, Church History 7.41. 122. Socrates, Church History 7.41, discussed in Van Nuffelen, “Playing the Ritual Game,” 194. 123. Caner, Wandering, Begging Monks, 223.

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Chrysostom (“Johnites”) to the mainstream Constantinopolitan church when the remains of that former (and exiled) archbishop were brought back to the capital in 438.124 Perhaps his skills in mediation were also on display in his encounters with Volusian. The latter, as a seasoned imperial administrator and diplomat, probably recognized talent when he saw it. Despite his mediatorial role when he was bishop, Proclus had definite views regarding Christology. He supported the emperor’s powerful sister Pulcheria, whom Nestorius had attacked, and he staunchly defended the title theotokos for the Virgin Mary. In a homily delivered in the Great Church of Constantinople between 428 and 431, when Nestorius was bishop, Proclus praised Mary in flowery phrases. In stirring rhetoric, he declared that Mary, the theotokos, was “the workshop of the union of the natures, the market-​place of the contract of salvation, the bride-​chamber in which the Word married the flesh,” and so on.125 Even here, the emphasis is on Christology, that is, on Mary’s role in giving birth to Jesus; Mariology per se was still undeveloped.126 Proclus also explained his opposition to Nestorian positions in a “Letter to the Armenians.” In it, he claimed that Nestorians held “Jewish” opinions about Christ, splitting him into two separate entities. Proclus argued that since Christ had not been born from sexual intercourse, there could be no “duality” in him: it is parental copulation that produces “corruption,” and from that comes “duality.” Christ, he affirmed, can be called “One [person] from One [God],” and Mary, theotokos.127 Gerontius, an eyewitness to Volusian’s conversion, reports that the latter enthusiastically endorsed Proclus’ teaching and exclaimed that if Rome had three leaders like Proclus, there would be no pagans left in that city (Life 53). This remark seems a slap at recent bishops of Rome, but whether the phrase represents Volusian’s assessment of Roman Christianity or Gerontius’ own disdain for the Christological positions of Rome’s bishops, we do not know. (The Latin version of the Life, 124.  Jan H. Barkhuizen, “Proclus of Constantinople” (Leiden 1998), 181, citing Socrates, Church History 7.45. 125. Proclus, Homily 1.1. 126.  Price, “Marian Piety,” 36, 37. 127.  Proclus, “Letter to the Armenians,” in Zacharias of Mytilene, Chronicle 2.5. Lucas Van Rompay notes that the letter was translated into several ancient languages, with significant variations among them; it was later taken as opposing the Council of Chalcedon. He notes that the word theotokos is not found in the Greek text (“Proclus of Constantinople’s ‘Tomus ad Armenios’ ” [Leuven 1985], 426, 442). The letter, according to Vasiliki Limberis, was meant to woo the Armenians away from Antiochene theology (Divine Heiress [London and New York 1994], 115).

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unsurprisingly, contains more references than the Greek to the practices of the Roman church and its links to Peter and Paul.) Soon, Rome’s bishop, Leo I, would avoid the formulation that the Virgin Mary was “the bearer of God”; to many westerners, eastern theologians had misguidedly downplayed the full humanity of Jesus. The Life, however, betrays no trace of interest in the status of the Virgin Mary, even though Proclus was a strong advocate of Marian piety.128 There were no body parts of Mary that could be counted as relics, and other items (such as alleged pieces of her clothing) that became relics emerged only later.129 The cult of Mary seemingly grew more slowly than that of other saints and martyrs.130 Although Marian shrines were developing in fifth-​century Constantinople, Mary was still largely celebrated for her role in giving birth to Christ. The part played by Constantinople’s monasteries in the developing cult of Mary is difficult to assess.131 Some writers towards the end of the fourth century, such as Jerome and Ambrose, began to cite Mary as a model for contemporary virgins, but, as Averil Cameron remarks, their praises do not add up to a cult.132 Moreover, the Virgin is strikingly absent from the Apophthegmata Patrum (Sayings of the Fathers), which fulsomely praised ascetics and their lives of renunciation.133 The latter observation is suggestive for our purposes:  Melania exhibits considerable interest in the desert fathers, making two trips to Egypt, while she never, in Gerontius’ account, appeals to or even mentions the Virgin Mary as a role model.134 Perhaps her form of asceticism left little room for the celebration of a woman who in Melania’s era was largely praised for her childbearing.135 128.  Stephen J. Shoemaker, “Sing, O Daughter(s) of Zion” (Oakland 2017), 233–​34. 129.  John Wortley, “The Marian Relics of Constantinople,” 171–​87, esp. 182; Averil Cameron, “The Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity” (Woodbridge UK and Rochester NY 2004), 14–​15; also see Price, “Marian Piety,” and Kate Cooper, “Empress and Theotokos” (Woodbridge UK and Rochester NY 2004), 39–​51, for varying reassessments of Pulcheria’s role. 130.  Averil Cameron, “Cult of the Virgin,” 6. 131.  Thomas Arentzen, The Virgin in Song (Philadelphia 2017), 37, 52. A later source declares that when Eudocia was in Jerusalem, she acquired an icon of the Virgin painted by Saint Luke and brought it back to Constantinople, where Pulcheria housed it in the church of the Hodegetria; see Limberis, Divine Heiress, 57–​58, citing Nicephorus Callistus’ report, taken from Theodore the Reader (PG 86, 165A). 132.  Averil Cameron, “Cult of the Virgin,” 7. 133. Arentzen, Virgin in Song, 76. 134. Arentzen, Virgin in Song, 38. 135.  In the Latin Life (61), Melania is said to assist in a childbirth for a pregnant woman near death, but even here, in a story that we might expect Mary to be appealed to, the author recounts that Melania used the belt given her by a male ascetic (presumably a desert father) to bring about the safe birth. In the Greek version (61), the donor of the belt is called simply a “great man.”

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Gerontius, by failing to highlight Proclus’ pro-​Marian stance, lost an opportunity to critique Nestorianism. He did, however, in the Greek version of the Life, emphasize Melania’s anti-​Nestorian teaching among the women with whom she associated in Constantinople, allegedly discussing theology and refuting Nestorian teaching with visitors from morning to night, correcting those who had “gone astray” and strengthening others in the faith (Life 54). This claim may represent Gerontius’ desire to align Melania with his own theological views, although he gives no clues as to the precise content of her teaching. He reports that the Devil, adopting the guise of a young black man and jealous at her success in instructing audiences and in aiding her uncle’s salvation, crippled her with bodily pains for six days.136 Upon hearing that her dying uncle had been baptized, however, the pain vanished; she visited him and rejoiced at his participation in the “holy mysteries” (the sacraments). To her it seemed a sign of God’s goodness that he had arranged for Volusian to come from Rome, and she from Jerusalem, so that a soul might be saved (Life 55). The Latin text of the Life, by contrast, is silent regarding Melania’s anti-​ Nestorian teaching and adds a pointed critique of the (anti-​ Nestorian) empress Eudocia. It reports that after Melania’s death, Eudocia tried to lure some nuns away from Melania’s monastery to Constantinople. Melania in a vision chastised both them and Eudocia; the latter, regretting her error, sent the nuns already en route back to Jerusalem (Latin Life 65). Later, Eudocia rejected the formulations of the Council of Chalcedon in 451; she remained anti-​Chalcedonian until the last five years of her life.137 In this, she and Gerontius agreed:  according to an ancient biographer of Palestinian monks, Gerontius accused Chalcedonians of reviving Nestorianism.138 Moreover, Melania’s Vita nowhere mentions the pro-​Chalcedonian Juvenal of Jerusalem, although he occupied the bishopric from 422 to 458.139 Upon Melania’s 136.  It was a common trope that the Devil and his minions were “black”: see David Brakke, “Ethiopian Demons,” 501–​35. 137. Christine Shepardson, “Posthumous Orthodoxy” (Oakland 2017), 187, 197, 196. For Eudocia’s association with the “miaphysite” leader Barsauma in Jerusalem and her acquisition of his cloak, see C. Kelly, “Rethinking Theodosius,” 45. Questioning Eudocia as a “monophysite” is Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftung römischer Kaiserinnen, 150–​51, who notes that the single contemporary source regarding Eudocia’s time in Jerusalem is Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius, especially ­chapter 27. 138.  Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius 42.20–​23, discussed in Shepardson, “Posthumous Orthodoxy,” 193. 139.  Jaś Elsner, “Piety and Passion” (London 2005), 427, 428, with a twenty-​month lapse in 451–​53.

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deathbed, the bishop “most beloved of God” visited her: this seems unlikely to be Juvenal. Was it the bishop of nearby Eleutheropolis? A more daring suggestion: Could it have been Cyril of Alexandria, who perhaps was still on a visit to Palestine in 439?140

Home Again: Jerusalem Melania left Constantinople in the dead of winter, at the end of February 437.141 Despite deep snow, she valiantly covered about twenty-​six miles a day; the trip took forty-​four days. (Sea travel would have been faster, but sailing in February was not possible.)142 The Latin Life (56) vividly depicts her crossing snow-​covered Mount Modicus on foot, since the mules were unable to scale it due to the extreme weather. Home safe, she joyfully celebrated Easter with her nuns. The monks’ psalmody so pleased her that she decided to build a small martyrion in which offerings could be made on behalf of her soul after her death. More holy men were brought to reside with the other monks in the men’s monastery attached to the martyrion (Life 57). Just as the martyrion was finished and about to be dedicated, presumably in early 438, Melania learned that Eudocia was on her way to Palestine and had already reached Antioch.143 After debating whether she should venture forth from her seclusion to welcome the empress, she did so, meeting her at Sidon. There she stayed in the martyrion of Saint Phocas (Life 58). Church historians Socrates and Evagrius report that Eudocia adorned cities along the way with her gifts. At Antioch, she gave a speech in which she cited Homer; the citizens erected a statue in her honor.144 At Gedara, she visited a bath known for its curative powers, and perhaps restored it. She composed a poem in dactylic hexameter (the meter used in heroic epic), inscribed on a six-​foot marble slab that 140.  See Cyril, Letter 70, for his time in Palestine. Allusions in the surrounding letters date it to the mid-​to late 430s. F.-​M. Abel posits why Cyril is not named in the Greek Life: if it was written for bishop Dioscorus of Alexandria, as others suggest, it would not have been politic to mention Cyril, as Dioscorus had been charged with extorting Cyril’s estate from his heirs (“Saint Cyrille d’Alexandrie” [Cairo 1947], 225n50). 141.  See n4 to this chapter for preference for 437 dating (rather than 438). 142. Casson, Travel, 315. 143.  On Eudocia in Palestine, see Holum, Theodosian Empresses, chap. 6. 144. Socrates, Church History 7.47; Evagrius Scholasticus, Church History 1.20. Socrates claims that Eudocia had vowed to make a pilgrimage if she lived to see her daughter’s marriage. Evagrius notes the statue that the Antiochenes raised to her.

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was installed in the bath.145 Returning to Jerusalem with Melania, the empress met the virgins of Melania’s monastery, treating them as if they were her sisters. The Devil once more intervened, however, causing the empress to injure her foot. Through Melania’s prayers at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, the pain was alleviated, and the deposition of the relics took place (Life 59, 58). Melania’s Life represents Eudocia as a (mere) visitor who was pleased to be present for the dedication of Melania’s newly built martyrion. We later learn that the relics of Saint Stephen were in this structure (Life 64), so presumably these were the principal ones Melania deposited. Other sources, however, offer a rather different story. Indeed, these sources seem to join battle over who owned Stephen’s relics, who built the churches erected in his honor, and who officiated at the deposition ceremony.146 Who possessed the relics of Stephen? One source claims that Eudocia had his relics with her when she returned to Constantinople, later deposited in a church that Pulcheria built to honor Saint Lawrence.147 The Life of Peter the Iberian goes further: here, Eudocia (not Melania) orchestrated the deposition of Stephen’s bones in a church she built outside Jerusalem. She invited Cyril of Alexandria to preside over the deposition of Stephen’s relics and the consecration of her church, which he did on May 15. On the next day, Cyril presided over the deposition of lesser relics (of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste and the Persian Martyrs) in a “small church” on Olivet, that is, Melania’s martyrion. The Life of Peter the Iberian thus effectively removes possession of Stephen’s relics from Melania. Its author, John Rufus, even attributes the building of “Melania’s” martyrion to Eudocia.148 Is the insertion of Cyril of Alexandria into the account a miaphysite invention? That Cyril visited Jerusalem in (probably) the mid-​to late 430s is confirmed by a letter in which he mentions his sojourn there.149 The sources seem engaged in 145. Angelova, Sacred Founders, 177–​79. For the poem, see Judith Green and Yoram Tsafrir, “Greek Inscriptions,” 80–​81. 146.  For the intricacies, see Elizabeth A. Clark, “Claims on the Bones of Saint Stephen,” 141–​56. 147. Marcellinus, Chronicle, September 1, 438–​August 31, 439, 2. 148.  John Rufus, Life of Peter the Iberian 33. Perhaps the church had been commissioned some years earlier, as it could not have been built in the relatively short time Eudocia was in Jerusalem during this first trip. The large church to Saint Stephen Eudocia reportedly built was not consecrated until around 460, shortly before her death: see Dirschlmayer, Kirchenstiftung römischer Kaiserinnen, 148, citing Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius 35, and Evagrius Scholasticus, Church History 1.22. 149.  Paulus Peeters, review of “Le Lieu du martyre de Saint Etienne,” 137. See Cyril, Letter 70. Allusions in the surrounding letters date it to the mid-​to late 430s.

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a contest over the relative power of Eudocia and Melania. According to the Life (59), Melania accompanied the empress homeward as far as Caesarea, praying that she would be returned to her husband in good health. Whatever the possible skirmish over Stephen’s relics, deference to imperial power prevailed. Gerontius here interrupts his chronological narrative to recount a few of Melania’s miracles before proceeding to events leading up to her death. She exorcised a demon from a possessed young woman with the aid of holy oil from the relics of martyrs (Life 60)  and caused a dead fetus to emerge from a dying woman by laying on her a belt that had been a present from a holy man, perhaps one of the desert fathers. (The Latin Life 60–​61 lists more miracles.) Most important for Gerontius, the humble Melania attributed her miraculous deeds to the saints, not to her own power (Life 61). He claims that Melania resisted the Devil’s temptation to fall into pride at her renunciations: after all, she reasoned, many had suffered much more than she (Life 62).

Melania’s Death That December (presumably 439), Melania asked her cousin Paula to accompany her to festivities in Bethlehem celebrating Jesus’ birth.150 She sensed that this was the last time she might make the trip. They spent the night in vigil at the Church of the Nativity and took the Eucharist the next morning (Life 63). Returning to Jerusalem, on the next day, December 26, Melania and Gerontius visited her martyrion of Stephen, where they commemorated his feast day. She told the sisters of the women’s monastery that she was near death. She and Gerontius then returned to the martyrion in the men’s monastery, where she prayed that she would be worthy of the heavenly bridal chamber and entreated the martyrs to be ambassadors to God for her. Much weakened, she counseled her virgins in the women’s monastery to be submissive to the “lord priest,” that is, Gerontius, to whom she was turning over the direction of the monasteries (Life, 64–​65). After five days of illness, and having bid farewell to her virgins, she received final visitors: in addition to “the 150.  The Bethlehem church observed the nativity of Jesus on December 25, a custom of western churches, unlike the Greek church. The Life is clear that the next day was the feast of Saint Stephen (December 26).

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bishop most beloved of God,” she received the monks of her monastery, people from other monasteries and the city, her cousin Paula, anchorites who lived around Eleutheropolis, and Gerontius (Life 65–​68). As was considered fitting for the deaths of holy Christians in this era, she died a “good death,” showing that she was at peace with God: her legs already stretched out, her hands folded on her chest, and her eyelids closed. For burial, she was adorned with clothing, a belt, and a pillow that had been gifts from various holy men and servants of God. Gerontius ends his account by picturing Melania rising to the heavens, received in glory by angels, prophets, apostles, and martyrs (Life 68–​70). Her death, like her life, was spectacular: “In death as in life,” Hagith Sivan notes, “the Holy Land did not confer egalitarianism.”151

Afterlife If both Melania’s death and life were as spectacular as Gerontius makes out, it might seem strange that she was so little heralded in later centuries. To be sure, as noted in ­chapter  1, she was accorded a feast day—​December 31—​in liturgies of Catholic and Orthodox churches, but knowledge of her was limited, buried in lists of saints and their feast days. She did not come into wider public view as did some other heroines discussed in the book series Women in Antiquity. Hypatia, for example, received far fuller recognition both in antiquity and in modernity than Melania did, perhaps because a murdered female philosopher of Alexandria more vividly excited the imagination than did a rather preachy, dirty, and rag-​clad ascetic. As Edward J.  Watts documented, from the eighteenth century onward, Hypatia was celebrated in treatises, novels, and art, with Charles Kingsley’s Hypatia: Or, New Foes with an Old Face, first published in 1854, the best-​known example. In our own century, Hypatia even became a movie star in the 2009 film Agora.152 Nor, among religious audiences in the West, did Melania ever become as well known as the mother of Augustine, Monica, so praised in Augustine’s famous Confessions and celebrated in works of art such as

151.  Hagith Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity (Oxford 2008), 300. 152.  Edward J. Watts, Hypatia (New York 2017), chap. 10. Kingsley’s novel, however, is not precisely a “celebration”: he warns his audience against falling into the decadent effeteness of ancient Alexandria.

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Benozzo Gozzoli’s frescoes of the life of Augustine in the church dedicated to Saint Augustine in San Gimignano, Italy.153 The feature that finally catapulted Melania to larger fame, after the publication of newly discovered Greek and Latin versions of her Life in the opening years of the twentieth century, was her enormous wealth, as is evident from the newspaper headlines cited in c­hapter  1. That wealth was of particular interest to readers of the turn-​of-​the-​century Gilded Age requires no special pleading:  Melania could be seen as a fifth-​century female analog of John D.  Rockefeller. In our own, new Gilded Age, Melania’s wealth and its sources (largely derived from slave labor) also attract scrutiny, but of a more critical kind. Yet Melania’s adventurous life, her striving for self-​determination, and her desire not to be tied to traditional values can stir imaginations of the present. In his prologue, Gerontius compares himself to a person picking flowers in a meadow, gathering a sufficient number amidst the vast abundance; we might wish that he had picked more, including some prickly ones, but are grateful for the bouquet he offers. Although Melania’s Vita is a hagiography, designed to exalt the sanctity of its subject, I hope to have shown that it offers a rich resource for historians not only of religion but also of Roman society, culture, economy, and late-​ancient power politics. Her Life, indeed, reveals a world that was as tumultuous and unpredictable as our own.

153. On Augustine’s mother, see Gillian Clark’s book in the Women in Antiquity series, Monica: An Ordinary Saint (New York 2015).

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Translation: The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

Prologue Blessing, Father: Blessed be the Lord, who has stirred your Reverence, holy priest, to ask my humble person for an account of the life of our holy mother Melania the Roman, who dwells with the angels.1 Since I spent considerable time with her, I have a slight knowledge of the senatorial family from which she sprang and how, having forsaken the vanity of the world, she started out on an angelic way of life. But since I know my own shortcomings only too well, I considered myself incapable of narrating such great struggles. I rather decided that it was safer to refuse, believing that I  could better exalt the noble servant of God by my silence than insult her outstanding achievements through my idle words. However, since you, holy priest, promised again to help me through your pious prayers, I  took courage through the power of the [Holy] Spirit:  I am preparing to throw myself into the infinite sea of narration, looking forward to the celestial reward for my obedience. It is not extraordinary that I, who am slow of mind and inept in speech, should be awed by such an undertaking, for I believe that not even the true philosophers would dare to undertake so great a task. For who will be able to describe, adequately and clearly, the manly and virtuous deeds 1.  I wish to thank Theodore C. Papaloizos for his gracious permission to reproduce his translation (with some emendations) of “The Life of Saint Melania the Younger” from his dissertation at the Catholic University of America (1978).

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of this blessed woman? I mean her complete renunciation of all worldly things, her zeal for the orthodox faith, which was warmer than fire, her unsurpassed beneficence, her intense vigils, her constancy in lying on the ground, the hardships and the ceaseless ascetic exercise of her soul and her body, her gentleness and temperance in competing with the incorporeal powers, her shabby garments, and in addition to these, her humility, the mother of all blessings. Every one of these virtues contains an infinite sea of meanings and about each of these, one could write a whole book, surpassing by much our own ability. Since I am at a loss on account of the length of the narration, I shall try to do as the fishermen, who, knowing that they cannot catch all the fish, nevertheless do not give up their task; rather, each according to his own ability takes home whatever comes along. Or again, I shall try to be like those who enter a meadow in which there are all kinds of flowers and fragrances: even if they cannot pick all the flowers in the meadow, they nevertheless do not leave until they have picked a sufficient number. Using this comparison and encouraged by the prayers of Your Holiness, I shall come to the spiritual meadow of our blessed mother Melania’s deeds; gathering there whatever I  can, I  shall offer these to attentive listeners in order to stimulate their virtue, and also to bring about the greatest benefit to those who wish to dedicate their souls to God, the Savior of us all. With which of her great struggles shall I start? How shall I repay with praise the one who is already being praised in heaven, since I am a simple man and, as I mentioned above, of slow tongue? What can I offer the one who has toiled so much in the hope of my salvation, except to invoke her prayers to assist me? For those prayers also helped toward my salvation while she was still alive. These same prayers I still invoke after her death, so that remembering her holy commandments, I may be able to drive away all sloth, forgetfulness, drowsiness, indecision, and lack of faith, and recount in small part her greatest achievements which, according to the advice of the Gospel, she endeavored to hide (Matt. 6:1–​6, 16–​18). Yet, because it is the voice of the Lord that says, “What you have heard with the ear will be proclaimed from the rooftops” (Luke 12:3), the virtues of the saints can thus not remain concealed. Even if those who do good works should choose to hide them, God—​having in mind the salvation and the edification of the many—​manifests these great achievements not

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only for the benefit of the hearers (as we have already said), but also for the glory of those who have struggled for his sake until their very death. Therefore I shall enumerate a few of the many things I have seen with my own eyes as well as things about which I have been carefully instructed by other people. The rest I will leave to your zeal to find out, as has been written, “Give to a wise man an opportunity and he will become wiser” (Prov. 9:9). 1. This blessed Melania was among the first of the Roman Senate. From a very early age, she was wounded by divine love; she longed for Christ and yearned to remain chaste in body. Her parents, who were distinguished members of the Roman Senate and hoped through her to continue their lineage, forced her into marriage with her blessed husband Pinian, from a family of consuls, when she was fourteen and her spouse was around seventeen. After she had experienced married life, still thoroughly detesting the world, she pleaded with her husband with these pitiful words:  “If you wish to practice chastity with me and live with me according to the law of continence, I shall declare you master and lord of my life. But if this seems burdensome to you and you cannot bear the burning desire of youth, here, I set in front of you all my belongings; take possession of them and make use of them as you see fit, but free my body so that I may present it, with my soul, pure to Christ on that fearsome day. For only in this way can I fulfill my longing for God.” In the beginning, Pinian neither approved her proposal nor did he turn her down completely, but answered her in these words: “After (if the Lord so desires) we have had two children who will inherit our possessions, then we both together shall renounce the world.” Indeed, by divine providence a girl was born to them, whom immediately they dedicated to God for a life of virginity. 2. Yet Melania’s heart burned even more intensely with divine fire. Sometimes, if she was sent to the baths by her parents, as was usual, she would go even though she had no desire for it. Entering the sweating room, she would wash her face with warm water to show her obedience, and wiping herself with her clothes, she would give gifts to those who accompanied her so that they would not report to anyone what she had been doing. Thus the blessed one had always before her eyes the fear of God.

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3. The young husband was still attracted by the splendors of the world, however, even though he was asked many times by his wife to observe chastity. But he would not consent, saying that he still wanted another child. 4. The saint tried over and over to flee and leave him all her possessions. This was reported to the reverend Fathers who advised her to be patient a little longer, so that by means of sheer endurance she might fulfill the saying of the Apostle, “Wife, how do you know that you will not save your husband?” (1 Cor. 7:6). She began wearing under her silken clothes a thick, rough dress. When her aunt noticed this, she pleaded with her not to be so rash as to wear such a garment. Melania regretted very much that she had not escaped notice, and beseeched her aunt not to reveal this secret to her parents. 5. Finally the prayers of the holy woman had effect. When she was about to give birth to her second child, it was just the time of the feast of Saint Lawrence. Without allowing herself any rest, she spent the entire night in vigil and genuflections in her prayer room. Early the next day she went with her mother to the martyr’s shrine, and tearfully prayed to God that she might be freed from this world and spend the rest of her life in solitude, this being what she had longed for from the very beginning. When she returned from the shrine she went into hard labor and gave birth to a child prematurely. The child was a boy, and having been baptized, he departed for the Lord. 6. After this, her blessed husband, seeing that she was painfully disturbed and weary of living, almost lost courage and himself was in danger. He ran to the altar and tearfully beseeched God for her life. While he was sitting near the altar, the saint spoke to him in these words: “If you wish me to survive, give your word in the presence of God that you and I shall pass the rest of our lives in chastity; then you will see the power of Christ.” Greatly fearing that she might otherwise die, he gladly made this promise. Through grace from above and this promise of her young husband, Melania became jubilant. She felt better and finally recovered. Using as her reason the death of her child, she then put away all her silk dresses. At about the same time, the infant daughter, whom they had dedicated to virginity, also died. When this happened, both Melania and her husband hastened to fulfill the promises they had made to God. Because they could not secure the consent of their parents, they became 202

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so deeply saddened that they refused to take any food. Still their parents did not agree to release them so they could depart and renounce the vain and worldly way of life and instead occupy themselves with angelic and heavenly thoughts. Wary of the rebuke of many people, the parents would not give in to the desire of their children. Greatly disturbed by this parental opposition that held them back from freely taking up the yoke of Christ, the couple together planned to go into seclusion and flee the city. While they were deliberating these plans (as the saint later related for our edification), as evening came a kind of heavenly perfume suddenly fell upon them, and changed their sorrow into indescribable joy. They thanked God and were emboldened against the plans of the Enemy.2 7. After some time had passed, the father of the holy woman, a man who loved Christ very much, came down with his final illness. He called the blessed ones to him and said, “Forgive me, my children, that due to my lack of understanding, I have fallen into great sin. Because I feared the abuses of blasphemous men, I have caused you grief by preventing you from following your heavenly calling. But now I  am going to my Lord and you henceforth have the authority to follow God according to your desire, as you have chosen. I ask only that you intercede with God, the ruler of all, on my behalf.” These words they heard with great joy. After the man died, they immediately felt free of fear and left the great city of Rome and went to her suburban villa. There they spent their time training themselves in the exercise of virtue. They clearly recognized that it was impossible to offer pure worship to God unless they shunned the temptations of the world, as it is written: “Hear, O daughter, and see; turn your ear, forget your people and your father’s house, and the king shall desire your beauty” (Ps. 45:11). 8. When they began this angelic life, blessed Melania was twenty years old and Pinian, who henceforth was her brother in the Lord, was twenty-​four. Although because of the delicacy of their youth, they then were not able to devote themselves entirely to intense asceticism, but they at least wore cheap clothes. Blessed Melania dressed in a cheap, very old garment, trying in this way to disfigure the beauty of her youth. Pinian once and for all threw away his elegant raiment, traces of his voluptuous life, but dressed instead in Cilician clothes.3 The holy woman realized, however, that he still 2.  The Enemy: the Devil. 3.  Cilician clothes: clothes of good but not fine fabric.

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had not completely come to despise elegant dress. While she grieved beyond measure, she was afraid to reproach him openly because he was still of unproven years and felt the ardor of youth. She saw that he was still full of bodily vigor. Therefore she concealed her feelings and asked him, “Is it possible that, since we started to observe our promise to God, the thought of desiring me has not entered your heart?” But the blessed Pinian, knowing well the purity of his own thoughts, affirmed in the presence of the Lord, “From the time we gave our word to God and began our chaste life, I have considered you as I consider your holy mother Albina.” Melania then pleaded with him, “Then obey me, as your spiritual mother and sister, and give up the Cilician clothes, for it is not proper for a man who has left the vanity of the world for the sake of God to wear such clothes.” He realized that her exhortation was for his own good and immediately accepted her excellent advice. Judging this to be of benefit to both of them in terms of their salvation, he changed from the Cilician clothes and began wearing natural-​ colored Antiochian clothes, worth a single coin. 9. By the grace of God they achieved this virtuous practice and turned at once to another. The two of them deliberated wisely, saying, “If we undertake an ascetic discipline that goes beyond our powers, our bodies, which are unable to bear the harsh treatment owing to the softness of our way of life, will weaken, and we will run the risk of surrendering to wantonness later on.” In this way, they chose this righteous practice for themselves. They went around and visited all, without exception, who were sick and looked after them. They gave shelter to transient foreigners and after cheering them with many provisions, saw them on their way. They generously helped all the needy and the poor. They toured prisons, penal colonies, and mines, and set free all those who were detained on account of debts, providing them with money. Their door was open to anyone who was helpless, for they were imitating Job, the blessed servant of the Lord.4 From then on, they began selling their possessions, remembering the Lord’s word to the rich man, “If you would be perfect, go, sell your possessions, and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven. Then take up your cross and follow me” (Matt. 19:21). 10. While they were forming these plans, the Devil, that enemy of truth, subjected them to a very severe test. Being envious of these young 4.  Job 1 does not describe Job as “opening the door to the helpless,” but God does call him “a blameless and upright man” (Job 1:8).

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people’s great zeal for God, he whispered to Severus, brother of blessed Pinian, and he persuaded their slaves to say, “All things considered, we [would prefer] not to be sold. But if we are forced to be sold, we would rather have your brother Severus buy us and be our master.” Melania and Pinian were greatly disturbed by this, imagining their slaves in the suburbs of Rome revolting. . . . 11. The venerable empress Serena knew very well the brilliant life that Melania was leading.5 Since she had heard of her great deeds of virtue and of her conversion from worldly vanity to piety, she desired very much to see her, remembering the saying of the Psalmist, “the change of the right hand of the Most High” (Ps. 76:11). Melania, however, who completely despised any worldly glory, refused to meet with the empress. Afterwards, when their slaves in the suburban villa revolted, she said to her blessed husband, “Perhaps it is high time to call upon the empress and see her, for if our slaves who are near us have risen up against us like this, what do you think those who are outside the cities will do to us—​I mean those in Spain, Campania, Sicily, Africa, Mauretania, Britain and the rest of the countries?” This is why they were eager to call on the most pious empress, and the visit was arranged through the mediation of certain holy bishops. Since it seems helpful to relate some details of their visit, which the saint herself told us many times for our edification, I myself shall give an absolutely truthful account for the reader’s benefit. She reported that although many say that according to the Roman senatorial custom one should go bareheaded for such a visit, she nobly resolved that she would neither change her garments (because it is written, “I have put on my clothes, how am I to take them off?” [Song of Songs 5:3]) nor uncover her head (for the Apostle says, “a woman must not pray with her head uncovered” [1Cor. 11:5]). She said, “Not even if I were to lose all my possessions would I do these things, for it is better for me that not the smallest letter of the law be done away with (Matt. 5:18), that I should not bring down my conscience before the Lord, even if I gain the whole world.” For those clothes were vestments of salvation, and her whole life was considered to be a prayer. She could not uncover her head even for a short time lest she cause sorrow to the angels who accompanied her.6 5.  Technically, Serena was not an “empress” but the adopted daughter of Theodosius I and the wife of Stilicho. 6.  Paul (1 Cor. 11:10) argues that women should cover their heads when praying “because of the angels.” Scholars sometimes link his claim to the story in Gen. 6, that the “sons of God” (in later tradition angels), looking down from heaven upon the uncovered heads of the “daughters of men,”

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Taking with her ornaments of great value and crystal vases as gifts for the pious empress, as well as other ornaments consisting of rings, silver, and silk garments to give to the faithful eunuchs and officials, Melania presented herself at the palace. Having been announced, she and her companion were commanded to proceed inside. 12. The pious empress met them right away with great joy at the entrance of the portico. She was overwhelmed at seeing the blessed Melania so humbly dressed. She welcomed her and asked her to sit on her golden throne. She then called together all the servants of the palace, saying, “Come and look at the one whom we saw blooming in her worldly rank four years ago, and whom we now see grown old in her heavenly wisdom. Let us learn from her that pious thoughts triumph over all the pleasures of the body. For she has trampled underfoot the refinement of her upbringing, the enormity of her wealth, the prestige of her elevated position, in a word all the agreeable things in this life. She does not fear weakness of the flesh nor voluntary poverty, nor any other such thing at which we would shudder. Moreover, she has bridled nature and has faced death every day, showing to all by her very deeds that in things pertaining to God-​given virtue, woman is not inferior to man when the determination is strong.” The true servant of God, Melania, upon hearing these praises, did not become puffed up; the more she was praised by the empress, the more she humbled herself, thus fulfilling the prophetic word, “All the glory of man is like a flower of the field” (1 Pet. 1:24; cf. Is. 40:6–​7). The empress embraced her and kissed her eyes, again telling those present how the blessed ones suffered when they renounced the world and how they had been persecuted by their father, who had totally prevented them from associating with holy people and from hearing the word of salvation about the ways of the Lord. For (as we mentioned above) the Devil had led her father, a virtuous man, to such a point that on the pretext of doing good, he committed a great sin. It was rumored that he had wanted to take their possessions and give them to the other children, so eager was he to prevent them from pursuing their heavenly goals, as we related earlier. The empress called them blessed, repeating how much trouble they had gone through because of the schemes of Severus, the brother of Lord lusted after them, came to earth, and had sexual relations with them, producing a race of giants. God, in anger at this divine miscegenation, sent the Great Flood.

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Pinian, who wished to take their many and great possessions for himself. The empress recalled how each one of the senatorial relatives had connived to get their property, hoping to make themselves richer. Then she said to them, “Do you wish me to have Severus brought to justice, so that when he is brought to his senses, he will learn never again to exploit those who dedicate their lives to God?” The blessed ones answered the empress as follows: “Christ has commanded us to accept injustice and not to act unjustly. When a person strikes you on the right cheek, turn and offer him the other. We are taught to walk two miles with him who demands of us to walk one mile, and to the one who takes our tunic, to give our coat as well (Matt. 5:39–​41). It is unbecoming to repay injury with injury (Rom. 12:17), particularly if those who seek to take advantage of us happen to be our relatives. For we have faith in Christ that through his help and the protection of our pious empress, even our modest possessions will be spent in a proper manner.” When the empress heard this, she was greatly edified, and made it known at once to her brother, the blessed and very truly pious and Christ-​loving emperor, Honorius,7 that he should decree that the governor and magistrates of each province should sell their possessions, and the money, for which they would be responsible, be remitted to the couple. The emperor, this Christ-​loving man, eagerly and with great joy decreed this and gave orders to the executors even while the blessed ones were still sitting there. 13. Astounded at the generosity of the most pious rulers and glorifying God, the supreme Savior, they brought out the ornaments and the crystal vases and offered them to their majesties, saying, “Accept from us modest blessings, just as the Lord accepted the widow’s two small coins” (Luke 21:2). Serena, smiling benevolently at these words, answered as follows: “I hope the Lord can make Your Saintliness believe that I consider it a sacrilege for any person (apart from the saints and the poor) to take any of your possessions. The person who does so heaps eternal fire upon his head because he takes what has been dedicated to God” (cf. Prov. 25:21, Rom. 12:20). The empress then ordered the chief steward and two of her illustrious eunuchs to see the couple home with full honors, making them swear (by the welfare of her most pious brother) that neither they nor anyone else in the palace would consent to receive from 7.  The western emperor, Honorius, was not a “brother” of Serena, but her son-​in-​law.

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the saints so much as a coin. And they, being pious servants of pious sovereigns, joyfully and eagerly carried out the orders. 14. The saints went away with great joy. They had realized a spiritual gain and had as a pledge the saying of the Lord, “Well done, good servant, since you are faithful in small matters I will put you in charge of large ones. Come, enter into the joy of your master’ ” (Matt. 25:23). They looked forward to scatter on earth whatever they considered would gather invincible treasure in heaven (Matt. 12:30, 6:20). Going back to their dwelling, they pondered how to give some kind of thanks to the empress who had granted them so much. Since none of the senators in Rome could afford to buy the blessed Pinian’s house, the saints let it be known through certain holy bishops to the empress we mentioned above that she might buy it. But the empress did not wish to do so and therefore told the intermediaries, “I do not think I have the means to buy it at its true value.” Melania and Pinian begged her to at least take some of the precious marble statues as a sign of their friendship. Reluctantly she accepted this solution, for she did not wish to grieve them any further. In fact, the saints were unable to sell the house, and after the barbarian invasion, since it had been burned, they gave it up for less than nothing. 15. In my narration I shall touch only briefly on what I heard from the mouth of the blessed Pinian in regard to their property. He said that he had an annual income of approximately 120,000 pieces of gold, without counting the income from his wife’s property. Their movable goods were so many that they could not be enumerated. The saints started immediately to distribute these, leaving the administration of the charities in the hands of holy men. Through one man, they disbursed to different countries 40,000 [coins], through another 30,000, through someone else 20,000, and through yet another 10,000, and the rest with the Lord’s help. For this saintly woman said to her blessed husband and brother, “The burden of life for us is very heavy, and under these conditions we cannot take on the light yoke of Christ (Matt. 11:30). Let us quickly get rid of our possessions so that we may gain Christ.” And he accepted the advice of the blessed woman as if corning from God, and with generous hands they dispersed their possessions. 16. Once, when we had beseeched them to explain how they were able to let themselves go from such a great height to such lowliness, Melania 208

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reminisced: “Not few were the difficulties and the struggles that we faced at the beginning, difficulties that came from the Enemy who detests the good, until we were able to relinquish the burden of our great wealth. We were vexed and almost overwhelmed, for the struggle was not against flesh and blood, but (as the Apostle says) ‘against the principalities and powers or rulers of this world of darkness’ (Eph. 6:12). One night, we went to sleep in great sorrow; both of us saw ourselves passing through a very narrow crack in a wall. We were so greatly distressed by the narrowness that we were on the point of giving ourselves up for lost. When we had overcome that affliction with great suffering,” she continued, “we found great and profound relief and ineffable joy. God showed this to us, comforting us in our faint-​heartedness, so that we might take courage regarding the future rest that we would receive after so much toil.” 17. “For example,” the noble and generous servant of Christ reported, “one day we had collected a great, extraordinary sum of gold, about 45,000 gold pieces, to be sent for the service of the poor and saints. Entering the triclinium, it seemed to me, as if through the Devil’s intervention, that a fire had illuminated the house because of the abundance of the wealth. In my thoughts, the Enemy was saying to me, ‘What kind of kingdom of Heaven is that which can be bought with so much money?’ Since I  was vexed,” she continued, “while fighting back the Devil, I ran immediately and with clear mind to ask for invincible aid. I  knelt down and prayed to the Lord that he drive the Adversary away from me. Strengthened by the prayer, I reasoned with myself: ‘With these corruptible things [money], those other things are bought about which the Holy Scripture says, “Eye has not seen, ear has not heard, nor has it entered into the heart of man what God has prepared for those who love him” ’ ” (2 Cor. 2:9). 18. Melania also told us that the same thing happened a second time. She taught us about the various stratagems of the Enemy. She said that those souls who wish to please the Lord must always be on guard, never entirely at ease. “We had,” she said, “an extraordinary estate. On it there was a bath that surpassed every worldly splendor: on the one side there was the sea, and on the other, a forest with all kinds of trees where wild boar, deer, gazelles, and other wild animals were grazing. From the pool, the bathers could see the ships sailing, just as they could see the animals in the forest. And again the Devil, finding in this a favorable opportunity, laid before my eyes the varieties of marble in that place and the The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

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inestimable yield of income from that estate. For around the bath, there were sixty-​two settlements.” But the blessed one lifted up her gaze to God in pious meditation and repelled the Enemy, saying, “You will not, O Devil, impede my progress in this manner. What is sure about these things that exist today is the fact that tomorrow they will be destroyed either by the barbarians, or by fire, or by time, or by some other circumstances. So how can these corruptible things that can be bought be compared with the eternal blessings that remain always the same and will last throughout infinite ages?” The Enemy then realized that he could never achieve anything by fighting against her, but when defeated, he would provide her with even more crowns. Shamed, the Enemy never again dared to cause her trouble. 19. As we have said, with great daring they gave away the rest of their possessions in Rome, which were, so to speak, sufficient for the entire world. Indeed, which city or country did not have a part in their immense beneficence? Shall we say Mesopotamia and the rest of Syria, the whole of Palestine, and the regions of Egypt and of Pentapolis? In short, all the West and all the East had a share in this great beneficence. For example, I myself, while traveling the road to Constantinople, heard many old men giving thanks to the holy ones, especially lord Tigrius, the priest of Constantinople. The saints had acquired a number of islands and these they also presented to holy men. In like manner, they had also bought monasteries of monks and virgins, and gave these as a gift to those who inhabited them, furnishing each place with a sufficient quantity of gold. They donated all their valuable silk clothes, of great number, to the altars of churches and of monasteries; they broke up their silver (of which they possessed a considerable amount) and had made many altars, church treasures, and other offerings to God. Having sold their properties around Rome, and in Italy, Spain, and Campania, the saints sailed off to Africa. Immediately after that, Alaric set foot upon the property that the blessed ones had relinquished; and all glorified the Lord of everything, saying, “Blessed are those who gave up their possessions before the arrival of the barbarians.” When they left Rome, the prefect of the city (an outright pagan) decided—​in accord with the whole Senate—​to have the saints’ property taken over by the state. The prefect was eager to carry out this confiscation by dawn. By divine providence, however, the public rebelled against him 210

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that very day on account of a bread shortage. As a result, he was dragged out and killed in the middle of the city. All the others in league with him were frightened and kept quiet. The saints set sail from Sicily to the most holy Bishop Paulinus [of Nola], to whom earlier they had bid farewell.8 By divine providence, adverse winds prevented them from sailing and they found themselves and their boat caught in a sudden great storm. There were many people on the boat and they ran out of drinking water, so that for a short time they were all in danger. The sailors claimed that this was the wrath of God, but blessed Melania said to them, “Indeed, it is not God’s will that we go to the place for which we set out. Give the boat to the wind and do not force your way against it.” The sailors did as they were told by the saint. They set sail again and landed on an island that the barbarians had invaded, having carried away the important men of the city along with their wives and children. The barbarians demanded of them a great amount of gold, which if they gave it over, the people would be freed, but otherwise they would be killed and the city burned. As soon as the saints disembarked from the ship, the bishop of the city heard of their arrival and came with others to meet them. He fell on his knees and said, “We have all the gold the barbarians are seeking except for 2,500 coins.” The saints gladly gave them the gold, thus freeing the whole city from the hands of the barbarians. They also gave them 500 coins extra, as well as bread and other provisions that they were carrying with them. In addition, they ransomed—​for 500 pieces of gold—​a distinguished woman who was of their party and who had been taken prisoner by the barbarians. 20. And so departing from there they sailed towards Africa, as we mentioned above. Having arrived there, they began at once to sell off their properties in Numidia, Mauretania, and in Africa [Proconsularis] itself. Some of the money they sent for the service of the poor and some for the ransom of captives. Dispersing money open-​handedly, they rejoiced in the Lord and were gladdened, thus fulfilling by deeds what has been written: “Lavishly he gives to the poor: his generosity shall endure forever” (Ps. 112:9). 8.  The text here is puzzling: Was there an earlier visit of Melania and Pinian to Paulinus? If so, Gerontius has left it out. The Latin version of the Vita (34) has the pair setting sail for Sicily, where Paulinus was staying.

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When they decided to sell all their property, the saintly and eminent bishops of Africa (especially may I mention the blessed Augustine and his brother Alypius and Aurelius of Carthage) advised them as follows: “The money you give now to the monasteries will be spent in a short time, but if you wish to leave a lasting memory in heaven and on earth, present each monastery with a house and an income.” They accepted the excellent advice of the blessed fathers and acted precisely as they had been advised. Henceforth, proceeding towards perfection, they strove to accustom themselves to total poverty in their lodging and their diet. 21. The town (called Thagaste) of the blessed Bishop Alypius was small and very poor. It was in this town that the blessed ones chose to live, especially because of the presence in the city of this aforementioned holy man Alypius, for he was an outstanding exegete of Holy Scriptures. Our blessed mother, who was very fond of learning, treated him with affection. She herself was so well trained in learning that the Bible never left her holy hands. She adorned the church of this holy man with revenue as well as with presents of gold and silver treasures and precious veils. So the church that formerly had been so exceedingly poor now aroused the envy of Alypius by the rest of the bishops in that province. 22. They also erected two large monasteries in Thagaste and provided them with sufficient revenue. The first was inhabited by eighty holy men and the other by 130 virgins. As she herself advanced further in virtue, the holy woman saw herself somewhat lightened from the burdens of wealth. She had accomplished the work of Martha, and henceforth began to imitate Mary, who in the Gospel was praised as having chosen the better part (Luke 10:42). As a result, at the beginning, during the evening she would take only a few drops of oil and a little liquid. (She had never drunk wine, even when she was living a worldly life, for the children of the senatorial class in Rome are brought up that way.) Now she also began to mortify her body by intense fasting. At first, she would eat every other day without any oil, then every three and then every five days, so that it was only on Saturday and Sunday that she ate coarse bread. She vied to surpass all others in asceticism. 23. She had beautiful handwriting and wrote without any errors in small notebooks. She determined for herself how much she ought to write every day, how much to read in the canonical books, and how much in 212

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the collection of homilies. After she had satisfied herself with that, and as if eating dessert, she would go through the Lives of the Fathers. Then she would sleep for about two hours. As soon as she had gotten up she would awaken the virgins who were leading the ascetic life with her, saying, “Just as blessed Abel and each of the saints offered to God the first fruits (cf. Gen. 4:4), we, also, in the same way should offer the first-​ fruits of the night in glorifying God. We must therefore stay awake and pray at all times, as it is written, for we cannot know the hour that the thief will come” (Matt. 26:41, 24:42). She gave strict rules to the sisters who were with her not to utter any unguarded word (Matt. 13:36) or to laugh immoderately. She also patiently inquired about their reflections and did not permit impure thoughts to dwell in them.9 24. In addition to the fasting we have described, she fasted from holy Pentecost to Easter, not taking even oil. Many who knew the facts will attest that she never slept outside her sackcloth, nor did she eat on Saturday before having completed [the reading of] the entire Holy Office. 25. After she had followed this ascetic rule for many years, she began to fast on the holy day of Christ’s resurrection as well. Her blessed mother [Albina] grieved very much. The saint’s mother had followed in the steps of the holy women of old, but her pious life will have to be written up by someone else. For me it is sufficient to say this about her, that a tree can be judged from its fruit (Matt. 12:33), and that a good fruit comes from a good root. Melania’s mother would say to her things like this: “It is not right for a Christian to fast on the day of the resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ, but should enjoy both food for the body as well as food for the soul.” With these words, she was scarcely able to persuade her blessed daughter to take oil at least during the three days of the holiday and then return again to her customary discipline, like an excellent farmer who owns a fertile field and runs to his own noble task. 26. The blessed Melania read the Old Testament and New Testament three or four times a year. She made copies and provided the saints with them, written in her own hand. She performed the Holy Office with the virgins, her companions, and on her own recited the remaining Psalms 9.  For Christian ascetics of late antiquity, the word logismos, rendered here as “reflections,” usually meant evil thoughts or temptations, implanted in the mind by the Devil. Melania kept the thought of pride at bay by picturing naked, destitute people lying half frozen on mats in the marketplace (Life 62).

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by heart. So thoroughly did she read the treatises of the saints that no book that she bought or that she was able to find was unknown to her. So great was her zeal for knowledge that when she read in Latin, it would seem to everyone that she did not understand Greek, and on the other hand, when she read Greek, she was thought not to understand Latin. 27. She customarily showed an indescribable gentleness towards those who trained themselves in [Christian] philosophy. She possessed such zeal for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ and the orthodox faith that whenever she heard of anyone who was even nominally a heretic and advised him to change for the better, he was persuaded . . . Otherwise she would not accept anything from him, even for the support of the poor. 28. For example, in the holy anaphora,10 I  also mentioned along with names of others who were dead the name of a woman of social status who had died while living abroad in the Holy Land. (This is our custom to so mention them, so that they might intercede on our behalf in that Terrible Hour [of Judgment].) When some orthodox people claimed that a particular woman in communion with us was a heretic, the blessed Melania was so indignant that she immediately and frankly said to me, “As the Lord lives, if you mention her name, I shall no longer participate in your Eucharist.” When I gave my word at the holy altar that I would not mention her name anymore, she said, “Once was more than enough; since you have named her, I will not participate.” Thus she considered the naming of heretics during the holy anaphora a transgression against the orthodox faith. 29. She longed exceedingly for chastity, that to this end, through her money and through her admonitions, she persuaded many young men and women to shun intemperance and an impure mode of life. These were the words she used to teach those she met: “The present life is short and differs in nothing from a dream. Why do we corrupt our bodies, which are temples of the Lord (as the divine Apostle declares [1 Cor. 6:19]), and why do we exchange purity, in which Christ invites us to live, with passing corruption and filthy pleasures? Truly, the dignity of virginity is so great that our Lord Jesus Christ considered it proper to be born of a virgin.” Many who heard her speak strove after purity and leaped into the arena of virtue. Only the Lord, the Master of all, knows how many feet of 10. The anaphora: the central part of the Mass.

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the saints she washed, how many servants of the Lord she served (some by money, others through the exhortation of her word), and how many Samaritans, pagans, and heretics she brought back to God through gifts and exhortations. For it is through him that she performed such great feats. 30. She practiced alms​giving as if through it alone she expected to be saved, as the Lord said, “Blessed are those who show mercy, for they shall obtain mercy” (Matt. 4:7). Moreover, she had such a love for poverty (as she assured us a little before she departed from life to go to the Lord) that she had no possessions on earth except a sum of about fifty coins for the offering. This money she sent to a holy bishop, saying, “I do not wish to have even this much of our paternal patrimony.” Indeed, she not only offered to the Lord everything she herself had, but also prepared others to do the same. Therefore, many of those who loved Christ offered her their money, for she was a faithful and wise administrator. These sums she ordered to be distributed faithfully and prudently, just as the donors had charged her to do. 31. She made for herself a mantle, a cloak, and a hood of haircloth, and never took them off either day or night during the period from the Holy Pentecost till the fifth day of Easter: such was her burning love for God, despite the fact that she had been brought up in very great comfort and was the offspring of a great senatorial family. Those who were well-​informed about how she had been brought up from early childhood used to tell the following anecdote. When she was still in worldly clothes, it once happened that the embroidery of the expensive garment she was wearing touched her skin, and from this contact an inflammation resulted, because of her extreme tenderness. But the Lord who has said, “Ask and you will receive, seek and you will find, knock and it will be opened to you” (Matt. 7:7), upon her request granted her strength from above. 32. Yet from the time when she had been wounded by divine love, she could not suffer to live the same life, but prepared herself for new, greater struggles. She decided to shut herself up in a cell and meet absolutely no one, but rather to pass her time without interruption in prayer and fasting. This proved impossible since many benefited from her inspired teaching and for this reason she was constantly being disturbed. Therefore, she did not seclude herself altogether, but instead fixed specific hours during which she would help those who would come to her for uplifting conversation. During the remaining hours, she conversed The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

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with God in prayer and accomplished her spiritual work. She had a wooden chest made for herself, of such size than when lying in it she could not turn right or left, nor stretch her body. Although she possessed such virtues, she never became arrogant regarding her good deeds. On the contrary, she always made herself lowly, calling herself an unworthy servant (Luke 17:10). 33. When occasionally Melania’s mother, moved by compassion for her daughter, ventured to enter her cell when she was writing or reading, Melania would not pay any attention to her, nor would she talk until she had completed her customary Office. Then Melania would speak to her only about what was necessary. The mother then embracing her, with tears in her eyes, said, “I trust that I also have a part in your sufferings, my child. If the mother of the seven Maccabean youths, having watched her sons’ torments for one hour, thereafter enjoyed eternal bliss with them (2 Macc. 7), why should I not much more enjoy it, who has been tormented every day more than that mother? For every day, I see how you are wearing yourself out, never allowing yourself any respite in your great labors.” And then she would say, “I thank God, for I am unworthy to have received such a daughter from the Lord.” 34. After they had been in Africa for seven years and had disposed of the burden of their riches, they hastened on to Jerusalem, for they had a desire to worship in the Holy Places. Setting sail from Africa and heading eastward, they reached Alexandria where the holy bishop Cyril received them in a manner befitting his holiness. At that time, the abba Nestoros happened to be in town, a man gifted with the talent of prophecy.11 For he was in the habit, once a year, to come to the city for the purpose of curing sick people. The Lord had also granted him the gift by which he could relieve the various illnesses of those who came to him by administering holy oil to them. As soon as the blessed ones, who were themselves great friends of holy men, heard about him, they hastened at once to receive spiritual betterment from him. Because of the great, huge multitude that was pressing towards him, however, they were separated from each other. The first to enter the immense crowd was Pinian, the saint’s most blessed brother, who was eager to receive the benediction so he could leave. But the abba 11.  Abba: a holy desert father. “Abbot” implies to readers the head of an organized monastery; in this case, Nestoros’s form of asceticism is not clear from the text.

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Nestoros, looking intently through his spiritual eyes, recognized the beauty of that man’s soul, held him fast and made him stand by his side. Then following a great mass of people, the servant of Christ, Melania, also entered. Nestoros, recognizing her through his spiritual eyes, made her stand by her brother. In the same way, he stopped the blessed mother of Melania, who entered third, and made her stand by the other two. After Nestoros had sent away the crowd, he began exhorting them with prophetic words, speaking to them about all the afflictions they had suffered in various ways in their endeavor to renounce the world. He advised them like his own children and exhorted them not to be disheartened, since the goal of afflictions is to bring inexpressible bliss. He said, “For I consider the sufferings of the present to be as nothing compared with the coming glory to be revealed to us” (Rom. 8:18). 35. They were very much encouraged and glorified God the more. Then they sailed towards Jerusalem, hurrying to that place. They stayed in the shelters of the Holy Sepulcher. Since they did not wish to distribute their remaining gold themselves, they gave it to those in charge of administering to the poor. For they did not wish for anyone to see them doing good deeds. They had achieved such total poverty that the saint told us, “When we first came here we intended to inscribe ourselves in the church register and be fed officially with the poor.” Thus, they embraced extreme poverty for the sake of our Lord, “who for our sake made himself poor” (2 Cor. 8:9) and “took the form of a slave” (Phil. 2:7). It happened that Melania fell ill when she first arrived in Jerusalem and had no place to rest except in sackcloth. A virgin from the nobility gave her a pillow as a gift. Soon she had regained her health and devoted her time to reading and prayer, and to rendering her devoted service to the Lord. 36. Melania lived only with her mother. She did not hasten to meet with anyone except with the holy and very illustrious bishops, especially with those who were outstanding in holy doctrine, so that she might spend the time of the meeting to ask about the Divine Word [Scripture]. She wrote, as we mentioned, in small notebooks and fasted all week long. Every evening, after the Holy Resurrection [the church of the Holy Sepulcher was closed, she remained near the Cross until the chanters entered and then she would go away to her cell and sleep for a short time. 37. Because of the barbarian invasion they were not able to sell all their properties and thus some property remained unsold. One of the faithful, The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

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a man whose heart had been stirred by God, was able to sell part of the property situated in those regions of Spain that were at peace. He collected a little gold and took it to the blessed ones in Jerusalem. Melania seized it, as if from the lion’s mouth (Amos 3:12), and dedicated it to God. She said to her spiritual brother in the Lord, “Let us go to Egypt and inquire about the saints.” He was never disinclined to do such work and gladly obeyed her as one would obey a truly good teacher. When she was about to undertake this spiritual journey, she asked her holy mother to build a cell for her on the Mount of Olives. The inside of the cell was to be made of boards, so that she might spend certain times in it in peace. After they arrived in Egypt, they toured the cells of the saintly monks and the most faithful virgins, providing each (as it is written [Acts 2:45]) with what he or she needed, as the truly wise administrators they were. 38. While they were doing this, they came upon the cell of a saintly person called abba Hephaestion. They asked him to accept a little gold from their hand. He emphatically insisted on their not doing this. Blessed Melania went around the cell of the saint and took a look at his belongings. She found that he did not possess anything on earth except a mat, a basket containing some dry bread, and a small basket with salt. Very much moved by the saint’s inexpressible and heavenly riches, she hid the gold in the salt and left in great haste because she was afraid that the old man might discover what she had done. They asked for his blessing and then hurried away, but they could not escape unnoticed. For after they had crossed the river, the man of God caught up with them, holding up the gold and shouting, “For what do I want this?” The blessed Melania replied, “In order to give it to those in need.” He protested solemnly that he could neither keep it nor give it away, because the place was a desert and none of the needy could ever come there. Since even after long discussion he could not persuade them to take back the gold, the holy man threw it into the river. Since many other holy anchorites and very pious virgins did not wish to accept anything,12 Melania used a spiritual ruse and left the gold in their cells, for she considered lightening the burden of the saints to be a spiritual gain and a great advantage to the soul.

12. Anchorites:  ascetics who had retired from the world, living alone, not in communal monasteries.

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39. After they had completed their tour, they returned to Alexandria, where they were honored to meet a number of saints. Among these were the superior of the Tabennesi monastery and the very saintly abba Victor,13 the most reverend fathers and abbas who bear the name Zeugetes,14 and another priest named abba Elias, and many others whose names, because of their number, are unnecessary to mention here. The blessed woman was eager to reap benefit and blessing personally from each one of the saints and partake of their virtue. After they left Alexandria they came to the mountain of Nitria, and the place called “the Cells.” There the most holy fathers received the blessed woman like a man. For truly, she had given up the standard of womanliness and had now acquired the mentality of a man, or rather, that of a celestial being. They shared the company of the holy fathers and were blessed. After staying with them in this way, they departed. They were escorted by all of the holy fathers with much good cheer. 40. The blessed returned to Jerusalem carrying a rich harvest of blessings. Having fulfilled the work of service of our Lord Jesus Christ with great zeal, they both fell sick because of the unhealthy climate. The blessed Melania found the cell that her saintly mother had built on the Mount of Olives. There, after the day of Holy Epiphany, she shut herself up and sat in sackcloth and ashes, talking to no one except on certain days when she conversed with her saintly mother and her spiritual brother. The blessed virgin Paula, her cousin, also came to see her.15 The saint guided her in all the divine commandments of God and led her away from great pretentiousness and the Roman mentality to great humility. She also had in her service a virgin who repeatedly assured us, “At the time of Holy Easter, when the saint would finally come out of that very narrow cell and we shook the sack that had lain under her, enormous vermin fell from it.” She led this kind of ascetic life for fourteen years. 41. When the Lord called her saintly mother to himself, she departed in order to receive the reward promised to his saints. After they had accompanied the mother’s remains to the Mount of Olives with much 13.  Tabennesi: a Pachomian monastery. 14. Zeugetes:  meaning unknown; perhaps derived from Zeugitana, a province in Roman Africa. 15. Paula:  the granddaughter (and namesake) of Jerome’s ascetic companion, Paula, who had settled in Bethlehem and headed a community of virgins. Melania’s mother, Albina, and the younger Paula’s mother, Laeta, were cousins. The younger Paula was the daughter of Laeta and Paula’s son Toxotius; the child was early dedicated to God. See Jerome, Letter 107.

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honor and chanting, Melania immediately decided to remain there in the dark cell, wishing no longer to dwell in the city. She passed that year in great sorrow, asceticism, and severe fasting. At the end of it she had a monastery built for herself and determined to save other souls along with her own. She asked her brother to assemble for her some virgins. And so there was formed a monastery of around ninety virgins, who, from the very beginning, she forbade ever to associate with a man. She had a cistern built for them inside the monastery and took care of all their material needs, telling them, “I myself, like a servant, will take proper care of you in all things, and will not let you want for any necessities. I ask of you only one thing, that you must guard yourselves against any association with a man.” She took women from places of ill-​repute whom she had won over by her admonitions and brought them as a sacrifice to God, heedful of what has been written, “If you bring out the precious from the worthless, you will be my mouthpiece” (Jer. 15:19). She spoke to them continually about their salvation. In her extreme humility, Melania did not wish to be considered Mother Superior, and therefore put in charge another spiritual woman who was burning with desire for God. As for herself, she devoted her time to prayer and serving the saints. When the Superior was a little too stern, Melania zealously applied herself to look after the virgins’ bodily needs. So much did she worry about the weaker sisters that she secretly brought them their necessities. She would carefully arrange these provisions and put them under the bed in the cell of each sister. Upon entering, they would find everything ready for their use without their Superior’s knowledge. But the sisters recognized from the manner in which these things were done that the blessed one was the person providing these items, and they were attached to her beyond all measure. They endeavored to obey her in every way, as they appreciated her infinite compassion. 42. I am not in a position to relate her continuous and inspired teachings, which she addressed to them. However, I will try to report a little about some of them. All her care was to instruct them in spiritual deeds and virtues in every way so that they might present to their heavenly Bridegroom and Master, Christ, the virginal purity of their soul and of their body immaculate (2 Cor. 11:2; cf. Matt. 25:1–​13). First of all, she insisted that they must tirelessly stay awake during the night liturgy and scrupulously resist evil thoughts. She urged them 220

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not to allow their thoughts to wander but to concentrate their minds on the chanting of the Psalms. She used to say, “Remember, sisters, how subordinates stand, fearful and subdued, before their mortal and worldly superiors. So we, who stand before the formidable and heavenly Father, with how much fear and trembling (2 Cor. 7:15) should we perform our liturgy! Contemplate the fact that neither the angels nor the spiritual and intelligible creatures of heaven can worthily praise the Lord, who has no need of anything and is beyond all praise. Now if the incorporeal powers, who are so much superior to our nature, are incapable of adequately glorifying the God of all creation, as we have said, with how much more fear and trembling must we, the unworthy servants (Luke 17:10) sing Psalms, so that we may reap for ourselves reward and gain, instead of condemnation because of our negligence in glorifying the Lord.” 43. “As to pure love both towards him and towards each other, we ought to learn from the Holy Scripture to guard this love with all zeal, having realized that without spiritual love every ascetic discipline and virtue will be in vain (cf. 1 Cor. 13:1–​3). For the Devil can imitate all the good actions that we appear to be able to do, but by love and humility he is soundly defeated. I mean something like this: We fast, he eats absolutely nothing. We keep vigil at night, he does not sleep at all. Let us thus detest arrogance because it was through arrogance that he fell from heaven and it is by means of arrogance that he wishes to drag us down with him. Let us avoid the vainglory of this age that fades away like a flower or a blade of grass (Is. 40:6). Above all, let us steadfastly guard our orthodox faith, for this is the basis and the foundation of our whole life in the Lord. Let us love the holiness of our soul and body for without this no one will see the Lord” (Hebr. 12:14). Fearing that one of them, becoming proud because of excessive mortification, might fall, she said that of all the virtues, fasting is the least. “As a bride shining forth in costly garments would not wear black shoes but adorns even her feet along with her body, in the same way the soul also needs fasting, along with the other virtues. If someone endeavors to practice fasting but leaves all the other virtues aside, she resembles that bride who leaves her body uncovered and adorns only her feet.” 44. As regards obedience to God, she very often exhorted them by saying, “Without obedience, worldly affairs could not subsist, for even worldly rulers are subject to and obey one another. When you talk of The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

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him who wears a diadem, in most cases, and in the most important ones, he does not act of his own accord, nor would he undertake to give orders, unless he first seeks the advice of the Senate. In the same way, if you remove from the houses of the world their greatest possession, namely obedience, you remove the entire order, and when there is no order, then also peace limps behind. Now we ought to practice obedience to one another. And obedience consists of this: to do what you do not want to do, for the satisfaction of the one who gives you the order and to force yourself for the one who has said, ‘The kingdom of God has suffered violence and the violent take it by force’ ” (Matt. 11:12). She used to relate to them the saying of an old saint concerning one’s obligation to submit to everything, as is wont to happen to anyone who dwells among humans: “Someone went to an old saintly man wishing to be taught by him and the old man said to him, ‘Can you obey me in all things for the sake of the Lord?’ And the other answered the father, ‘I will do whatever you might order, with great zeal.’ ‘Take, then, a whip,’ he said, ‘proceed to that statue over there, strike and kick it with your feet.’ Having carried out willingly what he had been ordered to do, he returned. The old man said to him: ‘Did the statue, while it was being beaten and kicked, protest or respond?’ ‘Not in the least,’ said the other. ‘Go again,’ said the father, ‘and beat it for the second time and add some insults also.’ Having done the same for the third time, according to the father’s order, the statue did not respond—​as how could it, being of stone?—​then the old saint said to him, ‘If you can become like that statute which when insulted does not return the insult, when beaten does not protest, then you also can be saved and remain with me.’ Let us imitate him, my children, and let us nobly endure all things, insults, reproach, contempt, so that we may inherit the Kingdom of Heaven.” 45. In regard to continuous fasting, she mentioned the Apostle’s saying, “Not from sorrow or necessity, for God loves a cheerful giver” (2 Cor. 9:7). She left the matter of fasting to everyone’s discretion. But concerning love, humility, meekness, and other virtues, she would say, “No person would blame his stomach or any part of his body, yet a person who does not carry out the commandments of the Lord is without excuse (Rom. 2:1). Thus I entreat you to struggle with patience and forbearance, for it is through the narrow gate that the saints enter into eternal life (cf. Matt. 7:14). For the labor is little but the repose is great and eternal (cf. Sirach 51:27). Endure a little so that you may put on the crown of righteousness” (2 Tim. 4:8). 222

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46. During the night she woke the sisters to praise the Lord, according to the saying of the prophet, “I came in the dead of the night and cried,” and again, “In the middle of the night I rose to confess” (cf. Ps. 118:148, 62). She said, “We ought not to rise for the night liturgy after having satiated ourselves with sleep, but we ought to force ourselves to get up, so that we may receive the wages of that violent effort in the life to come.” When they had completed the usual Office, she allowed them a little sleep so that they might rest from the ardors of the vigil and thus refresh their bodies for the day’s chanting. 47. Their night office comprised three responses and three readings and in the mornings, fifteen antiphons. They chanted at the third hour of the day “because at this hour,” she said, “the Paraclete descended upon the Apostles (Acts 2:4, 15), and at the sixth hour, because at that time the patriarch Abraham was indeed worthy to accept the Lord (Gen. 18:1), and at the ninth hour in conformity with the tradition of the holy Apostles, for at this ninth hour Peter and John, while going up to offer their prayer, cured the lame man” (Acts 3:1–​8). She also cited other testimony from the Holy Scripture that she said would attest to this practice, for example, the most holy prophet Daniel, who knelt down and prayed three times during the day (Dan. 6:10). She also cited the parable of the Holy Gospel about the master of the house who went out at the third, the sixth, and the ninth hour to hire workers for his vineyard (Matt. 20:5). “As for the evening prayers,” she said, “we must engage in them with great zeal, not only because we have passed the entire course of the day in peace, but also because at that hour Cleopas and his companion were deemed worthy to accompany the Lord after his resurrection” (Luke 24:13–​32). She urged the sisters to apply themselves to uninterrupted chanting above all on Sundays and on the other great feast days, saying, “If in the daily liturgy it is not proper to be negligent, how much more are we obliged on Sundays and the other feast days to chant a little more than the usual Office.” 48. In saying this, Melania strengthened their ardor through her instruction, so that even when the blessed one on occasion wanted to spare them from the great stress of their sleepless vigil . . . they would not assent, saying, “As you are ceaselessly concerned with the everyday needs of our bodies, so we ought to see to it to be much more concerned in regard to spiritual things, that we omit nothing whatever from our customary Office.” She rejoiced greatly seeing their noble resolution in the The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

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name of the Lord. So she hastened to have an oratory built in the monastery and to have an altar erected in it, so that they would always have the honor of participating in the holy sacraments. She saw to it that two eucharistic sacrifices were celebrated each week in addition to the feast days, one on Friday and one on Sunday. She deposited there the relics of saintly martyrs, I mean those of the prophet Zacharias, of Stephen the holy protomartyr, of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste, and of others whose names only God knows. 49. While our saintly mother Melania was continuing her struggles, her most blessed brother fulfilled the course of his earthly life. Having fought the good battle (2 Tim. 4:7) and through his voluntary poverty and obedience to the holy precepts, he had gained the crown [of the saints] and joyfully departed from life to the God of all things. That was eight years before her own death. Thus God had arranged these things so that she, according to her intentions and struggling even more, might accomplish more illustriously her way of life in the Lord. After the above-​mentioned brother had fallen asleep in the Lord, she stayed in the Oratory of the Apostles, which she herself had constructed sometime earlier; here she had the remains of her blessed brother deposited. In that place, for approximately four years, she mortified herself by fasts, vigils, and continuous grieving. After this, moved by divine zeal, she wished to build a monastery for saintly men so that they might, without interruption, perform the chants by day and night at the place of the Ascension of the Lord and in the grotto where the Savior told his disciples about the end of the world. Some persons tried to dissuade her from her pious undertaking, alleging that she had not enough money to complete such a grand work because she was so extremely poor. But the Lord, who is infinitely rich, fulfilled the wishes of that saintly soul. He prepared someone, a Christ-​ loving man, to offer her 200 coins. She accepted them with joy and called the priest who was with her and whom she had taken from the world and presented to God as an offering—​and that miserable person was myself—​and told him, “Since you believe that you will receive from the Lord the reward of this labor in the coming age, take these few coins and procure for us stones, so that in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, we may commence the construction of the monastery for the men. Thus, while I am still alive, I may see that services are being continuously held in the church, and that the bones of my mother and those of my master [Pinian] may rest in peace by virtue of their chanting.” 224

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In the name of the Lord she began to execute this project, with the Lord collaborating with her in all things. In one year, she completed this great undertaking. All were stupefied when they realized the work had indeed been accomplished through an influence from above. She housed there holy and God-​loving men who joyfully performed the liturgy in both the Church of Christ’s Ascension and the Chapel of the Apostles, where also the blessed ones were buried. 50. Thereupon, new and greater struggles followed the previous travails. She barely had a little time to breathe after the completion of the monastery when letters immediately arrived from her uncle Volusianus,16 ex-​prefect of Greater Rome, stating that he was proceeding to Constantinople on a mission to the most pious empress Eudoxia, who had been pledged in marriage to the Christ-​loving emperor of ours, Valentinian. She felt a great desire to see her uncle. She had been spurred on to have this desire by grace from above, so that through her great efforts she might save his soul, for he was still a pagan. She greatly agonized over this, for she feared that she might do something contrary to what God wished her to do. She announced this to all the holy men and asked them to pray fervently that her journey might proceed according to the will of God. She entrusted the monasteries to the Lord and departed from Jerusalem. 51. From the beginning of her travels, the holy men (and by this, I mean the bishops and the clergy) in every town and country offered her indescribable honor and glory. Both the most God-​loving monks and the pious virgins, seeing the saint whose shining virtues they had heard about for so long, could only part company with her in tears. 52. I do not think it would be prudent for me to bypass in silence the miracle that the Lord did through her in Tripoli, because as the Holy Scripture says, “It is prudent to keep a king’s secret, but glorious to reveal the works of God” (Tobit 12:7). When we arrived in that town, we stayed at the martyrium of Saint Leontius. In this martyrium many miracles take place. Because we who were traveling with her were of a great number and had no permission [to use official transport], the 16.  Volusian, the brother of Melania’s mother Albina, was urban prefect in 416 and 421 and praetorian prefect in 428–​429. Another maternal uncle, Caecina Decius Albinus, was urban prefect in 402; and two of her cousins (Rufius Caecina Felix Lampadius and Caecina Decius Acinatius Albinus) were also urban prefects.

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government officer showed himself very obstinate as to the release of the animals. His name was Messala. The blessed one, grieving much because of this, prayed and kept vigil by the relics of the martyr Saint Leontius from evening until the animals arrived. As we left from there and had proceeded about seven miles, the above-​mentioned official pursued us, apparently very upset and asked, “Where is the presbyter?” Since I  had no experience in traveling and was afraid that he had come to take the animals back, I dismounted and asked him why he was so much disturbed. And he answered: “I am anxious to see the great woman.” As soon as he saw her, he fell down and holding her feet he began tearfully to say, “Forgive me, O servant of Christ, because I did not know your great holiness, I postponed the release of the animals.” And she said, “May God bless you, my child, that you have nevertheless released them, even if tardily.” He took out the three coins which I had given him as a tip and begged me to take them back. Because I did not agree to do so, he began to confide in the holy woman, “All night I and your servant, my wife, were considerably tested by the holy martyr Leontius. Therefore, as soon as we got up, we both ran to the martyrium. When we did not find you there, she returned home since she was unable to run any further, but I succeeded in reaching you and now beg Your Holiness to pray for both of us so that the God of the universe may deign to be propitious to us.” When we heard this, we accepted the coins and offered a prayer. Then we let the rejoicing official go in peace. Because the whole party of travelers was surprised by this event, the blessed woman said, “Have courage, for our journey is in accord with God.” Since all of us wished to learn the exact reason for this, the saint answered:  “All night I  prayed to the holy martyr Leontius to show us a favorable sign for this journey. Here, my petition has been granted, although I am unworthy.” Thus rejoicing, we proceeded on our way and were welcomed by all. 53. When we were approaching Constantinople, the city faithful to Christ, the saint was in agony since she was about to enter this imperial city after so much ascetic discipline and solitude. We arrived at the martyrium of Saint Euphemia, in Chalcedon, where the victorious saint [Euphemia] gave much comfort to the holy one [Melania] and filled her with great cheer and consolation. Thus, encouraged in the Lord, the holy woman entered Constantinople. 226

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Lord Lausus, the chamberlain, received her as was befitting for a man of such a virtuous way of life.17 She also found her uncle who, by God’s allowance, had fallen ill. When he saw her in that very poor and cheap attire, he, who carried about himself the majesty of worldly glory, started to tell my humble person, with many tears, “Perhaps you do not know, lord priest, with what great delicacy she was brought up, more than anyone in our whole family, and now she has reduced herself to such austerity and poverty.” The blessed holy woman used this as a point of departure for her comments and replied, “You have recognized through me, my lord, that for the sake of the future and eternal good, which the Creator and Ruler of the universe bestows upon those who piously believe in him, I have despised glory, possessions, and all the comforts of the present life. Come forward, I  beseech you, to the bath of immortality [baptism] so that you may attain the eternal goods, just as you have enjoyed the temporal ones. Free yourself from the deceit of the demons who will be burnt by eternal fire with those who obey them.” As soon as he perceived that she wished this to be referred to the emperors, he was greatly pricked and said to her, “I beseech your Holiness, do not take away from me the gift of free will which God has bestowed on us from the beginning, for I am completely ready and desire to wash off the dirt of my many sins. But if I do this by order of the emperors, I would feel as if I arrived at this by force and would lose the benefit of my free decision.” But she would not restrain herself to keep silent and through some highly placed persons had him reported to the very holy Bishop Proclus. Proclus came to him and rendered extraordinary assistance to him by engaging in lengthy conversations on the subject of his salvation. Since he was a very perceptive man, Volusian realized that the archbishop had come to him through the encouragement of the blessed woman, and he said to her, “If in Rome we had three men like Lord Proclus, there would be no one who would be called pagan.” 54. Just at that time the Devil, through the impure doctrine of Nestorius, greatly agitated the souls of simple-​minded persons. Therefore, many wives of senators and others of cultured and brilliant men came to our 17. Lausus was a high court functionary (prepositus) under the emperors Arcadius and Theodosius II. He was known as a devout Christian and was the dedicatee of Palladius’ Lausiac History, a work that details the deeds of important ascetics of the era.

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blessed mother in order to discuss the orthodox faith. She, in whom the Holy Spirit dwelled, never ceased speaking of things divine from morning to night, and led many who had gone astray back to the orthodox faith. She fortified others who were doubters and in general was of great help to all those who came to her divinely-​inspired teaching. On account of this, the Devil, the enemy of truth, became extremely envious, both of those who came to her for their edification and because of the salvation of her uncle. He disguised himself as a young black man and came to her saying, “For how long are you going to destroy my aspirations by your words? Know, therefore, that if I am able to harden the hearts of Lausus and the emperors . . . [lacuna in text]. Otherwise, I will inflict upon your body such tortures that even you will fear for your life and will be forced to become silent.” When she had caused him to disappear by invoking our Lord Jesus Christ, she summoned my humble person and related to me the threats of the Black One [the Devil]. And she had not as yet finished speaking to me when she started to feel pain in her hips. The pain suddenly became so intense that for three hours she remained speechless. After we made an offering on her behalf, she barely regained consciousness. She endured six days of that unspeakable suffering and felt much greater pain at the same hour of the day at which she had seen the Black One. On the seventh day, when one expected her to be relieved of this earthly life, someone arrived with the announcement that her uncle was in danger of dying, and he was still a catechumen. 55. Melania’s affliction over this news became even greater than her suffering and her pains. She kept saying to us, “Take me to him before I die.” We were afraid of even touching her, since her foot was like dry wood, but she insisted, saying, “Take me to my uncle, for if you do not, I will be in greater danger from this affliction.” Obeying her orders, we brought a litter and with great difficulty, put her on it. Arriving ahead of them at the palace, I inquired about the condition of the ex-​prefect [Volusian]. Some notables replied to me, “Yesterday he asked for the saint and having learned that she was very gravely sick, he called the nurse of the most pious empress Eudoxia, lady Eleutheria, and by the grace of God he was enlightened [i.e., baptized]. When I  heard this, I was cheered in the Lord, and speedily sent a horseman to announce this to the blessed one. As soon as she heard that her uncle had been baptized, she could move her foot without any pain because of her great 228

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joy. The Devil, having been put to shame, departed at the same hour, and along with him all the pains left the blessed one completely. She, who before had not been able to lift herself up, now climbed up all the steps by herself and entered through the side door of the palace the dwelling of the friend of Christ, the empress Eudoxia. All were surprised and glorified God because of the defeat of the Enemy of our salvation. Melania herself sat all night by her uncle’s bed and comforted him saying, “You are truly blessed, my lord, since you have been greatly honored in the present life and now in your future life you proceed towards the Lord justified, for you have received the bath of immortality.” She had him participate in the Holy Mysteries [the Eucharist] three times and at daybreak—​it was the feast of the Holy Epiphany—​she joyfully sent him in peace to the Lord. While all were giving thanks to the One who had performed such wonders, the holy woman, glorifying his ineffable love for humans, said, “God in his goodness is so greatly concerned for even one soul that he so ordained him [Volusian] to come here from Rome and sent us here from Jerusalem, so that a soul who had lived in ignorance its entire lifetime might be saved!” 56. Melania remained in Constantinople until she had observed the time of the forty-​day service [for the dead]. She was of great benefit to all those there, especially the Christ-​loving ladies of the imperial court. She also edified the most pious Emperor Theodosius. She begged him to grant his wife [Eudocia] leave, since she had a great desire to worship at the Holy Places. At the end of the month of February we departed from there. At that time, the winter was so violent that the Galatian and Cappadocian bishops assured us that they had never seen a similar winter. Covered with snow all day long, we proceeded on our journey without respite, seeing neither the ground nor the mountains, seeing nothing except the inns in which we spent the nights. Hard as a diamond, she in no way refrained from fasting, saying, “It is more necessary now to mortify myself and offer thanks to God, the Master of all things, for all the wonders he has wrought with me.” Persisting in her perpetual prayer, she prevented both herself and us from suffering any hardships in that terrible cold. Thus, she showed that the prayer offered by the just is an effective weapon (cf. James 5:16), even subduing the very elements. The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

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All the holy men tried to keep us during the journey, but she could not be persuaded by anyone, for she only had one desire: to celebrate the Passion of the Lord in Jerusalem. This God granted her in accord with his infallible promise made through his most holy prophet, “He will fulfill the desire of those that love him; He also will hear their prayer” (Ps. 145:19). 57. We arrived at the Holy Places on Tuesday of the week before the Passion of our Savior. With great joy, she celebrated Easter and the Holy Resurrection in a spiritual way together with her own sisters, and soon adopted the customary rules, taking care of both monasteries. When she saw how beautifully the monks, so very dear to God, performed the psalmody in the church, another divine desire entered her mind:  she wished to build a small martyrium. She said to my very humble person, “Since this is the place where the feet of the Lord stood, let us erect here a holy oratory, so that after my departure from this world to the Lord, an offering may be continuously made in this place for my soul and the souls of my masters [i.e., her mother and her husband].” Since every wish and desire of hers satisfied the God of all things, in a few days the work was completed. She gathered other saintly men and lodged them there. 58. After this it was announced that the most pious empress [Eudocia] was approaching Jerusalem and had already reached the city of Antioch. Melania was contemplating what she might possibly do both for the glory of God and for the benefit of the people. She said, “If I go out to meet her, I am afraid that I might bring censure while traveling through the cities in my humble attire; but then again, if I stay here, I run the risk that my behavior might be considered arrogant.” Therefore, having piously pondered all this, she set out saying, “It is only fitting that we who have taken upon us the yoke of Christ (Matt. 11:29) and were capable of doing so, should carry on our own shoulders such a pious empress. We must rejoice in the power of our Lord because in our days he has placed on the throne such a Christ-​loving empress.” So Melania went to meet Eudocia at Sidon, to repay with gratitude the overwhelming affection the empress had shown her in Constantinople. Melania stayed in the martyrium of Saint Phocas, where the faithful Canaanite woman is said to have lived and who, according to the Gospel, said to the Lord, “Indeed, my Lord, even the little dogs eat the crumbs that fall from their master’s table” (Matt. 15:27). Thus, the blessed woman 230

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strove to please the Lord even in the choice of quarters, as in her speech and other pursuits. As soon as the God-​loving empress saw her, she welcomed her with great respect as her truly spiritual mother, as was fitting. For it was a glory for her to honor the one who had so sincerely glorified the heavenly King. And the blessed one, recognizing Eudocia’s faith and the rigors of her journey, called upon her to progress even further in her good works. In response, the pious empress uttered the memorable words, “Two of my prayers to the Lord are being fulfilled, to worship at the Holy Places and to see my mother [Melania], for I have always wished to have the honor to see Your Holiness while you are still serving the Lord in the flesh.” In overwhelming spiritual love, the Christ-​loving empress was eager to visit the monastery of the saint and having arrived there she regarded the virgins as her own sisters. Also, having been greatly benefited, she expressed the wish to visit also the monastery of the men and be blessed. The deposition of the holy relics was about to take place in the martyrium recently built by Melania, as we mentioned above. The empress asked that the ceremony be held in her presence. 59. And the Enemy of good, jealous again of such great spiritual love, arranged that at the very time of the deposition of the holy relics, the empress would twist her foot. An extraordinary consternation arose from this event. This probably happened so that the faith of the holy woman might be put to the test. Just at that time, Melania had escorted the empress to the church of the Holy Resurrection [i.e., the Holy Sepulcher]. She then sat down near the relics of the holy martyrs and stayed there with the other virgins, praying devoutly in great sorrow and fasting until the empress sent for her after the pain had stopped. When the empress’s pain had eased, the blessed one did not cease fighting against the Devil, who had wished to create such a calamity for them. After spending a few days with the empress and having helped her immeasurably, Melania then escorted her as far as Caesarea. They were barely able to separate from each other, for they were strongly bound together through spiritual love. After the holy one returned, she dedicated herself to asceticism, praying to the very end that the pious empress be restored to her husband in good health, a prayer that the God of all things granted her. 60. I shall try to remember just some of the miracles which the Lord performed through her, for I cannot relate all of them because of their vast number and my own incompetence. One day, a young woman was The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

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seized by a very evil demon. Her mouth and lips were closed for many days; she could neither talk nor take food, so that she almost put herself in danger of starving to death. Many physicians tried numerous medicines on her, but they were not able to make her even move her lips. When the medical art proved unable to overcome the demon, her attendants carried her to the saint, with the girl’s parents following. The blessed one, who would always reject human glory, said to them, “I am a sinner, and unable to do this. Let us bring her to the holy martyrs, and God, who loves humankind, will cure her through their intersession.” As they arrived, the saint prayed devoutly to the Ruler of all things. She took sanctified oil from the relics of the holy martyrs; with it she touched the mouth of the sick woman three times and said in a clear voice, “In the name of our Lord, Jesus Christ, open your mouth.” Immediately upon this invocation of the name of the Lord, the demon, having been put to shame or rather frightened, departed, and the woman opened her mouth. The holy woman gave her something to eat, and all who saw this glorified God. The young woman who had been cured returned home with great joy, giving thanks to the Lord. In the same way, Melania cured another woman who had suffered the same ailment. 61. Another time, a woman suffered hard labor and the fetus died in her womb. The unfortunate woman could neither live nor die. When the true servant of the Lord heard this, she was greatly distressed by sympathy and pity, and said to the virgins with her, “Let us go and visit the woman who is in danger, so that seeing the sufferings of those who live in the world, we may discover how many hardships the Lord has spared us.” When they arrived at the house where the dangerously ill woman was, she said a prayer. At once the woman, sick and weak, said in a low voice to the saint, “Have mercy on me.” The blessed one stood for a long time, earnestly supplicating God on the woman’s behalf. Then she removed her belt from around herself and placed it upon the woman, saying, “I have this blessing of a great man and I believe that his prayers will cure her quickly.” At once the dead infant was delivered. The blessed one fed the woman and then returned home. So God was glorified, as usual. She said in all humility, “The belt belongs to a saint whose prayers saved the endangered woman.” Thus she always attributed her righteous deeds to the saints. 62. One day, one of the virgins with her asked her, whether, being in such an elevated state of asceticism and virtue, she was never tempted 232

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by the demon of vainglory or arrogance. Melania then began the following discourse for the edification of us all: “As far as I am concerned, I am not conscious of anything absolutely good in myself. Moreover, if I perceived the Enemy sowing in me arrogant thoughts under the pretext of fasting, I would have answered him as follows: ‘What is so extraordinary if I fast a week while others do not eat for forty whole days? While I abstain only from oil, there are others who do not even quench their thirst with water.’ If the Enemy ever enticed me to be arrogant about my poverty, then, confident of the power of God, I would hold out against his unspeakable wickedness thus: ‘How many prisoners captured by the barbarians have been deprived even of their freedom? And how many who have fallen victim to the imperial wrath have lost their very lives, along with their possessions? And how many were left in poverty by their parents? And again, there are others who were victimized by false accusations or by robberies, and have suddenly been reduced to poverty from former wealth. If for the sake of undefiled and uncorrupted blessings, there is nothing extraordinary about our having despised earthly possessions.’ Again, when I noticed the Evil One suggesting an arrogant thought to me (as, for example, that instead of the fine linen and the many silk dresses of former times, I now wear haircloth, and consider myself very lowly), then I would recall those in the market who lie naked on rush mats, half frozen in the cold. And in this manner God would chase the Devil away from me.” “It is said that the designs of the Enemy are quite obvious. In my case, however, persons who had the trappings of saintliness have very often created more serious trouble than did the Enemy. They noticed that I was eager to fulfill completely the word of the Lord addressed to the rich man, ‘If you would be perfect, sell your possessions, give to the poor, and take your cross and follow me’ (Matt. 19:21). They said to me, ‘One should indeed practice poverty and ascetic mortification in the name of the Lord, but in moderation.’ I, however, thought of those who in this world struggle in the service of mortal rulers, and how they put even their lives on the line in order to gain greater and greater honors. Now if they toil so wearily for the sake of the flower of the field—​for that is indeed the glory of the world—​how much more must I, then, strive in order to gain the higher honors in heaven?” So much about her life-​ giving and spiritual teaching. She had acquired such meekness and calmness that sometimes when a sister who had caused her sorrow (as such things naturally The Life of Saint Melania the Younger

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happen) begged her pardon, the saint said the following, “The Lord knows that I am unworthy. I do not judge myself good even compared with a woman of the world, yet I believe that the Enemy will not accuse me on the Day of Judgment that ever I went to sleep having bitterness against anyone” (cf. Eph. 4:26–​27). 63. After some time, like the excellent runner who has traversed the stadium and aspires to the trophy, Melania was eager to be released and to be with Christ. For as the Apostle also says, she groaned, desiring to put on the heavenly garment (2 Cor. 5:2). When the holy Nativity of the Savior arrived, she said to her cousin, Lady Paula, “Let us go to holy Bethlehem, for I do not know if I will again see this festival while I am still alive.” They proceeded there and observed an all-​night vigil and at dawn participated in the awesome Mysteries [the Eucharist]. Finally, the holy woman, as if she had received the answer from God, spoke the following words to her cousin: “Pray for me, for from now on you will be celebrating the Nativity of the Lord by yourself, because for me the term of the bodily life will shortly be complete.” Hearing this, Paula was very disturbed. After they had returned to the monastery from holy Bethlehem, Melania immediately, without any concern for the very tiring night vigil and the journey, went out to the grotto and there she prayed at length. 64. The next day we went to the martyrium of the holy protomartyr Stephen, since the feast day of his death had arrived. After we had attended the service there, we returned to the monastery. In the course of the vigil I read first, then three sisters read, and last of all Melania herself read from Acts concerning the death of Saint Stephen. After she had read out the appropriate passage, all the sisters said to the holy woman, “May you be in good health for many years and celebrate many memorial days of the saints.” She answered them, as if she had received complete assurance from above, “May you also enjoy good health, for no longer will you hear me read.” All the women were painfully disturbed by this word, for they believed that she had spoken this prophetically. And as if she were about to go from this world to the Lord, she left them a spiritual testament, saying, “Endeavor, I  beseech you, to observe the Office with fear and reverence after my departure, for it is written, ‘Cursed be he who does the Lord’s work carelessly’ (Jer. 48:10). For if I am soon to depart from you in body and will no longer be with you, God, who is eternal and 234

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grants all things, will dwell with you and knows the depths of every heart. Keep him constantly before your eyes and preserve your souls to the end in love and purity, for we know that we will all appear before his fearsome tribunal, and that each one will receive either the reward for her troubles or the punishment for her sins” (2 Cor. 5:10). As all were grieving intensely because they were about to lose such a virtuous guide and God-​inspired teacher, she left them and told my humble person, “Let us go to the martyrium of the men’s monastery to pray, for there also are the relics of Saint Stephen.” With great sorrow, I did what the holy woman had ordered me to do and followed her. When we were inside the martyrium, as if she were already in the company of the holy martyrs, she tearfully prayed, saying the following: “Lord, God of the holy martyrs, who is aware of all things before they come to be, you know my resolution from the very beginning, that I have loved you with all my heart and out of fear of you my bone has been glued to my flesh. To you, who formed me from my mother’s womb, I have dedicated my soul and body, and you, holding my right hand, have guided me with your counsel (Ps. 73:23–​24). But being mortal, I have sinned against you many times in word and deed, against you who alone are pure and without sin. Accept, therefore, through the intercession of your holy victors [martyrs], the prayer I tearfully offer. Purify me, your servant, so that when I come to you the steps of my soul may be unhindered and not be held back by the evil demons of the air, but that without blemish I may reach you, led by your holy angels. May I be judged worthy of your heavenly bridal chamber, when I shall have heard your blessed voice by which you will call to those who are well-​pleasing to you, ‘Come, you blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the creation of the world’ (Matt. 25:34). For to you belongs indescribable compassion and abundant mercy, and you will save all those who hope in you.” Afterwards she addressed the holy martyrs, saying, “Athletes of the Lord, who shed your precious blood in order to confess him, have compassion for your humble servant, who has always venerated your sacred relics. As you have always listened to me, do so now as well; speak freely,18 be my ambassadors to the God who loves humankind, so that he may accept my soul in peace, and keep and protect the monasteries 18.  That holy people such as martyrs had the right of parrêsia, the right to free speech before God, is a Christian adaption of an ancient Greek (often political) virtue.

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to the very end in fear of him.” Hardly had she finished her prayer when immediately her body began to shiver. When we returned to the monastery of the virgins, we found the sisters still engaged in singing the Psalms. Because I was completely overwrought by sorrow, I was not able to stand any longer and withdrew to rest a little, but the blessed one returned to join in the Office. As soon as the sisters perceived that she had begun to weaken, they pleaded with her, saying, “Rest yourself a little, for you have not the strength to stand.” But she did not assent to that, replying, “Not until we will have finished the morning chants.” After the entire liturgy had been completed, she left and lay down. She was seized by pain in the side and became extremely weak. She summoned my humble person and all the sisters and began saying to me, “You see, I am on my way to the Lord. So pray for me.” And I felt a most severe pain in my heart when I heard this. 65. Then, again, Melania said to the sisters, “I beg you to pray for me, for I have never wished evil on any of you, but even if I spoke a rather harsh word to any of you, I did this from spiritual love. Therefore, consider yourselves as true servants of Christ. Pass the rest of your lives in perfect knowledge, and keep your lamps bright so that you may please the heavenly Bridegroom on that Day [of Judgment] (Matt. 25:1–​12). I entrust you to God, who has power to guard your souls and bodies. I  entrust you also to the lord priest and exhort you not to cause him grief in anything but to submit to him in all humility, knowing that he, too, for the love of God, carries your heavy burden; she who resists him and does not obey him causes grief to God.” Having said these things, she wished to be placed in the Oratory, and said, “Carry me close to the holy martyrs.” 66. Then, when her pains increased even more, she told us, “The day has been fulfilled.” They all cried bitterly, especially the virgins who mourned, since they were being deprived of a truly tender mother. When the holy one saw that my heart, too, was greatly disturbed, she told me on the fifth day of her illness, the day on which she actually died, “My son, all your prayers and tears are of no use. For I have heard a voice saying in my heart that, according to the Lord’s command, I must be entirely freed of the bodily bonds and go forth to the Lord.” When the day of the Lord [Sunday] was dawning, she said to me before sunrise, “Do me the favor to celebrate for us the holy service [anaphora].” During the offering, I could not speak in a loud voice, since I was in great sorrow. 236

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When she, who was in great agony, could not hear the epiklêsis,19 she had me notified as I was standing at the altar: “Raise your voice so that I may hear the epiklêsis.” 67. After Melania had received the Holy Mysteries [the Eucharist], the bishop most beloved of God arrived with the clergy. He spoke words appropriate to the salvation of the soul. Then the blessed one told him, “I commend to your care the priest and the monasteries, and provide for all as a good shepherd takes care of ‘rational’ sheep, following the example of your Master” [i.e., Jesus; cf. John 10:11] . When he saw what a great treasure was about to leave the world, he was gravely disturbed. The saint asked for Communion also from him and bade him farewell in peace. 68. Finally the monks from her monastery, most dear to God, entered. She said to them, “I bid you farewell as I am about to leave this passing life. I pray that you give relief to the priest in all ways, knowing that if you do so, you relieve the God of all things, because he, being himself free from all, made himself your servant for the sake of the Lord (cf. I Cor. 9:19), and although not so obliged, he carries your burden.” Then the people came from the remaining monasteries and very many from the city. And Melania, a truly brave woman, despite the acute pain racking her body, did not become negligent in any respect, but with heart unperturbed and with great patience she bade farewell to all, as was fitting. After this, her cousin, Lady Paula, entered with her entire household. The saint advised all and in particular consoled her cousin who was deeply distressed over her separation from Melania. After many benedictions and prayers, she sent them away. Then she addressed my humble person in the following words:  “It is superfluous to ask you, such a friend of God, to look after the monasteries, for as long as I was alive, you were the one who bore the care and burden in all things and rendered assistance to me in everything. For this reason, I also now entrust you with the monasteries and ask that in my absence you be even more solicitous in your care, for their sakes. May God reward you in the future life.” Having given her instructions to all in peace, Melania said, “Please pray.” Thus she sent all of them away, saying, “Now let me rest.” About the 19.  Epiklêsis: the calling down of the Holy Spirit upon the Eucharistic offering.

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ninth hour she started losing consciousness. We, however, assumed that she had expired and tried to stretch her legs, but she recovered slightly and she said to my humble person in a feeble voice, “My time has not yet come.” I did not have the strength to bear the grief that engulfed me and answered, “When the hour comes, will you tell us?” And she said, “Yes.” She said this, I think, to indicate that there was no need to arrange her body after her death. Some holy men stayed with me, for that had always been her wish, to give up her spirit while she was among holy men. Again came the most God-​loving bishop and the anchorites, those most holy men living around Eleutheropolis. They said to the blessed one, “You have fought the good fight on earth (2 Tim. 4:6), and joyfully are proceeding to the Lord, while all the angels are rejoicing. But we are exceedingly distressed because we are deprived of your salutary presence.” She uttered to them her last word, “As it has pleased the Lord, so it has happened.” And immediately she delivered her holy soul to her Master, gently and peacefully, with joy and exaltation, on the evening of the same holy Sunday, that by this her great love for the Lord and his holy Resurrection might be attested. Her holy remains had no need to be adorned, for her legs were found stretched, both her hands were clasped together on her chest, and her eyelids had closed naturally. Afterwards, as she had commanded, the holy fathers gathered from different places and after an all-​night wake in which they sang the Psalms and recited the readings, they buried her. 69. Her burial garments were in keeping with her saintliness. I deem it necessary to describe them for the benefit of readers. She had the tunic of a certain saint, the veil of another female servant of God, from another a sleeveless garment, the belt of another that she wore when she was still alive, and a hood of still another. In the place of a pillow, she had a hood made of a certain saint’s hair, which we fashioned into a cushion and placed under her venerable head. For it was appropriate that she be buried attired with the garments of those whose virtues she had acquired in life. She did not have any burial cloth, except the linen sheet in which we wrapped her up. 70. The blessed one enjoyed the fruit of her prayer and joyfully she ascended to heaven, having put on her virtues as a garment. Thus, the hostile powers did not disturb her, for they were unable to find in her anything of their own. And the holy angels received her with joy, for in her corruptible body, she had imitated their lack of passion [apatheia]. 238

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In the same manner, the holy prophets and the apostles, whose lives and teachings she had fulfilled in deeds, received her in their choir with great joy. And the holy martyrs, whose memories she had glorified and whose struggles she had voluntarily endured, proceeded with joy to meet her. Thus, she is enjoying in heaven what “the eye has not seen and the ear has not heard, nor has entered into the heart of man what God has prepared for those who love him” (1 Cor. 2:9; Is. 64:4). To him be glory and power forever and ever. Amen.

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27

Index

Africa, Roman: aristocrats in, 126–​27 bishops in, 74, 125, 126, 131–​33, 136–​37,  141–​44 churches in, 73–​74, 137 Donatists in, 73–​74, 129, 141–​44 exports from, 128 and grain supply, 100, 128–​29 labor supply in, 128–​29, 144 Melania’s family in, 127–​28, 131 Proconsularis, 125 prosperity of, 125–​26 agriculture, 60, 100, 128 Alaric, king of Visigoths: blockade and sack of Rome, 104, 105–​6,  110–​11 death of, 111 in Italy, 60, 100–​1, 102 ransom demands of, 103, 105–​6, 107–​8,  109 and slaves, 102 Albina (Ceionia Albina), mother of Melania the Younger: and Augustine, 133–​34 death of, 164, 168 distribution of wealth, 115–​16 family of, 49 and Melania’s ascetic practices, 88–​89, 135, 164 travels of, 4, 98 Albinus (Ceionius Rufius Albinus), Melania’s grandfather, 49, 66–​67

Albinus (Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus), uncle of Albina, 50, 50n.68, 127, 162 Alexandria, 67, 146–​49, 188, 189 Altar of Victory, 64–​66 Alypius of Thagaste, bishop, 4, 74, 75, 130,  131–​33 Ambrose of Milan, bishop, 65–​66, 74, 158, 187 Ammianus Marcellinus, historian, 10, 173 Anicii: as Christians, 69 and Heraclian, 131 and Melania’s family, 131 in North Africa, 126 offices held by, 42–​43, 43n.23 opposition to ransom money, 109 women of, 17, 110, 121, 122, 131 Also see Demetrias; Faltonia Anicia Proba; Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus Annona, 26–​28, 109, 128–​29 Antony, desert father, 83–​84, 148 Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, 13, 77 Arcadius, emperor, 22–​23, 67, 100, 103, 177 Arians, Arianism, 71, 71n.73, 86n.57 aristocracy, senatorial: and Alaric’s ransom demands, 103,  105–​6 and asceticism, 71, 76, 81, 82, 86

278

aristocracy, senatorial (cont.) in Constantinople, 43, 176 conversion of, 69–​70 expense of games for, 40–​42 mansions of, 51 and Melania’s divestments, 107 offices held by, 42–​43, 47n.44, 52–​53 property of, 50–​53, 56 ranks of, 39–​40 in Rome, 39–​43 and Serena, 107–​8 wealth of, 21–​22, 43–​44 women of, 40n.7, 90 asceticism: ancient critiques of, 80–​83 and aristocracy, 71, 76, 77–​78, 83–​84,  90 and bishops, 79 and Christianization, 80 emperors’ concern for, 82–​83 forms of renunciation, 77–​78, 83–​84 and geographical areas, 77 meaning of, 76 models for living, 79 motivations for, 76, 78, 79, 80 in New Testament, 77 practices of, 78 Protestant scholars on, 76–​77 in Rome, 79, 83–​84 and women, 9, 13–​14, 79, 80, 82–​84, 90, 151 Also see Melania the Elder: asceticism, forms of; Melania the Younger: ascetic practices of Athanasius of Alexandria, bishop, 83, 84, 149, 154 Augustine of Hippo, bishop: background of, 74, 134n.113, 197–​98 and Donatists, 141–​42 and Hilary of Syracuse, 123, 123n.53 and Manicheans, 132, 138 and Melania’s family, 4, 8–​9, 121, 131, 133 and paganism, 66, 138–​40 and Pelagianism, 120, 121–​22 and Pinian, 133–​35 and Romanianus, 132–​33 on sack of Rome, 111–​12, 140–​41 and slavery, 130

278

Index

writings of, 8–​9, 35n.99, 111–​12, 112n.82, 121–​22,  140–​41 and Volusian, 8–​9, 140–​41 Aurelius of Carthage, bishop, 4, 133   barbarians, 99, 104–​5. Also see Goths; Vandals baths, 59, 117, 127–​28, 164 Beneventum, 84, 98 Bethlehem: Church of the Nativity in, 5, 153, 169, 196 Jerome’s monasteries in, 9, 161–​63, 165 Bordeaux Pilgrim, 172, 172n.11   Campania, 59, 59n.119, 98–​99, 98n.2 Carthage: city of, 27n.37, 125–​26, 144–​45 Council of (411), 126, 143 Ceionii, 27, 27n.44, 42, 49, 50, 66–​67, 69, 85n.51 Chalcedon, Council of (451), 174, 181,  189–​90 Christianity, Christianization of aristocracy, 69–​72 art and, 72–​73 and bishops, 25, 73–​74 charity operations of, 25, 74–​75, 85–​86 churches, growth of, 73–​74 in cities, 71–​72 Constantine and, 70, 73 meaning of, 70n.62 women and, 12–​15, 69–​70 Christology, 6, 188–​90, 191 Circumcellions, 129, 143, 144 cities, distinctive features of, 25 Claudian, poet, 100n.13, 101, 101n.15, 175–​ 76, 176n.33 Clement of Alexandria, 85 coinage, 21, 43–​44, 87–​88, 88n.64, 115 coloni, colonus, 128–​29, 93, 130 Constantine I (“the Great”), emperor: and Christianity, 29n.56, 70, 73 and churches of Rome, 29–​31, 33, 110 and Constantinople, 43, 179 and Holy Sepulcher, 156 and imperial cult, 127n.78 and Jerusalem, 155 Constantine III, usurper, 102

279

Constantinople, church of: charity operations of, 75n.91 church councils in, 181 churches in, 179–​80 lay contributions to, 75, 179–​80 monasticism and monks in, 181–​82, 181n.66 relics in, 180–​81 Constantinople, city of: decoration of, 175 elites in, 176 founding and growth of, 43, 174–​75, 176, 179 grain supply of, 26n.35, 27n.37, 176 imperial bureaucracy in, 176 as “New Rome,” 175–​76, 181 poverty of population, 75n.91 senate of, 43, 176 structures in, 174–​75, 176–​77, 179 Constantius II, emperor, 21, 21n.5, 64, 70,  172–​73 Constantius III, emperor, 122n.47 conversion to Christianity, 68–​70 cross (of Jesus), “True Cross,” 30, 31, 158, 159, 168 cursus honorum,  40–​42 cursus publicus,  172–​74 Cyril of Alexandria, bishop: Christology of, 147–​48, 188–​89 and Council of Ephesus, 147–​48, 189, 189n.115 and imperial court, 189 in Jerusalem, 148, 194n.140, 195 and Melania the Younger, 146–​48 and Nestorius, 147–​48, 188–​89 Cyril of Jerusalem, bishop, 155, 158, 159, 167 Cyril of Scythopolis, hagiographer, 8, 161, 167   Damasus of Rome, bishop, 33–​34, 55n.92, 66, 74, 82–​83, 83n.31 Demetrias, Anician heiress and Church of Saint Stephen in Rome, 15 dowry of, 46n.42, 89n.72, 126n.71 and Pelagius, 119n.28, 121–​22 renunciations of, 89, 126

desert fathers, 4, 79, 148–​51, 152, 165, 192 Diocletian, emperor, 20, 21, 142, 174 Dominus legem dat lamp, 53–​55 domus, 45–​46, 45n.36, 56n.102 Donatism, Donatists, 73, 126–​27, 129, 142–​ 44. Also see Circumcellions   education, 15–​17, 16n.57 Egeria, pilgrim, 13, 17, 154, 167–​68, 167n.107 Egypt: Melania the Elder in, 86, 150 Melania the Younger in, 146–​51 as pilgrimage destination, 150–​52 Also see Alexandria, Cyril of Alexandria, Desert fathers, Theophilus of Alexandria Ephesus, Council of (431), 147–​48, 189, 189n.115 Eudocia (Aelia Eudocia), empress: as Athenais, 24, 177–​79 and attack by Devil, 194–​95 and Church of St. Stephen in Jerusalem,  195–​96 on coin, 177–​78 and Cyril of Alexandria, 195 family of, 170–​7 1 and icon of Virgin, 192n.131 and Melania the Younger, 169, 194–​95 and Melania the Younger’s nuns, 193–​95 and Monophysitism/​Miaphysitism, 193–​94, 193n.137 pilgrimages to Palestine, 4–​5, 177–​79,  194–​95 as poet, 24, 194–​95 Eudoxia (Aelia Eudoxia), empress, 177, 187 Eudoxia (Licinia Eudoxia), empress, 4–​5, 169, 170–​7 1, 171n.4 Eugenius, usurper, 22, 22n.13, 63 Eunapius, historian, 10, 80 Euphemia, Saint: Church and martyrion of, 174, 189 Eusebius of Caesarea, bishop and church historian, 155–​56, 173 Eustochium, daughter of Paula, 10n.39, 84, 149n.13, 161–​62 Evergetism (civic philanthropy), 84–​85,  85n.44

Index

279

280

family, family structure, 45–​46 Filocalus (Furius Dionysius Filocalus), engraver, 33–​34, 73, 127–​28 food riots, 27, 109 Frigidus, Battle of (394), 22, 63   Galla Placidia, 24, 110–​11, 111n.75, 122n.47, 170 Games, Roman, 40–​42, 68, 70 Georgian Chantbook, 167, 169 Gerontius: as assistant of Melania, 6–​7, 166, 168 author of Vita Melaniae Junioris, 6, 84 as eyewitness, 136, 191–​92 ignorance of events, 7, 9, 11, 84, 127, 131, 135, 151 life of, 8 as Monophysite/​Miaphysite, 6, 191,  193–​94 Goths, 4, 92, 99–​100, 101–​2, 110–​12 Gratian, emperor, 64–​65, 77, 82n.26   Hadrian, emperor, 155–​56 Hagia Sophia, Church of (Great Church), 179, 191 hagiography, 10–​11, 198 Helena, mother of Constantine, 30n.57, 30, 153–​54, 158, 159, 177–​78 Hellenistic novels, 11–​12 Heraclian, 131 heresy, 71, 143. Also see Arianism; Donatism; Nestorianism; Pelagianism Hilary of Syracuse, bishop, 123 Hippo Regius, 125, 131, 133–​34 Holy Land, 151–​52, 153–​54 Holy Sepulcher, Church of, 155–​58, 163, 167–​68, 182, 195 Honorius, emperor: and Alaric, 104, 105 and family of, 22–​23 and Galla Placidia, 111 marriages of, 24, 100, 100n.12, 103 and sale of Melania’s property and slaves, 95, 96, 106–​7 and Stilicho, 100 weak ruler, 104–​6 Hypatia, 79, 147, 197 280

Index

inheritance law, Roman, 46–​47, 56,  107–​8 Innocent I, bishop of Rome, 8, 29, 31n.71, 105, 162   Jerome: ascetic writings, 66 Bethlehem monasteries of, 161, 162 death of, 161–​62 and Jovinian, 81–​82 letters to and about women, 9, 14, 16n.57, 83–​84, 84n.40 and Melania the Younger, 162 and Paula (the elder), 9, 9n.35, 78, 82, 161 and Roman catacombs, 32–​33 in Rome, 66 on sack of Rome, 112–​13, 113n.93 translator of Pachomian Rules, 149 Jerusalem (Aelia Capitolina): churches in, 14–​15, 153–​54, 158, 166n.98 (also see Holy Sepulcher, Church of) history of, 155 monasteries in, 2, 48, 158, 164–​66, 167 pilgrimage destination, 152–​53 temple, 155 worship in, 167–​68 John Chrysostom, bishop: condemnation and exile of, 8, 147, 174, 187 on Holy Sepulcher, 156 and imperial court, 187 letters to women, 9 and monks, 182 and Palladius, 8, 147, 174, 183 and slaves, 96, 96n.96 and Theophilus of Alexandria, 146–​47 unpopularity of, 179–​80 Jovinian,  81–​82 Julian “the Apostate”, emperor, 64, 70, 155 Juvenal of Jerusalem, bishop, 6, 193–​94   Kellia (“the Cells”), 149   labor supply, 60, 128–​29, 144. Also see colonus, coloni; slaves; tenancy late antiquity, 1n.1 Lateran,  30–​31 Lausus, ex-​praepositus sacri cubiculi:

281

and Melania’s monastery, 164 palace of, 5, 182–​84 and Palladius, 5, 182–​83, 183n.76 recipient of Lausiac History, 5, 164,  182–​83 statuary owned by, 73, 184 and Theodosius II, 183 Lawrence, Saint: church and martyrdom of in Rome, 30, 31, 34–​35, 36 Damasus’ epigram on, 35 legend of, 35 Melania and Pinian at, 36–​38 relics of, 35, 180–​81 Leo I, bishop of Rome, 189, 192 Leontius, Saint, 173–​74 Libanius, 17, 43, 80 literacy in Roman Empire, 15–​16, 17   Manicheans, Manicheanism, 78, 126n.69, 132, 138 Marcella, 83, 110, 112–​13 Marcellinus, Count, 9, 126–​27, 186 marriage: dowry, 46, 46n.42, 89n.72, 126n.71 intermarriage, 50, 69–​70 Roman laws of, 2–​3, 46 martyrs, martyrdom, 13, 32–​33, 194–​95. Also see Euphemia, Saint; Lawrence, Saint; Leontius, Saint; Peter and Paul; Stephen, Saint Mediterranean Sea, 20, 27 Melania the Elder: absence from Vita Melaniae Junioris, 2, 48 asceticism, forms of, 48, 83–​84, 89 death of, 116 in Egypt, 48, 83–​84, 86, 150 family of, xv, 36, 47–​48, 51n.77 and Filocalus, 33–​34, 73, 127–​28 life of, 47–​48, 86 monasteries of, 2, 48, 158 in North Africa, 49, 127 and Origen, Origenism, 8n.26, 17–​18,  146 in Palestine, 48, 83–​84, 86, 161 and Palladius, 147 Paulinus of Nola on, 9, 48 return to Italy, 9, 48, 89

and Rufinus of Aquileia, 2, 116, 161 scholarly reading of, 17–​18, 18n.70 and Sicily, 116, 116n.10 and Valerius Publicola, 2, 47–​48, 86 Melania the Younger: and Alypius, 131 ancient sources on, 7–​10 ascetic practices of, 3, 88–​89, 98, 135, 164,  165–​66 and Augustine, 8–​9, 121, 133–​34 and bathing, 3, 88 bribing slaves, 36, 88 cell of, 163, 164, 168 children of, 3, 36 and Church of Nativity, 5, 169, 196 clothing of, 3, 36, 89–​91 in Constantinople, 4–​5, 171, 182–​83 craftsmen on estate, 128, 133 critiques of, 96–​97 and cursus publicus,  173–​74 and Cyril of Alexandria, 147, 148 death of, 5, 196–​97 and desert fathers, 4, 18, 148–​49, 151, 165 and Devil, attacks of, 59–​60, 124, 165, 193, 196 divestments of, 76, 87–​88, 106–​7, 124–​ 25, 133, 163 and Donatists, 128, 136–​37 in Egypt, 4, 146–​47, 148–​50, 151–​52 estates of, 3–​4, 94, 128 and Eudocia, 5, 169, 194–​95 family of, xv, 2, 37, 49, 94n.88 and fasting, 88–​89, 135, 165–​66 feast day of, 197 and Gerontius, 8, 57, 166, 168, 197–​98 and heresy, 136–​37, 148, 193 at Holy Sepulcher, 4, 155, 163, 168–​69,  195 in Jerusalem, 4, 89, 151, 155–​56, 161 and Lausus, 5, 164, 182 life, sketch of, 1–​5 mansion of, 29, 52–​57, 107, 109 marriage of, 2–​3 martyrion of Saint Phocas, 194 miracles of, 196 monasteries of, 115–​16, 133, 164–​66, 167 monastic buildings of, 4, 5, 93, 164, 166, 168, 169, 195, 197–​98 Index

281

28

Melania the Younger (cont.) and Monophysitism/​ Miaphysitism, 169 and Nestorianism, 148, 193 and Nestoros, 148 in North Africa, 128, 131, 136–​37, 144 and Palladius, 7–​8, 147, 174, 183 and Paula the Younger, 162–​63, 169,  196–​97 and Paulinus of Nola, 9, 98–​99, 114 and Pelagianism, 121–​22 and Peter the Iberian, 8, 182 philanthropy of, 11, 115, 133, 136, 163 private chapel of, 32, 36, 37 properties of, 3–​4, 57–​58, 59n.119, 60, 94, 98–​99, 115–​16, 128, 131, 148, 150, 164 reading of, 18, 135 reception of, 197–​98 and relics, 160, 160n.69, 166, 195–​96 in Rome, 1–​2, 3, 7–​8, 28–​29, 32, 36, 37–​ 38, 49, 55–​57, 87–​88 and religious services in monastery, 165–​66,  168 and Saint Euphemia, 174 and Saint Lawrence, 31, 36–​38 and Saint Leontius, 173–​74 and Saint Stephen, 5, 148, 166, 168,  195–​96 and Serena, 28–​29, 91, 94–​95, 106–​7 and sexual relations, 3, 135 to Sicily, 114, 115–​16 slaves of, 4, 59, 59n.120, 93–​95, 93n.86, 115, 133 teaching of, 12, 18, 89, 135, 148, 165–​66 and Thagaste, 4, 128, 131, 133 and Theodosius II, 182 travels of, 98, 107, 114, 115, 172 trip to and from Constantinople, 171–​74,  194 villa of, 57–​58, 59 and Virgin Mary, 192 Vitae Melaniae Junioris, 5–​7, 198 and Volusian, 4–​5, 169, 170–​7 1 wealth of, 1, 3–​4, 7, 44, 87, 124–​25, 198 Messala,  173–​74 monks, disturbers of cities, 79, 182 Monophysite/​miaphysite, 6, 169, 190 mosaics, 111, 117 282

Index

Mount of Olives, churches and monasteries on, 48, 153–​54, 158, 161, 167, 168   Nativity, Church of the, 5, 153, 153–​54n.33, 169, 196 Nestorius, Nestorianism, 147–​48, 188–​90,  193 Nestoros, abba, 148 Nicaea, Council of; Creed of, 71, 86n.57 Nicomachus Flavianus, 51, 63, 116n.8 Nitria, 149 novels, Hellenistic, 11–​12 Numidia, 125, 127   Olympias of Constantinople, 83, 83n.33, 89–​90, 108n.56 Olympiodorus, historian, 10, 21–​22, 44 On Riches (De divitiis), 11, 118, 122–​24 Origen, Origenism, 8, 8n.26, 17–​18, 146, 183n.77 Orosius, historian, 6n.16, 10, 24n.19, 112   Pachomius, Pachomian monks, 148–​49, 150n.17 pagan, paganism: Altar of Victory, 64–​66 cults of, 50, 51–​52, 61, 61n.1, 64 definitions of, 61–​63 laws against, 66–​68 priesthoods of, 50, 53, 64, 65n.26, 67–​ 68, 127, 127n.78 recent debates on, 63–​64 in Roman Africa, 138–​40 Roman aristocracy and, 50 and Volusian, 186–​87 Palestine, 152–​53,  160–​62 Palladius, author and bishop: author of Lausiac History, 5, 7–​8, 149,  182–​83 in Egypt, 8, 147n.4 exiled, 183 and John Chrysostom, 8, 147, 174, 183 and Melania the Elder, 147n.4 and Melania the Younger, 7–​8, 146–​47,  182–​83 and sack of Rome, 113 Pammachius, 29n.56, 31, 31n.71, 85, 85n.51, 87, 126, 129

283

paterfamilias, 45–​46, 46n.38 Paula, ascetic and companion of Jerome, xvi, 9, 9n.35, 15, 78, 82, 84, 86, 86n.54, 161n.76, 161 Paula the Younger, granddaughter of Paula, xvi, 15, 161–​63, 169, 196–​97 Paulinus of Nola: epithalamium, 13 life of, 50n.65, 81 and Melania’s family, 48–​49, 98–​99, 115 and Pelagianism, 119, 122, 122n.45 poems of, 47 and shrine at Nola, 9, 114 siege of Nola, 114–​15 Pelagius, Pelagian, Pelagianism: and Anicii, 121–​22 appeal to upper-​class laity, 120–​21, 122 Augustine against, 119–​20, 121–​22 and Melania’s family, 121–​22 in Palestine, 120 and Paulinus of Nola, 121–​22, 122n.45 Peter and Paul (in Rome), 53–​55 Peter the Iberian, 8, 148n.7, 182 philanthropy, 3, 11, 74–​75, 85; Also see Evergetism Piazza Armerina (Villa del Casale), 53,  117–​18 pilgrimage,  151–​54 Pinian (Valerius Pinianus): ascetic practices, 133–​34 clothes of, 90–​91 death of, 166 divestments of, 87–​88 escapes priesthood, 4, 9, 133–​34 family of, 47, 50 freeing slaves, 47 legal status of, 108 and Nestoros, 148 wealth of, 44 Poimenia, builder of Church of the Ascension, 14, 14n.51, 153, 158 Pompeianus (Gabinius Barbarus Pompeianus), prefect of Rome, 105, 107–​8,  109 Praetextatus (Vettius Agorius Praetextatus), 61, 61n.1 Proba (Alicia Falconia Proba), 110, 110n.66, 112 Proba (Faltonia Betitia Proba), 17

Probus (Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus), 43, 43n.23, 126 Proclus of Constantinople, bishop, 5, 171,  190–​92 Projecta casket, 72 Publicola (Valerius Publicola), father of Melania the Younger: death of, 3, 49, 98, 106 and Melania the Elder, 2, 2n.3, 48, 86 and North Africa, 49, 138–​39 offices of, 49, 84, 98, 98n.4 opposes Melania’s asceticism, 2, 3, 37, 46–​47,  86 patron of Beneventum, 84, 98 wealth of, 46–​47, 89 Pulcheria, princess, 177, 180–​81, 189   Radagaisus, Gothic king, 101, 112 Rampolla, Mariano del Tindaro, 6 Ravenna, court in, 106, 106n.46 relics, 15n.52, 159–​60, 166, 180–​81, 195–​96 Roman Empire, xii, 20–​21, 25, 74n.86,  104–​5 Romanianus,  132–​33 Rome, Christian church in: bishops of, 28–​29, 31n.71, 33, 57, 110n.71 charity operations of, 28, 74–​75 churches in, xi, 14–​15, 29–​30, 31–​33, 51n.80, 110 Constantine’s contributions to, 28, 29–​30,  29n.56 development of, 28, 29, 31–​32 income of, 28, 29n.56, 43–​44, 75, 75n.92 lay patrons of, 29 martyr cult in, 33–​35 numbers of Christians in, 28 Also see Damasus; Leo I Rome, city of: corporations in, 51, 53, food supply for (annona), 26–​28, 27n.37, 109 Gothic siege and sack of, and responses to, 4, 104, 110–​13 layout of and structures in, 25–​26, 109 loses governmental role, 26, 42 population of, 26 Rufinus of Aquileia, 48, 116, 116n.11, 161 Rutilius Namatianus, 49n.56, 81, 111, 185 Index

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senate, senators. See aristocracy, senatorial Serapeum, destruction of, 67, 146 Serena, adopted daughter of Theodosius I and wife of Stilicho: and church in Milan, 100–​1 downfall of, 95n.91, 104, 107–​8 family of, 24, 100 and Melania, 4, 77, 91, 94–​95, 106–​8 and Stilicho, 24, 100–​1, 103, 104 Severus (Valerius Severus), brother of Pinian, 40, 50, 94 shipping: on Mediterranean, 27, 115, 144 Sicily: aristocrats in, 116, 118 and Pelagianism, 119, 120, 121n.41 Also see Melania the Elder; Melania the Younger; On Riches; Piazza Armerina slaves, slavery: and Christianity, 92–​93 Melania and Pinian’s, 4, 59, 59n.120, 93–​94, 93n.86, 96–​97, 102 price of, 91–​92, 93–​94, 94n.90, 102, 143, 143n.156 revolts of, 94–​95, 102 in Roman Empire, 91, 128–​29 and siege of Rome, 102 and Symmachus, 95–​96 Spain: barbarians in, 148 and Melania the Elder, 49 Melania the Younger’s properties in, 107, 148, 150, 164 and Paulinus of Nola, 43n.25, 49 and Theodosius I, 22, 71n.71 and Vandals, 144–​45, 164 Stephen, Saint: churches and shrines of, 14–​15, 126n.71, 137, 148, 195–​96, 195n.148 feast of, 169, 196–​97, 196n.150 relics of, 5, 160, 180–​81 Stilicho (Flavius Stilicho), general (magister utriusque militum): daughters of, 100, 100n.12 downfall and execution of, 103, 107 and Goths, 100–​1, 103

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military career of, 4, 24, 100 mixed Vandal origins of, 24, 24n.19, 100, 103, 103n.30 regent for princes, 24, 100 and senatorial aristocracy, 24, 103 and Serena, 24, 100, 103 Symmachus (Quintus Aurelius Symmachus): and Altar of Victory, 64–​65, 66 property of, 51, 56, 59 and religion, 63 senatorial status of, 39, 50n.72, 63, 95 son’s games, 40–​41   tenancy, 128–​29, 129n.90 Thagaste, 128, 130, 131–​33, 136–​37, 138, 141 Themistius, 176 Theodosian Code, 62, 67, 71, 107, 185–​86, 186n.97 Theodosius I, emperor, 22–​23, 24, 63, 71, 71n.71, 99–​100, 180 Theodosius II, emperor: accession of, 24, 98 and Council of Ephesus, 189n.115 family of, 170–​7 1, 177–​79 on Hypatia’s murder, 147 marries Eudocia (Athenäis), 24,  177–​79 and relics, 180–​81 and sculpture of with sons, 23 and Theodosian Code, 185 on wedding coin, 171 Theophilus of Alexandria, 8, 67, 146–​47,  149 Tigrius (Tigridius) of Constantinople, 136, 174 Timasius, 121–​22, 122n.43 travel, distances and times, 172   Valens, emperor, 22, 86, 99 Valentinian I, emperor, 39, 65 Valentinian II, emperor, 22, 65, 66 Valentinian III, emperor, 4–​5, 24–​25, 55, 110n.71, 169, 170–​7 1 Valerii (family of Melania and Pinian), 26, 44–​45, 47–​48, 50, 57 Valerius Severus, father of Pinian, 50, 53–​55,  66

285

Vandals, 26–​27, 105n.39, 125–​26, 144–​45, 176 Vestal Virgins, 63, 65, 65n.26, 104 Vestina, builder of church in Rome, 14–​ 15, 31, 31n.71 Villa, Roman, 57–​59 Virgin Mary, 147, 169, 188, 191, 192 Vita Melaniae Junioris: discovery and publication of, 5–​6, 198 genre of, 10, 11–​12 Gerontius’ interests, 11 Latin text of, divergences, 37, 114–​15,  193 modern reception of, 7, 198 Volusian (Rufius Antonius Agrypnius Volusianus), uncle of Melania the Younger and Augustine, 9, 140 in Constantinople, 4–​5, 169, 170, 171, 185

conversion of, 5, 171, 186, 187, 191–​92,  193 death of, 5, 171 family of, 49, 184–​85 and Melania the Younger, 4–​5, 169 offices of, 49, 50, 184–​85 and Pelagians, 122 and Proclus, 187, 190–​91 religion of, 62–​63, 140, 186–​87 and Theodosian Code, 185

  wages, of workers, 22, 43 women and early Christianity: in Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, 13 roles in early Christianity, 12–​15 as writers, 17   Zosimus, historian, 10n.36, 80–​81, 104, 109, 187n.106

Index

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