Medieval Ritual And Early Modern Music: The Devotional Practice of Lauda Singing in Late-renaissance Italy: 01 [1° ed.] 2503520669, 9782503520667

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KATERN 1

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Medieval Ritual and Early Modern Music

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RITUS ET ARTES

Traditions and Transformations Series Board

Nils Holger Petersen Eyolf Østrem Mette Birkedal Bruun Danish National Research Foundation: Centre for the Study of the Cultural Heritage of Medieval Rituals University of Copenhagen Richard Utz Western Michigan University Gunilla Iversen Stockholm University Nicolas Bell British Library

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Medieval Ritual and Early Modern Music The Devotional Practice of Lauda Singing in Late-Renaissance Italy by

Eyolf Østrem and Nils Holger Petersen

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Ostrem, Eyolf Medieval ritual and early modern music : the devotional practice of lauda singing in late-Renaissance Italy. (Ritus et artes : traditions and transformations ; 1) 1. Laude - History and criticism 2. Sacred vocal music Italy - History and criticism I. Title II. Petersen, Nils Holger 782.2'7'0945'09024 ISBN-13: 9782503520667

© 2008, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. isbn: 978-2-503-52066-7 d:/2008/0095/54 Typeset with LATEX 2 . Music examples typeset with LilyPond. Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper.

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Contents Illustrations

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Introduction

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1 The Religious and Ritual Context of the Earlier Italian Lauda

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2 The Conceptual Universe of Lauda Practice

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3 Musical Style and Background of the Polyphonic Lauda

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4 ‘Medieval’ Devotion and Musical ‘Avant Garde’

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5 The Polyphonic Lauda in the Seventeenth century

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6 The Historiography of Opera Reconsidered

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Outlook: Medieval Ritual Reception and Musical Novelty

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Appendices

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1 Longo: Lodi e canzonette (1608)

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2 Archivio dell’Opera di S. Maria del Fiore: Arch. mus II, 55 and Supplementing Texts

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Illustrations 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

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Plangiamo from the Cortona manuscript. Madonna santa Maria from the Cortona manuscript. Ave Maria from Ledesma’s Modo (1573), beginning. Recitation formulas from Longo’s lauda collection Longo’s formulas applied to the first texts in the Compendio. Reconstruction of the beginning of Ledesma’s dialogue set to the music of Longo’s formulas O vergin santa from Razzi: Libro primo (1563). Herod’ il volto mio (second part), from Razzi: Libro primo (1563). Da che tu m’hai, Iddio (beginning), from Razzi: Libro primo (1563). Crucifixum in carne, from Razzi: Libro primo (1563). Poliziano: La pastorella/Razzi: Lo fraticello (Libro primo, 1563). Deh, piangi aflitto core from Terzo libro (1577). Dolce, felice e lieta from Terzo libro (1577). O glorioso corpo from Il quarto libro delle laudi spirituali (1591). Per ch’in aspri dolori from Il quarto libro delle laudi spirituali (1591). Giesù, Giesù, Giesù from Ansaldi’s Dottrina cristiana (1585). Record of a Christmas Day service in the draft for the final Ricordi of the Raffaello. Record of the same service in the official Ricordi. Longo: Gioia et amore Longo: Chi non ama te, Maria Longo: Disposto ho di seguirti First page of the ms 55, beginning of Fredd’ e quel cuore Ho visto con mio danno, from Corona (1710), p. 283. Fredd’ è quel cuore, opening. Final cadence in Felici noi. Maria Vergin, version from Corona (upper) and corresponding phrases from the version in ms 55. Title page from the printed edition of Emilio de’ Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo (Rome, 1600).

22 27 62 63 63 64 91 92 94 95 96 107 108 111 112 114 124 125 170 172 174 176 180 183 192 195 208

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Introduction

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ccrebbe la devotione’ — ‘it increased the devotion’. This is perhaps not a characterization one would expect of a lavish performance of music for a full ensemble of singers, a viol consort, violin, an organ, and an unspecified number of other instruments, but that is nevertheless what it is. It is used about a liturgical event that took place in the Compagnia dell’ Archangelo Raffaello, a youth confraternity in Florence, in August 1626, and the description is found in the company’s own official records.1 The phrase accentuates the central theme of this book: the use of music in devotional contexts in Florence and Rome in the early modern period. It hints at the importance that was ascribed to the sensuous quality of music in the institutions where devotional music was performed: the beauty of music was invested with a theologically conceived quality of ritual efficaciousness. The material on which our account builds concerns music from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as well as contemporary statements about music and its uses. It comes partly out of our own archival studies and partly from work presented by scholars during the last decades. Through the materials and interpretations presented in the book, we wish to emphasize the position of early modern devotional music in the array of topics which are central to traditional music historical accounts, and thereby to suggest a revision and a re-interpretation of its role in the development of Western art music and the establishment of modern music aesthetics. 1

CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 138v ; ‘et ci fu Musica con voce sceltissime, et armonia di Viole concertate oltre al Violino, Organo, et altri instrumenti musicali, che accrebbe la devotione.’

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Florence: a Historiographical Test Bed Florence has an undisputed position in music history as the birthplace of the opera, first conceived and cultivated in academies sponsored by noble amateurs, brought to the stage by singer-composers like Jacopo Peri and Giulio Caccini, and finally moved away from its intellectual origins to realize its fuller commercial and public potentials in the skilled hands of Claudio Monteverdi. In that third stage, Florence loses its place of pride to other cities like Venice and Naples and disappears from music history. In the introduction to his monumental study The Court Musicians in Florence, Warren Kirkendale notes: Studies on musicians at the court of the grand dukes of Tuscany have long focussed on single figures or on that small group generally referred to as the ‘Florentine Camerata’. The documents extant in the Archivio di Stato Firenze, however, present a quite different picture. They remain blissfully silent on the so-called ‘Camerata’, that cliché so beloved by aestheticians and compilers of music history textbooks who seem to have imagined that all significant musical activity in Florence at the end of the sixteenth century took place in a small group of experimenting intellectuals, formally organized like an academy.2

This quite precisely sums up the practical consequences of a historiography which takes as its point of departure what happened after the events that are studied and evaluates its materials not in terms of their importance and role in their own time, but rather those of some later time; or, conversely, interprets events of an earlier time as ‘pointing forward’ to something not yet existing, as links in a historical chain which necessarily ends at the point of perspective from which the narrative has been told — in other words, a teleological historiography, in some sense of the word. In the case of Florence, the main focus of interest has been the Camerata and other more or less formally organized circles of musicians and theoreticians who gathered in the homes of noblemen like Giovanni Bardi and Jacopo Corsi. The corresponding historical narrative has been one which emphasized how out of the experimentation in these circles new musical practices evolved, which in the very last years of the sixteenth century gave rise to a new genre, the opera, which has developed from there into the music dramas performed in modern opera houses. There is nothing wrong with such a focus and such a narrative, in principle. After all, our interest in history is primarily dictated by a quest for knowledge about how the things that we know came out of things that we do not know. In 2

Warren Kirkendale, The Court Musicians in Florence During the Principate of the Medici (Florence: Olschki, 1993), p. 33. See also below, p. 210.

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this particular case, posterity has found it most interesting to trace the beginnings of the opera as we know it today or to follow ‘the development of classical music’ and the emancipation of instrumental music, giving rise c. 1800 to the idea of absolute music. This latter line, too, can quite meaningfully be drawn with a beginning in the early opera, or more generally in the ideas of the Florentine academies about how to let music represent words and poetical meaning. Here, the emphasis on the rhetorical potential of music as opposed to the former predomincance of a mathematical approach is most marked. With the transformation of the sinfonia from an instrumental preparation for the spectacle to come to an independent musical piece, guided by principles that are not (or not only) shaped by the stage action, we are a long way towards a musical aesthetics sui generis. Such narratives are not only a natural choice, they are also unavoidable; writing history is about selecting, shaping the chosen facts into a coherent narrative. But despite the obvious merits of isolating the most prominent features of a certain period and leaving out details which seen from the point of view of some posterity were of no consequence, this also necessarily means deselecting other possible narratives, which in hindsight appear insignificant and hence remain untold, but which may have been equally rich in potential seen from the vantage point of the period itself and, possibly, a better or equally valid representation of society during the period in question. Alternative narratives like this may also enlighten the generally accepted standard story. As one looks closer at a period, a milieu, or a personal biography and what is initially perceived as curious details that add colour to the received common knowledge about the period, milieu, or biography, the picture grows in detail and wealth of interconnections. Eventually the accretion of more and more of these different elements, changes the former totality into a new and different picture, in which the dominant, received truth becomes just one piece among many others in the mosaic. It may still be a big piece, well worth studying in itself, but the overall picture also commands our interest, whether this ‘shifting of the gaze’ constitutes a full-fledged paradigm shift, in which basic assumptions will have to be discarded and the whole story rewritten from scratch, or, more modestly, an increased awareness of other elements which deserve our attention in addition to the dominant truth. The writing of music history — and, mutatis mutandis, other kinds of historical writing — may on the one hand be governed by what could be termed the striving for authenticity, for seeing what was there at a particular time without primarily taking modern questions into consideration, or it may, on the other hand, be based on the urge to understand ourselves and the musical world in which we live, by way of historical narratives, placing what we know as modern musical culture, as the outcome of a narrative construed as meaningful.

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Ultimately, the quest for authenticity is an illusion: authors can never escape their own concerns, and writing history should not be seen as an objective quest for the truth of history. However, as has already been emphasized, the striving for understanding also that which we find when we look beyond the obviously modern questions to history is important in order to supplement — or sometimes contradict — established mainstream narratives by incorporating or highlighting alternative elements of historical material and interpretation. In such a view, the writing of history takes the preserved musical materials seriously, asking, as far as possible, how they can be understood in the broader cultural context of the time, searching for ever wider contexts for our interpretations. Also the historical quest of trying to understand modern culture — collectively as well as on a more personal, ‘interior’ level — as the outcome of historical processes represented through historical narratives will be affected by the attempt to look for possible narratives beyond a dominant master narrative. As Jan Assmann has pointed out, modern Western societies have established a ‘cultural memory’ by way of institutions like libraries, museums, institutions for performing arts and for education, which store, represent, and interpret preserved artefacts in ways that have become generally accepted in that society through various cultural discourses — political, religious, philosophical, and others.3 Thus, the construction of cultural identity in a society (or in parts of it) is a dialectical process which depends on a wide array of discourses, which may be combined and recombined in different ways in different contexts and at different times, and where the cultural meaning of some individual element in such a cultural identity cannot be exhausted — or even, in a more emphatic version of the statement, studied meaningfully — in isolation or in relation to one such discourse alone. Fundamentally, the method outlined above is a version of what has been called ‘thick description’, the concept that Clifford Geertz borrowed from Gilbert Ryle to emphasize the importance of the context of an event for the understanding of the event. Ryle uses the term to distinguish a description where the context (the ‘code’ in Ryle’s terminology) of an event such as a wink is interpreted on the basis of the ‘thin’ description which only describes the event 3 Jan Assmann, Das Kulturelle Gedächtnis: Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen (München: C. H. Beck, 1992), esp. pp. 11–25 and 48–56, and Jan Assmann, Religion und kulturelles Gedächtnis (München: C. H. Beck, 2000), pp. 11–20 and 34–44.

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itself. Geertz took this to be the central concern of his own discipline, cultural anthropology.4 In our situation, this means to make detailed descriptions of documented practices and artefacts and micro-analyses of texts and music. The point of such an undertaking is not to lay bare more source material and thereby come even closer to the historical ‘truth’, but to come closer to understanding the ‘wink’: to characterize the systems of meaning which would have made up the conceptual framework through which music would have been understood at the time, to reveal, as best we can, how practices were understood and imagined and the norms that governed them: how people wanted them to be or thought that they ought to be. To this, we may also add a second motivation: to create a frame of understanding for historical events and objects which is comparable or recognizable (in kind, if not in content) to the one we have internalized today, as a possible way to anchor these things of the past — be they pieces of music, theological treatises, or ritual practices — and the context through which they were made meaningful at the time, in our own world of understanding. This, in the end, is where the two versions, the traditional and the ‘new’, come together: by extending the thick description of late-Renaissance music practice with the devotional context, we hope to extend the frame of understanding of these elements even in the form in which they are part of our own, modern world. Florence is an ideal test case. We have a dominating picture, consisting of the Camerata and other academies giving rise to the ‘birth of the opera’. This emergence has commanded the interest of the modern world, over and above any other features which may have been cultivated in Florence and can easily be fitted in with a trope of the ‘two cities’: the esoteric Florence and the booming Venice where the full commercial and popular potential of the opera eventually came to fruition, at the expense of Florence, which more or less disappears from the text books in music history after 1600.5 4

Clifford Geertz, ‘Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture’, in The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973), pp. 3–30; Gilbert Ryle, ‘The Thinking of Thoughts: What is “Le Penseur” Doing?’, University Lectures [University of Saskatchewan], 18 (1968) http://lucy.ukc.ac.uk/CSACSIA/Vol14/ Papers/ryle_1.html
[accessed 27 January 2007]. Cf. also the notion ‘anthropological history’ introduced by Peter Burke, see for instance Peter Burke, Varieties of Cultural History (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), pp. 191–98. 5 See Martha Feldman, City Culture and the Madrigal at Venice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).

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On the other hand, Florence was a city of confraternities. The popular movement of lay religious companies was of considerable scope in the late Middle Ages and — as modern confraternity studies have shown — clearly played an important role in shaping the face of urban life in Florence as well as in many other Italian cities. These companies — particularly when taken together — encompassed all strata of society, from princes and clerics, to ordinary people (including ‘the poor and the orphans’, to quote a frequently encountered phrase). As an element in devotional ceremonies in the various confraternities, with songs of praise and penitence, the Italian lauda must have been far more influential for the general perception of music than ideas circulating in closed circles of intellectual ‘academicians’. Furthermore, the confraternities tap directly into spheres — conceptual systems of meaning — which would have been essential to contemporary thought and the value systems against which music would have been judged: the church and the various lay religious movements. And while the source materials are limited, they are ample enough to add promising pieces to the mosaic. Finally, since all the protagonists of the ‘mainstream story’ — people like Peri, Caccini, Rinuccini, Corsi, and many others — were also involved in the musical activities of the confraternities, there is good reason to retell the story of their involvement. A different posterity might have given a different view on the period in question as well: we might imagine a narrative where the Camerata and the Florentine academies were mentioned in passing as a leisurely pastime for the towering musical figures of the early Oratorian tradition connected with the major musical institution of the time: the Confraternity of the Archangel Raphael.

The Polyphonic Lauda as an Object of Study With the above argument in mind, we may ask: What is the point of studying the polyphonic lauda?6 The question, although polemically formulated, is seriously meant. It can be translated into two different questions: ‘What is the point of studying polyphonic laude’ — i.e., what is the historiographical justification for devoting funds and energy to a tradition of music that most people will not even have heard of? And ‘What is the point of studying the polyphonic lauda’ — i.e., what is 6

The terminology for the lauda varies in the sources. The most frequent form, which will also be used throughout this book, is lauda (sing.) and laude (pl.), but the masculine forms laude–laudi or lode–lodi are also common, as well as combinations such as ‘lauda spirituale’ etc.

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the justification for singling out this particular repertory, a musical genre which musically speaking does not appear to be overly interesting, even to those who do know of it — at least compared to other genres, in which so many other developments seem much more rewarding and relevant, and with far wider consequences, especially during the period which we are studying. Edward J. Dent, who first introduced the polyphonic lauda to the Englishspeaking world in an article from 1916,7 says this about the material he is presenting: The music with which this paper is concerned is in no sense great music. Some of it is trivial, a great deal of it is extremely dull, considered purely and simply as music; but it is not without its interest as a study of human nature, and also of certain phases of musical technique.8

His reference to ‘human nature’ concerns the simple but pure lay devotion of the lauda, and although his verdict may be on the harsh side as applied to the genre as a whole, it is easy to agree with Dent: ‘considered purely and simply as music’ there are far more interesting repertories to be studied than the typical polyphonic lauda of the sixteenth century — a short and simple strophical piece, predominantly homophonic, often using quite pronounced, fixed rhythmical patterns, where sterotypes and the functional aspects dominate and the directly musical interest is minor. A more thorough study of the music alone is hard to legitimize — and has rarely been undertaken — without reference to some other, external aspect which may take center stage in place of the ‘extremely dull’ music: the texts as expressions of lay devotion; their place in the development of lay religiosity (and thus also in the various religious reforms in the sixteenth century); or the lauda’s position in various institutions such as the confraternities and the educational programme of the Dottrina Christiana. This book is no different in this respect, but at the same time, we have striven to avoid the other pitfall: to neglect the music because of the more tangible interest inherent in the theological or societal questions concerning the genre. Thus, the aim of Chapters 3 and 5, where the focus on the musical aspects of the lauda is strongest, is to gain a firm foundation for what will be said in the surrounding chapters where the textual sources to the use of the lauda are discussed: what were the practical circumstances under which the genre was 7

Edward J. Dent, ‘The Laudi Spirituali in the xvith and xviith Centuries’, Proceedings of the Musical Association, 43 (1916–17), 63–95. Dent’s paper is heavily based on Domenico Alaleona, ‘Le laudi spirituali italiane nei secoli xvi e xvii e il loro rapporto coi canti profani’, Rivista Musicale Italiana, 16 (1909), 1–54, ‘to whose writings I am indebted for most of the information given in this paper’, as Dent freely acknowledges (p. 68). 8 Dent, ‘The Laudi Spirituali’, p. 64.

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used; how was it used; which aesthetics does that use entail; and how does that relate to other genres (opera, oratorio) and other currents of thought (aesthetics, theology)? Of course, the Italian lauda has been studied by musicologists, literary scholars, and, to some extent but much less, by historians of religion for many years. Especially the early history of the lauda has been treated quite amply in the literature, owing to its direct connections with the various lay religious movements from the thirteenth century onwards, and the emergence of a musical tradition in the vernacular. However, in a wider perspective one can hardly claim that the lauda and its role in the cultural setting of confraternities has loomed large in the general cultural history. It has remained a specialist topic for those concerned with the particular role of popular religious song or the particular devotional practices of medieval and early modern confraternities. The one exception to this picture is the connection to the genre of the oratorio. Owing to the role lauda singing originally had in Filippo Neri’s Congregation of the Oratory (congregazione dell’oratorio) in Rome — a practice rooted in the Florentine Neri’s experiences from his home city — the lauda has been seen as part of the background for the oratorio genre. In this capacity it has been drawn into a larger music historical narrative as a point of departure for the construction of the beginnings of the oratorio.9 However, although an important genre in music history since the seventeenth century, the oratorio has still been largely confined within the realm of religious music, also in spite of the ‘anomaly’ of secular oratorios. Thus, even in this larger perspective, the lauda and other musico-religious practices have often been isolated away from what has been considered the main historical development of music and aesthetics. One prominent historian of the early opera, Frederick Sternfeld, for instance, in his The Birth of Opera (1993), dismissed what he called ‘the religious branch of opera’ as ‘a comparatively minor branch of the main operatic stream’,10 thereby — from a preconceived point of view, as it seems — avoiding bringing Emilio de’ Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione del’ anima et di corpo (1600) into his discussions of the beginnings of opera. There are exceptions, but on the whole there can be little doubt that neither the lauda practices — even as ‘antecedents’ of the oratorio — nor even the oratorio have been given an important enough place in music history. 9

Howard E. Smither, A History of the Oratorio, 4 vols (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977–2000), i, 3–117. 10 F. W. Sternfeld, The Birth of Opera (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993; repr. 1995), pp. 2– 3; see the further discussion p. 208 below.

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As already intimated, traditional opera historiography has mainly been fruitful for the writing of this book as a point of departure for a critical encounter. It should be noted, however, that there are critical voices to be found in opera historiography speaking against teleology in music history. One such voice was recently raised in a short double article by Giuseppe Gerbino and Iain Fenlon. In his part of the article, Gerbino makes the point that ‘Rinuccini and Peri smoothed over the historical uncertainties of such a claim [that ancient theater was sung throughout] by appealing to the “opinion of many” in this matter. But the many were most likely to be very few’.11 In this way, he underlines the exclusivity of the new theories and ultimately also that of the court music drama at its beginning. Moreover, Iain Fenlon writes in his part of the article: While the earliest phase of court opera occupies a central position in the writings of those nineteenth- and twentieth-century music historians who have judged the phenomenon to be the fons et origo of the entire operatic tradition, the historical reality was different, as more recent writers have reminded us.12

Fenlon refers to Lorenzo Bianconi writing in 1987, but as will be documented in Chapter 6, recent writers have not generally left the fons et origo model, at least not totally. Further, it should be noted that while Gerbino and Fenlon do not subscribe to a teleological historical narrative of operatic tradition beginning in Florence in 1598, their narrative still places the court music dramas of Peri and Caccini in what is construed as the purely secular context of the academies referred to earlier and the court culture in Florence. What we argue is that the lauda defends its place in the history of aesthetics as any other musical genre of its time. As we intend to show, the cultural practices to which the lauda belonged in cities like Florence, in particular the confraternal contexts, gave rise to ideas which may be characterized as an aesthetics avant la lettre. What is particularly interesting is the way in which these religious contexts seem to provide some of the strongest statements to such an effect without pointing towards secularization in any way. On the contrary, the musico-religious contexts of confraternities with which our account is concerned, is a context in which the interest in and praise of musical sensuousness is never separated from the contents of the devotional practices. What from a traditional modern point of view appears as two separate discourses — a religious and an aesthetic — are here presented in a completely integrated way. 11

Giuseppe Gerbino and Iain Fenlon, ‘Early Opera: The Initial Phase’, in European Music 1520–1640, ed. by James Haar (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2006), pp. 472–86 (p. 477). 12 Gerbino and Fenlon, ‘Early Opera: The Initial Phase’, p. 485. See the further discussion of historiographic statements concerning the opera in Chapter 6, pp. 203–211.

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The idea of the creation of the opera will be reconsidered in Chapter 6 in the light of what otherwise constitutes the main parts of the book: the descriptions of how the laude and the practices of lauda singing were viewed in editions during the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth centuries (Chapter 2); a musicological presentation and discussion of the lauda collections in the same period (Chapter 3); the ritual and devotional contexts and practices in which the singing of laude was practised, with the main focus on one particular confraternal context, that of the already mentioned Confraternity of the Archangel Raphael, one of the old and prominent youth confraternities in Florence (Chapter 4). In Chapter 5, a particular manuscript of nineteen polyphonic laude, now dated to the late seventeenth century, found in the Archives of the Cathedral of Florence, will be discussed and contextualized within the narrative context of the book, in particular in relation to Tarquino Longo’s early seventeenth-century collection of laude from Napoli, providing a perspective on the historiography and on the genre of the lauda altogether and emphasizing also at this late time a lack of separation between the secular and the spiritual. To approach historical narratives in this way, relative to materials of religious ritual and musical practices in early modern Western culture(s), and thereby to see Western music history in an alternative light, is broadly conceived the fundamental aim of this book. This is in agreement with the overall long-term ambitions of the series of books of which it is part, the Ritus et Artes: Traditions and Transformations. Similarly, it is in concord with the fundamental quest behind the centre at which the research has been carried out and the book series initiated: the Centre for the Study of the Cultural Heritage of Medieval Rituals. The centre and its research does not have as its aim to construct one master narrative for the artistic reception of medieval rituals but to study the various resonances of medieval rituals in the later Western culture, including the recontextualizations and resignifications involved in such multifaceted processes.

Ritual Although the main context for the singing of laude was confraternal and usually described as ‘popular’ and ‘lay’, one should not forget that the performance context was largely ritual: the musical practices were most often part of religious assemblies which were offshoots of the divine office from the monasteries and other liturgical traditions from the Medieval Church. The medieval liturgical practices had been adapted to the needs of the pious lay groups which during the late thirteenth century came into being and over the next centuries came to play an increasingly large role in the cities of Northern and Middle Italy. Our

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account will address questions concerning the role of music and the perceived meaning of particularly elaborate musical performances in some special confraternities. But although the concrete music and the musical understanding that is expressed in these institutions have moved a long way from the medieval state, the account is fundamentally a narrative concerned with medieval liturgical reception. A modern anthropological notion of ritual was not a part of the intellectual framework of the authors which we cite. However, there is a theoretical framework behind our historical descriptions and narratives in which the notion of ritual plays an important role. The anthropological discourse on ritual has demonstrated the weakness of this concept because of the lack of an accepted unified ritual theory.13 However, this does not necessarily affect our use of the concept so much, since the performative events which we conceive of as ritual are all based in a religious (Latin medieval and Catholic) context in which (fairly) stable Christian doctrines and a religious belief in the efficacy of the devotional events to be studied were commonplaces. These events did something to their participants by common consent. This is clearly so in traditional (medieval) liturgical ceremonies such as the mass or the divine office (and even more specifically for the sacraments which play an important role in the confraternities, especially in the post Tridentine period). These ceremonies have traditionally, throughout the history of Christianity, been viewed as strengthening the faith of the participants and their sense of belonging to a Christian community. Such ritual efficacy is well described also by the anthropological approach of Clifford Geertz, whose view, although not based on Christian traditions, claimed that rituals could be seen to build a bridge between the experiential and the imaginative approach to life.14 The efficacy of the devotional assemblies in confraternities is similarly strongly emphasized in much of the materials which will be discussed, 13

See for instance Catherine Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 1 and 21. 14 See Clifford Geertz, ‘Religion as a Cultural System’, in Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. by Michael Banton (London: Tavistock, 1966), pp. 1–46, p. 28. Cf. also Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 25– 29. For C. Clifford Flanigan’s appropriation of Geertz, see C. Clifford Flanigan, ‘Comparative Literature and the Study of Medieval Drama’, Yearbook of Comparative and General Literature, 35 (1986), 56–104 (pp. 85–93), and C. Clifford Flanigan, ‘Medieval Liturgy and the Arts: “Visitatio Sepulchri” as Paradigm’, in Liturgy and the Arts the Middle Ages: Studies in Honour of C. Clifford Flanigan, ed. by Eva Louise Lillie and Nils Holger Petersen (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1996), pp. 9–35 (pp. 10–11). See also Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Ritual and Creation: Medieval Liturgy as Foreground and Background for Creation’, in Creations: Medieval Rituals the Arts and the Concept of Creation, ed. by Sven Rune Havsteen and others (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), pp. 89–120 (pp. 89–92).

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especially in Chapter 4. Moreover, it is also a commonplace in these contemporary documents that the efficacy is increased by the use of music as this was pointed out from the outset of this introduction — not just any music, but music which satisfies needs that in a modern account can only be described as both aesthetic and religious and in which the two criteria cannot be separated from each other. In anachronistic terms, such a discourse may also be described as a religious aesthetics of music. This does not mean that all authors have the same opinions about music or about the appropriateness of different kinds of music for a given use, but it does mean that in our alternative version where we focus specifically on particular historical contexts mainly of the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries, the larger narrative of how music aesthetics came into being is a narrative which takes into account the ‘religious aesthetics’ at the time, as it comes to expression in the sources we will be discussing, and points to the practices of singing laude in these companies as much as to the creation of a new operatic genre.

Acknowledgements The attempt to bring an alternative music historiographical perspective to bear on lauda singing and its performative contexts does not mean, of course, that the book doesn’t build on huge amounts of older and more recent scholarship as well as on many well-known leading figures in traditional music history. In particular, our account could not have been written had not other recent scholars brought materials and institutions to our attention so that we were able to incorporate the research of others into our historiographic and historical interests: musicologists like John Walter Hill and Edmond Strainchamps, who early drew attention to the Raffaello confraternity and its relevance for music history, broadly speaking; the theatre historian Konrad Eisenbichler whose monograph on the Raffaello confraternity has almost been our Bible in that part of our work and will appear in large numbers of footnotes. The thorough studies of the Italian spiritual lauda by Giancarlo Rostirolla have also been indispensable for the present work. Many other scholars have, of course, in broader or more specialized ways influenced our work. A number of individuals and institutions have been of great help to us. In particular, we want to thank Dr. Lorenzo Fabbri, the keeper of the historical archive of the Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore for helpful assistance during our visits to the archive and for permission to print facsimiles from the ms 55, the manuscript in the cathedral archives which is discussed in Chapter 5 and transcribed in appendix 2. We also thank the staffs at the Archivio di Stato and the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence, the Biblioteca Vallicelliana and the

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Vatican Library in Rome, as well as British Library, London, and Detlef Kasten, librarian at the Kestner collection at the Stadtbibliothek Hannover, for helpful and friendly assistance. We are grateful to Dr. Nicolas Bell, Dr. Laura Nuvoloni (British Library), Dr. Piero Scapecchi (Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence), and Prof. Gabriele Giacomelli (University of Florence), who have been most helpful in our attempts to date the ms 55. We are also most grateful to Dr. Lars Berglund (Uppsala University) for discussing the differences and similarities between Renaissance and Baroque musical practice. This project originated during a project on early modern music drama directed by Prof. Anthony Johnson (then Åbo Academy University, now Oulu University, Finland) supported by the NOP-HS, the Nordic Research Council of the Humanities. It continued as part of the Centre for the Study of the Cultural Heritage of Medieval Rituals sponsored by the Danish National Research Foundation during which time most of the work for this volume has been carried out. We are very grateful for the support given us to make the work possible, and we are grateful to our colleagues at and around the Centre for fruitful discussions and support. We are also very pleased that the Centre work could lead to a book series at Brepols, the Ritus et Artes series, in which this volume is published. We thank Dr. Simon Forde of Brepols for a fruitful and stimulating collaboration. Both authors are co-responsible for the entire book. Even so, work has been to some extent divided so that Chapters 2, 3, and 5 have mainly been written by Eyolf Østrem and Chapters 1, 4, and 6 mainly by Nils Holger Petersen. Discussions along the way and the final shaping of each chapter of the book have been done collaboratively. The musical transcriptions have been carried out by Eyolf Østrem. When nothing else is indicated, translations have been done by the authors. We thank Dr. Ettore Rocca, Copenhagen and Reggio Calabria, for checking our translations from Italian and Fran Hopenwasser, Leif Stubbe Teglbjærg, and Sophie Leighton, who have been language consultants for the book. We wish to record our thanks to the perceptive and helpful remarks from the anonymous reader, though of course any errors that remain are our own.

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The Religious and Ritual Context of the Earlier Italian Lauda: From St Francis to Savonarola (1200–1500)

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wo famous Florentine figures who are generally seen as opposites nevertheless have that in common that they are known as writers of texts for laudas at the end of the fifteenth century. One is Lorenzo ‘il Magnifico’ de’ Medici (1449–92), who ruled the republic of Florence until his death. His lauda O maligno e duro core was published in a laude collection c. 1495 and was supposed to be sung to the tune of one of Lorenzo’s carnival songs to which he had prominent composers write settings, among them Heinrich Isaac (early 1450s–1517), maestro di cappella of San Giovanni, the Baptistery, who could be the composer of the setting used for O maligno e duro core.1 The other is Girolamo Savonarola (1452–98), the controversial Dominican friar who became unofficial leader of the republic of Florence during a short period in the late 1490s until his fall and execution in 1498. His Laude al crocifisso, ‘Iesù, sommo conforto’, was first printed in 1492. According to its modern Italian literary editor, Mario Martelli, it strongly reflects the general Florentine lauda tradition of the fifteenth century.2 1 See Patrick Macey, Bonfire Songs: Savonarola’s Musical Legacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 32–44. The text is printed with an English translation in Savonarolan Laude, Motets, and Anthems, ed. by Patrick Macey (Madison: A-R Editions, 1999), pp. xxii–xxiii; the musical setting as preserved in Serafino Razzi, Libro Primo delle Laudi Spirituali da diversi eccell. e divoti autori, antichi e moderni composte. Le quale si vsano cantare in Firenze nelle chiese doppo il vespro. Con la propria musica e modo di cantare ciascuna Laude (Venice: Francesco Rampazetto, ad instanzia de gli heredi di Bernardo Giunti di Firenze, 1563) is given on pp. 6–8 (with notes on p. 221). In Razzi’s original edition, this setting is found on fols 68v –69r followed by Lorenzo’s words on fol. 69v . 2 See Girolamo Savonarola, Poesie, ed. by Mario Martelli (Rome: Angelo Belardetti, 1968), pp. 198–99. The text of the lauda is edited on pp. 32–34. An almost identical text

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Chapter 1 Lorenzo’s O maligno e duro core has the refrain: O maligno e duro core, fonte d’ogni mal concetto, ché non scoppi in mezzo il petto, ché non scoppi di dolore? O hard and evil heart, source of every evil notion, why do you not burst in that breast, why do you not burst with sorrow?3

The first stanza describes how the heart does not listen in spite of the signs of Nature after the death of Jesus (paraphrasing the biblical references to the earthquake, the dimming of the sun and the splitting of the temple veil as Jesus died, for instance Matthew 27. 45–52). The second stanza then exhorts the heart to melt, to be crucified with Jesus, and to let the lance that pierced Jesus also pierce itself. The third stanza goes on: O cor mio, così piagato fa di lagrime un torrente come dal santo costato versa sangue largamente; gran dolcezza, o cor mio, sente chi accompagna Iesù santo; se la pena è dolce tanto, più dolce è, chi con lui muore. O my heart, thus wounded, let the tears flow in a torrent, just as from that holy breast the blood freely pours out. Great sweetness, o my heart, is felt by whoever follows holy Jesus. If the pain is so sweet, sweeter still is it for those who die with Him.4

The fourth and last stanza expands this theme and concludes with the line ‘Non muor mai chi con lui muore’ (‘they who die with Him will never die again’).5 is given with an English translation in Savonarolan Laude, pp. xlii–xliii together with four settings preserved from the sixteenth century pp. 53–60 (with notes on pp. 226–27), one of which is from Razzi’s 1563 collection, where the setting is found on fol. 3v and the text on fol. 4r . See also Girolamo Savonarola, A Guide to Righteous Living and Other Works, trans., with an introd., by Konrad Eisenbichler, Renaissance and Reformation Texts in Translation, 10 (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2003), ‘Introduction’, p. 22, with a translation of this lauda on pp. 76–77. 3 Lorenzo de’ Medici, Laude, ed. by Bernard Toscani (Florence: Olschki, 1990), p. 88. English translation quoted from Savonarolan Laude, pp. xxii–xxiii, with minor modifications because of the small and insignificant differences between the Italian texts given by Toscani and Macey. 4 Lorenzo de’ Medici, Laude, p. 89; English translation from Savonarolan Laude, p. xxiii. 5 Lorenzo de’ Medici, Laude, p. 89; Savonarolan Laude, p. xxiii.

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The refrain from Savonarola’s ‘Iesù, sommo conforto’ reads: O gran bontà, Dolce pietà, Felice quel che teco unito sta. Oh mercy great, and piety sweet, that man is glad who lives as one with you.6

Among the ten short stanzas very similar themes to those just highlighted in Lorenzo’s lauda are found. We quote stanzas 2, 6, and 10: Oh! Quante volte offeso T’ha l’alma e ‘l cor meschino! E tu sei in croce esteso, Per salvar me tapino. Iesù, fammi morire Del tuo amor vivace; Iesù, fammi languire Con te, Segnor verace! La Croce e ‘l Crucifisso Sia nel mio cor scolpito, Ed io sia sempre affisso In gloria, ove egli è ito. How often have my soul | And dismal heart offended? | But you stretched on the cross | To save a wretch like me. Jesus, now let me perish | From this your living love; | Jesus, now let me suffer | With you, my Lord most true! And in my heart be sculpted | the Cross and Crucifix | And may I dwell forever | In glory, where He’s gone.7

This brief presentation of two poems of Italian laude from the late fifteenth century both dealing with the theme of the Passion of Christ is meant to serve as a point of departure for the following attempt to present a historical perspective behind the practices of lauda singing in the late Renaissance. In order to exemplify differences and continuities between the earliest known lauda practice and the late fifteenth-century tradition, we will bring in a third lauda, approximately two hundred years older, copied in the earliest preserved collection of laude, the laudario di Cortona from the second half of the thirteenth century. 6

Savonarolan Laude, p. xlii, Savonarola, Poesie, p. 32; English translation by Konrad Eisenbichler, in Savonarola, A Guide, p. 76. 7 Savonarola, Poesie, pp. 32–34, see also Savonarolan Laude, pp. xlii–xliii; translation by Konrad Eisenbichler, in Savonarola, A Guide, pp. 76–77.

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Whereas the fifteenth-century lauda texts — exemplified here through the laude by Lorenzo de’ Medici and Savonarola — clearly are works of skilled poets, the early lauda is usually seen as the product of popular religious movements. Traces of such a popular pious background have normally been sought for in the Franciscan friar Salimbene de Adam’s late thirteenth-century descriptions of the popular religious revivals of the early to mid-thirteenth century and also in early references to the Canticle of Brother Sun by Francis of Assisi (1181–1226). These references will briefly be reviewed in order to contextualize the differences between the two layers of lauda singing: those of the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, respectively. The account which started out with pointing out the similarity between the two fifteenth-century laude, will return to Lorenzo de’ Medici and Girolamo Savonarola again toward the end of the chapter. At that point, however, fundamentally different ideas and practices of piety between the two prominent Florentine figures will be highlighted and discussed: On the one hand Lorenzo’s Rappresentazione di S. Giovanni e Paolo, a pious entertainment written for a high-society fifteenth-century youth confraternity closely associated with the Medici family, on the other the austere ideas concerning music and devotion expressed by Girolamo Savonarola in his controversial preaching during his last years, calling for repentance. The main objective of the chapter is to raise and discuss questions of continuity and change concerning the different historical forms of laude and their ritual contexts from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century as a background for the main topic of this volume: the various practices of lauda singing in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as well as in the way such practices were understood.

The Early Monophonic Lauda Tradition Consider the refrain of one of the earliest preserved laude, the Plangiamo from the thirteenth-century Laudario di Cortona: Plangiamo quel crudel basciar[e] ke fe’ per noi Deo crucïare. Let us lament that cruel kiss Which crucified God in our stead.

Here follows all five stanzas of the poem: Venne Iuda, traditore, bascio Li dié de gran dolore; lo qual fac[c]iam noi per amore a Lui fo signo di penare. Quel fo signo a [l]i Iuderi: non cognoscevan Suo misteri,

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Iuda li feci v[id]eri, per un suo bascio ’L fe’ pi[g]liare. Ad Anna principe El menaro; inudo nato Lo spoliaro, battîrLo forte et sí ’L legaro et fêrLo tutto insanguinare. Anna sì L’ebbe mandato a Cayfàs so[mmo] prelato, quelli ke ’L mandò a Pilato per Lui più vituper fare. Pilato ad Arode El mandòe, perké molto El domandòe, cercò molto e nol trovòe, poi Lo fe’ rapresentare. Judas the traitor came, He gave Him a kiss and great pain; What we do out of love Was for Him a sign of suffering. To the Jews it was a sign; They had no knowledge of his mysteries, But Judas nonetheless fulfilled these: Through a kiss He was seized. At first they took Him to Annas; They stripped Him as naked as an infant, They beat Him hard and bound Him And left Him bathed in blood. Annas then sent Him onward To Caiaphas the Prelate, Who sent Him to Pilate To be subjected to more scorn. Pilate sent Him to Herod Because he was much sought after; He looked for Him and couldn’t find Him; Then He was placed on trial.8

The appearance of the new type of song, referred to as the lauda, during the thirteenth century — the earliest repertory of vernacular religious song to be preserved in the European culture — belongs primarily to the institutional context of laudesi and disciplinati confraternities in the landscapes of Tuscany and Umbria. The earliest collections of laude were books for use in these new religious establishments which — taken together as one phenomenon — constituted one important outcome of the popular pious movements of the mid-thirteenth century.9 These should — in a longer perspective — be seen in the context of 8 Trans. by Blake Wilson in CD booklet for Medieval Italian Spiritual Songs. Musicians of the Early Music Institute. Dir. Thomas Binkley. Focus 912 (Bloomington: Early Music Institute, Indiana University School of Music, 1991), p. 6. Original text in Laudario di Cortona, ed. by Anna Maria Guarnieri (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1991), pp. 99–100. 9 See, however, John Henderson, Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 13–16, who points out that there were confraternities (congregationes and scholae) of various kinds already in the tenth to twelfth centuries in some North-Italian cities. From the scattered evidence preserved, they seem to have been rather

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the popular ‘Jesus movements’ that had begun in the late twelfth century and formed the main background for the establishing of the mendicant orders in the beginning of the thirteenth century, orders which became of central significance for the actual establishing of these religious confraternities as well as for their daily lives and ceremonial. Only two laudarii (confraternity books of laude) with monophonic melodies have been preserved in spite of the large number of extant laudarii with only texts: a thirteenth-century manuscript from Cortona, which will be briefly discussed in the following, and a Florentine manuscript from the fourteenth century (Biblioteca Nazionale, Firenze, Banco Rari 18). Part of an explanation for this could be that the melodies for the early laude were orally transmitted. This would be in agreement with the idea of a popular background for this type of song. It seems characteristic that the lauda was primarily cast in the form of a ballata, a secular song form probably originating from the dance-song although the variation of the musical forms in the earliest laudario, the late thirteenth-century Cortona, Biblioteca Comunale, ms 91 — in which the Plangiamo is found — is relatively substantial. More specific information about how a repertory of lauda melodies came into being is not known.10 During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, it became common for confraternities to hire professional singers for polyphonic performance of laude. Religious confraternities — in general — had become a well-established part of the urban societies in the Northern part of Italy. In Blake Wilson’s words concerning the professionalization of the singing of laude: ‘The reasons for this development are various, but may be traced to the rapid growth of a popular religious devotion under the management of guildsdifferent from the new confraternities established in and after the thirteenth century, both in terms of organization and function. Henderson’s point is mainly to point to the existence of an idea of fraternal organization prior to the mendicant movements. 10 For general introductions to the history of the rise of religious confraternities with an emphasis on song and devotion, see Cyrilla Barr, The Monophonic Lauda and the Lay Religious Confraternities of Tuscany and Umbria in the Late Middle Ages, Early Drama, Art, and Music Monograph Series, 10 (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, 1988); Martin Dürrer, Altitalienische Laudenmelodien: Das einstimmige Repertoire der Handschriften Cortona und Florenz, Bochumer Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft, 3, 2 vols (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1996), and Blake Wilson, Music and Merchants: The Laudesi Companies of Republican Florence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). See also Blake Wilson, ‘Lauda’, in Grove Music Online, ed. by L. Macy http://www.grovemusic.com
[accessed 10 April 2006]. Concerning the development of the music for lauda texts, see especially Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, pp. 82–93 and 106– 25, Dürrer, Altitalienische Laudenmelodien, i, 8–40, only dealing with the monophonic lauda; and Wilson, Music and Merchants, pp. 37–45 and 149–82, who also treats the rise of the polyphonic lauda.

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men’.11 Also vernacular dramatic ceremonies became part of the spiritual exercises in the confraternities, sometimes in the form of dramatic laude (gradually) developing into fully staged music-dramatic vernacular representations deriving from the verbal dialogue texts in some laude, and sometimes in terms of incorporation of the traditional sung laude into a staging of spoken sacre rappresentazione.12 Blake Wilson, who writes about the urban context of the early mendicant spirituality, stresses how the lay religious companies were encouraged by the friars and — in terms of religious content and devotional practice — governed by the same ideals. In terms of administrative structure, however, the contemporary guilds provided the model. An important redefinition of the relationship between the secular and the spiritual world was the outcome: ‘the secular made sacred’.13 This development and the way it influenced the literary as well as the musical composition of laude lies between the Plangiamo and the two lauda texts first mentioned above (by Lorenzo de’ Medici and Girolamo Savonarola). This must be kept in mind when comparing early and later laude. As will be discussed below, the broad popular social background seems to have been significant for the beginnings of the lauda even if the earliest development of the song style is difficult — not to say impossible — to trace. Concerning the aforementioned early Cortona collection (compiled between 1260 and 1297 for a Cortonese confraternity associated with a Franciscan church), Blake Wilson writes: A striking feature of its forty-six laude is not so much the flexible adoption of the ballata scheme, but its pervasive adoption, here and throughout the lauda repertory of the next century. This clearly indicates a widespread, uniform, and institutional practice, the dissemination of which might easily occur through the mobile network of mendicant convents.14

It is not difficult to find traces of what traditionally might be associated with popular oral traditions in a song like the Plangiamo. Its construction seems straight-forward, a paraphrase of chosen elements from the Gospel Passion narratives up to the final trial without involving any doctrinal terminology. Also, the chosen individual episodes are basic in terms of emphasizing the tangible signs of Jesus’ suffering: the false kiss, the beating, the blood, Jesus being sent around from one authority to another. All the statements are simple; there is 11

Wilson, Music and Merchants, p. 141. Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, pp. 58–59; and Giulio Cattin, Music of the Middle Ages 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p. 147. 13 Wilson, Music and Merchants, pp. 14–15. 14 See Wilson, Music and Merchants, p. 38. 12

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little or no theological or poetical complication in the account. At the same time, the refrain establishes the traditionally most important theological point concerning the Passion of Christ: that He — God (as part of the Trinity) — was ‘crucified in our stead’. Also musically, the song is simple with a strong musical link between the refrain and the melodic conclusion of each strophe (see Figure 1).15

 






















Plan gia mo



quel cru del ba scia r[e] Ke fe’









Ven ne

Iu

da

per no i

tra

di

to

Lo qual fa ciam noi per a

mo re

re

De o cru ci

a

re





















































Ba

scio li

di

e

d’e gran do

lo

re




















A

lu

i

fo

si gno di

pe

na

re

Figure 1 Plangiamo from the Cortona manuscript.

The most notable melodic element is constituted by the (identical) end melisma of the refrain and the strophe. This melisma almost consistently supports key words of the poetic narrative: ‘crucïare’, ‘penare’, ‘pigliare’, ‘insanguinare’, and ‘rapresentare’, i.e. ‘crucify’, ‘suffer’, ‘seize’, ‘cover in blood’, and ‘bring before [a court]’.

Salimbene de Adam and the Thirteenth-Century Religious Revival The new and, in the eyes of the ecclesiastical establishment, controversial lay evangelists of the late twelfth century — itinerant preachers like Waldes and his followers, the so-called ‘Poor Men of Lyons’ (or ‘Waldenses’), the ‘Humiliati’, as well as Francis of Assisi (1181–1226) and his friends — were all loosely organized groups who had renounced material and worldly aspirations. Already during Francis’ life time, the popular movement around his figure grew to have an enormous impact. Although the ‘Waldenses’ and ‘Humiliati’ had been condemned by Pope Lucius III in 1184, the farsighted Pope Innocent III realized the potential in keeping such lay groups within the Church not the least with the struggle against the Cathar heresy in mind. He rehabilitated the ‘Humiliati’ 15

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in 1201 and recognized the Franciscan fratres minores or ‘little brothers’ during Francis’ visit to Rome in 1209. Francis himself seems to have remained loyal to church authorities all through his life.16 The thirteenth-century Cronica by the Franciscan friar Salimbene de Adam (1221–1288/89) which describes the early Franciscan movement (and much else) also brings short accounts of the popular revivals which occurred after the death of Francis of Assisi. The revival of 1233 is described — exuberantly — as the ‘time of the hallelujah’: This hallelujah as it was called only later, a certain time, was a time of rest and peace where weapons were put away everywhere, a time of delight and joy, of gladness and rejoicing, of praising and jubilation. Soldiers, including foot soldiers, as well as citizens and peasants, ‘both young men, and maidens; old men, and children’17 were singing songs and spiritual praises (laudes divinas). In all cities of Italy this devotion came about. [. . .] Thus also men and women, boys and girls, came from country dwellings to the city with flags and in large companies in order to hear sermons and to praise God; and ‘voices of God were singing, not human voices’18 and men went about in salvation as it could be seen from the fulfilment of the prophecy: ‘All the ends of the world shall remember and turn unto the Lord: and all the kindreds of the nations shall worship before thee’19 .20 16

We refer to the following introductory treatments of St. Francis and the beginnings of the Franciscan movement: Clifford Hugh Lawrence, The Friars: Impact of the Early Mendicant Movement on Western Society (London: Longman, 1994), particularly pp. 19– 64; and Adriaan Hendrik Bredero, ‘The Beginnings of the Franciscan Movement and the Canonization of Its Founder’, in Christendom and Christianity in the Middle Ages: The Relations Between Religion, Church, and Society (Grand Rapids: W. B. Eerdmans, 1994), pp. 246–73, discussing among other things the unusually rapid canonization of Francis in 1228 by Pope Gregory IX as a Papal effort to keep the Franciscan movement within the church. The first of Thomas of Celano’s two biographies of Francis was commissioned by Gregory IX at that time. 17 Psalm 148. 12. Salimbene often intersperses biblical phrases into his text. Whenever possible, we render such biblical quotations from The Authorized King James Version. 18 Acts 12. 22. Translated from the Vulgate, as it differs from The Authorized King James Version. 19 Psalm 22. 27 (21. 28 in the Vulgate). 20 Salimbene de Adam, Cronica; ‘Fuit autem Alleluia quoddam tempus quod sic in posterum dictum fuit, scilicet tempus quietis et pacis, quoad arma bellica omnino remota, iocunditatis et letitie, gaudii et exultationis, laudis et iubilationis. Et cantilenas cantabant et laudes divinas milites et pedites, cives et rurales, “iuvenes et virgins, senes cum iunioribus”. In omnibis civitatibus Ytalie ista devotio fuit. [. . .] Sic etiam veniebant de villis ad civitatem cum vexillis et societatibus magnis viri et mulieres, pueri et puelle, ut predicationes audirent et Deum laudarent; et cantabant “Dei voces et non hominis”, et ambulabant homines in salvatione, ita ud videretur propheticum illud impletum: “Reminiscentur et convertentur ad Dominum universi fines terre. Et adorabunt in conspectu eius

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Salimbene goes on to tell about Brother Benedict in Parma, the city of Salimbene. Brother Benedict was a simple unlettered man (‘homo simplex et illitteratus’) who did not belong to any religious order, but was very friendly toward the Franciscans (‘amicus valde erat fratrum Minorum’). He appeared as another John the Baptist making ‘ready a people prepared for the Lord’ (Luke 1. 17).21 He began his praises in this way, saying in the vernacular: ‘Praised, blessed and glorified be the Father!’ And boys repeated with a high voice what he had said. And he then repeated the same words adding ‘and be the Son!’ And the boys resumed and sang the same words. Thereafter he repeated the same words for the third time adding: ‘and be the Holy Ghost!’ And thereafter: ‘Hallelujah, Hallelujah, Hallelujah’. Then he blew a horn after which he preached saying some good words in praise of God. And soon, when he had finished preaching, he greeted the blessed Virgin in this way: ‘Ave Maria clemens et pia [. . . ]’22

Later in the Cronica, Salimbene recounts events in the year 1260 when: flagellants came through the whole world, and all people, poor as well as mighty, knights as well as ordinary people, went nude in procession through the cities flogging themselves, bishops and monks in the front. Peace was made and people gave back what they had taken in evil ways, and they confessed their sins so much that priests hardly had time for eating; and in their mouth sounded ‘voices of God, not human voices’ (Acts 12. 22) and their voice sounded like ‘the voice of a multitude’ (Daniel 10. 6); men went about in salvation. And they put together divine praises in honour of God and the blessed Virgin, which they sang while walking, flogging themselves.23

universe familie gentium”’: Salimbene de Adam, Cronica, ed. by Giuseppe Scalia, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis, 125–125A, 2 vols (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998–1999), i (1998), 102. For Salimbene’s descriptions of the devotional fervour in 1233 (and later), see Lawrence, The Friars, pp. 116–20. 21 Salimbene de Adam, Cronica, i, 103. 22 Salimbene, Cronica; ‘Et inchoabat laudes suas hoc modo et in vulgari dicebat: “Laudato et benedhetto et glorificato sia lo Patre!”. Et pueri alta voce quod dixerat repetebant. Et postea eadem verba repetebat addendo: “sia lo Fijo!”. Et pueri resumebant et eadem verba cantabant. Postea tercio eadem verba repetebat addendo: “sia lo Spiritu Sancto!”. Et postea: “Alleluia, Alleluia, Alleluia”. Deinde bucinabat et postea predicabat, dicendo aliqua bona verba ad laudem Dei. Et postmodum, in fine predicationis, beatam Virginem salutabat hoc modo: “Ave Maria clemens et pia”’: Salimbene de Adam, Cronica, i, 104. A somewhat larger extract including most of this passage is translated and printed in Cattin, Music of the Middle Ages 1, pp. 182–83. The hymn Ave Maria clemens et pia, for which Salimbene gives seven lines followed by an etc. can be found in Guido Maria and Clemens Dreves Blume, Analecta hymnica medii aevi, 55 vols (Leipzig: Fues, 1886–1922), liv, 337–40, without the ‘clemens et pia’. The incipit Ave Maria clemens et pia is found in Analecta Hymnica, xxxix, 58–59, but this is a different hymn altogether. 23 Salimbene, Cronica; ‘Venerunt verberatores per universum orbem, et omnes homines, tam parvi quam magni, tam nobiles milites quam populares, nudati per civitates proces-

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Salimbene’s account has been accepted by modern scholarship as a generally valid description of (part of ) the background for the establishing of the disciplinati (flagellant) and/or the laudesi (i.e. lauda singing) confraternities. For both types of devotional sodalities the singing of laude was important, the distinction concerns the role of penance and the use of the discipline (flagellation). Some scholars have claimed a model according to which some few laudesi confraternities came into being already in the 1240s followed by disciplinati companies after 1260. After this date, both groups grew and were active in the following centuries.24 Blake Wilson, on the other hand, has emphasized that ‘the earliest datable laudesi and disciplinati companies appeared in the 1260s, and multiplied rapidly in the following decades, especially in Florence.’25 Cyrilla Barr discusses Salimbene’s description of the devotional revival of 1260 in the context of other contemporary chroniclers of the flagellant processions which were instigated by Raniero Fasani in Perugia, among them the wellknown Jacobus de Voragine. The connection between the penitential processions and some kind of devotional singing is clear, but not ‘that what these early flagellants actually sang were laude’.26 At the time, no well-defined term lauda would seem to have been in use. The words employed by Salimbene to indicate the devotional singing are the Latin terms ‘laudes divinae’ (in both 1233 and 1260) and ‘cantilenae’ (only in 1233). ‘Laudes divinae’ (divine praises) qualifies more as a descriptive term concerning the contents and intention of the singing than as a generic term for a particular song style. sionaliter se verberabant, precedentibus episcopis et religiosis. Et paces fiebant, et restituebant homines male ablata et de peccatis suis confitebantur, in tantum ut sacerdotes vix spatium edendi haberent; et in ore eorum sonabant “Dei voces et non hominis, et vox” eorum tamquam “vox multitudinis”; et ambulabant homines in salvatione. Et componebant laudes divinas ad honorem Dei et beate Virginis, quas cantabant, dum se verberando incederent.’ Salimbene de Adam, Cronica, ii, 703. 24 Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, pp. 13–16 and 31–36 giving further references. See also Sandro Sticca, ‘Italy: Liturgy and Christocentric Spirituality’, in The Theatre of Medieval Europe: New Research in Early Drama, ed. by Eckehard Simon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 169–88 (pp. 169–70), where the beginning of laudesi companies has been dated as early as 1183. In his account, ‘numerous companies of laudesi even changed their name to Disciplinati’ (p. 170). 25 Wilson, Music and Merchants, p. 29. See also his thorough discussion of the beginnings of the early confraternities (pp. 28–45), and Wilson, ‘Lauda’. Similarly, Cattin, Music of the Middle Ages 1, p. 183. 26 See Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, p. 32; also pp. 3, 6, and 31–33, with further references. Concerning Salimbene and the connections between preaching and singing among friars, see also Wilson, Music and Merchants, pp. 28 and 153.

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In any case, the historical construction of a connection between the revivals of 1233 and 1260 and the rise of religious confraternities in Tuscany and Umbria in the following decades is convincing just as it is also convincing to view the above-mentioned events — with their marked emphasis on the significance of the singing — as a background for the lauda preserved in the aforementioned laudarii. The only reason for believing that the ‘cantilenae’ and ‘laudes divinae’, mentioned by Salimbene in connection with the hallelujah revival of 1233, were sung in the vernacular is that they are indicated to be sung by such a broad group of people. Otherwise the only specified songs are the cited Latin ‘Ave Maria clemens et pia’, the fragmentary chanting — as it seems – of vernacular formulas of blessing said or sung(?) by Brother Benedict and repeated (in song) by the boys, and — possibly — the thrice repeated ‘alleluia’. The short quoted passage concerning the penitential movement in 1260 is intriguing because of the formulation ‘componebant laudes divinas’ which we have translated as ‘they put together divine praises’ since the word ‘componebant’ — as also emphasized by Cyrilla Barr — cannot be assumed to have been used with any of the modern connotations that belong to the idea of musical composition. Even so, the word would seem to indicate the production — in some form — of new songs. ‘Componere’, literally to put together, would not be a reasonable word to use about singing well-known songs. It is — as in 1233 — the indication of a broad popular group of singers in the text that points in the direction of the vernacular. However, what kind of songs were sung is not clear. Cyrilla Barr, however, tentatively refers to an indication in the fifteenth-century Annales Genuenses claiming some vernacular phrases to have been repeated again and again by the penitents, and — possibly more importantly — that a particular Latin stanza was sung by the flagellants: Domina Sancta Maria Recipite peccatores Et rogate Jesum Christum Ut nobis parcat.27 Lady Saint Mary, receive sinners and ask Jesus Christ that he will spare us.

As pointed out by Cyrilla Barr, almost the same stanza is found — in the vernacular — in the early Cortona laudario: Madonna santa Maria, merzé de noi peccatori: faite prego al dolze Cristo 27

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ke ne degia perdonare.28

This lauda, which in the Cortona version has eight stanzas, could be regarded as an expansion of a song originally sung at the processions in 1260, since the melody in the Cortona manuscript is very simple and — interestingly — is the only lauda in the Cortona laudario for which no refrain is given (see Figure 2). Thus, the claim of the Annales Genuenses could seem to be somewhat supported: the Madonna santa could, indeed, be a song from before the ballata model was applied to the vernacular devotional songs:29


Ma


Fai







































don

na

san

ta

Ma

ri

a

çé

de

noi
















































te

pre

go

al

dol

çe

Cri

sto

Ke

ne

de

gia

per

na

re

Mer









pec

to

ca

do




ri

Figure 2 Madonna santa Maria from the Cortona manuscript.

The revival of 1260 has often been seen in the light of Joachimism — based on the prophetical writings of the (long deceased) abbot Joachim of Fiore (1135– 1202) — mentioned by Salimbene but not claimed to have been among the causes of the revival. Joachim was a Cistercian abbot in southern Italy who eventually founded his own order. Based on biblical interpretations, especially speculations on the Book of Revelation, he divided history into three periods: the period of the Father, of the Son, and of the Spirit. The last period was supposed to start in 1260 heralded by many tribulations caused by Antichrist. His ideas were taken up by Franciscans, notably Gerard of Borgo San Donnino who around 1250 presented Joachim’s ideas anew, identifying the spiritual men — who in Joachim’s prophecies were to help the faithful into the new era — with the friars. The established church was not part of his vision of the new spiritual age. The impact of Joachite millenarianism on the Franciscan movement is not surprising in view of the contemporary tensions between the established church and popular piety. Gerard of Borgo was condemned by the papacy in 1256. Whatever the specific influence of Joachimism on the revival of 1260 may 28

Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, p. 30, also giving variants from other laudarii. The melody is found as no. 4 in Dürrer, Altitalienische Laudenmelodien, ii, 10; see also the note in Dürrer, Altitalienische Laudenmelodien, i, 102–03. See also the note to melody no. 34 on p. 109, this melody may originally also have been without refrain; however, a refrain made by modification of one of the stanzas was apparently formed at some point; the melody no. 34 is found in Dürrer, Altitalienische Laudenmelodien, ii, 44. 29

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have been it seems relevant as an indication of the spiritual mood of the time although the confraternities and the lauda singing in its institutionalized forms as they were preserved are far removed from the millenarian ideas.30

Francis of Assisi and the Canticum fratris solis Francis of Assisi has sometimes been credited with the writing of the ‘first lauda’ pointing to his so-called Canticle of Brother Sun written in the vernacular although most modern scholars treat such statements with caution.31 The word lauda is not a well-defined term at this early stage. Even in the earliest documentations from confraternities it can be difficult to be certain about the precise meaning of the word since it may refer to a religious song of praise in general or — and gradually more and more — to songs in a more or less well-defined practice of songs of praise in the vernacular. For the modern observer, only the preserved collections of laude — the laudarii — gradually define what kind of songs were meant by the term lauda; and — as we have seen — this changes rather significantly over the centuries. What seems of primary importance is to note the early connections between mendicant preaching and the use of the Italian word lauda or even similar words where it is clear from the context that they refer to songs of praise in the vernacular. Such connections seem to go back to the earliest time of the devotional confraternities but also to a time before 1260. Blake Wilson quotes a statement — written around 1288 — about a Sienese confraternity and a Dominican preacher, Ambrogio Sansedoni in the 1260s which clearly indicates the devotional context in which laude (the text uses this word) were sung by laymen and even boys especially trained for this.32 But he also cites a statement from the ‘collection of stories put together by Leo and two other companions of Francis of Assisi (1246)’33 in which it is related how Francis (after having composed his new song 30

See Lawrence, The Friars, pp. 53–60; Marcia L. Colish, Medieval Foundations of the Western Intellectual Tradition, 400–1400, Yale Intellectual History of the West (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 248–52; and Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, pp. 2–6. 31 See Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, pp. 2–3, and Wilson, Music and Merchants, p. 27. 32 Wilson, Music and Merchants, pp. 28 and 40–41. 33 Rosalind B. Brooke, ‘Introduction’, in Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli, Sociorum S. Francisci, ed. and trans. by Rosalind B. Brooke, Oxford Medieval Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970; repr. with corr. 1990), p. 3. Leo was not only a close companion to Francis but also his confessor (p. 14).

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in the vernacular) exhorted his brothers to preach ‘and after the sermon to sing the praises of God as minstrels of the Lord’.34 The way the Scripta Leonis, Rufini, et Angeli — as mentioned — tells about the ‘composition’ of Francis’ song of praise and brings alleged comments by Francis about his intentions just before the statement cited above is worth quoting: He said to them: ‘Therefore I ought to rejoice greatly from now on in my infirmities and tribulations and to find comfort in the Lord, to give thanks always to God the Father and to his only Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the Holy Spirit for the great grace and blessing given to me, because while still living in the flesh he has deigned in his mercy to make me his unworthy servant certain of the kingdom. Therefore I want for his praise and my consolation, and the edification of our neighbours, to make a new song of Praise of the Lord for his creatures, which we use daily and without which we could not live. In them the human race greatly offends the Creator and daily we are ungrateful for such grace, because we do not praise our creator and giver of all good things as we ought.’ Sitting down he began to meditate and afterwards began: ‘Most high, omnipotent, good Lord.’35

Earlier in the Scripta another similar reference to Francis new song of raise has also been given: For St. Francis during his illness had composed some Praises of the Lord which he made his companions recite to the praise of God and for the consolation of his soul and even sometimes for the edification of his neighbour.36

The earliest Life of St Francis was written by Thomas of Celano already in 1228 (see p. 23). Here, however, the reference to this song of praise is ambiguous. In Chapter 8 of the second book Francis’ death is described — in a rather legendary way — and at his deathbed it says: 34

Scripta Leonis, pp. 164–67 (p. 166); ‘et post predicationem cantarent laudes Domini tanquam ioculatores Domini’. See also Wilson, Music and Merchants, p. 27. 35 Scripta Leonis, pp. 164–65; ‘Et ait illis: “Ergo me oportet multum gaudere amodo in infirmitatibus meis et tribulationibus et in Domino confortari et gratias semper agere Deo Patri et unico Filio eius Domino nostro Iesu Christo et Spiritui Sancto de tanta michi facta gratia et benedictione, quod scilicet uiuentem adhuc in carne per misericordiam suam de regno me seruulum suum indignum dignatus est certificare. Vnde uolo ad laudem eius et ad nostram consolationem et ad hedificationem proximi facere nouam laudem Domini de suis creaturis, quibus cotidie utimur et sine quibus uiuere non possumus et in quibus humanum genus multum offendit Creatorem, et cotidie sumus ingrati tante gratie, quia inde nostrum Creatorem et datorem omnium bonorum sicut deberemus non laudamus.” Et sedens cepit meditari et postea dicere: “Altissimo, omnipotente, bon Segnore”.’ 36 Scripta Leonis, pp. 130–31; ‘Nam beatus Franciscus in sua infirmitate fecerat quasdam Laudes Domini, quas suos socios ad laudem Domini et pro consolatione anime sue ac etiam ad hedificationem proximi aliquando dicere faciebat.’

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Chapter 1 When therefore he had rested for a few days in a place he greatly longed to be in and realized that the time of his death was at hand, he called to him two of his brothers and spiritual sons and commanded them to sing in a loud voice with joy of spirit the Praises of the Lord over his approaching death, or rather, over the life that was so near.37

In Thomas’ second Life, written in 1247 and influenced by the writings of Leo, Rufus, and Angelo,38 what seems to be a clear reference to Francis’ song of praise is found: Laudes de creaturis (Praises of Creatures).39 There seems to be no reasonable doubt about the authorship of Francis of Assisi to the Canticle of Brother Sun, the song of praise transmitted with the opening lines ‘Altissimu onnipotente bon signore, tue so le laude la gloria e l’honore et onne benedictione’ (‘Highest, almighty good Lord, praises, glory, and honour, and every blessing are due to you’).40 There is no doubt, either, that the Franciscans already in 1228 had strong impressions of the importance of singing praises to the Lord. Whether or not it makes sense to say that Francis’ own — and only — contribution to such singing in the vernacular is a lauda or not is a matter of how a genre of lauda is defined. Altogether, there is a clear continuity between the intention and — as it seems at least to some extent — the early practice of such songs of praise in the vernacular in spite of the various contexts for such singing: among the com37 Tommaso da Celano, Vita Prima S. Francisci, trans. by Placid Hermann in Saint Francis of Assisi: First and Second Life of St. Francis, With Selections from Treatise on the Miracles of Blessed Francis, trans., with an introd., by Placid Hermann (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1988), pp. 1–131 (p. 99); ‘Cum igitur in loco sibi valde desiderato paucis quievisset diebus, et cognosceret tempus propinquae mortis instare, vocavit ad se duos fratres et suos filios speciales, praecipiens eis de morte propinqua, immo de vita sic proxima, in exsultatione spiritu, alta voce Laudes Domino decantare’: Analecta Franciscana sive chronica aliaque varia documenta ad historiam Fratrum Minorum spectantia, 10 vols (Ad Aquas Claras (Quaracchi): Editiones Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1885–1941), x (1926–41), 1–126 (p. 85). Both the translator and the modern editors of the text claim this as a reference to the Canticle of Brother Sun, see Saint Francis of Assisi, p. 355 (n. 107) and Analecta Franciscana, x, 85 (n. 4). Earlier parts of the First Life do not provide any clear reference to this particular song either. 38 Rosalind B. Brooke, ‘Introduction’, in Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli, Sociorum S. Francisci, ed. and trans. by Rosalind B. Brooke, Oxford Medieval Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970; repr. with corr. 1990), pp. 3–78 (p. 3). 39 Tommaso da Celano, Vita Secunda S. Francisci, trans. by Placid Hermann in Saint Francis of Assisi, pp. 133–327 (p. 308); Analecta Franciscana, x, 129–260 (p. 253). 40 See Die Opuscula des Hl. Franziskus von Assisi, ed. by Kajetan Esser, Spicilegium Bonaventurianum, 13, 2nd edn, rev. by Engelbert Grau (Grottaferrata: Editiones Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1989), pp. 122 and 125. The text of the song is edited on pp. 128–29.

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panions of Francis, in the religious revivals in the mid-thirteenth century (with different theological emphases) and, finally, in the institutionalized context of devotional confraternities, laudesi as well as disciplinati. Devotional singing in the vernacular seems, however, to have roots even further back in time.41 The earliest preserved Latin Passion Play, the so-called Montecassino Passion Play — dated to the twelfth century — is only known from one fragmented manuscript which breaks off during a lament of the Virgin — in Italian — at the cross: Te portai nillu meu ventre Quando te beio [mo]ro presente Nillu teu regnu agi me ammente I bore you for nine months in my womb, when I see you I presently will die, in your kingdom, remember me.42

There is no music notation in the manuscript but extrapolating from the later Passion Play traditions and since the quoted lines stand out as the only vernacular in the (preserved part of ) the manuscript, it seems reasonable to assume that the lament of the Virgin was sung. According to Peter Dronke, also the Ludus de passione, the First Passion Play from the Carmina Burana goes back to c. 1180 although it was not copied into the manuscript until about 50 years later. This contains numerous sung laments of the Virgin in the German vernacular.43 After this brief and sketchy historical excursion to the early history or prehistory of the lauda, we shall again turn our attention to the late fifteenth century and the two milieus with which we started: Lorenzo de’ Medici and Girolamo Savonarola. Anti-poles and similar overlaps between their outlooks will be met with again and again, all through the materials with which we shall be concerned in this book. These two connected milieus — as claimed in the initial presentation of two lauda texts by these main figures — were also radically different in practices and in their view on cultural practices. 41

See also Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, p. 3, n. 5. Ed. (from a somewhat defective text) and trans. by Sandro Sticca in Sandro Sticca, The Latin Passion Play: Its Origins and Development (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1970), pp. 78 and 65, respectively. The edition of the play (pp. 66–78), is a reprint from an earlier 1939 edition. See also Sandro Sticca, ‘Italian Theater of the Middle Ages: From the Quem Quaeritis to the lauda’, Forum Italicum, 14 (1980), 275–310, (p. 294– 95); and Lynette R. Muir, The Biblical Drama of Medieval Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 31. 43 Peter Dronke, Nine Medieval Latin Plays (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 185; the Ludus de passione is edited (without its music notation) pp. 198–235. 42

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Lorenzo de’ Medici’s Rappresentazione di S. Giovanni e Paolo In 1490–91, Lorenzo wrote the text for a so-called sacra rappresentazione, a religious play for the youth confraternity San Giovanni Evangelista, one of the four first youth confraternities which had been established in Florence during the first half of the fifteenth century.44 The establishing of special laudesi confraternities for the religious upbringing of young boys — aged approximately 13–2445 — had the purpose, in the words of Richard Trexler, to ‘remove the boys from the chaos and spontaneity of the street, and to provide a leisure-time activity under competent direction which would aid the formation of a pious character’.46 The youth confraternities in general and their special traditions for performing music and drama, and especially the oldest and (therefore) most prestigious throughout the following centuries, the Compagnia dell’arcangelo Raffaello, will be subject to detailed discussions in later chapters of this book, especially chapters four and six. The San Giovanni Evangelista, founded in 1427, had a particularly close relationship to the Medici family; two of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s sons, Giovanni (born 1475), who in 1513 became Pope Leo X, and Giuliano (born 1479), later Duke of Nemour, were members of the Vangelista. The twelve year old Giuliano is known to have functioned as the producer of his father’s play and the feast during Carnival 1491 at which the play was performed, and as Konrad Eisenbichler has argued, this was not just a nominal attribution. Doubtless, Lorenzo’s contribution to the confraternity was meant to increase the prestige of his son and of the Medici family and in such a way had at least indirect political significance in addition to the political dimensions of the play itself.47 44

For the establishing of the first youth confraternities in Florence, see Konrad Eisenbichler, The Boys of the Archangel Raphael: A Youth Confraternity in Florence, 1411–1785 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), pp. 26–30. 45 Concerning the terminology of age groups and the (changing) age delimitations for members of youth confraternities, see Eisenbichler, The Boys, 18–22 and 117–18. 46 The foundational study of the religious and cultural background for establishing youth confraternities is Richard C. Trexler, ‘Ritual in Florence: Adolescence and Salvation in the Renaissance’, in The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, ed. by Charles Trinkaus and Heiko A. Oberman (Leiden: Brill, 1974), pp. 200–64, (p. 210). See also Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 3–22. 47 See Konrad Eisenbichler, ‘Confraternities and Carnival: The Context of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s Rappresentazione di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’, in Medieval Drama on the Continent of Europe, ed. by Clifford Davidson and John H. Stroupe (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, 1993), pp. 128–39, and Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 27 and 46–49. See further — also concerning Lorenzo more generally — Richard C. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1980),

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The play tells a complex story, set in the fourth century, in which the legend of the saints Giovanni and Paolo, two Roman officers executed by the Emperor Julian the Apostate, is intertwined with other — not particularly historical — narratives (to a high extent dependent on the thirteenth-century Golden Legend ).48 The play brings both religious and political statements which in the context of a spectacular event in the confraternity — with prominent guests as emphasized by Eisenbichler — shed light on Lorenzo’s ideas on the Christian ruler as well as on general religious values. Such statements were well placed in a context of a performance at a spectacular event in the confraternity with prominent guests, as emphasized by Eisenbichler. Later, Machiavelli quoted Lorenzo’s rappresentazione with approval.49 One rubric in the play indicates that a stanza was sung (as a terzetto for three female figures, all — as indicated in the prologue — performed by boys).50 Very likely, music played a large role in the play with instrumental interludes composed by Heinrich Isaac.51 The play contains many formulations which — not surprisingly — demonstrate its laudesi context. The stanza mentioned to have been sung, for instance, shows its closeness to the devotional milieu for which lauda texts were written in expressions such as ‘a te sia laude’ (‘to you are praises due’) and ‘l’amor, che questi dolci prieghi getta’ (the love which these sweet prayers cause’), and ‘delle Vergine già t’innamorasti: ricevi, o Sposo nostro, i petti casti’ (‘As you have chosen the Virgin in love, receive, oh our bridegroom, these chaste hearts’) show: A te sia laude, o carità perfetta, che hai pien di caritate il nostro cuore; l’amor che questi dolci prieghi getta, pervenga ai tuoi orecchi, o pio Signore; questi tre corpi verginali accetta, e gli conserva sempre nel tuo amore; pp. 429–62 (esp. 452). See also discussions of the use of religious music and plays during the Carnival season in the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, as a counterbalance to the licentiousness of the season, pp. 98 and 160 below. 48 See the summaries and comments in Eisenbichler, ‘Confraternities and Carnival’, pp. 128–29, and Lorenzo de’ Medici, Selected Writings, ed. by Corinna Salvadori, with an English verse trans. of the Rappresentazione di San Giovanni e Paolo by the editor (Dublin: Belfast Italian Library, 1992), pp. 1–80 (pp. 68–73). 49 Salvadori, ‘Introduction’, pp. 71–72. 50 Rubric before line 457 (to be sung by Costanza, Artemia, and Attica: ‘cantano tutte tre insieme’ (‘all three sing together’), Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rappresentazione Di S. Giovanni e Paolo, ed. by Federico Doglio (Rome: Coletti, 1987). Another edition with an English verse translation is given in Lorenzo de’ Medici, Selected Writings, pp. 159–243. For the prologue, see stanza 3, Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rappresentazione Di S. Giovanni e Paolo, p. 41. 51 Salvadori, ‘Introduction’, pp. 68–69. For Isaac, see also above, p. 15.

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Chapter 1 della Vergine già t’innamorasti, ricevi, o Sposo nostro, ei petti casti.52 To you are praises due, oh perfect Love, That you have filled our hearts with charity. May the love which these sweet prayers cause reach your ears, oh pious Lord. Accept these three chaste bodies and preserve them always in your love. As you have chosen the Virgin in love, receive, oh our bridegroom, these chaste hearts.

Lorenzo’s ideals for the ruler are expressed in the following lines written as a part of Emperor Constantine’s farewell speech as he — in the play — leaves his empire to his sons: Sappiate che chi vuole il popol reggere, Debbe pensare al bene universale; E chi vuole altri da li error correggere, Sforzisi prima lui di non far male. Però conviensi giusta vita eleggere, Perché lo esemplo al popol molto vale: E quel che fa lui sol, fanno poi molti; E nel signor son tutti gli occhi volti.53 You should know that he who wants to rule the people must think about the universal good; and he who wishes to correct others of their errors, must first make an effort not to do wrong himself. However, it befits him to choose a just life because the example is much worth to the people: and the things he does have great consequences; and all eyes are turned toward the master.

Before they are martyred, Giovanni and Paolo say (sing?) together: O Gesù dolce, misericordioso, che insanguinasti il sacro e santo legno del tuo sangue innocente e prezioso, per purgar l’uomo e farlo del Ciel degno: volgi gli occhi a due giovani, pietoso, che speran rivederti nel tuo Regno: sangue spargesti e sangue ti rendiamo; ricevilo, ché lieti te lo diamo.54 Oh sweet Jesus, merciful, you who shed your innocent and precious blood on the sacred and holy wood to purge man and make him worthy of Heaven: you who are merciful, turn your eyes to the two youths hoping to see you again in your kingdom: you shed your blood and we give blood back to you. Receive that which we gladly give to you. 52

Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rappresentazione Di S. Giovanni e Paolo, p. 59, lines 457–64. Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rappresentazione Di S. Giovanni e Paolo, p. 71, lines 785–92. 54 Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rappresentazione Di S. Giovanni e Paolo, p. 82, lines 1049–56. The rubric before these lines says ‘insieme dicono’ (they say together), i.e. possibly chanting or singing. 53

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The political and educational ideas reflected in these texts remind of general Humanist ideas of education in the fifteenth century. Lorenzo’s play represents an integration of religious ideas within a broad cultural and political agenda which made it perfectly legitimate and even desirable for Lorenzo to write spiritual laude as the O maligno e duro core as well as dramatic texts like the Rappresentazione di S. Giovanni e Paolo. Both kinds of texts have their place within a worldview which in its broad cultural, religious, and political outlook synthesizes medieval piety, the new (Renaissance) cultural breadth and political, worldly ambition. A combination of religious ideas with broad cultural and political aims can certainly also be detected in Savonarola’s thought; however, for Savonarola the statement should rather be turned the other way around: political and cultural aims were integrated into his austere religious views.

Savonarola and the lauda In spite of the resemblances between the two laude by Lorenzo de’ Medici and Girolamo Savonarola, discussed at the beginning of this chapter, it is not surprising to emphasize that these two figures belonged to completely different worlds within the Florentine society. Savonarola with his radical puritan criticism of material wealth and worldly habits apparently had a tense relationship to the wealthy and powerful Lorenzo de’ Medici although it was Lorenzo who had called him (back) to Florence in 1490, advised to do so by the philosopher Giovanni Pico della Mirandola who admired Savonarola (although the Renaissance Humanist Pico also seems to have belonged to a rather different world than Savonarola).55 Patrick Macey has made it clear how even musical polyphony was drawn into Savonarola’s critical statements — and condemned — in his sermons at the time when he in practice was the leader of Florence — after his negotiations with the French king Charles VIII in the fall of 1494 in order to convince him to spare Florence from his troops. Although Savonarola considered the French to carry out God’s will in Italy so that the church could be reformed, his success in saving Florence from the threat of the troops earned him much popular respect as a leader, also in a more political sense, whereas Lorenzo’s son and successor Piero de’ Medici, had not managed the situation well in the eyes of the Florentines. Piero had to flee Florence while Savonarola came to govern Florence as a prophet through his preaching but also through his supporters, the so-called piagnoni (the weepers). 55

See for instance Konrad Eisenbichler’s ‘Introduction’ in Savonarola, A Guide, pp. 1–25 (p. 5).

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The years under Savonarolan rule are difficult to assess briefly and fairly; Savonarola was concerned with obtaining better conditions for the poor, but his — to a high extent justified — criticism of wealth and luxury also turned into intolerance morally as well as in cultural questions as for instance music. Savonarola and his followers also organized young boys to help purge the city of all worldliness.56 As is well-known, both the Papacy (Pope Alexander VI was heavily attacked by Savonarola) and leading citizens in Florence wanted to get rid of the friar. The pope excommunicated Savonarola in May 1497, and in May 1498 Savonarola and two of his closest followers were executed. However, the spiritual — and even musical — influence of Savonarola — and the piagnoni — was not completely over.57 For the music, something to which we shall return in the following chapters, the legacy of the Savonarolan lauda became very important for the later history of the lauda, especially during the sixteenth century, as it has been demonstrated not the least by Patrick Macey in his Bonfire Songs. In this chapter, we shall only take a brief look at Savonarola and his views on music and its role in the reforms which he advocated for the church.58 A brief quotation from a sermon held on 1 November, All Saints, 1494 — right before his successful negotiations with King Charles — will serve as a reminder of the general tone of penance in Savonarola’s preaching: Most people seek their damnation and so the majority will go to Hell, for in mankind one sees many more sins than merits or good works. Yet, thanks to God’s mercy, which is very great, some people will be saved. Nor should one marvel at the small number that will be saved because, considering how low mankind is, it is still a great thing that God should raise it to such glory; one sees few people do penance, and if some do it, most of the time it is little, and also it is often not true penance, but many times it is simulated. Therefore, anyone who seeks his bliss must force himself to do true penance in this life, and I never stop crying out: Poenitentiam agite! Do penance, for the kingdom of Heaven will draw near in you. And I have called everyone to enter into 56

See Trexler, Public Life, pp. 474–82. Also Macey, Bonfire Songs, pp. 11–31. For an account of the general Savonarolan movement during the half century after Savonarola’s execution, see Lorenzo Polizzotto, The Elect Nation: The Savonarolan Movement in Florence 1494–1545 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994). 58 For a thorough discussion of the musical aspects, see Macey, Bonfire Songs, pp. 91–117. 57

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the ark, and in previous sermons I have said what the signs are that distinguish those who have made true penance.59

In the same sermon, Savonarola also speaks about condemnable musical practices: Oh priests, oh prelates of the Church of Christ, leave those benefices you cannot in justice keep, leave your ostentation, your banquets and dinners that you hold so splendidly. Leave, I say, your concubines and kept boys, for it is time, I say, to do penance, for the great tribulations by which God wants to fix His Church are coming towards us. Say your masses with devotion, otherwise, if you do not want to understand what God wants, in the end you will lose your benefices and your life. Oh monks, leave what is superfluous in habit, in silver, and in the great fat of your abbeys and benefices, give yourselves to simplicity and work with your hands, as the ancient monks, who are your fathers and ancestors, did, otherwise, if you do not do it willingly, the time will come when you will be forced to do it. Oh nuns, you, too, leave aside all that is superfluous, leave that simony of yours when you accept the nuns that come to stay in your monasteries, leave all the display and ostentation you use when your nuns take their vows, leave your figured melodies, and instead weep, I say, for your flaws and your errors, because I tell you that the time is quickly coming for weeping, and not for singing and merry making, for God will punish you if you do not change your life and your habits.60 59 Savonarola, Sermon i on Haggai (1 November 1494); trans. by Konrad Eisenbichler in Savonarola, A Guide, pp. 81–97 (p. 82); ‘La maggior parte cercano la loro dannazione, e però e’ più anderanno nell’Inferno, perchè molti più sono e’ peccati che si veggano nelli uomini che non sono e’ meriti e le buone operazioni. Ma per la misericordia di Dio, che è tanta grande, parte dell’uomini pur si salveranno. Nè è da maravigliarsi del poco numero de’ salvati, perchè, considerata la bassezza dell’uomo, è pur gran cosa che Dio lo rilievi a tanta gloria; pochi si veggono che faccino penitenzia, e se alcuni la fanno, è poca el più delle volte, ed etiam spesso non è vera penitenzia, ma molte volte simulata; pertanto, ognuno che vuole cercare la sua beatitudine si debbe sforzare di fare vera penitenzia in questa vita, e io non resto di esclamare: Agite poenitentiam! Fate penitenzia, che in voi s’appropinquerà el regno de’ Cieli; e io ho chiamato ognuno che entri nell’arca, e nelli sermoni precedenti ho detto e’ segni che hanno coloro che hanno fatto vera penitenzia’: ‘Predica i’, in Girolamo Savonarola, Prediche sopra Aggeo con il Trattato circa il reggimento e governo della Città di Firenze, ed. by Luigi Firpo (Rome: Angelo Belardetti, 1965), pp. 1–23 (pp. 2–3). Note that Savonarola’s sermons were written down after having been held. The sermons of Spring 1495 and onwards were transmitted by a contemporary follower of Savonarola, Lorenzo Violi, whereas the sermons on Haggai are preserved in an anonymous source which came to light as late as 1544; see Luigi Firpo, ‘Nota critica’ in Savonarola, Prediche sopra Aggeo, pp. 491–527 (pp. 494–96). 60 Trans. by Eisenbichler in Savonarola, A Guide, pp. 93–94; ‘O preti, o prelati della Chiesa di Cristo, lasciate e’ beneficii, e’ quali giustamente non potere tenere, lasciate le vostre pompe, e’ vostri conviti e desinari, e’ quali fate tanto splendidamente. Lasciate, dico, le vostre concubine e li cinedi, chè gli è tempo, dico, da far penitenzia, chè ne vengono le gran tribulazioni, per le quali Dio vuole racconciare la sua Chiesa; dite le vostre messe con devozione, altrimenti, se voi non vorrete intendere quel che vuole Dio, voi al fine

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The condemnation of music, as it is evident here, is one among a number of condemnations of what is understood as a kind of luxury. Savonarola is prophesying that God wants to reform the church. However, it is significant that the word he uses in the quoted sermon is ‘racconciare’ ‘repairing’ the church. The problem is not one of theology as much as one of honesty and purity of devotion, of agreement between claims of holiness and actual practice. The condemnation of figural music seems primarily to be directed against the (purported) lack of sincerity behind the practice of such music. In the quoted sermon the criticism is made in a context of condemnations of hypocrisy in convent practices. There can be found general statements about figural music too, as Patrick Macey has documented, but even they seem first of all to regard what Savonarola claimed as the intention behind them: priestly or monastic vanity: And you ought first of all to make sure that worship in your city be holy and good and leave behind what is superfluous and the figured songs which are full of wantonness, and that all things should be [done] with simplicity and devotion, and have holy preachers and holy monks and leave those who do not follow God’s way.61

In a sermon on 19 May 1495, Savonarola gave a kind of summarizing statement of what to avoid: Flee the artificial things which are those of wealth. You see that today one makes figures in churches with so much artifice, so much embellished and stretched out, that they will spoil God’s light and the true contemplation, and that one will not think about God but only about the elaborateness of the figures. It is the same for the figured songs and the organs. But it is necessary for you to have simplicity and

perderete e’ benefici e la vita. O monachi, lasciate le superfluità e delle veste e delli argenti e di tanta grassezza delle vostre badie e beneficii, datevi alla simplicità e lavorate con le mani vostre, come facevano gli antichi monaci vostri padri e vostri antecessori, altrimenti, se non lo farete volentieri, verrà tempo che lo farete per forza. O monache, lasciate ancora voi le vostre superfluità, lasciate le vostre simonie quando accettate le monache che venghino a star ne’ vostri monasteri, lasciate tanti apparati e tante pompe quando si sagrano le vostre monache, lasciate e’ canti figurati, piagnete, dico, più presto e’ vostri difetti e vostri errori, perchè vi dico ch’el viene più presto tempo da piagnere che da cantare e da far feste, perchè Dio vi punirà, se non mutate vita e costumi’: Savonarola, Prediche sopra Aggeo, pp. 18–19. See also, Macey, Bonfire Songs, p. 95, quoting the part of the statement directly regarding the canti figurati. 61 Savonarola, Sermon xxiii on Haggai (28 December 1494); ‘E però tu doveresti in prima provedere che nella città tua fusse santo e buono el culto divino e levar via le superfluità e li canti figurati, che sono pieni di lascivia, e che ogni cosa fusse con semplicità e devozione, e avere santi predicatori e santi religiosi, e lasciare questi, che non sono per la via di Dio’: ‘Predica xxiii’, in Savonarola, Prediche sopra Aggeo, pp. 409–28 (p. 417). See also Macey, Bonfire Songs, pp. 93–94 (and n. 9).

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not so many artificial things, and to remain strong only in the contemplation of God.62

As Macey has also made it clear, and as the last quotation hints at, all this did not mean that Savonarola was against music as such. On the contrary, he was very much in favour of the singing of hymns and laude and traditional monophonic chants.63 There are references to the singing of ‘simple’ devotional songs in his sermons; most often, however, it is not easy to specify the genre, not surprisingly, since the artificiality necessarily involved in defining genres was precisely the aspect in which he was not interested (except if he wanted to condemn a practice). The ‘laude were made and the Divine Office in the Church so that God would always be praised’.64 In a sermon held on 15 March 1498, only two months before his execution, Savonarola compared small sparrows — thus a natural phenomenon — to a contemplative person: The little sparrow is a small bird. In the same way, the contemplative and just man is humble. The small sparrow always sings: The just man always sings divine praises; the feathers of the small sparrow have the colour of ashes; that is, the just man considers that he is dust and ashes.65

A little later in the same sermon, he says: Those who serve Christ are people who are joyful and remain happy, singing: ecce quam bonum et quam iocundum habitare fratres in unum (‘Behold how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity’).66 62 Savonarola, Sermon xii on the Psalms; ‘Fuggi le cose artificiali, come sono le ricchezze. Vedi che oggi si fa le figure nelle chiese con tanto artificio, e tanto ornate e tirate, che guastono il lume di Dio e la vera contemplazione, e non si considera Iddio ma solo l’artificio che è nelle figure. Questo medesimo fanno e’ canti figurati e li organi. Però bisogna darvi alla simplicità e non a tante cose artificiali, e stare forti nella sola contemplazione d’Iddio’: ‘Predica xii’ in Girolamo Savonarola, Prediche sopra i Salmi, ed. by Vincenzo Romano, 2 vols (Rome: Belardetti, 1969–74), i, 186–200 (p. 189). 63 Macey, Bonfire Songs, p. 98. 64 Savonarola, Sermon vii on Haggai (30 November 1494); ‘acciò che Dio sia sempre laudato, sono poste le laude e gli officii divini nella Chiesa’: ‘Predica vii, in ’Savonarola, Prediche sopra Aggeo, pp. 105–22 (p. 115). 65 Savonarola, Sermon xix on the Book of Exodus; ‘El passerino è animale piccolo. Così l’uomo contemplativo e iusto è umile. El passerino sempre canta: lo uomo iusto dice sempre laude divine; el passerino ha le penne di colore di cenere, idest l’uomo iusto considera che egli è polvere e cenere’: ‘Predica xix’, in Girolamo Savonarola, Prediche sopra l’Esodo, ed. by Pier Giorgio Ricci, 2 vols (Rome: Belardetti, 1955–56), ii, 200–25 (p. 211). 66 ‘Li servi di Cristo sono quegli che godono e stanno allegri, cantando: ecce quam bonum et quam iocundum habitare fratres in unum’: Savonarola, Prediche sopra l’Esodo, ii, 213.

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The ecce quam bonum et quam iocundum habitare fratres in unum (Ps. 132. 1) was enormously important for Savonarola and the piagnoni. Savonarola quoted the verse with increasing frequency in his last sermons and seems to almost have identified his movement with this song — for which several melodies are preserved.67 In his sermon on 11 February 1498, he used this song symbolically to convince his audience that Christ was on his side and not on the side of the pope, here directly confronting the issue of his excommunication: I say, which side do you want to dwell with, Christ? With the excommunicated or with the blessed? He answers: ‘These people always sing Behold, how good and how joyful it is for brothers to live as one, and they are always joyful; but these other people are always unhappy, their hearts are angry, they have no truth whatsoever. Therefore I want to dwell with the excommunicated.’68

The Savonarolan laude as transmitted in the sixteenth century — to a large extent through the Dominican friar Serafino Razzi to whom we shall return in the following chapter — was polyphonic albeit simple (largely homophonic). The question whether the practice that Savonarola himself condoned was monophonic or whether he also accepted simple homophony remains open. Certainly, the fanciulli of Savonarola were not the boys from the youth confraternities which, as we shall see later, favoured artificiality and devotion.69 The laude of Savonarola’s fanciulli would primarily seem likely to have been simple monophonic songs.70

The Ritual Contexts In the various sections of this chapter, the social and ritual context for the singing of laude has been different: the preaching of St Francis and his com67

Macey, Bonfire Songs, pp. 23–28. Savonarola, Sermon 1 on the Book of Exodus, trans. by Eisenbichler in Savonarola, A Guide, pp. 149–76 (p. 175); ‘Da chi vuoi tu, dico, stare, Cristo: dalli scomunicati o da’ benedetti? Risponde: — questi cantano sempre ecce quam bonum et quam iocundum habitare fratres in unum, e stanno sempre iocundi: ma questi altri sono sempre malcontenti, sono inquieti di core, non hanno verità nessuna. Voglio adunque stare con li scomunicati’: Savonarola, Prediche sopra l’Esodo, i, 3–36 (p. 35). Cf. also an earlier passage in the same sermon (trans. pp. 152–53; edn p. 7), mentioning that his group ‘went on processions, said many prayers, sang many songs, we were jubilant and fervent and sang: “Behold, how good”’ (‘abbiamo fatto processioni, orazioni assai, iubili e canti e fervori, cantando: ecce quam bonum’). 69 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 39–40 and 49–53. 70 Macey, Bonfire Songs, p. 98. 68

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panions as well as of the Hallelujah revival of 1233, and the penitential movement in 1260 all belong in a public popular context: calling mankind to faith, to praise of God and to penance. However, the institutional context of the confraternities is fundamentally different. Here we have ceremonies for a more or less well-defined but usually fairly open) membership. They appear to have been modelled on the Divine Office of the church, only — as it seems — with more focus on singing in the vernacular and — especially in the context of the disciplinati — on private devotional practices for which we have few specific sources; those extant, however, show ceremonies where the discipline is taken — often in the dark — while laude and Latin hymns are sung and elements from traditional church offices form the building blocks.71 Cyrilla Barr documents a flagellant ceremony from the fifteenth century in Florence consisting of Latin hymns, the distribution of whips after which the lights are extinguished and the discipline taken during ‘the space of five Our Fathers and Hail Marys’. Then follows a ‘lauda of the Passion’ – sung solo by one appointed brother. The spiritual leader ‘the correctore says a prayer for the Holy Church and for the city’ as well as for the deceased of the company. The Virgin is greeted and all are vested again, the lights are lit and the Nicene Creed is recited by two brothers in Latin — kneeling from et homo factus est until the resurrexit tertia die.72 Blake Wilson has documented how the laude were part of devotional ceremonies which often took place in front of devotional images — and relics associated with a patron saint — at an altar in the host church, i.e. the church of the mendicant house with which a laudesi confraternity would normally be affiliated. Among such churches, the major mendicant churches in Florence were prominent, for instance the Santa Croce and the Santa Maria Novella.73 The services of the laudesi confraternities were not meant to replace church ceremonies but rather to supplement them. The basic ethos of the confraternity was — as expressed by Blake Wilson — to invite the urban population into ‘a more active role in the process of salvation, such as previously had been the domain of an ordained clergy acting for the vicarious benefit of the laity.’74 Finally, in the context of Lorenzo de’ Medici and Girolamo Savonarola we have somewhat new social — and ritual — contexts again. The youth confraternities were laudesi confraternities and did conduct ceremonies in a traditional laudesi context. But they also promoted special assemblies and put an empha71

Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, pp. 131–50. Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, pp. 137–38. 73 Wilson, Music and Merchants, pp. pp. 183–211. 74 Wilson, Music and Merchants, p. 17. 72

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sis on performative spiritual entertainment, like the event at which Lorenzo de’ Medici’s Rappresentazione was performed. And the penitential devotional atmosphere surrounding the piagnoni and the fanciulli of Savonarola and their public processions may have displayed yet another type of ceremonial, or rather public religious-political demonstrations. In many cases, we do not know the specifics well enough to enter into any real analysis of the ritual context. However, it seems possible to state that in all these radically different contexts the singing of laude always functioned as an expression of religious fervour and as a bridge between a traditional account of Christianity and a broad group of people — broad in the sense that it did not define itself narrowly by way of particular societal or religious divisions but was meant for ‘anyone’ to be able to participate in. The lauda seems to have had as a broad ritual function — the word used in accordance with the discussion in the introduction — a kind of practical contract, in the sense that an order or a communal action was carried out with the intention to effect some change in the individual, reinforcing religious belief thereby effecting salvation, holiness, possibly through penance or praising or both. The acceptance and the realization of the various acts — in the context of which the lauda singing took place — and their spiritual contents in such situations are one and the same. In this way, the lauda definitely belongs to a continuity of ritual contexts all through the many and rather marked changes of its practices during the three hundred years under consideration in this chapter. The ritual contexts are different in many practical and even theoretical ways partly in practical and social circumstances, partly in regard to the spiritual contents of the preaching involved which would emphasize different aspects at different times and situations, sometimes even incompatible aspects as it seems likely to have been between the youth confraternities and the Savonarolan movement at the end of the fifteenth century. Even so, all these contexts belonged to a Christian tradition which favoured active religious participation and responsibility on the part of the lay members of the movements. Thus, it does seem possible to claim that the practice of lauda singing did indeed have even a theological continuity from the early thirteenth to the end of the fifteenth century — and much longer, as we shall see in the following chapters.

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he preface to the collection Lodi e canzoni spirituali per cantar insieme con la Dottrina Christiana, published by the Societas Nominis Jesu in Milano in 1576, presents a veritable catalogue of the benefits of singing. It starts with some observations of a purely didactic character, which demonstrate considerable understanding of the practicalities of teaching: singing aids memory and learning, even for those who can barely speak; it is more fun for children and averts distractions; singing together saves time, compared to having everyone reading separately; and should the children sing the songs outside the classroom too, those not present will also hear them. The text then proceeds through effects of an increasingly general nature: first the moral benefits of avoiding bad songs; then a comparison with the eternal praise of the canonical hours of the Church; finally ending with a reference to angelic song: Jesus. These laude that are printed here, as if outside the Dottrina, serve for the children to sing: in the beginning or the middle, as well as in the end; how much and in what way is decided by the person in charge of teaching the Dottrina. For the singing of the Dottrina and the spiritual laude in two choirs is useful for many reasons. First, to learn by heart with greater facility, as experience has made clear. Second, so that the children will remain more happily at the dottrina at the times when they are invited to the games and feasts. Third, so that those who can barely speak learn through song that which they will not learn as quickly without song. Fourth, to teach the Doctrine with less effort. For singing, for instance, the Credo, everyone says it, and voluntarily, but if everybody was listened to one by one, this would take considerable time and effort, since they are many. Fifth, to avoid bad songs, which the kids and the adults tend to sing whenever they meet, because they know no other songs. Sixth, to allow those who hear it without coming to the dottrina to learn it as well. Seventh, so that the children may know how to sing with as simple melodies as possible, wherever they are and want to [sing them], be they the dottrina or praises to God our Lord.

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Chapter 2 Eighth, to imitate the customs of the Roman-Catholic Church, which sings night and day in the canonical hours. And lastly, to imitate the angels in heaven, who continuously sing, ‘Holy, holy, holy’ to the Lord God, who alone is worthy of praise and glory and honour — he who, when he entered into Jerusalem said to the Jews who reproached the children who sang ‘Osanna, David’s son’ etc. that if the children ceased to praise him, the stones would praise him.1

These are all commonplaces in the descriptions that are found of lauda singing in the prefaces to the numerous editions from the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. In this chapter, we will discuss these texts and the commonplaces they present and represent in more detail. The notion around which most of the comments in the prefaces turn is the question of the simplicity of the songs. Simplicity is virtually a genre-specific trait and as such is not disputed by anyone. However, there is also an awareness that this simplicity makes the lauda in some respects inferior to higher-status genres, such as the madrigal and other secular song forms. Hence, a topos commonly reflected in the prefaces is the argumentation for the intrinsic value of simplicity. The topos of simplicity is most immediately related to the main contexts for use of the laude: (1) for didactic purposes among children, and (2) in lay 1

Lodi e canzoni spirituali per cantar insieme con la Dottrina Christiana (Milan: Pontio, 1576); ‘Iesus. Queste lodi poste qui, come fuori della dottrina, servono per cantare alli putti: così nel principio, o nel mezzo, come in fine: quanto, et come giudicherà necessario quello ch’insegna la dottrina. Imperoché il cantare la dottrina, et le lodi spirituali a duoi cori è utile per più ragioni. Prima, per imparare con più facilità a mente, come l’isperienza gia l’hà fatto chiaro. Seconda, per far che i putti stiano più allegramente alla dottrina, nel tempo, che sono invitati alli giuochi, come le feste. Terza, acciò quelli ch’appena possono parlare l’imparino per mezzo del canto. Il che non impareriano sì presto senza canto. Quarta, per insegnarla con manco fatica. Percioché cantando, verbigratia il Credo tutti lo dicono, et volontieri, ma ascoltandolo a uno, a uno come sono molti, si spenderà molto tempo e fatica. Quinta, per evitar li cattivi canti, che sogliono cantare dovunque si trovano li putti, et grandi, per non sapere altri canti. Sesta, per fare che quelli, che sentono, e non vengono alla dottrina l’imparino. Settima, acciò gli putti sappino cantare con quell’aere più facile che si potrà, dovunque saranno, et vorranno, overo la dottrina, overo lode a Dio nostro Signore. Ottava, per imitare l’uso della Chiesa romana cattolica, che canta la notte, et il giorno le hore canoniche. Et ultima, per imitare gl’angioli nel cielo, che continuamente cantano santo, santo, santo, a il Signor Iddio, il quale solo è degno di lode, e gloria, et honore: il quale disse intrando in Hierusale[m]me a gli giudei, che reprendevano gli figliuoli, quali cantando dicevano: Osanna filii David etc. che se gli figliuoli cessavano di lodarlo, le pietre lo lodariano.’ Quoted from Giancarlo Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale tra cinque e seicento: Poesie e canti devozionali nell’Italia della controriforma, ed. by Giuseppe Filippi and others (Rome: IBIMUS, 2001), pp. 318–19. The passage is an elaboration of a briefer passage in Giacomo Ledesma’s preface to his Dottrina cristiana; see p. 57 below.

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devotional ceremonies among common people, where the complexity of the more advanced genres may well have been appreciated but would also have been a hindrance to participation in the ceremonies. One corollary to the didactic striving is (3) the emphasis on strengthening the morals: having access to good songs will alleviate the pressure on children from all kinds of worldly pleasures. In some texts, this is taken one step further: (4) simplicity is not only a means of reinforcing morals — it is inherently good and moral. There are also hints at (5) a theological discourse about simplicity, as well as (6) brief references to the more advanced music theoretical topics of the harmony of the spheres and the eternal, heavenly praise. Thus, the notions that come to expression concerning the singing of laude form a continuous spectrum of ideas, ranging from the most practical considerations to more esoteric ones. At this end of the spectrum, there are links to general musical aesthetic questions; at the other, there are frequent references to the ritual practices of the church. We have therefore found it useful to treat the short statements in these prefaces as a unified whole without making strong distinctions between the various texts. This does not mean that there are not differences between them: Serafino Razzi plays the part of the traditionalist who looks back on the glorious, devout past with a certain nostalgic naïveté; the collections connected with the Dottrina christiana are mostly concerned with the practicalities of teaching, and thus more with the effects of music than with its qualities; and the Oratorians have the strongest theological orientation. These differences notwithstanding, many of the notions that are presented are the same all across the corpus of texts.

Tradition One major cluster of statements concerns the relation to the recent and current lauda tradition, in some cases also with a perspective going back to antiquity and, in many cases, with an eye on the rituals of the church. The history of the polyphonic lauda is in many respects a remarkable one. The earliest monophonic lauda tradition, as presented in Chapter 1, was mainly transmitted orally, at least when it came to the music — the Cortona and the Florence manuscripts are the only testimonies of the music of this early stage of lauda singing.2 Apart from occasional settings,3 and Petrucci’s two collections 2

See pp. 26–28 for further references. Niccolò del Proposto’s Dio mi guardi di peggio and Jacopo da Bologna’s Nel mio parlar di questa donn’eterna, both from the fourteenth century. 3

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of polyphonic laude from 1507 and 1508, which musically seem to have more to do with the ‘artful’ music of their time than with the popular lauda tradition, this is the situation until 1563 and the publication of Razzi’s and Animuccia’s first collections. At that point, it may resemble a tradition in decline, and the vast increase in publications in the next half-century comes as something of a surprise. Presumably, it would also have been surprising to those involved. The most consistently developed theme in the preface to Serafino Razzi’s first collection of laude, the Libro primo delle laudi spirituali of 1563 (written by Filippo Giunti, who was in charge of the publication), and in Razzi’s own remarks concerning the individual laude in his second printed collection, Santuario di laude of 1609,4 is the reference to the venerable tradition, dating right back to the hymns of the ancient church, which through general decay with the passage of time had experienced a dramatic decline in recent years, and was now mostly being upheld in the monasteries and convents: The ancients [. . .] found this type of song, which, as I have said, is called a lauda, to resemble the Hymns that are sung in the church of God. [. . .] Although they were almost entirely abandoned not many years ago by almost all those who are not religious, those spiritual songs that are called laude and that in past years were sung devoutly not only in the monasteries and the convents by persons who had devoted themselves to the service of Our Lord God, but also in the compagnie and in private houses; nonetheless, such a praiseworthy practice and the ways and customs of singing these laude have not yet so diminished that there are not still some, and above all many holy Virgins in the convents, who practise them more than ever.5

Giunti here paints a picture of a waning tradition in which the only remaining strongholds are the convents and, even there, the threat from secular abuses seems overpowering. Although there may be an element of rhetorical 4

Razzi, Libro primo; Serafino Razzi, Santuario di Laudi, o Vero Rime Spirituali, per le feste di ciaschedun santo, solennemente celebrato per tutto l’anno da S. Chiesa: con eziandio quelle delle Feste Mobili: e di alcune da cantarsi nel vestire di Monache, etc. Con brevi annotazioni in prosa, etc (Firenze: Appresso Bartolommeo Sermatelli, e Fratelli, 1609) 5 Razzi, Libro primo, Prologue, p. (2): ‘Trouarono gli antichi [. . .] che come ho detto, sono chiamate Laudi, a somiglianza de gl’Hinni, che si cantano nella chiesa di Dio. [. . .] Se bene si sono poco meno, che del tutto dismesse da non molti anni in quà, da quasi tutti coloro, che relligiosi non sono quelle canzoni spirituali, che Laudi si chiamano et lequali ne gli anni adietro, non solo ne i Monasteri, e ne i Conuenti da persone date al seruigio di nostro Signore Dio, ma nelle compagnie ancora, e nelle case priuate diuotamente si cantauano: non è però ancora in tanto uenuta meno cosi lodeuole usanza, e il modo, e uso di cantare le dette laude, che alcuni, e massimamente molte sante Vergini rinchiuse non l’usino ancora piu che mai.’

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exaggeration in the account, it nevertheless accords well with the impression that emerges from the printed editions: no publication of laude had been made since Petrucci’s editions at the beginning of the century. The account of how the collection had come into being reinforces this impression: For many years, I had, for these and many other reasons, wished to have a collection of laude, not like the ones that have been around until now, without music, but ordered in a better way. I still had not attained this when a couple of months ago I learned that the young Rev. Father Serafino Razzi of Marradi of your order of [Dominican friars], who is not only highly trained in Christian Philosophy, but also in all the more laudable studies, had gathered, almost as a hobby, a book of the most beautiful ancient and modern [laude], and included the melodies as well, thus avoiding the stupid way of saying: ‘to be sung like this or like that’.6

Giunti refers directly to the cantasi come tradition, which had been particularly strong in Florence. It is apparent from what he says that there were collections of this kind available, but equally apparent that he did not find them satisfactory. The main reason for this — as Giunti presents it — is that they did not contain the music to the songs. There are several implications to this. In general, we may surmise that, for whatever reason, people could no longer be expected to know the tunes to the songs. Giunti connects this with a general decline in attention to lauda singing, which extended even to monastic circles. Giunti ascribes this decline to influence from the secular world. This is an interesting angle, since all the melodies in the collection are in fact from secular originals. These songs were themselves being forgotten. As Patrick Macey has pointed out, many of the secular songs have melodies that would have been lost had it not been for Razzi’s collection, the only place where they are preserved.7 Thus, what to someone concerned about the survival of the lauda tradition may have appeared as a decline in that tradition might also be simply a consequence of stylistic change. Many of Razzi’s melodies date back to the late fifteenth century, and whereas lyrically and institutionally speaking this may have been the ‘Golden Age’ with personalities such as Feo Belcari and Savonarola himself as dominant figures, the melodies and arrangements — if Razzi’s versions are what 6

Razzi, Libro primo, Prologue, p. (2): ‘Hauendo io, per queste, & altre molte cagioni, molti anni disiderato d’hauere una scelta di laudi, non come quelle, che infino a hora sono andate attorno senza musica, ma in miglior forma ordinate; non mi era anco uenuto fatto d’hauerla, quando intesi pochi mesi sono, che il Reu. Padre Fra Serafino Razzi da Marradi, dell’ordine de’ uostri frati Predicatori, giouane, non solo molto esercitato nella Filosofia Christiana, ma ancora in tutti i piu lodeuoli studi, n’haueua, quasi per suo passatempo, raccolto un libro delle piu belle antiche, e moderne, & aggiunto loro il modo di cantarle, lasciando quella scioccha maniera di dire: Cantasi come la tale, e come la quale.’ 7 Macey, Bonfire Songs, pp. 49–58.

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was commonly sung — would have seemed quite out of date to most singers and listeners in the second half of the sixteenth century. This is strongly related to another question raised by the collection: what kind of tradition does Razzi represent? If the earlier lauda tradition in Florence was mainly based on oral transmission, many of the songs that Razzi has edited fall slightly outside or entirely beyond this paradigm. His settings are hardly of the kind that would have been suitable for devout communal singing whether in monasteries or among lay people.8 Razzi may have given the full three- or fourpart versions of melodies that could have been sung in many different ways, but on the whole, if the earlier kind of lay, oral tradition is what Giunti had in mind, it is difficult to see how Razzi’s collection could have served this purpose. This may imply that some of the changes in the reception of the lauda before 1563 may have had to do with changes in the preferred mode of transmission, from oral to written, rather than — at least not exclusively — a move away from the lauda tradition per se. The way in which the collection came into being is itself an interesting indication here. Razzi may present himself — especially in the later Santuario — as the representative of a closed, conservative monastic world, and in hindsight this appears reasonable, but if Giunti’s account can be trusted, he may equally well be regarded as a modern phenomenon. The attitude that music that is in some cases almost a century old should be preserved is rare in early music history. Johannes Tinctoris is famous for his statement in his Liber de arte contrapuncti (1477) that ‘nothing that was not composed within the last forty years is worth being listened to by a discriminate ear’,9 and on the whole he is far more representative in this respect than is Razzi. Razzi’s effort may — mutatis mutandis — be related to the growing veneration, at its height at the time of the collection, of Josquin des Prez (c. 1460–1521), the first composer whose music did not cease to be used immediately after his death.10 What Razzi offers as new is that each lauda is printed with its music. Thus, what is on the decline may be not so much the lauda tradition per se as the oral mode of transmission on which, at least in Florence, it had depended. With the 8

See the next chapter for a presentation of the musical contents of Razzi’s collection. Tinctoris, Liber de arte contrapuncti, Prologue; ‘Neque quod satis admirari nequeo quippiam compositum nisi citra annos quadraginta extat quod auditu dignum ab eruditis existimetur’: Johannis Tinctoris Opera theoretica, ed. by Albert Seay, Corpus scriptorum de musica, 22, 3 vols (Rome: American Institute of Musicology, 1975–78), ii, 12. 10 See Eyolf Østrem, ‘Luther, Josquin, and des fincken gesang’, in The Arts and the Cultural Heritage of Martin Luther, ed. by Eyolf Østrem, Jens Fleischer, and Nils Holger Petersen (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2002), pp. 51–80; and Rob Wegman, ‘Who Was Josquin?’, in The Josquin Companion, ed. by Richard Sherr (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 21–50. 9

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oral tradition bearers growing increasingly scarce, Razzi’s writing out the songs in full opened the field to a whole new range of potential recipients who might not have been in touch with prevailing traditions. In the longer run, such a transition from one mode of transmission to another also made it possible to sever the bonds with that particular corpus of songs altogether. This may be another reason for the success of Razzi’s undertaking: it corresponded well with the need for new songs that arose from the coincidental new emphasis on new goals for the education of the laity after the Council of Trent.11 The above is not intended to question the sincerity of Giunti’s and Razzi’s concern or the severity of the situation for the polyphonic lauda, but rather to point to some additional reasons for the decline apart from the old, venerable customs falling from grace in the public eye. The general sentiments of the postTridentine age would probably have made this more strongly felt, but to some extent, the Libro primo is itself an outcome of the same passage of time that Giunti laments. * * * ‘That stupid way of saying “To be sung like this or that”’ — this is how the preface refers to the so-called cantasi come tradition, the practice of setting new texts to pre-existing melodies, usually secular ones. As a practice, this had been integral to the lauda tradition as a whole for a long time. The use of secular melodies had at times been a matter of controversy and, especially during Savonarola’s reign, attempts were made to curb this practice. This was also one of the underlying themes in the discussions leading up to the pronouncements about music at the final session of the Council of Trent. As Craig Monson has recently shown, the Council itself did not condemn the use of secular music in church. This was, however, widely believed to be the case, and many acted accordingly, with or without specific orders from local church authorities.12 Razzi, however, has nothing against this; neither is it what Giunti has in mind in his preface. What is called stupid here is not the practice of singing like this, but of referring to it in such a way. Razzi’s attitude to the use of contrafacta is clear from his comments on the various laude in his 1609 collection. On a general level, he states that he has never composed a single melody for any of his 11 See Craig A. Monson, ‘The Council of Trent Revisited’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 55 (2002), 1–37, and Robert E. McNalley, ‘The Council of Trent, the Spiritual Exercises and the Catholic Reform’, Church History, 34 (1965), 36–49. 12 Monson, ‘The Council of Trent Revisited’.

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laude, only furnished them with new texts,13 and he is quite open about the secular origins of the melodies he has used; he states plainly that most of his laude are indeed set to melodies ‘taken from worldly songs and converted to good use’, and phrases like ‘taken from the worldly’ (‘tolto da i mondani’) and ‘this song was being sung in Florence’ (‘Cantauasi gia in Firenze . . .’) are frequent. There is, in Razzi’s view, nothing intrinsically wrong with the attractiveness of secular songs; one of the songs is said to have had ‘such a beautiful melody that it also pleased spiritual people’ (‘di tanto bell’aria, e musica, che ne venne voglia ancora alle persone spirituali’), and on numerous occasions, he extols the beauty of a certain melody, ‘molto bella. Vditela’ (hear it!).14 Even lyrically, the boundary with secular poetry is left in suspension. Concerning ‘O verginella’, Razzi explains that ‘Erebus, who is mentioned in the second stanza, is used by the poets about the god of night’.15 Razzi evidently has no problem referring to the pagan Erebus as a god of night, even in a Christian lauda. What is important, as Razzi argues in 1609, is that there should be a correspondence between words and music: Those who write music to the laude should compose them in such a way that the song corresponds to the words. And whoever has decided to write spiritual words to some worldly song should make an effort to make them accord with the melody as much as possible, so that, for instance, if the music is joyous, the words that are adapted on top of it should also be not sorrowful, but festive and joyous.16 13 Razzi, Santuario, p. 61; ‘Il P. F. Serafino per non essere nella musica molto introdotto, non compose giammai canto alcuno da per se al le laudi.’ Cf. also the similar statement in a Dottrina Christiana published in Fermo in 1596: ‘We have therefore been moved to compile from many places what follows, in which there is almost nothing of our own, but where we have only split up the contents and redistributed it in distinct parts as it has seemed most appropriate, in three parts to serve the three classes [of students]’; ‘Ne siamo mossi à compilare da molte l’infrascritta, nulla quasi mettendo di nostro, ma solamente separando le cose che contengono, e riponendole distintamente, secondoche ne parea più opportuno, sotto tre parti per seruigio di ciascuna delle tre Classi.’ Dottrina Christiana (Fermo: Ottavio Archivescovo di Fermo, 1596), Preface [no pagin.].’ 14 Razzi, Santuario, pp. 163, 183, and 216–217. 15 Razzi, Santuario, p. 4; ‘Erebo, posta nella seconda stanza, si finge da i poeti, per lo Dio della notte.’ 16 Razzi, Santuario, p. 61; ‘Coloro, i quali compongono la musica alle laudi, la deono comporre di maniera che il canto risponda alle parole. E chiunque altresi è recerco di comporre parole spirituali, sopra qualche canzona mondana, deue studiarsi di farle quanto piu può conueneuoli al canto. Che se per esempio, la musica è allegra, le parole adattateui sopra, siano elleno ancora, non flebili, ma festose, & allegre.’

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At the time of writing, this line of argument was something of a commonplace, at least in advanced musical circles; the close relation between the character of the music and the contents of the text was a cornerstone in the aesthetics of Monteverdi (1567–1643) as it came to expression in the controverse with Artusi over ‘licences’ from the rules of counterpoint in the service of expression. If anything, it may be slightly surprising to find it emphasized in relation to a genre such as the lauda, in which melodies are frequently used for texts of quite varying character, and in which the arrangements — needless to say — never come close to the kind of tight, expressive integration between word and music that we find in Monteverdi or — more directly relevant in our context — the Camerata. It is probably fair to say that although Razzi is a monastic person through and through and shares his fellow ecclesiasts’ attitude towards the general state of an increasingly godless and immoral society (see below, p. 75), he does not come across as overly concerned with the negative aspects of secular society and its cultural expressions — their worldliness does not seem to bother him; if anything, he takes pleasure in them — but rather with those who ought to know better than to abandon the good things of the past: the ‘persone relligiose’. Other editors are less lenient than Razzi on this point. The final documents of the Council of Trent coincide with the publication of the lauda collections of Razzi and Animuccia, and the ties with the secular song tradition do seem to loosen over time. Whether this is because of the profuse production of new songs, such as in the Oratorian circles and in the context of the teaching of the Dottrina christiana, where simpler songs were needed, is an open question; it is not a major point in most of the prefaces. There is, however, one salient exception: the Lodi et canzonette spirituali published by Tarquinio Longo in Naples in 1608. Longo’s collection is probably the most consistent and conscious approach to the secular element to be found anywhere in the lauda repertory. Because of the difficulty of locating the possible secular influences in a repertory that has traditionally depended so strongly on secular song, Longo takes the radical approach and leaves out nearly all preexisting melodies, turning to an unnamed Neapolitan composer for entirely new songs. We will come back to this in Chapter 5, concerning the musical contents of the collection. At this point, we will only present the following quotation, which stands in stark contrast to both Razzi and Giunti. Longo’s argument may not stand up to closer theological scrutiny, but it is refreshingly outspoken and takes a new and daring angle on the question of how to confront the secular element in religious music: And although the holy pontifices consecrated to God and the Saints with praise the inanimate stones that previously had been consecrated to the idols — for certainly they could be consecrated to God, there being nothing in them that could

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Chapter 2 displease God — nonetheless, pork, which for us denotes the affects of the senses, particularly [the] libidinous, has always been rebutted by God in sacrifices according to the old law, in order to make us aware that things of this kind, where dirty and sensual satisfaction may intervene, are not suitable material with which to honour him. Hence, to wish to ‘spiritualize’ songs or melodies of this kind, apart from being to some extent like wanting to sacrifice pork to God, is also, as one tends to say, to ‘candy the onion’ which, no matter how much it is candied, still stinks.17

By combining the Old-Testament prohibition against sacrificing pork with the handy association between pork and carnal pleasures and sensual satisfaction, Longo presents a quasi-theological counter-argument to the notion that the melodies themselves are neutral — that it is the texts that are the problem. In Longo’s view, the sensuous side is just as much to blame as the words: it should be treated with caution, regardless of any textual associations that may attach to them. * * * One sign of the success of the reinvigoration of the lauda tradition in the second half of the sixteenth century is the obviousness with which reference is made to traditions of the past. In some cases this extends all the way back to the ancient metrical tradition. Giunti refers in passing to the similarity between laude and the hymns of the ancient church (see p. 46). Longo goes even further: two of the four prefaces to his collection concern the metrical construction of lauda texts and the arrangement of the various texts within the collection by metrical types (‘maniere’), and each of the thirty-one of these maniere has a shorter or — in some cases — longer introduction. To a large extent, these mini-treatises are nothing more than catalogues and categorizations of the various combinations of feet and line types, but here and there, the perspective is widened considerably. Thus, the introduction to the fifteenth metrical type (‘maniera’), is a full thirtypage treatise about the development of the modern verse forms where the origins 17

Tarquinio Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali: Raccolte da diuersi Autori: & ordinate secondo le varie Maniere de’ versi. Aggiunteui à ciascuna Maniera le loro Arie nuoue di Musica assai diletteuoli (Naples: Tarquinio Longo, 1608), p. 8; ‘Et se bene i Santi Pontefici con lode consecrarono à Dio, & a’Santi le pietre inanimate, benche consecrate à gli Idoli; perche quelle possono consecrarsi à Dio, non hauendo in se cosa, che à Dio dispiaccia: tuttauia il porco, che ci dinota gli affetti del senso, specialmente libidinosi, fù sempre ributtato da Dio ne’suoi sacrificij della vecchia legge: per dinotarci che cose simili non sono atta materia per honorarlo, doue può interuenir compiacimento sporco, & sensuale. Onde il volere simili Canzoni, o Arie spiritualizare, par non solo che sia in vn certo modo, come volere à Dio sacrificare il porco; ma anco, come dir si suole, vn confettar la cipolla, che molto che si confetti, pur sempre puzza.’

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of the modern genres are traced back to ancient Greek and Roman poetry and to the works of Dante and Petrarch, with numerous examples in Greek and Latin.18 The references to the more recent past are more prominent. Several of the authors mention almost in passing that what will be found in their collections is not new but simply the old songs that people are accustomed to singing, gathered together for convenience, and where the editor’s name functions more than anything as a warrant for the quality of the selected material. The collection Arie per cantare le lodi . . . from c. 1600–1615 may serve as an example.19 Its preface refers to the past in a way that is strikingly different from Giunti’s attitude — not only in what is stated explicitly, but also in what is taken for granted. There is no hint at any decline, but rather a picture of a living tradition consisting both of work among children and an established ritual tradition for the adult members of the congregations of Rome: [The collection contains] the melodies to which the laude are usually sung in the churches of Rome. The reader should not be surprised if some of these laude seem too simple, and others have already been published before by their authors, for we never intended to send forth anything new; and we have studiously veered towards simplicity, which has been necessary for these laude to be singable by children who do not know music. And above all, it seemed difficult to change the melodies that have been used for such a long time.20

Although there may be a slightly apologetic ring to the remark, concerning both the simplicity of the songs and the lack of new material, it is also plainly stating the need to take this tradition into account, whether or not in balance with requirements of a more aesthetic nature. The notice invites the question as to what extent people expected fresh material from a new collection. It seems likely 18

Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, pp. 195–221. Shorter mini-treatises of this kind are found on pp. 90–94 (taking issue with the opinion that versi sdruccioli, i.e. verses with the stress on the antepenultimate syllable, should be a modern invention) and pp. 119–21. According to the introduction to the fifteenth maniera, these were written by Gioseppe Serra, a ‘virtuoso, et dotto giovane’ (p. 195). 19 The collection lacks any printing information; the dating has been suggested by Rostirolla (p. 778). 20 Arie per cantare le lodi del primo libro, allequali anco si potranno ridurre quelle del secondo, & del terzo ([n. p.]: [n. pub.], [1600–1615(?)]); ‘[. . .] l’Arie con che si cantano per ordinario nelle Chiese di Roma. Non dee dunque marauigliarsi il Lettore, se di queste lodi altre paiono troppo semplici, altre furono già per l’addietro mandate in luce da suoi autori perche ne noi habbiamo hauuto intentione mandar fuora cose nuoue; & à bello studio siamo andati dietro alla semplicità la qual è stata necessaria per hauersi da cantar queste lodi da fanciulli che non sanno musica. Et sopratutto parendoci difficile mutar le arie già tanto tempo vsate.’

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that requirements varied according to different contexts of use. The following excerpt from the preface to the third collection issued by the Oratory in Rome, published in 1577 — presumably prepared by Giovanni Animuccia, who had been in charge of the two previous collections, and Francesco Soto, the singer in the Papal chapel who as the new music master in the Oratory was to publish five further collections — refers to this twofold responsibility: Among the exercises that are practised daily in our oratory [. . .] is the singing of spiritual laude in order to restore souls, to give attention to the word of God, and also to nurture their devotion. And to this end, the first and second books of laude were published, and seeing that they were both generally received with great liking and spiritual fruit, it occurred to the Fathers, to the glory of Our Lord and consolation of the faithful, that this next book, the third, should be prepared, but with greater ease and musical simplicity so that it can be sung by all, which for the most part was not the case with the first two books. It is true that they had no intention to publish it but to save it for those special exercises that are arranged publicly on the greater feast days, now in one, now in another part of Rome, to entertain those who do not stray on the broad and slippery paths of the World. But more in order to avoid the constant requests from the many who ask for it and want a copy of it — a wish one cannot rightfully turn down — the Fathers have found it expedient to publish it quickly to everyone, first of all considering that the Lord God may use it, to entertain and at least in part to eradicate some of the great vanity and dishonesty that is all the time being sung from the mouths of Christians, who ought not to sing anything but Lauds and benedictions of the Lord.21

21

Il terzo libro delle laudi spirituali [. . .] Con una istruttione per promuovere e conservare il peccatore convertito, ed. by Francesco Soto and Giovanni Animuccia (Rome: Blado, 1577), preface; ‘Tra gli esercitii, che cotidianamente si fanno nel nostro oratorio Monsignor Illustriss. & Reuerendiss. si suol sempre cantare qualche laude spirituale per ricreare gli animi, nell’ attentione della parola di Dio, & insieme per nutrirgli la deuotione. Et a questo fine furono gia Stampati, il Primo, e Secondo Libro delle Laudi Spirituali, le quali essendo state communemente riceuute con molto gusto, e frutto spirituale, é parso á Padri, per honor di N. S. é per consolatione de deuoti procurar quest’altro, che fusse il Terzo Libro, ma con piu facilitá e simpicitá musicale, acció possa esser cantato da tutti, ilche per la maggior parte non auueniua de dui primi Libri. parte non auueniua de dui primi Libri: è ben vero, che non haueano intentione di publicarlo, ma tenerlo per vso di quelli estraordinarii essercitii, che publicamente si fanno i giorno di festa, hor’ in vna, Hor’ in altra parte di Roma, per trattener le genti che non diuaghino per le vie larghe, e lubriche del Mondo. Ma piu per fuggire la continua instanza de molti, che ne chiedono, e ne vogliono copia, la quale non si potea giustamente negare, è parso loro spediente publicarlo a tutti, considerando massime, che il Signore Dio, senè potrà forse seruire, per diuertire, e di metter’ almeno in parte tante vanità, e disonestà che di continuo si sentono cantare dalle bocche de Christiani, i quali non deuerebbono altro intonare, che Laude, e benedittione del Signore.’

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Ritual Two points in particular are worth emphasizing in the previous excerpt. One is the distinction that is made — implicitly but clearly — between the ‘daily exercises’ and the public celebration that is held on certain occasions. The other is the corresponding distinction between the previous repertory of somewhat more difficult songs and this book, which is deliberately kept simpler. The two are interconnected; if the songs for daily ritual are represented by the earlier collections, this seems to imply that they were performed by people with some musical skills, whereas the music for the public occasions was, naturally, simpler. Giunti refers to the same distinction in his preface to Razzi’s collection, where he recommends the lauda for use both in the celebrations of the various public feasts and in private gatherings: I cannot see what other thing than this they could, or should, choose for their pleasure, be it for their honourable recreations and feasts or for the occasions when they all, or most of them, meet to work and practise the religious exercises that are convenient for religious women.22

There might seem to be an inconsistency in the way in which the two areas are described in the Oratorian preface: how would these songs have been used had the Fathers kept to their original plan and ‘saved them for those special exercises’? How would people have been able to use songs and settings that were not previously known, regardless of their simplicity? The answer lies in something that is not stated in this preface, but in the one cited earlier: the ‘new’ songs are hardly new but a miscellany of songs that were already known and widely used. According to Rostirolla, this collection is ‘the most authentic source of the lauda repertory inaugurated by Filippo Neri, for its spiritual, musical, educational, and didactical characteristics’.23 It remains open to question how the settings as they appear in the 1577 collection relate to what in practice would have been sung during the public feasts. Simple as they are, they are nevertheless three-part arrangements, and to sing them in this form would presumably have been beyond the abilities of a public crowd of participants. A likely conjecture is that the songs as they are presented in the collection would have been performed by a group of singers, with the 22 Razzi, Libro primo, Prologue, p. (1); ‘E nel uero ben consideratamente: perciò che io non so uedere qual’ altra cosa piu di questa possano, o debbiano pigliarsi per loro piacere, cosi ne i tempi, che fanno loro honeste recreationi, e feste, come ancora quando insieme tutte, o gran parte si ritruouano a lauorare, e fare esercizi a relligiose Donne conuenienti.’ 23 Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 479. See the following chapter for a more detailed description of the contents of the collection.

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crowd singing what would have been familiar melodies. In such a scenario, arrangements such as those in Animuccia’s second book, with their stronger polyphonic tendencies, would have been out of the question. Both in the historical sources and in modern presentations, the delineation of the ritual space of lauda singing frequently focuses on its place in the public sphere of secular society. This emphasis — such as in the previous quotations and in the discussion of the ‘cantasi come’ practice and the attitude towards secular influences — makes it easy to forget that the most immediate context of lauda practice lay in the traditional church rituals. Although the majority of the melodies for the laude were of secular origin, there were also frequent borrowings and adaptations from ecclesiastical songs. The ceremonies in the confraternities were centred around the canonical hours, where laude found their place alongside hymns, antiphons, and litanies, and were frequently conceived of in those terms: In the year 1579, while, on the first of January, the bills of the saints and the virtues were to be collected, according to the praiseworthy costume in our province of Rome,24 father Serafino [Razzi] was staying temporarily at the convent of Perugia and was asked by the fathers there to compose something like an Invitatory to invite people to collect those saints and virtues. Hence, he composed the previous lauda for four voices. And it should be mentioned that the music and the melody of the song pleased the fathers so much that he decided to compose the two similar laude that follow for arousing them to Matins.25 .

Razzi’s remark about one of the laude in his 1609 collection may serve as a reminder of the central position of the plainchant repertory in the context of other kinds of ceremonial song. He comments — directly and critically — on the contemporaneous efforts to simplify and modernize the corpus of plainchant in which Palestrina played a central role: ‘It is a sign of this that they have persuaded the superiors to remove, as they say, that beautiful, devout, and centuries-old hymn ‘Lauda mater ecclesia, Lauda Christi clementia’ from the 24 The ‘polize de’Santi, e delle virtù’ presumably refers to the custom of distributing notes with pictures of the saints or allegorical representations of the virtues before major feast days, which would be handed in again when people went to confession or took the Eucharist. We are grateful to Dr. Ettore Rocca for his assistance with this translation. 25 Razzi, Santuario, p. 210, remark to ‘Che sia lo ben venuto’, ‘Laude xxxx per invito alle polizze de i santi’; ‘Ritrovandosi l’anno 1579. di passaggio il P. F. Serafino, nel conuento di Perugia, e douendosi in calen di Gennaio cauare le polize de’Santi, e delle virtù, secondo la lodeuole vsanza della prouincia nostra Romana, fu pregato da quei padri di comporre uno quasi Inuitatorio à pigliare detti santi, e virtù. Onde compose la antecedente laude a quattro voci. E si noti come tanto piacque, grazia loro, a quei padri, la musica, & aria del canto della prefata laude, a quattro voci, che gli conuenne comporre da poi l’altre due simiglianti e sopra poste laudi, per eccitare al mattutino.’

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office of St Mary the Magdalene in the Roman Breviary, to use another more modern one, in its place.’26 In the same remark, he recalls how he ‘by request in the year 1603, composed three Latin hymns with all the rest of the office for this servant of God [i.e. St Margaret], for his own devotion, and to satisfy the pious soul who had made the request to him, and to recite it privately’.27

Teaching The quotation at the beginning of this chapter is from one of the many editions and revisions of a book that radically changed the landscape of the lauda: the collection of precepts for the teaching of the young known as the Dottrina christiana, with an accompanying ‘method’ (Modo) for teaching it, prepared by the Jesuit father Giacomo de Ledesma (1524–75).28 In the words of John O’Malley, Ledesma was ‘another great architect of the educational program for the Jesuit schools’. He had been influenced by the catechisms of Petrus Canisius (1521–97) from around 1557 and wrote his own two catechetical works shortly after Canisius’s publications.29 Ledesma’s Modo came to dominate the religious education of the young in Italy in the last decades of the sixteenth century and well into the seventeenth. After its first edition in 1573, 26 Razzi, Santuario, p. 224; ‘Segno ne sia, che hanno persuaso a i superiori di far leuare, come dicono dell’officio di santa Maria Maddalena, nel Breuiario Romano, quel bello diuoto, & antico di tanti secoli hinno, Lauda Mater Ecclesia: Lauda Christi clementia : per poruene vn’altro fatto modernamente.’ 27 Razzi, Santuario, p. 224; ‘Diremo ancora, come il Padre Fra Serafino Razzi pregato questo anno 1603. ha composto tre hinni latini, con tutto l’altro officio di questa serua di Dio per sua diuozione, e per sodisfare alla pia mente di chi appresso di lui ne ha fatto instanza, e per recitarlo priuatamente.’ 28 Ledesma published the ‘Dottrina’ in two versions: a long, preserved in a translation into Catalan from 1596, and a short version, first printed in 1569 (Giacomo Ledesma, Somma della Dottrina Christiana Breve per insegnar in pochi giorni, per interrogatione a modo di Dialogo fra ’l Maestro e Discepolo (Bologna: Pellegrino Bonardi, 1569)). The Modo was first printed in 1573 (Giacomo Ledesma, Modo per insegnar la Dottrina Christiana, per gli Stampatori Camerali: Composto per il Dottore Ledesma, della Compagnia di GIESV [emblem] In Roma (Rome: Haeredi d’Antonio Blado, 1573)). The excerpts from the Modo below are all quoted from Rostirolla’s edition in Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, pp. 292– 303. See also Gilberto Aranci, Formazione religiosa e santità laicale a Firenze tra Cinque e Seicento: Ippolito Galantini fondatore della Congregazione di San Francesco della dottrina cristiana di Firenze: 1565–1620, Pubblicazioni dell’Archivio arcivescovile di Firenze. 2 Studi e testi (Firenze: G. Pagnini, 1997), p. 103. 29 John W. O’Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), p. 124.

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it received numerous reprints, and in every major centre in Italy it was printed in revised versions.30 Ledesma’s Modo contains the ‘doctrine’ in the form of an account of basic Christian beliefs and claims, texts and practices, presented as a dialogue between a teacher and a student. The ‘Introduttione alla dottrina’ makes a few basic texts available to the student: the ‘Pater noster’, the ‘Ave Maria’, the ‘Credo in Deum Patrem omnipotentem’ (the Apostles’ Creed), and the ‘Confiteor’, all in Latin.31 The book also contains sections giving the order for Vespers of the Virgin Mary, the Litanies of the Virgin Mary, and Litanies of Saints; these sections again are all in Latin. Then follow two sections of Italian laude: Laude Da cantarsi (laude to be sung) and Lodi Da Cantarsi per i fanciulli della Dottrina Cristiana (laude to be sung by the children studying the Christian doctrine). Thereafter, finally, a section on Christian manners. The Modo also contains a long preface in which Ledesma not only systematically presents the main texts of the Church and the doctrinal topics it was considered essential to know, but also — and most importantly — a teaching programme, with sound advice for every step of the way, from what to do on arriving at a new place, to how to deal with the different levels of knowledge among students, and what to do with mothers who cannot keep their babies quiet. Furthermore, he places this programme in a wider societal context concerning the moral and educational state of the people and the method’s beneficial effects on that state. Ledesma’s text is in many ways an interesting read, not least because of his attention to practical pedagogical detail. He gives rather detailed instructions about practical arrangements for preventing problems that may arise in a group like this (‘separate the boys from the girls and the women — admitting that someone may have brought a small child whom, in order to keep it quiet, she will have to have close by her’); and even more concretely, concerning the arrangement of the participants in the room, to allow for calls of nature: ‘They should be positioned so that there is a free passage between them so that one can once in a while call someone over, and so that the children can go in and 30

One of these, Iacopo Ansaldi’s Dottrina christiana from 1585, will be discussed more in detail in Ch. 4, pp. 140–146. See further Gilberto Aranci’s discussion of the close relation between Ansaldi’s volume and Ledesma’s two Dottrine, to which Ansaldi made explicit reference in his dedication to the Archbishop of Florence, Cardinal Alessandro de’ Medici; Aranci, Formazione religiosa, pp. 103–06. 31 Note that the Apostles’ Creed seems to have been given in Latin also in the printed sheet at the Archangel Raphael confraternity in 1582, see p. 142.

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out when there is need for that.’32 Many of his precepts end with ‘as experience shows’, and there does seem to be a sound basis of experience behind them. There is also a strong emphasis on ways to engage all the students, from the most sophisticated and clever to the peasant sons who barely know how to make the sign of the cross. He opens his preface with a general reflection concerning the necessity of a book such as his: it enters a field in which many are already skilled, but where others may need some guidance as they ‘either do not know which straight path to follow to achieve this, or, if they do teach [the Doctrine] but are little skilled in this work, they bear forth little fruit, as experience shows’, . In Chapter 3 of his preface, Ledesma sums up the way in which the Doctrine has, in his view, usually been taught, and he points out the pedagogical flaws in these methods: Some merely let the children read and the others learn the Dottrina by heart and recite the lesson they have learned, which is of little use, and only for a few persons, i.e. those who know how to, can, and want to read. Some preach over the points in the Dottrina, which is of little use for the children and the young and other ignorant and stupid ones; and for the knowledgable and intelligent ones it is hardly necessary and rather tedious, unless one retells curiosities and things of much doctrine, which would not be teaching the Dottrina Cristiana but preaching the whole Gospel; and in this way, one will not be able to finish teaching the necessary things in a long time. It would be to do the opposite of what one intends to do, and thus the children and the ignorants would not be able to learn it.33

Ledesma’s own method is then presented as an alternative to rote learning and preaching, both of which fail by being suitable either for no one at all, or only for those who are already skilled enough not to need this kind of teaching. Many of the editions that follow Ledesma take this one step further and recommend dividing the children into three groups according to skills and level 32

Ledesma, Modo, fol. 8v , Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 298. Ledesma, Modo, fol. 6r , Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 295; ‘Alcuni solamente fanno, che leggendo i putti, et altri imparino a mente la dottrina, et recitino la lettione imparata a mente; il ch’è di poca utilità, e per poche persone, cioè, che sanno, possano, et vogliono leggere. 2. Alcuni fanno prediche sopra i punti della dottrina, il che per i putti, et giovanetti, et altri ignoranti, et rozi, è di poca utilità; et per li dotti, et intelligenti poco necessario, anzi è più fastidioso; se pur non si dicessero cose curiose, et di molta dottrina: il che non sarebbe insegnar la Dottrina Christiana [. . .] ma saria predicar tutto l’Evangelio; et a questo modo, in molto tempo, non si potria finire d’insegnare le cose necessarie. Il che saria fare il contrario di quello, che si pretende, et così i putti, et gli idioti non la potriano imparare.’ 33

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of knowledge. The 1596 Dottrina from Fermo cited above (p. 50) outlines the groups in the following manner: We have found that method, used by many, to be very appropriate, where [the children] are divided into three classes, and where in the first class those are placed who not at all or just barely know how to make the sign of the Holy Cross, much less how to say the Credo, the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, and the Commandments of God and the Church. In the second class are placed those who know the mentioned things correctly, but not the other parts that are necessary in the Dottrina Christiana, such as for instance the seven deadly sins, the seven sacraments, the eight blessings, the gifts of the Holy Ghost, and the charitable works, let alone the appropriate declarations. In the third class are placed those who are sufficiently taught in all the above-mentioned things, but who still lack the cognition and insight which would have been suitable for their state.34

Many of Ledesma’s instructions are concerned with activating the young on all three levels by singing the texts of the doctrine in a call-and-response fashion: while at first the instructor will sing and the children repeat together, one should quickly proceed to giving the responsibility to lead to some of the children themselves. Eventually, two or four of the most skilled students may learn ‘some devout song, well-phrased and with a good melody and well suited to children’ (Ch. 10). First, they may sing it alone, then the rest of the group may respond. It seems likely that the four-part songs that are included in several Dottrina editions could have been used in this way: they are simple enough to be learned by a small group of singers (such as the group of two or four leading singers that Ledesma suggests), yet advanced enough to be a challenge to the most accomplished, while the melodies could easily have been learned and repeated by the whole group. Throughout the text, it is emphasized that singing through the doctrine in this manner is a good way to avoid boredom because everyone is active — instead of having to listen to one student at a time repeating the text to be learned — and the singing itself is something the children enjoy. ‘Without 34

Dottrina Christiana [Fermo, 1596]; ‘Parendone molto al proposito quello, che sin quì da molti è stato osseruato di separarli in tre Classe, e nella prima locar quelli, che non sanno, o malamente sanno segnarsi con il segno della Santa Croce, e molto meno dir bene il Credo, il Pater Noster, l’Aue Maria, & i Comandamenti di Dio, e della Chiesa: Nella seconda costituir quelli, che quantunque sappiano compitamente le dette cose, non sanno però l’altre parti necessarie della Dottrina Christiana, come per essempio, i sette peccati mortali, i sette Sacramenti, le otto beatitudini, i doni dello Spirito santo, e l’opere della misericordia, e molto meno le loro conuenienti dichiariationi: Nella terza por quelli, che sufficientemente instrutti nelle predette cose mancano della cognitione, & intelligenza, che allo stato loro si conuerria intorno à quelle.’

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these texts and songs, one proceeds coldly in the doctrine and with far less fruit, as experience shows.’35 Ledesma’s ‘dottrina’ is entitled La Dottrina Per Dialogo, & per Canto, ò per salmeggiare — ‘the doctrine through dialogue and to be sung or chanted in the manner of psalms’ — and this is one of the main innovations of his work. It was not entirely without precedent. As early as c. 1527, the Spanish reformer Juan de Avila had published his Doctrina cristiana que se canta, ‘the Christian doctrine to be sung’. In Jesuit catechetical practices, the idea of singing or chanting the didactic doctrinal dialogue goes back to the 1550s, and this practice was confirmed at the First General Congregation of the order.36 But after Ledesma’s publication this method became something of a standard. The printed books contain a number of laude, but they give no melodies for the dialogue nor any other indications of how to sing. In the last chapter of his introduction to the Modo, Ledesma presents a setting of ‘Ave Maria’ in four parts, saying that ‘with this melody one sings not only the Ave Maria but also all that which is written in verse in the doctrine, such as the Credo, the Pater noster, etc.’ (see Figure 3 on the following page).37 Ledesma gives some instructions for the use of this setting: ‘When one wants to sing it in one part alone, one chooses the tenor; if there are two who can sing, one adds the alto; and then, if some pick the bass and then the canto, it can be sung in four parts.’38 His voice specifications are clearly wrong; the tenor part is by far the most difficult to sing, with its frequent chromatic movement. The alto is a much likelier choice. This is corroborated by another source, Longo’s early seventeenth-century collection of laude that will be discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 5. Here, a final appendix under the heading Compendio delle cose più necessarie della Dottrina Christiana, ‘Compendium of things necessary for the Christian Doctrine’, contains two pages of short and simple musical formulas ‘for singing the prose texts of the Doctrine’.39 A comparison between Longo’s set of formulas, shown 35 Ledesma, Modo, fol. 16v , Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 302; ‘benché senza queste rime, et canzoni, si procede freddamente nella Dottrina, et con assai manco frutto, come per esperienza si vede.’ 36 O’Malley, The First Jesuits, pp. 116 and 121–22. 37 Ledesma, Modo, Ch. 32, Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, pp. 304–06; ‘Con quest’aria si canti non solamente l’Ave Maria; ma etiandio tutto quello, che nella Dottrina per versetti; come il Credo, il Pater noster, etc.’ 38 Ibid; ‘Quando si volesse cantare solamente con una voce, si piglia il tenore; se si trovassero due che sapessero cantare, s’agiunge l’alto; et poi altri pigliando il basso, et poi il canto si potrà cantare a quattro voci.’ 39 ‘Toni per cantar le Prose della Dottrina’; see further discussion of the collection p. 166.

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   A ve Ma ri a   

      

    

 



 





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Figure 3 Ave Maria from Ledesma’s Modo (1573), beginning.

in Figure 4, and Ledesma’s Ave Maria, shows a strong correspondence between the former and the alto part of the latter. The only major difference is a change of mode: whereas Ledesma’s melody has phrases ending on e, thus making it a mixture of a phrygian and — to modern ears — a C major tonality, Longo’s formulas are placed one scale step higher, on f. Longo’s compendium contains the fundamental texts for the doctrine: them the Apostles’ Creed, the Pater noster, the Ten Commandments, and further texts of the same kind as in the above-mentioned catechetical writings of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The texts are divided into short lines each of which carries a number referring to one of the music formulas. In this way, it is made

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THE CONCEPTUAL UNIVERSE OF LAUDA PRACTICE I.

II.

    Ie

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Figure 4 Recitation formulas from Longo’s lauda collection

possible to piece together the melodies for all the various texts. Figure 5 shows the formulas applied to the first few texts in the compendium, under the headings ‘La santa croce’ and ‘Il Misterio della santissima trinità’, using the formulas Longo has indicated.40 santa CROCE XII. LA

  



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Figure 5 Longo’s formulas applied to the first texts in the Compendio.

Both Ledesma and Longo specify certain texts for which the formulas should be used: the Pater Noster, the Credo, etc. This raises the question as to how literally Ledesma’s title The Doctrine Through Dialogue and to Be Sung or Chanted in the Manner of Psalms should be taken. There is no indication in either book of 40

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melodies for a doctrine in dialogue. It is therefore possible that the reference to song is limited to the central doctrinal texts and does not apply to the dialogue itself. Still, the quotation on p. 66, makes reference to singing the introduction to the Doctrine; the above procedure also shows how simple settings of almost any text could be arranged in such a way. The short formulas are designed to be easily adaptable to different metrical situations and structural points in the text, with ‘recitation tones’ that can be extended or shortened if necessary and combined in many different ways to fit irregular prose texts. Figure 6 shows a reconstruction of the beginning of Ledesma’s dialogical doctrine, set to music using Longo’s formulas.41 I NCOMINCIA LA D OTTRINA Per Dialogo, & per Canto, ò per salmeggiare. III. V. X.

  



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Figure 6 Reconstruction of the beginning of Ledesma’s dialogue set to the music

of Longo’s formulas.

It is unlikely that these formulas could have been used exactly like this to sing any text without rehearsal; rather, they are to be seen as samples of a method based on modes of oral transmission that require a certain amount of prior knowledge in order to be actualized as ‘trained reflexes’ during the performance. Taken together, these two examples reveal the importance of a formulaic system of performance, even at such a late date, occupying the borderland between oral and written transmission and retaining important elements of both: the fixity and surveyability of writing, and the competence and flexibility of the oral transmission. The ambition of Ledesma’s method and of the Jesuitical programme of which it is a part goes beyond finding efficient pedagogical tools. In the first chapter in the proemium, ‘About the dignity, necessity, and utility of this office’, Ledesma gives a brief summary of the wider aims of ‘our small company’, as he 41

Iacopo Ansaldi, Dottrina cristiana: Nuovamente Ristampata, & publicata per ordine dellIllustriss. & Reverendiss. Cardinal di Firenze. Da insegnarsi, & esercitarsi dalli Curati, & Guardiani delle Compagnie de’ Fanciulli della suo Diocesi per publica utilità (Florence: Francesco Tosi e’ Comp., 1585), p. 25; ‘Here Begins the doctrine in Dialogue and in Song, or Chanted like Psalms. Teacher: Let us begin with the name of the Lord God. Are you a Christian? Student: I am by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ.’

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calls it. The teaching of the Christian Doctrine is naturally the most important task. But this also implies, in Ledesma’s words, ‘teaching the young to read and instructing them in the holy Faith and the law of Christ and in good morals.’42 * * * However important the religious concerns were, it seems clear that the success of the catechetical movement depended on other factors as well. O’Malley singles out two main areas for the changes in catechesis. In the rest of this section, we will take up O’Malley’s points as a starting point for further discussion. First, according to O’Malley the scope for this kind of activity was radically widened through widespread agitation, not only among the upper classes, for which the ‘mirror of princes’ genre had provided this kind of education, but also extended to all strata of society. In the wake of the Council of Trent, efforts were made in various areas of religious life to strengthen religion in general and raise the level of knowledge in particular. This was part of the ‘“war against ignorance and superstition” that both Protestants and Catholics waged so relentlessly.’ However, as O’Malley has pointed out, it would be wrong to ascribe this solely to the reformatory struggles on both sides of the doctrinal divide during the sixteenth century, and especially to assume that all catechesis after 1527 was somehow dependent on Luther’s work. He emphasizes instead the independent concern about catechetical matters in Catholic countries.43 There is also a broader historical context for the Jesuits’ interests in education. During the fifteenth century, concern for the upbringing of children and adolescents had become important. Certainly, the Jesuits’ educational focus represented at the same time something new in terms of systematic methods, but it was also taking up a longstanding traditional preoccupation with such important issues. The establishment of the youth confraternities in the early fifteenth century constitute an institutional response to this concern. Thus, a company such as the Compagnia dell’Arcangelo Raffaello, which will be the focus of a more in-depth study in Chapter 4, had always had the education of the young as one of its main goals; in this respect, the post-Tridentine period brought nothing essentially new, and the new initiatives could merge with activities that were already central for the laudesi companies and the religious confraternities. Youth confraternities such as the Raffaello were not restricted to the upper strata of society, although some of them may have had a tendency in that direc42 Ledesma, Modo, fol. 6r , Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 295; ‘Et il fine principale, perché essa Compagnia s’è posta ad insegnare lettere alla gioventù, et per instruirla nella santa fede, et legge di Christo, et buoni costumi.’ 43 O’Malley, The First Jesuits, pp. 116-17.

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tion. Thus, the widened scope of the Jesuits should not be seen as an innovation, but rather as a more consistent implementation of this policy. Ledesma’s precepts in his preface give a more concrete example of what this meant in practice. In the section where he gives advice on how to establish a Dottrina class at a new place, he suggests walking around the neighbourhood with a bell with one, two, or four boys in procession, singing the introduction to the Dottrina Christiana [. . .] And in this way one should go through the major parts of the city or the district. And to the people who come to the windows or elsewhere to look, one should say while passing that they should send their own children. And when one has gathered a certain number of children or other people, one may lead them to some church and there start some exhortation about the utility and necessity of [the christian doctrine] and invite them for some other time to some other suitable place if [the church] is not such.44

The possible associations with the Pied Piper aside, it may be wondered how this worked in practice — whether the urge to learn was strong enough for people to send their children out to a foreign ambulant priest, or whether things went as smoothly as it may seem from such descriptions; again, Ledesma’s frequent references to ‘experience’ may indicate that his method — including this element — has been well tested and found to work. The other main area for change that O’Malley singles out was the theme that has been mentioned several times already: the increasing role of literacy and printing at the expense of oral transmission. It is worth noting — although it may be an unintended ‘slip of the pen’ — that in Ledesma’s declaration of intention cited on on the preceding page, ‘teaching the young to read’ is mentioned before ‘instructing them in the holy Faith and the law of Christ’. The emphasis on the written word recurs throughout the book — for example in the suggestion that ‘It is also very fruitful to give prizes to those who do best [. . .] for instance to give them a picture, a rosary, a corona, or some little book with the Christian Doctrine.’45 44

Ledesma, Modo, fol. 10v , Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 300; ‘. . . con una campanella andar con un putto, o due, o quattro, o sei posti in processione, per quel vicinato cantando il proemio de’ la Dottrina Christiana [. . .] et così discorrerà per le parti più principali della Città, o Terra: et alla gente, che si farà alla fenestra, o in altra parte per vederli; dica di passaggio che mandino in suoi figliouoli. Et come haverà raccolto qualche numero de’ putti, o d’altra gente, potrà menarli ad alcuna Chiesa, et in quel luogo medesimo cominciar a far qualche essortatione dell’utilità, et necessità di quella; et invitarli ad altro luogo commodo, se quello non sarà tale, per un’altra volta.’ 45 Ledesma, Modo, fol. 16v , Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 302; ‘Si fa ancora frutto assai, dando delli premij a quelli che dicono meglio, [. . .] come dando un’imagine, o rosarij, corone, o qualche libretto di Dottrina Christiana.’

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This is a relevant context for another wide-ranging declaration of the importance of the education in the Dottrina in Ledesma’s introduction. In the introductory Chapter, ‘About the dignity, necessity, and usefulness of this office’ (‘Della dignità, necessità, et utilità, di quest’ officio’), he states that the youth are like the seeds of the future Republic, and that this office of teaching the Dottrina Christiana is one of the most efficacious means of restoring and reviving God’s Church, since these children will one day become senators, citizens, judges, priests, etc.; and since these young are like plants that if planted well will bring forth good fruit, while if badly planted will bring forth the opposite.46

The primary aim is of course to educate all people to become good Christians, but an ambitious educational programme of this kind would also have positive effects on society, including secular functions: to obtain good Christians also as future state officials. However, outside the confraternal institutions too, in the political world, the upbringing of free men and princes for them to become worthy leaders in society had been a concern for many prominent humanists. Ledesma’s statement above points to the connection between the Jesuits’ views on education and those of the Humanists of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. O’Malley has pointed out that the Jesuits generally had a complex relationship with Humanism. Theologically, and largely for political reasons, they felt the need to keep a distance from Erasmus of Rotterdam. On the other hand, the Jesuits’ educational ideas drew heavily on Humanist Latin and Rhetorics, and a close connection between Christianity and liberal arts became an accepted basis for the Jesuit schools: Jerónimo Nadal (1507–1580), who was the personal assistant to Ignatius Loyola and had the main influence on the establishment of the Jesuit educational tradition, characterized the study programme for young Jesuits as ‘a combination of classical literature and theology’.47 Humanist educational treatises of the early fifteenth century stressed the idea that education should have a moral purpose and should fit youths to take up leadership roles in courts and civic life. The best way to bring about this result, they believed, 46

Ledesma, Modo, fol. 3r , Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 294; ‘Che la gioventù è come una semenza della Repubblica futura, et che quest’officio d’insegnare la Dottrina Christiana è uno de’ mezzi efficacissimi per ristorare, et rinovare la Chiesa di Dio; essendo che di questi fanciulli s’hanno poi a fare i Senatori, i Cittadini, i Giudici, i Sacerdoti, e ’l resto: et che questi giovanetti sono come le piante, le quali ben piantate crescono, et fanno buon frutto, ove le mal piantate fanno il contrario.’ 47 O’Malley, The First Jesuits, p. 257. See also p. 13 on Nadal, pp. 200–242 on Jesuit schools, and the section on Renaissance Humanism, pp. 253–64.

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Chapter 2 was to immerse young men and women in the best literature of classical antiquity, especially its poetry, history, oratory, and moral philosophy.48

In his The Education of Boys (1450), written for Ladislaus, King of Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary, Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, the future Pope Pius II (1405–1464) also stated: You have already been persuaded, I think, that a boy destined to rule must study philosophy; but philosophy, the mother of all arts — which Plato thinks the gift of the gods, and Cicero their invention — cannot be readily comprehended without literary study. Philosophy will first educate you in divine worship, then in that human justice which is founded upon the association of the human race, then in modesty and greatness of soul; it will clear away the darkness from your soul as though from your eyes, so that you may see all that is above or below, the beginning, middle and end of everything. Who therefore would not be willing to toil over literature when such wonderful fruit is plucked from it? When it holds the knowledge of good and evil? When it tells our past, controls the present, and foretells the future? Every age without letters is dark, and an illiterate prince must depend on another’s guidance. And since royal courts are filled with flatters, who will speak the truth to the ruler? Is it not fitting that a king should have a liberal education, that he may garner truth for himself in the books of the philosophers? [. . .] We trust that you were instructed as befits a Christian, that you know the Lord’s Prayer, the Ave Maria, the Gospel of John, the Creed, also several collects, the names of the mortal sins, the Gifts of the Holy Ghost, the Ten Commandments, the Works of Mercy, and finally the way of saving the soul and leading it to heaven. We do not doubt you are convinced that after this life there is another which is joyful and sweet for the good, bitter and full of trouble for the evil. Not only the Bible but also pagan literature shows this.49 48 Craig W. Kallendorf, ‘Introduction’ in Craig Kallendorf, Humanist Educational Treatises, The I Tatti Renaissance Library, 5 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), pp. vii–xvi (p. vii). 49 Aenas Silvius Piccolomini, De liberorum educatione, trans. by Craig Kallendorf in Kallendorf, Humanist Educational Treatises, pp. 126–259 (pp. 161 and 163); ‘Quemadmodum tibi iam persuasum esse putamus, puero qui regnaturus sit necessarium est philosophandi studium; philosophia vero omnium mater artium, quam Plato donum, Cicero inventum deorum putat, absque litteris haud facile percipi potest. Haec te primum ad divinum cultum, deinde ad ius hominum quod situm est in generis humani societate, tum ad modestiam magnitudinemque animum erudiet et ab animo tamquam ab oculis caliginem removebit, ut omnia supera, infera, prima, media, et ultima videas. Quis igitur litteris insudare noluerit, quando tantus ex fructus percipitur, in quibus est boni ac mali notitia; quae nobis praeterita referunt, praesentia moderantur, futura indicant? Sine litteris omnis aetas caeca est, nec alieno carere ducato potest illiteratus princeps. Cumque adulatoribus plenae sint regum aulae, quis verum principi dixerit? An non conducibile est regem litteras nosse, ut in philoosophorum libris ipse sibi veritatem vindicet? [. . .] Credimus te instructum esse, ut Christianum decet, orationem scire dominicam, salutationem

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Interestingly, many themes found in the Dottrina christiana are also found in Piccolomini’s treatise, and the list of basic requirements of Christian fundamentals in the quoted passage is strongly reminiscent of the lists found in the dottrina cristiana tradition.50 There is no doubt that the general emphasis is different in the Jesuits’ doctrinal teaching and the pious youth institutions in general. Nevertheless, it is also important to note that the Jesuit stress on doctrinal teaching which was a key part of the Jesuit agenda even before the idea of general educational activities was adopted, had its basis in prevailing Humanist ideas of the fifteenth century.51 Thus, even concerning the influence of the printing press and the transition from a predominantly oral to a predominantly written mode of transmission in education, O’Malley’s emphasis on the new importance of written texts, with the conclusion that ‘there was a movement away from the fundamentally oral character of catechesis, in which the lesson was conveyed by lectures or sermons and learned in verses often set to tunes, to study from printed texts,’52 should perhaps be modified somewhat. On the one hand, as the previous quotations show, the emphasis on writing had already been strong among humanistically orientated theologians, and, on the other, as we have seen in the excerpts from Ledesma’s method, precisely those elements that in O’Malley’s view were gradually being abandoned were still central elements in the method promulgated by Ledesma, but in a modified form: he still emphasized the oral element and the use of music — not, however, as rote learning and preaching, but as a participatory activity based on written texts.

Morals The third main cluster of topics in the prefaces to the lauda collections is the question of morals and the benefits of lauda singing in relation to both God and man. Singing praises to God is naturally a good deed, but the way in which music is practised also has effects on human life. Beatae Virginis, Iohannis evangelium, symbolum fidei, collectas quoque plures, quae sint mortis peccata, quae sancti spiritus dona, quae magni praecepta dei, quae opera misericordiae, quae denique salvandae animae et in caelum referendae sit via. Persuasum tibi non ambigimus esse, post hanc vitam reperiri aliam, quae bonis laeta dulcisque, malis amara sit et molesta. Hoc enim non sacri solum codices sed ipse quoque gentiles ostendunt litterae’: ibid., pp. 160 and 162. 50 See also the discussion of the Dottrina in the youth confraternities, p. 136. 51 See also p. 140 concerning the use of Jesuit traditions in the youth confraternities. 52 O’Malley, The First Jesuits, p. 118.

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Specifically, the arguments revolve around several interrelated topics: the relation to the ways of the world, which comes to expression both in the topical ‘contemptus mundi’, offering good, spiritual songs as an alternative to worldly songs and, by extension, worldly practices in general, and more specifically against the more lascivious elements in secular song texts; and, to some extent, problematizing the intrinsic effects of music itself, with its sensual side that poses the danger of letting in the Adversary. All these matters make the question of what it is proper for ‘religious people’ to sing a central issue. The moral aspect of the late sixteenth-century lauda tradition is strongly rooted in the renewed concern with morality and proper conduct brought to the fore by the Catholic Reform movement. Thomas à Kempis’s (c. 1380–1471) De imitatione Christi became a text of some importance; it was, for instance, a major influence on Ignatius of Loyola’s Spiritual Exercises. Serafino Razzi’s lauda Io ti lascio stolto mondo is a prime example of the ‘contemptus mundi’ topos. In his Santuario of 1609, he comments that ‘it so pleased spiritual persons that it has been reprinted many times and in many places, such as in Rome in the collections of the Oratory, and in Florence in the books of the Christian Doctrine’.53 This topos comes to expression in many different ways, ranging from a categorical rejection of anything secular, as in Tarquinio Longo’s preface, via the more moderate, albeit firm, repudiation of the ways of the world, of which Razzi is a good representative, to the more general concern with the moral demands of religion, which receives particular emphasis in the didactical treatises. A good example of this is the following summary from Ledesma’s treatise: He should also advise them, and exhort the people in general, to be virtuous examples to everyone: that they should not swear, curse, or say harmful things or tell lies; that they should be obedient and well behaved towards everyone; that they should not treat each other badly; that they should go quietly on the street without causing harm to anyone; and that when they feel like it, they should sing, in the street, in the fields, and in their houses, the songs they have learned in the Christian Doctrine, and that they should not sing bad songs, since although the heretics sing similar songs — and it is prohibited by the superiors to sing them — that the song of the Catholics should be done for the edification of Catholics and with the consensus of the superiors, so as not to seem to use symbols that resemble those of the heretics.54 53

Razzi, Santuario, p. 194; ‘[. . .] e cotanto piaciata alle persone spirituali, che si e piu volte, & in piu luoghi ristampata come in Roma, tra le laudi dell’oratorio, & in Firenze ne i libretti della Dottrina Christiana.’ 54 Ledesma, Modo, Ch. 12, Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 302; ‘Li deve ancora avvisar, et essortar in generale, che siano essempio a tutti di virtù: che non giurino [. . .] bestemmino, né maledicano, che non dicano parole ingiuriose [. . .] bugie: che siano obedienti,

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Giunti gives the most general and also the least condemnatory account of the secular influence. For him, it seems to be mostly a matter of propriety: naturally and unavoidably, society changes over time, but it would have been better if some things had not changed. This is not necessarily because the new things are inherently bad, but because they are out of place among people of religion: Time, which always brings new things, some for the better, some for the worse, and which over the course of forty years has changed the customs of people and introduced new habits and new ways of living in all other respects, has also, in place of this good custom of singing laude, introduced into the monasteries songs that are far less praiseworthy; and, in place of the feasts and rappresentazioni that used to be prepared, comedies and similar kinds of jests, which are hardly worthy of being said in holy places and among religious persons.55

Giunti follows up this general reflection on the passage of time with a more specific argument about the value of ornaments: All people, according to profession or rank, have in all matters certain practices and customs that impose certain limitations on them, in accordance with what has been considered to be of more or less need for them. If, when it comes to ornaments, [it is the case that] just as appropriate it may be for new brides and other young ladies to wear golden and silken drapes, precious gems, and other similar things, just as inappropriate it is for all the holy Virgins and religious people who in all things maintain proper forms and modes of living and dressing; why, then, should there not be such a difference between us and them also in other things, which are perhaps more important than these ornaments? And why does it seem to be permitted for nuns (excepting always yourself [i.e. Suor Caterina de’ Ricci, the dedicatee] and your peers, and the others who are truly models of monastic life) to do things that few secular men even would tolerate from their women, who are without a doubt obliged to much less than the Sisters are?56

et ben creati con tutti [. . .] che non si facciano male gl’uni a gli altri; che vadano quieti per le strade, senza far male a nessuno: et che quando vorranno cantare, cantino per le strade, per li campi, et nelle loro case quello che saperanno della Dottrina Christiana: et che non cantino canzoni cattive [. . .] benché dove gli heretici cantano cose simili, et è prohibito da’ superiori il cantarle; bisogna, che il cantar de’ Catolici si faccia con edificatione de’ Catolici, et consenso de’ superiori, per non parere di simbolizare con gli heretici.’ 55 Razzi, Libro primo, Prologue, p. (2), Prologue [no pagin.]; ‘Ma il tempo, che sempre nuoue cose, & hor migliori, & hor peggiori n’apporta, come ha mutato in gran parte da quaranta anni sono in quà i costumi de gl’huomini, e introdotto nuoue usanze, e nuoui modi di uiuere in tutte l’altre cose, cosi ha in uece di quel buono uso di cantar laudi, introdotto ne i Monasteri canti molto meno lodeuoli: e in uece delle feste, e rappresentazioni, che si faceuano, Comedie, e altri cosi fatti giuochi poco diceuoli in luoghi santi, e fra persone relligiose.’ 56 Razzi, Libro primo, Prologue, p. (1–2); ‘Hanno tutti gl’homini, secondo le professioni, e gradi di ciascuno, in tutti gli affari, usanze, e costumi particolari, ristretti infra certi loro termini, secondo che piu o meno è stato giudicato essere dibisogno. Se quanto sono

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The beauty of the secular world — here represented metaphorically by jewelry and pretty clothes — has its place, but not anywhere. In the context of the quotation (i.e. the excerpt on on the page before), the main complaints are against the lighter-hearted theatrical performances and lower-status songs, but it may be surmised that the lengthy analogy with ornament may also refer to the more advanced, ornate styles of music, which are not necessarily directly connected with sinful or inappropriate activities, but certainly indirectly by association with individual songs or with whole genres, such as the madrigal or the lighter secular genres. The following two quotations are more explicit about this connection. The first, from the ‘Avviso al lettore’ in the Libro delle laudi spirituali, published by the Oratorians in 1589 as a compilation of their three previous volumes, starts with a description that perfectly fits the contemporary madrigal tradition — praises ‘of the hair or the eyes of a lady’, dressed up in beautiful music — and culminates in a chiastic argument in which the charms of the music are said to deceive the listener with the delights of the senses — ‘poison from a golden cup’ — whereas laude can lead people to the delights of God and charm them with divine beauty: Some people, who strain themselves to express in some of their compositions or poetry a success in lascivious love, or to praise the hair or the eyes of a lady, or to weave other similar unsuitable things about love, and dressing it up in the sweetness and harmony of music, having thus infelicitously spent their ingenuity, have done and still do more damage than can be expressed to the chastity of Christian customs and to the purity of hearts. Charmed by the sweetness of the music and of the numbers of the poetry, man abandons his proper place and, entirely effeminate, falls into the delights of the senses, and with his nobility thus stained and his former vigour lost, it is as if he avidly drinks poison from a golden cup, and with covered-up deceptions he is sweetly brought to his death. And because this evil should not continue to wiggle around, the work of those who exert themselves in the opposite work — that of calling back the souls who have plunged themselves into poisonous delights, and leading them back to their former greatness, by presenting them with such poetry and such music in which they cannot only take equal delight, but along with the delight also rise to the delights

d’ornamento, e si conuengono alle nouelle spose, e altre giouani Donne i drappi d’oro, e di seta, le pietre preziose, e altre cose somiglianti; tanto si disconuengono tutte a sante Vergini, e huomini relligiosi, che hanno in ogni cosa propria forma, e modo di uiuere, e di uestire: per qual cagione similimente non deono essere fra noi, e loro differenti l’altre cose, che forse piu importano, che cotali ornamenti non fanno? E per qual cagione uien conceduto alle monache (saluando sempre le uostre pari, e l’altre, che sono ueramente essempio della uita Monastica) quello, che pochi secolari comportano alle loro Donne, le quali pur sono senza alcuna dubitazione a molto meno cose obligate, che le Suore non sono?’

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of God, who is more delightful than all things, and be charmed by the divine beauty, and, touched by unusual devotion, experience an inner presentiment of Paradise — should receive nothing but praise.57

It could be argued that although it is said that music in genres such as the lauda may bring equal delight and thus beat secular music on its home ground, the chiasm is entirely based on the opposition between sensual pleasure and spiritually edifying texts. The excesses of secular music — and again especially in combination with immoral texts — is even more strongly attacked in the following quotation, from the preface in one of the partbooks in Giovanni Arascione’s Nuoue Laudi Ariose, written by Giovenale Ancina. It is a rare text, both for being more than usually outspoken, and for its reference to a conversation, carefully dated so as to give it a quasi-official status, between the author and the dedicatee, the Genoan signora Battina Piccamigli Pinella, in which Arascione delivers a harsh criticism of the opinions expressed by his opponent. She had defended the kind of songs that are subjected to criticism in the previous quotations, considering their theme of love as a metaphorical expression of Platonic love, thus presenting them as more palatable than Arascione can accept: Last year, when I was staying outside Rome in the Villa Tusculana, preoccupied with the mental construction of the new Harmonic Temple dedicated to the blessed Virgin, I was unexpectedly sent a music book by a certain author in which many of his songs were collected, in praise of all the most prominent Ladies and women of a certain large, flourishing city in Italy, up to a hundred in number, or perhaps more, which in terms of the music were very beautiful, sweet, and delightful, but in terms of the words [. . .] full of worldly vanity and exaggeration and 57

Libro delle laudi spirituali dove in uno sono compresi i tre libri già stampati. E ridutta la musica à più brevità e facilità con l’accrescimento delle parole, e con l’aggiunta de molte laudi nuove, che si canteranno nel modo che dentro si mostra, ed. by Francesco Soto (Rome: Gardano, ‘ad instanza delli Reverendi Padri della Congregatione’, 1589), ‘Avviso al lettore’, p. (3); ‘Di qui è che alcuni, con certi loro componimenti, e rime sforzandosi con vaghezza esprimere vn successo d’amor lasciuo, ò lodar i capelli, ò gl’occhi d’vna donna, ò tessere simil’altre ineptie amorose. vestendole con la dolcezza, & armonia della musica, dopo hauere infelicemente consummati gl’ingegni loro, non si può dire quanto danno habbino fatto, e faccino tuttauia alla castità di costumi Christiani, & alla purità dei cori: Imperoche inuaghito dalla soauità della musica, e da i numeri delle rime, lasciando il luogo suo, tutto effeminato cade trà i diletti del senso, & qui macchiata la sua nobiltà, perduto il pristino vigore, beue quasi in vn vaso d’oro auidamente il veleno, e con coperto inganno è portato dolcemente alla morte. E perche questo male non resta d’andar tuttauia serpendo, non deue essere se non laudata l’opera di coloro, che si sono sforzati con contrario studio riuocare gl’animi atuffati ne’ diletti, che attoscano, e ridurgli alla pristin’ altezza loro col proporgli quelle rime, e quelle musiche, doue altri possa non solamente egualmente dilettarsi, ma insieme col diletto inalzarsi alle dilettioni di Dio sopra tutte le cose dolcissimo, & inuaghirsi delle diuine bellezze, e tocco da inusitata deuotione sentire in se stesso vn pregusto del Paradiso.’

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Chapter 2 shameless adulation and much that was also adorned with excessive lasciviousness. [. . .] I cannot recall ever having seen in this genre any works more silly, ridiculous, and vain than these [. . .], in addition to the risk and grave danger to which the health of the soul is exposed simply by reading such profane songs, and even more by singing and playing them. [. . .] Remember, [. . .] the spiritual discourse that was held between us after the Vespers of the octave of the Sacred Sacrament after the sermon of the oratory, here in our own church, before the holy altar of the Annunciate, when I strongly emphasized the lascivious vanity of that work, and the excessive delights and the sickness of the above-mentioned city, you replied in its defence, that this was not upheld there because of lascivious nor dishonest love, albeit vain and light, but out of Platonic, civilized and modest love, with simplicity and without any evil intent, and consequently honest, graceful, and tolerable. To this I immediately retorted that it is not a Platonic love, no, but truthfully Plutonic, i.e. satanic and hellish [. . .]. I believe your honour will also recall all of this. To oppose this work, so vain and lascivious, I have decided finally to publish this second part of the Temple.58

58 Giovanni Arascione, Nuoue Laudi Ariose della Beatma Vergine scelte da diuersi Autori à Quattro Voci per . . . D. Giouanni Arascione, etc (Rome: Nicolo Mutij, 1600), preface to the Soprano part book [no pagin.], quoted from Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 97; ‘L’anno passato mentre mi stava fuor di Roma in Villa Tusculana intento alla fabrica spirituale del nuovo Tempio Armonico dedicato alla beata Vergine [. . .], ecco che all’improviso mi fu mandato à veder’un libro musicale d’un certo Autore, dov’erano raccolte di molte canzoni ariose da lui composte in lode di tutte le principali gentildonne, et signore d’una gran città d’Italia fioritissima sin’al numero di cento, o forsi più, quanto all’ armonia assai vaghe, dolci, e soavi: ma quanto alle parole [. . .] tutte piene di mondana vanità d’hiperbolica, e sfacciata adulatione et molto anco fregiate di soverchia lascivia [. . .] Ond’ io per me non vidi mai in questo genere, che mi ricordi, opra di quella né più sciocca, né più ridicola, ò vana [. . .] oltre il rischio, et pericolo grande, che si corre della salute dell’anima in legger solo, et molto maggiormente poi in cantar, e suonare simili canzoni profane, [. . .] oltre il rischio, et pericolo grande, che si corre della salute dell’anima in legger solo, et molto maggiormente poi in cantar, e suonare simili canzoni profane, [. . .] Ricordisi V.S. [. . .] di quel colloquio spirituale tenuto fra noi doppo ’l Vespro l’Ottava del SS.mo Sacramento finito il sermone dell’Oratorio qui in chiese [sic] nostra proprio innanzi al sacrosanto altare della Nunciata: quando esaggerando io gravemente la [. . .] lasciva vanità di tal’opra, et le soverchie delicie, et morbidezza della sudetta città mi rispose per un poco di scuto alla difesa, non esser ciò tenuto ivi per lascivo, né dishonesto amore, se ben vano, et leggiero: ma Platonico, civile, modesto, con simplicità, et senza malitia alcuna, et per conseguente poi honesto, gratioso, et comportabile. Al che aggiunsi io subito, non amor platonico, no, ma si ben veramente plutonico, cioè satanico, et infernale [. . .] del che tutto credo devrà ricordarsi anchor lei benissimo. Hor dunque per opporre à quell’opra si vana, et lasciva [. . .] mi sono risoluto finalmente di mandar fuori in luce questa seconda parte del Tempio.’ See Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, pp. 97–98 for a discussion of the ‘editorial enigma’ of these part book prefaces, which appear only in some of the preserved exemplars of the Nuove Laudi Ariose.

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The previous quotation brings in the devil, and that is ultimately the perspective from which many of the notions of the moral value of lauda singing stem: even music that is not intrinsically connected with a sinful content — such as openly erotic madrigals — may still stand in the way of the full imitatio Christi and therefore be a potential danger to a Christian. Hence, we should not make the task simpler for the devil by opening loopholes that he may abuse. Since this territory is all the more dangerous the more innocent the listener is, it is especially important to concentrate efforts in areas such as work among children and the unlearned. For even if we leave aside the time that is vainly spent preparing it, who does not know the power that such things have in human hearts, and how easily even the smallest thing may stain the purest soul, which precisely because of its purity is most receptive to all kinds of impressions? Alas, the deceits of the world and the snares that our common Adversary sets up for us, are numerous enough without our also coaxing him and handing him weapons with which to damage our souls.59

Simplicity That the lauda repertory is simple is a given, owing both to historical tradition and to the practical circumstances, especially with regard to the part lauda singing came to play in the education of children. How to present and evaluate this simplicity is something that varies a great deal between the various authors, although the main themes are the same. Some merely refer to the practical constraints of the genre — these are after all songs to be sung by the young and the unlearned; artistic merits are hardly worth discussing. Thus, Ledesma says that ‘it is of great help for the children, and they like it very much too, when they learn some devout song, well-phrased and with a good melody and well suited to children’,60 and it is obvious from the context as well as from the examples he gives and the settings included in his book that ‘suited to children’ means ‘simple’. 59

Razzi, Libro primo, Prologue, p. (1); ‘Perche lasciamo stare il tempo, che uanamente si spende in appararle, chi non sa quanta habbiano cotali cose forza ne gl’humani petti, e quanto ageuolmente possa anche ogni minima cosa, macchiare un’animo candidissimo, e atto, per la purità sua, a riceuere ogni impressione? Pur troppo sono gl’inganni del mondo, e i lacciuoli, che sempre ci tende il comune Auuersario nostro, senza che noi medesimi lo lusinghiamo, e gli mettiamo l’arme in mano a danno delle nostre anime.’ 60 Ledesma, Modo, fol. 16v , Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 301; ‘Per isperienza si vede, che molto s’aiutano i putti, et gustano molto, quando se gli insegna qualche divota canzone, ben detta, con bell’aria, et accomodata a’ i figliuoli.’

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Again, some of the comments have a slightly apologetic tone in this respect: yes, the songs are simple, but they are so for specific reasons, and they should not be judged too harshly. The following passage, from the introduction to Arie per cantare le lodi . . . from c. 1615, may serve as an example. The songs in the collection are simple because they reflect what was sung ‘in the churches of Rome’ and what was used for the Dottrina among children who ‘know nothing about music’. To the extent that there are polyphonic settings, this is also given a practical-didactic rather than an aesthetic motivation: Our aim in publishing these melodies (as emphasized at the beginning), has simply been for the masters of the Dottrina as well as those who learn it to have available, together with the lauda texts, the melodies to which they are sung in the churches of Rome. [. . .] And although one single voice might be enough, we have nevertheless seen that adding more voices from time to time is highly pleasing and not too difficult for the youngsters, even those who know nothing about music. Therefore, the other voices are added, for whomever would like to use them, all to the praise and glory of the Lord.61

However, other writers go further. With arguments that range from opposition to the complexities of worldly music to theological reasoning concerning God’s listening habits, they take up the question of simple music in various ways. What they have in common is a desire to invest simple song with qualities of its own. Serafino Razzi takes an explicit stance against the ‘moderns’ and their complex music, which despite its loftiness — or perhaps precisely because of it — fails to arouse devotion, Razzi’s key concept: We know full well that modern people today mostly want the most exquisite things in which there is more loftiness than devotion, and which has more of obscurity and difficulty of understanding than of Christian simplicity.62 61

Arie per cantare . . .; ‘Il fine che ci ha mosso à por quì queste Arie (come al principio si accennò) non è stato altro se non accioche, cosi li maestri della Dottrina, come quelli che imparano, habbiano alla mano insieme con le lodi, anco l’Arie con che si cantano per ordinario nelle Chiese di Roma. [. . .] Et benche basti vna voce sola: nondimeno vedendosi che l’aggiunger tal volta più voci è cosa assai diletteuole, ne molto difficile à giovanetti, ancorche ignoranti di musica si aggiungono l’altre parti, per chi vorrà seruirsene, il che tutto sia à lode, & gloria del Signore.’ Quoted from Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 427 (also discussed on pp. 513 and 778). The collection has no bibliographical identification, but it has the emblem of the Compagnia del Gesù, and Rostirolla dates it to the period 1600–1615 (Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 427). 62 Razzi, Santuario, p. 224; ‘che ben sappiamo i moderni oggi per lo piu desiderare cose squisitissime, & in cui sia piu eleuazione, che diuozione, e che piu habbiano di scolorosità, e difficultà a intendersi, che di semplicità christiana, e di pietà popolare.’

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In the preface to his second book of laude from 1570, Giovanni Animuccia combines the attitudes in the two preceding remarks — as a composer of some stature, he is well aware of the shortcomings of the music in his first collection of 1563, but he gives it a threefold justification: partly in a humanistic wish for correspondence between words and music; partly with reference to the character of the place in which they were used, and partly — and most importantly — in the desire to arouse devotion: [In the first book of Laude] I attempted to apply a certain simplicity that seemed to befit the words themselves, the character of that devout place, and my goal, which was only to arouse devotion.63

Perhaps the most interesting discussion of the merits of simplicity is held in the introduction to the collective volume of laude that the Oratorians published in 1583. It represents the same fundamental sentiment as the Lodi per cantare and Razzi, but with less of an edge than the former and less apologetically than the latter. Rather, it positions the contents of the volume — the majority of the laude in the first three Oratorian collections, including the two by Animuccia — in a cultural landscape in which it defends its position vis à vis more artful and subtle music on its own merits, alongside it and not in an admittedly subordinate position, because precisely the simple quality makes the music apt to move the listener to devotion — more so, even, than the more advanced music which places heavier demands both on listeners and composers. And in this whole selection we have not only had a view to selecting the laude that are composed with artfulness and refinement, to the satisfaction of subtle people with a refined judgement, but have also allowed many simple and poor laude to serve the common people at large and — without being indecorous about it — in all things always to retain a certain simplicity, so befitting Christians and embraced by our Oratory, which, in our experience, is more apt to move the souls not only of simple people, but also of the more discerning, than the things that for a long time have painstakingly been developed under the refinement and culture of the ingenious. May the Reader, then, receive this little effort well and strive to take from it the fruit that should be and is hoped to be found, until other things should come to his aid.64 63

Giovanni Animuccia, Il secondo libro delle laudi. Dove si contengono motteti, salmi et altre diverse cose spirituali vulgari et latine (Rome: Blado, 1570), Prologue, p. (2); ‘Sono gia alcuni anni che [. . .] io mandai fuori il Primo Libro delle Laudi, nellequali attesi à servare una certa simplicità, che alle parole medesime, alla qualita di quel diuoto luogo, & al mio fine, che era solo di eccitar diuotione pareua si conuenisse.’ 64 Libro delle laudi spirituali (1589), ‘Avviso al lettore’, p. (3); ‘E in tutta questa scelta si è hauuto l’occhio non solamente di pigliare le Laudi composte con artificio, e politezza per satisfare à gl’huomini acuti, e di purgato iudicio, ma anco se ne sono lasciate passare molte semplici, e pouerelle per pascolo commune della moltitudine; per non esser disdiceuole in

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This passage contains no condemnation of the kind that Razzi delivers of the advanced music. The subtle and refined judgement and the painstaking efforts of the cultivated and ingenious music are regarded with respect, but the simple material in the book needs no excuse: it is a conscious choice made because it better fulfils the task at hand, not out of exigency or practical limitations. The following excerpt, from the preface to Arascione’s Nuove Laudi Ariose from 1600, runs in the same general direction. The role of simplicity is even less pronounced here than in the previous quotations — it is just an item in a list of characteristics. But although the music is simple to sing, this does not prevent it from being of the quality that might be expected from someone who has worked among excellent musicians. In the short text, passing references to all the topics that have been mentioned so far are combined: the teaching of the Dottrina, the tradition from which he has collected them, the emphasis on the approval from ‘judicious experts in the profession and art of music’, and his own personal devotion, which led him to publish the collection in the first place. With the good occasion of having for many years practised in Naples and Rome with various excellent and extraordinary musicians, I have for a long time for my own devotion been collecting various and diverse spiritual laude, among those that are the most melodious, soft, devout, graceful, delightful, and simple to sing, and in particular some composed for and dedicated to the glory of the Most Blessed Virgin, Our Lady. Having made a test edition of these, and seeing how they were liked by many judicious experts in the profession and art of music, I added to them the fruit that is culled from the devout and holy exercise of the Dottrina Cristiana.65

If some of the authors attempt to give the simplicity an aesthetic legitimization, there is another branch that favours a theological justification. The following quotation is from Laudi spirituali di diversi, published by the Oratorians in tutte le cose mantenere sempre vna certa semplicità tanto propria de’Christiani, e riceuuta dal nostro Oratorio: la quale (per quanto si sperimenta) per muouere gli animi non solo de i semplici, ma de i più accorti, è più atta che non sono le cose che longamente hanno sudato sotto la lima, e cultura de gl’ingegnosi. Riceuerà dunque il Lettore questa poca fatica benignamente, e si sforzerà ritrarne quel frutto, che si deve, e si spera; sin tanto che altre cose s’anderanno apparecchiando per giouamento suo.’ 65 Arascione, Nuoue Laudi Ariose, ‘A pii et devoti cantori’ [no pagin.]; ‘Con l’opportuna occasione d’hauer pratticato già, molti anni trà Napoli, e Roma con diuersi Musici eccelenti, e rari, sono andato in lungo progresso di tempo per particolar mia diuotione raccogliendo insieme varie, e diuerse Laudi spirituali, delle più ariose, soaui, diuote, gratiose, diletteuoli, & facili al cantarsi: e specialmente alcune composte, & dedicate al honore della Beatissima Vergine N. Sig. le quali vedendo esser riuscite in proua; & piacciute à molti giudiciosi, & esperti in tal professione, & arte Musicale, aggiuntoui il frutto, che nel diuoto, e santo esercitio della Dottrina Cristiana cauar si suole.’ Reprinted in facsimile in Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 28.

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1603, but the same or similar formulations occur elsewhere in the repertory, for example as a common element in the prefaces in the Scelta series of lauda collections (1614–70). Again, there is a clear recognition that the songs may be simple and badly constructed, but there is divine precedence in God’s acceptance of the simple and humble offering of ‘a little sip of milk’, even when he had the whole gloriousness of the temple at his disposal. It may also be noted how elegantly the author combines this commonplace with another: that of presenting his own effort to the magnanimous judgement of the dedicatee: Almighty God is not only pleased to hear his praises sung by the purest voices of that heavenly hierarchy, but once in while he will turn his ear to the simple and badly formed voices of humble children. His Divine Majesty certainly took delight in the great walls, gilded roofs and the precious ornaments of that famous temple, but he also did not disdain that little sip of milk which that holy Patriarch offered to him, and by sending forth a flame from Heaven which burned the sacrifice, he signalled that he had received it gracefully. With reason Your Excellency can imitate Him, if you pay more respect to your natural grandeur and magnanimity than to the poverty and baseness of my merits, and value the present gift as an image of a devout and respectful soul. 66

The Aesthetics of Devotional Music In his first book of laude, Animuccia’s only professed goal was to inspire devotion, and he therefore used simple settings, as we saw earlier (p. 77). Later on in the preface to his second book, from which the quotation is taken, Animuccia goes on to explain the more advanced character of his new settings: But since the above-mentioned oratory by the grace of God has been constantly growing, with a concourse of prelates and the highest noblemen, I found it appropriate in this second book to expand the harmony and the chords, to vary the 66

Laudi spirituali di diversi. Solite cantarsi dopò Sermoni da Reu. Padri della Congregatione dell’Oratorio. Di nuovo raccolti, accresciuti, e dati in luce da Paolo Martinelli, ed. by Paolo Martinelli (Rome: Guglielmo Facciotto, 1603); ‘Si compiace il grand’ Iddio non solo vdir cantar le sue lodi dalle purissime bocche di quelle supreme Hierarchie, ma porge anco tal volta l’orecchio al le semplici, e mal formate voci de gli humili fanciullini. Piacquero à sua Diuina Maestà le ricche mura, i d’orati tetti, & i pretiosissimi arnesi di quel famoso tempio, ma ne anche sdegnò quel poco di latte, che quel santissimo Patriarcha gli offerse, e con mandar dal Cielo una fiamma, che bruciò l’oblatione diede segno che gratissima gli fosse stata. Potrà con ragione l’Eccellenza vostra imitarlo, se hauendo più tosto riguardo alla natural grandezza, e magnanimità sua, che alla pouertà, e bassezza de miei meriti gradirà il presente dono, come imagine d’animo deuoto, & obsequente.’ The same or similar formulations are used in the prefaces to the books in the Scelta series, published in several editions between 1614 and 1670; see references p. 165 and the citation in Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 623.

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Chapter 2 music in different ways, using both Latin and Italian texts, setting it in fewer or more voices, some times in one verse form, sometimes in another, and to occupy myself as little as possible in fugues and inventions in such a way that the understanding of the words is not obscured but that they with their efficaciousness, aided by the harmony, may penetrate the listener’s heart more sweetly. And many judicious and devout persons have told me that they have felt greatly moved to devotion when these laude [i.e. the more advanced in the second book] have been sung, as you Your Illustriousness have confirmed to me many times.67

At first sight, it may appear that here Animuccia is linking the devotional effect of the music with the more advanced character of the new songs. However, it should probably be seen the other way around: the direct motivation for the changed character is not the need for a broader palette of expressive means, but a new socio-cultural setting, an increasing number of oratory members who are used to more advanced music. Yet, simplicity and devotionality are inseparable in the genre, and what Animuccia argues, if anything, is that even his new and more advanced settings have been found to move listeners to devotion, and that this can happen, not because of the increased variation and complexity, but in spite of it. It is only by balancing musical complexity with the fundamental demand for intelligibility — the core concern of the Tridentine pronouncement about music — that the more advanced features may enhance the devotional experience. It can hardly escape notice that most authors treat the lauda primarily as a lyric genre: in the Dottrina context, the tunes are mostly treated as a tool for communicating the truths of the church; many lauda collections are printed without music, and even those that do contain music may present themselves as the 1589 Oratorian volume does: ‘One has decided in the end to make a selection of the most beautiful ones [. . .] and to print them also without the music for the benefit of those who do not take any delight in it.’68 The juxtaposition of the 67

Animuccia, Secondo libro, preface; ‘Ma essendosi poi tuttauia l’Oratorio suddetto per gratia di Dio uenuto accrescendo, co’l concorso di Prelati, & Gentil’huomini principalissimi, è parso anco à me conueniente di accrescere in questo Secondo Libro, l’harmonia, & i concenti, uariando la musica in diuversi modi, facendola hora sopra parole latine, hora sopra uulgari, & hora con piu numero di uoci, & hora con meno, & quando con rime d’una maniera, & quando d’ un’altra, intrigandomi il manco ch’io ho potuto con le fughe, & con le inuentioni, per non oscurare l’intendimento de le parole, accioche con la lor efficacia, aiutate dall’harmonia, potessero penetrare piu dolcemente il cuore di chi ascolta. Et molte giuditiose, & diuote persone, m’hanno riferito di sentirsi grandemente commouere à diuotione quando si cantano queste Laudi, si come V. S. Illustre, di se medesima piu uolte mi ha confermato.’ 68 Libro delle laudi spirituali (1589), ‘Aviso al lettore’, p. (3); ‘si è pensato vltimamente di far scelta d’alcune più belle [. . .] e farle stampare anco senza la Musica per commodità di coloro, che di lei non si dilettano.’

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most beautiful songs with the least appreciative users is striking. And eloquent as Razzi is when he describes the merits of his texts, he is vague in equal measure when it comes to the music. In the following quotation, it is remarkable how many complex theological and philosophical issues, such as the notion of man as a small world,69 can be drawn from a trivial text about the Nativity, while the melody is simply ‘beautiful’: And how could that holiest night not be sweet and joyful — in which the sun of justice was born, Christ our Lord; in which the heavens brought forth manna of sweetness? In which came the one who had been awaited by all peoples? And in which the universe of all creatures was, in a certain way, ennobled in the highest degree by our Lord Christ’s taking upon himself the holiest humanity, in the personification of the divine Word — since the entire creation is gathered in man, as if a small world? The mysteries of all this, and the joy of that holy night and day, are elaborated in a simple manner in the above lauda, with a beautiful melody.70

This does not mean that the musical side is treated as altogether insignificant. As we saw in the previous section, the simplicity of lauda music was considered a merit in its own right, and singing was the cornerstone of Ledesma’s method. The special ability of music to arouse devotion is a commonplace in these texts, and is nowhere more evocatively formulated than in Razzi’s second book: It used to be common in some monasteries of strict observance, in order to arouse devotion more forcefully, on some solemn feasts to wake and call the nuns to Matins during the night, with some beautiful and harmonious song with words made for the occasion. [. . .] It cannot be expressed fully what grace of mind it brings to devout souls to hear, in the silence of the night and around midnight, in sacred and religious monasteries, the near-angelic voices resounding in good harmony that calls them to divine praises.71 69 See Eyolf Østrem, ‘Homo creator and Deus artifex: Art Between the Human and the Divine’, in Creations, ed. by Sven Rune Havsteen and others, Ritus et Artes, 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), pp. 15–48 (pp. 37–41 and passim) for a discussion of this notion in Nicholas of Cusa and others. 70 Razzi, Santuario, p. 162, remarks to ‘Dolce, felice, e lieta’; ‘E come non puote essere dolce, & allegra quella sacratissima notte, in cui nacque il sole di giustizia, Christo nostro Signore. In cui stillarono i cieli manna di dolcezza? In cui venne l’aspettato di tutte le genti? Et in cui la Vniuersità di tutte le creature, in certo modo fu nel più eccellente grado, che si potesse nobilitata, per la assunzione della sacratissima humanità di Christo nostro signore, alla personalità del diuin Verbo: Essendo che ogni creatura, nell’huomo, come in un picciol mondo, sia raccolta? I misteri per tanto, e l’allegrezza di questa santissima notte, e giorno, semplicemente si vengono spiegando nella soprascritta laude, di vago canto.’ 71 Razzi, Santuario, p. 4; ‘Costumano in alcuni monasteri di osservanza, per maggiormente eccitare alla divozione, in certe più solenni feste, di suegliare, e chiamare le monache, la notte al mattutino, con qualche bella, & armoniosa aria di canto, e con parole fatte al proposito di detta solennita. [. . .] Ne si puo dire a pieno, quanta soavità

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That music is regarded and treated as subordinate to the words is only to be expected; even within the more artful musical circles, any considerations of the intrinsic, autonomous force of music are still a century or two away, especially in a functional genre such as the lauda. It is therefore unusual to find a passage such as the following, from Ancina’s preface to the bass partbook of Arascione’s Nuove Laudi Ariose (1600). After a slightly convoluted explanation of the predicaments before the publication of the volume, he is suddenly struck by the ‘wonderful coincidence’ that the feast he had attended with the dedicatee, François de Joyeuse (1562–1615), Archbishop of Toulouse, before his return to France, was the feast of St Exuperius, who had also been Bishop of Toulouse ( after 410), which was a felicitous omen for the desired progress of this work, which had been so highly appreciated and praised by You, even though, Toulouse being the metropolis of Languedoc, the Italian words would not have been so well understood or perceived, but at least when it comes to the music, its venerable and noble clergy and the numerous people seem not to have been entirely ungrateful, enjoying the soft and sweet harmonies, so affective and most efficacious in arousing the souls both of those who sing and the listeners.72

The connections in Ancina’s chain of associations are weak, and the formulations are similar in style to those in the other partbooks, with the same kind of mixture of personal recollection and treatment of the ‘grand topics’ that we saw earlier (p. 73). It is also an open question whether it should be interpreted simply as a statement in the same vein as Razzi’s description of the ‘nightly voices’. However, whereas the latter is closer to a general reflection about an emotional atmosphere brought about by music at night, Ancina offers more specific considerations about the relationship between words and music and their relative effects. This is a theme that was definitely in the air at the time of writing, with Monteverdi’s music as the prime example, and although it would be stretching the point to compare Ancina’s and Arascione’s laude to Monteverdi’s madrigals di spirito rechi à gli animi devoti, il sentire risonare, ne i notturni silenzij, & intorno al mezzo della notte, per i sacri, e religiosi monasteri, voci quasi angeliche, e ben consonanti, le quali invitano alle divine laudi.’ 72 Arascione, Nuoue Laudi Ariose, preface to the bass partbook [no pagin.]; ‘felice augurio per il desiato progresso di quest’opra tanto da lei gradita, et lodata insieme: la qual se ben forse in Tolosa metropoli di Linguadocca quanto spetta alle parole italiane non sarà così ben’intesa, né accetta, ad ogni modo per conto della musica almeno a cotesto suo venerando, et nobilissimo clero, et numeroso popolo [. . .] non devrà esser’ingrata, mentre si godrà la soave, et dolce armonia affettuosa, e più potente ad eccitar gli animi di coloro che cantano, et d’altri ch’ascoltano.’

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or the early operatic composers in Florence, as a general context it is not entirely irrelevant. This becomes even more evident from a look at how, fifty years later, the relationship between the simple, devotional lauda and the more artful music is regarded. Lauda singing seems to have been of great importance in defining one of the most important operatic styles in the seventeenth century: the aria style. Friedhelm Krummacher has pointed out that the aria style is based on what, in his hugely influential Musurgia universalis of 1650, Athanasius Kircher (1601–1680) describes as the stylus melismaticus: The above mentioned melismatic style is a succinct, short and harmonious style, in meters and verses suitable for three or four voices, through which the affect is aroused by the sweet and affectionate concordance of the voices, without vehement passion, by the avoidance of all long diminutions through artful ligatures, and by the beautiful succession of the harmonious feet [i.e. of the verse], in a way that is most appropriate for religious matters. This is, however, a double style: the Hyporchematicus or choraicus [dance style], the other the ecclesiastical: [. . .] the second belongs to the church, properly speaking. To this belong all the ecclesiastical hymns, but not those in the style in which Palestrina and Morales wrote, using a cantus firmus as subject, but rather those in which the concords proceed in four equal voices, and from which we, with a fitting word, call all songs in this style melismata, that is, short and sweet harmonies, of the kind that are customarily sung in churches at Christmas, and during Holy Week before the sepulchre.73

Kircher does not refer explicitly to the lauda, but his description makes it quite clear that this is what he has in mind: the simple, harmonious style of 73 Athanasius Kircher, Musurgia universalis, sive Ars magna consoni et dissoni in X. libros digesta, 2 vols (Rome: Ex typographia hæredum Francisci Corbelletti, 1650), i, 614; ‘Stylus ut supra dixi Melismaticus est stylus succinctus, brevis et harmonicus, metris et versibus aptus 3, aut 4 vocum; quo dulci, & affectuosa vocum concordia sine vehementiori concitatione vocum, omnibus diminutionibus longioribus omissis per artificiosas ligaturas, pulchro pedum harmonicorum processu affectus excitantur, rebus deuotionis aptissimus. Est autem hic stylus duplex Hyporchematicus, siue choraicus; alter Ecclesiasticus: [. . .] posterior pertinet propriè ad Ecclesiam: ad quem reuocantur omnes Humni Ecclesiastici, non tamen eo stylo quo eos descripsit Prænestinus, & Morales subiecto cantus firmi inhærentes, sed quæ 4 vocum æquabili concordia progrediuntur, vnde apto vocabulo omnes huiusmodi cantilenas melismata vocamus, id est breues, & dulces harmonias cuiusmodi sunt Natalitiae, & quae per Septimanam Sanctam, in Ecclesijs ante Sepulchrum cantari solent.’ See also Friedhelm Krummacher, ‘Die geistliche Aria in Norddeutschland und Skandinavien: Ein gattungsgeschichtlicher Versuch’, in Weltliches und Geistliches Lied des Barock: Studien zur Liedkultur in Deutschland und Skandinavien, ed. by Dieter Lohmeier (Stockholm: Svenskt Visarkiv, 1979), pp. 229–64 (pp. 231 ff ); and Lars Berglund, Studier i Christian Geists vokalmusik, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis: Studia musicologica Upsaliensia, n.s. 21, Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University (Uppsala: Uppsala University Library, 2002), pp. 115–18.

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certain religious songs, specifically excluding the advanced polyphonic style of Palestrina. The final reference to songs that are sung during Christmas and Holy Week accords exactly with the periods to which lauda singing was being concentrated, and the ‘sepulchre’ can hardly be anything but the Apparato that was set up in churches and confraternities during Holy Week. Kircher’s main point in this part of his book is to present various musical styles and identify the affects that are produced by the different styles. In this particular case, the stylus melismaticus is said to be ‘most appropriate for religious matters’, presumably because of the association with the devotional use of the simple lauda. It is noteworthy that it is the simple lauda, and not the more prestigious Palestrina style that creates this effect. The lauda has thereby stepped out of its original context and entered the domain of the most advanced music of the time, not as a concrete song genre, but as an abstract idea of the lauda, which within the new context plays a role that in one way is the same as in the old context — that of arousing religious sentiment — but with a different function: as a dramatic or ‘aesthetic’ effect within the much larger system of meaning constituted by the opera.

Eternal Praise and the Harmony of the Spheres With the excerpt from Kircher’s Musurgia, we have moved to an entirely different kind of text, a monumental two-volume treatise that discusses every conceivable aspect of music, including ultra-modern topics such as bird song and the music of the New World. The themes that are prominent in the short prefaces to lauda collections that we are otherwise discussing in this chapter, are naturally more limited — the ontological character of music and similar lofty matters are generally beyond their scope. Nevertheless, such topics are touched upon in several of the texts. We have already seen it in Razzi’s enthusiasm for the ‘near-angelic’ voices sounding in the monasteries at night (p. 81) and concerning the Christmas lauda ‘Dolce, felice, e lieta’ (p. 81). The preface to Laudi spirituali di diversi (1603), the Oratorian collection which first presents the comparison between the ‘simple and badly formed voices’ and the ‘purest voices of the heavenly hierarchy’ quoted above (p. 79), makes a point out of describing its dedicatee as particularly intent on the contemplation of higher matters. The eloquent exposition ends: I hope that you will gain pleasure from reading the present laude, which with joy of spirit and consolation of the heart will represent for you a shadow of that

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heavenly harmony where those blessed spirits give eternal tribute of songs, praises, and benedictions before the highest throne.74

Tarquinio Longo takes a similar approach, assimilating the singer with King David: The intention has been not to write only for the poets or for the learned and the literate, but to give an honest and holy entertainment to all kinds of persons who, singing these songs in the manner of the holy King David, will both praise their creator and recreate themselves.75

All in all, the topos of heavenly music is mentioned frequently enough in the collections to be seen as a theoretical backdrop to the otherwise predominantly functional contents, that in some cases come to the fore. In the list with which we opened this chapter, it appears at the end, after all the practical effects of music; in the preface to the Oratorian Terzo libro from 1589, this order is reversed. We have presented above some shorter quotations from this book concerning the moral aspects of song. In conclusion, we present the whole text: There is no doubt that man, being of the character that he is, always when he hears either music or poetry, or other similar things that contain numbers and proportions, is impressed, transformed, changed, and seized by the most diverse affects, in I know not which way. And for this reason some people, who strain themselves to express in some of their compositions or poetry a success in lascivious love, or to praise the hair or the eyes of a lady, or to weave other similar unsuitable things about love, and dressing it up in the sweetness and harmony of music — having infelicitously spent their ingenuity, it cannot be expressed how much damage they have done and still do to the chastity of Christian customs, and to the purity of hearts: Charmed by the sweetness of the music and of the numbers of the poetry, they abandon their proper place and, entirely effeminate, they fall into the delights of the senses, and with their nobility thus stained and their former vigour lost, it is as if they avidly drink poison from a golden cup, and with covered-up deceptions they are sweetly brought to their death. And because one should not continue to crawl around in [snake one’s way in] this evil, the work of those who exert themselves in the opposite work — of calling back the souls who have plunged themselves into poisonous delights, and lead them back to their former greatness, by presenting them with such poetry and such music in which they cannot only take equal delight, but along with the delight also rise 74 Laudi spirituali di diversi, dedication [no pagin.]; ‘così spero riceuerà piacere, leggendo le presenti lodi, che con giocondità di spirito, e consolation di cuore le rappresentaranno vn’ombra di quella Celeste armonia doue quei beati spiriti rendono à quell’altissimo trono quasi eterno tributo di canti, lodi, e benedittioni.’ 75 Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, p. 4; ‘quel che quì si pretende è, non gia scriuere à soli i poeti, ò pure à dotti, & letterati; ma dare un’honesto, & santo trattenimento à tutte le sorti di persone, che à guisa del Santo Rè Dauid cantando queste Canzoni, intendano insieme, & lodare il lor Creatore, & ricrear se stessi.’

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Chapter 2 to the delights of God, who is more delightful than all things, and be charmed by the divine beauty, and, touched by unusual devotion, experience an inner presentiment of Paradise — should receive nothing but praise. And when these books of Laude spirituale have been sent forth, which are now in people’s hands, it has primarily been with regard to all these things.76

The preface forms a continuous line of argument about the importance of music, where the roots in the heavenly harmony are all-important: it is this balance — the basic proportions that are at the root of musical sound, of bodily fluids and of heavenly bodies — that is disrupted when composers and poets indulge in ‘lascivious love’. The direct consequence is that the outcome is ‘entirely effeminate’, i.e. the balance in the words and music themselves is skewed towards the feminine, imperfect side.77 This is the theoretical explanation for the danger of lascivious music; the theological way of explaining the same thing is that it ‘lets the Adversary in’. And one way to stem this influence is through simple music, in which the balance is much less open to disruption. Hence, the final reference to ‘all these things’ should not be seen simply as a quick way to summarize disparate elements; it could just as well have read ‘all these things taken together’.

76

Libro delle laudi spirituali (1589), ‘Avviso al lettore’; ‘Non è dubbio alcuno, che l’huomo, per essere com’ egli è temprato, sempre mai, che sente ò musica, ò rime, ò simil’altre cose, che contengono i numeri, e le proportioni, non sò in che modo s’imprime, si tramuta, si cambia, e piglia diuersissime affettioni: e di qui è che alcuni, con certi loro componimenti, e rime sforzandosi con vaghezza esprimere vn successo d’amor lasciuo, ò lodar i capelli, ò gl’occhi d’vna donna, ò tessere simil’altre ineptie amorose. vestendole con la dolcezza, & armonia della musica, dopo hauere infelicemente consummati gl’ingegni loro, non si può dire quanto danno habbino fatto, e faccino tuttauia alla castità di costumi Christiani, & alla purità dei cori: Imperoche inuaghito dalla soauità della musica, e da i numeri delle rime, lasciando il luogo suo, tutto effeminato cade trà i diletti del senso, & qui macchiata la sua nobiltà, perduto il pristino vigore, beue quasi in vn vaso d’oro auidamente il veleno, e con coperto inganno è portato dolcemente alla morte. E perche questo male non resta d’andar tuttauia serpendo, non deue essere se non laudata l’opera di coloro, che si sono sforzati con contrario studio riuocare gl’animi atuffati ne’ diletti, che attoscano, e ridurgli alla pristin’ altezza loro col proporgli quelle rime, e quelle musiche, doue altri possa non solamente egualmente dilettarsi, ma insieme col diletto inalzarsi alle dilettioni di Dio sopra tutte le cose dolcissimo, & inuaghirsi delle diuine bellezze, e tocco da inusitata deuotione sentire in se stesso vn pregusto del Paradiso. E à tutto questo si è principalmente guardato nel mandar fuori questi Libri de Laudi Spirituali, che adesso vanno per le mani.’ 77 The connection between music and femininity is a vast field. Susan McClary’s contributions are an obvious starting point; especially relevant here is her study of how modal theory is used to depict gender in Monteverdi’s Orfeo (Susan McClary, ‘Constructions of Gender in Monteverdi’s Dramatic Music’, Cambridge Opera Journal, 1 (1989), 203–223).

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here is no such thing as purely functional music. Even if music performs a specific function — and that function is deemed far more important than the music itself — there is still a musical object apart from and independently of the function, which may be shaped according to rules laid down in response to the requirements of the function that it is supposed to fulfil, but which can never be completely determined by it, as long as function and means belong to different spheres with different grammars. This may seem like an obvious series of statements, but leafing through the pages of the numerous books of laude, we are well advised to keep it in mind, to counteract the impression that any musicological training is wasted here; what has counted are the texts, and the melodies are there merely as accompaniment — usually of the most unremarkable kind. And yet, although most of the arrangements are simple and the tunes hardly memorable, there are points of interest even of a purely musical nature. There are single laude that stand out from the rest, there are whole collections that are noteworthy for one reason or another, and there is a musical framework of understanding that either can be gleaned from the mass of songs or is explicitly presented in prefaces and letters of dedications, which was the focus of the previous chapter. Finally, there are the external sources that shed light on how these songs were actually used and received, to which we will return in Chapter 4. In this chapter, we will concentrate on the musical side: the various stylistic layers and developments as well as the compositional strategies and trends that are observable in the repertory of the post-Tridentine, polyphonic lauda, with the aim of demonstrating the stylistic simplicity, but also the variation and scope of styles and genres that might be obscured by general references to ‘the lauda’. In following chapters, this outline will be used to draw a more extensive picture of the milieu of the polyphonic lauda, from its peak in the second half of the

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sixteenth century, to the remarkable ms 55 in the Archivio Musicale of the Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore in Florence from the end of the seventeenth, which wil bee discussed in detail in Chapter 5.

The Post-Tridentine Lauda In the most accurate and up-to-date bibliography of the post-Tridentine lauda, Oscar Mischiati and Giancarlo Rostirolla list sixty-seven editions of laude between Razzi’s two collections of 1563 and 1609.1 A number of these are reprints, some are lost, and some again are text collections, but there still remain approximately fifty different collections of laude containing music. However, this apparent variety can be narrowed down considerably. Thirteen of the collections were published by the Oratorians, mostly in Rome, but eventually in other cities in Italy, and form a separate series in which many laude are reprinted from collection to collection, and which also stand out from the rest in other respects, most notably for the quantity of newly written laude in a fairly advanced style by prominent composers from the Papal chapel in Rome, such as Giovanni Animuccia and Francesco Soto de Langa. Similarly, nineteen collections are associated with the Dottrina Christiana and are annotated with the special requirements for use in this educational setting. The laude in these collections are in general simple and uniform in style, covering a fairly narrow range from very simple litany-like strophes with optional additional voices to slightly more elaborate settings that the ‘star students’ might prepare. Apart from these main groups, there are a number of collections that seem to belong to one of the groups but where the exact affiliation is not stated explicitly in Rostirolla’s and Mischiati’s survey, and some that are merely listed without any further information, whether this is because they have not been studied by Rostirolla or because they are lost.2 This leaves a third group of a handful of 1

Oscar Mischiati and Giancarlo Rostirolla, ‘Per una bibliografia delle fonti a stampa della Lauda post-tridentina (1563–1952)’, in La lauda spirituale tra cinque e seicento: Poesie e canti devozionali nell’Italia della controriforma, pp. 741–84. The bibliography is to a large extent a systematization and a bringing together of the information in the numerous lists and bibliographies that are scattered throughout the articles in this most important collection of Rostirolla’s writings. In the following presentation, we draw heavily on Rostirolla’s work. We hope that the ample references are justified both by the scope of his studies and by their relative unavailability to an English readership. All the references are to the pages in the collected volume. 2 These collections, which have not been consulted for this book, are (the numbering is from Mischiati/Rostirolla): 1572/2: Scelta di devotissime laudi. . . (Florence: Marescotti);

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collections, of which three will be discussed separately: Razzi’s two collections from 1563 and 1609, and the Lodi e canzonette spirituali, published in Naples in 1608 by Tarquinio Longo. To call them a group is perhaps exaggerated — they are quite different from each other in many respects — but they share a certain grand scale of intent, gathering together or producing anew a large number of laude, to cover all eventualities. The seventeenth century is characterized by two large-scale, anthological projects. The first part of the century was dominated by the Scelta di laudi spirituali which appeared in Florence in a series of seven editions between 1614 and 1670 and gathered together much of the lauda repertory that was available. The torch was taken over by another series, the Corona di sacre canzoni o laude spirituali with editions between 1675 and 1710. This series is of particular interest to us, since the lauda collection in ms 55 is closely related to it. It will be detailed more closely in connection with the discussion of Longo’s Lodi et canzonette and ms 55 in Chapter 5. Both of these series have their origin in Florence, and they bear witness to the central position that Florence enjoyed in the history of the lauda, from the very beginning, in the days of Razzi, and throughout the seventeenth century. The anthological character is again typical: just as Razzi gathered together songs that were in popular use in his day, mostly adapted from secular songs, the seventeenth-century series draw on the established repertory of laude proper, but add to this by incorporating ever new songs with popular melodies: opera arias, dance tunes, and borrowings from abroad. These collections are thus highly interesting for what they demonstrate about the long-term development of this repertory. On the other hand, the collections also demonstrate a certain shift of emphasis from the musical to the textual side. 1578/2: Scelta di laudi spirituali di diversi eccellentissimi, e devoti Autori antichi e moderni, nuovamente ricorrette e messe insieme (Florence: Giunti); 1585/5*: Canzonette spirituali de diversi a tre voci: Libro primo (Rome: Gardano) (one of the few collections with named composers, among whom are Luca Marenzio and Nanino); 1585/6: Scelta di laudi devoti . . . (Florence: Marescotti); 1586/2: Orationi divotissime . . . (Cremona: Dragoni); 1589/3: Lodi, e canzoni spirituali da cantarsi per eccitare il christiano a lodare Dio, e li suoi santi (Macerata: Martellini); 1594: Nuove laudi spirituali . . . più eccellenti musici del nostro secolo (Naples: Antonio); 1599/3: Canzonette spir. a 3 comp. dal Padre frate Aless. Aglione . . . (Venice: Vicenti) (only one part-book is preserved); 1603/4: Lodi e canzoni spirituali (Verona: dalle Donne); and 1604/1: Laude spirituali a 4 (Venice: Vicenti) (a small, tenpage collection).

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Serafino Razzi: Libro primo delle laudi spirituali (1563) Patrick Macey and others have given a useful account of the background to the selection of the laude in Razzi’s collection. It is on the whole a backwardlooking, anthologistic collection, gathering together and putting explicitly to music material that had earlier circulated as texts with cantasi come indications. As Macey has pointed out, the Savonarolan element is strong; not so much in the texts — only one of the excommunicated Savonarola’s own texts has been included — but certainly in the choice of melodies.3 Thus, a study of the Libro primo from a musical viewpoint will more than anything be a survey of the popular song forms in currency around the middle of the sixteenth century. This raises questions about transmission and function: what were the criteria for selection — both Razzi’s own and those of the community in which the songs were used; and how, given these criteria, can we assume that the collection was used: which functions did it fulfill? These are questions that will be of importance in later chapters. The following presentation aims to do little more than give an overview of the different genres and styles that are prevalent in Libro primo. It is a brief selection from among its approximately one hundred laude, mainly to demonstrate the range of songs in this collection, which, to all intents and purposes, defined the genre of the polyphonic lauda. O vergin santa, non m’abbandonare (Figure 7) represents one end of the spectrum. It is entitled ‘Preghio per i nouizii’ (the novices’ prayer), and it is easy to imagine the twenty-two stanzas being sung to the two simple phrases by a group of novices. It is one of the monophonic laude in Razzi’s collection.4 At the other end of the spectrum, we find a number of long settings that surpass what we have come to expect of laude, in terms of sheer length, but also in complexity, employing the full range of means available in the chanson forms around 1500. Herod’ il volto mio, the second part of which is given in Figure 8, pp. 92–93, is more a chanson-motet than a traditional lauda. It is in two sections, with the heading ‘residuum’ before the second part. Although mostly homophonic, the texture is varied, with several duet passages of the kind that is otherwise typical of chansons of the Josquin era. 3

Macey, Bonfire Songs makes a strong case for regarding many of the melodies that are transmitted in Razzi’s Libro primo as a direct reception of the lauda tradition from Savonarola’s day, and traces — conjecturally, but mostly convincingly — many of Razzi’s melodies back to their origins as carnival songs from the late fifteenth century. See also Wilson, Music and Merchants and Leeman L. Perkins, Music in the Age of the Renaissance (New York: Norton, 1999), pp. 443–56. 4 Razzi, Libro primo, p. 108.

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 31 O

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Figure 7 O vergin santa from Razzi: Libro primo (1563).

If Herod’ is representative of a certain post-Josquinian style, other laude in the collection represent different aspects of the musical legacy. Da che tu m’hai Iddio is a lauda by Feo Belcari (1410–1484) to a melody that resembles some of the Italian ballate from Belcari’s days (Figure 9, p. 94). Most of the settings in the collection occupy the middle ground between these two examples. Several songs are little more than polyphonic versions of songs similar to O vergin santa, such as the three-part settings Deh venitene pastori (fol. 36), O Maria Diana stella (fol. 40), and In su quell’ alto monte (fol. 81): these are melodies with regular rhythms and repeated phrases, arranged in the simplest possible way with a middle part that either follows the melody or remains more or less motionless within a very limited ambitus, and a bass part moving in seconds and fourths/fifths. Others seem more akin to the recitativic areas of plainchant and litanies, such as Crucifixum in carne (Figure 10, p. 95), which with its free rhythm punctuated by fermatas sounds as if it could have been a three-part arrangement of a chant tune. A large number of laude use old melodies. This is hardly surprising, given the orientation towards the Savonarolan corpus. At the same time, it gives the collection its slightly peculiar character which raises the question as to the status of these songs in the 1560s: were they included exclusively for their religious connotations; were they revived for this occasion, or was Razzi simply codifying what had already been — and still was being — heard in the air on the streets of Florence? It is not difficult to imagine the following song having been on everyone’s lips. The original words, supposedly by Angelo Poliziano (1454–1494), belong to the pastorella genre, in which lyricism and erotic innuendo intertwine, at times in a vulgarly obvious way, at other times — as here — more subtly. It seems that the song remained in popular memory well beyond Poliziano’s days; in any case, Razzi saw fit to use it as a model for this lauda (Figure 11, p. 96).

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Figure 8 Herod’ il volto mio (second part), from Razzi: Libro primo (1563).

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Chapter 3

 







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Poliziano: La pastorella La pastorella si leva per tempo Menando le caprette a pascer fora Di fora fora la traditora Co’ suoi begli occhi La m’innamora E fa di mezza notte apparir giorno.

Razzi: Lo fraticello Lo fraticello si leua per tempo A render gratie a Dio nel Matutino nel Matutino D’amor diuino e tutto acceso qual Serafino E cosi loda Dio con puro core.

Poliziano: The shepherdess rises early to bring the kids to the fields. Gradually, the traitress makes me fall in love with her with her beautiful eyes and makes the day appear in the middle of the night.

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Figure 10 Crucifixum in carne, from Razzi: Libro primo (1563).

Razzi: The little Brother rises early to say his graces to God at Matins. Like a little angel, he is all aflame with Divine love, and thus he praises God with a pure heart.5

Razzi does not seem to have been too concerned about the possible immoral connotations of the original song. As we saw in the previous chapter (pp. 49–51 and 71), the conflict between secular and sacred is less of a problem for Razzi than for many others in the post-Tridentine era. His rewrite, in which his own name appears as a homonym for the diligent brother who rises early to praise God like an angel (Serafino), seems almost like a rejoinder, as a sacralization of a secular song, reclaiming territory that had been lost since Savonarola’s days. While in the preface Giunti laments the increasing presence of secular elements even in monasteries and religious houses (p. 71), Razzi’s lauda — this one in particular, but also the collection as a whole — seems to attempt to reverse this process, not just using a melody from the popular repertory, but snatching it away from its secular manifestation in much the same way as Martin Luther did, asking, according to the anecdote, ‘Why should the devil have all the good tunes?’ Razzi never asks this question — despite the emphasis on secular influences in the Council of Trent, he does not seem to perceive it as enough of a 5 Razzi, Libro primo, fol. 109v . Razzi reprinted his lauda in a single-voice version in Santuario, pp. 212–13. Poliziano’s text is quoted from Angelo Poliziano, Le stanze, Le Orfeo e Le rime, ed. by Giosuè Carducci (Florence: G. Barbèra, 1863), pp. 340–41.

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Chapter 3

 

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Figure 11 Poliziano: La pastorella, with Razzi’s paraphrase Lo fraticello, from Razzi:

Libro primo (1563).

problem to be formulated as a question at all — but his approach is the same: they are good tunes, and there is nothing inherently evil in them, even though they have been used in bad ways.

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Razzi’s first collection is a highly interesting item, but mostly for its historical orientation — bringing together and writing out in full some of the melodies that had flourished in cantasi come form, many of which would have been lost had it not been for Razzi’s edition — and for its dominant position in posterity. The musical merits as such are more limited; the wide range of styles, sources, and influences raises more questions than it answers: how was it used? What previous usage does it reflect? Who has sung from it? What was its influence on later collections? etc. We will return to these questions in following chapters.

The Editions of the Oratory The Congregazione dell’ Oratorio, the ‘Congregation of the Oratory’, was established by Filippo Neri (1515–95) in Rome during the 1550s.6 Neri had some basic education at the monastery of San Marco, Florence, the monastery of Savonarola and the one to which Razzi later belonged. In Rome, Neri and a group of likeminded collaborators founded the ‘Confraternity of the Santissima Trinità dei Pellegrini’ in 1548 to serve the many pilgrims to Rome. The Santissima Trinità developed a very active musical life in the decades that followed.7 In the early 1550s, Neri held informal devotional meetings with a small group of laymen. This turned into the new ‘Congregation of the Oratory’ which from 1554 can be claimed as an institution, although it was first formally established by Papal consent in 1575. Neri had been ordained in Rome in 1551, and as his new group grew into a large confraternal institution its members, the ‘Fathers of the Oratory’ or the ‘Oratorians’, were mainly priests. Neri had a strong interest in the lauda tradition with which he was well acquainted from his time at San Marco in Florence. In common with the Florentine confraternities, the Oratorians held devotional services featuring communal singing of laude with the aim of fostering greater public devotion and piety in Rome. In the years between 1563 and 1600, ten collections of polyphonic laude were printed for use in the Oratory, with numerous reprints. From early on, the Oratorians adopted the Forty Hours’ devotion.8 Originally housed in the hospital of San Girolamo della Carità, the new 6

For a general introduction to the Oratorians and the beginnings of the history of the oratorio, see Smither, A History, i, 29–76; see also Arnaldo Morelli, Il tempio armonico: Musica nell’oratorio dei Filippini in Roma, Analecta musicologica, 27 (Laaber: Laaber Verlag, 1991). 7 Noel O’Regan, Institutional Patronage in Post-Tridentine Rome: Music at Santissima Trinità dei Pellegrini, 1550–1650 (London: Royal Musical Association, 1995), esp. pp. 6–17. 8 See the discussion of this ceremony, pp. 154–162.

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company was offered the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella. As the church was too small, it was torn down and a new church built — the Chiesa Nuova — in which the public arrangements and meetings of the Oratorians were held from 1577. Neri himself stayed behind in San Girolamo until 1583. Filippo Neri apparently had no interest in power or strict discipline; the congregation was not an order and there were no vows of poverty or obedience for its members. Neri also earned a reputation for his sense of humour,9 and the Oratorians have generally been seen in such a light: as a mild, open, evangelizing society that provided spiritual entertainments — including a number of day-long walks to the principal churches in Rome, during which devotions and recreation formed part of the programme, together with food and wine and an ‘outdoor oratory’. One such outing would always take place on Giovedì Grasso, the last Thursday of the Carnival season, in order to provide a spiritual activity at the high point of this period with its licentious entertainments.10 ‘Preaching and music were from the beginning the special ingredients of the Philippine activities’,11 and the performance of beautiful spiritual music attracted many Romans to its assemblies: Originally, these reunions were based on readings of excerpts from the sacred Scripture, the Lives of Saints, and the History of the Church, all in the vernacular, and its ‘half hour’ sermons were held in anything but a solemn or pompous style (‘without any ornaments of language’) in accordance with a love of simplicity and immediacy that was characteristic of Filippo Neri.12

In a long-term perspective, the Oratorians were credited for musical practices — musical dialogues based on biblical narratives — that during the early decades of the seventeenth century developed into a new musical genre, the oratorio. The term ‘oratorio’ appeared as a genre designation from the mid9

Smither, A History, i, 47. Smither, A History, i, 43–44, and compare the quoted descriptions from the activities of the Oratorians in Naples quoted below, pp. 100–103; and also concerning the devotion of the quarant’ore on Giovedì Grasso in Naples, pp. 160–162. 11 Morelli, Il tempio armonico, p. 1; ‘Predicazione e musica furono da subito gli ingredienti peculiari dell’attività filippina’. Morelli further points to the spontaneous character of the congregazione which allowed it to attract people from all stratas of society, even those furthest away from themselves. 12 Morelli, Il tempio armonico, p. 1; ‘In origine tali riunioni erano incentrate sulla lettura di brani delle sacre scritture, delle vite dei santi e della storia della Chiesa, tutte in lingua volgare, e sui sermoni di “mez’hora” condotti in uno stile tutt’altro che aulico o enfatico (“senz’alcuno ornamento di parole”), conformemente ad un amore per la semplicità e l’immediatezza caratteristico di Filippo Neri’. 10

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seventeenth century, first used as a word to characterize a musical composition in 1640 and at least from the 1660s as a firmly established term for a genre.13 Cardinal Baronio’s Annales ecclesiastici, which was written between 1588 and 1607 (in twelve volumes) and later re-edited 1641 (and supplemented with more volumes) in Italian by Odorico Rinaldi, contains a description of the ceremonies in Neri’s early oratory, from the time at San Girolamo. Baronio’s chronological account of church history stopped at 1198. However, he was a disciple of Neri and inserted a passage about Neri’s practices in connection with his discussion of early church services (as presented in Paul’s First Letter to the Corinthians). Baronio presents the new practices of the Oratorians as a modern adaptation of the original ways of the early Christians: By way of divine providence it has come about in our time that what the apostle ordained concerning what should be done to the benefit of the Church as to how to communicate God’s message has to a large extent been revived in the city of Rome: it has been revived, I say, mainly by the work of the Reverend Father Filippo Neri from Florence [. . .]. Thus, by their diligence it was first instituted that almost every day those who most long for Christian perfection shall meet in the oratory of St Girolamo [. . .] where first a short silent prayer is held, then a brother reads some spiritual book, in between this reading usually the same priest who presides over everything intervenes concerning what has been read [. . .] proceeding as in a manner of dialogue: and this exercise lasts about an hour to the delight of all. Thereafter a brother [. . .] without embellishing his words holds a sermon on saints’ lives supported by scriptural passages and sentences of the Fathers: he is succeeded by a second brother who holds a sermon on a different theme, but in the same style. Lastly, a third sermon follows, this one tells church history chronologically; each of the sermons lasts half an hour. When all this has been done with marvellous usefulness and to the consolation of those who listen, a spiritual lauda is sung, another short prayer is held, and the exercise ends.14 13

See the discussion in Smither, A History, i, 3–9 (pp. 4–5). Annali ecclesiastici: Tratti da quelli del Cardinal Baronio per Odorico Rinaldi Trivigiano Prete della Congragatione dell’Oratorio di Roma, 6 vols (Rome: Vitale Mascardi, 1641), vol. i, section CLXII, p. 162: ‘E di vero è stata prouidenza di Dio, che a questa nostra età si sia rinouato in granparte nella città di Roma ciò, che l’Apostolo ordinò che si facesse a profitto della Chiesa intorno al ragionare delle cose di Dio con frutto degli vditori: si sia rinouato, dico, per opera principalmente del R.P. Filippo Neri Fiorentino [. . .]. Adunque per industria loro fu primamente instituito, che quasi ogni giorno i piu desiderosi della Christiana perfettione conuenissero nell’oratorio di S. Girolamo [. . .] oue si facea imprima vn poco d’oratione mentale, e poi vn fratello leggeua qualche libro spirituale: fra la qual lettione era solito l’istesso padre, ch’al tutto suprastaua, di discorrere sopra le cose lette [. . .] procedendo quasi in modo di dialogo: e questo esercitio duraua forse vn’hora con grandissimo gusto di tutti. Dapoi vn fratello [. . .] senza ornamento di parole, faceua vn sermone tessuto delle vite de’santi approuate, di qualche luogo della Scrittura, e delle sentenze de’padri; a cui succedeua il secondo, e faceua vn’altro sermone con l’istesso stile, ma con differente tema. All’vltimo veniua il terzo, il quale raccontaua l’historia ecclesiastica 14

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Baronio ends his digression — before returning to his discussion of St Paul — by mentioning the Papal recognition and that the old apostolic ways have thus been revived for the present time; he also emphasizes that other places have been inspired to introduce similar exercises. One such description of the practices of the Roman Oratorians has been preserved, written by one of the founders of the Oratory in Naples, Father Antonio Talpa, who tells of the beginnings in Naples in 1584 in similar ways to the activities in Rome, with outdoor spiritual gatherings in beautiful nature, the use of music and theatre, and, not least, the aim to bring in people from all levels of society, a concern similar to that seen in the contemporary Jesuit movement and their efforts at doctrinal teaching of children and the uneducated.15 Two additional features of Talpa’s description should be stressed that can be noticed in the following excerpts. Firstly, while the main services are open to all, including women, there are also more ‘private’ devotions in a special room, accessed from the church, of a similar kind that are not open to women and in which only the ‘most regular and devoted members’ participate. Secondly, Talpa makes it clear that a certain Father was in Naples in obedience of the Blessed Father in Rome; from the context this seems to refer to Neri. The ‘democratic’ structure of the Congregation of the Oratory notwithstanding,16 Neri’s authority was probably rather strong. The openness and mildness of the Congregation as it encountered the general public may need to be supplemented by a slightly more austere inside. At least in the late seventeenth century, the Fathers of the Oratory seem to have practised flagellation. A Directorium Oratorii S. Philippi Nerii from 1663 has a section headed ‘La sera delle discipline’ in which a full Latin order for the taking of the discipline is given containing prayers and the formula ‘Serve God in fear and glorify him with trembling, take the discipline that the Lord shall not be angry and so that you shall not be lost from the secondo l’ordine de’tempi, durando ciascheduno meza hora. Ciò fattosi con marauigliosa vtilità, e consolatione degli vditori, si cantaua vna laude spirituale, e fatta di nuova vn poco d’oratione, l’esercitio finiua.’ We have not had occasion to see the first Latin edition, but the text is also found in the 1613 edition of Baronio in French translation: Les annales de l’eglise, de l’Illustrissime & Premier volume, contenant toutce qui s’est fait & passé depuis la naissance de Iesus-Christ, pendant les cent premieres annees, tant en l’Estat Ecclesiastique que seculier. Traduit du Latin, Par André Tod, Prestre de la mesme Congregation (Paris: Pierre Chevalier, 1613), section CLXII, pp. 613–14. For a slightly different excerpt in English translation, see Smither, A History, i, 49 15 Concerning Ledesma and the Jesuits, see pp. 57–69. Smither mentions the mutual respect and inspiration between Jesuits and Oratorians, underlining, however, the greater informality of the Oratorians, Smither, A History, i, 41. See also below, pp. 160–162. 16 Smither, A History, i, 48.

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just way’,17 followed by Psalm 50 the Miserere and more prayers, including the following: God, you who are offended by guilt and are reconciled by repentance: consider favourably the prayers of your humbly praying people: and divert the scourge of your anger which we deserve for our sins. Through Christ our Lord. Amen.18

This order may, of course, belong to a later development, but it is difficult not to speculate about the reason for the more private ceremonies for the particularly pious members of the Oratory in Naples: The public oratory is held in the church on all feast days and on Wednesdays and Fridays. On the feast days, one Vespers service is held, and on the ferial days two. On the feasts, there are frequently as many people as the church can hold, slightly fewer on the other days, but there is easily an audience similar to that which is usual in Rome. And women also come. [. . .] Sometimes there is music, but usually not. [. . .] In a private oratory, which has the entrance through the church, one does the same exercise, but not as publicly, because although it is open to everybody except women, only the most regular and devout members of the Congregation usually take part.19

A third notable feature of Talpa’s report is the shrewdness and careful deliberation with which the outings were arranged, almost to the point of revealing an attitude akin to ‘the end sanctifies the means’ of which the Jesuits — probably unjustly — have been accused. The first of the following quotations explicitly talks about a ‘holy artifice’ (‘santo artifitio’), and the second seems to imply that when these arrangements go ‘under the name of a “recreation”’ and the podium is filled with sweet-looking children who can stir people to tearful emotion, this may also be a ‘holy fraud’ to entice people to come, as it is formulated in the 17 Directorium Oratorii S. Philippi Nerii (Macerata: Apud Carolum Antonium Camaccium, 1663), pp. 8–9 (p. 8); ‘Servite Domino in timore, et exultate ei cum tremore, apprehendite disciplinam nequando irascatur Dominus, et pereatis de via iusta’. 18 Directorium, p. 9 ‘Deus qui culpa offenderis, poenitentia placaris: preces populi tui supplicantis propitius respice: et flagella tue iracundiæ, que pro peccatis nostris meremur auerte. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.’ 19 ‘L’oratorio publico si fa in Chiesa tutte le feste et il mercordi et il venerdi, li giorni di festa per rispetto del Vespro ragiona un solo, e li giornj feriali dui, li feste ci è audienza frequente quanto è capace la Chiesa, li altri giornj ci è minor numero, ma fa conveniente audienza simile a quella, che suol essere in Roma. E vi vengono anco donne. [. . .] A le volte ci suol essere musica, ma non ordinariamente. [. . .] In un oratorio privato, ch’ha l’ingresso per la Chiesa, si fa l’istesso esercitio, ma non cosi publico, perche se bene è aperto ad ognuno, eccetto che a donne nondimeno non vi sogliono intervenire se non quelli più frequenti e più devoti de la Congregazione.’ Quoted from Mario Borrelli, Le costituzioni dell’Oratorio Napoletano (Naples: Congregazione dell’Oratorio, 1968), p. 130.

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same report about the decision to move the Forty Hours’ devotion to the Carnival season (see p. 161). To gather the experienced, the stupid, and the coarse in the ways of the Christian life, since they are dispersed in different parts of the city, the Fathers decided quickly to send out a number of brothers from this congregation in the company of a priest to those areas where they were operating, i.e. a part of Mercato, and to Lavinaro, and another to Borgo delle Vergini. Once they had arrived at a place, the brothers started to sing together some spiritual laude, continuing until a number of people had gathered. Then the priest, standing in an elevated place, started loudly to preach the word of God, affectionately and with spiritual force, choosing subjects that were suited to the condition of those present. In this way — partly because of the novelty, partly led by the example of those who accompanied the priest and who also stayed to listen to the priest — and with this holy artifice, they drew yet others there to listen. After an appropriate amount of time, the priest and the brothers together with all those who had been gathered, moved on singing to another place, where there are also such people, and they carried out the same exercises in addition to some new ones. Finally, all together, with the prey they had acquired, went through the city, singing spiritual laude with the whole multitude, and returned to the Oratory. [. . .] The fathers of Naples have introduced another exercise in imitation of the fathers of Rome — that of arranging an honourable and devout entertainment of the people, and the exercise consists in some of the fathers accompanied by some of their other followers going on every feast day after the sermon in church under the name of a ‘recreation’ to a place with the loveliest view over sea and land and among the most beautiful places in the city, on the slopes of the Capodimonte, which is shaped in the form of a theatre with stone seats all around, where the fathers withdraw with the devout. And they begin the exercise by singing spiritual laude, sung in the popular way, in order to encourage those who gradually arrive to join, and begin to sing too. And some times one sings with a musical consort. When the people are gathered — and there can be several hundred — and after the singing, a little boy of tender age is brought in to recite a little sermon, devout and gracious and appropriate for his age, which, thanks to the childish simplicity and devotion with which it is spoken, is listened to with satisfaction and not without some deep emotion, and in some not without tears. When the short sermon is over, one goes back to singing again as an interlude, either ‘popularly’ or ‘musically’ [i.e. communal singing or performed music]. Sometimes more children are brought up to speak in the manner of a dialogue, all the time changing between singing and sermons.20 20

Antonio Talpa, Principio e progresso de la Congregatione del Oratorio di Napoli dal’Anno 1586 fino al’anno 1615, Ch. 33 and 36; ‘Per adunare le persone provette cristiana, che stanno sparse in diverse parti dela Città, pigliarno li Padri spediente di mandare un numero de fratelli di questa Congregatione in compagnia d’un sacerdote a quelle contrade, dove questi tali praticano, cioè una parte del Mercato et al Lavinaro, et un’altra al Borgo dele Vergini. Arrivati che sono al loco, li fratelli cominciano a cantar insieme laudi spirituali, sequitando fintanto che si aduna un numero de quelle genti. Poi il sacerdote in un logo eminente con voce alta comincia a parlar la parola di Dio affettuosamente e con forza di spirito, trattando materie conveniente a quello stato di persone. Onde parte dala

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The first Oratorian Collections: Giovanni Animuccia The first Oratorian edition appeared in 1563, simultaneously with Razzi’s collection. It was prepared by Giovanni Animuccia (c. 1500–1571), Palestrina’s successor as magister cantorum in the Capella Giulia.21 Animuccia was an outstanding composer of both church music and madrigals, but in his work with the Oratory another part of his background may have been more important than his exquisite musical skills. He was a Florentine by birth and had worked in the church of the Nazione Fiorentina in Rome for five years before he moved on to the Cappella Giulia in 1555. This was the first seat of Neri’s congregation, and Animuccia was largely responsible for the earliest musical development of the Oratory. Thus, the work of the two Florentines in Rome, Neri and Animuccia, represents a branch of the Florentine lauda tradition parallel to that which was codified by Razzi.22 The general trend in Animuccia’s first collection is similar to that of Razzi, but with some notable differences. The songs and arrangements clearly belong novità dela cosa, parte indotti dal’esempio de quelli, che accompagnano il sacerdote, li quali stanno ancor loro come auditori ad ascoltare il sacerdote. E con questo santo artifitio tirano gli altri ad ascoltarlo. Dopo un certo spatio conveniente il Sacerdote e li fratelli, con tutti quelli, che di novo si sono adunati, vanno cantando in altro loco, dove similmente praticano persone tali, e vi fanno li medesimj esercitij con guadagno d’altri novi. Dopoi tutti insieme con la preda acquistata, passando per mezzo la Città, cantando con tutta la multitudine laudi spirituali vengono al’Oratorio dela Dottrina. [. . .] Un’altro esercitio hanno introdotto li Padri di Napoli ad imitatione de’ Padri di Roma, di dare un’honesto e devoto trattenimento di Popolo, e l’esercitio consiste che ogni festa dopo il sermone di chiesa, alcuni de’ Padri in compagnia de altri loro devoti, con titolo di recreatione vanno ad un loco di bellissima e vaghissima vista di mare e di terra e del più bel sito della Città, posto nalla pendice di Capodimonte, quale è accomodato in forma di Teatro con sedili di pietra intorno, dove li Padri con quelli devoti si riducono. Et introducono l’esercitio con il canto de’ laudi spirituali, cantate popularmente per invitare quelli, che di mano in mano vengono a formarsi cantando ancor loro. Et alle volte si canta con conserto Musicale. Adunato poi il Popolo, che arriva a molte centinara, dopo il canto se introduce un figliolino di tenera età a recitare un sermoncino devoto e gratioso conveniente all’età, che con la semplicità e devotione puerile con la quale è proferito, è sentito con gusto e non senza motione interiore, et in alcuni non senza lacrime. Finito il sermoncino, per intermedio si torna a cantare o popularmente o musicalmente. Alle volte se intoducono più figlioli a dire a modo di Dialogo, sempre interponendosi il canto da un sermon all’altro.’ Quoted from Borrelli, Le costituzioni dell’Oratorio Napoletano, pp. 363–64. 21 Giovanni Animuccia, Il primo libro delle laudi . . . composte per consolatione et a requisitione di molte persone, spirituali, et devote, tanto religiosi, quanto secolari (Rome: Dorico, 1563). 22 See Lewis Lockwood and Noel O’Regan, ‘Animuccia, Giovanni’, in Grove Music Online, ed. by L. Macy http://www.grovemusic.com
[accessed 21 December 2007].

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to the same category of simple songs with a popular background, but the collection is less diverse than Razzi’s. It does not offer the same outlook over fifty to one hundred years of popular song, but is more firmly situated in Animuccia’s own time. Also, the settings are far more skilfully made — hardly surprising, coming from a magister cantorum in the Vatican. Animuccia produced a second collection seven years later, which is very different in character from the first.23 His preface to the second collection explains the change: It is already a few years since I published my first book of laude, for consolation to those who used to come to the Oratory of Saint Girolamo, in which I strove to use a certain simplicity that seemed to accord with the words themselves, with the qualities of that devout place, and with my goal, which was solely to arouse devotion. But since the above-mentioned oratory by the grace of God has been constantly growing, with a concourse of prelates and the highest noblemen, I found it appropriate in this second book to expand the harmony and the chords, to vary the music in different ways, using both Latin and Italian texts, setting it in fewer or more voices, some times this verse form, sometimes in that, and to involve myself as little as possible in fugues and inventions in such a way that the understanding of the words is not obscured but that they with their efficaciousness, aided by the harmony, may penetrate the listener’s heart more sweetly. And many judicious and devout persons have told me that they have felt greatly moved to devotion when these laude have been sung, as you Your Illustriousness [i.e. Abbate Podocattaro, the dedicatee] have confirmed to me many times.24

The difference he describes here between the first and the second collection is both concise and precise: whereas the 1563 collection has simple settings for three 23

See Iain Fenlon, Music and Culture in Late Renaissance Italy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 51–58 for a discussion of the peculiarities of Animuccia’s second book. See also p. 77 above. 24 Animuccia, Secondo libro, preface; ‘Sono gia alcuni anni che per consolatione di coloro che ueniuano all’Oratorio di S. Girolamo, io mandai fuori il Primo Libro delle Laudi, nellequali attesi à servare una certa simplicità, che alle parole medesime, alla qualita di quel diuoto luogo, & al mio fine, che era solo di eccitar diuotione pareua si conuenisse. Ma essendosi poi tuttauia l’Oratorio suddetto per gratia di Dio uenuto accrescendo, co’l concorso di Prelati, & Gentil’huomini principalissimi, è parso anco à me conueniente di accrescere in questo Secondo Libro, l’harmonia, & i concenti, uariando la musica in diuversi modi, facendola hora sopra parole latine, hora sopra uulgari, & hora con piu numero di uoci, & hora con meno, & quando con rime d’una maniera, & quando d’ un’altra, intrigandomi il manco ch’io ho potuto con le fughe, & con le inuentioni, per non oscurare l’intendimento de le parole, accioche con la lor efficacia, aiutate dall’harmonia, potessero penetrare piu dolcemente il cuore di chi ascolta. Et molte giuditiose, & diuote persone, m’hanno riferito di sentirsi grandemente commouere à diuotione quando si cantano queste Laudi, si come V. S. Illustre, di se medesima piu uolte mi ha confermato.’

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or four voices, the new one has more complex arrangements, up to eight voices, with much more attention to polyphonic texture, allowing him, of course, to exercise his compositional skills to a quite different degree from the staple arrangements of the first. The goal is the same in both collections: to arouse devotion. What is it, then, that the more elaborate settings can achieve that the simpler could not? Several different answers are hinted at in the short preface. The decision to produce a new collection in a different style is explained by the congregation’s growth, especially the influx of ‘prelates and the leading noblemen’ — people whose position calls for a more dignified music, or, possibly, people who are able to understand and appreciate finer musical nuances. This extra range of possibilities, then, has enabled his new music to give more effective support to the words and increase their power to ‘penetrate more sweetly the listener’s heart’. This reflects the emphasis on the intelligibility of the words in polyphonic music, which was one of the main topics in the discussions about music during the Council of Trent in 1563.25 In his first book of Masses, published in 1567, Animuccia expresses sympathy for this principle, but not without reservation: there ought still to be room for artifice and pleasing ornament: Persuaded by the judgement of these men I have endeavoured to ornament these prayers and praises to God in such a way as to cause less confusion to the hearing of words, but nevertheless so that it should not be wholly wanting in art and should to some degree afford pleasure to the ears.26

It is also apparent, both from his description and from the settings themselves, that these songs were not sung by the congregation, either in unison or in parts, but performed by a group of singers before an audience. The settings have up to eight parts, and there is not necessarily one part that carries the melody; the parts combine in various ways, making it virtually impossible to extract a melody from within the web of voices, although the top part in particular has a certain melodiousness to it. Thus, the more advanced of the settings resemble 25

The Council itself did not issue any explicit decrees in this direction, but rather left it to the local ecclesiastical authorities to decide how the general recommendations were to be interpreted. It was, however, the general understanding at the time that the Council had indeed forbidden secular elements and demanded that the words be clearly audible. See Monson, ‘The Council of Trent Revisited’, p. 26. 26 Quoted from Karl Gustav Fellerer, ‘Church Music and the Council of Trent’, The Musical Quarterly, 39 (1953), 576–594 (p. 586).

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motets more than laude, while still retaining an air of popular simplicity, that suited the genre and the situations for which it was used.27 The second Oratorian Series: Francesco Soto’s Editions The advanced nature of Animuccia’s editions — the second book in particular, but also to some extent the first — meant that there was room for another kind of edition, more accessible to the general public. The Roman Oratory still had no ‘song-book’ similar to Razzi’s. The Terzo libro of laude would fill this gap; it was prepared ‘with greater ease and musical simplicity, so that it can be sung by all, which for the most part was not the case with the two first books’, according to the preface.28 Originally, it was not meant to be published, but ‘in order to avoid the constant requests from the many who ask for it and want a copy of it — a wish one cannot rightfully turn down — the Fathers have found it expedient to publish it quickly’.29 It is much closer in nature to Razzi’s collection: songs are gathered together from different places, including Razzi’s own Libro primo and Animuccia’s first collection. The songs and arrangements are generally much simpler than in the two preceding collections. Rostirolla, who knows this particular repertory better than anyone, calls it ‘the most authentic source of the lauda repertory inaugurated by Filippo Neri, for its spiritual, musical, educational, and didactical characteristics’.30 It was a relatively small book, containing thirty-three three-part settings,31 but it became hugely influential and more or less defined the genre for the remainder of the century. A handful is taken or adapted from some of the earlier collections by Razzi or Animuccia, but the majority are newly written, in a unified style: simple, strophic melodies in the upper part, accompanied by two lower parts in strict homophony with virtually no polyphonic work; the harmonization is basic, and the rhythms are lively but simple. Deh, piangi afflitto core (Figure 12) is a good representative of the collection. The melody is simple, staying within a limited ambitus and with clear and simple phrases, set in a syllabic style. The lower parts follow the melody closely; only at two of the cadences does the middle voice briefly diverge from the oth27 His remark that people have been ‘moved to devotion when these lauds are sung’, suggests that the printed collection reflects what has actually been used in the Congregation of the Oratory. 28 Terzo Libro (1577), preface. Quoted from Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 88. 29 Ibid. See also discussion pp. 54–56. 30 Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 479. 31 There are also three lauda texts without a musical setting.

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Deh pian























gi a ni ma

mi

a

L’an ti

ca

tua fol

li

a






 











 























   









Deh pian

gi af flit to

co

re

  
   
























8



7

 




il tuo pes sa to co



 







re











8

13



Ei








di

 








tri sti e pe

no




si

che ti






















 

pa rean gio







io

si

si

 



 



 

8

Figure 12 Deh, piangi aflitto core from Terzo libro (1577).

ers in the almost obligatory cadential suspension. The last two phrases (‘E i di tristi e penosi | che ti parean gioiosi’) has the light lilting rhythms that are such a common feature of the popular songs from the Italian Renaissance. Dolce felice e lieta (Figure 13 on the next page) is a text by Serafino Razzi, but the melody in Terzo libro is different from the one Razzi himself used. The arrangement as it is presented here for the first time, is frequently quoted and reprinted in later collections. It shares the simple, homophonic texture and the prolific rhythmic quality of Deh, piangi, which would easily have made it suitable for communal singing, by either a congregation or boys, as a three-part arrangement or in unison. Also worth noting is the peculiar shift in pace at the end, where the lively dotted quarter- and half-notes are suddenly replaced with stately whole- and half-notes. In itself, this is perhaps not such a remarkable trait, but a considerable number of laude contain a similar deceleration, which suggests that this may be a genre-specific mannerism.

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Dol

 

8

 
 

















ce

ta

te

no

fe

li ce e lie







not







più ch’al cun gior

A















8


er











a er di lu ce a dor no  

 





  














e

gra

ta

stel

la.















 

8

Figure 13 Dolce, felice e lieta from Terzo libro (1577).

The Terzo libro of 1577 does not reveal its composer or arranger, but it is probably the work of Francesco Soto de Langa (1534–1619), singer in the Papal chapel and one of the many Spaniards in the Pope’s service.32 After Giovanni Animuccia’s death in 1571, the main responsibility for the music in the Oratory seems to have been taken over by Soto. Over the following years, no less than five books of laude were published by him, the first in 1583, the last in 1598. These editions were clearly conceived as a separate series; the numbering starts again from one.33 32

Soto is also known as one of the first — perhaps the first — castratos in the Papal chapel. 33 Francesco Soto, Il Primo libro delle Laude Spirituali a tre voci (Rome: Gardano, 1583); Francesco Soto, Il Secondo libro delle Laude Spirituali a tre et a quattro voci (Rome: Gardano, 1588); Il Terzo Libro delle Laudi Spirituali a Tre e a Quattro Voci, ed. by Francesco Soto (Rome: Gardano, 1588); Francesco Soto, Il Quarto libro delle Laude Spirituali a tre et a quattro voci (Rome: Gardano, 1591); and Francesco Soto, Il Quinto Libro delle Laudi Spirituali, a tre, & quattro voci (Ferrara: Baldini, 1598). The Libro delle laudi spirituali (1589) was a reedition of the first three books in this series, and a similar collation was published in 1598 (Libro delle Laudi Spirituali. Doue in vno sono compresi i Tre Libri gia stampati. E ridutta la Musica à più breuità e facilità: con l’accrescimento delle parole, e con l’aggiunta de molte Laudi nuove, etc., ed. by Francesco Soto (Rome: Per Alessandro Gardano, Ad instantia de Iacomo Tornieri, 1598)).

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It is difficult to decide how much of the actual compositional work is Soto’s. Given the purpose of the collection — to present in accessible form the laude that were already sung in the congregation — he most likely functioned mainly as an editor. That is to a large extent also the case for the two following editions, the Primo and Secondo libro de Laudi Spirituali in the second Oratorian series, both published in 1583. The first is virtually a reedition of the Terzo Libro from 1577, rushed out to satisfy the demand. The second also contains some reprints of laude from the earlier books, but most of the forty-five laude, twenty-seven three-part and eighteen four-part settings, are new additions to the repertory. All the settings are anonymous, but we know the names of some of the composers from other sources. Soto himself is the composer of four of the laude. The two books were reprinted in 1585. The third book came out in 1588, containing thirty-four new laude. Again, the authorship is uncertain. In the dedicatory preface, Soto writes: When these our young in the Oratory needed a protector for this third book of their laude and canzoni spirituali, they suddenly and seemingly as one fixed their eyes on the person of your highness, illustrious and most revered.34

This might imply that the ‘young’ had actually composed the laude, but it may also simply mean that these were the songs they used to sing — ‘their laude and canzoni spirituali’. Again, we have attributions to Soto for some of the songs in other sources.35 The fourth and fifth books, from 1591 and 1598 respectively, contain a total of 122 new laude, the majority of them three-part. According to Rostirolla, most of these laude are written by Soto, and the fifth book attributes them explicitly to him.36 The most striking difference between Soto’s later collections and Animuccia’s is the balance between popular feel and stylistic polish. In Animuccia’s laude, there is always a distinct ‘popular’ tone: a cantabile melody part, fresh rhythms, and a minimum of polyphonic work. In Soto, this ‘Tuscan freshness’ is replaced by a style more akin to the polished style of the Papal chapel, closer to Palestrina than to Razzi. 34

Terzo Libro (1588); ‘Dovendo questi nostri giovani dell’Oratorio dare un protettore à questo terzo libro delle loro laudi & Canzoni Spirituali, hanno subito di commune parere posto l’occhio nella persona di V.S. illustrissima & reverendissima’. Quoted from Rostirolla, p. 91. 35 See Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 47. 36 Soto, Quarto libro, and Soto, Quinto Libro; see Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, pp. 50– 51.

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We may use the four-part O glorioso corpo as an example (Figure 14).37 The lively rhythms are almost entirely absent. Instead we have partly a chanson-like phrasing (accentuated by the genre-typical introductory rhythm (


|

) and partly a steady pace of equal notes, not unlike contemporary motets. The syncopations in the first line (‘corpo de Maria’) are so slow that it is only remotely related to the vigorous dance-like rhythms of the earlier examples. The charming melodies have gone. The top voice in O glorioso corpo is virtually unsingable, at least as a free-standing melody: there is no regular phrase structure, and the flow of the melody is broken up by sharp shifts in pace and by several large skips (mm. 3–4, 12) and melodic turns (mm. 11, 15–16, 17–19) that counteracts any simple linear movement. Furthermore, the voice-parts in Soto’s settings are more clearly elements in a three- or four-part texture, in which the progression of chords is more important than the melodiousness of individual lines. All in all, there is little trace of the popular song types from the Florentine collections — we are a long way from Razzi’s Lo fraticello which was discussed above (see p. 96), even though some of the gestures are there. This might suggest that Soto’s settings are attempts at writing simple arrangements in a style that is basically alien to the composer, but that they are too restrained rhythmically and melodically to be really successful as a ‘Tuscan heritage’. If such were the case, and if that were the goal, Soto’s production must be deemed a failure. However, this verdict would presume that Soto’s laude were intended to remain within the genre confines laid down by Razzi and Animuccia. Most likely, this would be to overestimate the continuity from, perhaps also the respect for, the Florentine roots in the Roman lauda. One might instead regard Soto’s lauda style as a skilled translocation of a certain cluster of style traits into a different soil, a merging of the simple lauda and the advanced polyphonic style of the Papal chapel. The big skips and non-intuitive melodic directions, which often make Soto’s settings seem odd at first sight, may well produce less simple melody lines, but they also give them character, and on closer scrutiny they reveal musically intricate traits despite the limited scale. The melody lines in the second and third phrases, for instance, produce a phrase division that favours the sense of the words (joining ‘Che . . . sta’) rather than the metre of the verse; and the entire middle section ‘Che nel empireo . . . compagnia’ is joined together as one long melodic span that seems to come to an end several times without actually doing so: the structure of short, simple phrases is still noticeable, but it is incorporated 37

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 O glo ri

o



po

de

Ma






 
































 



 pi











reo

cie

lo




 




sta


 ze

lo















8

a

con quel del tuo

che nel em



















fi glio in com pa gni




a

Gran












 
 







 






8

di ve der ti

ri




















cor

9

16




so

8
















spin ge la men te mia

rom





pa si il

ve

lo



  





 








Figure 14 O glorioso corpo from Il quarto libro delle laudi spirituali (1591).

in a different compositional framework that transforms the effect. In this, the odd melodic movements and leaps play a large part. The same reinterpretation can be made concerning the rhythm. The effect of the decelerated syncopations in the first phrase is to remove the pace further from the immediate level of verbal diction, turning the rhythms into a more inherently musical effect, while still retaining the syncopated gesture.

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Not all Soto’s settings answer to the description we have given of his style. Many are closer to the earlier tradition. This holds especially for the three-part settings, which usually have a more pronounced, ‘melodious’ melody line and a less contrapuntal arrangement, as can be seen in Perch’ in aspri dolori (Figure 15) from the fourth book (1591).







 




Per ch’in a spri do

lo ri

A ni ma ti con su


  


mi

Per che da gl’oc chi fuo





 



  




 
 


 

  


 

9






re

ver si di e not te fiu

mi
















 






Pre sto ver rà chi to glia

Dal cuor si fie ra do glia

























   

Figure 15 Per ch’in aspri dolori from Il quarto libro delle laudi spirituali (1591).

There may also be a risk of exaggerating the transformational character of Soto’s work and the amount of ingenuity involved in it. He did after all produce hundreds of such short settings, which may simply have served the purpose of giving members of the Oratory the impression that they could sing or were hearing music of the same level as was heard in the Curia. But even though the distinction between the two interpretations above may be drawn too sharply, the juxtaposition is more than rhetorical. Even in Soto’s simpler settings, which on the surface seem merely to continue the tradition, there are marked differences from his predecessors: all the signs are there, but the outcome is distinctly different. Perch’in aspri dolori has the syncopations, but the way in which they are varied and coupled with a more complex melodic motion and a wider harmonic palette makes them sound subtly different from earlier examples. The trademarks of ‘functional simplicity’ have been transformed and incorporated into a new style that is neither an uncomplicated accompaniment to the text nor high artfulness, but comprises elements of both.

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The Dottrina Christiana In 1573, the Spanish Jesuit Diego (Giacomo, Jacques) de Ledesma published his Modo per insegnar la Dottrina Christiana (Roma: Blado), a method for teaching the fundamentals of the Catholic faith.38 Ledesma’s edition was hugely influential, and came out in several reeditions in the following years. His method also became one of the cornerstones in the Jesuit educational system. In the context of this book, the most important factor is the central place of singing in general and laude in particular in his method. We will come back to the wider implications of this in later chapters. In this chapter, we will only give a very brief survey of the musical material in the editions connected with the Dottrina.39 Only to a very limited degree do these editions form a musical tradition of their own; rather, they use a subset of the features that are found in the repertory as a whole. A typical book of this kind may be constructed like this, either as sections of one and the same book, or as separate volumes: 1. 2. 3. 4. 38

the Dottrina itself, in condensed form; a more elaborate version of it, with practical advice to the instructor; texts to laude that can be used in the programme; and a collection of melodies that can be used for the texts.

A shorter version had come out the year before. See the discussion above, pp. 57–69. In a specialized article by Rostirolla, ‘Laudi e canti religiosi per l’esercizio spirituale della Dottrina cristiana al tempo di Roberto Bellarmino’, included in Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, the following collections, which are considered the most important, are discussed in detail, arranged according to Rostirolla’s classification in the above-mentioned article (letters A–J) and in Mischiati’s and Rostirolla’s complete bibliography, published in the same volume, pp. 746–84: a–1573/1: Ledesma’s Modo per insegnar la Dottrina Christiana, (Roma: Blado, 1573); b–1576: Dottrina Christiana a modo di dialogo (Milano: Pontio, 1576); c/c’–1579/1: Lode, e canzoni spirituali . . . per cantar insieme con la Dottrina Christiana, with an accompanying volume with four-part musical settings: Li canti, o Arie . . . per cantare ins. c. Dottrina Christiana (Turin: Beuilacqua, 1579). d–1580/3: Lodi spirituali nuovamente composte . . . per commune vtilità delle scole della Dottrina Christiana (Venice: Gardano, 1580) e–1583/1: Lodi spirituali poste in mvsica da diversi eccellenti compositori, cantate nel dvomo di Brescia per tramezo nella disputa Generale della Dottrina Christiana (Brescia, 1583) f–1583/3: Lodi devote da cantarsi . . . Dottrina Christiana (Turino: Ratteri, 1583) g/h–1589/2 Sommario della Dottrina Christiana . . . with music volume Lodi devote per uso della Dottrina Cristiana (Genova: Bartoli, 1589) i–1596/1: Lodi devote per uso della Dottrina Christiana (Como: Froua, 1596) j–1605/1: Lodi & Canzoni spirituali . . . (Brescia: Sabbio, 1605) The bibliography lists another eighteen collections connected with the teaching of the Dottrina Christiana between 1572 and 1702. 39

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Gie

sù,

Gie

  

  

   

     8

8

  ma



      8

 


 



sù, Gie

sù

vn

chia

mi Gie

sù,









   

  

  














 













te que

sto no

me



















ogn’

 

col cuor


 
 


 








 


 









e

con la

men

te

 









 








chia

 
  
 

Figure 16 Giesù, Giesù, Giesù from Ansaldi’s Dottrina cristiana (1585).

Only for a small number of texts is the music written out; for the rest, a cantasi come indication is given, or, in editions where texts and melodies are combined, a ‘model’ lauda is given first, followed by a number of other lauda texts to be sung to the same melody. Some collections only have monophonic versions of the tunes; others have arrangements for three or four parts. There is a fairly close-knit web of relationships between the various collections in this group even though they do not explicitly form a series. Many of the texts and melodies show up in many or all of the collections. That said, this appears as a tendency to choose the same texts, rather than a canonical selection — even though a lauda such as the Jesuit Giesù, Giesù, Giesù is omnipresent enough to border on that status. Many of the texts and melodies are those that are found in the Oratorian editions or in Razzi’s Libro primo, but there are also many new melodies and settings. Furthermore, even though the total number of melodies in the collections taken together is relatively small, there is a virtual jumble of relationships between texts and melodies: which texts are presented with music, which texts are said to be sung to which melody, which melodies or settings are given for the different texts — all this varies considerably.

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We will take the above-mentioned lauda Giesù, Giesù, Giesù, ognun chiami Giesù as an example.40 The text itself is attributed to Feo Belcari, and it appears with two different melodies in Razzi’s and in Animuccia’s Primo libro (both 1563), in settings for two and four voices, respectively. The melody above appeared for the first time in Ledesma’s Modo, and it became one of the standard melodies in the editions related to the Dottrina.41 In an extended version of the Modo that came out in 1576, there are five more texts that are indicated to be sung to the same tune: Seguir voglio Giesù, O Madre del Signore, Lodiamo tutti Dio, Lodiam Signor la sposa, and Piacci, al Signor, del cielo. The last of these texts is a paraphrase of another lauda, Piaccia a Dio, which has four different melodies in various collections.42 Lode, e canzoni spirituali . . . per cantar insieme con la Dottrina Christiana (collection c), published in Turin in 1579 is the most ambitious edition in the group of Dottrina books, containing a total of 138 laude. Giesù, Giesù, Giesù is of course among them, in the version above and two additional four-part settings, plus monophonic versions of the melody lines of the three settings.43 The collection also indicates eighteen other laude to be sung to the same tune: the same five as in the 1576 edition, and thirteen more.44 Again, at least four of these texts were taken from the existing lauda repertory (Razzi’s and Animuccia’s first books, and the Oratorian edition from 1577), where they had different melodies. In the accompanying volume of music, there are three different melodies, the one above and two others, using only the second part of the text. 40 The transcription is made from Ansaldi, Dottrina cristiana (Ansaldi, 1585), pp. 2–3, which is identical to Rostirolla’s transcription of the version in Ledesma’s Modo (Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 308). 41 In Rostirolla’s words, this setting ‘can be considered the “official song” of the schools of the Christian doctrine’ (Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 308. It appears in all but one of the collections in Rostirolla’s survey. Three of these (b12, c41, and j5a, using Rostirolla’s numbering scheme for the laude in these editions), use only the melody line, others have the four-part arrangement presented in Figure 16. 42 a2, d2 (four voices), e20 (eight voices), and j13 (Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, pp. 306, 370, 381, and 421. 43 Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 362 gives incipits to these settings. 44 Il foco di Giesù, Lodiamo tutti Dio, Piacci a Dio che su la, Seguir voglio Giesù, O Madre del Signor, Gran tempo è che tu dì, La sposa di Giesù, Con la voce serena, Perdonami Signor, Sanasti me Giesù, O singolar bontà, Beato e quel che fa, O Madre di Giesù, Libera me Signor, Benedetto che vien, Hoggi il Signor Giesù.

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Two collections from the 1580s (collections d and e), have the original text set to new melodies and in new settings, in the case of collection e, an eight-part setting attributed to Lelio Bertani.45 A further cluster of editions begins with collection h, which has yet another four-part setting in addition to the standard version, and five more texts to be sung to any of the two settings. Five of these are hardly new texts but variants of the ‘Giesù, Giesù, Giesù | . . . Giesù’ pattern, but the sixth is Signor io t’ho confitto, which first appears in Animuccia’s second book from 1570, with another melody.46 An extended version of the Lodi devote per uso della Dottrina Christiana was published in Como in 1596. It adds four more texts over the ‘Giesù . . .’ pattern, one of which is a textual paraphrase of Passò la notte buia from the Oratorian collection of 1583, again with its own melody originally. Finally, Lodi & Canzoni spirituali Con l’Arie in Musica da cantarsi per i Fanciulli Della Dottrina Christiana (Brescia, 1605) adds yet another melody to the main text. All in all, this short survey of the editorial history of a single melody through nine lauda books shows that • the main text is set explicitly to eight different melodies, in addition to the two settings from Razzi’s and Animuccia’s editions; • at least thirty different texts are associated with the main text through cantasi come indications; • through this group of texts we may add another ten melodies that can be included in the group for one reason or another. Apart from the bewildering multitude of melodies and texts that this demonstrates, it also highlights another main feature in this repertory: the increased emphasis on the practical, utilitarian considerations, in which any artistic aspirations would have been completely out of place. All these melodies are simple, and the polyphonic arrangements are optional — in all cases, the top voice is a simple melody that is easy to sing. The many borrowings from and paraphrases over other laude, which in some cases are collages of several different laude, point in the same direction: if a text is good but the melody to which is is traditionally sung is too difficult, the solution is to rewrite the text to make it fit an existing melody. This makes for a repertory that is far more interesting for its use than for its musical detail. The year 1609, with the edition of Razzi’s Santuario di Laude marks a convenient and natural end to this survey. Convenient, at least rhetorically, because 45 46

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Razzi’s first and second collection can then be considered as the beginning and the end of an era. Natural, because there are some important changes in the way the lauda tradition presents itself to us, which set the sixteenth century apart from the seventeenth. We will therefore leave it here, and come back to it in Chapter 5.

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‘Medieval’ Devotion and Musical ‘Avant Garde’

I

n a discussion of the Florentine cult of sacred images in the Renaissance, Richard C. Trexler has argued that religious behaviour in Florence consistently made no clear separation between sacred images and the saintly figures they represented. Sacred images were taken to have power — to be sensitive to human actions, whether these were carried out in devotion or in defilement. Penalties for crimes, for example, were doubled if they had been committed near a sacred image, according to one fifteenth-century law.1 Trexler refutes ‘the idea that religious behaviour was basically sacramental’ — an idea which he sees as promoted by the ‘sacramental emphases of the theologians and the humanists’ — pointing out that many non-sacramental actions seem to have been much more culturally important than the sacraments: processions had a greater cultural impact than confirmation; seeing the host was more important than the actual participation in the ritual; the cult of an image, similarly, had more cultural significance than confession.2 However, in a cultural rather than in a strictly intellectual, theological context, the broad idea of the sacred seems in many ways to have functioned as a notion under which the official sacraments were simply one part — albeit a particularly authoritative one, but for that reason maybe also seen as less accessible for ‘ordinary’ people and as having more or less the same effect as other traditional religious practices. Trexler’s claim may be put into perspective in relation to the older, broader Augustinian understanding of the concept of the sacrament, which was not strictly limited to covering only specific rites in the church, as for example, the seven sacraments which since the 1

Richard C. Trexler, ‘Florentine Religious Experience: The Sacred Image’, in Church and Community 1200–1600: Studies in the History of Florence and New Spain (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1987), pp. 37–74 (pp. 50–52). 2 Trexler, ‘Florentine Religious Experience’, p. 67.

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mid twelfth century had been specified in medieval theology as ‘the sacraments’ (as in Peter Lombard’s famous Sententiae). As late as in the 1130s Peter Abelard defined the concept of a sacrament in his Theologia ‘scholarium’ in the following way: ‘Indeed, a sacrament is a visible sign of the invisible grace of God’ without further qualifications.3 What Trexler points to as different from the official, contemporary, theological perception of sacraments could equally well be seen as reminiscences of a traditional sacramental perception widely preserved in a general public, in spite of the introduction of later more specific theological doctrines. The well-known late-medieval practice of seeing the host rather than actually partaking in the sacrament has recently been interpreted as an act of sacramental seeing: hagioscopy.4 Altogether, Trexler’s observations of late-medieval or renaissance religious behaviour clearly fit into an early medieval conception of sacramentality, which seems inextricably connected to the fundamental religious quest for where to look for traces of the holy and how to meet the sacred, questions which, fundamentally, also lay behind the rise of the cult of saints since antiquity. This chapter is concerned with the religious as well as the aesthetic role of the singing of laude in a post-Tridentine, educational and edificational, confraternal context: youth confraternities in late Renaissance Florence. It will be argued that the uses of the religious songs were sacramental in the general cultural sense mentioned above. Furthermore, the point to be emphasized is that the religious role which music altogether fulfilled in a number of devotional, confraternal contexts was sacramental in the sense that the sensuousness of the music was seen to facilitate the spiritual function; the sensuous and the spiritual could not meaningfully be separated in the context — just as the materiality of a sacred image could not be separated from what it represented.5 To be sure, sacred im3

Peter Abelard, Opera theologica, ed. by Eloi Marie Buytaert and C. J. Mews, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis, 11–15, 5 vols (Turnhout: Brepols, 1969–2007), iii, 309–549 (p. 321). 4 Hans Henrik Lohfert Jørgensen, ‘Cultic Vision—Seeing as Ritual: Visual and Liturgical Experience in the Early Christian and Medieval Church’, in The Appearances of Medieval Rituals, ed. by Nils Holger Petersen and others, Disputatio, 3 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 173–97 (pp. 193–95). 5 It is possible to argue that the Carolingian understanding of the liturgical chant had a similar sacramental aspect, see Anders Ekenberg, Cur cantatur?: Die Funktionen des liturgischen Gesanges nach den Autoren der Karolingerzeit, Bibliotheca theologiae practicae: Kyrkovetenskapliga studier, 41 (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1987), pp. 28–29, 153–56, and 160–61. See also Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Carolingian Music, Ritual, and Theology’, in The Appearances of Medieval Rituals, ed. by Nils Holger Petersen and others, Disputatio, 3 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 13–31 (p. 21).

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ages often had important roles in confraternal religious practices as images in front of which devotions would be carried out, in honour of the saint depicted. Blake Wilson summarizes this cultic practice in the following words: Lauda-singing was premised on a belief that was characteristic of devotional religion in early modern Europe, a belief in the ability of the sacred to ‘materialize’ itself. At root was a ‘sacramental view of the world, in which grace was expressed in material forms’, with the consequence that the power of the sacred could be imputed to objects and thereby transmitted to humans.6

The relationship of laudesi companies to their images was among the most intense expressions of localized virtù in this society. A company’s painting of the Virgin or another saint was its most important possession, and great care was given to the commission and maintenance of the painting, and above all to the lauda-singing devotion that contributed directly to the efficacy of the image. In the following, we shall discuss the uses of the lauda in what may be described as their ritual context that is as part of rituals such as the regular tornate held in youth confraternities as well as in special rituals, such as obsequies, the forty-hour devotion and certain saints’ days. In addition, we shall also take up the role of the lauda as a vehicle for religious instruction in these confraternities. First, however, we shall provide some introductory information about the youth confraternities of Florence.

Florentine Youth Confraternities The Compagnia dell’arcangelo Raffaello (founded in 1411) is our main point of reference, although other confraternities will occasionally be brought into the context. In the Italian Renaissance, a concern for the religious upbringing of young boys had intensified, as Richard Trexler and others have demonstrated.7 Special confraternities for young boys, aged approximately 13–24, were founded, among which, the company of the Archangel Raphael was the first in Florence and perhaps the first among all Italian youth groups.8 In 1442, four youth con6

Wilson, Music and Merchants, p. 183, quoting R.W. Scribner and referring to Trexler. As mentioned above,p. 32, youth confraternities and the role of youth groups were taken up by Richard C. Trexler in his ‘Ritual in Florence: Adolescence and Salvation in the Renaissance’. Two main contributions in recent years are Eisenbichler, The Boys and Lorenzo Polizzotto, Children of the Promise: The Confraternity of the Purification and the Socialization of Youths in Florence, 1427–1785 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 8 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 3–22 (esp. 21–22) and 26. Eisenbichler points out that the terminology of age groups and the age delimitations for members of the youth confraternities changed over the years; see further pp. 18–21 and 117–18. 7

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fraternities were recognized in a Papal bull by Pope Eugenius IV, who had been impressed by a performance of a Nativity play by the boys of the confraternity of the Archangel Raphael. Beside the company of the Archangel Raphael, the four included the Compagnia della Purificazione della Vergine Maria e di San Zanobi (an offshoot of the Archangel Raphael sodality founded in 1427), the Compagnia di San Giovanni Evangelista which we encountered briefly in Chapter 1 (p. 32), it too was founded in 1427 and is often referred to as the Vangelista. Finally, the Compagnia di San Niccolò del Ceppo which had also been founded at about the same time. As the only of the four, it is still in existence today, although no longer as a youth confraternity. These four youth confraternities remained a particularly prominent group in Florence. Eugenius IV had even arranged that new youth confraternities could only be established with the approval of a Papal commission, which included the Father Guardians of the four ‘original’ youth confraternities.9 The youth confraternities were laudesi confraternities.10 As has also been exemplified in Chapter 1, they may be described as ritual communities whose central activities and purpose encompassed a regular practice of religious ceremonies, including the singing of vernacular religious songs, laude, as well as occasional performances of religious (music) dramas. Confraternity Records Except for the company of the Purification, all records of these companies before the flood of 1557 have been lost.11 From 1563 to 1785 (when three of these four oldest Florentine youth confraternities were closed), the ricordi of the Archangel Raphael confraternity are preserved for most years. These records are kept in the State Archives of Florence together with the preserved statutes of the company. The earliest extant statutes from 1468 are so damaged by water as to be virtually illegible. However, a certified copy of 1560 is preserved. Completely revised statutes were written up in 1636 and are also extant.12 9

Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 23–33. Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 17–18. 11 A brief early description of the founding of the company of the Archangel Raphael has been preserved, see Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 3 and 23. 12 Archivio di Stato, Firenze: The ricordi are found under the shelfmark Compagnie religiose soppresse da Pietro Leopoldo (henceforth CRS) 155–165, the statutes under Capitoli delle compagnie religiose soppresse 882, 752, and 627. These manuscripts have been consulted at the Archivio di Stato di Firenze during visits to the archives in 1999, 2000, 2001, 2003, and 2005. 10

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The aforementioned ricordi consist of formally kept notes about meetings held in the confraternity, written by elected officers among the youths themselves.13 These accounts vary, partly from one account to another, partly with the style of the individual scribe. To some degree, they appear as matter-of-fact reports of what was done at the meetings, giving information about the ritual carried out, the occasional elaborate embellishments for special occasions, who performed, who attended the event, or which elections were held at the meeting. They also sometimes purport to tell what the ‘brothers’ felt during particular events, not least in connection with ceremonies involving special visual ornaments and particular musical performances. Such more interpretative comments give useful insights into the world of the confraternity, although it is not possible to know to what extent such commentary can be assumed to be representative of the confraternity youths in general or rather to be idealized descriptions expressive of a kind of ‘official’ confraternity ideology. One small set of sources offers the possibility of examining this aspect of the records more closely. Most of the preserved books are clearly finalized, well-kept accounts, not exactly literary in style, but at least nicely and evenly written, and only rarely with corrections, and with a certain flair for embellishment, which makes the occasional record stand out from the flow of dry reports. One of the fascicles, however, is of a markedly different character. The handwriting is careless and hurried, there being variations even within the same day and with frequent additions and corrections. The formulations are shorter and more sketchy, noting only the most essential facts: who did what, how many attended the Communion, and which services were held. It also contains a variety of different kinds of records, with ceremonial reports interspersed with account notices, which in Raffaello were usually kept in a separate book. The fascicle is not paginated, and all the records have been crossed out, one by one. Apparently, this must be a notebook or diary in which everything that was entered would later be transferred to the official records. In this case, we also have the final records, so we can compare the two versions. Here is the description of the celebrations of Christmas Day in 1642, first in the draft version, then as it was entered in the official records: In the morning at dawn a mass was celebrated by Giuseppe Panci, and the most holy sacrament was exposed, the chapel being fully prepared and adorned with many candles and flowers. Then the Matins of the festivity commenced, and afterwards our Father Corrector celebrated the three masses, and during the second he administered communion to sixty brothers, and at the third he consumed the exposed sacrament. 13

For the general administrative organization of the confraternity, see Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 96–110.

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Figure 17 Record of a Christmas Day service in the draft for the final Ricordi of

the Raffaello.

The collect for the servant was held. In the day the solemn Vespers. In the evening the Matins of Our Lady with music for two choirs, and a most beautiful sermon was recited by Filippo Lasagnini.14

14

CRS 163, 25 (olim 24), [no fol.]; ‘La mattina all’ alba si celebrò una messa da mr Giuseppe Panci e si espose il Santissimo sacramento. hauendo parato tutta la cappella et adorn con molti lumi e fiori dipoi si comincio il mattutino della festivita e finito il nostro padre correttore celebro le 3 messe et alla seconda comunico nr 60 fratelli et alle 3a consumò il santissimo sacramento esposto Fecesi la colletta per il Seruo Il giorno Vespro solenne La sera matutino della madonna con musiche a due cori e da filippo Lasagnini fu recitato un bellissimo sermo.’

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Figure 18 Record of the same service in the official Ricordi.

On this day in the morning at the Ave Maria at daybreak, when the brothers had gathered in good numbers, the first mass was celebrated by Giuseppe Panci, a priest and one of these brothers, and the most holy sacrament was exposed and placed above the altar under our canopy of white linen, the whole chapel being fully prepared and the said altar richly adorned with vases and chandeliers of silver, fresh and dried flowers, and candles in abundance. Then the office of the day was commenced, which was sung solemnly, and when that was finished, our Father Corrector celebrated the three usual masses, and during the second he administered the communion with a devout exhortation to all the brothers who were admitted to the holy communion, who were sixty in number. And during the third, he consumed the holy [sacrament] which had been exposed as above, and when next the usual prayers and thanksgivings had been said, everyone was dismissed. In the day, the solemn Vespers were sung, and in the evening the Matins of the most holy Virgin, with excellent music for two choirs, and the concourse of people was so big that there was barely room for them all in the room. And in the

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Chapter 4 end, a beautiful and devout oration was held by our brother Filippo Lasagnini, to great satisfaction. And the tornata ended.15

The texts clearly describe the same events, they follow the same disposition, and use many of the same formulations, but there the similarities end. The draft gives the barest details — what happened and who participated — and little more. The finished text also contains all these details, but expands the skeleton into a vivid description: while the chapel in the first description was ‘fully adorned with flowers and candles’, in the second this turns into a proud and detailed presentation of the lavishness of the decorations. The superlatives in the presentations of the events have mostly been added in the editorial stage, and in the description of the Christmas Mass, the information about the people filling the hall to the breaking point is new. This does not mean that it has been invented; the scribe — who is the same in both books — would naturally have been present and would have remembered the crowd and the abundance of candles. Also, in a description like this, the extra embellishments may not matter so much; they do not in principle convey any new information. In the following quotation, reporting from the evening service of November 2, 1642, this may be more of a problem, especially concerning what can be learned from this quotation about the aesthetic sensibilities in the confraternity: In the evening, the office for the dead for all the faithful with good music, and a good sermon was held by Cosimo Milanesi.16 In the evening the general office of suffrage for the souls of all the deceased faithful was sung, with excellent music, and afterwards a boy from Milanesi, our little brother, held a most beautiful discourse about the pains of Purgatory, with facility 15

CRS 163, 26 (olim 25), fol. 12v ; ‘In questo Giorno la mattina all’ Aue Maria dell’ Aurora essendo ragunati li fratelli in buon numero da M:r Giuseppe Panci sacerdote uno di essi fratelli fu celebrata la Prima Messa, et esposto il santissimo sacramento collocato sopra l’Altare sotto il nostro Baldacchino di Teletta bianca sendo parata tutta la cappella, et arricchito, et adornato il detto Altare con Vasi et cendellieri d’Argento, fiori freschi, et secchi, et lumi a proporzione. Appresso si diede principio all’Uffizio corrente, quale fù cantato solennemente, et quello finito il Nostro Padre Correttore celebrò le Tre Messe solite, et alla seconda comunicò con diuoza [sic] esortazione tutti li fratelli ammessi alla Santa communione, che furono in numero 60. et consumò nella Terza il smo stato esposto come sopra, et fatte appresso le solite preci, et rendimenti di grazie ciascuno fu licenziato. Il giorno si cantò il vespro solenne et la sera il mattutino della Sa Vergine con musica a due chori bonissima essendo il popolo concorso tanto frequente, che il luogo con difficultà ne era capace, Et in fine fù fatta una bellissima, et deuota orazione da Filippo Lasagnini nostro fratello con uniuersale satisfazione, e Terminò la Tornata.’ 16 CRS 163, 25 (olim 24), [no fol.]; ‘la sera l’uffizzo de morti per tutti li fedi con buona musica e da Cosimo Milanesi fu fatto un bel sermone.’

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and vivaciousness out of the ordinary, which left the brothers in highest admiration.17

Again, it appears from the draft that the most important things to be noted are the names of the participants; the poetic description of the effects of the sermon on the listeners have been added later. The next pair of quotations are also two different descriptions of the same occasion, this time not written by the same scribe, but taken from the ricordi of the Raphael confraternity and their companion confraternity Vangelista. The texts are interesting because they are a rare case in which we have notes about the same event from such different sources. As was customary, the Father Guardian from Raphael had attended the annual feast for Vangelista’s patron saint, and the report in the official ricordi reads: And those who were there were most satisfied, because it was a wonderful feast with wonderful music, and a sermon in praise of the glorious Apostle, to general satisfaction.18

The corresponding report from the same feast in Vangelista’s records gives a different picture of the event. After a long and detailed description of the decorations in the hall, the feast itself is recorded as follows: The concourse of people was great, which made it impossible to celebrate Vespers, but in the evening people started to find their places to attend the office, in which there was no music, in imitation of the Company of the Ceppo, which did not use music.19

The difference is striking: in one there was wonderful music, in the other there was no music at all. It is reasonable to assume that Vangelista is correct. There is of course a possibility that the music that the Raphael scribe refers to has come after the music-less office in Vangelista, but the careful attention to every other aspect of the celebration than the music earlier in the source, and the 17

CRS 163, 26 (olim 25), fol. 11r (Christmas Day 1642); ‘La sera si cantò l’Uffizio Generale per suffragio dell’anime di tutti li fedeli Defunti con bonissima Musica, et dopo da uno fanciullino de Milanesi nostro fratello fù fattouno bellissimo discorso sopra le Pene del Purgatorio con prontezza et vivacità più che ordinaria, lassando li fratelli tutti con somma ammirazione.’ 18 CRS 163, 26 (olim 25), fol. 26v ; ‘Et in detto luogo si restò satisfattissimi per essere stata fatta bellissima festa, bonissima Musica, et un’ orazione in lode del Glorioso Apostolo con universale satisfattione.’ 19 CRS 1240, 8, fol. 124r ; ‘Il concorso del popolo fù grande, che causò che non si potette dir Vespro ma venuto la sera cominciorono i popoli a pigliare i luoghi per assistere all’Ufizio, nel quale non si fece Musica per Imitare la Compagnia del Ceppo, la quale non fece musica.’

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explicit mentioning of the absence of music and an explanation thereof, makes it likely that the phrase in the Raphael record is rather a stock-phrase of the kind that could easily be inserted by a trained scribe to expand a fragmentary sketch into a full report. Such formulations occur again and again in the ricordi. But if that is what has happened in this case — where we have an external source to check it against — what do we make of all the other descriptions in the ricordi? Can we trust them at all? These three examples surely call for caution with regard to how we treat these sources. It is difficult to know who the intended readers of these documents were, whether the documents were kept for historical reasons or with episcopal examination in mind. All in all, it is probably wise to assume that the further from the official details the descriptions stray, the less trustworthy they are as sources of exact historical knowledge about specific events. But this does not prevent them from being important sources about how the members of the confraternity have been thinking about the use of music in the ceremony, the role played by the element of entertainment and sensual satisfaction in devotional activities and in the self-images and presentation of the members. As expressions of what has been desired or expected from a ceremony, they are just as telling, regardless of the amount of editing that has been involved. Used with caution, these records give interesting information about ways of thinking in circles around the confraternities, as well as giving concrete information about ongoing activities. The statutes, on the other hand, are official documents which had to be approved by the archbishop of Florence. In contrast to the descriptive records, they tell us what — at least ideally — was expected of the confraternity. Since the statutes only changed once in the period under consideration here, it is possible — and even likely — that the new statutes (of 1636) reflect changes gradually implemented during previous decades. In a number of concrete situations, the combination of statutes and records can be helpful for a critical assessment of the balance between the ideology and practice of the confraternity. Singing in the Confraternity Devotional singing, of course, played an important role in the life of the confraternity already in the fifteenth century. Eisenbichler emphasized that the 1468 statutes (known via the 1560 copy) mainly mention the singing of Latin hymns and canticles (as the Te Deum, the Magnificat, and so forth), whereas the singing of laude is not emphasized strongly. The reason for this may be — as Eisenbichler suggested — that the educational purpose of a youth confraternity

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brought with it a stronger emphasis on Latin singing.20 However, the description of the general religious service of the confraternity, the tornata (Chapter 8) contains a remark about the singing of laude which seems to presuppose this as a standard practice: while waiting for the service to start, one of the youths is supposed to read from the Bible (on the Father Guardian’s command) or to sing a lauda or a psalm.21 The following chapter which gives the general order of the office at such a meeting, Del ordine del Ufitio, states from the beginning that: When the brothers, or some of them, have assembled, and when it pleases the Father Guardian, he asks that they sing our laude, and devotions, and prayers and psalms.22

The numerous editions of collections of laude which have been preserved from the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries (as discussed in chapters 2–3) including the editions of books for the dottrina christiana (to which we shall return below) are witnesses to the importance of lauda singing in confraternities, monasteries and other communal or individual contexts. Unfortunately, very little of all this material can be linked directly to any of the four old youth confraternities. Only in the context of the increasing importance of the teaching of Christian doctrine in these sodalities do we have specific knowledge of the use of publications including laude, as we shall see below. In the 1636 statutes, the singing of laude is not mentioned at all, whereas the singing of psalms is mentioned repeatedly. Also, references to traditionally established Latin liturgy are numerous, for instance, to the Office of the Dead and the celebration of the Eucharist, changes which Eisenbichler has seen as reflecting the implementing of reform attitudes in the Catholic church after the Council of Trent.23 However, the actual use of laude in connection with religious instruction and also to some extent in confraternity rituals can be documented through the ricordi also at this time, as will be shown below. During the sixteenth century a growing emphasis on music in the confraternity provided its members with the possibility of musical education at a high level. At least from around 1600 it seems to have been important for the company to have the most competent musical teachers as is seen from the diplomatic complications surrounding the appointment of Marco da Gagliano (1582–1643) as its maestro di cappella before this finally became possible in 1609 when his 20

See Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 236–38. Capitoli delle CRS 752, fol. 8r . See also Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 139. 22 CRS 752, fol. 8v ; ‘Raunati adunque e fratelli, o, parte di quelli quando paressi al Guardiano inponga che si dicano le nostri laudi, Et deuotioni, Et orationi et salmi.’ . 23 Capitoli delle CRS 627, esp. pp. 25–28. See Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 141–43, cf. also pp. 108 and 238. 21

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predecessor, Baccio Malespini, resigned.24 Thus, music was given high priority in the Archangel Raffaello confraternity and as part of this, the singing of laude had its place in the general devotional ceremonies of the sodality as well as in special assemblies with instructional purposes. Performances of music and drama as a part of devotional meetings in the confraternity were essential to its identity and stand out to a high degree in the records of this company, but also in other previously mentioned youth confraternities. Around 1600, leading Florentine intellectuals and musicians were members of or closely associated with the confraternity and contributed to its occasionally lavishly produced ceremonies which at times also featured productions of sacred representations. Musico-dramatic performances in the stile rappresentativo seem to have been carried out in the confraternity, at least 13 years before what has traditionally been understood as ‘the first opera’ (Peri’s and Rinuccini’s Dafne, probably performed in Florence in 1598).25 This is a topic to which we shall return in Chapter 6.

Attitudes towards Lauda Singing Previous chapters have emphasized Savonarola’s austere anti-secular attitude, especially to music, as well as his significance for what has been seen as the general sixteenth-century decline in the professional, polyphonic, lauda traditions of the 24

Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 241–42, see also the fuller discussion in Edmond Strainchamps, ‘Marco da Gagliano and the Compagnia dell’arcangelo Raffaello in Florence: An Unknown Episode in the Composer’s Life’, in Essays Presented to Myron P. Gilmore, ed. by Sergio Bertelli and Gloria Ramakus (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1978), pp. 473–87. 25 See Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 235–36; John Walter Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I: “Recitar Cantando”, 1583–1655’, Acta musicologica, 51 (1979), 108–136 (pp. 110–12); and Edmond Strainchamps, ‘Music in a Florentine Confraternity: The Memorial Madrigals for Jacopo Corsi in the Company of the Archangel Raphael’, in Crossing the Boundaries: Christian Piety and the Arts in Italian Medieval and Renaissance Confraternities, ed. by Konrad Eisenbichler, Early Drama, Art, and Music Reference Series, 15 (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, 1991), pp. 161–178. See also Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Intermedial Strategy and Spirituality in the Emerging Opera: Gagliano’s Dafne and Confraternity Devotion’, in Cultural Functions of Intermedial Exploration, ed. by Erik Hedling and Ulla-Britta Lagerroth, Internationale Forschungen zur allgemeinen und vergleichenden Literaturwissenschaft, 62 (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2002); and Eyolf Østrem and Nils Holger Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude and Musical Sensibilities in Early Seventeenth-Century Confraternity Devotion, i–ii’, Journal of Religious History, 28 (2004), 276–97, and 29 (2005), 163–76 (part i, p. 279).

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confraternities.26 As also mentioned earlier (see Chapters 2–3), Patrick Macey has shown how the simple — largely monophonic or at least homophonic — Savonarolan, lauda tradition became dominant in the sixteenth century in basic accordance with the prevalent tendencies concerning views on music in the Catholic reform movement (and the Council of Trent). However, according to the previous discussion of Razzi’s two collections of laude, a use of secular — sensuous — traditions does not necessarily contradict the Savonarolan legacy. This is supported by Ian Fenlon’s claim that the attitudes of the church reformers, including Savonarola, were ambiguously based on two different trends: an interest in popular piety and an austere anti-secular tendency. The two trends partly seem to have met and partly to have contradicted each other.27 However, as Trexler has argued, one reason for Savonarola’s failure was ‘his inability to convince the Florentines that his opposition to the buffoon was based on genuine 26

Wilson, Music and Merchants, pp. 87–88, 126–27, and 220–21. See also Barr, The Monophonic Lauda, p. 30. Concerning the general Florentine crisis in the early decades of the sixteenth century and the idea of a special early sixteenth-century confraternity ‘crisis’, see also Nicholas A. Eckstein, ‘The Religious Confraternities of High Renaissance Florence: Crisis or Continuity’, in Rituals, Images, and Words: Varieties of Cultural Expression in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. by F. W. Kent and Charles Zika (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), pp. 9–32. Eckstein points to the lack of ‘thoroughgoing treatment’ of the Italian confraternities after 1500. He reviews the ‘crisis’ hypothesis concerning confraternities in the early decades of the sixteenth century, advanced in Ronald F. E. Weissman, Ritual Brotherhood in Renaissance Florence (New York: Academic Press, 1982). Eckstein summarizes this hypothesis: ‘in these decades the confraternities of Florence faced a threat no less serious than that menacing the city itself, and [. . .] while the companies recovered later in the century, the earlier crisis had transformed them almost beyond recognition.’ Whereas Eckstein agrees that the available historical institutional evidence supports such a hypothesis a long way, particularly in terms of references to institutional ‘disorder’ (disordine) for instance concerning elections to offices in confraternities, general attendance to confraternity meetings, and concerning their financial situations, he questions the wider implications of the ‘crisis’ as portrayed by Weissman. Polizzotto, Children of the Promise, p. 171, also refers to major transformations in the Purification confraternity ‘if not in content then undoubtedly in form’ underlining that by the end of the sixteenth century ‘the confraternity [. . .] had reinvented itself, assuming responsibilities that enabled it to continue to play a relevant and influential role in Florence.’ It is more difficult to assess the situation in the other youth confraternities since, as mentioned previously, records are not preserved before the flood of 1557. However, the statutes of 1468 were still acceptable in 1560 for the Raphael confraternity (and for the archbishop of Florence who certified the copy). See also Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 96–97. Thus, a fundamental continuity must be assumed also in the Raffaello. 27 Fenlon, Music and Culture in Late Renaissance Italy, pp. 59–66.

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spirituality.’28 For Trexler, it was important to note that in Renaissance Florence, the calendrical feasts in honour of a saint would involve both a spiritual and a secular part, and that ‘both were in honor of the saint’.29 Similarly for Razzi, as emphasized previously (see p. 95), music from secular texts would often be deemed suitable for spiritual use. The attitudes of the brothers (and Father Guardians and Father Correctors) of the confraternity of the Archangel Raffaello towards musical, visual, and theatrical artistry may be understood as being in line with this kind of spiritual understanding. Here, however, the secular, popular, or material parts of the feasts about which Trexler has written are — at least partly — substituted by sensuous artistry carried out by elite artists at performances during confraternity services and entertainments.30 Statements in the ricordi of the Raffaello show to what extent this confraternity deviated from the norms of the Savonarolan legacy even though this may rather have been in the degree of artistic preoccupation than in basic theological thought. It is for example difficult not to read Serafino Razzi’s description of the current state of music in religious circles, quoted above (p. 71), as a warning against precisely the kind of development that we see in the Raphael confraternity. It has been noted by many scholars, including John Walter Hill, Edmond Strainchamps and Konrad Eisenbichler,31 and it appears clearly from the examples we have seen above, that services in the confraternity were often carried out with music of the highest quality available in Florence: composers and performers like Jacopo Peri, Giulio Caccini, and ‘the most celebrated musicians in Florence’.32 As we have argued earlier, descriptions of confraternity activities seem to have undergone a gradual change around 1600. Before this time, the words bel (‘beautiful’) and bellissima were mainly used to characterize preaching and devotional ceremonies as such in connection with terms like sermone, prego, discorso, or mattutino. Music would generally be characterized by words, such as buona and eccellente in the 1580s, words which may seem to reflect criteria of 28 Richard C. Trexler, ‘Ritual Behavior in Renaissance Florence: The Setting’, in Church and Community 1200–1600: Studies in the History of Florence and New Spain, reprinted from Medievalia et Humanistica, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Culture, n.s. 4 (1973), 125–44 (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1987), pp. 11–36. 29 Ibid, 31. 30 See Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, and Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 198– 269, and Chapters 16–19 on theatre, music, and art in the confraternity. 31 See especially Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 235–56, Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’; and Strainchamps, ‘Marco da Gagliano and the Raffaello’. 32 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 97r .

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craftmanship. In the first decades of the seventeenth century, however, the word bella was used increasingly about music. One may view this change as part of a broader development within the arts, where painting, poetry, and music, as well as the theorizing about them, were gradually brought closer together, leading eventually to a ‘modern concept of art’.33

Lauda Singing in Confraternity Rituals We shall now focus on the role of the lauda in certain confraternal offices or rituals. Since very little of the music which was performed in the confraternity has been preserved or identified,34 the basis for our knowledge is mainly provided by entries in the records of the company. It is important to have a sense of the kind of statement on music in devotional ceremonies, which is generally found in the records of the Compagnia dell’arcangelo Raffaello, where the sensuous artistic quality of music was often understood to heighten the devotion, and where crowds of upper class Florentines — on certain occasions including the archduke or archduchess of Tuscany — came to attend major ceremonies or performances of plays either for the devotion or for the splendour, but where — again parallel to the quoted observation by Trexler — the devotion and the splendour were never seen as opposites but rather as mutually dependent.35 In addition to what has already been stated, 33

See the discussion in Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, p. 291. Edmond Strainchamps has identified four madrigals performed at a memorial service in the confraternity for Jacopo Corsi on 21 February 1602/3 as the last four madrigals of Marco da Gagliano’s Second Book of Five-part Madrigals which was published in 1604 in Venice, only two of which were composed by Gagliano, the others by Piero Strozzi and Giovanni del Turco (Strainchamps, ‘Music in a Florentine Confraternity’). Corsi, who died on 29 December 1602, was famous as a patron of music and other arts and sciences but particularly remembered as the patron of the Florentine academy which led to the new operatic genre in the very last years of the sixteenth century. See also Tim Carter, ‘Music and Patronage in Late Sixteenth-Century Florence: The Case of Jacopo Corsi (1561–1602)’, I Tatti Studies: Essays in the Renaissance, 1 (1985), 57–104. Corsi was a member of the confraternity as was Piero Strozzi and, of course, Gagliano; see also Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 81. Also John Walter Hill has connected a preserved madrigal with the confraternity, see Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, p. 116–19. See also Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 236, n. 1. 35 Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, esp. the section ‘Devotion and performance’ in part i, and Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Renaissance Rituals in a Florentine Lay Confraternity’, Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, 30 (2004), 153–60, at n. 19. 34

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the following example confirms the style of the references to music and devotion in the above-mentioned records, here from the Holy Week, 1582: The usual assembly was held in the evening and the office was said in the usual way with the greatest devotion and attention and there was a most excellent music; the same was also done in the two following evenings, except that on Good Friday a beautiful prayer to the Cross was made by Matteo di Pieri Corboli, our brother.36

As in the 1560 (or 1468) statutes, the singing of laude is not referred to very often in the ricordi of the company of the Archangel Raphael. However, as the confraternity statutes suggest, in the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century, the singing of laude seems to be an integrated part of the devotional practices of the confraternity, sometimes apparently performed in the form of a more leisurely, devotional activity. The few specific references to the singing of laude in the ricordi reported by Konrad Eisenbichler all belong in the context of more elaborate celebrations of important feasts and bring to mind Richard Trexler’s above-quoted statement concerning the spiritual and secular part of a saint’s feast both being in honour of the saint (see p. 132). Eisenbichler, for instance, quotes an entry from the ricordi for the feast of St Lawrence (10 August) 1560 according to which the youths had celebrated the feast by reciting an ‘example’ (esempio) from St Lawrence’s life and by singing ‘his lauda’, after which melons were distributed, one brother played the lyre and ‘some brothers sang laude and spiritual things’. This was a new tradition, started in 1559.37 In 1558, after the strict observances of the Pentecost (29 May that year) which included the celebration of the Forty Hours’ devotion to which we shall return later, the entry for Monday, 30 May concludes, Then in the evening an office was celebrated and a large number attended and the devotion was held, and when this was finished those who wanted were allowed to 36

CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 10v ; ‘Fecesi la solita tornata da sera e dissesi l’offitio secondo il solito con una grandissima diuotione e attentione, e fu vi una eccelentissima musica, cosi ancora nelle 2 sere seguenti si fece il simigliante, ecceto po’che il Venerdi santo ci fu fatto un bel prego alla Croce da Matteo di Pieri Corboli nostro fratello.’ See also Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, p. 288. 37 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 157–58, and see the two other specific cases, pp. 152 and 205 (both concerning the feast of St Raphael, 31 December 1563, here laude were sung in the context of the blessing of the special bread stamped with the emblem of the confraternity and a play featuring Tobias), and p. 243 and 403, n. 29 (Corpus Christi 1561, ‘with organs [. . .] and many laude were also sung on the organs.’ See also Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, pp. 276–77 and 283–85.

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leave, and a large number of people remained and stayed there all night, singing psalms, hymns, and laude.38

In 1559, on the feast of the martyr Lorenzo, we learn that ‘thereafter the customary devotion was carried out, with verses, sermons, and laude relevant to the solemnity’.39 Here the lauda is clearly an integrated part of the customary devotional ceremony. In 1562, a long entry for the Nativity of the Virgin Mary (8 September) mentions indulgences granted by Pope Pius IV for those who would visit the confraternity at appropriate times with the intention to confess and to pray for the holy church and the eradication of heresies. The entry states that the brothers began this indulgence on the eve of the Nativity, i.e. on 7 September. For this vigil a number of details are mentioned, among them the singing of the Te Deum and a solemn Matins for Our Lady with other traditional prayers. The entry then continues (for the office on the feast day, 8 September), And during the day they sang the customary Vespers of the Virgin, and the Compline, and to entertain themselves, they sang a lot of laude.40

In a short notice for Christmas Eve 1584 where laude were played on a keyboard instrument (possibly as an accompaniment to the singing) the description seems to be ambiguous as to whether the singing of laude was part of the actual ceremony of Matins or whether the ‘performance’ took place outside of this ceremony: At Matins, and because the Santa Maria Novella begins later than the other churches, many women and men assembled. Having brought a keyboard instrument, one of our beloved brothers played some laude and some psalms which caused great satisfaction. Then everyone went home or to other devotions in order to come back for the next morning.41 38

CRS 160, 7 (olim 6), fol. 5v ; ‘Di poi la sera si celebro un’ufitio, et vennevi un’ gran’ numero et si fece la divotione, et finita si dette licentia atutti quelli che se ne volessino andare, et vi rimase assai buon’ numero et stettonvi tutta la nocte cantando salmj hinni, et laude.’ 39 CRS 160, 7 (olim 6), fol. 11r ; ‘Poi si fece la consueta devotione con stanze, sermone, et laude a proposito atal solennita.’ 40 CRS, 160, 7 (olim 6), fol. 47r ; ‘E il giorno si canto il solito vespro della vergine ela conpieta — e per trattenersi cantorno molte laude.’ 41 CRS, 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 55v ; ‘A Mattutino et perche Santa Maria nouella comincia piu tardi che le altre chiese a concorse assai donne et huomini et hauendoui condotto uno strumento di tasti da uno de nostri amoreuoli fratelli fusonato alcune laudi, et salmi, che senebbe gran contento dipoi ciaschuno sene ando alle loro case, o, altre diuotioni per douere tornare la mattina prossima.’ See also Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, p. 276.

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Regardless of how this entry may otherwise be understood, the double focus on pious assembly with devout singing and pleasure in the musical sound and skill of the performer is clear. Such a view of the lauda and of the role of music in the confraternity ceremonies altogether is present also in the following seven brief references to the singing of laude, all from the years 1609–11: in 1609, Sunday after the feast of St John the Baptist, in 1610, 24 and 28 February, 7 and 28 March, and 31 December, and in 1611, 25 December. The entries give the impression that the lauda was an integrated part of the formally arranged devotions, but in some of the cases the lauda no longer seems to be a simple communal song but an artful — probably more complex — song as indicated by it being sung in dialogue (28 February 1610), or through terms such as ‘a lauda of a very beautiful music causing grand satisfaction of the people’ (31 December 1610), or ‘they sang a lauda in music at the holy manger’ (25 December 1611).42 These entries point to the previously mentioned tendency to emphasize particularly artistic features during the tornate. They seem to indicate that at this time the singing of laude was also seen as a part of this interest in artistry. Close to the time of the revised statutes (of 1636), one finds few references to lauda singing in accordance with the above-mentioned differences between the statutes from 1560 and those from 1636.

Didactic Uses of Laude: the Dottrina Christiana Religious upbringing and the education of the young had been a central concern for the youth confraternities from the outset. Richard Trexler, in his seminal article on the youth confraternities, has summarized his understanding of this new socio-cultural and religious phenomenon as it appeared in Florence in the fifteenth century: At a stage when public manifestation still seemed a natural part of political activity, the confraternities of adolescents stepped into this breach between the traditional publicity of the republic and the familial privacy of the new world of political authoritarianism. These grave boys represented on the one side a world of private virtues, but on the other a hope of public salvation for families whose survival had been customarily tied to processional prestige. To do this successfully, youthful 42

CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 285r , fol. 287r , and fol. 287v , CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 4r (‘una lauda di musica molto bella e con gran sodisfatione de popoli’) and fol. 11r (‘una lauda in musica al S:to Presepio’). Cf. Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, p. 284 and ii, p. 172.

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asceticism, not boyish miscreance was the order of the early Florentine Renaissance.43

As quoted in Chapter 1, Trexler sees the primary task of the youth confraternities to be to ‘remove the boys from the chaos and spontaneity of the street’ and ‘to aid the formation of a pious character’.44 It is not surprising, then, that instruction in the basics of Christian belief was important to these companies. Indeed, it seems likely that the concrete task of teaching basic Christianity to the young played an important role in the decision to establish a youth confraternity. The Compagnia dell’arcangelo Raffaello was claimed (in the seventeenth century) to have been founded out of a personal commitment to teach Christian doctrine to young men.45 No early documentation, however, seems to be extant to corroborate this particular claim. However, in letters to Pope Eugenius IV in 1435, who at the time was in exile in Florence, the Florentine humanist and general of the Camaldolan order (a branch of Benedictine monasticism) Ambrogio Traversari emphasized the institution of these Florentine youth companies as a school without specifically mentioning the teaching of Christian doctrine. In his description and recommendation of the youth confraternities he claimed that the leaders of the city were ‘pleased to send their sons to be nourished in this school and to be educated in this school of Christian virtue.’46 As mentioned above, the Raffaello confraternity had branched off another Florentine youth confraternity in 1427: the Compagnia della Purificazione della Vergine Maria e di San Zanobi. Statutes for this new confraternity were copied in 1439. These are still extant as recently discovered by Lorenzo Polizzotto.47 The catechetical programme included in these demands the Ten Commandments, the twelve articles of faith, the seven mortal sins, the five bodily senses, the seven acts of mercy, the seven sacraments, the Paternoster, and the Ave Maria to be learned by heart by all the members of the confraternity.48 Further, in 1417, bishop Nicolò Albergati had reformed the youth confraternity Compagnia di S. Girolamo in Bologna, strengthening their doctrinal teaching by way of a catechism covering much the same topics and elements as those 43

Trexler, ‘Ritual in Florence’, p. 264. Trexler, ‘Ritual in Florence’, p. 210. See also p. 32 above. 45 Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 128. 46 Translated by Trexler in Trexler, ‘Ritual in Florence’, p. 209, and quoted in Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 29. 47 Polizzotto, Children of the Promise, pp. 24–25 and 347–55. 48 Polizzotto, Children of the Promise, p. 33. 44

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mentioned in the statutes of the confraternity of the Purification.49 Altogether, there is good reason to see the rise of youth confraternities as part of a new consciousness of the importance of religious instruction among ecclesiastical authorities, pious laymen, and humanists. Such a consciousness was very much part of the background for the sixteenth-century strivings for church reform, parts of which led to the reformations while other parts formed the backbone of the Catholic reform movement for which the Jesuit order became a vital force (See also pp. 65–69). Ironically, the same developments which initially had created the youth confraternities became a threat to their existence two centuries later, when the ideals from the catechetical programme came to full fruition in the Post-Tridentine era, but paired with a desire for much stricter control from the church authorities. The decrees of the Council of Trent sharpened the responsibility of the parishes to give their children a good education in the Christian fundamentals. Every parish was obliged to teach the Doctrine every Sunday and festival.50 This was followed up on the local Florentine level by Archbishop Altoviti’s synod of 1573, which decreed that parents who failed to send their children to class would be denied the Sacraments ‘except in cases of necessity’.51 The Brief Ex debito pastoralis officii issued by Pius V in 1571, advocated the establishment of so-called Schools of Christian doctrine, scuole della dottrina cristiana, in all parishes, based on the success of such an institution in Milan. By 1585, six such schools had been established in Florentine parishes.52 This changed the conditions for the older youth confraternities radically. As part of the growing ecclesiastical control with doctrine, severe limitations were placed on all kinds of lay preaching and teaching. No layman was allowed to preach anywhere and to anyone without written approval from the bishop, and the approval had to be renewed annually. Furthermore, the Florentine Synod of 1619 gave detailed regulations of what could be preached by laymen: nothing too difficult, nothing pertaining to the more fundamental theological questions, no scriptural interpretation or exegesis.53 The stricter limits and the competition from the educational activities of the parish churches and the schools of Christian doctrine influenced the pos49 Nicholas Terpstra, Lay Confraternities and Civic Religion in Renaissance Bologna (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 21; see also Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 128. 50 Cf. the final documents from the Council of Trent, Session 24, Ch. 4. 51 Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 125. 52 Polizzotto, Children of the Promise, p. 232; Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 117. 53 Decreta Synodi Dioecesanae Florentinae . . . (Florence: Sermartellium, 1619), Ch. 9, § 3; see Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 128, and further pp. 125–29.

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sibility for the youth confraternities to continue their traditional activities, or to adopt the new trends associated with the Jesuits and the Oratorians. While they were not prohibited from teaching, as was their custom, there was little incentive for children to join a lay confraternity, which would — ideally — only double what the parish church would have provided. According to Polizzotto, the confraternity of the Purification in Florence experienced a marked decrease in members during the first years of the seventeenth century, and another of the four traditional youth confraternities, Il Ceppo, transformed itself into a school of Christian doctrine altogether.54 On the other hand, the ideals expressed in the decrees may not always have been implemented, and it is likely that the resources of the youth confraternities, which were already under episcopal control, would have been seen as a welcome addition to the new institutions. Since only six of the new schools of Christian doctrine had been established by 1585, in Florentine parishes, the ecclesiastical centralization does not appear to have been particularly fast. Both the Raffaello confraternity and the Vangelista taught the Doctrine well into the seventeenth century, even using their own books. The revised statutes of the Raffaello company, which were approved by the archbishop in 1636, specifically refer to a printed dottrina cristiana (of 1584) composed by the confraternity, but no longer extant,55 and still in 1651, there is reference to his Doctrine ‘already printed for the use and benefit of our company and adapted to be usable with the Most Reverend M. Lorenzo Vanni’s method for singing through the use of psalms.’56 The strongest indication of the continuous doctrinal activities of the four original youth confraternities throughout the seventeenth century is a note in the records of the Vangelista from 1675. The note is both an amusing insight into the internal life of these institutions and a revealing testimony to the sincerity with which they approached their task. The occasion is this: it was a wellestablished custom that the four youth confraternities invited each other to the annual feasts of their respective patron saints.57 This year, the Father Guardian of Il Ceppo, Bonaventura del Teglia, had invited the other three much too late; custom, again, was that the invitation was to be delivered before the preceding feast day, so that it could be announced to all the brothers and not just the Fa54 Aranci, Formazione religiosa, pp. 232–33. See further pp. 230–32 for a broader presentation of the subject from the point of view of the Purification. Significantly enough, Il Ceppo is the only of the four which survived the suppression of religious companies in the late eighteenth century, and it is still in existence to this day. 55 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 129 and 135. 56 CRS 163, 27 (olim 26), fol. 127v . 57 See also p. 127 for a similar occasion.

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ther Guardian himself. Del Teglia, being new in office, had not known this and came with the invitation on the very same day of the feast. The Father Guardian of the Vangelista had accepted the invitation, but pointed out the mistake. The report also makes a point out of mentioning that the other Father Guardians had responded in exactly the same way. Del Teglia had apologized for his oversight and promised to follow the established procedure hereafter.58 The main point in this particular context is that the report refers to the confraternities as Dottrine, whereas the common term earlier had been ‘compagnia’. Jesuitic influences: Ansaldi’s Dottrina A major influence on the teaching of Christian doctrine in the Florentine youth confraternities in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries was the Jesuits. During the sixteenth century, the Jesuit order (founded in 1540 by Ignatius of Loyola) even came to a high degree to influence practices for religious instruction in the old Florentine youth confraternities, although these were not affiliated with the Jesuit order, but rather had connections to various mendicant orders. As discussed in Chapter 2, the Jesuit order from quite early on in its history had a strong focus on general education. The Jesuits founded schools in great numbers developing new teaching methods which emphasized music and drama. In this way, the order strongly influenced European educational systems as well as European (music) theatre in the early modern period. Basic instruction in Christian doctrine for children and uneducated adults had also been seen as one of the fundamental tasks for the Jesuits from the earliest time and was specified already in the first edition of the Formula of the Institute (1540, revised in 1550), one of the defining documents of the order.59 In 1585, the layman Iacopo Ansaldi, Father Guardian of the Purification confraternity since 1580, resigned from his office since he had not been able to manage this post in addition to the duties of supervising the teaching of Christian doctrine in all boys’ schools and companies in the diocese, a duty which the archbishop has assigned to him in 1577. We shall discuss his visit to the confraternity of the Archangel Raphael in this capacity during the summer of 1585, which was also the year in which Ansaldi published a dottrina cristiana, an only slightly revised edition of the Jesuit Giacomo Ledesma’s Dottrina as acknowledged by 58 59

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Ansaldi in his preface.60 Two years earlier, Ansaldi had also published a compilation of catechetical texts for his Purification confraternity Discorsi spirituali et civili, Secondo il Cathecismo per instruttione de Giovani desiderosi far profitto nella vita Spirituale et Civile.61 In the records of the company of the Archangel Raphael, it is stated that on 28 July 1585 the archbishop had sent Jacopo Ansaldi with the priest Jacopo Genovese to the company to speak to them, commanding the Raphael confraternity to introduce the teaching of the Christian doctrine in accordance with the general policy which Ansaldi was elected to carry out. The entry continues with the answer of the assistant substitute Father Guardian, Nicholò Antifassi, who stated that ordinarily every day a tablet was read aloud which contained all of the doctrine and that sometimes the youths of the confraternity would give a lesson based on it, and that they would continue this practice.62 In Eisenbichler’s account, the visit of Genovese and Ansaldi is understood as probably insulting to the members of the confraternity with ‘their own long tradition in such teaching and learning’. Eisenbichler also interprets the brief episode as a victory for the confraternity since Ansaldi apparently never appointed an instructor to teach the doctrine at the Archangel Raphael’s company.63 He also points to another entry in the confraternity records in which a printed sheet of paper, seemingly corresponding to such a doctrinal tablet as that mentioned in Antifassi’s answer, is referred to: on Pentecost Sunday, 1582, an unusually long record first mentions how Antonio di Lionardo Tempi, one of the youths, gave a lesson on carità, the third of the theological virtues (faith, hope, and charity). After the subsequent offering at the altar, a play is briefly introduced and — highly unusual for the ricordi — what seems to be the full spoken part of the text is given in the entry.64 In the play a youth appears as Tobias in a dialogue with another youth of the confraternity. This youth criticizes the confraternity for its lack of religious zeal: ‘It has already been seven years 60

See the discussion of Ledesma’s Dottrina, pp. 57–69. See Aranci, Formazione religiosa, pp. 103–07; Polizzotto, Children of the Promise, pp. 229–30; and Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 133–34. 62 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 66v . This entry is also transcribed in Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 376 (reading Antisassi instead of Antifassi), and paraphrased and discussed in Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 132–33. 63 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 132–33. 64 The entry is in CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fols 12v –15r . The text is transcribed in Aranci, Formazione religiosa, pp. 349–60. For Antonio di Lionardo Tempi see also Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 187. 61

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with only little benefit since I started in this holy house’ (‘Già son’ sett’anni che con poco frutto | io fei l’entrata in questa santa casa’).65 The dialogue is followed by an intercession which receives an immediate answer in the form of the appearance of the Archangel Raphael accompanied by two angels and — as indicated only in a rubric placed before the text of the play — a choir singing in polyphony, un coro di Musica.66 The play culminates in a speech given by the Archangel Raphael referring to a printed sheet (‘una carta stampata’) which the accompanying angels hand out to everyone. The contents of this sheet were also described in the introduction to the play: The twelve articles of faith: I believe in God the Father almighty, creator of heaven and earth, and what follows [The Apostles’ Creed]; the Ten Commandments; the seven sacraments of the Church; the three theological virtues; the four cardinal virtues; the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit; the twelve fruits of the Holy Spirit; the two commandments of charity; the seven temporal works of mercy, the seven mortal sins. [. . .] The four things a Christian must always keep in mind; the five senses of the body; the commandments of the Church, the precepts a good Christian must observe; the six sins against the Holy Spirit; the eight Beatitudes. Praise to God.67

This is not exactly what we have encountered as lists of necessary items for the teaching of the doctrine in the early statutes of the confraternity of the Purification (see p. 122), and — as we shall see — it also deviates slightly from the Dottrina of Jacopo Ansaldi. Even so, it is clear that the paper sheet described in the record for Pentecost 1582 in the company of the Archangel Raphael constitutes a list of basic items for the Catholic faith. This sheet has the same function as the tablet in the entry from July 1585 discussed above. 65

CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 13r . Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 351. For a further description and discussion of the play see also Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 205–207. 66 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 14v . See also Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 358. For the mentioning of the choir, see fol. 12v and Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 350. Concerning the term ‘musica’ at the time, see Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, pp. 292– 93. 67 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fols 12v –13r ; ‘Li XII Articoli della fede: Credo in deum Patrem omnipotentem, creatorem celi et terre, et quel che seque: i X comandamenti della legge; i VII sacramenti della Chiesa; le III virtù Teologali; le IV virtù Cardinali; i VII doni dello Spirito Santo; i XII frutti dello Spirito Santo; i II comandamenti della Carità; le VII opere spirituali della Misericordia; le VII opere di Misericordia Temporali; li VII peccati Mortali. Seque di là [fol. 13r ] Le 4 cose si dee ricordare contento il Christiano; Li V sentimenti del Corpo. Li comandamenti della Chiesa; Le cose da osservarsi dal’ buon Christiano; Li VI peccati contro lo spirito Santo; Le otto Beatitudini. LAUS DEO’, See Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 350 and Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 130.

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In his speech, the Archangel Raphael comments on the doctrine and the sheet as follows: Ciascuno studi questo, ognun’ impari Per questo il modo del’ viver Christiano Per che questa non è se non la legge Di Christo e di sua Chiesa a qual ciascuno Che desia di salvarsi è obligato. Let everyone study this, let everyone learn through this the ways of a Christian life, because this is nothing but the law of Christ and of his Church, to which everyone who wishes to be saved is beholden.68

Furthermore, Raphael reproaches the youths of the confraternity for their negligence: Through this your forerunners already left in the world good reputation of themselves and they commanded well, and you have lapsed in this, that every day there should resound in your ears each of these precepts so that each of you may keep them in his mind. What did you expect? That this building would still stand without this stone, [this stone] on which this place was founded, for the purpose of introducing young men into the path of God through his precepts?69

Whether the company could still rightly be accused of neglecting the dottrina cristiana at the time of the visit of Ansaldi and Genovese, as Eisenbichler seems to suggest, remains a question.70 The entry for Pentecost 1582 may suggest that such a neglect had been recognised by the confraternity at that point and that a new emphasis on the doctrinal teaching had occurred. The detailed description in the records of the performance — including the text of the play — may indicate at least the intention of a new commitment to the responsibility for teaching basic Christianity to the youths. The aforementioned composition and printing of a Christian doctrine in 1584 seems to corroborate this. The answer given by Antifassi to Ansaldi and Genovese would be in agreement with such a scenario. Indeed, it seems possible, that Ansaldi at his visit in 1585 simply acknowledged that everything was working well with respect to the teaching of 68 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 15r , transl. by Eisenbichler in Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 130; see also Aranci, Formazione religiosa, pp. 358–59. 69 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 15r and Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 359, transl. by Eisenbichler in Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 130; ‘Mediante questa di già i nostri antichi Lasciorno al’ mondo di lo’ buon’ odore E ordinaron bene, ma voi dismesso Havevi, che ogni giorno risonasse Negl’orecchi d’ognun’ questi precetti Acciò che ognuno li ritenesse a mente. Come volevi voi, che stessi in piede Quest’edifitio, senza questa Pietra? Su la quale è fondato questo luogo Fatto per introdurre i giovanetti Nella strada d’Iddio pe suoi precetti.’ 70 Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 132.

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the Christian doctrine. It cannot be ruled out, of course, that the situation was slightly more tense, as Eisenbichler suggested. The lack of references to doctrinal teaching between Pentecost, 1582, and Ansaldi’s visit could indicate that — in spite of attempts to revitalize the doctrinal teaching — nothing had fundamentally happened. If that is so, Antifassi’s response may simply be seen as a kind of coverup, which again — as Eisenbichler surmises — may have been successful. Interestingly, the teaching of Christian doctrine was brought back — as the dialogue of the Play on Pentecost Sunday, 1582, seems to tell us — by way of a play featuring a prominent role for music. The records specify the singing of a madrigal twice, during the play and afterwards, but no information about the music or the texts is given.71 This is quite in accordance with the traditional role of sacre rappresentazioni in youth confraternities as fundamental, didactic tools. In the fifteenth century and even after the Council of Trent this was still so to a large degree, although the general attitude of ecclesiastical authorities was far less open to this kind of entertainment in the religious companies.72 The educational event on Pentecost 1582 may be taken as a creative response to the transformed situation of the confraternity, or of confraternities in general, with respect to the demands for doctrinal teaching which — as we have seen — gradually became more specific. What had primarily been done through devotional theatre and music now (also) had to be done by way of specific instruction in commonplace formulas of the religion. But the first response of the Raffaello apparently was to launch the new policy in the form of a religious play with music. This seems to be well in accord with general attitudes of the sodality. Although no more precise information concerning the teaching in the confraternity at the time has been preserved, the description of the sheet in 1582 and the printing of a book by the confraternity makes it reasonable to assume that the teaching followed the same basic principles as in Ansaldi’s dottrina cristiana although the confraternity would surely have used its own book. As Eisenbichler has pointed out, the remarks about the catechism in the 1636 statutes show that the use of an elementary musical recitation — just as we have seen (in Chapter 2) 71

CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 12v , 14v , and 15r and Aranci, Formazione religiosa, pp. 350, 358, and 360. 72 Polizzotto, Children of the Promise, pp. 77–96 and 208–24; Eisenbichler, The Boys, 198– 234, esp. pp. 198, 221, and 224; and Nerida Newbegin, ‘Politics in the Sacre rappresentazioni of Lorenzo’s Florence’, in Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics, ed. by Michael Mallett and Nicholas Mann (London: The Warburg Institute, 1996), pp. 117–30 (p. 119).

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in Ledesma’s Dottrina and as reiterated in Ansaldi’s Dottrina — was used in the confraternity.73 In any case, in the light of Ansaldi’s position in Florence in the 1580s, his book must be understood to represent the fundamental materials and ideas about such teaching in practice. As mentioned above, Ansaldi made it clear that the dottrina cristiana of 1585 was an edition of Ledesma’s Dottrina.74 In the letter of dedication to the ‘Cardinal di Firenze’ (Cardinal Archbishop Alessandro de’ Medici who later, in 1605, became Pope Leo XI, although for less than a month), he emphasized that Ledesma’s Dottrina was ‘not only used in Rome, and in his [Ledesma’s] own city and the dioceses of Florence, but that it had also been universally received and is used by the whole Christian people’. He further referred to his negotiations with the archbishop concerning this edition stating also his intention ‘to abbreviate it to a more perfect form’.75 In the introductory section with the Latin title ‘Quasi modo geniti infantes lac concupiscite’ (‘Long for milk like newborn children’, cf. 1 Peter 2. 2), he again states that the doctrine is by Ledesma: No one should be surprised that the versified doctrine of the Reverend Father Doctor Jacopo Ledesma of the Society of Jesus has been sent to print so that it can be sung or chanted jointly or solo in conjunction with certain spiritual laude according to the occasion. This has been done for several reasons.76

Towards the end of the Quasi modo section, Ansaldi refers to Ledesma’s two Doctrines as the Dottrina piccola, the ‘small doctrine’, and the Dottrina grande, the ‘big doctrine’, as well as to other doctrinal works. Ansaldi uses the metaphors of spring and autumn in his description of Ledesma’s two didactic works, the first one intended for small children, the second for the older and more ma73

Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 135. See above, pp. 62–64. Ansaldi, Dottrina cristiana (Ansaldi, 1585). The book has been consulted at the Biblioteca Nazionale, Firenze, at shelf mark Misc. 10.2 in the Magliabechiano collection. 75 Ansaldi, Dottrina cristiana, letter of dedication, pp. 3–8 (6–7); ‘La Dottrina del Ledesma non solo è in vso in Roma, & nella sua Città, & Diocesi Fiorentina, ma ancora è vniuersalmente riceuuta, & vsata per tutto il popol Cristiano, essendo stato ricerco per non ce n’essere più (se bene se ne stampò presso à duomila) non ho volsuto permetterlo senza sua obbedienza, & senza riuederle, & ridurle à più perfetta forma.’ 76 Ansaldi, Dottrina cristiana, p. 12; ‘Alcuno non si marauigli se si è mandato alla stampa la Dottrina in versi del R. P. Iacopo Dottore Ledesma della Compagnia di Giesv per poterla cantare, ò salmeggiare à Cori, ò solo con certe Laudi spirituali secondo l’opportunità. Perche questo s’è fatto per più ragioni.’ Also in Aranci, Formazione religiosa, p. 366, where the letter of dedication as well as the Quasi modo section is printed (pp. 363–67). 74

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ture. Ansaldi’s 1585 edition published the ‘spring’; no edition by Ansaldi of the ‘autumn’ is known, although he had announced such a publication.77 Ansaldi gives several didactic introductions about the purpose of the teaching of the doctrine and the methods to be used in this teaching, also including a section citing grants of indulgence by Pope Pius V (1566–72) and Pope Gregory XIII (1572–85) for the teaching or learning of Christian doctrine. The sections about the didactic use of music for the doctrine were simply taken over from Ledesma’s introductions (previously discussed in Chapter 2). Lorenzo Vanni Until the summer of 1632, the records of the Raffaello confraternity give no further detailed information about doctrinal teaching activities. In light of the previously discussed event in 1582, the printing of a dottrina christiana in 1584, the 1585 visit of Ansaldi and Genovese at the confraternity as well as the general emphasis on such doctrinal teaching at the time, it seems overwhelmingly likely that regular teaching activities in basic accordance with Ansaldi’s (or Ledesma’s) didactic publications would have been carried out in the 1590s also and in the early decades of the seventeenth century, although the previously mentioned regulations which in principle moved the responsibility for doctrinal teaching out of the companies and into the parishes seem to have been implemented at least to some extent.78 However, since the ‘reintroduction’ of the doctrinal teaching on Pentecost Sunday, 1582, also seemed to show a somewhat different approach to such teaching (although basically in accordance with the religious contents), an approach quite in line with the confraternity’s traditional emphasis on drama, artful music and other artistry, the confraternity may well have continued to see its devotional uses of artmusic and drama as its most important activities also for didactic religious purposes. The importance of religious music drama in the Raffaello confraternity, to which we will return in Chapter 6, may support such a view. The overall tendency in the centralization of ecclesiastical control with the teaching of basic Christianity in the aftermath of the Council of Trent seems to have led to a kind of ‘commonplace method’ to replace more individual and indirect methods of religious instruction which involved dramatic and musical 77

Ansaldi, Dottrina cristiana, pp. 15–16; Aranci, Formazione religiosa, 366–67; and cf. p. 106. See also Polizzotto, Children of the Promise, pp. 230–31, and Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 133–34. 78 See Aranci, Formazione religiosa, pp. 127–28, and Ilaria Taddei, Fanciulli e giovani crescere a Firenze nel Rinascimento, Biblioteca storica toscana, 40 (Florence: Olschki, 2001), pp. 84–86.

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artistry. How thoroughly this tendency was actually followed in the Raffaello confraternity in the half century between 1582 and 1632 is impossible to know; as we have seen, indications (and a lack of indications) can be taken to point in different directions. In 1632, however, a renewed emphasis on doctrinal teaching is found in the records of the Raffaello through the personal zeal of the young Reverend Lorenzo Vanni, a member of the confraternity as well as a priest at the basilica of San Lorenzo.79 On Sunday, 23 May 1632, the following entry is found in the ricordi: During the Day the usual Vespers was sung by a good number [of brothers] and thereafter the above-mentioned Messer Lorenzo Vanni started to exercise the doctrine and to instruct the children with beautiful statements. This ended with a lauda sung with great satisfaction by all the brothers.80

Similarly, the following Sunday, Whitsunday, 30 May, after the solemn Vespers: After Messer Lorenzo Vanni had given a beautiful speech and statement on the prescribed chapter of the doctrine, the children were examined and instructed by him in this, thereafter the same chapter was sung by all together with a lauda and then everyone was dismissed.81

A number of more or less identical entries about Lorenzo Vanni teaching the doctrine mention both the singing of a chapter of the doctrine and of a lauda whereas a number of other entries do not mention singing of any kind.82 Notices about Lorenzo Vanni teaching the doctrine still occur a few more times in 1632 — but no longer in a consistent manner — and during the Spring of 1633 (including also the reference to a performance of a devout dialogue com79

See also Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 134–36. CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fol. 41r ; ‘Il giorno si disse il solito Vespro in buon numero, e dopo il sopranominato mr. Lorenzo Vanni comincio ad esercitare la Dottrina et instruire in essa i fanciulli con bellissime dichiaratione, terminando in fine con una Lauda cantata con grandissimo contento di tutti li fratelli.’ 81 CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fol. 41v ; ‘Hauere fatto mr. Lorenzo Vanni uno bellissimo discorso e dichiaratione del Capitolo della Dottrina da dirsi furono i fanciulli in esso interrogati et instruiti, cantandosi dopo il medesimo Capitolo da tutti, insieme con una lauda et ciascuno fu licentiate.’ The procedure of learning the doctrine by singing as presented here accords well with the methods known from Ledesma and Ansaldi and in the reference to the doctrinal book of 1584 in the 1636 statutes. In all cases the doctrine was to be sung like the Psalms. 82 CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fol. 42r (the Sundays 13 and 20 June), fol. 42v (the Sundays 27 June and 4 July), and fol. 43r (Sunday 11 July) mentioning both items; thereafter the notices become less specific and no more mentioning of laude in this context is found, but occasionally the singing of a chapter of the doctrine is mentioned. 80

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posed by Lorenzo Vanni and performed by twelve children on 19 September, 1632, as related by Konrad Eisenbichler).83 Immediately after Pentecost 1633, an entry mentions a new decision taken — because of the plague — to sing the litany of the Lord on every Sunday and religious festival in stead of teaching the doctrine in order to appease at once the just anger of God who several times has shown himself to be angry with this our too miserable and afflicted city.84

In accordance with this, the following Sundays and festivals no longer mention the teaching of the doctrine, whereas processions and litanies figure prominently. It seems that the seriousness of the plague made the confraternity review its emphasis on religious instruction and take recourse to their fundamental ceremonial tradition for devotion.

Ceremonial Laude and Other Music In the records from 1632, clearly two different kinds of music performance existed in the confraternity: on the one hand, the teaching of the doctrine with its elementary singing practices as evident also from the musical sources discussed in Chapter 3; on the other hand, musical performances in the confraternity featuring ‘beautiful’ music, whether in polyphony or as accompanied solo song. Whether the singing of laude was brought up in the mind of the scribe through the entries on Lorenzo Vanni (all of which were written by the same scribe, who also wrote the subsequent entries) or by coincidence, one of the rare occasions when the singing of a lauda during the regular offices is mentioned in the records occurs just at the time when Lorenzo Vanni was teaching the doctrine on Sundays, on Wednesday 28 July 1632, for the Feast of Sta Maria Magdalena: During the Day, the usual Vespers were recited with the organ accompanying every psalm and a lauda composed in praise of the life of this saint was sung.85

An entry on Wednesday 8 September 1632 (The Nativity of the Blessed Virgin) — also featuring Messer Lorenzo Vanni prominently — shows the impor83

Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 135. CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fol. 57v ; ‘Che ogni Domenica, et giorno festiuo in luogo della Dottrina si cantino le litanie del Signore affinche plachiamo par’ una uolta il giusto sdegno di Dio, che piu uolti si e demostrato adirato con questa troppo miserabile, et aflitta nostra Citta.’ 85 CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fol. 44v ; ‘Il giorno si disse il solito Vespro sonando l’organo ad ogni salmo et si canto una lauda composta in lode della uita de detta santa.’ 84

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tance of musical polyphony in the ceremonies of the confraternity (mostly to Latin texts): In the morning the brothers assembled in good numbers and the grand office from the use of the cathedral was sung in a solemn manner in cantus firmus and thereafter our priest celebrated the Divine sacrifice.86

In the continuation it is stated that forty-eight brothers received communion and one of them performed the ‘meditation’ (la meditatione). During the Day, Vespers were sung with the antiphon in cantus firmus and the organ accompanying each psalm. The Magnificat was sung musically [i.e. not recited but as a musical composition, i.e. in polyphony] with organ to one and two voices and, in the end, a motet was sung in praise of the most blessed Virgin ending the assembly with a most useful sermon held by Messer Lorenzo Vanni.87

On the whole, there are only a few references to the singing of laude after 1600. On New Year’s Day, 1611, after the evening office, ‘a choir of angels was disclosed above the manger, and they sang a lauda set to music, which was very beautiful and to the people’s great satisfaction’.88 Clearly in this case, the lauda was not a traditional devotional community song, but — part of a (fragmentary?) staged rappresentatione — at the same time an element in the devotional practice and a musical piece for a devout audience. Similarly on Christmas Day, 1613, ‘in the evening the office with the best music, and afterwards the heaven which was above the crib opened and an angel alone sang two lauda stanzas above the manger and then three angels sang together’.89 The few references to lauda singing that are found in such a ceremonial context seem to regard musical compositions with texts in the vernacular, solo-songs (as in 1613) or possibly even in polyphony, at least in choir (as in 1611), as when a beautiful lauda ‘in musica’ is mentioned in connection with a representation 86 CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fol. 46r ; ‘La mattina ragunati i fratelli in buon numero si canto in canto fermo l’Uffitio grande ad usanza del Duomo solemnemente, e quello finito il nostro Padre celebro il Diuino Sacrifitio.’ 87 CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fol. 46r ; ‘Il giorno si disse il Vespro cantando l’Antifone in canto fermo e sonando l’organo ad ogni salmo, et la Magnificat fu cantata in Musica sul de organo ad una, et 2 uoci et in fine fu cantata un motetto in lode della Beatissima Vergine terminando la tornata con un’ utillissimo discorso fatto da mr. Lorenzo Vanni.’ 88 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 4r ; ‘E doppo si scopersse uno coro di angioli sopra la capanna e cantorno una lauda di musica molto bella e con gran sodisfatione de popoli.’ See also n. 42, p. 136 89 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 25r ; ‘E la sera lufitio Con buonisima musica e doppo si aperse il Cielo che era sopra il Presepio e canto uno agiolo [sic] solo dua stanze di laude e poi canto [sic] tre angioli insieme.’

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of the holy crib for Christmas, 1617,90 and almost the same on Christmas Day again in 1618.91 It is an interesting question how consistent the terminology of the scribes can be taken to have been: how clear is the distinction between the singing of laude and the singing of other kinds of art music in the records of the Arcangelo Raffaello? This cannot be answered with any certainty, but it seems clear that the employment of the term lauda in the last examples has moved considerably away from the area which was covered by the term in for instance Razzi’s collections and its followers, not to speak of the use of laude in the doctrinal instruction. The decades around 1600 seem to have constituted the heyday of the confraternity with regard to musical excellency. As mentioned, the musical elite of Florence performed and composed music for the confraternity and were — to a large extent — members of it. Its ceremonies and performances attracted the attention of the highest classes. The music in the confraternity made such an impression on the French-born Grand Duchess Christine of Lorraine — newly married to Grand Duke Ferdinando I — when she visited the confraternity in December 1589 that her first-born son was enrolled into the company in 1591, thereby creating a precedent for all later newborn Medici sons during the existence of the Duchy.92 Main artistic agents in the spectacular celebrations of Christine’s and Ferdinando’s wedding in 1589 featuring the famous intermedi for La Pellegrina (for which Giovanni Bardi was in charge) were also members of or connected to the confraternity.93 There are numerous references in the ricordi of the confraternity to special performances either by soloists or large ensembles, by instrumentalists or singers. Accompanied solo singing is documented in the ricordi of the confraternity from the 1580s onwards.94 The level of ensemble singing seems to have been high; musical activities in the confraternity were to a large extent professionalized, leading to entries in the ricordi which highlight a distinction between performer 90

CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 56r ; ‘Con bonissima musica emolto popolo esendovi uno bello apparato in sieme con il santo presepio si Canto in musica una bella lauda doppo lufitio.’ 91 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 62r ; ‘et la sera il santo Mattutino della beata Vergine Maria insieme con bonissima musica e molto popolo essendovi un bello apparato insieme con il santo Presepio et doppo l’uffitio in musica se cantò una bella lauda.’ 92 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 81–82. 93 See further p. 213 below. For a general description of the wedding celebrations, see James M. Saslow, The Medici Wedding of 1589: Florentine Festival as Theatrum Mundi (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996). 94 Among others concerning performances by Giulio Caccini, see Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, pp. 113–14 and 133 (doc. 3 and 6); see also Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 240.

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and audience, emphasizing reactions concerning the satisfaction of the audience and how the music was praised, as for instance on Sunday, 4 november 1584: The Miserere and the Benedictus were sung by our beloved brother Rafaelo Ghucci, on a buonacordo, and the choir responded, which gave much satisfaction to the brothers and to others who, for their devotion, had come to listen.95

This description seems equally to emphasize a devotional setting and purpose and a situation in which an audience is primarily concerned with Ghucci’s rewarding performance. There are several references to similar performances by Ghucci during the early eighties, where he had brought his ‘buonacordo’ — a small spinet, according to Diderot’s Encyclopédie.96 On one of these occasions, Giulio Caccini also performed (See p. 216), and on another, Camillo Rondinelli ‘sang some verses representing the holy Mary Magdalene’ accompanied by four angels.97 In most of these cases, there is clear reference to the ritual setting — the performances were part of a mass for the dead or an ordinary Matins service — while at the same time the performance situation is explicitly pointed out. A similar juxtaposition of sacred and seemingly secular appears in a record from 1626, which noted the singing of a motet in praise of a saint, ‘which brought great pleasure and devotion at the same time, to all’.98 Also an entry from 1642 should be mentioned which states that a graceful motet performed during a solemnly executed sung mass (on 24 August, St Bartholomew’s Day) enriched the sacrifice (the mass) as well as the music.99 That such expressions of sensuous satisfaction as a devotional tool are fairly common in the ricordi, also in the context of religious dramas, will be taken up 95 CRS 160, 7 (olim 6), fol. 54r ; ‘dal nostro Amorevole fratello Rafello Ghucci fu cantato il Miserere, et il benedictus, suruno buonacordo, et il coro rispondeva, quale dette molto contento afratelli, et altri che per loro divotione erano venuti per sentire.’ 96 Diderot, Encyclopédie, Vol. ii, Supp.: ‘Buonaccordo: nom Italien d’une épinette moins grand que les épinettes ordinaires, & sur laquelle les enfans apprennent, à cause de la petitesse de leur mains.’ Cf. Eric Halfpenny, ‘The buonaccordo’, The Galpin Society Journal, 7 (1954), 54. Diderot’s reference to an educational setting is highly interesting in our context, but the instruments also appears to have been used in chamber recitals; Nigel Fortune, ‘Continuo Instruments in Italian Monody’, The Galpin Society Journal, 6 (1953), 10–13 (p. 13), refers to a comment in Vincenzio Calestani’s Madrigali et Arie from 1617, that the composer used to accompany his patroness on a buonaccordo whenever she sang his songs. 97 CRS 160, 7 (olim 6), fol. 66v ; (Sunday, 28 July 1585). 98 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 136v ; ‘fu cantato uno Motetto in lode di tal santa qual a tutti aportò gran diletto et devotione insieme, et il giorno si disse il solito Vespro.’ 99 CRS 163, 26 (olim 25), fol. 9v ; ‘Fu arricchito il sacrifizio e la musica da un Vago Motetto messo in musica dal medesimo Baglioni.’

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in Chapter 6 in more detail. Here follows an example from All Saints’ Day, 1622, where the role of music in the daily office and in what seems to have been some kind of a religious play is emphasized: And in the day the usual Vespers was sung, with the organ accompanying all the psalms, and the Magnificat and the Salve regina all in music, with a truly beautiful motet, and this novelty was unexpected and brought the greatest gratification, and in the evening the Office for the Dead was sung with the most beautiful music, and by two choruses, and before and after this office a small dialogue in music was sung, for which souls from the purgatory were represented who asked to be liberated from the pain.100

The newness in the music for Vespers is not obvious from the description of the performance and would seem more likely to have been found in the quality of the music, just as in another example from 1 January 1623, where the singing of four boys is referred to as a novelty, which it could hardly have been in itself if not the music had qualities which were heard as a novelty: In the day the usual Vespers were sung, and in the evening the holy Matins with good music which was excellently presented by four boys, and which, because it was such a novelty, caused marvel and praise.101

Also the descriptions of obsequies held by the confraternity as well as entries concerning the special ceremonies for the Devotion of the Forty Hours contain statements emphasizing the importance of the good music for the devotion. Such cases will be dealt with in the two following sections. Obsequies An important part of the duties of the confraternity — important also in terms of income — was to carry out obsequies, memorial services, for deceased members or for benefactors to the company.102 Also in the records of the Archangel 100

CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 95v ; ‘Et il giorno si disse il solito Vespro con sonare l’organo a ogni salmo, et la magnificat et salve regina tutte in Musica con motetto ad ultimo bellissimo, la qual novità fù inespettamente et apportò grandissimo gusto, et la sera si cantò l’Uffitio de Morti con buonissima Musica, et a due cori, et avanti, et dopo detto Uffitio si cantò uno Dialoghetto in Musica, per il quale si fingevono l’anime del purgatorio, che domandavano essere libere dalle pene.’ 101 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 98v ; ‘Il giorno si cantò il solito Vespro, et la sera il santo Mattutino con buona musica. Il quale fù imposto da quattro fanciulli ottimamente, che per essere cosa nuova apportò meraviglia e lode’; see also Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, p. 296. 102 For a general introduction to this aspect, see Henderson, Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence, pp. 155–95. See also Wilson, Music and Merchants, pp. 49–57.

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Raffaello confraternity a number of entries concerning this practice are found. Konrad Eisenbichler has discussed the description of the almost lavish obsequies for the Grand Duke Cosimo II in 1621 as well as those on 30 September 1626 for the Dominican Father Fra Santi Contini, Padre Correttore i.e. the spiritual father and confessor of the confraternity through many years.103 The entry in the ricordi which describes the obsequies for the young confraternity brother, Count Giovanni Batista Altoviti on 28 October 1630 further highlights how the confraternity seems to have featured a kind of devotional sensuousness. Instruments were claimed to have been played by musicians in order to honour the office with sinfonie which brought spiritual consolation, but also applause: The curtains were withdrawn from one corner of the altar to the other, up to the benches, to give room for the instruments and the musicians to honour the holy Office with their skills (virtù), which also happened, with many sinfonie and with exquisite voices, so that a bigger applause and a higher spiritual consolation could not have followed, and the Office ended, but the prayers did not.104

In the above quotation, as in others mentioned previously, sensuous qualities of musical performances are regarded as religiously efficacious. The professional practice of music at a highly skilled level in the confraternity was seen to strengthen the devotion of the ceremonies. The quotation that we brought in the introduction, from the description of the above-mentioned obsequies for the deceased Dominican Padre correttore (the father corrector), Santi Contini in September 1626, underlines this: And there was music with excellent voices and of concertato violas, as well as a violin, organ and other musical instruments, which increased the devotion, and when the office was over, our good brother Guiseppe Lapi, in a short and well held speech gave an overview of the true virtues of our deceased Padre [. . .] with such affection that everyone was moved to tears and felt complete satisfaction.105 103

Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 270–91 and 106–7. CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fols 13v –14r ; ‘Erano tirate le cortine nere dall’ uno et l’altro corno dell’Altare fino alle Manganelle per dare spatio agl’instrumenti, et a i musici d’onorare con la virtù loro quel santo Uffitio, si come seguì con tanti sinfonie, e Voci così squisite, che con maggior applauso, et spirituale consolatione non poteva seguire, si che terminò l’Uffitio, ma non terminorono le preghiere’; see also Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, p. 295. For a discussion of such devotional ceremonies as rituals, see Petersen, ‘Renaissance Rituals’, pp. 158–60. 105 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 138v ; ‘Et ci fu Musica con voce sceltissime, et armonia di Viole concertate oltre al Violino, Organo, et altri Instrumenti musicali, che accrebbe la devotione, et terminato l’Uffitio Giuseppe Lapi nostro buono fratello fece con succinta, et bene tenuta oratione uno compendio delle vere lodi di detto Padre Defunto [. . .] et con tanto affetto, che ne commosse a lacrime, et diede a tutti intera satisfattione.’ See the 104

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The music was clearly understood to be of a high level, as was appropriate for this important occasion. Moreover, it is made clear that this music ‘increased the devotion’. This is very much a parallel to the statement concerning the 1642 entry about the religious impact of the graceful motet during mass. Also at the obsequies for Father Contini, it seems to have been the skilful excellence of the musical performance, its sensuous qualities, which contributed to the devotional effect.106 Quarant’ hore The ‘Devotion of the Forty Hours’, the quarant’ hore, was apparently introduced in the Milanese Church of the Sepulchre in 1527. During this ritual of penance, which in a certain way memorized the Passion and Death of Christ, the Eucharist was put on display for forty hours. Processions and various devotions took place with appropriate liturgical items, prayers and antiphons, while the host was exposed at a representation of a sepulchre, the apparato, in the presence of which watch was held during the entire ceremony. The Devotion of the Forty Hours soon spread to other churches and cities and received approval by Pope Paul III in 1539, who awarded indulgence to participants. Although the Jesuits began practising the Forty Hours in 1553, Filippo Neri may have been the first to introduce the practice in Rome in the 1550s. 107 The Milanese Archbishop Carlo Borromeo issued a decree in 1577 based on previous regulations of provincial councils describing the ceremonial framework for the Forty Hours’ devotion without determining its contents in detail: the larger excerpt in English translation in Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 106–07; and see above n. 1, p. 1. 106 Cf. Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, pp. 295–96. 107 Herbert Thurston, Lent and Holy Week: Chapters on Catholic Observance and Ritual (London: Longmans, Green, 1904), pp. 110–48 (p. 129). See further Josef Andreas Jungmann, ‘Die Andacht der vierzig Stunden und das Heilige Grab’, in Liturgisches Erbe und pastorale Gegenwart: Studien und Vorträge (Innsbruck: Tyrolia-Verlag, 1960), pp. 295–315; Costanzo Cargnoni, ‘Quarante-heures’, in Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique: Doctrine et histoire, ed. by Marcel Viller, Ferdinand Cavallera, and J. de Guibert, 17 vols (Paris: Gabriel Beauchesne et ses fils, 1937–1995), xii, cols 2702–2723; and O’Regan, Institutional Patronage, pp. 25–27. See also the art historical accounts in Mark S. Weil, ‘The Devotion of the Forty Hours and Roman Baroque Illusions’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 37 (1974), 218–248; and Joseph Imorde, Präsenz und Repräsentanz: Oder: Die Kunst Jesu Leib auszustellen (Emsdetten: Edition Imorde, 1997). There are brief discussions of the ceremony in the Florentine youth confraternity of the Archangel Raphael in Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, and in Petersen, ‘Renaissance Rituals’.

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sacrament should be removed from the main tabernacle at the main altar, moved to a small tabernacle, and exposed on a place (‘luogo’) decorated ‘con religiosa politezza, non usando moschetti, ne altri ornamenti profani’, i.e. with religious sobriety, with no use of muskets [!] and other worldly ornaments. The text prescribes processions, litanies, and other ‘solite Ceremonia’ allowing processions both inside and outside the church, dependent — among other things — on the size of the church.108 Borromeo’s decree gives the following regulations for the beginning and end of the devotion: At the start of the Oration the Priest, kneeling, shall incense the most holy sacrament three times, before it is taken out of the main tabernacle. After the sacrament has been taken out, the procession with the sacrament is made to which appropriate antiphons are sung. When the procession is finished the most holy sacrament is taken up to be shown to the people: thereafter the litanies, prayers and orations are recited while kneeling. At the end of the said Oration first the same litanies, prayers and orations are recited: when they have been finished, the priest, kneeling, shall incense as above after which incensing, the procession is made as above: and when that is finished, the said priest shall bless the people with the small tabernacle containing the most holy sacrament: thereafter he shall put it back in its place in the main tabernacle and incense it as above; then he shall straight away close the said main tabernacle.109

The constitution Graves et diuturnae (1592) by Pope Clement VIII brought a formal declaration for the organization of this practice in Roman churches. It was seen here as a prayer for peace and for the upholding of the Catholic Church against heresy and the Turkish danger. Pope Clement determined that the Forty Hours’ Devotion in the Holy City should be carried out throughout 108

See Acta Ecclesiæ Mediolanensis ab eius initiis usque ad nostrum ætatem, ed. by Achilles Ratti, 3 vols (Milan: Ex Typographia Pontificia Sancti Iosephi, 1890–1900), ii (1890), cols 1927–1930 (col. 1928). See also Thurston, Lent and Holy Week, pp. 135–39. According to Weil, ‘The Devotion of the Forty Hours’, p. 221, the intention of Borromeo’s regulations was to curb current abuses. Imorde, Präsenz und Repräsentanz, p. 43, n. 162, explains that moschetto in this case designates a wall hanging with a floral or geometrical pattern. 109 ‘Nel mettere l’Oratione, il Sacerdote, stando inginocchiato incensarà tre volte il santissimo Sacramento, prima che lo levi fuori del tabernacolo maggiore. Poi levato fuori, si farà con esso la processione, cantandosi l’antifone appropriate. Qual processione finita, si collocarà esso santissimo Sacramento alla vista del popolo: poi si cantaranno le Letanie, preci, et orationi inginocchione. Nel levare la detta Oratione, primieramente si cantaranno le medeme Letanie, preci, et orationi: di poi finite, il Sacerdote inginocchiato incensarà come di sopra: dopo quale incensatione, si farà anco, come di sopra, la processione: et finita che sia, il detto Sacerdote benedirà il popolo con il tabernacolo minore, dove è il santissimo Sacramento: dipoi lo riporrà al loco suo nel tabernacolo maggiore, et l’incensarà come di sopra; et poi subito chiuderà il detto tabernacolo maggiore’, Acta Ecclesiæ Mediolanensis ii, cols 1928–1929.

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the year: at any time the devotion should be held in some Roman church and the churches were continuously to take over from each other. For the Pope, the practice of the Forty Hours’ devotion was seen as efficacious: ‘when prayer goes up, the mercy of God rains down, and it rains down the more readily and the more copiously, the greater the multitude of faithful and devout souls that make unceasing supplication in one unanimous spirit of charity’. According to Herbert Thurston the Papal constitution of 1592 gave a new status to the devotion: ‘the practice of it, having been sanctioned for and enjoined upon all the churches and public oratories of the City without exception in a very solemn way, henceforth belongs in some sense to catholic ritual.’110 In the Raffaello confraternity the quarant’ore can be traced almost to the oldest preserved records: the earliest found entry is on 29 May 1558. In the first years the ceremony seems to have been held at Pentecost, but from 1572 it moved to Easter week where it would take place from then on (most often starting on Easter Monday).111 The 1558 entry, after noting the morning celebrations for Pentecost where many brothers communicated, reads: When the above-mentioned communion was finished, our padre with great devotion and ceremony left the most holy sacrament at the altar in a ciborium in the habitual way with very many lights [. . .], and the whole room was adorned with cloth to such an extent that it appeared as a paradise and brought the greatest devotion to all who entered there, and in this way the Oration of the Forty Hours was begun at 1 pm in the name of God and lasted until Monday night at 6 am.112

The 1636 statutes mention the devotion of the Forty Hours in passing (in the section on canonical hours) stating that for three evenings Easter Matins — which in the confraternity were sung in the evening — should be sung in front of the displayed host: 110

See Thurston, Lent and Holy Week, pp. 116–21 (pp. 118 and 117). The first quotation is from Thurston’s English translation of a long passage from the Graves et diuturnæ. See further Imorde, Präsenz und Repräsentanz, pp. 57–66, and also Petersen, ‘Renaissance Rituals’, p. 155. 111 29 May 1558, CRS 160, 7 (olim 6), fol. 5r–v . For general information about the Forty Hours’ Devotion in the confraternity, see also Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 163–66, who gives 16 May 1563 (at Pentecost) as the earliest entry for the quarant’ore in the Raffaello confraternity, with reference to CRS 160, 9 (olim 8) (p. 388, n. 39). 112 CRS 160 7 (olim 6), fol. 5r ; ‘Et finita la detta comunione il nostro padre con grandissima diuotione et cirimonie lasso sulaltare il sanctissimo sacramento innun’ ciborio secondo il consueto, con moltissimi lumi [. . .], et parata tutta la stanza di panni talmente che pareua un’ paradiso, et daua granddissima diuotione a tutti quelli che ui entrauano, et cosi col nome di Dio si comincio la oratione delle xxxx hore, a hore xiii et duro sino alunedi notti a hore vi.’ The time allotted amounts to 41 hours!

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On the three evenings of the most holy feast of the Resurrection, the Matins of the Lord should be sung before the most holy sacrament [which is displayed] for [the Devotion of ] the Forty Hours. The same is done on the three evenings of Holy Week.113

Since the Forty Hours’ Devotion was not normally carried out during Holy Week, the last sentence would most likely refer not to the Forty Hours Devotion but to an erected Easter sepulchre in the oratorio. The records further show that the confraternity took some liberties from the ‘regular’ practices of the forty hours, stretching out the celebration so that the boys could rest at night. This may explain how the forty hours could cover the three nights of (after) Easter. To give an example: in 1632, the Forty Hours Devotion began on Wednesday after Easter, 14 April at 3 pm lasting until 1 am, then again Thursday from 10 am until 1 am (Friday morning), and finally Friday 16 April from 10 am to 1 am. During the forty hours (with the indicated interruptions) there were constantly two boys on duty, guarding the host at the ‘sepulchre’ for two hours at a time. Similarly, in 1634, the devotion had its first day on Easter Sunday (16 April) from 4 pm to 1 am, then Monday from 10 am to 1 am, and finally Tuesday 18 April from 10 am to 1 am. If the entry is correct, the watch was only held for 39 hours this year.114 The Forty Hours’ devotion at least occasionally seems to have included a version of the so-called visitatio sepulchri representation, a staged musical representation of the women at Christ’s grave on Easter morning commonly found in medieval liturgical manuscripts since the tenth century.115 This may seem surprising since the most common way to understand the devotion has been to contextualize it with medieval ceremonies for honouring the sepulchre of Christ, as did both Herbert Thurston (in 1904) and Josef Jungmann (in 1962). Jungmann pointed to patristic commentary and to representational Good Friday ceremonies in the medieval Latin liturgy. Symbolically, the forty hours are most likely based on the forty days of Jesus in the desert or the (alleged) forty hours between his death on the cross and the Resurrection on Easter Sunday morning, both prefigured, of course, by the forty years of the Israelites in the desert after Exodus. In the view of Jungmann, the medieval depositio crucis or hostiae, the burial of the cross (or the host) in a grave — watched over by clerics — after the adoratio crucis, the adoration of the cross (Good Friday afternoon) provide 113

Capitoli delle CRS 627, p. xxviii; ‘Le tre sere della Santissima Pasqua di Resurrezione auanti il santissimo sacramento per le Quarant’hore cantisi il Mattutino del Signore. Le tre sere della Settimana Santa il medesimo.’ 114 See for instance CRS 162, 24 (olim 23), fols 37v –39r and fols 70r –72r . 115 See Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, pp. 284–87; see also below, p. 159.

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a relevant background for the Forty Hours Devotion.116 Such ceremonies are preserved in the Regularis Concordia respectively in Bishop Ulrich’s vita, both witnesses to tenth-century practices.117 Such a connection is corroborated by Borromeo’s 1577 decree since it specifies that the lighting arrangements for the Forty Hours’ Devotion should be similar to the lighting arrangements for Easter sepulchres during Holy Week (‘come si acconciano i Sepolcri la settimana santa nelle chiese Romane’).118 However, whereas the medieval depositio-ceremonies with their watchkeeping over the buried host or cross at an Easter sepulchre are most obviously to be seen as representations of the biblical narratives concerned with Christ’s burial, the Forty Hours’ Devotion does not represent any straight-forward Gospel Narrative. The ceremony primarily honours the sacrament. The apparato, the physical representation of the sepulchre of Christ seems to have been very elaborate (over the years more and more so), and the descriptions in the ricordi of the Raffaello company show that it was embellished with appropriate biblical scenes.119 The processions to begin and end the Forty Hours were primarily in praise of the Eucharist, as seems clear from Borromeo’s edict. That is, they were in praise of Christ and his victorious, redemptive action as this was manifested in the spiritual power of the Eucharist, which is emphasized by the processions. They do not represent the Passion Narrative in any way. Instead, the ceremony seems to highlight how the Church — in its ceremonies — possesses the power of the redemption which Christ had effected through his Passion. So, even though Jungmann and Thurston are obviously right in assuming a close connection between the medieval depositio ceremonies and the Forty Hours’ Devotion, obviously so since the association between these ceremonies is unavoidable, the 116 Jungmann, ‘Die Andacht der vierzig Stunden und das Heilige Grab’, pp. 296–306; Thurston, Lent and Holy Week, pp. 122–26; see also Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 163, and cf. Petersen, ‘Renaissance Rituals’, pp. 155–56; and Nils Holger Petersen, ‘The Quarant’Ore: Early Modern Ritual and Performativity in a Florentine Youth Confraternity’, in Performativity and Performance in Baroque Art, ed. by Mårten Snickare and Peter Gillgren, Suecoromana (Rome: Istituto Svedese, forthcoming). 117 See Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933), i, 112–148. Cf. also Nils Holger Petersen, ‘The Representational Liturgy of the Regularis Concordia’, in The White Mantle of Churches: Architecture, Literature and Art Around the Millennium, ed. by Nigel Hiscock (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), pp. 107–17; and Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Representation in European Devotional Rituals: The Question of the Origin of Medieval Drama in Medieval Liturgy’, in The Origins of Theater in Ancient Greece and Beyond: From Ritual to Drama, ed. by Eric Csapo and Margaret Christina Miller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 329–60. 118 Acta Ecclesiæ Mediolanensis, ii, col. 1928. 119 Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 164.

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Forty Hours Devotion has a rather different theological content: it is not meant to commemorate the Passion, but to highlight the victorious church. Therefore, the use of short representations of the Resurrection in connection with the ceremony is not at all inconsistent with its devotional content.120 The penitential atmosphere of the Milanese and Roman practices appears radically changed in the descriptions of the ricordi where it is described as a grand, public, devotional spectacle attracting large crowds of people occasionally also including the Grand Duchess or the granduca of Tuscany, who is mentioned almost triumphantly.121 On Easter Monday 1592, an entry in the ricordi for the first time notes a performance of what seems to be a kind of visitatio sepulchri in connection with the Devotion of the Forty Hours. The performance seems to have involved the singing of a sacred madrigal: A curtain was drawn back that covered the entire architecture that had been erected for the sacrament, and there were seated many angels and prophet-sibyls. And each in turn was revealed, and each recited some verses. Then came the three Marys saying that they wished to visit the sepulchre. And the sepulchre was revealed to have an angel upon it who sang a madrigal that said that the Lord had risen. And the Chorus of angels sang a madrigal at the beginning and at the end.122

In connection with the Forty Hours’ Devotion after Easter 1619, an entry may refer to a visual representation at the apparato, but even so it corroborates the appropriateness of a Resurrection representation at the devotion: Easter Monday on 1 April at 4 pm the Forty hours devotion was done with the most beautiful set with the invention of the Marys and the sepulchre with all the 120

See also the discussions in Petersen, ‘Renaissance Rituals’ and Petersen, ‘The Quarant’Ore’. 121 See also the discussion in Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 163–66; see futher Weil, ‘The Devotion of the Forty Hours’, p. 221 for a general remark about the general ‘degeneration’ of the practice. For the presence of the Grand Duchess at the Forty Hours’ Devotion in the Raffaello company in 1590, see CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 119r ; for the Granduca in 1630, CRS, 24 (olim 23), fol. 2v . 122 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 148r–v ; ‘Si tiro la cortina che copriva tutta l’ordine che sera fatta per il sacramento e quivi accomodat. Molti angeli e sibille profete e tutti in hordine se scoperse e si recitorno ciascuno alquanti versi. Di poi venne le tre marie e quelle dicendo di volere andare a visitare il sepolcro e quello si scoperse il sepolcro che v’era uno angiolo sopra e cantata uno madrigale disse ch’il Signore era resucitato e’l coro delli angeli cantorno lo altro madrigale nel principio e nel fine.’ Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence, I’, document 11, pp. 116 and 134. See also Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, p. 286; and the list of performances in Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 330–35.

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lights shining through and on this day there was a great amount of people, and in particular the most serene Lady.123

The entry on Easter Monday, 1623, emphasizing a (painted?) representation of the invention of the Holy Sepulchre also testifies to the connection between the medieval veneration of Christ’s grave and the Forty Hours Devotion: ‘the Forty Hours’ Devotion with lights shining through and the Finding of the Holy Sepulchre’.124 The finding of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem would seem to be as much a sign of the divine power of the Church as a memorial of Christ’s Passion. The following report about the introduction in 1584 of the Forty Hours Devotion by the Oratorians in Naples during the Carnival season, as a deliberate attempt to counteract the licentiousness of the season is interesting partly as a context for the celebration of the Forty Hours’ Devotion in the Raffaello and partly because it so prominently exemplifies the idea that sensuousness in music and theatre could be used to increase devotion and counteract worldliness, an idea which we have encountered several times in the Raffaello.125 Apparently, the Forty Hours’ Devotion had already long before been introduced in Naples by the Dominicans. What was new was to introduce it into the Carnival season, an idea that caught on, so that gradually several churches took on such devotions during Carnival, in the week following Sexagesima Sunday, as well as during the week following Shrove Sunday (beginning on Fat Thursday) for a stronger impact. The description was written in 1614 by Antonio Talpa, who had been among the first Oratorians to come to Naples, as a report for officials in Rome on the progress that had been made in Naples. In the part which concerns the Forty Hours Devotion, it is equally emphasized that the purpose is to ‘entertain the people’ (‘divertire’) and to keep them away from the usual profligacy of those days. Clearly, the devotions were deliberately made attractive to people by way of music and theatre as well as through visual adornments of the altar with candles and other embellishments. Altogether, this accords well with the way the Forty Hours’ Devotion was set up in the Raffaello and — similarly — how the Forty Hours Devotion in general turned into 123

CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 65v ; ‘Lunedi di pasqua adi prima d’Aprile a hore 16. si posono l’orationi delle 40 hore con bellissimo apparato con l’inuentione delli Marie, et il sepolcro con tutti i lumi trasparensi, et il giorno ci fu’ gran moltitudine di populo, et in particulare Madama Serenissima. See also Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, i, p. 287. 124 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 101r ; ‘l’Oratione delle 40 Hore con lumi trasparenti, et Inuentione del santo Sepolcro.’ 125 See, for instance, p. 154 above.

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pious displays of Baroque ecclesiastical splendor. Father Antonio’s account may further remind us of the argumentation found in Ledesma’s dottrina christiana concerning the use of music in the doctrinal teaching.126 The celebration of the Forty Hours’ Devotion in the Raffaello confraternity were in complete accordance with their longstanding — two hundred years old — tradition for artistry in the service of piety and devotion. For the Oratorians, this was a much more recent thing and may therefore have warranted more of a theological defense: In the beginning, when the Institute was founded in Naples, the oration of the forty hours was introduced, beginning on the Sunday of Sexagesima with the following four days, in order to entertain the people during those days when the senses and the flesh are so dominated by carnevalesque dissipation and liberties. And in order to entice the people into this holy exercise, one began to make a solemn and rich altar apparato with many candles and other ecclesiastical ornaments, more than what one had been used to doing in Naples, accompanying the oration with various sermons and with various concerts of music with voices and instruments, and with other spiritual exercises, which in those days resulted in a devout spiritual play, open to all the people, without exception, which was usually not the case in the secular plays, to which not everyone had access. And the good that comes out of this is notable, as practice has shown, because apart from the main fruit of the oration — which one must assume that all those who enter the church receive to a greater or lesser extent — one does also in this way entertain an almost innumerable multitude of people the whole day in church, which — although it may not be good for anything else — is not a small thing, while those who are there stay away from all the bad things that are usually done by those who do not have this entertainment. As for this exercise of the forty hours — albeit it had been introduced many years before, as they say by brother Ambrosio da Bagnolo of the Dominican order, Bishop of Nardò in the Church of the Holy Ghost — nonetheless, the introduction of such an exercise during the Carnival days in Naples started through the work of father Alessandro Borla from Piacenza, of the Congregation of the Oratory, who in obedience of the Blessed Father was staying in Naples, doing many charitable works, and who, following the ancient practice of the Congregation to celebrate Carnival in a spiritual manner, introduced the celebration of the forty hours in the Church of the Incurable, choosing the fifth day of the sexagesima, which is commonly called Fat Thursday, because in this day the Blessed Father used to celebrate solemnly a sung mass and hold a general communion of all the devout of the Oratory. This was, then, the first beginning of the forty hours during the time of the Carnival in Naples.127 126

See p. 61. Concerning Talpa’s report, cf. pp. 100–103. Borrelli, Le costituzioni dell’Oratorio Napoletano, pp. 358–60: ‘Di più se introdusse nel principio, che si fundò l’Instituto in Napoli l’oratione delle quaranta hore, cominciando la Domenica in Sexagesima con li quattro giorni seguenti a fine di divertire il popolo in quelli giorni, che tanto è predominato il senso e la carne dalle dissolutioni e licenze 127

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Father Alessandro Borla, mentioned as the one who was responsible for the introduction of the Forty Hours’ Devotion into the Carnival season, apparently stayed in Naples on the demand of Filippo Neri. Much in the report, both in terms of the apologetical remarks about what was achieved through the attractiveness of the ceremonial and with respect to the authority of the leader of the Oratorians in Rome, is reminiscent of the practice and ideas of the Jesuits. It is no surprise, then, that the Jesuits are mentioned by Father Antonio as the ones who in particular took up the ideas introduced in Naples as the Forty Hours’ devotion ‘from Naples was introduced in Rome during the three last days of the Carnival, and from Rome this spread throughout Italy and beyond, particularly in the Company of Jesus.’128

Concluding Remarks For as long as records are preserved for the confraternity, the musical practices in the Compagnia dell’arcangelo Raffaello in the first part of the seventeenth century seem both to have included the singing of traditional, simple laude as well as carnevalesche. E per più allettare il Popolo a questo santo esercitio, se introdusse di fare un solenne e ricco apparato di altare con moltitudine de lumi, et altri ornamenti ecclesiastici, più di quello che era stato solito farsi in Napoli accompagnando l’oratione con diversi sermonj e con varij conserti di musica di voce e de instrumenti, e con altri essercitij spirituali donde ne risultava in quelli giorni un devoto spettacolo spirituale esposto a tutto il Popolo senza eccettione di persona, il che non suole essere nelli spettacoli secolari, alli quali non tutti hanno ingresso. Et il bene, che ne risulta, la pratica ha mostrato, essere notabile, perche oltre il frutto principal del’oratione, che si ha da presupporre che ognuno, ch’entra in Chiesa ne faccia o molta o poca, si trattiene per questo mezzo una moltitudine quasi innumerabile tutto il giorno in Chiesa, che quanto non faccia altro bene, non è poco, mentre lascia di fare il molto male, che ordinariamente fanno quelli, che non hanno questo trattenimento. Quanto a questo esercitio dele 40 hore, se bene molti anni innanzi era stato introdotto, dicono da Frat. Ambrosio da Bagnolo del’ordine di S. Dom.co, Vescovo di Nardò, nela Chiesa delo Spirito Santo nondimeno l’introduttione di tale esercitio neli giorni di Carnevale in Napoli cominciò per opera del P. Alessandro Borla, Piacentino dela Cong.e del’Oratorio, che con l’obbedienza del B. P.re si trovava in Napoli occupandosi a fare molte opere di carità, il quale per osservare l’antico uso dela Congregazione di celebrare spiritualmente carnevale, introdusse nela Chiesa degli Incurabili l’oratione dele 40 hore, elegendo la feria quinta dela sessagesima, che volgarmente si chiama giovedì grasso, perche in questo giorno era solito il B. P. far celebrare in Roma solennemente una messa cantata, e fare una communione generale de tutti devoti del’oratorio. Questo fu dunque il primo principio dele 40 hore il tempo di Carnevale in Napoli. 128 ‘Da Napoli è stata poi introdotta in Roma li tre ultimj giorni di Carnevale, da Roma poi si è dilatata per Italia, e for d’Italia particolarmente dala Compagnia del Gesù.’

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much more elaborate professional music performances for various celebrations. The simple kind of lauda singing in the seventeenth century seems primarily to have been for educational use. Altogether, two different kinds of educational practice went on in the confraternity: on the one hand, the education of confraternity members in specialized singing and music skills which aimed at the artful musical presentations in the company and, on the other hand, the general religious instruction and upbringing which did not have musical aims but in which music was used for religious aims. Ultimately, both types of musical, educational activity had religious and devotional meaning. However, different types of music were needed for the two kinds of activities. In any case, sensuous qualities never seem to have been considered a religious problem in the Raffaello company (nor in other old youth confraternities). On the contrary they were rather seen as a means of enhancing the religious fervour and devotion of the youths. In the mid-seventeenth century, music seems to occupy a somewhat more limited place in the Raffaello confraternity (see p. 253). However, the lacuna in the records between 1658 and 1686 prevents us from knowing how what appears as an important change came about, as both John Walter Hill and Konrad Eisenbichler have pointed out. When records are again available from 1686, in the words of Eisenbichler, nothing seems at first to have changed — the same sequence of devotions and musical performance of hymns and offices as in the previous century continues, the only difference being that there is no record of any ‘dramatic dialogues’ or theatrical performances. Then suddenly, five years later, in 1691 the scribe records the performance of a series of oratori during Lent. For the next few years, the Raffaello gives itself over to the new form, performing several oratorios every year.129

We shall not follow the history of the Raffaello confraternity and its oratorio performances but conclude this chapter by pointing out that on the one hand, this practice can be seen as being in complete continuation with the musical practices of the previous century, at a time when the notion of the oratorio had become well-defined.130 On the other hand, the above-mentioned historical change also marks the end of a period where all the musical notions of interest in our context, the lauda, the oratorio, staged musical dialogues, and the ‘opera’ (to be discussed in Chapter 6) were not well-defined but in flux and thus — for our purposes — of particular historiographic interest.

129 Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 252, and further pp. 251–56. See also John Walter Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence III: The Confraternities from 1655 to 1785’, Acta Musicologica, 58 (1986), 129–179 (pp. 135–36). 130 See Smither, A History, i, 3–76, and above, p. 8.

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The Polyphonic Lauda in the Seventeenth Century: Longo’s ‘Lodi et canzonette spirituali’ (1608) and ms 55 e ended Chapter 3 with the publication of Serafino Razzi’s second collection of laude in 1609. But the production and edition of lauda collections by no means ends there. In Mischiati and Rostirolla’s bibliography of lauda collections1 , there are almost as many editions after this date as before. But if we disregard the many reprints and the editions which continue the tradition of the Dottrina Christiana, most of the remaining editions belong to one of the two long series of the seventeenth century: the Scelta di laudi spirituali with its seven editions between 1614 and 1670, and the three editions of the Corona di sacre canzoni o laude spirituali between 1675 and 1710.2 Both these series, as well as other major editions of the seventeenth century, such as Ignatio de’ Lazzeri’s Laudi e canzoni spirituali from 1654, are in many respects a continuation of the repertory and the genres found in the collections of the previous century, but with an influx of melodies and stylistic influences from the popular music of the time. Thus, many of the songs from the earliest collections published just after the middle of the sixteenth century are still transmitted in the Corona editions well over a century later. In this chapter, we will focus on two collections which stand out from the rest in several ways. One is the collection published by Tarquinio Longo in Naples in 1608, which we have already discussed above,3 the other a manuscript

W

1

See n. 1 in Ch. 3. Scelta di Laude Spirituali (Florence: Guiducci) came out with editions in 1614, 1621– 22, 1634, 1645, 1657, and in 1670. For the Corona, see below, pp. 179–181. 3 For Longo’s attitude towards secular influences and the metrical tradition, see pp. 51– 52; for his version of recitational formulas for the Dottrina, see pp. 61–64; and for his assimilation of the singer of laude with King David, see p. 85. 2

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collection found in the Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore in Florence (Arch. mus. II, 55, hereafter ms 55).4 A number of the songs in these two collections use stylistic traits of a radical nature which seem out of place in a genre normally characterized by a traditional functionality in a devotional context, but which rather point in the direction of the more advanced music of the seventeenth century. This makes it pertinent to reconsider the confraternity devotions of the time and to contemplate in which particular contexts such settings could have been appropriate. Furthermore, ms 55 raises a number of questions concerning the purpose of the manuscript which are highly relevant in the context of the history of spirituality.

Tarquinio Longo: Lodi et canzonette spirituali (Naples, 1608) Rostirolla calls Longo’s collection from 1608 ‘one of the largest anthologies of spiritual laude ever printed’.5 It contains a grand total of 329 different lauda texts. A majority of the texts were already known by the public, but the intentions behind the book, both concerning the texts and the music, were more far-reaching than just to gather together a vast repertory in a book. This programme can be summarized under the keywords purity and simplicity. Longo has strived to ensure homogeneity and quality, and he has therefore excluded some laude for being ‘coarse and little seemly’ (‘rozze e poco acconcie’) and corrected others in order not to ‘offend the purer ears of the educated’ (‘offender le più purgate orecchie de’ dotti’).6 But Longo is a balanced editor. He has also wanted to avoid songs that were too difficult, which ‘were so beautiful, artful, and different from everyday language that they would be difficult both to sing and to understand, not only for common people of little learning, but also for the children and the women’. For ‘no one can find pleasure in that which he does not understand’.7 This principle is upheld also concerning the musical settings in the book. Longo has emphatically not wanted to make an exquisite book primarily for singing, along the lines of madrigal collections, but rather to publish a book 4

The manuscript was discussed in Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’, but has, to our knowledge, not received any scholarly attention apart from that. 5 Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 236. 6 Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, p. 3. 7 Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, p. 4; ‘[. . .] fussero tanto vaghe, artificiose, & dal dir commune lontane, che non si potessero facilmente, & cantare, & intendere non solo dalla gente commune di poche lettere, ma anco da’ fanciulli, & dalle donne stesse [. . .] & niuno può dilettarsi di quel, che non intende.’

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which in principle could be read, but with a musical section for those who could take advantage of that. The arrangements are restricted to three parts, for a very pragmatic reason: ‘since it is so difficult to find, among ordinary people who do not know much about music, more than three who can sing in harmony with each other, and so, instead of harmony and consort there would be an infinity of discord and dissonance.’8 Should this still be too difficult, the arrangements are made so that one part can be left out, or the melody in the top part can be sung monophonically. The song texts are meticulously ordered according to metrical scheme, so that all songs in the same section could be sung to the same tunes. The introduction features a survey of all the song forms that were in use in the repertory, which also for that reason makes it an invaluable tool for the study of lyric forms. But this was not his main concern. Among all the lauda collections ever published, Longo’s is probably the most consistent and conscious approach to the secular element in the lauda tradition. Owing to the strong cantasi cometradition, where, as we have seen, composers and compilers would draw freely on carnival songs of varying moral worth, this was of course an element which was hard to avoid without some difficulty or sacrifice. In many cases, it would have been difficult to decide or fully know which songs had secular and amoral associations and which not. Longo has therefore taken the radical approach and left out nearly all preexisting melodies, and turned to an unnamed Neapolitan composer for entirely new songs: I have not found any other way around this problem than to change the melody of those songs we have had suspicions about, no matter how beautiful and lovely they were; and have had nearly all the melodies in this book made anew. [. . . ] But because the time was so short — this little book was made and sent to print in less than a month — it was impossible to get appropriate melodies to all the classes of texts which are herein; therefore, for the reprint which we will make together with the two upcoming volumes, we will do what we can to add songs, not less beautiful, but rather: the newer, the more pleasant.9 8

Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, p. 5; ‘Essendo assai difficile trovar fra la gente commune, che non sà molto di musica, più di tre, che facilmente s’accordino, onde in luogo di consonanze, et concerti, ne sarebbono nati infiniti sconcerti, et distonanze’. 9 Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, pp. 8–9; ‘A questa difficoltà [. . .] altro scampo non habbiam trovato, che il mutar l’aria di quelle Canzoni, delle quali habbiamo hauuto qualche sospetto; ancorche per altro belle, & vaghe fussero; facendole tutte quasi, che in questo libro sono, di nuouo. [. . . ] Ma perche per la breuità del tempo, con che in men d’un mese s’è fatto, & dato alla stampa questo libretto, non si son potuto haver tutte l’Arie appropriate à tutte le maniere di versi, che qui sono: perciò nel ristamparlo, che insieme

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We know nothing but this about the second edition and the next volumes that Longo mentions; either, they were never finished, or they have been lost.10 We also do not know who the composer was from whom Longo commissioned his lauda settings. But the description makes Lodi et canzonette spirituale a highly interesting collection, for a number of reasons: first of all, it is a ‘snapshot in time’ — rare in the anonymous and anthological lauda repertory — of which we know exactly when and where it was written: some time in 1608, in Naples.11 This becomes particularly interesting because of the contents of the new settings. They are generally not the simple lauda settings that we know from the collections we have discussed earlier — quite contrary to the impression one might get from Longo’s emphasis on simplicity. Instead, they employ many techniques which must be considered ‘advanced’, both in terms of technical difficulty and in relation to contemporary style development, especially on the harmonic level.12 Given that we are only a decade removed from the beginning of the opera and the monodic style, the tendency in virtually all of the polyphonic settings is surprisingly advanced and modern, with a liberal attitude towards dissonance treatment, with phrase structures and cadential patterns that frequently bear more resemblance to monody than to earlier laude, and with modulatory passages which belong to baroque tonality rather than to renaissance modality. All this in short, simple three-part settings which for the most part retain many of the generic characteristics of the traditional lauda and utilizes many of the stylistic traits found there: the chanson- or dance-like phrase structure; the ‘learned simplicity’ of the villanella, with movement in parallel fifths; and the homophonic texture of the simpler song forms: all this makes the collection not only interesting, but surprisingly charming and successful. Longo seems to have been aware of the discrepancy between what he had intended and what he actually got from his composer. He returns to some of these issues in the presentation of one of the ‘maniere’, where he says: con le due altri Parti faremo, ci forzaremo porne delle altre non men belle: anzi tanto più dilettevoli, quanto più nove.’ See also p. 51 above. 10 Cf. Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 238. 11 The organization of the book, with a small selection of core melodies for each metrical type, which Longo calls maniere, may also be used to study the status of the various song forms around 1600. This lies beyond the scope of the present study. 12 Rostirolla’s evaluation, that the laude in Longo’s collection ‘are not dissimilar from those Laude Spirituali in the various books of the Oratorians, printed between 1577 and 1598, and from Ancina’s Tempio Armonico (1599)’ (p. 260), may be true for some aspects of the compositions — the distribution of parts, the general homophonic texture, etc. — but does not seem to take the harmonic aspects into consideration.

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In this section, as also in some of the former and the following, although there do exist melodies with the most beautiful and worthy melodies, it has not been possible to give them all with melodies, because of the shortness of time in which this little book has been printed. This is also to blame, should some melody have come out less beautiful; and the more so since the composer has also been quite busy with other things during the month or less in which the book has been prepared.13

He then goes on to discuss the problem the composer of strophic music faces since the music must be equally suitable for texts of all different kinds — sad, joyful, slow, quick — ‘the composer is deprived of the beauty of those compositions where the affect of the music conforms with the meaning of the words to which it is composed’.14 Partly, it seems, in response to the successfulness of the actual compositions, partly out of concern for those who would have found the compositions too difficult, and, most importantly, partly to include melodies for all the ‘maniere’, including those for which there were no new compositions, Longo has included a second series of melodies. The majority of these twentythree melodies are monophonic and held in a very simple style. Many of them are taken from earlier collections, mostly those published by the Oratorians, but a substantial number have no other known sources, apart, in some cases, from Longo’s previous collection from 1603. This is true also of four of the five three-part settings in this group of simpler, traditional laude. In the following, we will present some of the new laude individually. They have been chosen for being the most interesting, in the sense that they are the ones that display the most advanced style of writing. Yet at the same time, they are representative of the collection as a whole: the features that are emphasized below recur in most of the settings, in some form or another. Transcriptions of all the new settings can be found in Appendix 1. 13 Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, pp. 317–18; ‘In questa Maniera, come anco in alcuna delle precedenti, & seguenti, ancorche vi siano delle Canzonette assai belle, & degne di Musica, nondimeno per la brevità del tempo, in che s’è stampato questo Libretto, non si son potuto haver l’Arie per tutte. Alla quale anco deue imputarsi, s’alcun’ Aria sia riuscita men bella: tanto più che in questo mese, ò poco più, in che il Libro si è dato in luce, fù il Compositore in altre cose assai occupato.’ 14 Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, p. 318; ‘Et per la stessa cagione s’ è priuato il Compositore tal volta di quella vaghezza che han le compositioni di musica, in conformar l’affetto della musica al significato della parola sopra cui si compone.’

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Gioia et amore The simplest song among the new settings in the collection is Gioia et amore (see Figure 19), which is intended for stanzas of eight pentasyllabic lines, the first maniera in Longo’s classification.15 These are all set to the same rhythmic cell (


| 
). These eight mini-phrases are independent units, consisting mainly of full cadence figures, starting from and returning to the same key. This might seem to vouch for a tedious musical experience, but when that is not entirely the case it is because all the little segments use different key areas, and because the progression through these different domains is well crafted. Thus, the very first segment unambiguously establishes the key, F major, with the progression F–g–C–F.16 This is followed by the first expansive foray with a full tonal cadence on B  — the subdominant, in modern terms. In the next two segments, the B  cadence is repeated, and repeated again a scale step higher, on the dominant, C, where the first half of the song ends.



Canto primo

Aria I. per le Lodi Della I. Maniera (pp. 26–27)


 23














Gio ia & a mo re sen te il mio co re: Gie sù di let to, nel va go a spet to:

Canto secondo

 23















Gio ia & a mo re sen te il mio co re: Gie sù di let to, nel va go a spet to:

Basso



9

  3















2 

















Cuan do io ti

guar do mi strug go & ar do

ò fan ciul

li no, al mo e di

ui no.

















Cuan do io ti

guar do mi strug go & ar do

ò fan ciul

li no, al mo e di

ui no.

 















 Figure 19 Longo: Gioia et amore

15

The lauda is found in Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, pp. 26–27. In the following, we will use bold characters to denote major (upper case) and minor (lower case) chords, and italics for specific pitches. 16

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The second half (from ‘Cuando io ti guardo’) is even more expansive while at the same time a return to the main tonality. The four segments go through E , g, d, and the final cadence which brings it all back home to F. In such a short space, it is a remarkable feat to write a song-arrangement which is both varied — all the phrases are different, if one excepts the second and fourth, which are exact transpositions of one another — and obeys the general principles for the construction of a musical setting — establishing a key, extending the tonal material slowly, then, after a harmonic climax some time after the middle, returning back to the main key — without the song falling apart. Chi non ama te, Maria Many of the songs share this general technique of using a pregnant rhythmical pattern for several segments, although none as consistently as Gioia et amore. Chi non ama te, Maria for the fifteenth maniera comes close (see Figure 20 on the following page).17 It also uses another technique common to many songs in the collection: the exact transposition of phrases. Again, we recognize the repeated rhythm pattern, this time for octosyllabic verses (
 
|
 
| 
 
 

|

). The tonal direction is less clear than in the previous example — and remains so all through to the final cadence, which does not go to the G with which the piece begins, but to D, thus leading each stanza back to the beginning of the next. The second half of the setting is a nearly exact transposition of the first. The last part of each half runs quite briskly through harmonic terrain which is quite remote from what immediately precedes it. This becomes extra pronounced in the transition between the two halves of the lauda, where the abrupt cadence D–E–A, well over to the durum (sharp) side, is followed immediately by a turn to F and B , quite in the opposite direction. This kind of harmonic proceedings together with the canzonetta-like phrasing are not in themselves unusual, but associations go to the various instrumental dance music over fixed bass progressions rather than to the lauda repertory as we find it represented in for instance Razzi’s editions. This rhymes badly with Longo’s firm principle of avoiding secular references in his collection — the very reason why he had to get new songs in the first place. It might be that his control over the compositional process was limited; the tight time schedule of a month or less may have given the anonymous composers freer reins than Longo would have found ideal. Hence, perhaps, the inclusion of the group of simpler one- and three-part songs mentioned earlier. 17

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Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, pp. 222–23.

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Canto primo

Aria XII. per le Lodi Della XV. Maniera (pp. 222–23)




Chi Canto secondo




Basso

 


Chi

6




 fi


 fi






12
mo


mo













non

a

ma


 a

non








  






ma

te

Ma



ri

a

e’l






























Chi

non

và

do

ue il












Chi

non

và

do

za

co

re























re

le

con

du

ce, e








con




du

ce, e

















tuo







le








re












tuo



re




e’l

a

co





ri

za







Ma

sen






te

glio, è

glio, è sen















ue il

tuo a












di

vi

a.












fuor

di

vi

a.







 fuor



tuo a






Figure 20 Longo: Chi non ama te, Maria

Ove lieta ne vai Ove lieta ne vai (see Appendix 1, p. 263) and its close relative among the simpler tunes, Nel’apparir (pp. 2–4 in his supplement), have been cited in the literature as examples of the close relationship between the lauda and the popular or popularesque genres of secular song.18 The first two phrases in both songs move exclusively in parallel triads, which results in strongly pronounced parallel fifths between the outer voices. Parallel fifths is one of the ‘mortal sins’ of counter18

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See for instance Dent, ‘The Laudi Spirituali’, pp. 81–82.

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point, laid down as a rule from the very beginning of counterpoint theory in the fourteenth century, and generally obeyed by composers. The one notable exception is certain genres of popularesque songs in Italy, where it was used as a stylistic trait. This connection is made clear in the caption to Nel’apparir, which reads: ‘Pastoral in three voices. Nel’apparir, page 64 [i.e. in the main book, where the text is found]. And it serves for all the laude of the fifth Manner, especially for the pastorals.’19 But although such a connection may be valid in a general sense, it is a misleading over-emphasis on one or two examples to interpret this as a general feature of the polyphonic lauda. Nel’apparir is included in Longo’s appendix with lighter songs from the common repertory, and the text was first printed in the Oratorian collection from 1589, but the melody and the arrangement with the parallel fifths appear for the first time in Longo’s own collection from 160320 It is also a singular example in the lauda repertory as a whole; hints at this more rustic style may occur occasionally,21 but examples such as this are rare. Taken together with Ove lieta ne vai, which is one of the newly composed settings, this implies that these two settings are more representative of the peculiarities of Longo’s collection than of laude in general. Disposto ho di seguirti Several of the songs in the collection have similar inklings of secular genres. But it is the other major point in Longo’s preface — the emphasis on simplicity — which suffers most badly. Many of the settings are far from simple; even the melody parts can be fairly challenging, and it is frequently difficult to imagine a musically meaningful reduction to two parts. Add to that the employment of a tonal language which at times comes closer to the eccentricies of Gesualdo (1560–1613) than to Razzi, and we get a collection of songs far too advanced for the audience Longo had in mind in his preface. In Disposto ho di seguirti (Figure 21 on the following page), the departures from the ordinary are mainly found in the cadences. The structure is the same as in many other songs: an independent first phrase followed by a phrase which is repeated on different scale steps. We may also recognize another feature which we have pointed to earlier: the slowing down towards the end of the phrase. In Disposto, this feature, which almost can be called a genre-specific trait, is used 19

Longo, Lodi et canzonette spirituali, p. 2, appendix. Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 262. 21 An example is In vita, e’n morte mia from Ancina’s Tempio Armonico (1599).

20

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Aria IX. per le Lodi Della XII. Maniera (pp. 124–25)

Dis po sto hò di se guir Canto secondo

Basso

6















ti Gie

sù spe ran

za mi

a

   


Dis po sto hò di se guir ti Gie sù spe ran za mi   
   


















per a spra, e du ra

  

per a spra, e du ra via con    



10 

 





 


via








cro

la mia

a













con la mia cro






ce






ce

 



per a spra, e 















per a spra, e du

ra

via

con la

mia

cro

ce.

 








du

ra via

con

la

   











mia






cro







 ce.



Figure 21 Longo: Disposto ho di seguirti

as the point of departure for a rather spicy, prolonged cadence with a vertical interval like the diminished fourth b
–e  (mm. 3–5). The beginning of the second part seems to interpret the text’s ‘aspra e dura’ (‘bitter and hard’); the melody sets in with two consecutive unprepared dissonances against the ascending tenths in the lower parts, and the phrase ends with similarly ‘licentious’ dissonance treatment. This phrase is then repeated — on a different scale step, as usual in this collection. An oddity in this case is that the transposition is by a second — not a fourth or a fifth, which is the usual distance.

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ms 55 and its laude The last collection of polyphonic laude we will discuss here is the manuscript ms 55 of the Archivio dell’Opera di S. Maria del Fiore, Archivio musicale II. It is a fairly inconspicuous volume compared to some of the other gems in this valuable collection of manuscripts, but it raises intriguing questions both concerning its content, its use, and the musical development in Florence in general. It is of interest because of some anomalies with the lauda repertory in general. It is also a manuscript which we have discussed earlier, reaching slightly different conclusions than what we propose here.22 We shall therefore have to present not only the manuscript but also our earlier work in a little more detail. The collection consists of nineteen polyphonic laude. Eighteen of these are four-part arrangements; one is in three parts. Two settings share the same text, but are treated very differently, musically speaking. The last setting is in a different hand from the rest. Textually, all the settings belong to the Italian lauda tradition, with devotional texts in many stanzas. Only the first stanza of each song is given in the manuscript, but in all cases but one, full texts have been found in a later book of laude, the Corona di sacre canzoni from 1710 (see below, p. 179).The contents of the collection, expanded with the remaining stanzas for each of the laude taken from the 1710 edition of Corona, are reproduced in Appendix 2. Half of the settings in the collection are short pieces in a simple lauda style. The other half stands out by using a far more advanced style than what is commonly found in laude. They are written in a more elaborate contrapuntal style, and harmonically they introduce sonorities which do not show up in front-line operatic styles until around the mid-seventeenth century. The manuscript is a large choir-book-sized volume (465
330 mm), of the same size as most of the other musical manuscripts in the Duomo. This was customary in contexts where a group of singers were required to sing from the same book. The layout on the page is also the same as we usually find in choirbooks: each part is written out separately, with the soprano and alto parts in the upper half of the page, tenor and bass in the lower. There are eight lines of music on each page, two for each part. The music is written in white, square mensural notation of the kind that was common in the sixteenth century, but which was generally superseded by more rounded note shapes in the seventeenth. A more ‘cursive’ rounded notation of this kind is found in several of the other manuscripts in the Duomo archive, but in a very stylized version, with circular noteheads and with stems carefully 22

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Østrem and Petersen, ‘The Singing of Laude’.

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Figure 22 First page of the ms 55, beginning of Fredd’ e quel cuore

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placed centrally on the noteheads.23 The texts are written in a very careful and stylized humanist minuscule hand. The manuscript is found in the archive of the Cathedral in Florence, the Opera del Santa Maria del Fiore, but neither the manuscript itself nor the catalogue of the archive reveals anything about its provenance. Dating The date of the manuscript has turned out to be an elusive detail. In the catalogue of the Duomo archive, the manuscript has been dated to c. 1600, and when we first started working with this manuscript, this seemed plausible: both the hand, the layout, and the contents — polyphonic laude — seemed to conform well with such a date. A closer look at the music, however, made this dating questionable. Had it been correct, ms 55 would have been an extremely radical collection of music for its time. Most, probably all, of the collection’s advanced traits can be found in other music around 1600, but then only as isolated instances; a whole collection where these traits were used with such ease, would have required a very special milieu. To complicate matters further, such a milieu did indeed exist in Florence around 1600. Our first work with the manuscript grew out of earlier work with the Raffaello confraternity.24 And a connection to Raffaello was not altogether improbable: some of the proponents of the monodic style which was being developed in the early Florentine operas went surprisingly far in their experiments with radical sonorities, and Marco di Gagliano, whose opera Daphne will be discussed at greater length in Chapter 6, used some quite intricate effects in this direction in his madrigals.25 He was also maestro di cappella both in the Raffaello and in the Cathedral, thus providing a possible link between the two institutions, as well as an explanation of how a manuscript of laude — a genre closely connected with confraternities but with no clear function in the Cathedral — could have ended up in its current location. 23

See reproductions in Piero Gargiulo, ‘Gli Improperia di Virgilio Grazi nel repertorio liturgico secentesco di Santa Maria del Fiore’, in ‘Cantate Domino’: Musica nei secoli per il Duomo di Firenze, ed. by Piero Gargiulo, Gabriele Giacomelli, and Carolyn Gianturco (Florence: Edifir, 2001), pp. 161–74 (p. 167). 24 The manuscript is briefly mentioned and introduced in Petersen, ‘Intermedial Strategy’, pp. 78–79. 25 See for instance O misera Dorinda and O sonno.

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In our article ‘The Singing of Laude and Musical Sensibilities in Early Seventeenth-Century Confraternity Devotion’, we therefore devoted some space to a cautious discussion of at least the possibility of such a scenario. As we have continued our work with the material, we have concluded that the date indicated in the catalogue must be considered erroneous: the manuscript must be much later than c. 1600. This conclusion has also been supported by Prof. Gabriele Giacomelli, who is currently involved with a revision of the catalogue at the Duomo. The late date is also confirmed by Piero Scapecchi, who has undertaken a closer scrutiny of the manuscript. He concludes that the codex is from the second part of the seventeenth century, with later additions in another hand, which stretches the time frame until the beginning of the eighteenth century.26 This supports the other main scenario in the above-mentioned article. When we now claim with some certainty that the manuscript is not older than the last quarter of the seventeenth century, this is for three main reasons. We have already mentioned the musical style, which would have been extraordinarily modern at the time the catalogue suggests, but hardly surprising 75–100 years later. Secondly, Giacomelli has edited a number of inventories of the music collection at the Duomo from the period 1651–1661, and nothing like ms 55 is mentioned in any of them.27 This does not rule out an earlier date, but it is an indication that the manuscript has entered the archive — and/or come into existence — some time after 1661. Thirdly, and most decisively, the state of concordances point strongly to this period. In a repertory which is so strongly characterized by reprints and collections, it is a distinctive feature of ms 55 that there are no concordances to any other corpus of laude, except the Corona series published in Florence between 1675 and 1710. All the texts except one (see below, pp. 187–189) and the majority of the melodies have direct connections to Corona. Two of the laude — Gloriosa verginella and Va pur rio mondo — have texts which also appear, to different mu26 Private communication to the authors; ‘Anche per il testo, per cui ho fatto una vana ricerca sugli incipitari correnti, non mi riesce ad individuare l’autore (o gli autori). Ritengo comunque, come pure Lei mi ha scritto, che il codice sia del secondo seicento e con delle aggiunte finali (alle cc. 25–26) di altra mano rispetto a quella che ha steso le precedenti che possono (a mio giudizio) scivolare in un arco cronologico che giunge fino al XVIII sec. in.’ The manuscript contains watermarks on all sheets (the most conspicuous of these is seen in the cover illustration), but it has not been possible to trace the watermarks and thereby date the paper sheets. 27 Gabriele Giacomelli, ‘Due granduchi in cent’anni (1621–1723): Continuità e tradizione nel repertorio della cappella musicale di Santa Maria del Fiore’, in “Cantate Domino”: Musica nei secoli per il Duomo di Firenze, ed. by Piero Gargiulo, Gabriele Giacomelli, and Carolyn Gianturco (Florence: Edifir, 2001), pp. 195–218 (pp. 215–18).

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sic, in Ignatio de’Lazzeri’s Laudi e Canzoni spirituali. Con ariette facili, e dilettevoli. In Fiorenza. E con nuoua scelta e Musica, printed in Rome in 1654, one of the major sources for the Corona series in general, but other than this, there are no concordances to any other sources. Thus, everything points to a Florentine provenance and a date of origin towards the end of the seventeenth century. But even with the new and later dating, most of the questions that the manuscript invites, are more or less the same: how has the collection come to look the way it does? Lauda collections are usually in duodecimo or sextodecimo format, and the choir-book size is an anomaly. Who may have used such a collection in the cathedral, and for what? And why has this advanced style been used in a collection of laude? Who may have written the songs, and how have they been conceived and experienced? The focal point of the following discussion will be the presence of complex, modern stylistic techniques in the setting of songs which in certain central respects are still compliant with a simple, functional genre description. Concordances: ‘Corona di sacre canzoni’, Firenze 1710 The Corona di sacre canzoni o laude spirituali di più divoti autori was the last of the large-scale editorial projects in the seventeenth century, taking up the torch from the Scelta series which ran through seven editions from 1614 to 1670 (see p. 165). It was first published in 1675 by Matteo Coferati (1638–1708), a singer at the Santa Maria del Fiore, and new and enlarged editions followed in 1689 and 1710, prepared by Jacopo Carlieri and his son Carlo Maria Carlieri, respectively.28 Coferati had conceded his printing privilege for the Corona to Jacopo Carlieri in 1688,29 but the later collections still make extensive use of Coferati’s work: a major source of the additions in the 1710 edition was the Colletta di laude spirituali . . . per aggiungersi al libro intitolato Corona di sacre canzoni, published by Coferati in 1706. In its final redaction, the Corona is an almost 800 pages strong collection of 421 lauda texts assigned to c. 140 different melodies. According to Rostirolla, two main musical strands are prominent in the repertory. A large number of laude are taken from the earlier tradition, drawing heavily on the Scelta, through which the line of reception goes back to the 28

A copy is found in the British Library, rare books and music department, at pressmark A 571. The 1675 edition was consulted in the Cambridge University Library (at pressmark MR 250.e.65.1). The 1710 edition clearly specifies which songs have been added and which are reprints from earlier editions. 29 Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale (p. 626).

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8

6


8

11

Ho

ran


8






vi sto con mio dan






no ch’il Mond’ è un tra di

tor:



no O



chez ze, ed o

gni suo ser vi



no ri






 tor:

Ca



Pro met te a chi lo

Ei





rez ze,




se

gue Lo





te

trat ta da ti



so

ri,

Ri




scal tro in gan na tor

Figure 23 Ho visto con mio danno, from Corona (1710), p. 283.

late-sixteenth-century repertory. To this core repertory is added a large number of new laude based on popular melodies and dance tunes from the secular tradition.30 These are in many cases simplified and slowed down, so as to make them more suitable for spiritual use.31 The two later editions, from 1689 and 1710, have an index of all the secular melodies that have been used, ‘to the benefit of those who cannot read music but who know the tunes’.32 This index is a valuable source not only of this late branch of the lauda tradition in Florence, but also about the secular songs themselves, many of which would have otherwise been lost. Ho visto con mio danno (see Figure 23) is a good example of the incorporation of popular tunes. The melody is listed in the index of melodic models as ‘Raisoter, Ballo Inglese, ovvero, A Torzio mi strassina’. The exact source of the melody is not known,33 but the modern character is unmistakable and shows the extension of the late lauda repertory. The 1710 edition of the Corona has a long introduction ‘A benigni, e divoti lettori’ by Carlo Maria Carlieri, who was not only the printer but also put in a 30

Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 627. Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 631. See also Rostirolla’s Appendix 4 (pp. 668–93), which gives the incipits of all the cantasi come-melodies together with their models, where these are known. 32 Corona di sacre canzoni o laude spirituali di più divoti autori . . . ad uso de pij trattenimenti delle Conferenze, ed. by Carlo Maria Carlieri (Florence: Carlieri, 1710), p. 762. 33 Dent, ‘The Laudi Spirituali’, p. 89 refers to a suggestion that ‘Raisoter’ may be a reference to the English Composer Philip Rosseter (1567/8–1623), but both the date and the style of the tune with the dramatic broken phrasing in the mid section, seem to go against this suggestion. 31

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great editorial effort. In the preface, he explains how he has added more than one hundred and fifty new laude and removed those that were not of much use for the religious companies, presumably because the melodies had passed out of use.34 Concerning the use of secular melodies, Carlieri’s explanation for this is virtually the same as that given by Razzi and Giunti a century and a half earlier: And should this exercise not have been introduced privately in the homes, then, if it pleases God, this book might at least be proposed for the entertainment and recreation of the youth instead of profane songs, the melodies of which are here brought to a good study, to satisfy at the same time their intellect and instill the true devotion in their hearts.35

There is no specific dedication, but Carlieri lists a number of confraternities and companies, and dedicates the book to them all. First on his list is the Jesuit company, to which Matteo Coferati, who had prepared the first edition, had belonged.36 Second is the Oratorian congregation. None of the old youth confraternities are mentioned, but third in order is the Congregazione di S. Francesco della Dottrina Cristiana. ms 55 and the ‘Corona di sacre canzoni’ As was mentioned, all but one of the texts in ms 55, and the majority of the musical settings, have direct concordances in the Corona.37 The way the melodies have been used varies, from exact melodic correspondence between the Corona melody and some part in the polyphonic version in ms 55, to a looser relationship, down to cases where nothing more than an initial gesture or a similarity of contour indicates that the versions may be related. This gives a total of ten 34

Corona, p. iii. Corona, p. vi; ‘E piacesse a Dio, che se tale esercizio non s’introduce privatamente nelle Case, almene quest’Opera fosse proposta per trattenimento, e recreazione della Gioventú, in vece delle canzoni profane, l’arie delle quali si sono quì trasportate a bello studio, per soddisfare nell-istesso tempo al loro genio, & instillare ne i cuori loro, la vera divozione.’ 36 Corona, p. iv; ‘La presente Opera è stata data alla luce due volte con l’assistenza del R. Prete Matteo Coferati uno di essi.’ 37 Nos 2, 6, and 12–17 in the collection. The 1710 edition has an index which indicates in which edition the various songs were first included. The first edition to be considered is the 1689 edition, which contained nine of the songs (2 Gloriosa, 9 O vergin bella, 10 Mi giubbila, 12 Va pur, 14 Ave del mare, 15 Vergin Maria, 16 Felici noi, 17 Cuor mio, 19 Del bel lauro). Coferati’s 1706 Colletta di laude spirituali adds another seven (1 Fredd, 4 Non han, 5O Vergin gloriosa, 6 Verginella, 11 Spirti, 13 Adorate, 18 Maria Vergin), and 1710 the remaining Acciò. 7 Che bella gloria is not found in the Corona. 35

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or eleven songs that can be considered as polyphonic versions of monophonic models, in most cases set in a very simple four-part style reminiscent of the sixteenth-century lauda, but where certain traits do reveal the later date, such as the extended use of sequences in some of the settings, and the way of treating certain cadences. Most of these settings are found in the second half of the manuscript. In another group of settings, the melody as found in the Corona is also used, but in a less straightforward way. In some cases, the monophonic melody is distributed between the parts, and two settings — 12 Va pur and 17 Cuor mio — go back to the same melody, recognizable as the same tune but treated quite differently (see below, p. 191). A number of the laude in ms 55 have no melodic concordances with any of the melodies in Corona as far as we have been able to ascertain. This is not to say that there is no connection at all. For all but one there are textual concordances, and in some cases, the melodies to which they are assigned in Corona are used in other settings in ms 55. For example, the first song in ms 55, Fredd è quel cuore, does not use the melody under which it stands in Corona, but in the group of laude to be sung to the same melody in Corona, we also find Vergin Maria, which does use the Corona melody also in ms 55.38 These more advanced settings, most of which are placed in the first part of the collection so as to give them a more prominent position, are mostly written in a much more advanced style, exploring in various ways harmonic features that are not usually seen in this genre. In the following, we will present some of these settings in more detail. The aim is not to perform a full-scale, traditional music analysis — although we permit ourselves to delve more deeply into technical matters here than elsewhere in the book — but to emphasize some aspects of the settings which may contribute to an answer to the questions that were raised in the beginning of the chapter and in the book in general, concerning the interrelations between the artful and the secular on the one hand and religiously based functionality on the other. Transcriptions of all the melodies in the manuscript can be found in Appendix 2. 1 Fredd’ è quel cuore ms 55 opens with Fredd è quel cuore, which excellently represents the more advanced settings in ms 55. Already at the outset, it displays a feature we rarely meet in the polyphonic lauda: after a short homophonic introduction, the rest of the 38

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G




Fredd’




Fredd’


 8

E

 






D

G



è quel

cuo

re

 

 



è quel

   

cuo

re



Fredd’

 

è quel

cuo

re

Fredd’

è quel

cuo

re




 



Figure 24 Fredd’ è quel cuore, opening.

setting is written in pervasive imitation, mostly in a stately minim movement, but with an increased pace towards the end. The motet-like character of the piece does not only stem from the polyphonic texture, but just as much from the harmonic layout of the setting, which corresponds well with the established ideals and norms for harmonic planning which had developed for larger forms, but which are rarely relevant for pieces as short as an ordinary lauda. The basic tonality of Fredd’ is the first mode, transposed to g. Around this main tone, a play is going on between D and E . In modern terminology, these would be called the dominant and the relative major of the key note. In renaissance and baroque theory, it is more fruitful to emphasize the phrygian relationship between them, which was a strong factor in establishing the basic tonality, both in late-renaissance composers like Palestrina, and in baroque practice. The ‘battle’ between these two auxiliary chords is fought in the tonal area of the scale steps e and f ; the various intervals that are formed with different accidental inflexions of one or both of the tones, and the wider harmonic implications of these scale step variations, is the recurrent theme of the lauda, musically speaking. This comes to the fore already in the first three measures. The beginning is the only purely homophonic section in the lauda, and the chords lapidarically manifest the three main chords: g–E –D–g (see Figure 24). Inherent in this progression is the juxtaposition of the tones e  and f , the first manifestation of the combat zone, so to speak. The opening gesture is repeated in mm. 4–7, again emphasizing e  and f  and their corresponding chords, this time coming to a rest on D.

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In the next section, the balance shifts in the direction of E : the tone e  is very prominent in the head motif (‘non arde’), and the E  chord is used, not in opposition to D, which is not sounded until m. 17, but as a transitional chord to B , the goal of the passage in mm. 7–15. The main opposition here, then, is between e  and f, and they do not entail a tension-laden contrast between them, but rather emphasize the tonal centre of the piece, through their common relationship to it. If the contrast between D and E  was initially just a fleeting hint in a short chordal passage, it comes to full fruition in the next main passage, the entire middle section of the lauda (mm. 15–39). The first measures of the new section consist of a constant pendulation between g and D, where an E  chord enters (m. 20), seemingly in preparation for the return to g. The expected chord sequence would have been g–D–E –D–g. In this case, however, the return to D is used as a transition to a different tonal area altogether, where D takes the place of g as the new tonal centre. In this, it is supported by a new player in the field: A. At first, it is only passed over briefly (in m. 23), but it is a significant gesture, since it introduces an entirely new sonority. Throughout this whole section, then, the main opposition is between e and f  (signalling A and D respectively) on the one hand, and b  from the main g tonality on the other. This opposition stands out clearly already in the head motif of the passage, at ‘Maria se mira’ in m. 15 and onwards. The return to g is accomplished through a reinterpretation of the bass e in m. 36. It starts out as a the bass note in the sonority e-d’-g’, where the implied continuation would be for the tenor’s d’ to go to c ’ and return to d’ again, an equivalent to a modern A7 chord with a suspended third. However, with the continuation to c’ instead, the result is a C major chord, and the D which follows is no longer the goal of the movement, as an alternative tonal centre, but a step on the way to the real centre on g, which is reached with the most emphatic cadence so far in the piece (m. 39). Once this centre has been established again, it is there to stay. The final section (mm. 38 to the end) starts with a chain of descending tetrachords, going through all the parts and strongly related to the key (d–c–b –a and g–f–e –d ), so as to emphasize the return from D to g again: none of these tetrachords would have been suitable in the A–D environment. The last two sections are different ways of reinforcing the tonal centre. The passage which begins in m. 46 with the tenor’s ‘sotto umane spoglie’ and ends with the full cadence in m. 56, is one long sequence of chords a fourth apart, winding its way from g over C, F, and B  to E , which becomes the first step in a full cadence E –D–G; precisely like the one in mm. 1–2, presented above, except for the major third replacing the minor in the final chord. This is in fact the first occurrence of the unflattened b in the whole lauda.

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The last seven measures (57–end) are like an afterthought, a prolongation of the cadence to G, which plays further with the elements of contrast and resolution: the central tension is no longer that between e  and f , i.e. a dominantic tension between g and D, but between e  and b, i.e. different shades of g/G. * * * The way the harmonic features of Fredd è quel cuore have been presented above is deliberately formulated in a way which conforms not only with baroque theory but also with the rules that were followed by late-sixteenth-century composers concerning harmonic style. It is a noticeable feature not only of this setting but of the collection in general that elements which unequivocally belong to a lateseventeenth-century style are mixed together with other elements which would have been just as much at home a hundred years earlier. This can be illustrated in two areas: the system of relations between tones that make up and determine the tonal system in use, and the role of the dominant. The setting can in fact be interpreted and make sense according to both systems. The modal interpretation would emphasize the clear preference of cadences to the first, fifth, and third scale steps, in that order, but also more generally in the various techniques for establishing tonal coherence within and between the parts of a composition.39 Further, it could be pointed out that even though D is established as a secondary point of gravitation through the dominant position of the A chord in the mid-section, the transition is not complete, as it would be in a tonal modulation. A is never allowed to sound fully as a full-scale dominant, but functions more like a supportive gesture in a stylistic system of connections and attraction between tonal areas, than as a chord with a full dominant function within a coherent tonal theory. The connections and the inflections which give A its special character, such as the variable third steps of the D/d and G/g chords, can be explained through modal theory and the rules of counterpoint just as well as from within a specific tonal theory. In other words, it is fully possible to claim that the mid-section with its emphasis on D is not a full modulation, i.e. a complete change of chordal points of orientation, but remains within the selection of tones available in the three hexachords of the main mode (g dorian), and where the accidentals are introduced to enhance the cadences or to avoid 39

See Eyolf Østrem, ‘Palestrina and Aristotle: Form in Renaissance Music’, in The Appearances of Medieval Rituals (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 123–147.

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tritones.40 Finally, the polyphonic structure, the irregular phrase lengths, and the relatively modest use of cadences gives the setting an outer appearance more closely resembling Palestrina than, say, Giacomo Carissimi (1605–74). The opposite interpretation would instead put greater emphasis on the degree to which the shift of emphasis from g to D in the middle section does indeed conform with seventeenth-century notions of what constitutes a modulation, or, in contemporary terms, a change of cantus:41 that the addition of the seventh to A in mm. 23–34 is not the accidental outcome of voice-leading but makes it a bona fide dominant seventh chord and D the temporary root of the harmony; that a seventh chord in this position, together with the other advanced chords in the setting, such as the sonority a-e -g-c in m. 11, point to a chord concept which has developed a long way from renaissance practice. All in all, that the piece, through its use of dominant relations and a strong chord concept, is a modern, late-seventeenth-century creation through and through. The point of the above exercise is not to say that the setting is not from the end of the seventeenth century. But the ambiguity, as we have presented it here, as to the underlying tonal system, has two implications which are important in our context. On a general level, a setting such as this highlights the difficulty of doing stylistic analysis based on a theoretical description of rules and conventions. This holds for music from any period and genre, but especially in periods which — in hindsight — appear as transitional phases between long periods with stable systems of tonality, such as the seventeenth century. Here, even more than in a general sense, the outcome of the evaluation will depend on how the various stylistic criteria are weighted, which are emphasized and which considered ‘accidentia’. On a more specific level, the ambiguity with regard to tonal system has been emphasized here because in this sense, too, Fredd è quel cuore is a good representative of the collection as a whole. As we shall see, several of the settings share this mixture of old and new: a correspondence with forms and tonal structures of the sixteenth century, coupled with unquestionably modern, seventeenth-century chords. It is thus reasonable to assume that the composer has worked from a firm knowledge of the rules of counterpoint and the theoretical developments 40 The ‘on the fly’ adjustment of the pitch contents which goes under the name of musica ficta was an integral part of renaissance notation, and the ability to judge which notes should be lowered or raised was one of the important competences of a skilled singer. Classical musica ficta theory prescribes that in cadences, a tone should be raised to approach the final chord by a semitone (this was called ‘for the sake of beauty’, ‘causa pulchritudinis’), and that tritones should be avoided usually by lowering one of the involved tones (‘out of necessity’, ‘causa necessitatis’). 41 Cf. Eric Chafe, Monteverdi’s Tonal Language (New York: Schirmer Books, 1992).

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of renaissance modal theory, but with a good acquaintance with music, possibly also theory, of the later seventeenth century. 7 Che bella gloria If the features we have highlighted in the discussion of Fredd’ è quel cuore are fingerprints of the composer, it seems clear that the same hand is behind 7 Che bella gloria. Several distinctive features are strikingly similar, both in the structure of the two settings and in their harmonic layout. These similarities in turn give some clues to the composition of the volume as a whole. Modally, the two settings are related, and even though Che bella gloria ends on D, the tonal organization as a whole is that of a piece in the transposed second mode (on g) — the same mode as Fredd’ è quel cuore. The vocal ambitus of the parts is more or less the same in the two settings, and they use the same juxtapositions of e -e-f-f  with their corresponding tonal areas. This in itself is only vaguely distinctive — a certain variability of the sixth step (e/e ) and the phrygian cadence E –D are characteristic of the mode, and given the dominant character of the D step, the f will freqently be raised. What turns these features into a fingerprint, is the way they are used in the large-scale structuring of the settings. They follow the same general pattern: 1. The mode is established early on, with distinctive melodic outlines and strong cadential gestures. 2. The initial presentation is followed by a section going in the mollis direction with a pronounced FB  cadence, establishing the secondary cadential degree (Fredd’ : mm. 13–15; Che bella: mm. 9–12). 3. Then comes a section with increasing harmonic complexity, exploring the outer parts of the employed tonal area; Fredd’ è quel cuore turns to the A– D–g progression, with the changes between e–e  and f–f  as predominant features, whereas Che bella gloria stays in the F–B  area for the first part, but then breaking out with a striking shift from F to D (mm. 26–27) and the brief but noticeable minor seventh chord on ‘spirti angelici’ (m. 32). 4. The ending is approached through passages with simple stretto imitations over an underlying harmonic progression in fifths. The implied chord progression is exactly the same in both cases: D/d–G/g–c–F–B –E –D– g.42 5. Once the progression has wound its way back to the area of the main mode again, the ending is extended with a final ‘comment’. 42

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These features are so prominent that it seems highly unlikely that the compositions would come from different hands. Furthermore, apart from the modal characteristics they primarily concern the underlying structure of the settings, and not the immediately audible surface layer, which means that they belong to the area of compositional technique, as tools of the trade, applicable as a basic skeleton which can be fleshed out with musical substance of various kinds. This applies particularly to the long progression over fifth-related scale degrees, but also to the structure as a whole. The range of chord types that has been used in Che bella is wider than in Fredd è quel cuore; especially the more consistent use of seventh chords is striking, as well as the diminished seventh chord that turns up in passing in m. 32. Che bella gloria is the only lauda in ms 55 which does not have any textual correspondence in the Corona collections. Given the close stylistic bonds between Che bella gloria and Fredd’ è quel cuore, there can be little doubt that it belongs to the same corpus of music, but for some reason has been left out. What makes this more than a trivial question, is the text: Che bella gloria or gode l’inclito figlio ammirabile del grand Ignazio Bei spirti angelici Io non mi sazio di mirarlo si nobile What beautiful glory is now enjoyed by the illustrious, admirable son of the great Ignatius! Beautiful, angelic spirits — I never tire from admiring him, so noble

The meaning is not entirely clear (who is this ‘son of the great Ignatius’?), especially since this first stanza is all we have. But it seems highly probable, given the Jesuit background of the Corona collection, that the text somehow refers to Ignatius of Loyola. Why, then, given the close ties between ms 55 and Corona and the pronounced Jesuit tendency of the latter, is the one song with the most direct Jesuit relevance in ms 55 also the one that has no concordance of any kind in Corona or in any other collection? It can hardly be for musical reasons; the setting in ms 55 is one of the more successful of the settings and a close companion to the song that opens the whole collection. There might instead be a tactical-theological reason: since the Corona according to the preface to the 1710 edition has been intended for use in all the relevant Florentine confraternities, a eulogy to the Jesuit founding father may not have been deemed appropriate. It is probably wise not to make too much of this: the song can have been left out for any number of reasons — or for no reason at all — but there is room for speculation regarding the difference and connection between Corona and ms 55,

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the intended use of the manuscript, and possibly also its origin. We will return to this after a brief look at some of the other settings. 4 Non han tante The fourth song in the collection, Non han tante, is a rather simple setting, structurally speaking: a bipartite lauda with instances of paired imitation. In Corona it is sung to the same melody as 13 Adorate, and there may be traces of that melody in the polyphonic setting — a prominent feature of both is a rocking, stepwise up-and-down motion — but although they use the same gesture, the melodic contents are different.43 When it stands out, it is primarily for its harmonic effects. In the first half, after a full stop all the parts enter on a diminished seventh chord (f -a-c’-e ’ ), which lasts a full measure and is immediately followed by another dissonant chord (g-a-c’-d’ ). This violates most of the rules and conventions of classical counterpoint — using intervals (diminished fifths and the diminished seventh) which are in themselves rare in earlier music, and resolving one dissonant chord into another — but these became regular elements in the later seventeenth century. In a canon-like passage in the second part of the song, there is a constant alternation between the tones c and c  in different voices, composed in such a way that the c s fall above the notes e –g in the lower parts (at ‘numerar chi mai potrà’, mm. 30–34). This produces an augmented sixth, a highly unusual interval both in the sixteenth and in the seventeenth centuries. Together with the modern sonorities in the first part, this makes this lauda a strange specimen: structurally rather simple and conforming with the genre criteria of the traditional polyphonic lauda, but with harmonies that are surprising, and even more so in relation to the simplicity of the other elements: it is the harmonies that distinguish this from a common polyphonic lauda. 9 O vergin bella The same can be said about 9 O vergin bella, also this a fairly simple bipartite lauda with a gently flowing melody in a predominantly homophonic setting, but, again, with some strongly dissonating chords. Above all, it is the alto part that creates the dissonances, throughout the song. The alto’s first entrance disrupts the paired imitations in a delightful way, 43

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and it continues to be slightly at odds with the other parts through the rest of the song. In mm. 5–9 the quasi-syncopated counter-rhythm of the alto has the effect of starting the genre-typical hemiola rythm one measure too early, and in a way that constantly dissonates, in a rule-breaking way: in mm. 5–6 it produces parallel seconds against the tenor, and in the following measure we have a diminished seventh chord, just as in Non han tante. Also worth pointing out are the seventh chords in mm. 5 and 13, the latter ‘resolved’ to a 5/6 chord, and the unresolved syncopated dissonance in the penultimate phrase (‘piu non sia’). That said, the only thing that sets this setting apart from the simpler arrangements that will be presented below, is the harmonies. 5 O vergin gloriosa Still, the strangest bird in the collection is no. 5 O vergin gloriosa. One might say that this three-part setting (the only one in the collection) is a virtual catalogue of traits that are not found in lauda compositions: melodically, it is stripped down to the minimum, but it has a rhythmical pregnancy that sets it apart, and a phrase structure that consists in the repetition of short phrases, but above all the strong harmonic orientation, in details as well as in the setting as a whole. Again we have the diminished seventh triads (mm. 5 and 20), but even more striking is a chord which is held for four full measures, to the words dolcissima, santissima, in a rhythm that contrasts sharply with the rhythm that predominates in the rest of the song.44 This type of chord — more precisely a first-inversion triad on the lowered second scale step — is popularly called the ‘Neapolitan sixth chord’ because of its use in the Neapolitan opera in the eighteenth century, but it had been in use since the mid-to-late seventeenth century. In the opera, the chord was used for dramatic effect, and that is its role even here. There is nothing in the text that calls for a particularly dramatic gesture, but musically speaking this is the dramatic climax. The second part of the setting is made up of six very clearly distinguished blocks that form a very well shaped arch: first a three-measure statement: F-e6 -F (mm. 10–12), repeated one step higher: f 6 -g-f 6 (mm. 13–15), then the Neapolitan sixth g-b -e , remaining statically on the same tone for four whole measures, before it finally resolves to F6 , i.e. the key note, only with the d in the superius. This is then followed, as a brief conclusion, by two almost identical phrases, in the canzona rhythm, which, 44

The changes in phrasing may perhaps be compared with Ho visto con mio danno (see p. 180), which has a similar, albeit simpler, structure with a rhythmic change and phrases broken by rests.

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after a deceptive cadence the first time around, finally brings the setting to rest on the finalis. The whole lauda is a mere 27 measures long, but it goes through a densely packed chain of events in these few measures. It may be of interest to note that the melody to this text as it is found in Corona, although mostly unrelated to the setting in ms 55, also uses a gesture that stands out with the words dolcissima, santissima. In general the melody stays in the area around d’, but here it drops a fifth, to circle around g in punctuated rhythms that, again, as in the three-part version, contrast with the rhythms in the rest of the song.

Settings of Existing Tunes A little more than half of the songs in ms 55 are polyphonic settings of melodies that can be found in Corona di sacre canzoni from 1710. Most of these settings are in a very simple four-part homophonic style without any intricacies, either rhythmically or harmonically (nos 2, 6, and 12–17). Four settings (8 Acciò, 15 Vergin Maria, 16 Felici noi, and 17 Cuor mio) correspond exactly with the version in Corona, with the melody placed in one part, usually the superius or the tenor. In four settings, 2 Gloriosa, 12 Va pur rio mondo, 13 Adorate, and 14 Ave del mare stella — the melody as it is found in Corona can be followed throughout the song, but its lines wander between two or more parts. In Va pur, for example, the Corona melody is first sung by the Tenor, then taken over by the Soprano, the Bass, and finally the Alto. The same melody, with slight variations, is used for 17 Cuor mio, in a different arrangement, but where the melody is still clearly recognizable. Here, the Corona melody is sung by the Soprano throughout. 15 Vergin Maria follows the same model. The top voice has the lauda melody as it is found in Corona, with the exception of the third line ‘de’ peccator se’ pia’, where the Corona melody jumps to the tenor part in ms 55. The most striking feature of the ms 55 melody is the leap of a seventh at the beginning of the line ‘De’ peccator’, and the even bigger leap of a tenth between the last two lines. This makes the melody stand out from the traditional renaissance lauda repertory (cf. for example Felici noi) and places it closer to the realm of baroque arias. The arrangement is one of the least successful in the collection, with numerous contrapuntal errors, parallel fifths and octaves, hidden or open, from the beginning to the end. Also, the individual voices are badly formed, and especially the tenor part is virtually unsingable. Given the compositional merits of the collection otherwise, it is not obvious what to make of this. We may have to do with different composers, of course. We may also have an arranger whose

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Figure 25 Final cadence in Felici noi.

skills have not matched the challenge set by the combination of a melody with the ambitus and the leaps of Vergin Maria and a traditional four-part texture. Otherwise most of the settings are quite straightforward and simple arrangements. 16 Felici noi, for example, has a melody which lies within the ambitus of a fifth, it moves in simple rhythms with just a hint of syncopation, and the harmonization is competent if unadventurous. It would not have been out of place in any of the late-sixteenth-century collections for the Dottrina christiana. Only one small feature blurs this picture of wholesale adherence to traditional genre-criteria. The final cadence (mm. 8–9, repeated in mm. 12–13) is a common suspension cadence, except that the suspension is never resolved: the Alto part, which according to renaissance practice would have dropped down to e to form a full C chord in m. 8, instead stays on f (see Figure 25). Again, this is a feature, especially in a simple lauda like this, that points to a date of composition late enough for this kind of experiments with cadences to have become firmly established. We may perhaps also include 10 Mi giubbila in this group. Musically, it has the appearance of being a four-part setting of a given melody, in the same way as the previous songs. It does not, however, use the melody that is found to this text in Corona. If it is a free arrangement, this would set it apart from the other settings of that kind in the collection, which are all of a more advanced and expansive character. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that the setting uses some other pre-existing melody than the one used in Corona. 11 Spirti bellissimi stands in a similar middle position between free arrangement and adherence to a model. Just as with Mi giubbila, the setting sounds like an arrangement of a pre-existing melody — slightly more to the advanced side this time, with quasi-polyphonic passages and irregular distribution of the

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text lines. And there is a direct correspondence with the Corona melody, but it ends after the introductory motif. For the rest of the song, no clear similarity is discernible. This may have to do with the way the melody looks in Corona: the rest of the first phrase looks like an internal voice, and the last two phrases end with downward leaps of a fifth, which would be expected in a bass part but not in a melody line. It may be, then, that the melody in Corona is itself the outcome of a similar ‘distributive’ arrangement as we find for instance in Gloriosa verginella, and erroneously entered as an independent melody. If this is the case, we may conjecture that Spirti is indeed an arrangement of an existing but unknown tune. 8 Acciò de’ tuoi divoti Two more settings remain to be discussed, which are both more or less clearly related to the corresponding melodies in Corona, but otherwise show very little similarity. Acciò de’ tuoi divoti is represented with two different settings in ms 55. The first has a free melody, at least in relation to Corona, and is otherwise set in a style similar to the other ‘simple’ settings: predominantly homophonic with occasional polyphonic fragments, and with no particularly remarkable harmonic features. The second setting, on the other hand, stands out in many ways, also apart from the text being set twice. It is the setting in the collection which has least to do with the polyphonic lauda tradition, and it is one of the weakest settings, technically speaking. The melody upon which the setting is based is a version of the monophonic melody to the hymn Ut queant laxis, virtually identical to how it is presented in Corona.45 Even in Corona, it is set in a manner which differs from the rest of the collection: in full breves and ligatures and without bar lines, it reflects the plainchant melody which is its model. The text is an Italian translation of the hymn text, where the metre has been changed from the sapphic strophe in the Latin original to jambic hendecasyllabic lines with a five-syllable adonic at the end, but the melody can not be said to reflect this change in metre: it is a version of the plainchant melody, rather than a rewrite of it. The setting in ms 55 does not belong to the common tradition of lauda settings, but rather to a well-known renaissance genre of cantus firmus elaborations, with the plainchant melody in unadorned form in the top voice, below which 45

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is woven a more imitative, polyphonic texture. Mostly, there is little or no interrelationship between the cantus firmus and the three lower parts. One may imagine the setting in ms 55 being sung in a context like a youth confraternity or some other institution with participation from children, who would have sung the top part with the uncomplicated cantus firmus, as was common practice in many church institutions, while the more contrapuntally elaborate lower parts would have been sung by the men — an attempt, perhaps, to produce something more solemn and advanced than the simpler lauda settings one usually sees. That said, it is not a very successful arrangement, technically speaking. The overall, genre-specific effect, with the steady flow of the upper melody against the tapestry of the accompanying voices, is nice, but the added voices are badly written, at least if judged according to genre standards. Numerous parallel fifths and other counterpoint errors, some cadences which seem to go nowhere, a quite feeble attempt at unified entries in the beginning — all these features and more stand as a testimony less of technical mastery than of someone working above his abilities, in a genre in decline. 18 Maria Vergin The melody to Maria Vergin as it is presented in Corona, is a rather simple, strophic melody, at first sight far removed from the setting in ms 55, which is in fact one of the more elaborate arrangements in the collection. There is, however, reason to assume that it goes back to the same melody, albeit heavily modified in the arrangement: even though the overall rhythmic character of the phrases differs between the versions, and the tonal content is never exactly the same, the overall direction of movement is the same in most of the phrases, some of the rhythmic gestures are clearly related, and the melodic outlines share some of the same features, even sequences of main notes. In example 26, the melody as it is printed in Corona is given together with some of the phrases from ms 55. As can be seen, there is no exact correspondence other than in details or in certain elements, such as the opening gesture of a rising fourth or fifth or the rhythmic figure at ‘letizia, delizia’, but the contour of the melodies is more or less the same throughout, especially if passages such as those at ‘Stella risplendentissima’ are stripped of their different ornamental figurations of the skeletal falling third. As for the composition itself, it must be considered one of the more modern arrangements in the collection, although the texture is that of the polyphonic song of the renaissance: the harmonic layout clearly belongs to the seventeenth century, most notably the modulation in the final section, which mainly consists of a long, drawn-out cadence figure repeated on scale steps a fifth apart. Also

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Figure 26 Maria Vergin, version from Corona (upper) and corresponding phrases

from the version in ms 55.

some of the harmonies that are used, such as the consistent use of the dominant seventh chord (for instance mm. 8–10, and 30), and certain sequences of fairly complex harmonies, point to a late date.

ms 55 Revisited The collection ms 55 displays a wide variety of approaches, covering the whole range from the basic arrangements of the simplest tunes to the complex compositions with strong aspirations towards the artful. There are the motet-like settings of Fredd’ è quel cuore and Che bella gloria, where old and new features mix; there are the free settings such as Non han tante and O vergin gloriosa which make use of advanced harmonies and dramatic effects; the artful elaborations of a given melody in the case of Maria Vergin santissima and Verginella; and the simpler Gloriosa verginella and Va pur rio mondo, which nevertheless distribute the melody between the voices in a way which makes it difficult to imagine anything other than a concert-like performance. Then there is the odd Acciò with its attempt at an old-fashioned cantus firmus

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setting, and Vergin Maria with its similar attempt to force a modern melody into a traditional four-part setting. And, finally, there are all the regular, simple settings like Felici noi. What’s remarkable is not only the degree to which radical effects are used in songs in a genre that is otherwise dominated by functional simplicity, but perhaps most of all the variety itself. The questions we asked in the introduction to this section can be concretized in the direction of more general questions concerning function and agents. What would the practical function have been of a choir-sized manuscript containing songs usually associated with communal singing? In what kind of context, in Florence towards the end of the seventeenth century, could a collection like this have been used? Which ritual function would it have served, whether we assume that it has been used in the Cathedral, or in some of the companies and confraternities? Which aesthetical function has it fulfilled, with its variety of styles and effects, and how would it have been perceived by the listeners? And, lastly: who may have written the settings, and why? Matteo Coferati The last question may in fact be the one most easily answered. We are looking for a composer working in a conservative tradition but at such a late date that modern stylistic features have become unproblematic elements in his idiom. Given the combination of laude and the music library of the Santa Maria del Fiore, one name in particular calls for attention: Matteo Coferati. He was responsible for the first edition of Corona in 1675 and had a hand in the revisions for the following editions. He was also a singer at the Santa Maria del Fiore for most of his life. It is not known more precisely which office he held there; Michael Dodds suggests that he may have been cantor or Sottomaestro.46 Apart from the Corona, he is best known for his contribution to the practice of plainchant in the seventeenth century, and to our knowledge about it. His Il cantore addottrinato is a detailed treatise where he discusses certain problems connected with plainchant, and he is famous for prescribing that some pitches 46 Michael R. Dodds, ‘Plainchant at Florence’s Cathedral in the Late Seicento: Matteo Coferati and Shifting Concepts of Tonal Space’, The Journal of Musicology, 20 (2003), 526–555 (p. 547): ‘What specific roles Coferati played in the musical hierarchy at Santa Maria del Fiore remains a subject for further investigation. He never held the offices of maestro di cappella or organist, thought it seems very likely he would sometimes have served as cantor. [. . .] Pietro Sanmartini held the office of Sottomaestro from 1660 until he became Maestro in 1686; it is not clear who succeeded him as Sottomaestro, nor who would have held primary responsibility for plainchant during that time.’

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should be raised even though it is not written out.47 The treatise was first published in 1683 and had three reprints. Thus, in Matteo Coferati we not only have a person with connections both to the lauda tradition and to the Santa Maria del Fiore, but also a musician who was respected for his knowledge of the musical tradition and theory of bygone times, and whose musical language would have been shaped both by the modern music that was around him (and from which he borrowed liberally for the Corona) and the old repertories that were used in his church — not only plainchant, but also composers like Palestrina, who is richly represented in the music collection. It might also be mentioned that the last song in the collection, 19 Del bel lauro, is written in a different and — according to Piero Scapecchi, later — hand than the rest of the collection, possibly as late as the beginning of the eighteenth century. It is also the only setting where there are corrections: mm. 12–15 in the two top voices (see 2, p. 323), which were originally written at the top of a verso page, have been crossed out, and there are traces of an attempt to enter the same notes on the first page instead. Two notes in the soprano and four in the alto are written in the margin but cut off, in both cases right through a note. Presumably, the rest has been on an attached piece of paper which is now lost. The reason for this is clear from a look at the remaining voices. There, the corresponding measures are written on the first page as well. In order for a group of singers to be able to use the same manuscript, they would of course have to have all the music on the same page. This is in other words an indication that the manuscript has definitely been used by a small group of singers. Musically, Del bel lauro also differs from the rest: it consists of a succession of long quasi-polyphonic figurations over a simple harmonic skeleton — nothing of the careful polyphony or the harmonic subtleties of the earlier settings. Since a monophonic version of the song was included already in the 1689 edition, this does not in itself point to someone else as the composer here and Coferati as the hand and man behind the rest of the collection, but it fits nicely in with the chronology — Coferati died in 1708. None of this is proof that Coferati wrote the settings in ms 55, but he is probably as likely a candidate as we will ever get. 47

In plainchant, which did not usually have the kind of cadences we find in polyphonic music, there was no place for the ‘causa pulchritudinis’ (see n.40, and raised tones are rare. What is special about Coferati’s method is that he seems to prefer raised tones to lowered, also to avoid tritones — the ‘causa necessitatis’ — and that the same kind of cadential movement is used in plainchant as in polyphony. See Dodds, ‘Plainchant at Florence’s Cathedral in the Late Seicento: Matteo Coferati and Shifting Concepts of Tonal Space’.

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Outlook As for the other questions, we are on less firm ground, and the following can only be suggestions. What we can say with certainty is that whereas the Corona appears as a book made for a collective religious function, in a small format and primarily containing texts to songs that were mostly sung to well-known melodies, ms 55 in contrast definitely places itself at the other end of the spectrum. Its large format indicates that it is a performance copy for a small group of singers; its location is the cathedral, not a confraternity; and it contains advanced musical settings, only a handful of which it would at all be conceivable to sing along to. Everything about it points to a performance culture that is quite remote from the polyphonic lauda tradition as we know it in the time after Razzi’s first collection from 1563. There is nothing in that tradition which suggests any of what we find in ms 55. The closest we come is probably Animuccia’s second collection (see p. 104 above), but even that pales before the complexity and variety of the settings in ms 55. It also does not seem to have been a path that was followed by others. We may outline two explanations which differ in emphasis, but which are not in principle mutually exclusive. The first possibility is that a collection like ms 55 is unique not because of what it contains and the function it implies, but in that it has been preserved. In connection with the early madrigal, Iain Fenlon and James Haar have convincingly argued that a repertory or a tradition at this time cannot be judged solely on the basis of printed material: the printing world then was every bit as commercial as it is today, and for a printer to embark on something, he would have needed to be sure of its appeal to a sufficiently wide market. Hence, the vacuum that previous madrigal scholars perceived in the years before the first madrigal prints c. 1530, and which they tried to fill with the frottola, disappeared once manuscript sources were taken into consideration.48 Something similar might be the case here: it is not unimaginable that the kind of settings that Animuccia published in 1570 did not vanish from practice — only from the printing press. Besides, as we have presented it in Chapter 4, numerous musical performances from the confraternity setting are known, where no music is preserved, but where it appears from the context that the situation has been as close to a concert as to a devotional service. This may indeed be a relevant context in which to interpret ms 55. The other option is to regard it in relation to the development that can be observed throughout the seventeenth century, as a new stage in the joining 48

Iain Fenlon and James Haar, The Italian Madrigal in the Early Sixteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

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of devotional functionality and aesthetic sensibility, where music practices or musical works which previously would have been used as an integrated part of a service or a devotional ceremony, would take on a more independent role and be used and perceived as events in their own right. The development of the oratorio could be seen in this light; so could the quarant’hore events and other similar events, which increasingly took on a character of public spectacle, not replacing but adding to their original devotional purpose.49 This may also be compared to similar developments in Northern Europe at about the same time, such as the Abendmusiken in Lübeck or the Dordrechter organ recitals before or after church services, and other similar practices where it can at times be hard to draw a firm line between devotional service and public event.50 Regardless of which of the two scenarios we prefer, ms 55 is a mixture of old and new which does not necessarily fit easily into any of the established stories, either of music history or of the history of Florence. We may in any case be in the position where we can sketch an overview of such a history. Starting with the two publications in 1563, Razzi’s and Animuccia’s, the lauda quickly seems to have acquired a new functional foundation, partly through its usefulness in the teaching of the Doctrine, partly through its position in the quickly growing Oratorian movement in Rome and in other Italian cities. By the turn of the century, the new context for the lauda is well established, and the seventeenth-century lauda is in many respects a continuation, regarding its repertory as well as its functions. A small number of collections along the way (Animuccia’s second collection, Longo’s Lodi et canzonette spirituali) suggest the possibility within the tradition of using more advanced stylistic means, but the extent to which this has been common, is uncertain. In the course of the seventeenth century, the repertory has absorbed the new popular genres and styles, just as it did in the previous century. Whether ms 55 should be seen in relation to this — as an openness towards other contexts, including the lingua franca of the contemporary music scene — or as a ‘rara avis’, remains an open question, first of all because of the lack of relevant material for comparison.

49 See e.g. Noel O’Regan, ‘The Church Triumphant: Music in the Liturgy’, in The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Music, ed. by Tim Carter and John Butt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 283–323. 50 See Oskar Söhngen, ‘Theologische, geistes- und musikgeschichtliche Voraussetzungen der Entstehung der Ausserliturgischen religiösen Musik im 19. Jahrhundert’, in Religiöse Musik in nicht-liturgischen Werken von Beethoven bis Reger, ed. by Walter Wiora, Günther Massenkeil, and Klaus Wolfgang Niemöller (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1978), pp. 19–45 (p. 30–34).

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The Historiography of Opera Reconsidered: Medieval Ritual, Confraternity Devotion and Music Drama

I

n a recent account of the history of seventeenth-century opera, Silke Leopold takes her point of departure in Romain Rolland’s essay ‘L’Opéra avant l’opéra’ from 1904 in which he critically pointed out that music historians too often had presented opera as the creation of a small group of artists and intellectuals from Florence toward the end of the sixteenth century. Silke Leopold briefly summarizes Rolland as having let his operatic history begin with Angelo Poliziano’s pastoral La favola d’Orfeo (c. 1480) as a background for her own complex account of the historical context for opera — at the same time critically stating that ‘neither La favola d’Orfeo nor the numerous traditions on which it drew, however, should be misunderstood as harbingers of opera in the sense of a historical development.’1 This chapter is also concerned with the beginning of what in terms of genre history came to be known as ‘opera’. However, the purpose is not to give a new history of the beginnings of opera, but rather to discuss the problematic of how to construct the beginning of such a history and to give supplementary suggestions for understanding the background for the rise of this important musical and theatrical genre. The information, which has recently been made available, about musical and theatrical activities in confraternities in the late sixteenth century, as discussed in Chapter 4, notably concerning the youth confraternity, the Company of the Archangel Raphael, sheds new light also on the beginnings of opera. 1

Silke Leopold, Die Oper im 17. Jahrhundert, Handbuch der musikalischen Gattungen, 11 (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 2004), p. 13: ‘Weder die Fabula d’Orfeo noch die zahlreichen Traditionen, aus denen sie schöpfte, dürfen freilich in einem entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Sinne als Vorläufer der Oper mißverstanden werden.’

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The problem — briefly stated — in writing the beginning of the history of opera, as of any contemporary cultural concept, is that the point of view easily becomes teleological: concerned with finding traces of present-day characteristics which it seems possible ‘already’ to find then, but which may not have seemed important or relevant to those who wrote or influenced these ‘beginnings’, which would not necessarily have been seen as ‘beginnings’ at the time. Fundamentally, of course, a history will always have to be written from the vantage point of the modern observer. However, it seems possible to be interested — also from a modern point of view — in finding out what seemed to be the agendas and interests of the protagonists in the events with which we are concerned. During the last decades, information has been found to the effect that the circles who were involved in the creation and performance of the so-called first operas — usually understood to be the music dramas by Jacopo Peri (1561–1633) and Giulio Caccini (1551–1618) of 1598 and 1600 to texts by Ottavio Rinuccini (1562–1621) — were also deeply involved in the confraternity of the Archangel Raphael, and that performances of music dramatic works seem to have taken place in this company years earlier than in the courtly settings usually associated with the birth of opera. This provides a chance for a fresh look at the traditional modern historiography of opera history. On the one hand the new knowledge obviously needs to be incorporated into the background knowledge of these music dramatic works, but on the other hand, and more importantly, this may also lead to new questions concerning the interpretation of these ‘early’ works and the theories behind them. This is not to say that nobody has raised questions of this kind before (as we shall see); however, the confraternal information makes it possible to question the traditionally strong division between secular and religious traditions at the time, as well as the referring of the ‘opera’ to a secular courtly sphere which most scholars have almost exclusively done. For one thing, such a clear division between secular and religious is in itself anachronistic, and, secondly, as also argued by Silke Leopold (see below), it does not apply in any strict sense to ‘opera’. In the following, we shall first look at modern historiographies of opera, by no means in a comprehensive way, but enough for the teleological tendency described above to be demonstrated, and thus the need for other ways of approaching what in modern eyes appears as the beginnings of opera, but clearly did not in the eyes of the contemporaries. Secondly, the new information will be presented and discussed briefly, and finally some interpretive attempts will be made concerning a few music dramatic works from the very early years of the seventeenth century.

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Modern Opera Historiography Pointing out that the term opera was not used — as in modern practice — as a genre designation for music dramas until the second half of the seventeenth century, Leopold’s above-mentioned history of seventeenth-century opera gives a broad account of various musical, theatrical, philosophical and societal backgrounds for the music dramatic performances during the decade 1598–1608, which have generally been accepted as the first exemplars of the new operatic genre, or at least as leading directly into it, even though opinions are sometimes still divided concerning the acceptance of at least one of these stage works as part of an operatic ‘canon’ (something to which we shall return below). In spite of the general notion of an evolutionary aspect in the creation of artistic genres, so characteristic of its time, the point of Rolland’s article does not seem only to be to find an early embryonic beginning of opera history. Indeed, Rolland pointed to both the earlier genres of sacre rappresentazioni and the pastorals (including Poliziano) as relevant backgrounds, and although he did seem to believe that these were ‘natural’ points of departure for an artistic development of the poetico-musical genre of opera and thus would help to establish a more sensible history of this genre, the main relevance of his account today should rather be seen in its constructive aspect. Rolland does make it clear that he, the author of the account, is the one who chooses the relevant background for writing the history of opera: It was, one says, the work of a small group of musicians, poets and men of the world, united at the court of the grand duke of Tuscany, or, to be more precise, in the salon of a great lord, the Count Bardi, between 1590 and 1600. The names of Vincenzo Galilei — the father of the great Galileo — the poet Ottavio Rinuccini, the learned Jacopo Corsi, the singers Peri and Caccini, the director of spectacles and feasts in Florence, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, have always been attached to this creation of a dramatic and musical form which came to have such an astonishing fortune in the world. This story has been told many times within the last years. But the fault of all the historians who have treated this subject so far has been to believe or to have us believe that such a characteristic art form could really come into being, created in one piece, out of the heads of some inventors. Inventions in one piece are rare in history. It is good to be reminded of the wise motto inscribed on the front of a house in Vicenza: ‘Everything passes by, everything returns, nothing perishes.’ What we call a creation is often but a recreation, and in the present question there are reasons to ask if this opera which the Florentines believed, in good faith, to have invented, did not exist, except for some differences, rather long before them, since the beginning of the Renaissance. [. . .] I shall thus endeavour to replace the opera in the overall artistic history of Italy, and from there to let the

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end of a very old poetico-musical movement be perceivable, the natural conclusion of a dramatic evolution over several centuries.2

The traditions to which Rolland pointed also form part of the general historical context for operatic history as Leopold (and others) paint the picture in modern times, the difference being — aside from updated historical knowledge in a number of instances — that Leopold (as cited) does not accept any evolutionary connection between the earlier traditions and opera. However, two points — sometimes but not always connected — need to be emphasized (and will be exemplified below) concerning modern operatic historiography: (1) there is a strong tendency to tell the history of opera as a history with a very sharply defined beginning, with a historical incision beginning the era of opera shortly 2

Romain Rolland, ‘L’Opéra avant l’opéra’, in Musiciens d’autrefois, Ch. 1, pp. 19–54 (pp. 19–20): ‘Il fut l’æuvre, dit-on, d’un petit groupe de musiciens, de poètes, et de gens du monde, réunis à la cour du grand-duc de Toscane, ou, pour être plus précis, dans le salon d’un grand seigneur, le comte Bardi, entre 1590 et 1600. Les noms de Vincenzo Galilei, — le père du grand Galilée, — du poète Ottavio Rinuccini, de l’érudit Jacopo Corsi, des chanteurs Peri et Caccini, du directeur des spectacles et des fêtes à Florence, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, sont restés attachés à cette création d’une forme dramatique et musicale, qui devait avoir une si étonnante fortune dans le monde. Cette histoire a été maintes fois racontée dans ces dernières années. Mais le tort de tous les historiens qui ont jusqu’à présent abordé ce sujet, a été de croire ou de laisser croire qu’une forme d’art aussi caractéristique pût réellement sortir, créée de toutes pièces, de la tête de quelques inventeurs. Les inventions de toutes pièces sont rares en histoire. Il est bon de se rappeler la devise sereine, inscrite au front d’une maison de Vicence: “Omnia prætereunt, redeunt, nihil interit”. Ce que nous appelons une création n’est souvent qu’une re-création et, dans la question présente, il y a lieu de se demander si cet opéra, que les Florentins croyaient, de bonne foi, inventer, n’existait pas, à quelques nuances près, bien longtemps avant eux, dès le commencement de la Renaissance. [. . .] Je m’efforcerai donc de replacer l’opéra dans l’emsemble de l’histoire artistique de l’Italie, et d’y faire voir ainsi le terme d’un mouvement poético-musical très ancien, la conclusion naturelle d’une évolution dramatique de plusieurs siècles.’ Interestingly, however, in the first volume of Robert Eitner’s edition Robert Eitner, Die Oper, von ihren ersten Anfängen bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts, Publikation Aelterer Praktischer und Theoretischer Musikwerke, 10 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1881; repr. New York: Broude Brothers, 1966) where Giulio Caccini’s Euridice as well as Gagliano’s Dafne, and Monteverdi’s Orfeo are printed, the editor included at the beginning two short devotional music dramas in German from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (cols 19–32), referring in his ‘Einleitung’ (cols 3–18) to the earliest edition of the so-called liturgical drama with musical transcriptions, Charles Edmond Henri de Coussemaker, Drames liturgiques du moyen âge (Rennes: H. Vatar, 1860). Coussemaker’s publication includes liturgical dramas from c. 1100 and onwards. Concerning the scholarship on ‘liturgical drama’ and the construction of a beginning of drama history through the liturgical drama, see Nils Holger Petersen, ‘The Concept of Liturgical Drama’, in Ars musica septentrionalis, ed. by Barbara Haggh-Huglo and Frédéric Billiet (Paris: Presses Universitaires de Paris-Sorbonne, forthcoming).

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before 1600, and (2) to this day, a number of accounts focus narrowly on the men who are perceived as the creators of the genre, a small group of men of letters and musicians (as also pointed out by Rolland), especially in the academy of Jacopo Corsi, who apparently took the lead after the so-called Camerata, the academy sponsored by Giovanni Bardi (1534–1612) which in many accounts was seen to lay the theoretical foundation for what a few years later under Corsi’s sponsorship became a more practically oriented work toward ‘the first operas’. Indeed, as mentioned, Silke Leopold’s account paints a broad cultural historical background for the opera. She discusses musical and theatrical practices in various social contexts in relation to their relevance for establishing a background upon which the creation of the opera becomes understandable. In this she includes the sacre rappresentazioni, the pastorals (emphasizing to a high degree Poliziano’s already mentioned Favola d’Orfeo), the intermedi — especially the famous interludes for Girolamo Bargagli’s comedy La Pellegrina staged for the Medici wedding in 1589, and the commedia dell’arte. Also, the theories connected to the reception of Greek tragedy and the discussions in Bardi’s Camerata during the 1570s and 80s are given their due and critically assessed with respect to their relevance for what was carried through, mainly under Corsi’s sponsorship, in the 1590s. She also makes it clear that there were no definitions of an operatic genre available in the early period, pointing out that the Rappresentatione di anima, et di corpo (Rome 1600) by Emilio de’ Cavalieri (1550–1602), which in traditional modern music history is often received as an oratorio, and Jacopo Peri’s L’Euridice (Florence 1600), which is often considered the first (preserved) opera, cannot be classified so easily: Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione was certainly no more an oratorio than Peri’s L’Euridice was an opera for at this early time there were no firm genre criteria for the two genres, nor criteria of distinction between them.3

Even so, the way Leopold defines opera at the outset — and thus also what ultimately determines her historiography, including the main periodization underlying it — is clearly the result of a backwards glance from criteria employed throughout the later history of the genre and its reception: What is particular about opera is not that but how it combines music and drama. What is particular about opera is the composed dialogue, the musical expression of 3

Leopold, Die Oper, p. 61: ‘Cavalieris Rappresentatione war freilich ebenso wenig ein Oratorium wie Peris L’Euridice eine Oper war, denn zu diesem frühen Zeitpunkt standen für keine der beiden Gattungen Wesensmerkmale oder Unterscheidungskriterien fest.’

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feeling, the description of character through music, the contrast between open and closed form, the tension between the instrumental basis and the singing voice.4

Taken individually, these criteria could well be seen fulfilled in earlier genres of musical representation. The so-called liturgical dramas, musical representations of (mainly) biblical narratives which were incorporated into medieval church services of various kinds, for instance the practice of the women’s visit to the grave as it has been preserved since the tenth century in liturgical manuscripts, the so-called visitatio sepulchri ceremonies, as well as many other musical representations of biblical or biblically founded narratives, have composed dialogues, possibly even some measure of expression of feeling — at least sometimes and depending on how to define an ‘expression of feeling’. In addition they have some measure of character characterization through music.5 Some of them are of an astonishing scope as for instance the Sponsus (of the early twelfth century) and the Danielis ludus from the Cathedral school of Beauvais (thirteenth century), and many other musical representations throughout the Middle Ages. However, the contrast between open and closed form does not apply, and nor, certainly, does the criterion regarding instrumental basis and voices. That, on the other hand, as well as the open-and-closed-form-criterion, might well apply to the popular and sometimes improvised dramatic practices of the commedia dell’arte unless Leopold’s criteria are only to be understood out of the context of (traditional) operatic history. The brief account of ‘the beginnings of opera’ in the Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Music focuses on the members of the Jacopo Corsi circle so that it basically fits into Rolland’s criticism of the opera history of his time, although it is preceded by two short introductions entitled ‘Setting the stage (1): 4 ‘Das Besondere an der Oper ist nicht, daß, sondern wie sie Musik und Drama verbindet. Das Besondere an der Oper ist der komponierte Dialog, der musikalische Gefühlsausdruck, die Menschendarstellung durch Musik, der Gegensatz von offener und geschlossener Form, die Spannung zwischen instrumentalem Fundament und Singstimme.’ Leopold, Die Oper, p. 13. 5 For a brief introduction to this practice, see Susan Rankin, ‘Liturgical Drama’, in The New Oxford History of Music, ed. by Richard Crocker and David Hiley, 2nd edn, 10 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), ii, 310–56. For a recent discussion of the question of the appropriateness of the concept of drama for these practices, see Petersen, ‘Representation in European Devotional Rituals’, and Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Biblical Reception, Representational Ritual, and the Question of “Liturgical Drama”’, in Sapientia et eloquentia, ed. by Gunilla Iversen and Nicolas Bell (Turnhout: Brepols, forthcoming).

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the Ballet comique de la reine’ and ‘Setting the stage (2): the intermedi for La Pellegrina’.6 But also in much more detailed accounts, such as Frederick W. Sternfeld’s The Birth of Opera (1993) and Robert Donington’s The Rise of Opera (1981), the historical narratives are constructed with teleological hindsight so that the historiography becomes self-fulfilling in spite of an extensive degree of historical contextualization. In the case of Donington this also involves the neo-Platonic theology of Marcilio Ficino and its influence on Poliziano and — in Donington’s view — the early opera. In Donington’s case the teleology can be perceived already in the chapter headings of Part I, ‘The Approach to opera’ and Part II ‘The Achievement of opera’. In Part I they are: i. ‘Defining Opera’ (containing two subsections: ‘Drama as the essence of opera’ and ‘A totality of staged words and music’). ii. ‘The Philosophical Ingredient’. iii. ‘The Poetical Ingredient’. iv. ‘The Musical Ingredient’. v. ‘The Threshold’. vi. ‘The reciting Style’. vii. ‘The Modern Style’. In Part II the headings continue: viii. ‘Across the Threshold’ (containing six subsections: ‘Three pastorals near to opera’, ‘Dafne: The earliest opera’, ‘Cavalieri’s contribution’, ‘Peri’s achievement’, ‘Caccini’s exaggerated claims’, and ‘Doni’s balanced summary’). ix. ‘Opera Achieved’ (containing three subsections: ‘The structure of Dafne’, ‘The story of Dafne’, and ‘The Neoplatonic images’). x. ‘Opera Comes into Fashion’ (containing four subsections: ‘Borderline opera’, ‘The genre arrives’, ‘A Florentine wedding’, and ‘Opera thereafter taken for granted’). xi. ‘Monteverdi and his ‘Orfeo”. xii. ‘Consolidation’. xiii. ‘Rome and Venice’. xiv. ‘Monteverdi at Venice’.7 In accordance with his basic definition of opera, Donington has qualifications concerning whether to accept Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione as a real opera. In the section ‘Cavalieri’s contribution’ (in Chapter viii), he states that it ‘can on a generous interpretation be viewed (though it is not viewed by every modern authority) as the earliest surviving opera’. In the section ‘Borderline opera’ (in Chapter x), he comments that ‘the choice between good and evil is always potentially dramatic; but the mere staging of such inner characteristics as several characters or choruses is only half way 6

Lois Rosow, ‘Power and Display: Music in Court Theatre’, in The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Music, ed. by Tim Carter and John Butt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 197–240. For a brief characterization of Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione as being tied in some way to Roman confraternity traditions, see Tim Carter’s article ‘Mask and Illusion’, in the same volume (p. 249). 7 Robert Donington, The Rise of Opera (London: Faber, 1981).

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Figure 27 Title page from the printed edition of Emilio de’ Cavalieri’s Rappresen-

tatione di anima et di corpo (Rome, 1600).

into drama; and Cavalieri’s music, though striking, itself unfolds dramatically only in certain portions.’8 For Sternfeld, the situation is similar. Although he discusses definitions and terms for early music drama also with regard to contemporary sources, he is primarily occupied with those pieces which have traditionally been received as operas. Thus he focuses on Peri, Caccini, Monteverdi, also strongly emphasizing the personal role of Rinuccini: ‘If any single person can be said to have made possible the new stile rappresentativo and the birth of opera, the Florentine poet and humanist was that man’. Concerning Cavalieri and the religious ‘branch’, he states, ‘Suffice it to say that spiritual stage works, whether dealing with the Orpheus theme overtly or covertly (Agazzari, Calderón), or dealing with different topics (Cavalieri’s Rappresentazione di anima e di corpo, Landi’s Sant’Alessio), has remained a comparatively minor branch of the main operatic stream, and 8

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cannot be considered in the present context.’9 Thereby, of course, he excluded the possibility of a discussion of certain basic varieties of musical representation at a time when there was no agreed genre delimitation corresponding to his idea of a ‘branch’ of spiritual stage works. In an earlier article, his understanding is brought out more specifically: Cavalieri wrote the first opera, but Peri’s work was what showed the future way for the opera: Who composed the first opera? The answer that must be given without hesitation is Cavalieri. His lost Pastorals, composed between 1590 and 1595, and his extant sacred opera, La rappresentatione di anima e di corpo of 1600 qualify him to be awarded the laurel of priority. [. . .] But the precise establishment of chronological priority is not the only preoccupation of the music historian. What one is really eager to know is: who was the composer of the first operas that influenced the course of the genre? To this question there is an equally unequivocal answer: the palm must be awarded to Peri.

For Sternfeld, the reasons are threefold: Rinuccini, the theme of the ‘pangs and frustrations of love’ which is ‘so notably absent from the allegorical content of Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione’, and, finally, the Ovidian literary background.10 More or less similar observations can be made in many other accounts of opera history: in David Kimbell’s Italian Opera (1991) Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione is not mentioned in the chapter on the beginnings of opera but only in a chapter on Roman opera in the seventeenth century; a German essay collection in the series Musik-Konzepte with the suggestive title Claudio Monteverdi: Um die Geburt der Oper is simply a collection of essays on Monteverdi issues, John D. Drummond’s Opera in Perspective (1980) and Herbert Lindenberger’s Opera in History (1998) offer no critical perspectives on the beginnings of opera.11 Josef Kerman’s classical Opera as Drama (1956, revised 1986) and Albert Gier’s theory and history of the libretto (1998) only deal with opera as traditionally received in modern times.12 9

Sternfeld, The Birth, pp. 2–3. F. W. Sternfeld, ‘The First Printed Opera Libretto’, Music & Letters, 59 (1978), 121–38 (pp. 121–22). 11 David R. B. Kimbell, Italian Opera (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Musik-Konzepte, 88 (1995): Claudio Monteverdi: Um die Geburt der Oper; Herbert Lindenberger, Opera in History: From Monteverdi to Cage (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998); and John D. Drummond, Opera in Perspective (London: Dent, 1980), see esp. Chapter 4: ‘Rebirth’, pp. 94–136. 12 Joseph Kerman, Opera as Drama, new and rev. ed (London: Faber, 1989); Albert Gier, Das Libretto: Theorie und Geschichte einer musikoliterarischen Gattung (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1998). 10

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Warren Kirkendale’s recent and justified criticism of biases in early opera history, not least concerning opera with religious content, serves to highlight Emilio de’ Cavalieri as the first opera composer. Kirkendale points to Cavalieri’s three lost pastorals from 1590–95 as well as to the Rappresentatione, and points out that both Peri (see 219) and Caccini (in a letter of 1614) acknowledged Cavalieri as the first composer of music drama in the new style.13 Kirkendale — as we have seen — argues that the cultural significance of the Florentine Camerata was much more limited than usually claimed. In the 2001 book, however, the focus is on Emilio de’ Cavalieri’s biography and his place as the first opera composer and less on general historiographical questions concerning the beginning of opera.14 Gary Tomlinson’s short discussion of Rinuccini’s librettos for the various versions of La Dafne stands out for its declared departure from teleological historiography.15 We shall return to Tomlinson’s account below (p. 237). The accounts enumerated here should be understood as individual examples which are meant to underline that there are good reasons for historical discussions emphasizing the difficulties in making definitions and distinctions concerning the practices of music drama around 1600, based on contemporary practices and understandings. As made clear by Silke Leopold, a number of different music dramatic responses to the new technique of musical representation, the so-called stile rappresentativo, which seems to have been the outcome of the work in the Florentine academies, came about, but it is not possible at this time to delimit a specific operatic genre as different from a more spiritual — oratoriolike — genre. In this situation the information about the activities in the Confraternity of the Archangel Raphael, becomes highly significant since — as mentioned in passing in the previous chapter — there are records both of music dramatic per13

Warren Kirkendale, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, Gentiluomo Romano: His Life and Letters, His Role as Superintendent of All the Arts at the Medici Court, and His Musical Compositions (Florence: Olschki, 2001), especially Chapters 7 and 9: ‘The Earliest Operas: Cavalieri’s Three Pastorales, 1590–95’ (pp. 185–212) and ‘Rappresentazione di Anima e di Corpo’ (pp. 233–94). See also Warren Kirkendale, ‘The Myth of the “Birth of Opera” in the Florentine Camerata Debunked by Emilio de’ Cavalieri: A Commemorative Lecture’, The Opera Quarterly, 19 (2003), 631–43. For Peri’s and Caccini’s acknowledgement of Cavalieri, see Kirkendale, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, pp. 205 and 219, and Kirkendale, ‘The Myth’, pp. 636–37. 14 See also the quotation from Kirkendale’s The Court Musicians in Florence in our introduction, p. 2. 15 Gary A. Tomlinson, ‘Ancora su Ottavio Rinuccini’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 28 (1975), 351–356.

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formances in the new recitative style and of the involvement of a number of the key persons from the Florentine academies also in the confraternity (see pp. 130, 132, and 213). Not only will the information which has been made available by scholars like John Walter Hill, Konrad Eisenbichler, Edward Strainchamps and others supplement our knowledge of music dramatic practice at the time, but it will — as we will argue in the following — also shed light on the known music dramas of the time. Unfortunately, none of the music dramatic works mentioned in the records of the confraternity of Archangel Raphael has been preserved.

Music Drama in the Compagnia dell’Arcangelo Raffaello around 1600 Konrad Eisenbichler has pointed out that a sung drama in what seems to have been the new stile rappresentativo was performed in the confraternity in early 1584/5: Saturday 2 February. Some of our younger youths represented in music when Our Lady, together with St Joseph, go to the temple to offer Jesus to Simon, a work of the above mentioned Cecchi.16

The expression ‘to represent in music’ (‘rappresentare in musica’) is very close indeed to a wording used by Ottavio Rinuccini in the dedication of his libretto L’Euridice to Maria Medici, Queen of France, at whose wedding with King Henri IV of France L’Euridice was first performed. In order to characterize a drama sung throughout as in Jacopo Peri’s settings of Rinuccini’s Dafne (no longer extant) and L’Euridice (1600) to both of which he points in the dedication, Rinuccini remarks that he has had his librettos printed, since beginning to recognize with what favour such representations in music [‘rappresentazioni in musica’] are received, I have wished to bring these two to light, in order that others, more skillful than myself, may employ their talents to increase the number and improve the quality of poems thus composed and cease to envy those ancients so much celebrated by noble writers.17 16

CRS 160, 9 (olim 8) fol. 6r , trans. by Eisenbichler in Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 249; ‘Alcuni nostri Giouanetti rappresentano in musica quando la Vergine nostra insieme con san Giuseppe uanno al Tempio a offerir san Giesù à Simeone.’ 17 Trans. in Oliver Strunk, Source Readings in Music History: From Classical Antiquity Through the Romantic Era (New York: Norton, 1950), p. 368; ‘Là onde, cominciando io a conoscere quanto simili rappresentazioni in musica siano gradite, ho voluto recare in luce queste due, perchè altri di me più intendenti, si ingegnino di accrescere e di migliorare siffatte poesie: di maniera che non abbiano invidia a quelle antiche, tanto celebrate da i

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Basically the same expression was also used in a letter by Emilio de’ Cavalieri in the same year (1600) in which he complained about Rinuccini’s claim to be the inventor of ‘this way of representing in music’ (‘questo modo di rappresentare in Musica’).18 In the printed edition of Emilio de’ Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione di anima, et di corpo (Rome 1600), the term used on the title page is ‘per recitar cantando’ rendered in English in a modern edition simply as ‘for singing’.19 The preface was written by Alessandro Guidotti but generally assumed to express Cavalieri’s opinions.20 Guidotti’s text initially presents Cavalieri’s work using the word opera. However, this must certainly be understood in the general meaning of ‘a work’, characterizing it as ‘this sort of music, revived by him’ (‘questa sorte di musica da lui rinovata’) and later states that: Signor Emilio would recommend changing the instruments according to the affect of the recitation. He thinks, too, that similar plays with music [‘simili rappresentationi in musica’] should not last more than two hours, should be arranged into acts, and that the performers should be attractively dressed and with variety.21

Together with a few other expressions, ‘rappresentare in musica’ came to be one of a few fixed terms for seventeenth-century music drama.22 The term is obviously descriptive so that even though it wouldn’t have been a well-established term in 1585, it nevertheless describes what it also came to denote as a technical term: representation in music, i.e. musical narration. In his preface to L’Euridice, Jacopo Peri by contrast, did not use any descriptive term, instead describing in a much more detailed way what he did musically. When referring to his music, he used words which emphasized the newness of the style: ‘this new manner of nobili scrittori’: Angelo Solerti, Le Origini del melodramma (Turino: Fratelli Bocca, 1903), p. 41. 18 See Claude V. Palisca, ‘Musical Asides in the Diplomatic Correspondence of Emilio de’ Cavalieri’, Musical Quarterly, 49 (1963), 339–55 (p. 353). 19 Emilio de’ Cavalieri, Rappresentatione di anima, et di corpo (1600), ed. by Murray C. Bradshaw, Early Sacred Monody, 4 (Middleton: American Institute of Musicology, 2007), pp. 2–3. 20 Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, ‘Introduction’, p. ix. 21 Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, ‘A’Lettori’, p. 6, trans. by Bradshaw in Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, p. 7; ‘Et il Signor’ Emilio laudarebbe mutare stromenti conforme all’affetto del recitante; e giudica, che simili rappresentationi in Musica, non sia bene che passino due hore, e che debbano distribuirsi in Atti, e li personaggi vagamente vestiti, e con varietà.’ 22 Herbert Seifert, ‘Early Reactions to the New Genre Opera North of the Alps’, in “Lo stupor dell’invenzione”: Firenze e la nascita dell’opera, ed. by Piero Gargiulo, Quaderni della rivista Italiana di musicologia, 36 (Florence: Olschki, 2001), pp. 105–18 (p. 118). Seifert points out that the terminology for drama ‘all in music’ is ‘unexpectedly consistent for the seventeenth century’.

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song’ (questa nuova maniera di canto), ‘our music’ (‘la nostra musica’), ‘this new manner of singing’ (‘questo nuovo modo di cantare’).23 Altogether, it seems likely that the short entry in the records of the Archangel Raphael’s confraternity denotes a small music drama in some kind of musical recitation; in what exact form, however, cannot be deduced with certainty from the short entry although the closeness to the later terminology of the creators and receivers of the ‘opera’, including the circle around Jacopo Corsi, is intriguing. As used by Rinuccini and Cavalieri, the term referred to the particular recitative style developed over the last decades of the sixteenth century, often referred to as the stile rappresentativo; this became a standard term in the seventeenth century (see below): a recitative-like song with instrumental accompaniment.24 It is highly suggestive that at this time, Giulio Caccini, the composer of the other setting of Rinuccini’s L’Euridice (hurried into print in 1600 although not performed till 1602) is mentioned several times in the ricordi of the Archangel Raphael confraternity as a performer of solo song to instrumental accompaniment. In the preface of his edition Caccini — as it turned out unsuccessfully — staged himself as the first composer in the new style, for which he used the expression ‘music in the representational style’ (‘musica in stile rappresentativo’), and claiming that he had composed in this manner for more than fifteen years.25 Like Caccini, several others of the central persons connected with the academies and the music dramatic performances of the Dafne (1598) and the two versions of Euridice (1600/1602) were members of the Archangel Raphael confraternity. Girolamo Mei (1519–94), the theoretician connected to the Camerata, had joined in the 1550s. Caccini and two of the younger sons of Giovanni Bardi, the sponsor of the Camerata, became members during the 1570s and 80s. Jacopo Corsi (1561–1602), the sponsor of the academy which led to the performances of Peri’s Dafne (1598) and Euridice (1600) was a member, and Piero (or Pietro) de’ Bardi, another son of Giovanni de’ Bardi, is mentioned in 1624 as the patron for a large-scale performance of a play in the records of the company.26 23 Jacopo Peri, ‘Dedicatoria e prefazione a L’Euridice’, preface trans. in Oliver Strunk, Source Readings in Music History, rev. edn by Leo Treitler (New York: Norton, 1998), pp. 659–62; Ital. original in Solerti, Le Origini, pp. 43–49 (pp. 45 and 47); cf. also Strunk, Source Readings, pp. 373–76. 24 For the musical style developed in the academy sponsored by Corsi, see esp. Donington, The Rise, pp. 68–100. 25 Leopold, Die Oper, pp. 7, 55–56, and 73. For his preface, see Solerti, Le Origini, pp. 50– 52; Engl. trans. in Strunk, Source Readings, pp. 370–72. 26 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 81, 123, and 212; further pp. 211 and 396, n. 23. See also Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, pp. 110–11.

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The confraternity held a memorial service for Corsi in February 1602/3 after his death (December 1602); this is one of the few occasions where it has been possible to identify preserved music that had been performed in the Archangel Raphael confraternity: Edmond Strainchamps has demonstrated how some of the madrigals in Marco da Gagliano’s 1604 printed edition of madrigals were sung at this service.27 Marco da Gagliano (1582–1643) became a member of the confraternity in 1589 and its maestro di cappella in 1609. He was also one of the early opera composers; his Dafne (from 1608) will be discussed below. He was, however, too young to be involved in the academies of Bardi and Corsi.28 Also Jacopo Peri was a member of the Archangel Raphael confraternity, according to an entry in the records at his death in 1633, and the records mention his sons in roles which show that they too were members of the confraternity.29 Further, Jacopo Peri as well as Ottavio Rinuccini are mentioned several times in the records as performers and for having written respectively music and texts for the confraternity.30 John Walter Hill pointed to performances in the stile rappresentativo at the Raphael confraternity in the first of three important articles in which he treated its musical life from 1583 to 1655. Firstly he refers to an entry in the records of the company on Maundy Thursday 1583 where a Miserere is mentioned as having been sung to the accompaniment of a lyre (lira) remarking that this suggests an ‘early experiment in the new style of accompanied singing’.31 Hill’s understanding of this passage is informed by a remark in a letter written in 1634 by Pietro de’ Bardi to Giovanni Battista Doni answering the latter’s request for more information about the beginnings of the new style during the academy sponsored by his father. As the earliest example of music in this style, Pietro de’ Bardi refers to Vincenzo Galilei (late 1520s–1591) who let us hear the lament of Count Ugolino, from Dante, intelligibly sung by a good tenor and precisely accompanied by a consort of viols. This novelty, although it aroused considerably envy among the professional musicians, was pleasing to the 27 For the memorial service see Strainchamps, ‘Music in a Florentine Confraternity’; cf. also p. 133, n. 34. 28 For Gagliano, see Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 324–25. Two brothers of his were members as well: for Lionardo see Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 241, 403, n. 21, and 405, n. 40. Giovanni Battista da Gagliano (1594–1651) was also a composer. He became a member of the confraternity in 1599 and succeeded Marco as maestro di cappella in 1622 serving until 1625, Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 242 and 325. 29 See Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, p. 121, and Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 207–12, 280, and 415 (n. 35). 30 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 123, 235–36, and 239. 31 Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, p. 113.

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true lovers of the art. Continuing with this undertaking, Galilei set to music a part of the Lamentations and Responds of Holy Week, and these were sung in devout company in the same manner.32

Pietro de’ Bardi continues by referring to the very young Giulio Caccini who was then among the Camerata: Giulio Caccini, considered a rare singer and a man of taste, although very young, was at this time in my father’s ‘Camerata’, and feeling himself inclined toward this new music, he began, entirely under my father’s instructions, to sing ariettas, sonnets, and other poems suitable for reading aloud, to a single instrument and in a manner that astonished his hearers. Also in Florence at this time was Jacopo Peri, who, as the first pupil of Cristofano Malvezzi, received high praise as a player of the organ and the keyboard instruments and as a composer of counterpoint and was rightly regarded as second to none of the singers in that city. This man, in competition with Giulio, brought the enterprise of the stile rappresentativo to light, and avoiding a certain roughness and excessive antiquity which had been felt in the compositions of Galilei, he sweetened this style, together with Giulio, and made it capable of moving the passions in a rare manner, as in the course of time was done by them both. [. . .] The first poem to be sung on the stage in stile rappresenativo was the story of Dafne, by Signor Ottavio Rinuccini, set to music by Peri in few numbers and short scenes and recited and sung privately in a small room. I was left speechless with amazement. It was sung to the accompaniment of a consort of instruments, an arrangement followed thereafter in the other comedies. Caccini and Peri were under great obligation to Signor Ottavio, but under still greater to Signor Jacopo Corsi, who, becoming ardent and discontent with all but the superlative in this art, directed these composers with excellent ideas and marvellous doctrines, as befitted so noble an enterprise. These directions were carried out by Peri and Caccini in all their compositions of this sort and were combined by them in various manners.33 32 Pietro de’ Bardi Conte di Vernio, ‘Lettera a G.B. Doni sull’origine del melodrama [1634]’, trans. in Strunk, Source Readings, p. 364; ‘Egli [Vincenzio] dunque sopra un corpo di viole esattamente suonate, cantando un tenore di buona voce, e intelligibile, fece sentire il lamento del Conte Ugolino di Dante. Tal novità, siccome generò invidia in gran parte ne’ professori di musica, così piacque a coloro ch’erano veri amatori di essa. Il Galileo seguitando sì bella impresa compose parte delle Lamentazioni, e responsi della Settimana santa, cantate, nella stessa materia, in devota compagnia’: Solerti, Le Origini, pp. 143–47 (p. 145); see also Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, p. 113. 33 Trans. in Strunk, Source Readings, pp. 364–65; ‘Era allora nella camerata di mio padre Giulio Caccini, d’età molto giovane, ma tenuto raro cantore, e di buon gusto, il quale sentendosi inclinato a questa nuova musica, sotto la intera disciplina di mio padre, cominciò a cantare sopra un solo strumento varie ariette, sonetti e altre poesie, atte ad essere intese, con meraviglia di chi lo sentiva. Era ancora in Firenze allora Jacopo Peri, il quale, come primo scolaro di Cristofano Malvezzi, e nell’organo e stromenti di tasto e nel contrappunto sonava e componeva con molta sua lode, e tra i cantori di questa città era senza fallo tenuto a nessuno inferiore. Costui a competenza di Giulio scoperse l’impresa dello stile rappresentativo, e sfuggendo una certa rozzezza e troppa antichità, che si sentiva nelle

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In the entry for All Saints’ Day 1584 in the records of the Raphael company, reference is made to a musical practice of such a kind. Giulio Caccini is mentioned by name as the soloist, accompanying himself on the lyre: And messer Giulio Caccini, musician of His Most Serene Highness [Grand Duke Francesco de’ Medici] and our brother, rehearsed the three madrigals that were sung last year. They [were] all sung by our brothers. And the Miserere was sung to the accompaniment of a gran lira by him [Caccini] together with a little castrato of his [un suo putto castrato] whom [Caccini] maintains in his house by requisition of His Most Serene Highness, and whom he teaches. There having been set up in the middle of the hall a tomb in which [Caccini] entered without being seen, he sang and played there. And there was a response by the musical chorus, [all of ] which, in truth, made a beautiful sound. Thus [also] the Benedictus was sung.34

Hill makes the point that the Miserere sung from inside a tomb in the context of All Saints’ Day must be understood as representing the voices of souls in purgatory confessing and praying to be purged and, finally, saved (the Benedictus, Luke I. 69–79, where Zachariah praises the salvation he has seen as Jesus is presented in the Temple). In other words, for Hill the arrangement of the music and its texts in the context comes out as a representation in music of biblical salvation history, in complete agreement with the liturgical emphasis of the Day.35 musiche del Galileo, addolcì insieme con Giulio questo stile, e lo resero atto a muovere raramente gli affetti, come in progresso di tempo venne fatto all’uno e all’altro. [. . .] La prima poesia, che in istile rappresentativo fosse cantata in palco, fu la Favola di Dafne del signor Ottavio Rinuccini, messa in musica dal Peri con poco numero di suoni con brevità di scene, e in piccola stanza recitata, e privatamente cantata, e io restai stupido per la meraviglia. Fu cantata sopra un corpo di strumenti, il quale ordine fu di poi seguitato nell’altre commedie. Grand’obbligo ebbe il Caccini e il Peri al signor Ottavio; ma più al signor Jacopo Carsi, che infiammatosi, e non contento, se non dell’eccelente in questa arte, instruiva que’ compositori, con pensieri eccelenti e dottrine mirabili, come conveniva a cosa sì nobile. Sì fatti insegnamenti furono eseguiti dal Peri e dal Caccini in tutte le composizioni di questa sorta ed in varie guise furono da loro composte’: Solerti, Le Origini, pp. 145–46. 34 Quoted from Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, p. 114, where the Italian original is transcribed in Doc. 3, p. 133: ‘Et da m. Giulio Caccini musico di S.A.S. et nostro fratello fu concertato e tre madrigali che l’anno passato si cantorno tutti cantati da nostri fratelli et da lui fu cantato insieme con un suo putto castrato che a requisitione di S.A.S. tiene in casa, et l’insegnià il Miserere sonando una Gran lira havendo achomodato nel mezzo di compagnia una archa dove egli entratovi dentro senza che fussi visto quivi cantava, et sonava, et dal coro di musica era risposto, che in vero fece un bel sentire cosi canto il beneditus.’ 35 Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, p. 114.

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Hill further points to five entries in the confraternity records during the years 1584–86 of another brother from the confraternity, Rafaello Ghucci, singing solo to his own harpsichord accompaniment.36 He further refers to an entry on 31 December 1591 (the feast day of the Archangel Raphael) when among other things Rafaello Ghucci sang solo accompanied by instruments and when, at the high point (where the Grand Duchess visited the confraternity), a musical representation was given, including three lavishly dressed angels, one of which was Bernardo Carraresi, who by himself sang a newly composed madrigal in praise of our protector [Archangel Raphael], the personage which he represented. Before the song began, many very delicate cascades of [instrumental] notes preceded, after which the angel who held in his hand a silver vase, [sang] with such a delicate voice and manner, more angelic than human, that by the sweetness of it the souls of those attending were suspended.37

Hill also documented the Easter Monday visitatio ceremony of 1592 which was discussed in Chapter 4 in connection with the devotion of the quarant’ore and yet another musical madrigal with instrumental accompaniment for 31 December 1593. For the latter he has also identified a preserved musical composition which fits the description (also for the previously mentioned Feast of the Archangel Raphael).38 Taken individually, none of the here mentioned pieces of information conclusively proves anything about the performance of music or drama in the new recitative style. Taken together, however, the circumstantial evidence seems suggestive enough that it can hardly be dismissed that musical devotions were carried out in the 1580s and 90s which corresponded in some way to the theoretical and practical attempts of the circles of Bardi, Cavalieri, and Corsi. Hill comments on the lack of similar entries during the later part of the 1590s and up to 1607 as the possible result of a lack of interest from the scribe who wrote the ricordi basing his argument on a somewhat dismissive remark in an entry from 1597. From 1607, when Marco da Gagliano’s older brother Lionardo took over the office of sotto proveditore, a number of brief musical dramatizations 36

Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, pp. 133–34 (Documents 4–8), and see p. 114. See also the previous chapter where some of these entries are discussed (p. 151). 37 ‘[. . .] tre angeli molto sontuosamente vestiti l’uno de quali era Bernardo Carraresi quale solo cantò l’uno madrigale nuovo composto in lode del nostro prottetore la persona del quale rapresentava. Avanti cominciassi il canto precedette molte delicatissime tirate di suoni doppo i quali l’angelo che in mano teneva luno vaso d’argento con una voce e modo tanto delicato piutosto angelico che humano dalla suavita del quale li animi de circonstanti furono sospesi.’ Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, p. 134 (Document 10). See also p. 115. 38 Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, pp. 116–18. See above, p. 157.

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are again found in entries between 1612 and 1619.39 However, considering the genre of the ricordi with their seemingly fortuitous nature regarding exactly what is reported and what not, conclusions from lack of evidence are not easy to build on.40 It is, in this respect, highly interesting that the event in February 1585 is mentioned in a parallel entry so that we have the rare situation of two related but different reports on the same event in the preserved records.41 The other preserved entry for 2 February 1584/5,42 does not refer specifically to music, but gives some more details about the play. First, however, in this connection, an entry for 27 January states that [After Matins] when some of our youths had recited a staged act by Giovanni Maria Cecchi, written on the request of our Reverend Father Antonio, when Brother Lorenzo, his disciple, chanted mass, it occurred to them that they should recite it in the company. And having arranged a little stage in a simple way, they recited the said act after Matins, and many people came, and they stood quietly and with great satisfaction, since it was recited very well.43

The following entry for 2 February is separated from the previous by a few entries, but refers to the same play: Thereafter, some of our youths had prepared the representation and mystery play about the Virgin Mary coming to the temple together with Joseph to present Christ to Simeon, the work by Giovanni Maria Cecchi, which they all recited very well. Thereafter one went to kiss the child, and everyone was dismissed. There was a crowd of many people.44

Of the terms in these two entries, scenic act, representation, mystery play, recite (atto scenico, rappresentatione, misterio, recitare) only the word recitare, re39

Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, pp. 119–20 and 134–35. Cf. above, p. 123 concerning the genre of the ricordi. 41 Cf. again the discussion p. 123. 42 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 57v . 43 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 57v ; ‘Et finito hauendo alcuni de nostri giovanetti recitato uno Atto scenico di giovanni maria cechi fatto arequisitione del nostro Reverendo padre frate Antonio quando canto messa fra Lorenzo [space left open by scribe] suo dicepolo parue loro douerlo recitare in compagnia et hauendo achomodato un poco di scena semplicemente finito il Matutino si recito detto Atto, et ci concorre di molto populo et stettono quietamente, et con molta loro soddisfatione sendo recitato benissimo.’ 44 CRS 162, 22 (olim 21), fol. 57v ; ‘Dipoi sendo stato messo inhordine da Alcuni de nostri giovanetti la rapresentatione et Misterio quando la Vergine Maria insieme con Giuseppe uanno al Tempio à hoferire xhs. A Simeone, hopera di giovanni maria cechi quali recitorno tutti molto bene, dipoi sando abaciare il bambino, et ciaschuno fu licentiato. Sendoci concorso di molto populo.’ 40

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cite, gives direct associations to music and then in a much less specific way than the term ‘to represent in music’ used in the first mentioned entry for 2 February 1585, discussed above. Firstly, this makes it clear how dependent our interpretations are on the possibly not very systematic or careful use of terms in the records. In other words, many other brief indications of representations in the records could well have been ‘represented in music’ also where this is not explicitly stated, we just cannot know. Secondly, this — once again — underlines that the records cannot be used as ‘sources’ unless they contain specific references to events that took place, or descriptions of a sufficiently suggestive content to warrant an interpretation in a particular direction. They cannot generally furnish us with statistical information about what did and did not go on in the confraternity over the years. What seems possible to conclude in terms of the role of the company of the Archangel Raphael in the formation of the new music dramatic style which was developed in the Florentine academies, is that the confraternity — at least on certain occasions — was used as a place in which to experiment with, or use, the new styles. In addition, that the central Florentine figures of the academies and the new music dramatic style were all engaged in the confraternity and that they must have found its devotional context and certain confraternal ceremonies to be an appropriate place for such musical experiments. However, one question needs to be addressed. Both Rinuccini and Peri in the prefaces to their editions, and Pietro de’ Bardi in the letter just quoted, do seem to point to what has later been taken to be the ‘first’ operas as the ‘first’ works in the new style. They were all involved with the confraternity, and must have known what went on during the 1580s, also in the Raffaello confraternity. Rinuccini believed that ‘until now this noble manner of recitation has neither been revived nor (to my knowledge) even attempted by anyone’, and Peri, referring first to Cavalieri as the first to ‘enable us [. . .] to hear our kind of music upon the stage’, goes on to mention his own settings of Dafne and Euridice.45 To be sure, Pietro de’ Bardi, Caccini, and the preface to Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione all refer back to earlier experimentation with the style going back, as it seems, to the 1580s or 90s.46 Only Bardi’s account, however, can be read as a — not even unequivocal — reference to a performance in the Raffaello. Rinuccini and Peri are, in their prefaces, generally preoccupied with ‘the stage’ (‘sulle scene’),47 a concept which in the 1580s may not have been seen as covering religious confraternity plays. 45

See p. 229 for further discussion and quotations. For the preface to Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione, see p. 228. 47 Solerti, Le Origini, pp. 40 and 45.

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As Chapter 4 has showed, the Raffaello was not exactly a modest place where things happened in obscure, hidden ways. However, religious confraternity music dramas did not normally, as it seems, give rise to printed publication, whereas court music dramas were amply documented in print. Yet the confraternities featured similar dramatic activities. Although Caccini refers back to exactly the time when the records of the confraternity mention his activities there, the examples he quotes are not of religious songs. The silence of these sources on activities with which the authors were familiar, having taken part in at least some of them, has, of course, influenced the traditional historiography of opera history. Nothing in these traditional sources except the brief — and late — remark by Pietro de’ Bardi points to religious performance contexts for the new stile rappresentativo. Whether the reason is to be found in a wish among those involved to be seen as intellectuals working with questions taken up in the academies, rather than as ordinary people with mundane occupations, is indeed difficult to say. It may, in the end, be a matter of the perception of the genre of the documents in question. There is a major emphasis in all the mentioned prefaces on the novelty of the works in question, a novelty which partly may have been perceived as such, also through the courtly performance context. In any case, it is necessary to take the records of the Raffaello seriously, and together with the — admittedly very few — references to devotional or liturgical contexts in the documents concerning the stile rappresentativo, they need to be included in the general picture. As the records for the first half of the seventeenth century show, music dramatic performances still took place, at least occasionally. This has been clearly documented by Hill and Eisenbichler.48 However, it is not normally easy to see whether the entries in the records refer to works in the new stile rappresentativo. Of the eighteen entries from the first half of the seventeenth century (until 1655) quoted by Hill from the records of the Archangel Raphael company to demonstrate the performance of musical dialogues in the confraternity, six specify the use of instruments or employ a terminology which makes it likely that the performances would have been in the stile rappresentativo.49 Indeed, the music 48

Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’ and Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence III’, pp. 131– 32; Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 250–51, as well as the list of ‘Musical and Theatrical Performances at the Arcangelo Raffaello’, appendix 4, pp. 330–34. See also the reference to Burchi in n. 50, p. 221. 49 See documents 13–30 in Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, pp. 134–36. In doc. 17 (1615) and 18 (1616) song is clearly accompanied by instruments; in doc. 21 (1622) the description ‘si canto uno Dialoghetto in Musica’ is suggestive of the above-mentioned terminology ‘rappresentatione in musica’, in doc. 24 (1626) both the mentioning of instruments and the terminology point in the same direction: ‘[. . .] con buonissima musica

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dramas or dialogues which employed music may all have used the new musical devices developed by the academicians, but there may also have been a broader variety of musical usages involved. In the present context, the broad nature of music dramatic experimentation is particularly relevant. As already emphasized, there was no ‘opera’ in the sense of a well-defined music dramatic genre in the early part of the seventeenth century. What is important is to notice how music dramatic performances in the confraternity employ contemporary modern techniques and form part of a general pool of music dramatic practice which involved devotional performance contexts at least as early as the ‘secular’ courtly performances given so much priority in traditional accounts of the history of the opera. Before discussing traits of some well-known early music dramas, traditionally understood as the beginning of opera history, we shall point to the performance of a sacra rappresentazione in the Raphael confraternity, extensively described in its records for 1629. Il Trionfo di Davit (‘The Triumph of David’) was written, as stated in the entry, by the well-known Jacopo Cicognini (1577–1633), a brother who had written several dramas for the confraternity. Music for the spectacle was written by Agnolo Conti (d. 1641), maestro di cappella of the confraternity 1625–41 (succeeding Giovanni Battista da Gagliano).50 The records for martedi di carnouale, 27 February 1628/9, read: Since our company for some time had not represented spiritual dramas [opere spirituale] and since there seemed to be subjects worthy of being employed [for this purpose] because of the virtuousness and goodness which can be seen in them, it

terminando con una Rappresentazione di Pastori cantata dentro con ritornello fatto con instrumenti pastorali.’ Doc. 26 (1639) directly uses the term ‘in stile recitativo’ which at the time would have been equivalent with ‘in stile rappresentativo’ and also specifies the use of instruments. Doc. 28 (1644) states that ‘un’ Dialogo in Musica cantata da Tre fanciulli nostri fratelli’ was performed, and finally in doc. 30 (1655) the assembly on All Saints’ Day ends with a ‘Motetto a forma del Dialogo in Musica rappresentante il Giudizio Universale’. This is not to say that the other entries do not report events in this new style; it is just not made clear what kind of musical representation went on. 50 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 325–26, 331, and 398 (n. 23). See the passage in CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fols 162r –164v . Il Trionfo di Dauit is mentioned in Robert Lamar Weaver and Norma Wright Weaver, A Chronology of Music in the Florentine Theater, 1590–1750: Operas, Prologues, Finales, Intermezzos and Plays With Incidental Music, Detroit Studies in Music Bibliography, 38 (Detroit: Information Coordinators, 1978), p. 118 (listing the music as unknown). In Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 268 and 411 (n. 33) the information is correctly given referring to the description in the ricordi and referring to the publication of this description in Guido Burchi, ‘Vita musicale e spettacoli alla Compagnia della Scala di Firenze fra il 1560 e il 1675’, Note d’Archivio per la Storia Musicale, n.s. 1 (1983), 9–50 (pp. 26–30). Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 411 (n. 33) and Hill, ‘Oratory Music in Florence I’, 121 and 128 (notes 56 and 78) refer to the sacre rappresentazioni by Cicognini printed in 1633.

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was deemed a good thing to commission Dr Jacopo Cicognini, one of our brothers, that he should write, as he did, the Triomph of David reducing the story of the victory over Goliath and over the philistians to five acts interleaved with appropriate music to end the acts and serve as intermedi born out of this same action.51

There are several interesting details in this description. It is clear that the play was largely spoken with musical intermedi, but also that these intermedi were not completely detached from the action like the traditional intermedi in comedies, but that they were designed to be closely related to, and even ‘born’ out of, the action. The notion opera spiritualis must in the context be read as a general indication for a spiritual work or a spiritual drama. Even so, the term seems suggestive of a possible gradual change in the use of the word opera, work, to denote a music drama (cf. the use of the word in Guidotti’s preface to Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione; see p. 212). The description of the Il Trionfo di Davit and the performance gives many details including the names of all performers, actors, musicians, dancers as in a modern programme. In between describing the action and the staging (the stage sets were made by the painters Baccio del Bianco and Lorenzo Lippi) also more specific details concerning the music are revealed: King Saul who appears haunted by a ghost in the scene where he is re-consoled by an accomplished choir of musicians [singing] in old-fashioned meters and marvellous arias.52

In a scene where David triumphantly brings back the head of Goliath in one hand and a scimitar, a curved oriental sabre, in the other, another musical description is found: He is accompanied by a good number of soldiers who sing in verses exactly that which is told in the scripture, alternating with the harmonious [song] of the maids of Jerusalem whom they have encountered, with cembalos, triangles and other instruments of old usage, and after the songs of praise to God the same maids 51

Essendo la nostra compagnia stata qualche tempo senza rappresentare opere spirituale, et parendo ui fussero suggetti degni diessere impiegati per le qualita de uertu, et bontà che si scorgeuono in loro si guidico ben’ fatto il dare carica al Dottore Jacopo Cicognini uno de nostri fratelli, che componesse si come egli fece il Trionfo de Dauit riducendo l’Historia della vittoria contro Golia, et contro i filistri in atti cinque tramezzati da musiche apparenti, che terminauono gl’atti, et servivono per intermedi che nascevono dalla medesima azzione. CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 162r . 52 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 162r ; ‘Il re Saul, il quale apparve tormentato dallo spirito in scena, ove fu racconsolato da uno perfetto coro di Musici con metri disusati, et arie meravigliose.’

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carry out a noble dance which forms the end of the third act featuring a multitude of instruments accompanied by hymns of praise to God.53

The listing of participants proudly mentions a choir consisting of the principal musicians of the city.54 Also it is emphasized that the GranDuca Ferdinand II and the Grand Duchess Maria Maria Maddalena of Tuscany were present at the event with their suit who were ‘fully satisfied’ (con intera satisfattione). Afterwards, the Grand Duke spoke a few words stating that ‘This has been a representation which, because of its perfection, beauty, and the pomp with which it was recited, could have been performed before an emperor’.55 The performance is no ‘opera’ or musical dialogue, obviously, but the intermedi with their mixture of different types of choral singing (at least in different meters), hymns and dances together with instruments would seem to reflect a musical display of a similarly differentiated nature as that found in one of the early music dramas, the already mentioned Rappresenatione di anima, et di corpo by Emilio de’ Cavalieri performed in February 1600. In the previously cited preface, written by Alessandro Guidotti, it is emphasized that: To pass from one affect to the opposite — as from sadness to joy, anger to mildness, and the like — is very moving. When a soloist has sung for a while, it is good to have the chorus sing and to vary frequently the tonalities, and now have a soprano sing, now a bass, now a contralto, and now a tenor. The arias and music should not be alike but should be varied with many proportions — now in three, six, and two — and adorned with echoes and as much as possible with other inventions, especially with dances which truly enliven these plays, as in fact has been judged by all the spectators.56 53 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 162v ; ‘Era accompagnato da buon numero di soldati che cantavono in versi cio che referisce puntualmente la scrittura et alternavono l’armonia le donzelle di Ierusalem che l’havevono incontrato con Cembali, Triangoli, et altri Instrumenti all’usanza antica, et dopo le lodi date a Dio le medesime Donzelle spiccorono uno nobilissimo ballo, che fu alla fine del 3o atto fra moltitudine d’instrumenti accompagnato da hinni di laude date a Dio.’ 54 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 164r ; ‘Coro di Musici che cantavono Principali Musici della Città’. 55 CRS 162, 23 (olim 22), fol. 163r ; ‘Questa e’ stata una Rappresentatione, che potessa per la sua perfettione, et belezza, et per la pompa con che e’ stata recitata rappresentarsi innanzi ad un’ Imperatore.’ 56 Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, ‘A’Lettori’, p. 6, trans. by Bradshaw in Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, p. 7; ‘Il passer da uno affetto all’altro contrario, come dal mesto all’allegro, dal feroce al mite, e simili, commuove grandemente. Quando si è cantato un poco à solo, è bene far cantar’ i Chori, e variare spesso i tuoni; e che canti hora Soprano, hora Basso, hora Contralto, hora Tenore: e che l’Arie, e le Musiche non siino simili, ma variate con molte proportioni, cioè Triple, Sestuple, e di Binario, e adornate di Echi, e d’inventioni più che

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We shall now turn our attention to this and other early music dramas which have been received as important to the traditional history of the beginnings of the opera.

A Devotional Background for Opera? As pointed out earlier, Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione has by some modern scholars been considered to be at least a candidate for the position of ‘the first opera’ but it has also been excluded by other scholars from the genre definition of ‘opera’. Such statements are, as argued above, meaningless as historical claims for the period around 1600, as also maintained by Silke Leopold (see p. 205). Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione was performed in the Chiesa Nuova, the seat of the Congregazione dell’ Oratorio the (mainly) priestly confraternity in Rome which played a major role for the sixteenth-century lauda, as discussed previously.57 As recently emphasized, Cavalieri’s work must be interpreted in its institutional performance context which was radically different from the Medici court which formed the institutional performance context for both Peri’s and Caccini’s L’Euridice.58 The author of the libretto for Cavalieri’s work is not mentioned anywhere in the printed edition of 1600, but it has generally been assumed — and recently documented by Warren Kirkendale — that the author was Padre Agostino Manni of the congregazione dell’ oratorio whose lauda ‘Anima mia che pensi’, which was printed in several of the lauda collections of the Oratorians, including the Terzo libro of 1577 and the Terzo libro of 1588,59 is set as a dialogue between the Soul and the Body — with the Body singing in recitative style and the Soul in a lauda style, although not employing the setting from the lauda collections of the Oratorians.60 si può, come in particolare di Balli, che avvivano al possibile queste Rappresentationi, si come in effetto è stato giudicato da tutti gli spettatori.’ 57 See Kirkendale, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, pp. 236–41. 58 See Arnaldo Morelli, ‘The Chiesa Nuova in Rome around 1600: Music for the Church, Music for the Oratory’, Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music, 9 (2003) http: //www.sscm-jscm.org/v9/no1/morelli.html
[accessed 1 December 2007]. In general, see Kirkendale, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, pp. 233–94. 59 See Kirkendale, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, p. 246; and above, p. 106. 60 Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, Scena Quarta, pp. 33–37. See also Guglielmo Guglielmi, La vita e le opere del padre Agostino Manni (Bologna: University Press, 1997), who beside printing the libretto and several poetic texts by Manni includes the above-mentioned lauda and gives a comparison of the settings from the lauda collections of the Oratorians and Cavalieri’s work (pp. 113 and 115–21).

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Silke Leopold is of the opinion that in spite of the remarks in the preface about costumes and setting, the Rappresentatione most likely was not given a staged performance in 1600.61 In any case, the preface unequivocally makes it clear that it was meant to be staged.62 The Rappresentatione dramatizes the conflict between spiritual and material or ‘worldly’ pleasures. This is already made clear in the proemio where two young men, Avveduto and Prudentio (in the modern edition translated as Caution and Prudence) in a spoken dialogue discuss the conflict, arriving at basically the same conclusion: Ca. How great would be the happiness of all, if they would rise from their senses to their intellects, would see that not riches, nor Pleasure, nor honor content the heart in this life, but only the good that is found with God, who would discover that Time flees in the twinkling of an eye, and with true Counsel would understand that this brief light of life disappears in a moment, that the Body with its senses hourly drives the Soul to a love of what is dirty, that Paradise shines over their head, that the Inferno burns under their feet, that the raving World deceives us and the enticing Life destroys us, and that, in effect, anyone who struggles valiantly on earth against the insults of these hateful temptations gains eternal and glorious crowns in heaven. Pr. [. . .] this Life, this World, these earthly grandeurs are truly dust, smoke, and shadow. Finally, that there is nothing firm or great except virtue, the grace of God, and the eternal Kingdom of Heaven.63

In the preface, under the subheading ‘Directions for Those Who Wish to Perform the Present Play with Singing’,64 it is recommended to begin the play 61

For a different opinion, see Kirkendale, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, p. 285; and the discussion in Smither, A History, i, pp. 79–91 (esp. pp. 86–87). 62 Similarly, Donington, The Rise, p. 126. 63 Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, ‘Proemio’, trans. in Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, pp. 17–21 (pp. 20–21); ‘Av. O qual felicità saria di tutti, se da i sensi s’alzassero dove è l’Intelletto! E quì vedessero che non ricchezze, non Piacere, non honore contenta il core in questa vita, ma solo il bene, ch’appresso à Dio si trova: e scoprissero, ch’il Tempo fugge à un batter d’occhi: e co’l vero Consiglio apprendessero, che questa poca luce di vita in un momento tramonta: ch’il Corpo co’ i sensi suoi sollecita ad ogn’ hora l’Anima all’amor del fango. Che il Paradiso ne luce sopra il capo. Che l’Inferno ne arde sotto i piedi. Che il Mondo vaneggiando ne inganna, e la Vita lusingando n’occide. Et che in effetto qualunque contra gl’insulti dell’inimichi tentationi virilmente in terra combatte, eterne, e gloriose corone acquista nel Cielo. Pr. [. . .] questa Vita, questo Mondo, queste terrene Grandezze sono veramente polvere, fumo, e ombra: e finalmente poi che non ci è altro di fermo, ne di grande, che la virtù, la gratia di Dio, e’l Regno eterno del Cielo.’ 64 Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, Preface; source and trans. in Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, pp. 8 and 9; ‘Avvertimenti per la presente Rappresentatione, à chi volesse farla recitar cantando’.

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(before the proemio) by performing ‘an ensemble piece with doubled voices and many instruments’ (‘sarà ben’e far’una musica piena con voci doppie, e quantità assai di stromenti’).65 The madrigal nr. 86, ‘O signor santo e vero’ (Oh, holy and true Lord’), near the end of the work is suggested as a good/possible solution for this.66 The three acts which follow the proemio and which are sung throughout, take up the theme of the emptiness and fickleness of the pleasures of the immanent world through allegorical figures. Act one starts with a recitative sung by the figure of Time followed by a chorus relating how the earthly life passes quickly. Varying forms — accompanied solo song, choruses, dialogues, and instrumental music — are juxtaposed and the act ends with a chorus praising heaven, ‘Il Ciel clemente ogn’hor gratia, e favor | Qua giù versa, e compare’, ‘Kindly heaven pours forth/ All grace and favour to us below’, followed by an instrumental ‘sinfonia’.67 The second act contains a similarly broad spectrum of musical and textual forms beginning and ending with a chorus, in between which the theme of earthly life is dealt with in the various musical and textual elements. The third act focuses on the ascent to heaven, again through a similar variety of musical and textual representations, still based on the same fundamental theme but now seen mainly from the point of view of a decision to leave the earthly life behind and focus on the heavenly, spiritual joy. In scene nine of the third act the abovementioned madrigal ‘O Signor santo, e vero’ has its place leading further to joyful songs of praise, mainly for all singers, including a recitative for the figure of Anima whereas the Corpo no longer is heard. The final chorus in scene nine summarizes the main morale of the whole piece in two stanzas: Tenga ogn’un, tenga nel core, Ch’al fuggir son preste l’hore: 65

Ibid. The modern edition has inserted the ‘O Signor santo, e vero’ also at the beginning. In the original print from 1600 this was left open, Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, pp. 13–16 (and see pp. 134–37 where the madrigal has its original place, and 190–91 for the libretto text with English translation). See further the facsimile edition of the original print, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo: Riproduzione dell’ unica edizione romana del 1600 a cura di Franceso Mantica, preceduta da un saggio di Domenio Alaleona (Rome: Casa Editrice Claudio Monteverdi, 1912), or Emilio de’ Cavalieri, Rappresentatione di anima, et di corpo: Nuouamente posta in musica dal Sig. Emilio del Caualliere, per recitar cantando. Data in luce da Alessandro Guidotti, bolognese, ed. by Alessandro Guidotti, facsimile of the 1600 edn (Farnborough: Gregg Press, 1967), ‘A’ lettori’, under the heading ‘Auuertimenti per la presente Rappresentatione, à chi volesse farla reciar cantando’, [no pagination]. Here, the madrigal is found only at pp. xxxvi–xxxviii. 67 Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, pp. 38–49 and 173–74 (libretto). 66

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Et è forza, ch’ogn’un lassi Tutto il ben, ch’in terra stassi. Ne c’inganni il mondo rio, Ch’ogni ben nasce da Dio: E à l’opre sante, e bone Risponono nel Ciel scettri, e corone. Let everyone take to their heart that time flies quickly by, and each must leave all the good that is on earth; The wicked world deceives us in this, For all good comes from God. And for deeds, holy and good, Scepters and crowns await us in Heaven’.68

The second of these stanzas is only to be sung, however, if the work is to be performed without the final dance. If the dance is performed, the second stanza is skipped and one proceeds directly to the ‘festival’ (la ‘festa’).69 This is a choral five part piece in six stanzas to be sung by all. Like all choral pieces in the Rappresentatione, the setting is almost consistently homophonic: these elements appear as laude, both textually and in musical style. The text is a song of praise with a special focus on musical praising: Chiostri altissimi, e stellati, Dove albergano i Beati, Luna Sol, Stelle lucenti Fate in Ciel dolci concenti; Tutto il mondo pieno sia D’allegrezza, e d’armonìa. [. . .] D’arpe, lire, organi, e trombe, L’aria, e terra, e mar rimbombe, L’aure vaghe, il suon giocondo Portin via per tutt’il Mondo, E toccando il suono il core, Senta giubili d’amore. [. . .] Voi celeste Gierarchie Fate nove melodie: Ecco un’altra nova stella Tutta chiara, tutta bella Verso il Ciel vola splendente, Perche luca eternamente. 68

Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, pp. 142–46, and pp. 191–92 (libretto). See the rubric, Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, p. 145. The ‘festa’ is found on pp. 147–65, and 192–93 (libretto). 69

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Highest and most starry cloisters, where dwell the blessed souls, Moon, Sun, and shining Stars, make sweet concert in Heaven. Let all the world be filled With happiness and harmony. [. . .] Air, earth, and sea resound with harps, lutes, organs, and trumpets, and soft breezes carry the gentle sound through the whole world, And, touched by the sound, the heart feels the joys of love. [. . .] You heavenly hierarchies make new melodies. Behold, another new star all bright and beautiful flying splendidly toward Heaven, for it shines eternally.70

As in a number of other contexts encountered in the previous chapters, Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione displays a theology, which is austere and ascetic, marked by contemptus mundi, in a way which is explicitly meant to please a congregation (or an audience; see p. 223). Like the use of music in the Jesuit teaching of the Christian doctrine, the use of music and theatre in the youth confraternities, and also in the worldly, yet pious dramatic practice of Lorenzo de’ Medici as we have seen in Chapter 1, does not seem to have been perceived as an inconsistent attitude. On the contrary, the point is everywhere that the pleasing effects of the music or the plays increase the devotion (see pp. 32 and 154). Already the dedication to Cardinal Aldobrandino in the preface to the Rappresentatione, referring back to earlier secular pastoral dramas in the new musical style by Cavalieri, makes a very clear statement to this effect. Guidotti distinguishes between the pastoral dramas, which please the audience, and the Rappresentatione, which pleases the audience and moves it to devotion: I shall not include among these the Rappresentatione di Anima, et di Corpo, performed this past February in Rome at the Oratory of the Valicella with a great crowd and much applause — clear proof of how this style could move one also to devotion, because I have chosen it to be the first of all of them to be published so that both lay and religious people might enjoy it.71

The style pointed to in this quotation is the style developed in the Florentine academies, and about which the preface has had the following to say at its outset: [. . .] has made me venture to publish some of his unique and new musical compositions. These were written to resemble that style which they say the ancient 70

Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, p. 192. Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, Preface (Dedication to Cardinal Aldobrandino), orig. and trans. in Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, pp. 4 and 5; ‘Non porrò frà quelle la Rappresentatione di Anima, e di Corpo fatta il passato Febbraro in Roma nell’Oratorio della Vallicella, con tanto concorso, applauso, e manifesta pruova, quanto questo stile sia atto à muover’anco à devotione: perche di questa hò fatta elettione, che sia la prima di tutte in istampa, acciò che il Secolare, e il Religioso ne possan godere.’ 71

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Greeks and Romans used on their stages and in their theatres to move their audiences to different affections.72

Cavalieri as a composer and nobleman did not belong only to the Roman context of the Oratorians. In 1588, he had become director of public spectacles in Florence and was responsible for the organization of the intermedi for the comedy La Pellegrina performed in connection with the wedding festivities for the Grand Duke Ferdinand and Christine of Lorraine in 1589, which — in most opera historiographies — are viewed as important precursors of the opera.73 Among other composers, most of whom were connected to the early history of the opera, including Peri, Bardi, and Caccini, he also wrote some of the music for the intermedi (part of no. six). The bulk of the intermedi, however, was composed by the madrigal composer Luca Marenzio and the organist Cristofano Malvezzi.74 Rinuccini, Peri, and Cavalieri, all link the new style of the music dramatic representations to the idea of ancient Greek and Roman musical representation in dramas. In Ottavio Rinuccini’s Dedication to Maria Medici, Queen of France, to the printed libretto for L’Euridice (1600), he states at the outset: It has been the opinion of many, most Christian Queen, that the ancient Greeks and Romans, in representing their tragedies upon the stage, sang them throughout. But until now this noble manner of recitation has been neither revived nor (to my knowledge) even attempted by anyone.75

Rinuccini continues to state that this has now been attempted with great success by Peri in the settings of La Dafne and L’Euridice. Linking his music to that of Cavalieri, Jacopo Peri in a passage in his Preface for the printed score of L’Euridice similarly comments on the relationship between ancient Greek and Roman music dramas and his own composition: Although Signor Emilio Cavaliere, before any other, so far as I know, enabled us with marvelous invention to hear our music on the stage, nonetheless it pleased the Signori Jacopo Corsi and Ottavio Rinuccini (as early as 1594) that I, employing 72

Ibid.; ‘Mi hà dato ardire di mettere alla stampa alcune singolari, e nuove sue compositioni di Musica, fatte à somiglianza di quello stile, co’l quale si dice, che gli antichi Greci, e Romani nelle scene, e teatri loro soleano à diversi affetti muovere gli spettatori.’ 73 See pp. 205–207; see also Donington, The Rise, pp. 62–67. 74 See Daniel Pickering Walker, Musique des intermèdes de ‘La Pellegrina’ (Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1963). 75 Rinuccini, Prefazione a L’Euridice, p. 40, trans. in Strunk, Source Readings, pp. 367– 68; ‘È stata opinione di molti, Cristianissima Regina, che gli antichi Greci e Romani cantassero sulle scene le tragedie intere; ma sì nobil maniera di recitare nonchè rinnovata, ma nè pur, che io sappia, fin qui era stata tentata da alcuno.’ See also p. 211.

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it in another guise, should set to music the tale of Daphne, written by Signor Ottavio, to make a simple trial of what the song of our age could do. Whence, seeing that it was a question of dramatic poetry and that, therefore, one should imitate in song a person speaking (and without a doubt, no one ever spoke singing), I judged that the ancient Greeks and Romans (who, according to the opinion of many, sang their tragedies throughout on the stage) used a harmony which, going beyond that of ordinary speech, fell so short of the melody of song that it assumed an intermediate form.76

Peri then goes on to explain how he constructed his own recitative style on the basis of this idea. Silke Leopold has cautioned that Peri — and more generally those involved in the early ‘opera’ — may not have believed the myths about the Greek tragedies and that their intentions were not to reconstruct these ancient dramas.77 The more so, it is appropriate to wonder, why the speculative idea of entirely sung ancient drama seems to have been so inspiring to this circle. The Florentine academies may be perceived as having moved in the direction of a more rhetorical understanding of music through their interest in the representation of the affects of the words in contrast to the Pythagorean music theory as it was received and continued, notably by Boethius, in the Christian Middle Ages as a part of the quadrivial — mathematical — branch of the artes liberales. According to Claude Palisca, the ‘mounting resistance among humanists to the elaborate polyphony that dominated the repertory of the principal chapels in the first decades of the sixteenth century’ should be seen in the light of the emphasis in Reform Catholicism (and the Council of Trent) that it should be possible to understand the words in musical settings.78 More recently, Palisca has restated this position in the following way: 76 Peri, ‘A’ Lettori’ (pp. 45–46), trans. in Peri, ‘Preface to The Music for Euridice (1601)’, Strunk, Source Readings (2nd rev. edn), pp. 659–62 (pp. 659–60); ‘Benchè dal signor Emilio del Cavaliere, prima che da ogni altro ch’io sappia, con maravigliosa invenzione ci fusse fatta udire la nostra musica sulle scene; piacque nondimeno a’ signori Jacopo Corsi ed Ottavio Rinuccini (fin l’anno 1594), che io, adoperandola in altra guisa, mettesi sotto le note la favola di Dafne, dal signor Ottavio composta, per fare una semplice pruova di quello che potesse il canto dell’età nostra. Onde, veduto che si trattava di poesia dramatica e che però si doveva imitar’ col canto chi parla (e senza dubbio non si parlò mai cantando), stimai che gli antichi Greci e Romani (i quali, secondo l’opinione de molti, cantavano su le scene le tragedie intere) usassero un’armonia, che avanzando quella del parlare ordinario, scendesse tanto dalla melodia del cantare che pigliasse forma di cosa mezzana.’ 77 Leopold, Die Oper, pp. 49–59. 78 Claude V. Palisca, Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), pp. 15–17 (p. 17).

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The critics of polyphony as well as some of the leaders in the Council of Trent had in common a humanist education and an admiration of classical culture. They judged modern music from the perspective of ancient philosophy and aesthetics, not as professional musicians or gifted amateurs, and they considered decadent the very music that Glarean and Zarlino signalled as marking a golden age. The humanists were imbued with faith in the power of the word. If the words could not be heard and understood, the message was lost. But they were not afraid of emotion, as was the medieval church. While words carried the thought, music could move people to feel its force.79

The importance of the words for the appreciation of a musical setting is specifically mentioned in the preface to Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione when it is recommended that it should not be performed in too large a theatre or hall: In performances in very large halls it is impossible for everyone to hear the words, and hence the singer would have to force his voice, the affect would be lessened, and all the music, with the words not being heard, would become boring.80

A rhetorical understanding of the power of music is manifest in the prologue to Claudio Monteverdi’s and Alessandro Striggio’s Orfeo (Mantua, 1607) sung by the figure of Musica stating among other things: Io la Musica son ch’ai dolci accenti So far tranquillo ogni turbato core Et hor di nobil’ira & hor d’Amore pos s’inhammar le più gelate menti Music am I, who with sweet accents can charm and comfort the most despairing spirit: now with noble anger’s fire, and now with rage of desire the coldest heart inflaming.81

In his celebrated letter to Vincenzo Galilei (written in 1572), Girolamo Mei wrote, on the basis of his studies of ancient Greek music philosophy: I told Mr. Pirro by word of mouth, as he gave you to understand, that I considered it certain that the singing of the ancients was in every song a single air, such as we hear today in church in the recitation of the psalmody of the Divine Office, 79

Claude V. Palisca, Music and Ideas in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006), p. 105. 80 Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, Preface, orig. and trans. in Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, pp. 6 and 7; ‘Che rappresentandosi in Sale molto grandi, non è possibile far sentire à tutti la parola, onde sarebbe necessitato il Cantante à forzar la voce, per la qual causa l’affetto sceina; e la tanta Musica, mancando all’udito la parola, viene noiosa.’ 81 Claudio Monteverdi, L’Orfeo: Favola in musica: Faksimile des Erstdrucks Venedig 1609, ed. by Elisabeth Schmierer (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1998), p. 2; trans. by Anne Ridler in The Operas of Monteverdi, ed. by Nicholas John (London: Calder Publications, 1992), p. 35.

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and especially when it is celebrated solemnly; although among the ancients the chorus of those who sang was of many voices, as occurred in the tragedies, where by law the established number was fifteen, or in the ancient comedies, where it was likewise limited, but to twenty-four. [. . .] What chiefly persuaded me that the entire chorus sang one and the same air was observing that the music of the ancients was held to be a valuable medium for moving the affections, as witnessed by the many incidents related by the writers, and from noticing that our music instead is apt for anything else, to put it colloquially.82

It is suggestive — not least because of the devotional context of which we know that the protagonists of the Florentine academies were also part — that the monophonic chant of the Divine Office was seen as a relevant background for Mei’s conception of how the ancient dramas would have been sung. Mei’s certainty about the monophony of the songs of the ancient Greek drama was — as it becomes clear further on in his letter — based on his understanding of musical affects as tied to the range of the melodies; thus, for him the affects would become muddled if several voices were to sing at the same time. This, indeed, is the criticism he voices against polyphony, as we saw. In the end, the results of the discussions and experiments in the Florentine academies were, of course, very different from the monophonic chant of the church, not least because of the instrumental accompaniment which became such an important device. We are not suggesting that chant was ever seen as a solution to the questions posed in the Florentine academies. The point is rather that the chant evidently formed part of a general background which must have 82

Girolamo Mei, ‘Letter to Vincenzo Galilei’, trans. by Claude V. Palisca in Claude V. Palisca, The Florentine Camerata: Documentary Studies and Translations (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), pp. 56–77 (p. 57; see also the introduction, pp. 45–55); ‘Disse adunque à M. Pirro à bocca, si come egli vi fece intendere che tenevo per cosa certa che ’l cantar de gli antichi fusse in ogni canzone una sola aria; come noi sentiamo oggi in chiesa il salmeggiare nel dirsi l’offizio divino, et spezialmente quando si celebra solenne; ancor che il coro di quelli che cantavano fusse appresso gli antichi di assai voci, come era ne le tragedie; dove per legge doveva determinatamente esser di quindici, ò come ne le comedie antiche dove egli medesimamente era stato ristretto al numero di ventiquattro. [. . .] Hammi mosso et fatto venire in questa credenza che tutto il coro cantasse una aria medesima massimamente l’osservare che la musica de gli antichi era tenuta valoroso mezzo à commovere gli affetti, come si riscontra per molti accidenti raccontatici da gli scrittori; et il vedere che quella de’ musici nostri è come volgarmente si dice pju tosto atta ad ogni altra cosa’: Girolamo Mei, ‘Letter no. 1: 8 May 1572’, in Claude V. Palisca, Girolamo Mei, Letters on Ancient and Modern Music to Vincenzo Galilei and Giovanni Bardi: A Study with Annotated Texts, 2nd edn (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: Häussler, 1977), pp. 89–122 (pp. 89–91). The letter (including the quoted passages) is partly reprinted in Strunk, Source Readings (2nd rev. edn), pp. 485–95.

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made it easier to imagine the ancient dramas sung in monophony and which should be taken seriously as such. This seems to be how Mei uses chant: as an example to help explain how he imagines the song of the ancients. In the Confraternity of the Archangel Raphael, Latin offices as well as Italian laude and religious dramas and biblical dialogues were part of the tradition. The staging of biblical narratives — sung throughout in Latin — was widely practised in central Europe during the entire Middle Ages (and later), for instance in the form of visitatio sepulchri ceremonies which seem to have formed the background for some of the musical representations (in Italian) in the Archangel Raphael confraternity in the late sixteenth century as discussed above (see p. 217). It is impossible to know what knowledge of medieval representations was preserved in the circles around Bardi, Cavalieri, and Corsi; what we do know, however, is that such practices were still found in certain places in northern and central Italy, in some few places as late as well into the eighteenth century.83 The point of these remarks is not to claim any direct dependency of the stile rappresentativo on liturgical chant but rather that chant, and — possibly — the staging in music of biblical narratives, formed part of a general musical and devotional background which also had significance for the musical experiments toward the end of the sixteenth century. The new recitative style was never claimed to be identical with the style in which the ancient Greeks and Romans had sung; the connection in this case was rather that a general idea of what the ancient song might have been set a process in motion which eventually led to a new style, independent of the assumed model from antiquity. In much the same way, we should take seriously the context of Latin and Italian devotional monophony in connection with the Divine Office and the Mass or with narrative biblical representation, as a background against which the appropriation of a speculative idea of monophony as a viable model for representing affects and dramatic narrative would be acceptable and even attractive to composers and others in the circles behind the new recitative style. The next question concerns what it means to take that background seriously. What has been established so far in this chapter is that the new style and new music dramatic experiments seem to have thrived in devotional as well as courtly contexts and that composers and musicians apparently unfolded the new ideas in practice in the confraternal devotional context from very early on. Hence, it appears to be relevant to ask whether it may be possible to see hitherto neglected spiritual aspects of the new secular music dramatic works — i.e. those written for a courtly context — in the light of this devotional context; in other words, 83

See Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Il Doge and the Liturgical Drama in Late Medieval Venice’, The Early Drama and Music Review, 18 (1995), 8–24.

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whether the new insights in the religious background can be brought to bear on interpretations of these so-called operas. It is, of course, no surprise that the Italian religious context around 1600 was Roman Catholic. Christianity’s significance, also for early operas, has been called attention to in individual cases. Silke Leopold reads the change of the ending of the Orpheus narrative between Striggio’s printed libretto for Monteverdi’s L’Orfeo (1607) and the musical setting preserved in the printed score of 1609 as a consciously Christian gesture.84 Striggio’s libretto gave the traditional tragic ending known from Vergil and Ovid and Poliziano’s La favola d’Orfeo. However, in Monteverdi’s setting, as preserved in the printed score (which does not mention the name of the librettist), Apollo, the father of Orpheus, joins him at the low point after he has lost Eurydice for the second time, convincing him to ascend to heaven instead of being a ‘slave’ of his ‘own passions’ (‘servir al proprio affetto’).85 Orpheus accepts the help of Apollo and as they ascend together they sing: Saliam cantand’al Cielo Dove ha virtù verace Degno premio di se diletto e pace We rise rejoicing, to Heaven above. True virtue there abounding gains eternal reward, delight unending.86

An instrumental ritornello leads into the final chorus which, as emphasized by Leopold, ends in a paraphrase of Psalm 126. 5: Cosi và chi non s’arretra Al chiamar di Nume eterno Cosi grazia in ciel impetra Chi qua giù provò l’inferno; E chi semina fra doglie D’ogni gratia il frutto coglie. Thus he goes without delaying | Great Apollo’s call obeying. | In the skies he’ll live contended | Who was here by Hell tormented. | Though today he sowed in sorrow | He shall reap in joy tomorrow.87

Robert Donington contextualizes the same scene — and more generally the early operas and the Orpheus theme — in a neo-Platonic light which, of course, does not contradict Leopold’s reading. Doubtlessly, neo-Platonism, which was importantly re-established in Florence by the scholar, artist, and philosopher 84

Leopold, Die Oper, p. 76. Monteverdi, L’Orfeo, p. 93. 86 Monteverdi, L’Orfeo, pp. 95–96; trans. by Anne Ridler in The Operas of Monteverdi, p. 56. 87 Monteverdi, L’Orfeo, p. 99; trans. by Anne Ridler in The Operas of Monteverdi, p. 56. 85

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Marsilio Ficino (1433–99) and his Orphic academy, was highly influential. It certainly was for Ficino’s contemporary, the poet Angelo Poliziano (1454–94) and, as convincingly demonstrated by Donington, also in the longer perspective concerning the literary themes of the new music drama. However, in Donington’s interpretation, the basic Christian tenor of the Florentine neo-Platonic thought and practice has been modified into a modern secular psychological understanding. This is very much in agreement with his teleological historiography of opera (as already discussed; see p. 207) and the re-contextualization of early opera into a modern secular worldview which is the consequence of such a historiography: In the broadly neo-Platonic imagery which Christendom adopted, the centre at which all our inner striving aims is God in his uppermost heaven above the sun and the stars. We might put it, a little differently, that our potential wholeness (rather than our insistent wilfulness) is our real centre: the latent self rather than the deceptive ego. [. . .] There is no sermon here in other-worldly austerity. The mortal beloved is really loved, and the lost partner is really grieved for. But in that grief there still remains a choice (assuming that it is not just evaded by distractions and self-deceptions) between the unprofitable despair and creative acceptance. Orfeo, like Apollo before him (and we might add, like Dante, too), chooses acceptance; and he chooses well.88

Donington also reads the earliest librettos, Rinuccini’s Dafne and Euridice (and its setting) in a similar light.89 Whereas Rinuccini changed the traditional Orpheus narrative radically, as he announces somewhat apologetically (referring to the festive occasion for which it was written), the Dafne is faithfully based on two episodes from Ovid’s Metamorphoses: Apollo’s fight with Python and Daphne’s transformation into a laurel tree after Apollo has fallen in love with her and she tries to escape him.90 The first of these episodes also formed the basis of the third of the six intermedi to La Pellegrina staged for the wedding celebrations in 1589 for which Rinuccini also had written the texts which were 88

Donington, The Rise, pp. 185–86. See further Donington’s full discussion of Monteverdi’s Orfeo, pp. 143–90, concluding in the following way on p. 190: ‘For on the Neoplatonic interpretation of the legend which the commentators discussed and the libretto suggests, the real issue is growth of character, and the softened ending takes care of it without the necessity of dwelling on the gruesome details. The truth thus softened was no doubt as much as that fashionable audience could have been expected to accept. But it was not a little.’ 89 For Dafne, Donington, The Rise, pp. 115–25, for Euridice, mainly pp. 130–35. 90 Donington, The Rise, pp. 115–25. See Ovid, Metamorphoses, trans. by Frank Justus Miller, Loeb Classical Library, 43, 2nd edn, rev. by G. P. Goold (London: Heinemann, 1984), i, 32–43, lines 438–567.

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set by Luca Marenzio (c. 1553–99).91 Two lines were reused by Rinuccini for the dragon-slaying scene in his 1598 libretto.92 The two episodes from the Metamorphoses which formed the basis of Rinuccini’s Dafne are shaped as narratives proceeding in a straight-forward linear way from beginning to end. Rinuccini’s rewritings of the python episode for the third intermedium (1589) and of both scenes for the successive versions of the libretto for La Dafne are different in this respect since the narrative is broken up by praises, prayers or reflective comments, which are mainly for the choir.93 Rinuccini’s libretto for Peri went through several adjustments in connection with the first performances (1598, 1599, 1600); a printed libretto from 1600 (reprinted almost unchanged in 1604) seems to be the final outcome of this first phase of La Dafne.94 The libretto was then again revised and somewhat extended for the 1608 performance of the new setting by Marco da Gagliano for the marriage festivities of Francesco de’ Gonzaga and Margherita of Savoy in Mantua.95 Interesting differences in detail between the various revisions of the libretto shed light on how Rinuccini’s concept of the dramatic construct was changed along the way. In the words of Gary Tomlinson, it is not clear that the libretti of Rinuccini form a neat succession of signposts on the way to a long-envisaged goal. Rather, each seems to represent the author’s 91

Donington, The Rise, pp. 63–69, and 118; Walker, Musique des intermèdes de ‘La Pellegrina’ ; and Saslow, The Medici Wedding of 1589. Among other things, Saslow presents a catalogue of preserved drawings by Bernardo Buontalento (c. 1531–1608) of costumes and sets for the intermedi including Apollo and Python, Python is represented as a dragon; see plates 10–11 and p. 231. Buontalenti probably reused the stage sets for La Dafne in 1598; see p. 182. 92 Donington, The Rise, p. 118. 93 See Walker, Musique des intermèdes de ‘La Pellegrina’, pp. xliii–xlv for Rinuccini’s text and pp. 58–76 for the preserved music. 94 Ottavio Rinuccini, La Dafne (Florence: Giorgio Marescotti, 1600). For the complicated details concerning the chronology of the first performances and the changes in the libretto for which four different sources are now known, see Oscar G. Sonneck, ‘Dafne, The First Opera: A Chronological Study’, Sammelbände der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft, 15 (1913), 102–110; William V. Porter, ‘Peri and Corsi’s Dafne: Some New Discoveries and Observations’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 18 (1965), 170–196; Barbara Russano Hanning, ‘Apologia pro Ottavio Rinuccini’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 26 (1973), 240–262; Tomlinson, ‘Ancora su Ottavio Rinuccini’; and Sternfeld, ‘The First Printed Opera Libretto’. 95 No printed libretto survives from the Mantua performance but a printed score reprinted in modern times: Marco da Gagliano and Ottavio Rinuccini, La Dafne (Florence: C. Marescotti, 1608; facsimile edn Bologna: Arnaldo Forni Editore, 1987). For the differences between the libretto for Peri and the reworking for Gagliano, see especially Tomlinson, ‘Ancora su Ottavio Rinuccini’.

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response to a set of circumstances and exigencies peculiar to the work itself. This disparity of intent is nowhere more evident than in a comparison of the various versions of the Dafne.96

The noted differences notwithstanding, the librettos all have a structure which is based on two types of utterances: lines which move the action forward and reflective utterances which may be characterized as celebrative in some way, as it will be clarified in the discussion below. In his discussion of the earliest opera libretti, Sternfeld has emphasized that there were no act divisions, something which may also reflect practical performance conditions. However, he points to a common — informal — structure for all the early melodramas: they consist of five sections, each of which consists of a narrative concluding in a chorus.97 The first narrative episode of La Dafne (after the prologue sung by the figure of Ovid) begins with a statement of warning against a horrible beast, ‘l’orrida belva’, leading to expressions of fear and complaint from shepherds and nymphs. A chorus then sings a prayer to Jupiter: Giove immortal, che tra baleni, e lampi Scati la Terra, e’l Cielo Mandane, ò fiamma, ò telo, Che da mostro si rio n’affidi, e scampi. Immortal Jove, who amid thunder And lightning shakes heaven and earth, Send us a flame or a bolt which will protect and save us from so evil a beast.98

In the 1608 version for Gagliano in Mantua, Rinuccini expanded the scene, the prayer was given to the (new) figure of Tirsi leading into a much more extended prayer introduced by a shepherd, taken up by the choir of shepherds and nymphs in the last two lines of the following part of the text: Se la sù tra gl’ aurei chiostri Pote un cor trovar mercè, Odi il pianto, e preghi nostri O del ciel Monarca e Rè. 96

Tomlinson, ‘Ancora su Ottavio Rinuccini’, pp. 351–52. See also Angelo Solerti, Gli albori del melodramma, 3 vols (Milano: Remo Sandron, [1904]), ii, 65–104, giving the texts of the librettos of 1600, 1604, and 1608. 97 Sternfeld, The Birth, pp. 100–04. 98 Rinuccini, La Dafne (1600), second page of the text (the booklet is unpaginated), trans. by Gwyn Morris for the recording of Gagliano’s La Dafne conducted by Jürgen Jürgens (Hamburg: Polydor, 1977), booklet, pp. 7–25 (p. 8).

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Chapter 6 If up there among the golden cloisters A heart may find mercy. Hear our weeping and our prayers, O Monarch and King of Heaven.99

The last two lines are repeated several times as a refrain to the continued stanzas of the shepherd. As the dialogue goes on (in the recitative style), Apollo is introduced through an echo to the lines of the fearful shepherds (including Tirsi). In both the version from 1600 and that of 1608 the scene is led to its conclusion as Apollo draws his bow and Python is killed, but in the 1608 version the text has been prolonged by a dialogue between Tirsi and the other shepherds including another chorus of prayer, ‘Alas what do I see, o Deity, o Eternal God?’ (‘Ohime che veggio, ò Divo, ò Nume eterno’).100 After having killed Python, Apollo triumphantly declares his victory and tells the shepherds that they can now go safely to the meadow. The response to this is, in both versions, another chorus, addressing words to the Deity, ‘life-giving God’ (Almo Dio) joyfully celebrating that what in the 1608 version was prayed for with the words, ‘Heavenly power, destroy the infernal monster’ (‘spenga forza del ciel mostro d’inferno’),101 has happened. The first stanza of this praise follows here: Almo Dio, che’l carro ardente Per lo ciel volgendo intorno Vesti ‘l dì d’un aureo manto Se tra l’ombra orrida algente Splende il ciel di lume adorno, È pur tua la gloria e ‘l vanto. Life-giving God, who in your fiery chariot Go riding through the sky And bedeck the day with a golden mantle If between the horrible, freezing shadows The sky is radiant with light Yours is indeed the glory and pride.102

The narrative unfolding of this episode in both versions certainly follows Ovid, but the structure of the section seems closer to structures found in devotional ceremonies and religious dramas in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance where narrative representation (recited or spoken) alternates with ritual elements like prayers, announcements, or praises. Marco da Gagliano’s Preface to Dafne, in the printed score of 1608, adds some interesting comments. Apart from corroborating the information given above about the early performances of Peri’s and Rinuccini’s Dafne and Eu99

Gagliano and Rinuccini, La Dafne, p. 3; trans. by Gwyn Morris, booklet for recording (1977), p. 3. 100 Gagliano and Rinuccini, La Dafne, p. 8, trans. in booklet for recording (1977), p. 9. 101 Gagliano and Rinuccini, La Dafne, pp. 8–9. 102 Gagliano and Rinuccini, La Dafne, pp. 12–14, and Rinuccini, La Dafne (1600), fourth text page, trans. adapted from booklet for recording (1977), p. 10.

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ridice, he also gives a number of details about the staging and performance of his own Dafne (to Rinuccini’s extended libretto). In his account of the scene where Apollo kills Python, he emphasizes that the chorus should show fear, and concerning the above-mentioned ‘Se la sù tra gl’ aurei chiostri’ — which he designates as a ‘hymn’ — he demands: As they sing the hymn ‘Se là su tra gli aurei chiostri’, they go down on one knee, turning their eyes to heaven, pretending to direct their prayers to Jove. The hymn finished, they rise to their feet and continue, pretending as they sing ‘Ebra di sangue’ to be sad or gay according to Echo’s answers, which they show they are awaiting very attentively. After Echo’s last answer the Python appears from one of the stage entrances, and at the same time, or a little later, Apollo appears from another direction with his bow — a large one — in his hand. The chorus, showing fear sings, at the sight of the serpent, almost shouting, ‘Ohimè che veggio’. At that moment the shepherds and nymphs leave the stage by several exits, imitating flight and terror, without however turning their backs entirely to the audience or hiding themselves completely. Apollo remains, the chorus singing ‘O Divo, o Nume eterno’, trying to give the effect of praying with their facial expressions and gestures. Meanwhile Apollo moves toward the Python with light and proud steps.103

Although the text — in neither of the versions — should be interpreted as a devotional text, the following observations must be taken into account: Gagliano’s almost consistently homophonic settings of the choruses resemble, as do the choruses in all the preserved early melodramas, Cavalieri’s lauda-like choral settings for the Rappresentatione. Apollo could traditionally be understood also as a metaphor for Christ, and the Python, a serpent, or dragon, as the Devil;104 103 Gagliano and Rinuccini, La Dafne, ‘Ai Lettori’, second page (without pagination), trans. by Carol MacClintock in ‘Preface to Dafne’ in Readings in the History of Music in Performance, ed. and trans. by Carol MacClintock (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982), pp. 187–94 (p. 191); ‘cantando l’inno. “Se la sù trà gl’aurei chiostri” pongano l’un de’ginocchi in terra, volgendo gli occhi al cielo faccendo sembiante d’indirizare le lor preghiere a Giove; fornito l’Inno levinsi in piedi, e seguitino avvertendo, nel cantare ‘Ebra di sangue’ d’attristarsi, o rallegrarsi secondo la risposta dell Ecco, la quale mostrino d’attendere con grande attentione. Dopo l’ultima risposta dell’Ecco apparisca il Fitone dall’una delle strade della scena, e nell’istesso tempo, o poco dopo mostrisi dall’altra parte Apollo con arco in mano, ma grande, il coro alla vista del serpente mostrando spavento canti quasi gridando ‘Ohimè, che veggio’, e in quel medesimo punto ritirinsi i Pastori, e le Ninfe per diverse strade imitando fuga, e timore, senza però volger interamente le spalle al Teatro, o nascondersi del tutto, e visto Apollo cantando, “O Divo, o Nume eterno”, E co’l volto, e co’gesti cerchino d’esprimere l’affetto del pregare; in tanto Apollo muovasi con passi leggiadri, e fieri verso il Fitone.’ 104 H. David Brumble, Classical Myths and Legends in the Middle Ages and Renaissance: A Dictionary of Allegorical Meanings (London: Fitzroy Dearborn, 1998), pp. 28–32, esp. p. 31, referring to the fourteenth-century Ovidius moralizatus in which Apollo slaying Python

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furthermore, in the third intermedium of 1589 as well as in both the librettos for La Dafne, 1600 and 1608, the Python is specified as a dragon (something which does not follow from Ovid’s text).105 Thus altogether, the representation of Apollo killing Python would on one level associate to a ‘St George and the dragon’ type of narrative, or even more basically to the doctrine of salvation brought by Christ through his victory over Satan. It seems highly unlikely that Peri’s music for the choruses would not also have been homophonic in a way similar to the choruses in L’Euridice and all the early melodramas, thus giving the same basic dramaturgical structure and associations. Also other metaphors in the text give associations to biblical or liturgical poetry. The Sun as a (traditional) metaphor for Apollo in the praising hymn at the end of the Python scene quoted above, may also be taken as a reference to Christ, based on expressions from the Psalter or the Magnificat, for instance Ps. 18. 6 and 148. 3 as well as Luke 1. 78–79. Similarly, metaphors like ‘King of Heaven’ (‘del ciel monarca e re’) in the choral prayer-refrain quoted above lend themselves directly to a Christian understanding. This does not mean that Apollo unequivocally should be understood as Christ throughout La Dafne, but that elements along the way carry with them such associations, and that these spiritual associations provide the melodrama with rich layers of potential meaning and question a modern tendency to see the use of classical mythology as belonging to a different worldview than the biblically informed universe of the church and its institutions. This is — mutatis mutandis — a similar claim to what was seen in connection with Serafino Razzi’s 1609 collection of laude: that he apparently did not find it problematic to use the Roman God of Night Erebus metaphorically in a lauda text (see p. 50). Clearly, the Dafne as well as the Euridice and Orfeo must be read as part of the courtly contexts for which they were written; but just as clearly, the narratives and the metaphors used in them often carry with them Christian overtones, as for instance emphasized in Leopold’s interpretation of the ending of Monteverdi’s Orfeo, quoted above. The figure of Daphne could similarly be understood as a type of the Virgin Mary and, more broadly, of chastity.106 Thus, is taken as an image of Christ’s victory over Lucifer. See also the entry on Python, pp. 293–94. 105 Walker, Musique des intermèdes de ‘La Pellegrina’, p. xliv: ‘Lo spaventoso serpe, in questo loco | Vomica fiamma, e foco, e fischia, e rugge.’ See also the above-mentioned ‘Almo Dio’ (p. 238), stanza 4: ‘Nobil vanto il fier Dragone | Di velen, di fiamme armato’; Gagliano and Rinuccini, La Dafne, p. 14 (‘Noble praise, the proud dragon | armed with venom and flames’; trans. adapted from booklet for the recording (1977), p. 11). Compare Ovid, Metamorphoses, i, 32, lines 438–47. 106 Brumble, Classical Myths, pp. 94–96.

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the second part of La Dafne also gives rise to devotional associations although no longer representing Apollo mainly as a divine hero but as an all too human figure in love with the chaste Daphne. The point, ultimately, is whether to emphasize the difference between the courtly neo-Platonic poetical world of the melodramas and the devotional, somewhat austere, world view of the confraternities, or whether to emphasize the points of connection between them. In a long-term perspective it seems justified to point to the early melodramas as the beginning of a history of a dramatic genre which on the whole came to be rooted in secular cultural institutions. On the other hand, in the contemporary perspective of the time just around 1600, the ties which unite the religious with the courtly melodramas are strong, and warrant interpretations which do not try to make sharp distinctions but rather to bring out the many traits indicating a connection. Whether looking into the confraternities, the Raffaello or the Oratorians, into authors and editors of spiritual laude, or the protagonists of the music dramas in the new style developed in the academies, we have met indications that sensuousness was not seen as opposed to devotion. Religious austerity and the perception of musical and theatrical pleasure were not mutually exclusive; on the contrary, they were often seen to support each other in the contexts explored here. As has often been remarked, Peri’s L’Euridice does not display a similar variety of musical forms as Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione, Monteverdi’s Orfeo or Gagliano’s Dafne but was focused on the imitation of human speech in music as Peri emphasized in his preface to the printed score. It does, however, call up spiritual associations in a number of instances, partly through the choral monophonic settings of praises (in a similar way to Cavallieri, Monteverdi, and Gagliano), but also in the scene where Orpheus manages to convince Pluto to let Orpheus bring back Eurydice. Rinuccini’s libretto gives the following exchange between Orpheus, Charon, and Pluto: Pluto Orpheus Charon

Pluto

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To break one’s own laws is a misuse of power; Censure and injury are often caused thus. But to ease the anguish of the sorrowful Is still the noble custom of the royal heart. All that the sun can see, turning about His luminous torch, At the rapid disappearance of one short day Will fall, dying, and return here below: O great King, Make whatever laws you please. Let pity triumph today [. . .]

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Chapter 6 Orpheus:

How fortunate my sweet sighs.107

Then follows a chorus of the Gods of Hell expressing deep surprise at this turn of events, and a second chorus also expressing surprise, but now surprise about mercy having come to ‘this abyss’. The two choruses alternate and bring the fourth scene to an end. The fifth scene continues the theme of surprise, now on earth, until Orpheus does indeed come back with Eurydice and the scene and the music drama is brought to an end with a five-part chorus and ballo concluding in the eighth stanza: Ma che più s’al negro lito Scende ardito Sol di Cetra armato Orfeo E del regno tenebroso Lieto sposo, Porta al Ciel palma e trofeo. What more, when to the dark shore Boldly descends Orpheus, Armed only with a lyre, And from the shadowy kingdom, The happy lover Carries up to heaven the palm And trophy.108

The homophonic setting of the praising choruses, the textual metaphors of pity and mercy, of heaven, palm and trophy, are clearly associative to spiritual praises, and in accordance with a traditional metaphorical use of Orpheus as a figure of Christ.109

107

Jacopo Peri, Le musiche sopra l’Euridice: A Facsimile of the Florence, 1600 Edition, Monuments of Music and Music Literature in Facsimile, 28 (New York: Broude Brothers, 1973), pp. 37–38, trans. by Howard Mayer Brown for the booklet to the recording of Peri’s Euridice, conducted by Roberto De Caro (Bologna: Arts Music, 1995), pp. 74–75; ‘Plutone: Romper le proprie leggi, e vil possanza Anzi reca sovente, e biasmo, e danno. Orfeo: Ma degl afflitti consolar l’affanno e pur di regio, cor gentil usanza. Caronte: Quanto rimira‘l Sol volgend’intorno la luminosa face, al rapido sparir d’un breve giorno cade morendo, e fà qua giù ritorno: fà pur leggie, o gran Re, quanto a te piace. Plutone: Trionfi oggi pietà ne campi inferni [. . .] Orfeo: O fortunati miei dolci sospiri.’ 108 Peri, Le musiche sopra l’Euridice, p. 52, trans. by Howard Mayer Brown in the recording booklet (1995), p. 85. 109 Brumble, Classical Myths, pp. 248–53, esp. p. 252.

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Outlook: Medieval Ritual Reception and Musical Novelty What looks large from a distance, Close up ain’t never that big. Bob Dylan

I

n the previous chapters, we have been considering musical performances in religious contexts in which musical novelty and delight in the experience of what was apparently received as the beauty of such musical novelty was understood to further the devotion, not — as so often both earlier and later in the history of Christianity — as a potential threat to the biblical message or to pious devotion in a liturgical ceremony. As a locus classicus for such a theological concern about the aesthetic appeal of music, one may refer to St Augustine, whose view on music as presented in his Confessions was ambiguous although he clearly was very fond of and even ascribed a spiritual potential to music in other writings.1 One may also refer to the decisions of the synod in Meaux in 8452 which criticized, even forbade, the practice of troping in liturgy, a practice 1 Augustine, Confessions, Book 10: See Augustine of Hippo, Confessionum libri XIII, ed. by Lucas Verheijen, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, 27 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1981), pp. 181–82. See further Eyolf Østrem, ‘“The Ineffable”: Affinities between Christian and Secular Concepts of Art’, in Signs of Change: Transformations of Christian Traditions and Their Representation in the Arts, 1000–2000, ed. by Nils Holger Petersen, Claus Clüver, and Nicolas Bell (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2004), pp. 265–292; and Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Truth and Representation: The Medieval Good Friday Reproaches and Modern Music’, in Negotiating the Heritage: Memory of the Middle Ages, ed. by Mette B. Bruun and Stephanie A. Glaser (Turnhout: Brepols, forthcoming). 2 Wulf Arlt, ‘Neue Formen des liturgischen Gesangs: Sequenz und Tropus’, in Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzeit: Beiträge zum Katalog der Ausstellung Paderborn 1999, ed. by

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which did constitute a huge poetical and musical effort in the formative years of the Carolingian appropriation and further development of Roman chant. On the whole, such new developments must have been accepted in order to have led to the large quantities of preserved musical and poetic material from medieval tropes.3 Another compelling example is the bull of Pope John XXII from 1324–25, which condemned the use of the so-called Ars nova in the Church — with little practical effect, as it seems,4 or the opposition to polyphony which was raised at the Council of Trent, but which did not lead to more than a general prohibition against anything ‘profane’.5 Also the cautious but unequivocal warning against opera-like music in Church in the encyclical Annus qui (1749) by Pope Benedict xiv belongs among the many examples of the fear of the strong appeal of music.6 However, what stands out in the religious attitudes and contexts with which we have been concerned in this book is not only that new music and what later would be called aesthetic interests were accepted and even viewed positively. In spite of all criticisms and prohibitions, positive attitudes to music have also been commonly found among influential church leaders throughout the history of Christianity. Augustine, as already implied, in his commentaries to the Psalm, may be mentioned here, as do Carolingian authors like Alcuin, Amalarius of Metz, and others, who spoke about the importance of the role of music in the liturgy.7 Fundamentally, musical treatises throughout the Middle Ages point to music as an important part of the liturgy. In that respect, the interest in the role of music for church services around 1600 is not new at all. Also, new musical developments never seem to have been stopped, regardless of any criticism from church authorities. Still, the new rhetorical focus on music in the second part of the sixteenth century provided a new emphasis on the relationship between Christoph Stiegemann and Matthias Wemhoff (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1999), pp. 732–40 (pp. 736–38). 3 See, for instance, the text editions of the Corpus Troporum, the Stockholm project directed by Ritva Jacobsson, Gunilla Iversen, and Gunilla Björkvall. Numerous volumes have been published by Almqvist & Wiksell in Stockholm, and more are to come. 4 Robert F. Hayburn, Papal Legislation on Sacred Music: 95 a d to 1977 a d (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1979), pp. 20–21. 5 See Monson, ‘The Council of Trent Revisited’, and cf. p. 230 above concerning the general Humanist attitude to polyphony in agreement with tendencies at the Council of Trent. 6 Hayburn, Papal Legislation on Sacred Music, pp. 92–108. 7 See for instance Ekenberg, Cur cantatur?; and Petersen, ‘Carolingian Music, Ritual, and Theology’.

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words and music and on the reception of the liturgy and the biblical message by members of a congregation. This is markedly so for Martin Luther,8 whereas most other Church reformers were cautious about music. We have also seen (in Chapter 1) that whereas Savonarola was critical of art music, he certainly appreciated the simple kinds of song, the elementary monophonic laude. A critical awareness concerning music was present to various degrees in the milieus which we have been considering in this volume, as for instance Longo’s collection of laude makes clear (see above, Ch. 2 and 5). Still, the idea that the beauty of music enhances the devotion does not only draw attention to the appeal of the music, thereby offering the possibility that along with listening to the beautiful music, people may also be affected by the religious message. The idea — although it is rarely elaborated on in our contexts — seems to include the notion that at least under the right circumstances, ‘good music’ will function as a kind of catalyst for a devotional atmosphere. We have encountered such an idea in the Rafaello confraternity and also among the Oratorians, for instance expressed in relation to Cavalieri’s Rappresentatione (1600) by Alessandro Guidotti in his Dedication in the printed edition of that work, stating that not only can music in general move to devotion, but that the new style (the stile rappresentativo) can move to devotion, in other words, a statement of a kind of religious aesthetics. A long-standing and in many respects valid claim is that musical aesthetics have their beginning in the Italian Renaissance, primarily within a secular context in which music was valued for its own sensuous appeal and no longer only for its functional capacity of supporting the ritual (whether church or court rituals). A modern standard work on musical aesthetics thus proposes the following statement: To be sure, isolated discussions of aesthetic properties and concepts can be found throughout the history of musical thought, but the fundamental new factors that made their appearance in the sixteenth century constitute a constellation that becomes more coherent and more prominent with time and that can therefore be regarded as the first stage in the generation of a new complex of thought and ultimately of a new discipline. The question of the beginnings of aesthetics and of musical aesthetics is a vexed one, but the weight of evidence points to the time of the Italian Renaissance and to its clearly appropriate context of secularism, sensuousness, and individual expression. This formative period of the subject was completed only during the course of the eighteenth century, when the field of 8

See Østrem, ‘Luther, Josquin, and des fincken gesang’ in The Arts and the Cultural Heritage of Martin Luther; and Nils Holger Petersen, ‘Introduction’ in the same volume, pp. 9–18.

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thought was given its name by Baumgarten (1750) and its autonomy and philosophical grounding by Kant (1790).9

Referring to our point of departure in the Introduction (see p. 2), Lippman’s statement is very reasonable indeed, from the vantage point of history writing with a long-term perspective, focused on how things that we know of later came about. We are not opposed to such a perspective in and of itself. However, that is not our main aim in this book. We have instead wanted to present a closeup of phenomena that may appear to be less significant when seen from a later perspective, primarily because they have not been deemed the same degree of familiarity or continuity with later phenomena with which one is particularly concerned in a modern discourse. Yet, as we have attempted to show, they may have been much more important in their own time, both as practices and as constituents of the conceptual framework within which musical phenomena — including those that have gained a position in a modern canon — were understood. In this capacity, they may also shed a different kind of light on our history; an emphasis on how different the world may have looked at some earlier point, from a modern consideration of the materials we call sources, is also a reminder that history should not — and certainly not only — be seen as moving in straight lines from embryonic ideas to their completion over time. In the case of the musical life of Florence in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, one may, as we have attempted, make a case that the elements traditionally seen as ‘pointing forward’ to the modern world, may not at the time even have seemed of any greater impact. One historiography does not necessarily contradict the other; rather, they can be seen to supplement each other and thus also to relativize the impact on our understanding of ourselves and our world which these historiographies taken individually might otherwise have. Whereas the teleological, diachronic narrative will often over-emphasize certain elements seen as ‘beginnings’ of the future, the synchronic ‘thick description’ of a particular cultural segment at a given moment or in a short period of time will have to accept that it cannot establish explanations of how a later period ‘emerged’ or came about. On the other hand, it will possibly provide the basis for alternative long-term narratives to supplement an accepted version of a historical ‘development’. In this book we have highlighted settings and musical practices which have not been seen as pointing forward to modernity, but which in their own context carried significance and were understood as meaningful and in which an interest and focus on the sensuous appeal of music can be seen at work with no inten9

Edward Lippman, A History of Western Musical Aesthetics (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1992), p. 19.

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tion of separating this appeal from the liturgical or devotional context in which the music functioned. We have pointed to simple music, to more advanced music, and to what clearly also in its own time was seen as avantgarde music, the previously mentioned stile rappresentativo. All of these functioned as much and as well in the devotional contexts as in any other, so-called secular context. One should be cautious about applying a modern sense of the notion of a secular musical context to the time in question, since what was deemed worldly seems to have been strongly divergent even among the religious orders or in various confraternal contexts, as the examples of Razzi, Ledesma, and Longo clearly demonstrate. The aim of this book may be contextualized by the essay collection Creations: Medieval Rituals, the Arts, and the Concept of Creation in which meanings of the notion of ‘creation’ from the biblical, religious notion of God’s creation of the World to the modern sense connected to processes of artistic creativity were explored in a number of historical essays in various disciplines. A historiographic point of view close to the one applied in the present book was presented by Eyolf Østrem in his essay ‘Deus Artifex and Homo Creator’, which pointed out how a historiography based on close readings and thick descriptions of a certain period without regard for what followed next ‘may provide us with a greater opportunity to gain insight both into the writings which come into play as preconditions in a later text, and into the fuller web of connections and discourses at the time in question’. Thus, Østrem’s article is not intended as a history of the reception of ideas about ‘creation’ and ‘creator(s)’ but instead emphasizes certain ideas which stand as examples of ‘what it has been possible or natural to think and write at a certain point in time’.10 When later times have chosen some of these ideas and not others from their heritage and appropriated them in modified forms, this has been done according to their needs and interests, and not as a natural development of ideas. Thus, in this view, the best way to describe how ‘creation’ became a notion prevalently connected to the creative arts is less to claim that there are inherent ideas in the concept of divine creation which developed into human creation, but that various thinkers along the way chose to look at particular elements in the religious heritage in such a way as to highlight the analogy of man to God. Although the analogical thinking is there to be seen in early theological thought, it took until the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries for this to give rise to a concept of humans creating ‘like God’. At that time, also in Østrem’s account, it becomes common to think in such terms. Giorgio Vasari (1511–74) is used as a notable example through his Lives of the Painters, which brings us back to the Florentine environment in the mid10

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sixteenth century. In this light, it should not seem surprising that music would be considered in terms that remind us of the idea of creative artistry. At the same time, it is worth pointing out that Vasari did not write in a ‘secular’ way about the artists, but that by way of highlighting ideas of analogy which were not new but given new emphasis in his writing, he reshaped the traditional heritage of God the Creator and of human creation: God as the perfect sculptor and man as a human sculptor. Østrem points to formulations by Vasari which in teleological hindsight could be seen as ‘precursors’ of the Kunstreligion of the early Romantics, but he points out that ‘Vasari never departs from the inherited Christian notion of creation as an act of God and the human arts as a reflection of God’s perfect arts’.11 The anonymous authors of the Raffaello confraternity and most of the other authors we have cited should be seen in a similar light. Not as precursors of later aesthetics, but as providers of ideas which in a modern light are suggestive of modern aesthetic ideas. It is just as essential to keep in mind that these ideas were combined with and not at all separate from ideas of religious devotion, which in the modern arts have largely been left behind. When looking at the time around 1600, modern music history has chosen to see the elements which clearly remind us of modern aesthetics as significant in that time: opera and the ‘secular’ love song in the new stile rappresentativo are usually highlighted in music histories. Even the history of the oratorio is usually given less weight and also often considered secondary to the creation of the opera.12 Conversely, one should remember that music performances in religious settings at the time were the ones which had by far the largest cultural impact.

History and Historiographical Perspectives During the last days of the Carnival season in 1642/3, the confraternity of the Vangelista produced Giacinto Andrea Cicognini’s comedy Don Gastone di Moncada in their assembly hall.13 This was clearly an ambitious undertaking, which 11

Østrem, ‘Homo creator and Deus artifex’, p. 46. A significant exception is Smither’s A History of the Oratorio. 13 CRS 1240, no. 8, fol. 203r ; ‘Il Titolo di quel Bellissima Commedia fù Don Gastone di Moncada, ovvero. L’ Amico traditor Fedele è la piu costante tra le meritate opere del Cicognini’ (‘The title of this beautiful comedy was Don Gastone di Moncada or L’ Amico traditor Fedele, and it is the most constant of the well-merited works of Cicognini’). The use of this work is in itself interesting. Don Gastone has been pointed out as particularly successful in joining a didactic message in the spirit of the Catholic Reform with the 12

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among other things occasioned some rebuilding of their house. After the fourth performance, on Sunday, 15 February, the record says: During the day, the company was not opened, because of the request to repeat the Comedy in the evening, and the people were invited, and the number of the concourse was huge, and as usual the hall was filled to its full capacity, which was 600, and many of the same [i.e. who had watched the earlier performances] even returned, and the applause was even greater, so that on Monday, February 16, one had to repeat it again for the ladies, and the concourse was just as great as with the men.14

The Comedy was produced again on the following day, Fat Tuesday, upon general request. This gives a rare opportunity to evaluate the impact of the productions of the confraternities. Statements about the ‘great concourse of people’ to such events are numerous also in the records of Raffaello, but as far as we know this is the only place where the crowd is estimated more precisely — and it is a remarkably high number. The public impact of the activities of the confraternities made itself known in other ways too: through processions and participation in the regular ceremonies of the churches. In the summer of 1674, we are informed of a procession by the Vangelista: In the customary way, one walked in procession with a good number of brothers, around seventy, and in the procession it was sung with music a cappella, which worked very well in good order, and because the music appealed to everybody, it was all the time accompanied by a great multitude of people, so that there was no way the full crowd of people could get into S. Giovanni.15

modern dramatical techniques based on the Aristotelian principles and on what Giacinto’s father Jacopo in the preface to his own Il Triunfo di David (see p. 221 above) calls ‘the modern practice based on the pleasure of the listeners’; see Fausta Antonucci, ‘Spunti tematici e rielaborazione di modelli spagnoli nel Don Gastone di Moncada di Giacinto Andrea Cicognini’, in Tradurre, riscrivere, mettere in scena, ed. by Maria Grazia Profeti, Commedia aurea spagnola e pubblico italiano, 2 (Florence: Alinea, 1996); and Augustín Barreno Balbuena’s review in Cuadernos de filología Italiana, 4 (1997), 349–53. 14 CRS 1240, no. 8, fol. 221v ; ‘Il Giorno douendosi per la richiesta di d. Commedia farla la Sera non s’aprè la compagnia, onde fece l’Invito alle huomini il numero de’ quali concorse grandissimo, e’ se’n introdusse al solito sin’ alla Capacità del luogo qual era di 600 et pure tornavano in quantità de’ medesimi, ond e’ fù applaudita sempre maggiormente di modo che = Lunedì 16 feb S’hebbe a rifare alle Gentildonne, di quali fù concorso, come anco di Gentilhuomini.’ 15 CRS 1240, no. 8, fol. 221v ; ‘Si andò conforme al solito a con buon numero di fratelli da’ 70: e processionaliter si cantò in musica a’ Cappella, il che andò con bonissimo ordine, e perche piachque universalmente la detta musica, fu accompagnata

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Again, references to processions are frequent, but this particular record is rare in stating that one sang ‘with music’ (‘si cantò in musica’), which refers to composed music performed by musicians as opposed to the regular chanting in the service, hence such formulations as ‘the office was sung without music’, which are frequently encountered in the ricordi. In this case, then, the confraternity had included a trained choir which had attracted enough people to fill up the church of S. Giovanni. In their general contents, as mentioned, these are not isolated notices in the records; rather, they are chosen among numerous similar references because they add the extra information that may influence our interpretation of the rest, and — more importantly — of the cultural impact of the confraternities on the whole. We cannot know, of course, whether the numerical information is representative — it may have been as singular as such pieces of information appear in the sources — but other than the extra information, there is nothing out of the ordinary about it. If we assume that it indeed represents records of what was common, we may broaden the perspective and our considerations. It is for instance illuminating to compare the six-hundred-strong audience and the over-crowded churches to the attendees of the first operatic performances. The first performances of Jacopo Peri’s Dafne in 1598 and 1599 were held before a small audience at Jacopo Corsi’s palace and in the Palazzo Pitti.16 Peri’s Euridice was performed in a ‘moderately sized room’ in the Palazzo Pitti, before a ‘very select but also very small’ audience.17 In general, the early operas were restricted to a closed circle of nobility and intellectuals. Conversely, we know that there were several hundred confraternities in Florence alone. Eisenbichler summarizes a number of studies from different times, and states that from the fifty-two confraternities in 1400, a century later the number had grown to 156, and around the middle of the eighteenth century there were a total of 309.18 Not all of these were of a size which would conceivably have made productions of the kind we are looking at here possible and not all of them would have had rich musical lives like the ones we have considered, but even so, it is fair to assume that confraternity events have had a tremendous influence on the experience of city life in general and musical and theatrical productions in particular. It would have been difficult for anyone in Florence not to have been exposed to them, to some degree or other, whether as a passive sempre da gran’ moltitudine di popolo, di maniera che, in S Giovanni dalla multiplicità del Popolo non si poteva in alcun modo entrare.’ 16 Donington, The Rise, pp. 132–35. Pietro de’ Bardi, see p. 215. 17 Donington, The Rise, p. 136. 18 Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 12–13, with further references.

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onlooker at a passing procession, an enthusiastic audience member in churches or confraternity halls, or — not to forget — an active member. John Henderson has estimated that in 1527, every second male person or more in Florence was a member of some confraternity.19 In contrast, one may assume that only a handful of people would at all have been aware of the ‘birth of the opera’. The question — which is not purely rhetorical — is which sphere offers the best approach to an understanding of the cultural life in the period as a whole as well as the more specific accomplishments: the academies, which are mentioned in every single book on the subject, or the confraternities, which only gradually have captured the interest of some scholars? The reading that is offered in Chapter 6 should be seen in this light: it is meant as an attempt to place the works that we have come to call operas within the context and horizon of understanding in which they were placed when they were produced, and, to the extent that it is at all possible, to disregard the meaning they have been ascribed in a later period with a different conceptual framework. In this perspective, the notions that are expressed in the prefaces to the lauda collections, the practices that we can observe in the confraternities, and the artistic developments in the academies, can meaningfully be placed side by side — as they were at the time, and as we have attempted to look at in the earliest of the favole in musica in Chapter 6. An immediate consequence of this is that the troubled place that Emilio de’ Cavalieri’s Rappresentazione di Anima, et di Corpo occupies in the literature merits a re-evalutation. Whereas Guidotti in his Preface claims that the Rappresentatione was performed ‘with a great crowd and much applause’ (‘con tanto concorso, applauso’) and the performance directions make it clear that it was at least intended to be staged (with rather specific instructions concerning movement and dressing on stage), Silke Leopold claims that the Rappresentatione ‘remained a singular experiment’ and that it was performed ‘in a very small room, and by all probability as a concert performance’. Similarly, Robert Donington viewed it as only ‘borderline opera’.20 Since we know of numerous such performances, for instance in the confraternities, it seems most reasonable to take the indications in the score seriously.21 19

Henderson, Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence, p. 439. Leopold, Die Oper, p. 97, with no references; Donington, The Rise, pp. 126–30; see further p. 207. 21 As do Kirkendale, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, pp. 239–41, and Smither, A History, i, 81–89, providing further references. In Smither’s formulation, ‘the large audiences for the two performances included fifteen and twenty cardinals, respectively’ (p. 82). 20

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Cavalieri was employed at the Florentine court between 1588 and 1600 and would have known the Florentine confraternal culture as also the confraternity of the Oratorians in Rome. It is reasonable to assume that he was well acquaintaned with the services and musico-theatrical performances in the Florentine confraternities; if the number of audience members in Vangelista fifty years later can be used as a basis for comparison — and there are no strong arguments why it should not — it would have been possible or even natural for him to consider an audience of a thousand, as does his editor, Alessandro Guidotti, in the preface to the printed edition of the Rappresentatione, without this being an expression of hyperbole or wishful thinking.22 Cavalieri’s own background was in the confraternities;23 the work was performed in the Oratory, which was itself firmly rooted in the confraternity ethos, and — as noted in Chapter 6, it draws on the lauda repertory not only for some of the texts but also, to some extent, for the musical characterization.

Between rappresentazioni and Oratorio There is a lacuna in the ricordi for the Raphael confraterniy between the years 1657 and 1686. This makes it difficult to bring the account of the developments there much further in anything but a sketchy manner. There are, however, other sources, such as the ricordi of the confraternity of the Vangelista, which may be used to fill in the missing pieces. The following presentation will therefore have to be of a more superficial nature, but we will take this as an opportunity also to summarize some trends concerning the use of music in general in institutions such as the confraternity of Raphael, the balance between theological-didactical and aesthetic activities, and the effect of external developments both within the main musical genres, such as the oratorio, and within the theological sphere. It is evident from the ricordi that Rafaello must have been a highly interesting place for a musician to be in the decades around 1600. When they boast that they have the best musicians in town, these are not empty words. Rafaello was the only youth confraternity with a standing music chapel and a maestro di cappella, and during most of the seventeenth century, the office was held by the same person who was also in charge of the music in the Cathedral of Florence. 22

Cavalieri, Rappresentatione, Preface, pp. 6–7. Cf. also Kirkendale, Emilio de’ Cavalieri, pp. 236–41. 23 See Claude V. Palisca, ‘Cavalieri, Emilio de’’, in Grove Music Online, ed. by L. Macy http://www.grovemusic.com
[accessed 21 December 2007].

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There was usually some kind of musical performance or accompaniment during their Matins service, which was the last regular service during the day, and from early on, this was mostly for double choir, frequently also with instruments. They had the resources regularly to take on fairly big productions, in addition to the day-to-day services. It is equally evident that — at least judging from what is said in the ricordi — the level of activity in this field sank as the century progressed. This may have had to do with who the scribe was at any particular time. It may not be a coincidence that the most detailed and revealing notes about music in the confraternity were recorded while Marco da Gagliano’s brother held the pen, and when it was taken over by his successor, the notes were mostly reduced to standard phrases like ‘excellent music for two choirs’ — but there is evidence that music did loose its place of pride.24 The main characters around 1600 are important names also in the general history of music, and some of their music is still performed today; half a century later, the post of maestro di cappella was held by persons who may have been competent, but whose names are in some cases missing even from specialized accounts. There is direct evidence of this decline in the ricordi as well. The entry for January 6, 1642/3 in the draft book which was discussed in Chapter 4 (pp. 123– 128) reads: And the music was dismissed at the behest of the Maestro di cappella during the entire Carnival season.25

Records of this kind reappear on or around the same date — Epiphany, the first day of the Carnival season — every single year until 1657, where the series ends in the lacuna.26 The text is virtually the same every time, but year by year, details are added to the text. Thus, the following year (1643/4) makes it clear that the request was granted ‘on the condition that this does not become the norm, but is restricted to this year only, and to ensure this, this record is made, as a perpetual memento.’27 24

Eisenbichler, The Boys, p. 251. See also above, p. 163. CRS 163, 25 (olim 24), [no fol.]; ‘et fu licenziata la musica per compiacere al Maestro di Cappella per tutto il Carnovale.’ 26 CRS 163, 26 (olim 25), fol. 28v (1643/4), fol. 42r (1644/5), fol. 58v (1645/6), fol. 72r (1646/7), fol. 80r (1647/8), fol. 88v (1648/9), fol. 100v (1649/50), fol. 110v (1650/1), fol. 123v (1651/2), fol. 135v (1652/3), fol. 145v (1653/4), fol. 156r (1654/5), fol. 166r (1655/6), fol. 176r (1656/7). 27 CRS 163, 26 (olim 25), fol. 28v ; ‘con condizione però, che non deva passar’ in esempio, et s’intenda per quest’ anno solamente, et all’effetto pred. fù ordinato farsene il presente Ricordo à perpetua memoria.’ 25

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Concerning the reason for this cancellation of musical activities for two months, the earliest records are quite vague. It is said that the maestro, Baccio Baglioni, had asked with great insistence for this leave of absence in order to study and be better prepared for the music during Lent. This is only partially true; in the final version of the passage, in 1656/7, we get the full story: The mentioned Father Guardian and the brothers were asked by our maestro di cappella to deign to concede to him at the present time the licence to cancel the music in all the tornate that remain during Carnival before Lent, so that he in this period may employ himself and those in his charge to the benefit of other places and more easily be able to prepare for the tornate of Lent. And the brothers considered this request to be justified, in order to help the other companies and places who do perform music during this period, while at the same time our company is reduced and with scarce tornate, and that it was better to grant the opportunity and to receive the benefits on other occasions.28

It is clear from the quotation that the Raphael confraternity, an institution with a tradition for being in the forefront of the musical development in its city, has specifically chosen to be inactive during precisely the period which had become the focal point of advanced musical productions. Thus, the reasoning which is so prominent in Talpa’s report from Naples quoted above (pp. 100–103) would no longer have been relevant, as it used to be, in Raffaello at this time. A summary of the attitudes which have been highlighted in this book can be seen in the following statement about Giovenale Ancina (1545–1604), Oratorian, composer and later bishop, taken from an uncompleted beatification process in the eighteenth century: Furthermore, he showed this faith in the external cult which is offered to Our Lord at the public services of Masses, Vespers, and other solemnities of the church [. . .] for example, when he was to sing the Vespers in some solemnity, he wanted it to be accompanied by the best music, by plainchant which was well sung [. . .] and he intoned the Antiphons, the chapters, and the intonations in a sonorous voice, making sure that it was understood by all.29 28 CRS 163, 26 (olim 25), fol. 189r ; ‘Appresso dal nostro Maestro di Cappella essendo stati pregati il detto nostro Guardiano e fratelli a’ compiacersi di concederli presentemente licenza di potere tralasciare la Musica in Tutte l’altre Tornate, che ci restano nel Carnovale avanti la Quaresima per poter’ in detto tempo impiegare la sua persona, et li suoi suggetti a’ benefizio di altri luoghi et prepararsi con maggior facilità alle Tornate della Quaresima, et considerato li fratelli la detta domanda essere molto giusta per dar’ aiuto all’altre Compagnie, et luoghi, quali in detto tempo sogliano far’ Musica, et la nostra ridursi ne medesimi tempi con le Tornate assai scarse, et essere bene concedere facilità per doverla ricevere in altre occasioni.’ 29 Sacra rituum congregatione, Eminentissimo et Reverendissimo D. Card. Otthobono Salutiarum Beatificationis, et Canonizationis Ven. Serv. dei Juvenalis Ancina, 2 vols (Rome: Reverenda Camera Apostolica, 1714–31), ii, 5–6; ‘Di più mostrava questa fede nel culto

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Here, his musical zeal is interpreted as an expression of faith, in agreement with the views we have met according to which beautiful music may be seen as a way to increase devotion. The statement is also well in accord with the post-Tridentine emphasis on understanding the words. What has been discussed here, has not been considered as an ideal to look back upon, nor as a strange old-fashioned past time which has long since been followed by more refined, ‘real’ aesthetics. We have wanted to look closely at a period which partly stands out as distant and difficult to grasp from a modern standpoint, but in other respects shows recognizable elements. The two different sides which have been in focus in our account, the aesthetic and the religious, are so closely integrated into each other that it is neither possible nor desirable to try to separate them. The strange, distant side is to a large extent represented by the medieval rituals which were incorporated to various degrees into the practices of the confraternities. Dependent on the individual institution and the time, the divine offices, the particular representational ceremonies like the visitatio sepulchri, the quarant’hore, various processions, but also flagellation and other devotional, more or less public, more or less private practices had been appropriated from traditional medieval liturgy, yet had been re-set or re-arranged in new, modern ways by choice, thereby acquiring new meanings. One of the most important ways in which new power and a new shape were given to such old ceremonies was by way of new music and new poetry, but also painting and sculpting played a large role.30 Altogether, the confraternities seem to have preserved and yet given new life to received medieval ceremonies and rituals by way of their artistic practices and skills (involving also ceremonial reconstructions and recontextualizations), always seen in a theological perspective and with devotional purposes as well. The link between the opera and the lauda as pointed to by Kircher (see p. 83) constitutes one more link between worlds which only from a modern point of view may seem to be divided in two clearly separated circles, the secular and the religious. It seems well-founded — as born out in the preserved materials esterno, che si dà anostro Signore nell’azioni pubbliche di Messe, Vesperi, ed altre solennità della Chiesa [. . .] per essempio occorrendo di cantare il Vespero in qualche solennità desiderava, che fosse stato accompagnato dalla migliore musica, dal canto gregoriano, che fusse ben cantata [. . .] et intonava con voce sonora l’Antifone, Capitoli et orazione, procurando che fossero intese da tutti.’ Quoted from Rostirolla, La lauda spirituale, p. 227, who does not give a date for the statement. Ancina was finally beatified by Leo XIII; see Smither, A History, i, 61. 30 See Eisenbichler, The Boys, pp. 257–69, and see also the discussion of the use of visual artistry in the propagation of Eucharistic theology in Imorde, Präsenz und Repräsentanz, esp. pp. 110–21.

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under discussion in this volume — to view the confraternities as receivers of medieval rituality and ceremonial and as providers of artistic means to enliven these ceremonies. Also the late lauda collection, ms 55, discussed in Chapter 5, corroborates this through its appropriation of music from a style which from a modern point of view associates much rather to opera style than to ‘serious’ church music. This is, of course, not different from so many other earlier collections of laude, but its incorporation of late seventeenth-century opera style into a genre traditionally used for confraternal and other devotions underlines the point of the historiography presented here: the evolving of musical aesthetics in European music history may as well be described as the outcome of devotional practices in sixteenth to seventeenth-century confraternities as through the traditionally emphasized secular channels of musical academies and courtly and later bourgeois opera.

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I Appendices

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Appendix 1

Twenty three-part settings from Tarquinio Longo: ‘Lodi e canzonette spirituali’ (1608) 1 Gioia et amore



Canto primo









 23







Aria I. per le Lodi Della I. Maniera (pp. 26–27)

Gio ia & a mo re sen te il mio co re: Gie sù di let to, nel va go a spet to: Canto secondo

 23















Gio ia & a mo re sen te il mio co re: Gie sù di let to, nel va go a spet to:

Basso



9

 3















 2

















Cuan do io ti

guar do mi strug go & ar do

ò fan ciul

li no, al mo e di

ui no.

















Cuan do io ti

guar do mi strug go & ar do

ò fan ciul

li no, al mo e di

ui no.















 



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Appendix 1

2 Anima mia



Canto primo

 
C. A ni ma mia che pen

 


Canto secondo

C. A ni ma mia che pen

  






 

Basso



7

  i.











si? per che do glio sa sta

i? sem pre tra hen do gua

Aria II. per le Lodi Della III. Maniera (pp. 38–39)









si? per che do glio sa sta

i? sem pre tra hen do gua













 




A. Vor rei ri po so e pa ce, vor rei di let to e gio ia, e tro vo af fan ni e no

ia.

 

 

  


i.

A. Vor rei ri po so e pa ce, vor rei di let to e gio ia, e tro vo af fan ni e no ia.

 

 










3 Andar vid’il gran Rè



Canto primo

Canto secondo

 



An dar vid’ il gran Rè 
  
 An dar vid’ il gran Rè

Basso



 

 

7




tar d’e len


tar d’e len



Page 268












so

car co di do

gli’à pas si










car co di do









Aria III. per le Lodi Della V. Maniera (pp. 52–53)





del v ni uer


so


del v ni uer






ti,

che per al

ta pie

tà


 pian gean

gli’à pas si








le

ti.

gen





 


ti, che per al ta pie tà pian gean le gen ti.















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LONGO: LODI E CANZONETTE (1608)

4 Quando rimiro Canto primo



Aria IV. per le Lodi Della V. Maniera (pp. 54–55)

 

Quan Canto secondo

 

Basso

 

Quan









5

 

 

al ti so





al ti so spi   



ri in

van



9

   



Page 269




 




do ri mi ro il Ciel cin to di lu







do ri mi ro il ciel cin te di lu


 





o











ò

chi fia mai,







 chi fia mai,








spi ri in








van






ri

trag








ri

che’n te mi pon




me






trag gio e gri

do;






gri

do

gio e







ga un




me:







che’n te mi pon 
















ga vn ni

do.


ni







 do



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Appendix 1

5 Ond’é che l’aureo crine



Canto primo

 

On Canto secondo

 

Basso

 

On



4



 6




sì

ro



sì 














d’è

che l’au reo cri

ne del più lu cen

te



ne del più lu cen te









d’è che l’au reo cri





gi






gi















ri splen den t’e vag’ hog gi

ri

mi

ro,





ri splen









den t’e vag’ hog gi













sì ri splen den t’e vag’ hog 



sì ri splen den t’e vag’ hog  





Page 270









ro






Aria V. per le Lodi Della VI. Maniera (pp. 96–97)


ri




 gi

gi








ri

ri









mi

ro,





mi






ro.






mi

ro.




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LONGO: LODI E CANZONETTE (1608)

6 Ahi perche stai si mesta Aria VI. per le Lodi Della VII. Maniera (pp. 106–107)






 






Ahi per che stai si me staal ma do len te, al ma do len te pren di gio ia per Canto 
  


 

secondo

Ahi per che stai si me staal ma do len te, al ma do len te pren di gio ia per
  








 



Basso

 Canto primo

6

  


 






che’l tuo pio Sig no re tuo pio Sig no re per te lan gui sce, e mo re, lan gui sce, e mo re. 




 


che’l tuo pio Sig no re tuo pio Sig no re per te lan gui sce, e mo re, lan gui sce, e mo re.








 






7 Ove lieta ne vai Canto primo





9







 

 







O ue lie

i

rai

ta

ne

va





 

Canto secondo

Basso

Aria VII. per le Lodi Della X. Maniera (pp. 114–15)













ta ne
va 

O ue lie




che sem bri un So

le

cin ta di

tan

ti

 



 i

cin ta di

tan

ti

 





   

rai



 















o ue il mio Spo so

vo

vo

le,

o ue il mio Spo so

le.















che sem bri un So le o ue il mio Spo so vo le, o ue il mio Spo so vo le.












 


Page 271

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264

Appendix 1

8 Dolce, felice e lieta Canto primo



 

Dol

Dol

Basso



5















ce,

lie

ta not

te più ch'al tro

gior

no A













lie

ta not

te più ch'al tro

gior

no A






la,

Ma dre di let ta, e bel

la di










ce,

 

 



er

 

fe li ce, e






di lu ce a dor



fe li ce, e





 

Canto secondo









Aria VIII. per le Lodi Della XII. Maniera (pp. 122–23)












no, e chia ra stel










 














er di lu ce a dor no, e chia ra stel la, Ma dre di let ta, e bel la di   
 







10










quel che'l mon do

reg

ge

lie

ti pa stor pio greg












quel che'l mon do

reg

ge

lie

ti pa stor pio greg




 

Page 272






 





ge, e vec chio san






ge, e vec chio san








to.

to.



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265

LONGO: LODI E CANZONETTE (1608)

9 Disposto ho di seguirti Canto primo






 

 

Aria IX. per le Lodi Della XII. Maniera (pp. 124–25)

Dis po sto hò di se guir

Canto secondo

Basso

6















ti Gie

sù spe ran

za mi

a

   
  


Dis po sto hò di se guir ti Gie sù spe ran za mi

    























per a spra, e du ra

  

per a spra, e du ra via con    



10 

  





Page 273

per a spra, e du

ra

via

 








du

ra via

con

la

   
















via








cro

la mia

con la mia cro






ce






a



ce

 



per a spra, e 









con la

mia

cro

ce.




mia



cro










 ce.



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266

Appendix 1

10 Ahi con piagata mano Canto primo




  







Ahi

con pia ga ta

Canto 
  
 secondo Ahi con pia ga  

 Basso 

Ahi con pia ga 

7

 no

 no

  

 

le por

 

no

12
  re,

le por



le por

 

le por

ma

no




ta



ma



no

ta

ma

no




  





re

in gra to à tan

  





te

tuo co

re

te del

  












tuo co

del



te del




tuo co




re








te del tuo co

re


    

re, le por te del 
    

 re,







bat te rò sem pre in va  


bat te rò sem pre in va



 

bat te rò sem pre in va

Aria X. per le Lodi Della XIV. Maniera (pp. 154–55)





tuo co re





le por te del tuo co re

in gra to à tan



to a mo

 

in gra to à tan to a mo 






in gra to à tan to a

mo





to a mo

re.

   
 in gra to à tan to a mo re.

  



in gra to à tan to a mo

re.

The last line of the alto part is printed upside down in the source.

Page 274




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LONGO: LODI E CANZONETTE (1608)

11 Stava a pie della croce Canto primo



Basso





Cro

ce

on de pen















ua à

piè

del

la

 







Sta



ua à

piè








fig

lio

lo

 
 Sta

Canto secondo




Aria XI. per le Lodi Della XIV. Maniera (pp. 156–57)

 
  








del






la



Cro



ce





5


 de a'l

  
 on de pen de a'l   
 



9






pian

15



dre in pian



Page 275








vo

ce



lo

lio























 stu




ce

stu

pi da e sen











la

Ma

dre in



 

lo

stu






la

Ma













stu

pi da e sen za













pi da e sen




pi da, e sen za





















 





lo

to, e in duo



vo








 

fig

to, e in duo


   










 












vo

ce.


za



za

vo





 ce.



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268

Appendix 1

12 Chi non ama te, Maria



Canto primo

Aria XII. per le Lodi Della XV. Maniera (pp. 222–23)




Chi Canto secondo




Basso

 


Chi

6




 fi


 fi






12
mo


mo



Page 276











non

a

ma


 a

non








  






ma

te

Ma



ri

a

e’l






























Chi

non

và

do

ue il












Chi

non

và

do

za

co

re























re

le

con

du

ce, e








con




du

ce, e

















tuo







le








re












tuo



re




e’l

a

co





ri

za







Ma

sen






te

glio, è

glio, è sen















ue il

tuo a












di

vi

a.












fuor

di

vi

a.







 fuor






tuo a



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LONGO: LODI E CANZONETTE (1608)

13 Passano i giorni Canto primo

Canto secondo

Basso



4



  

   





ni,

fug

   ni,

 







Pas

san no i

Aria XIII. per le Lodi Della XVI. Maniera (pp. 244–45)



 

fug







gior ni, i








me

si e vo lan gli an




  



 

Pas san no i gior ni, i me si e vo lan gli an   

















gon ve lo ci l'ho re og ni mo men












gon ve lo ci l'ho re og ni mo men



















fug ge la vi

ta



 

fug ge la vi

 

  

 



ta









te e i





più che neb bia al





te e i




to,


to,




 







più che neb bia al ven





veg go la mor

 

veg go la mor  

 

Page 277







to






ven

to














suoi sot ti li in gan





suoi sot ti li in gan  






ni.




ni.




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270

Appendix 1

14 Vergine Santa Aria XIV. per le Lodi Della XVII. Maniera (pp. 252–53)



 
  



Ver gi ne san ta e bel  Canto   




secondo

Ver gi ne san ta e bel    

 
Basso



Canto primo











la voi se te la

mia

 

 

à cui si vol ge il co

10 
re




re

 
re

Page 278

re

la

 





la

voi se te la mia stel 






voi se te la

mia





ne le tem pe ste 

re ne le tem pe ste













stel







  



à cui si vol ge il co re


  

à cui si vol ge il co






Ver gi ne san ta e bel la






ne le tem pe ste



la



stel

la




d'o gni gran do lo

 



d'o gni gran do lo



d'o gni gran do lo




ne le tem pe ste d'o gni gran do lo re.

   



ne le tem pe ste d'o gni gran do lo re





  





ne le tem pe

ste



d'o gni gran do

lo

re

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271

LONGO: LODI E CANZONETTE (1608)

15 Amor divino



Canto primo

Aria XV. per le Lodi Della XVII. Maniera (pp. 254–55)





A



Canto secondo

Basso



mor







vie



A

ni à

9









co

mo




re che vai cer can do vn

di ui no a

pi gliar ti il

pi gliar ti il

pi gliar ti il mi



pi gliar ti il mi

 


Page 279

re









mi


mi








o vie ni a

co







o vie ni a

re che vai cer can do vn



   

 








  



vie




mo



ni à







mor

di ui no a




o


re










che di dar te lo in pre da hò gran de si





 


o che di dar te lo in pre da hò gran de si














o che di dar te lo in pre da hò gran de





o che di dar te lo in pre da hò gran de












si

o






si






o

ORDER 2080139

272

Appendix 1

16 Anime affaticate



Canto primo

Aria XVI. per le Lodi Della XVIII. Maniera (pp. 294–95)


3

 



A ni me af fa

ti

A ni me af fa

Basso



5

 11

te e si



ti




bon

de

 



ti ca te e si ti

 



3


Canto secondo

ca




3


bon












l’on de vi ue

quà v'in ui

ta

la



 







l’on de vi ue

quà v'in ui

ta

la

 
























spe gner po

tre

te

 







te


te

 











spe

gner







po



tre




ve ni te al

 











 




 ve ra vi


 ve ra vi




de



ve ni te al




 






ta o ue

la lun ga se

ta o ue

la lun ga se














spe

gner po tre

te.












te

spe

gner

po tre

te.















The source has a time signature ‘C’ followed by a single note and a ‘3’ to indicate a change in timing. The three first and the fifth notes are filled minims, and the fourth is a stemless, filled diamond-shaped note, frequently used to indicate a hemiola rhythm. The ‘C’ in the second measure is editorial. The interpretation in the transcription assumes that the ‘3’ applies also to the note before it, analogous to how accidentals are often written. Other possible interpretations of the passage would be based on the problematic assumption that the mensural rules for augmentation were still in effect at this time. This might give 
| 3 



| or 
| 3 



|, thus preserving the anacrusis of the later phrases. The metre of the text gives no firm indication, since the accent pattern varies between the texts that are assigned to this melody, but the sapphic metre in the song may have invited this kind of rhythmical oddities.

Page 280

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LONGO: LODI E CANZONETTE (1608)

17 Vieni a brugiarmi il core



Canto primo Canto secondo

Basso

Aria XVII. per le Lodi Della XX. Maniera (pp. 310–11)







Vie

ni,


Vie 







ni,





Vie





vie ni a bru


ni,

vi ua fiam

 

 


 

9

fiam




giar

mi il




vie ni a

bru giar




giar

mi il

co

re



14




nel pet



 



Page 281

che hò nel pet 
che hò nel pet

pie

e scio gli in ac









to

il

giac






qua













e scio gli in










to so af fet



 



pie to so af fet to     


e scio gli in ac qua con pie to so af fet to


   
 






 qua con




re












re

mi il

con

ac

re

re

ma d’A mo



co














co






ma d’A mo











vi ua fiam ma d’A mo re









vi ua





vie ni a bru






 




il giac

cio che hò



 






to





il

giac




cio

il

giac

cio








cio

che hò nel pet

to.










to




il giac

cio che hò

nel pet

to.

to

il giac

cio che hò

nel pet

to.









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274

Appendix 1

18 Frena, fren’ il desio



Aria XVIII. per le Lodi Della XXIII. Maniera (pp. 326–27)

 




Fre

na

Canto secondo

 




Fre

na

Basso

 

Fre

na

Canto primo

6








fren’



fren’

il

de

il

pie

de,

ni ma e vol gi il

pie

de,







to,


get




get

si o che ti tras por

de



ta

si o che ti tras por

a



a

 

ta

a



pia mer ce de à quell’ og



à quell’ am pia mer ce de à quell’ og








to,


to,










in cui si tro

 

à quell’ am pia mer ce

de à quell’ og














ua

sol pa ce e

di

let

to.










in cui si tro ua sol pa ce e di let 


in cui si tro ua sol pa

ce e

m. 12: Canto secondo, last three notes are f, g, a in the source.

Page 282







il de si o che ti tras por ta


 


ni ma e vol gi il

get



fren’






 







ni ma e vol gi il pie de, à quell’ am  




  

 

11



di

let


to.


to.

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LONGO: LODI E CANZONETTE (1608)

19 Non son tant’ onde Canto primo



Canto secondo

Basso



5



Aria XIX. per le Lodi Della XXV. Maniera (pp. 334–35)

  




Non son tant’ on de in ma     





Non son tant’ on de in ma

re

    


 







rei

gri me a ma




rei


 

la

la




10


 l’al ma

 

l’al ma

ti




  

14






spi

ri















re

Ver

gin

ri

quan te io

spar







ger vor










quan te io

spar

ger vor












che col tuo pian to

à duol la men te




 ti ri à duol la men








  



a duol la men te












ri a duol la men






 




Page 283
















re Ver gin che col tuo pian



















ti

re







gri me a ma












la

to






gri me e

so

  

la gri me e so spi

 



te













la

e

ri

gri me



so spi




  


te

la







gri me e so

 

spi






ri




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276

Appendix 1

20 Ami chi vol ballare



Canto primo

Canto secondo

Aria XX. per le Lodi Della XXV. Maniera (pp. 346–47)

3














A mi chi vol a

re bel tà che fa pe

ma

na

re

ch'a me ne

ma re bel tà che fa pe na


 





 3 

re

ch'a me ne




3










  

A mi chi vol a

Basso

8


ti ra do lo e me sta il co

 



14





Page 284




  







re

bel tà ce le




 




ste e non mi da


do lo






 





ti ra do lo e me sta il co re bel tà ce le ste e non mi da do lo


















 





re e non mi da do lo re e non mi da do lo re





 



  

re e non mi da do lo re e non mi da do lo re















 



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Appendix 2

Archivio dell’Opera di S. Maria del Fiore: Arch. mus II, 55 and Supplementing Texts

B

elow is an edition of the songs in the collection of laude from the Archivio dell’opera di S. Maria del Fiore: Arch. Mus, ii, 55. All the songs are laid out in the same format in the collection: one stanza of text, set in four or — in one case — three parts (O vergin gloriosa, p. 289), but with no additional stanzas given in the manuscript. All but one of the songs, however, have texts which are also found in the Florentine collection Corona di sacre canzoni o laude spirituali, printed in 1710. These have been added to the transcriptions of the polyphonic laude from ms 55, both to give a fuller picture of the repertory, and to facilitate the use of the edition for practical performance. A little more than half of the laude have melodic concordances in the Corona as well. For these, the monophonic versions from Corona have been given. The edition follows the source closely. The time signatures and repeats are written as in the source. Editorial accidentals have been placed above the notes to which they belong. The spelling and punctuation is as in the manuscript, which means that it may differ slightly from the corresponding texts from Corona. In the texts from Corona, typographical inconsistencies (Giesú/Giesù) have been normalized.

Page 285

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278

Appendix 2

1 Fredd’ è quel cuore



  Fredd’

   

Fredd’

    

Fredd’

8











è

quel

cuo

re ch’in








cuo

re ch’in







Fredd’

8




è

quel







è

quel





cuo

è

cuo




ar

de e

non



ar

 16

non

ria

se


Ma















re ch’in

si

scio

mo

re










san to a




san to a







re



mo

re











di scio









scio

si


per



 glie









cui s’am

mi


















ria





mi

ra



ria

mi

ra


glie



ra

se










ar de e








glie

non

se

mo

 

di

Ma





de e si









glie Ma

scio




re



san to a



non






mo




di

mi




san to a

de e si

ria






ar













se


















ra

Ma

Page 286







di




re ch’in

mi

8









 














8






quel














ra


per








per

cui s’am





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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55



24









cui s’am

mi








8





cui s’am

per

32



ra

per

 

mi

 8

   







cui

s’am

ra








mi ra

per cui s’am









per



cui

s’am

mi

per











Page 287






ra

per












ra









 ra






ra








Di



o





Di









8



cui s’am




mi ra

o



per

cui s’am mi







mi




















Di

 





ra

o





Di

mi





Di

ra

mi

cui s’am

mi

 

mi







cui s’am

per

cui s’am 40



ra









mi







s’am









cui

ra s’am












per














per




ra

 


 mi






Di















o

 o




Di

sot




to



u

ORDER 2080139

280



Appendix 2

48











o

sot

to











to

ma



sot

 8

 





ma







ne

u

ma







u

ma ne

to

glie


glie

   

u

ma

o sot

 



glie



u

ne

ne

u








56












ma





8

u







u

ma



ma

ne





ne





u

ne













u

ma ne

spo




u

ma




u

ma



spo








u

ma ne

spo




















spo

glie

glie




ma

ne

spo

u

ma

ne

spo





Si loda la santissima vergine

Page 288




ne

ne



spo










u





glie

ne




glie









ne



spo



ma



Fredd’ è quel cuore ch’in santo amore non arde e si discioglie Maria se mira per cui s’ ammira Dio sott’ umane spoglie

E sè quell’ Arca, Che mentra varca, Di colpe l’acque affina. E mentre in onda, Vltrice l’ onda, Splend’ Iride serena.

Dunque alma mia Loda Maria, Di Dio la Madre onora; La lingua impieghi Gl’affetti spieghi, In celebrarla ogn’ ora

Fra l’ ombre oscure Di rie sventure Sorge del Mare Stella, Del sommo Sole Sua bella prole Precorritrice Ancella.

 

glie

KATERN 10

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

Dal Paradiso Sen’ gìa diviso l’uomo di Dio rubello; Ella n’ aperte Le porte asperse Col sangue dell’ Agnello.

Di tortorella Le guancie hà ella, D’ oro l’augusta fronte; Pare assai vile Ricco monile, Se al collo si confronte.

Se già qual Duce l’ Ebreo conduce Vna colonna ardente; Maria ne guida, Ch’ in lei confida A un bene permanente.

Pregio minore Scarso splendore Han’ le perle, e i diamanti; Delle men belle Sono le stelle Al suo fulgor’ d’avanti.

Se Verga invitta Diede sconfitta Al Faraon superbo frange la testa Al Demon’ questa, Col generare il Verbo.

No hà l’Aurora, Nè il Sole indora Raggio si luminoso? Non ave il Cielo Dentro il suo velo Astro più prodigioso.

Se con un chiodo Con nuovo modo Iaél’ Sisara uccise D’ empio Acheronte Maria la fronte Al Regnator recìse.

De Serafini, De Cherubini Vince l’ardente amore. Sol’ ella cede, Sol’ ella crede Al suo divin’ Signore.

Ell’ è perfetta, Qual mirra eletta, O balsamo sincèro, Qual cedro, o palma Sopra d’ ogn’ alma Tien glorioso impèro.

In quanto è Madre Del sommo Padre, Di lei più singolare La Sapienza, L’Onnipotenza Non sa, nè può creare.

Pure faville Son le pupille Di colomba innocente: Scorre dal labro Vivo cinabro Di nettare un torrente.

Dunque ogn’ affetto; Dunque ogni detto Ad ogni mente pia A lei d’ avanti Vmil ne canti Tutta bella è Maria.

In Corona (pp. 231–33), this text is given to the same melody as Vergin Maria (no. 15; see p. 314).

Page 289

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282

Appendix 2

2 Gloriosa verginella











Glo ri

Ver gi nel la,

Pu ro Gi

glio,

o sa



8

 

sa Fi glia, e Spo





e Mad re




o sa

Ver gi nel la,

Pu ro Gi

glio,







e Mad re

Fi glia, e Spo sa

Glo ri

o sa

Ver gi nel la,



Pu ro Gi




glio,

e Mad re

Fi glia, e Spo sa

Ver gi nel la,

Pu ro Gi

glio,

e Mad

re Fi glia, e Spo sa





 Glo ri

o sa



del tuo Fi

glio.






del tuo Fi

glio.






del tuo Fi






O Ma rìa, dol ce te so ro,

glio.







    


O Ma rìa, dol ce te so   


O Ma rìa, dol ce te so   

 






del tuo Fi




 

 




8





Glo ri





 

6







glio.

Io










t’a

do

ro.






ro, Io t’a

do

ro.

ro, Io t’a

do







O Ma rìa, dol ce te so



ro, Io t’a



ro.




do

 ro.

Lodi a Maria Vergine

 



Glo ri

o

sa

6



 del tuo Fi

Page 290

 glio.





ver

gi

nel la,





 

Pu ro

Gi

 





 O

Ma rìa, dol

ce te













glio,

Ma dre

Fi glia, e Spo sa





 





so

ro,

Io

t’a do

 ro.

Gloriosa Verginella, Puro Giglio, Madre Figlia, e Sposa del tuo Figlio. O Marìa, dolce tesoro, Io t’adoro.

Glorios’ alma, serèna, benedetta, E di gloria, e grazia diva eletta, O Marìa, dolce tesoro, Io t’adoro.

Glorios’ alta Regina, Vergin santa, Vaga Stella mattutina, diva pianta, O Marìa, dolce tesoro, Io t’adoro.

Gloriosa, risplendente, e chiara luce, Amoroso Sol lucente, fida duce, O Marìa, dolce tesoro, Io t’adoro.

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

Gloriosa umil’ Ancèlla, Vergin degna, O sagrata Verginella, che ’n Ciel regna, O Marìa, dolce tesoro, Io t’adoro.

Gloriosa Verginella, almo conforto, Di mia fida Navicella divin Porto, O Marìa, de’ tuoi divoti, Prendi voti.

Corona, pp. 274–75.

3 Acciò de tuoi Divoti

  3  





Ac



ciò







tuoi

di

vo







 


Ac

ciò

de’

tuoi

di

vo

3 








  3 

ciò

de’






Ac

ciò

de’

3  8



8



de’



Ac

sa cro co
















tuoi

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sa

cro co

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di

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in

tuon so









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ro

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Page 291

no




in







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in

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no

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so

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Appendix 2

11 














no

plau

si

tuo

i





ro

 

8





8



i

i

 plau

no

ro

i








tuon

so

no

18 






Pur ga og ni

lin


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di

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ga og ni













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i

stin

gua

Pur ga og ni

plau

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ni





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lin gua da’ pro fa

ni in














 



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ni in

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di

vo

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25





8

8






 










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ni















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Page 292






di

 




vo

vo



van








di vo Gio

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vo

vo






ni

di

vo






  

di vo Gio van



ni

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Parafrasi dell’ inno di San Giovanni Batista

 9

 15

Ac

ciò













de

Di

ti il

cro

ro

in

tuoi

vo

Co



















no

ro i

plau

si

tuòi

di

stin

gua

pur













lin

gua

da

pro

fa

ni in





gan

ni

Acciò de’ tuoi divoti il sacro Coro in tuon sonoro i plausi tuoi distingua purga ogni lingua da’ profani inganni Divo Giovanni Nunzio del Ciel quaggiù spiegando l’ ali. Gli alti natali, e l’ opre, e’l nome addita E di sua vita al vecchio Genitore. Spiega il tenore. Ei che a suoi detti intera se non presta Mutolo resta del suo dubbio in pena:

Corona, pp. 8–9.

Page 293

sa







Di

vo

Gio

tuon so





ga og

ni

van

ni

Ma con più lena al nascer tuo diffonde Note faconde. Poi mentre in regio talamo a lo sposo Applavdi ascoso, e di letizia esulti Tuoi merti occulti i Genitori presaghi Cantar son vaghi Sia Pregio, e lode al Padre e al Figlio eterno Ea quell’ alterno Amor, che d’Ambi spira Finche in se gira con perpetuo stato L’Evo beato

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Appendix 2

4 Non han tante



  3







3 



8

Non



3



i

li

8

  3 



 Non








han tan te

i











Non










han tan te








di a

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8


 


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   mar

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Page 294

mar

  

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non

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non

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mar

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mar non

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d’ac qua

le






Stil

  

d’ac qua il




mar non





 












ha

 

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19

       















quant’ ha’l Ciel



8

   
8



 

  





nu me

rar





8

 

nu

   

re ne







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se

re ne






nu

me









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mai

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nu

me

rar












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32

  









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chi

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trà



   8



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Page 295

trà

  

trà

po






rar

 





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8

  

le

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quant’ ha’l Ciel



 


quant’ ha’l Ciel

quant’ ha’l Ciel

    
 26






















po

trà

rar

chi

mai

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trà.
















chi

mai

po

trà

nu me

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chi

mai

po

trà.


























chi

mai

po

trà

nu me

rar

chi

mai po

trà.






chi

mai




po




trà

nu me









nu me









rar

chi



mai




po

 trà.




ORDER 2080139

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Appendix 2

Anima penitente chiede Aiuto a Maria Non han tante i lidi arene, Stille d’acqua in mar non ha, Quante ha’l Ciel stelle serene Numerar chi mai potrà? Non han tante i lidi arene, Stille d’acqua in mar non ha.

Il Demon, la Carne, e ’l Mondo Fanno ostacolo al mio fin, E di colpe il grave pondo Mi ritardano il cammin. Il Demon, la Carne, e ’l Mondo Fanno ostacolo al mio fin.

E quest’ Alma d’altr’e tante Colpe rea, come potrà Dall’offeso Dio suo amante Ottener già mai pietà? E quest’ Alma d’altr’e tante Colpe rea, come potrà

Dolce Madre aiuto appresta Alla mia fragilità, Che i suoi falli già detesta Per trovare in Dio pietà. Dolce Madre aiuto appresta Alla mia fragilità.

Il mio fallo è più, che certo, Ma ’l perdono incerto egli è. Se, o Gran Madre, pel tuo merto Non m’impetri tu mercè. Il mio fallo è più, che certo, Ma ’l perdono incerto egli è.

Se fin’ or fui peccatore, Penitente anco farò, E con pianto amato il core, Le sue macchie laverò. Se fin’ or fui peccatore, Penitente anco farò.

Io so ben, ch’ è si clemente Il mio Dio col peccator, Se di core egli si pente, Ei si scorda d’ ogni error. Io so ben, ch’ è si clemente Il mio Dio col peccator

Amerò quanto l’offesi Il tuo figlio, il mio Giesù, Ma dei giorni male spesi Il perdon m’impetra tu. Amerò quanto l’offesi Il tuo figlio, il mio Giesù.

Corona, p. 14–16. The text is followed by the indication that ‘Le sopradette Laude [i.e. Non han tante and Adorate (no. 13; see p. 311)] si possono cantare come Alma mia dove ten vai. Overo come Con dolcezza’ (Corona, p. 16). The way the text is written out in the Corona, with the two first lines of each stanza repeated at the end, corresponds with the structure of the melody to which it is assigned in Corona (the same as for 8 Adorate, p. 310): |: a :| b a |. All the other settings in ms 55 have either a simple |: a :||: b :| structure or no repeats at all.

Page 296

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5 O Vergin Gloriosa











  




O ver gin glo ri

o sa

ma dre del Sal va

tor














O ver gin glo ri

o sa

ma dre del Sal va

tor

O ver gin glo ri

o sa

ma dre del Sal va

tor

  







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 mo stra ti o mai pie to sa

 







mo stra ti o mai pie









ma dre del Sal va

tor







 ma dre del Sal va

tor

ma dre del Sal va

tor



 



 
 
 


to sa

dol cis si ma san tis si






mo stra ti o mai pie to sa

mo stra ti o mai pie

to sa

dol cis si ma san tis si

mo stra ti o mai pie to sa

mo stra ti o mai pie

to sa

dol cis si ma san tis si

 


 


 




   

19




 









 ma

per me

per me

che t’ho do na to il cuor

che t’ho do na to il cuor.












 ma

per me

per me

che t’ho do na to il cuor

che t’ho do na to il cuor.

ma

per me

per me

che t’ho do na to il cuor

che t’ho do na to il cuor.

 












Page 297

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Appendix 2

Alla SS. Vergine



O 8

 

14

Ma












ver

gin’

glo

ri








dre del

 






cis

si ma,







Sal



 san

tis

va

Tu sei guida sicura E la Porta del Ciel; Tu di noi prendi cura,

Corona, pp. 516–517

Page 298

 tor

mo




si ma

per me,

Tu sei lucente Stella Del tempestoso Mar, Che vince ogni procella Purissima, santissima, per chi Si trov’ a navigar.

sa [O







O Vergin’ gloriosa Madre del Salvator Mostrati omai pietosa Dolcissima, santissima, per me, Che t’hò donato ’l cor.

Per Te s’ arriva al porto D’ogni felicità: Tu sei il vero conforto Purissima, santissima, si si Della Christianità:

o





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glo

ri

sa]

ver

gin’















stra ti o

mai

pie

to

sa Dol



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na

o



to’l

Purissima, santissima, per te Si salva ogni fedel. Chi sia che non ti brami, Madre del buon Giesú. Tu sciogliesti i legami Purissima Santissima si si Di nostra schiavitù. Impetraci perdono Tu ch’ hai sommo poter, Acciò di grazia il dono: Purissima, santissima, che un di Teco possiam’ goder. Prepari la corona A chi sarà fedel, E spera ogni persona Purissima, santissima, per te Di trionfare in Ciel.

 cor.

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

6 Verginella che sei madre



 
Ver gi


 Ver



nel






la

che

se’

ma

gi




nel

la

gi



nel

che

a

ma

to a




dre

dell’

a

ma






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ma

to a

 8



Page 299

  let

ma






sù

so e

va






Ge

sù

mio

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sù

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to







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ma

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mio Ge

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che se i

se’ ma


se’


ma to




 8

la










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nel

la








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Ver











 
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Appendix 2

20  

 


 8

 

 

 







bi

No

bi





lis si ma sig










No

lis

25

si

ma sig




No




no

  fe



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tuo bel pre gio o

Page 300






8



bi






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pre gio o no


gio o

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ra.

 ra.

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Lode a Maria








 



Ver gi 5

 9






sù

va

  








nel

la

che se’



 





no

ra

e

let

to

dre



  







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ni

fe

del

Verginella che sei madre Dell’ amato Giesù, Vaso eletto di Virtù Nobilissima Signora, Ogni Fedel’ il tuo bel pregio onora Coronata sei di stelle, Te la Luna, e ’l Sol vestí, E la grazia t’abbellì, E si vaga al fin ti rese, Che l’ Sommo Rè dell’ amor tuo s’ accese. Benedetta fra le Donne, Per la tua gran’ umiltà, Per la tua gran purità, E mercè d’Iddìo tuo figlio. Supera ancor nel suo candore il Giglio. Bell’ Aurora risplendente, Che le tenebre, e gl’ orror

il

tuo bel

pre

dell’ a

ma

  


No bi







gio o

no

lis










to

mio










si

ma

sig




Ge

 ra.

Disgombrasti d’ ogni error, E scopristi con tua luce La vera via, che alla virtù conduce. Concepisti senza macchia Del tuo ventre Virginal’. Con stupor d’ ogni mortal’ E di tue Mammelle intatte Succhiò Giesù lo sacrosanto latte. Or t’ ha posta in trono eccelso La divina Trinità Per l’intera eternità, Sopra gli Angeli esaltata, Dell’ alto Ciel Regina incoronata. Deh rivolgi il guardo amante Dal tuo soglio imperial, E rimira il nostro mal, Che proviamo in questo esiglio Con gran timor dell’ infernal’ periglio.

Corona, pp. 107–08 (melody) and 109–10 (text).

Page 301







 

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Appendix 2

7 Che bella gloria



 

Che












bel la

ri

glo







8

Che

bel



 

la



8





 









a

che




glo ri

 Che










go de

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la

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ri






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glo

a

go





fig

lio am mi





ra

bi

le

 
 8



fig

Page 302

lio am mi

bi

le

a

ri



bi

le





fig




fig lio am mi

lio am mi






ra

bi














o del

Ig

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o










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bel la







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grand Ig





del grand Ig






del grand Ig









zi

o del

grand Ig

o



ORDER 2080139

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55



25


 na

zi

o

na

zi

o



  8


8

 

na




na

zi

zi

8



  














bei

spir ti an





ge






li

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34

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Page 303

sa



zio

41

mi



non mi

non




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sa

sa



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non mi

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zio






io

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li

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zio di mi rar

sa

 


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io

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spir










 


sa






ci

mi

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mi

rar








zio

di

mi

sa

zio






sì no
bi


lo

rar lo sì no bi








lo

sì no bi






rar lo sì no bi

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Appendix 2

48


  8



di

mi

 

le

di

 

 

8



le





le

di

rar







le

di

mi

No concordances in Corona.

Page 304















lo

sì



no

bi

le.

mi

rar

lo sì

no

bi

le.












mi

no



bi

le.

no

bi

rar

lo







rar

lo

sì




sì











le.

ORDER 2080139

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8 Acciò de tuoi divoti















Ac

ciò

de’









 





ciò

de’



Ac



8



Ac

12  





Page 305

ac

ciò de’









Ac

ciò

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ac

ciò de’

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tuo

 










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tuoi

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tuo



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ti







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di

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sa

tuo i













il

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sa



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cro

co






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de’

 

 



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i

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8

















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8

21

tuo

i



tuo i



tuo







tuo

de’









ciò









sa

cro

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ORDER 2080139

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30



Appendix 2







so

no

ro









ro in

tuon so


 8

 



tuon










stin





ro

i






plau si

tuon so

no

ro

in

tuon so

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plau si

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tuoi di

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8



Page 306


gua









lin



gua pur ga og ni




di

tuoi di







stin

gue

no

ro













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pur ga og ni

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pur ga og

ni


 

















ga og

ni



ga og

ni

lin







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gua pur ga og ni





lin





gue pur ga og

pur










gue

gue







stin

49




tuoi

pur

di

 



plau si

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no




















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8



so

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39

stin

si



no



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in

 











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ni

lin

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gua

gua

lin

pro fa


pro

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gua








gua

ORDER 2080139

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

60   fa





ni in

gan



in

gan








   da’

pro





da’




fa ni in gan






vo

pro





Gio

van



8



di




ni di

vo Gio

ni

di

vo Gio













di

vo Gio

van

ni



 




ni di

vo Gio van

ni








ni





di

vo Gio van







ni

di

vo Gio

van

ni





di

vo Gio van

van

ni

di

vo Gio van








See above, p. 285 for the Corona version.

Page 307









van

 




ni



ni

vo Gio van













fa ni in gan

 



  

 di



70

 














 

ni

gan





ni





 

8









   ni

 ni

ORDER 2080139

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Appendix 2

9 O vergin bella



  3


O











Ver gin

bel



3 

la lu

cen



te





8


 3 8



O

  3 

O






Ver gin










bel

cen

la lu





te













stel la





O Ver gin




bel

Ver gin

bel la

lu


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O



la lu













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O Ver gin






bel

Ver

gin

bel

la lu

7

  



 





cen

te

stel







dell’

cen te

stel

la

dell’







cen


te stel 



la

dell’

cen

te

la

dell’

    

15

e ter no dell’ e ter no so le Ge 









la

8

8











   

stel

sù

fa’ che’l cuor mi o

sù

fa’ che’l cuor mi o

8

sù

           sù

Page 308



e

ter

dell’ e

no



dell’ e







 lun gi da

 
 

no

ter no so

le

Ge

dell’ e ter no so le Ge  no

e ter 







   


       

ter











    




8

e

fa’ che’l



Di o

ter no so

le

Ge





 lun gi da









cuor mi o



 
 fa’ che’l

Di o






lun gi da




lun gi da



 cuor mi o

ORDER 2080139

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

22  



 lun gi



da

  

8

Di o

    8

Di



più non si


 

  







o

più non

si

fù





Di





o

più



 

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da




 


Di o

più


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a

co me già

fù

co me già

a

co me già

fù

co me già









a

fù

co me già

fù

co me già



 



non si

fù

a

co me già

fù



co me già

fù

Per la Natività di Maria Vergine

  31

 

O

9







  





Ver

gin’

bel

te

Stel

cen





la

e

ter

no,

Dell’

  

  

mi

gi

  

e

ter

le

sù,







 



  



 

Più non

si

a,

gi

Più non

si

me

fù

Dell’

no So

Lun

Nel tuo Natale, Ogni Mortale Consolato lieto gioì, E ’l Mondo tutto, Che ’l dolce frutto Del tuo uentre sperava un dì. Quando nascesti, La speme desti Di salute, e di vera fè: E quella grazia,

Ge

da

Fà

Di

o







O vergin bella, Lucente stella Dell’ eterno Sole Giesù, Fà che ’l cuor mio Lungi da Dio Più non sia, come già fù.

Page 309

la, Lu



  

 

17



che’l cuor

o Lun

a, Co

da

già

Di

Ch’ ogni cuor’ fazia, Nacque al Mondo per tua mercè. In Cielo gli Angeli, E insiem’ gli Arcangeli Fanno festa al tuo Natal; In Terra ancora Ognun’ adora Te Bambina Celestial. Le preci mie Vmili, e pie Avvocata de’ peccator, Ascolta omai; E in tanti guai Tú refugio sia del mio cor.

o

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Corona, pp. 484–86.

Page 310

Appendix 2 Sarò beato, S’ al mio peccato Qualche scampo Verrà da te. E le pietade, Per tua bontade, O Maria, conseguitò; Lieto, e felice, Quasi Fenice, Nuova vita ripiglierò. Così contrito, E omai pentito Degli errori commessi già; La lingua, e ’l core A tutte l’ore Il tuo aiuto confesserà.

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10 Mi giubbila












Mi giub bi la mi giub bi la di gio ja in pet to il cuor di gio ja in pet to il


















  3    3   8





Mi giub bi la mi giub bi la di gio ja in pet to il cuor di gio ja in pet to il

 

Mi giub bi la  3

 

 3 8

Mi giub bi la








mi giub bi la di gio ja in pet to il cuor di gio ja in pet to il














mi giub bi la di gio ja in pet to il cuor di gio ja in pet to il

 


  


9

cuor

 
 

cuor



  


cuor

  



17

mo Ma ria del Ciel’ o nor

8



mo





8



Page 311

mo Ma ria del Ciel’ o nor

 
  mo






si



cis










si


 

se chia mo a o gnor Ma ria no me dol cis

 
  
   

cuor se chia mo a o gnor




Ma ria no me dol cis

se chia mo a o gnor Ma ria no me dol


     8

 




se chia mo a o gnor


      8

 





Ma ria no me dol cis













Ma ria del Ciel’





Ma ria del Ciel’ o nor Ma ria del Ciel’ o

 



si

 



 






o nor


 nor




nor






Ma ria del Ciel’ o

Ma ria del Ciel’ o nor Ma ria del Ciel’

o nor

si

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Appendix 2

Per il santissimo nome di Maria Mi giubbila, mi giubbila di gioia in petto il cor; se chiamo à ognor, se chiamo à ognor Maria nome dolcissimo, Maria del Ciel’ onor.

Bellissimo, bellissimo E ’l nome tuo sì sì, La notte, e ’l dí, la notte, e ’l dí Chiamerò la mia Vergine, Che ’l cuor’ già mi ferì.

Distruggomi, distruggomi, Chiamando te mio ben, Ahi, che ’l mio sen, ahi che ’l mio sen’ Sempre, Maria invocandoti Vien di docezza men.

Amabile, amabile, Ch’ altro chiamar’ non sò, Sol’ griderò, sol’ griderò: O Nome soavissimo, Che donat’ vita può.

Accendesi, accendesi Il cuor’ verso il Signor’ Di santo ardor, di santo ardor, Se mai mia bocca nomina Marìa dolce tesor.

O Vergine, o Vergine, Chi non t’ invocherà? Ognun’ dirà, ognun’ dirà: Ch’ é il nome tuo dell’ Anime L’ alta felicità.

Corona, pp. 638–39 (melody) and 640 (text).

Page 312

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

11 Spirti bellissimi





31

   31 8

Spir ti

8

6

Spir ti



Spir ti




bel

lis

31    3  1

  



si mi

lis

   Spir ti











8





8



Ma

ria

 

Page 313

te al

bel







lis

si mi

scio

glie

te al

to il

vol

   

to il

vol

   

vol




  nuo va Giu dit



Ma

ria



ta

nuo va Giu dit

can to il

vol

 



can

to il

vol

scio glie te al

can

 

to il

vol

scio glie te al

can to il

vol





  









al

fin

al

fin

pu

ta

al

fin

al

ta

al

fin

al

al

fin

pu




  


  

al

fin



  



nuo va Giu dit

ta

  

scio glie te al

 nuo va Giu dit   Ma


ria     ria

 

scio glie te al









can

   



can




   













scio glie te al





Ma

glie

vol

 

8

scio





    

si mi

to il



8

lis



to il

12    











   can



  









scio glie te al

si mi

can




  






bel

bel



     

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Appendix 2

17



 gnò





fin

pu





8

8



fin



pu





 






  gnò

e d’O lo

fer

gnò

e d’O lo

ne

cru

do

  



do

tri

on



  

cru do

cru

do



  

cru do

cru

do

do

tri

on

lo fer ne cru

d’O







lo fer ne cru

























tri

on








fò

ne

tri

on

fò

fò



e d’O lo









on

fò

tri

on









fer

ne

tri

on





tri

on

fò

tri



on



lo fer fò 
e d’O



ne



tri



on

fò

tri

on

fò

ne

tri

on

     fò

cru

do



e d’O lo

fer

tri

   8








   e

  

8

d’O



ne

fer



23

fò

e




 

gnò










e d’O lo

fer



fò





fò

La Vergina vittoriosa dell’ Inferno

 31  7



Spir

ti

    va

Giu dit

 bel



 

lis

si

   ta og

gi

mi



pu gnò,

Spirti bellissimi Sciogliete il canto il vol: Maria nuova Giuditta alfin pugnò e d’Oloferne crudo trionfò Tempre finissime Armàto il suo bel sen,

Page 314













  





scio

glie

te il

can

to l

vol:

Ma

ria

nuo

   E

d’O

lo

  

  

fer

do

ne cru

tri

on

fò

La sua corazza fú la Purità, Scudo la Fe, spada la Carità. Sempre Virgineo Mantenne il suo candor: Ella del Drago il capo rio schiacciò, E nel suo seno mai la colpa entrò.



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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

Madre di grazia Accorri al mio martir: Se tu Marìa combatterai per me, Non temo più d’ Averno il crudo Rè,

Corona, pp. 376–78.

Page 315

Spirti tartarei, Tornate al cupo orror, Marìa, del Ciel’ Regina vuol’ così, Ite à penar, ove non è mai dì.

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Appendix 2

12 Va pur rio mondo, Va



31 











Va’

pur

rio

mon

do

va’

 31











Va’

pur

rio

mon

do

va’

31 





  



pur

rio

mon

va’

8

8

Va’

3  1  6





do

  



   quel



la

   quel

 

va

la

va

   quel

la





va



   ghez

za

che

   ghez

za

che

ghez

za

che

     

  


     





   lu

sin ghier ti

fà

al

fin poi man che rà

a

vrà de gli an ni il

fior

lu

sin ghier ti

fà

al

fin poi man che rà

a

vrà de gli an ni il

fior

lu

sin ghier ti

fà

al

fin poi man che rà

a

vrà de gli an ni il

fior

  


    


     


8




   


     


  8




   


  


      12 


  pri ma ve ra

8

bre

ve



Page 316



 



e

ter

no

lor








ter

no

do








ter

no

do

ver rà la

ne

ve

d’e




  


  

pri ma ve ra

bre

ve

  


8




  

pri ma ve ra bre ve  


 

e

ver rà la

ne

ve

d’e




   e

ver rà la

ne

ve

d’e




  





do

lor

lor




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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

Dispregio del mondo

    31



   

Va

pur

rio Mon do

8

 14









  



ti

fà

Al

fin’

poi man che

rà,

  ma



 



ve

ra

ve,

bre

va;







E

ver

rà

      Quel la

va ghez za, Che

  



A

vrà







la

ne

ve

 de





gli an ni’l

sin ghier’





fior’

Pri









d’e

ter

no

do

lor.

Vedrà, vedrà ’l rubel, Che ’l fiero abisso Possederà quel’ cuor, Che dar’ non volle al Ciel; Allor’ ben’ piangerà Li doni primieri, Ma pietà non speri, Chi pietà non hà.

Và pur superbo, và, Quella grandezza Ch’ insuperbir’ ti fà, Al fin’ poi caderà, Sarà ’l tuo fals’ onor’ Vn’ auretta lieve, E finirà in breve De’ tuoi pregi ’l fior.

Vedrà, vedrà ’l rubel, Che diede l’ alma Al nemico crudel, E à Dio visse infedel, Dirà miser: perchè, Non conobbi ’l vero? Or pietà non spero, Non spero mercè.

Allor’ sospirerà Sua gran’ pazzia L’ingrato Peccator, Ma non varrà ’l dolor, Allor’ con duol dirà: Troppo fui infedele, Al mio Dio fedele Di somma bontà.

Stolt’ è la servitù Di ben’ fallace, Che tosto cade giù, e non ritorna più, Poi non varrà ’l pentir, Se pietà vorrài, Non al troverài, Ma pene, e martir.

Allor’ ben’ piangerà La gran’ fierezza Verso ’l suo Creator L’ingrato Peccator, Allor’ mesto dirà: Troppo fui crudele Contro Dio fedele Di somma bontà.

Deh, lascia, o gioventù, Ben’ si fugace, Che non ritorna più, E guida in servitù: Che non vale ’l pentir Fra gli eterni guai, Dove troverai Tormenti, e martir.

Page 317

lu



Va pur rio Mondo va; Quella vaghezza, Che lusinghier’ ti fa, Al fin’ poi mancherà, Avrà degli anni ’l fior’ Primavera breve E verrà la neve d’eterno dolor.

Corona, pp. 703–05.

  



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Appendix 2

13 Adorate



 46





A

do ra

te o mie




A

do ra

te o mie



 46 8


 46 8

A

 6  4


A



5




do ra




te o mie






te o mie















pu pil




le



del





mio Dio

l’al

ta

bel tà.

pu pil

le

del

mio Dio

l’al

ta

bel tà.

















pu pil

le

mio Dio

l’al

ta








pu pil



le




del

















del

mio Dio

l’al

ta






bel tà.






bel tà.



















gli

splen do




ri e



le




scin til




le



del




la sua gran ma







gli

splen do

ri e

le

scin til

le

del

la sua gran ma

e stà















8











ri e



le




scin til




le




del

la sua gran ma

gli

splen do

ri e

le

scin til

le

del

la sua gran ma







A do ra te o mie pu pil le







8






A do ra te o mie pu pil le

8



splen do












gli

    


Page 318





 










8

9

do ra






 

 








A do ra te o mie pu pil le











A do ra te o mie pu pil le











e stà


 e stà






e stà

 

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

Espressioni di amore verso Giesù

3



















A do

ra

te o

mie Pu

pil

le

  










do

ri, e

le

9

17

Gli splen

scin














del mio

Dio

l’al

ta

tà












til

le

sua

gran

















A do

ra

te o

mie pu

pil

le



del la






del mio

bel


 ma

e









Dio

l’al

ta

tà

bel

Oh, che gloria, oh che contento, E’ il patir pel sommo Rè! Io non temo, io non pavento Giesù mio morir per te. Oh, che gloria, oh che contento, E’ il patir pel sommo Rè!

Care fiamme dell’ Amore, Che m’accede per Giesù, Den crescete nel mio core, E struggerelo assai più. Care fiamme dell’ Amore, Che m’accede per Giesù,

Nel mirar lo sposo mio, Che per me tanto soffrì, Non ricuso anzi desio Star languendo notte, e dì. Nel mirar lo sposo mio, Che per me tanto soffrì,

Mi son grate quelle pene Che per Cristo io soffrirò Mi son care le catene, Onde l’Alma ci mi legò. Mi son grate quelle pene Che per Cristo io soffrirò

A lui solo ho’l core intento Ne mi curo più di me, Nell’ angustie, e nello stento Lieta esulta la mia fè. A lui solo ho’l core intento Ne mi curo più di me,

Page 319

stà.



Adorate o mie Pupille Del mio Dio l’alta beltà Gli splendori, e le scintille della sua gran maestà. Adorate o mie Pupille Del mio Dio l’alta beltà

Corona, pp. 12–14.





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Appendix 2

14 Ave del mare Stella









A

ve

  

 A

ve







8

 

A

ve

A

ve

  









 del ma re stel la, ma dre di Dio pre gia ta. Ver gin’ alm’ e be  



del ma re stel la, ma dre di Dio pre gia ta. Ver gin’ alm’ e be 









stel

la, ma dre di Dio pre

del ma re

stel

la, ma dre di Dio pre




7





a

ta por

ta che n’a pri’l Ciel lu cen



a

ta por

ta che n’a pri’l Ciel lu cen

 

8

a

ta por

ta che n’a pri’l Ciel lu cen









 a



ta por



del ma re



ta che n’a pri’l Ciel lu cen



gia

ta. Ver gin’ alm’ e be

gia

ta. Ver gin’ alm’ e be








 te e bel la Ver gin’ alm’ e be   






te e bel la Ver gin’ alm’ e be 

 





te e

bel





te e bel




la




la

Ver gin’ alm’ e be







Ver gin’ alm’ e be

13





 


 a ta, Ver gin alm’ e be a ta, por ta che n’a pri il Ciel lu cen te e bel la.   




 a ta, Ver gin alm’ e be a ta, por ta che n’a pri il Ciel lu cen te e bel la.  








 


8

a

ta, Ver gin alm’ e be

a

ta, por ta che n’a pri il Ciel lu cen

te e bel

la.

a

ta, Ver gin alm’ e be

a

ta, por ta che n’a pri il Ciel lu cen

te e bel

la.












  

Page 320







KATERN 11

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L’ Ave Maris Stella

  









A

ve

del ma re

7

  13



a


 gin















la, Ma

gia

ta. Ver

 Stel

gin’ alm’ e

be













 







 





ta por

ta che n’a pri’l Ciel

la Ver

ta, Ver






alm’ e

be

lu cen te e











a

ta, por

ta

Ave del mare Stella, Madre di Dio pregiata, Vergin alma, e beata, Porta, che n’ apri il Ciel lucente, e bella Da noi quest’ Ave Santo, Che Gabbriel seguendo Ti venghiam’ offerendo, Gradisci, e d’ Eva cangia il nome, e ’l pianto. Spezza nostre catene, Nostre tenebre alluma: Il mal, che ne consuma Togli, e c’ impetra ogni più largo bene. Mostrati d’ esser Madre, In pregar lui per noi,

Corona, pp. 86–88.

Page 321

dre di Dio pre







che

bel





n’a pri il


 Ciel

gin’ alm’ e be

a










lu cen te e

bel

la.

Che chiuse i raggi suoi Sotto ’l velo di tue membra leggiadre. Vergin senza esempio, Di costumi gentili Noi mansueti, e umili Rendi, e di castità sacrato Tempio: Quaggiù vivendo puri Lo spazio, che n’ avanza, A mirar la sembianza, Teco del Figliuol tuo tranne sicuri. Al Padre Eterno sia Lode, ed al Figlio onore, Egual gloria, e splendore Allo Spirto, una, e trina monarchia.

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Appendix 2

15 Vergin Maria












 23




 Ver gin Ma ri a tu

gui da e vi a de’ pec ca tor

se’ pi




a. ma re o ce 




Ver gin Ma ri a tu

gui da e vi a de’ pec ca tor

se’ pi

a.










  23




 8







 23







Ver gin Ma ri a tu gui da e vi a de’ pec ca tor se’ pi   3













 2 8

Ver gin Ma ri a tu



9






a.

ma re o ce

a.

ma re o ce






se’ pi








  












  a no del Ciel so vra no tu se’ dol ce te so ro. Tu se’ dol ce te so ro.







     

 
8

a no del Ciel

8

a no del Ciel





so vra no

tu

se’ dol ce

te so

ro.

so vra no

tu

se’ dol ce

te so

ro.













 
 so vra no tu se’ dol ce te so ro. tu se’ dol ce te so ro.


    




 




 

gui da e vi a de’ pec ca tor

ma re o ce






a no del Ciel

Alla Vergine





















  

 

Ver

gin’

Ma

ri

a

Tu

gui

da, e

vi

a

De’

ca

  31 6

 





sei

pi

a,

 





sei

dol

ce

12

Vergin’ Maria, Tu guida, e via De’ peccator sei pia,

Page 322















Ma

re o

ce

a

no

del

Ciel







Ma

ri

a.



pec









so

vra

no

tu

  









Tu

dol

ce

Ma

ri

sei

Mare Oceàno Del Ciel sovrano, Tu sei dolce Maria.

tor



 a.

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Candido Giglio, Color vermiglio Rassembri, o vaga Rosa; Da tuoi begli occhi Saette scocchi Com’ arco: o dolce cosa!

Tuo capo adorno, Di Stelle ’ntorno, Sta pien di leggiadria: Vergin gradita, Di nostra vita Colonna sei Maria.

Lancia d’ amore Il mio fral’ core Col tuo sguardo Maria, Acciò nel core Di vero amore L’ ardor per tutto sia.

Il tuo Figliuolo Vnico, e solo Per noi tu pregherai, E sì tu faccia Della sua faccia, Noi ne godiamo i rai.

Viso amoroso, E grazioso, Ch’ illuminar fa ’l Sole Con lo splendore, E ’l peccatore Ne tiri all’ alta Mole.

Poi à lodare, E ringraziare Iddio con gli altr’ io sia, Con giubbilare, E festeggiare Nel Cielo, e così sia.

Corona, pp. 226–27 (melody) and 236–37 (text).

Page 323

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Appendix 2

16 Felici noi



 46    







Fe

li

ci noi ch’il mon do

e’ suoi fal si di let ti

fug giam da gio va

Fe

li

ci noi ch’il mon do

e’ suoi fal si di let ti

fug giam da gio va









 46     8

 46    







8

Fe

li

ci noi ch’il mon do

e’ suoi fal si di let ti

fug giam da gio va

Fe

li

ci noi ch’il mon do

e’ suoi fal si di let ti

fug giam da gio va

 6   







 4 

7









 













net

ti

ne’ verd’ an





ni









fug giam da gio va net

ti

ne’ verd’ an





ni.

net

ti

ne’ verd’ an

ni

fug giam da gio va net

ti

ne’ verd’ an

ni.

 8







  8





















net

ti

ne’ verd’ an

ni









fug giam da gio va net

ti

ne’ verd’ an

ni.

net

ti

ne’ verd’ an

ni

fug giam da gio va net

ti

ne’ verd’ an

ni.

 

  











Della felicità di chi serve a Dio

    











  

Fe

li

ci

noi

ch’il

mon do

8

 



  

let

ti

fug







e’

suoi

fal

si

di





















giam

da

gio

va

net

ti

ne’

verd’

an

ni

Felici noi, che ’l Mondo Ei suoi falsi diletti, Fuggiam da giovanetti Ne’ verd’ anni.

Page 324



Prima, che co’ suoi inganni Il Mondo errante, e stolto Ci abbia l’animo involto Ne peccati.

KATERN 12

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

Ecco Dio ci ha chiamati Dall’ onde aspre, ed amare Del tempestoso Mare, E posti in porto.

Quì per sempre gustiamo Vn bel fiorito Maggio, Finito ha ’l suo viaggio Il crudo Inverno.

Ecco questo è quell’ Orto, Dov’ ei chiama la Sposa; Dove l’aura odorosa Sempre spira.

Sia lodata in eterno Quella bontà infinita, Che à così dolce vita Ci ha chiamati.

Ivi geme, e s’ aggira La vaga Tortorella, La Capriola snella Corre, e salta,

Sarem quaggiú beati, S’ alla Religione Vivrem con divozione, E puro zelo.

Qui la Terra si smalta Di mille, e mille fiori, Le Vigne danno odori, e vaghi frutti.

E poi dopo la morte, Ci aspetta quel Signore, A cui doniamo il core, Fuggendo i vizzi.

Quí siamo ammessi tutti Nella Cella del vino Acció d’ amor Divino C’ inebriamo.

Su su dunque, Novizzi, Gridiam: Giesù, Giesù, Deh conservaci tu Nel tuo servizio.

Corona, pp. 217–18.

Page 325

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Appendix 2

17 Cuor mio



3  

Cuor

3   8

Cuor

3  

8

Cuor

  

 3

Cuor









 mio

mio


 mio


 mio





fà

all’

al

te glo

rie dell’ al














si



fà

all’



al



te glo



rie dell’ al

che più

si

fà

all’

al

te glo

rie dell’ al



ni

tà og

gi

ma Tri

ni

tà og

gi

tri

13

ni

tà og

gi





si

ma Tri

ma Tri



che più




tri bu to dà.






8

bu to

da.








tri bu

to

da.








to

da.

tri bu



 












che



te




mi?

non ha

a

che

te

mi?

non ha

a






non ha

a

te

mi?

non ha

a




che

te mi?

che







vil

vil

un






8

8




vil




vil



un



un



mar ch’è on dan te im mens’ e



spu man te ru



 





 

mar ch’è on dan te im mens’ e

 

mar ch’è on dan te im mens’ e

spu man te ru

spu man te ru



 










un mar ch’è on dan te im mens’ e spu man te ru scel lett’ u mil.















Page 326

rie dell’ al





te glo

fà






ma Tri ni tà og gi  







al

che più







all’

si




7

8



che più








scel lett’

u mil.




scel lett’





u mil.



scel lett’ u


mil.

ORDER 2080139

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ARCH. MUS II, MS 55

Per la santissima trinità

 31   



   

Cuor mio, 8

 14

 ni

 

che più

si







  



tà

Og

gi

tri bu to

dà,



mar ch’è

 



on

te

dan

 Im



fà?

     

  

All’

al

  



Che



men so e



te

te



spu man

 te,

glo

rie Dell’

al











mi?

vil

Vn

non

ha a







Ru

scel

let

Cuor mio, che più si fà? All’ alte glorie Dell’ alma Trinità Oggi tributo dà, Che temi? non ha à vil’ Vn Mar ch’è ondante Immenso e spumante, Ruscelletto umil.

L’ Onnipotenza ell’ è Pregio del Padre; Il Figlio accoglie in se La sapienza; à te Spirto congiunta và Con stupendo nodo, Che contemplo, e lodo, Eccelsa bontà.

Loda lieto perciò Questa grandezza, Che Abramo in Dio mirò, Tre vedde, uno adorò: O vago, e bel mister, Sublime, profondo, Che ne mostra al Mondo Discoperto il ver.

Dimmi mortal, se quì Mai tu mirasti Far’ lume al chiaro dí, Tre Sol’ splendenti sì, Ch’ eterno giorno dien? Ma nel Paradiso, Splender’ io ravviso Così bel seren.

Trè rai splendon’ lassù, Vn Sol’ formando, Del Sol’ lucente più, Dov’ ha Trono Giesù, Mio Nume Unico, e Trin’ Tramanda al mio core Que’ raggi d’amore, Que’ lumi Divin.

Alma mìa brami tu Trovar’ Iddio, Senza perderlo più, E il Trino Sol’ lassù Giunger à contemplar? A te prìa conviene Per tormenti, e pene, Nel Mondo passar.

ma Tri







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Corona, pp. 705–06. The melody in Corona is the same as for 12 Va pur rio mondo, above p. p. 308.

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Appendix 2

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Maria Vergin’ santissima, Giglio di purità, Stella risplendentissima, Specchio di Carità, Letìzia, Delìzia Dell’ alma Trinità. Quanto ti fan’ risplendere Le tue somme virtù; Che t’han’ potuto rendere Madre del Buon’ Giesù; O gloria, Vittoria, Che non si può dir’ più! Il capo atro, e mottifero Con generoso piè, Dell’ Infernal’ Lucifero Schiacciato fù da tè, Ch’ orribile, Terribile Tua forza à lui si fè. Oh quanto sei amabile Per la grand’ umiltà Quanto sei adorabile In alta maestà.

Corona, pp. 373–74.

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Corona, pp. 154–56.

Page 333

ne.

Ch’ al seren del suo splendore Menan l’ ore Tranquilissime, e beate. Crudelissimo, e rio fuoco, Dolce gioco, Nel bel verde più l’ eterna: O virtù superna, e degna Che ’n Ciel regna! Bel trofeo di gloria eterna. O Lorenzo, Martir Santo Sì bel vanto Terra, e Ciel ti danno amanti, Che sei tu, quel Lauro verde, Che non perde Pregi sù ne’ lidi santi. Or le nostre chiome bionde Di tua fronde Ghirlandiam, e di tuoi fiori, Mentre noi con dolci tempre, Lieti sempre Canterem’ tuoi degni onori.

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Index Abelard, Peter, 120 academies, 2, 3, 5, 6, 9, 133, 205, 210, 211, 213, 214, 219–221, 228, 230, 232, 235, 241, 251, 256 accompanied singing, 135, 148–152, 213–217, 220, 226, 232, 253, 254 adoratio crucis, 157 aesthetics, 1, 3, 8, 9, 12, 45, 51, 53, 76, 78, 79, 84, 120, 126, 196, 199, 231, 243–245, 248, 252, 255, 256 Alaleona, Domenico, 7 Albergati, Nicolò, 137 Alcuin, 244 Aldobrandino, Pietro, 228 Alessandro de’ Medici, 58, 145 Altoviti, Antonio, 138 Altoviti, Giovanni Batista, 153 Amalarius of Metz, 244 Ancina, Giovenale, 168, 173, 254 Animuccia, Giovanni, 46, 51, 54, 56, 77, 79, 80, 88, 103–106, 108– 110, 115, 116, 198, 199 Ansaldi, Iacopo, 58, 64, 115, 140–147 Antifassi, Nicholò, 141, 143, 144 Antonucci, Fausta, 249 Apollo, 234, 241 apparato, 84, 154, 158, 159, 161 Aranci, Gilberto, 57, 58, 138, 139, 141–146 Arascione, Giovanni, 74, 78, 82

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aria, 83, 89, 191, 223 Arlt, Wulf, 243 artes liberales, 230 Assmann, Jan, 4 Bagnolo, Ambrosio, 161 ballata, 20, 27 Bardi, Giovanni, 2, 150, 203, 205, 213, 214, 217, 229, 233 Bardi, Pietro de’, 213–215, 219, 220, 250 Bargagli, Girolamo, 205 Baronio, Cesare, 99, 100 Barr, Cyrilla, 20, 21, 25–28, 31, 41, 131 beauty, 1, 50, 56, 72, 73, 81, 86, 124, 126, 132, 134, 136, 148, 166, 167, 169, 223, 243, 245, 248, 255 Belcari, Feo, 47, 91, 115 Bell, Catherine, 11 Benedict XIV, pope, 244 Berglund, Lars, 13, 83 Blume, Clemens Dreves, 24 Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus, 230 Borla, Alessandro, 161, 162 Borrelli, Mario, 101, 103, 161 Borromeo, Carlo, 154, 155, 158 Bredero, Adriaan Hendrik, 23 Brooke, Rosalind B., 30 Brumble, H. David, 239, 240, 242

ORDER 2080139

342 buonaccordo, 151 Burchi, Guido, 221 Burke, Peter, 5 Caccini, Giulio, 2, 6, 9, 132, 151, 202, 203, 207, 208, 210, 213, 215, 216, 219, 220, 224, 229 cadences, 106, 170, 173, 182, 185–187, 192, 194 Camerata, 2, 5, 6, 51, 205, 210, 213, 215 cantasi come, 47, 49, 90, 97, 114, 116, 167, 180 canticle, 128 Canticle of Brother Sun, 18, 28, 30 Cargnoni, Costanzo, 154 Carissimi, Giacomo, 186 Carlieri, Carlo Maria, 179–181 Carnival, 32, 33, 98, 102, 160–162, 248, 253, 254 carnival songs, 15, 90, 167 Carter, Tim, 133 Cattin, Giulio, 21, 24, 25 Cavalieri, Emilio de’, 8, 203, 205, 207–210, 212, 213, 217, 219, 222–229, 231, 233, 239, 241, 245, 251, 252 Cecchi, Giovanni Maria, 211, 218 Celano, Tommaso da, 23, 29 ceremony, 41, 128, 135, 154, 156, 158, 159, 199, 243 Chafe, Eric, 186 Christ, 17, 26, 29, 37, 39, 40, 64, 65, 101, 143, 154, 157, 158, 160, 218, 239, 240, 242 Christine of Lorraine, Grand Duchess of Tuscany, 150, 229 Christmas, 83, 84, 123, 126, 127, 135, 149, 150 churches and monasteries Chiesa Nuova, 224

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Index Nazione Fiorentina (Rome), 103 San Girolamo della Carità, 97–99 San Marco, 97 Santa Croce, 41 Santa Maria del Fiore, 12, 88, 166, 175, 177–179, 196, 197 Santa Maria Novella, 41, 135 Santissima Trinità, 97 Cicognini, Giacinto Andrea, 248 Cicognini, Jacopo, 221, 222 Coferati, Matteo, 179, 181, 196, 197 Colish, Marcia L., 28 comedy, 71, 205, 215, 222, 229, 232, 248, 249 composition, 21, 26, 72, 85, 87, 99, 105, 109, 111, 143, 149, 168, 169, 171, 185, 188, 191, 194, 195, 215, 217, 228, 229 confraternities Compagnia di S. Girolamo (Bologna), 137 il Ceppo, 122, 127, 139 Purificatione, 122, 131, 137–142 Raffaello, 12, 65, 121–163, 177, 211– 224, 241, 248, 249, 252–254 Vangelista, 32, 122, 127, 139, 140, 248, 249, 252 Conti, Agnolo, 221 Contini, Fra Santi, 153, 154 Corsi, Jacopo, 2, 6, 133, 203, 205, 206, 213–215, 217, 229, 233, 250 Cosimo II, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 153 Council of Trent, 49, 51, 65, 95, 105, 129, 131, 138, 144, 146, 230, 231, 244 Coussemaker, Charles Edmond Henri de, 204 Dürrer, Martin, 20, 22, 27 Dafne (Gagliano), 204, 210, 239, 241

ORDER 2080139

Index Dafne (Peri), 211, 213, 219, 229, 236, 238 Dafne (Rinuccini), 215, 235–237, 240 Danielis ludus, 206 Daphne, 230, 235, 240, 241 Dent, Edward J., 7, 172, 180 depositio crucis or hostiae, 157, 158 devotion, see ceremony, liturgy, office, Matins, Quarant’ore, ritual, tornata, Vespers dialogue, didactic, 58, 61, 64, 102 dialogue, musical, 21, 98, 136, 141, 142, 144, 147, 152, 163, 205, 206, 220, 221, 223, 224, 226, 233, 238 diminished intervals, 174, 189, 190 disciplina (flagellation), 19, 25, 41, 100, 255 dissonance, 167, 168, 174, 189, 190 Dodds, Michael R., 196, 197 dominant relations, 183, 185, 186, 195 Dominicans, 15, 28, 40, 47, 153, 160, 161 Doni, Giovanni Battista, 207, 214 Donington, Robert, 207, 208, 213, 225, 229, 235, 236, 250, 251 Dottrina Christiana, 43, 59–61, 66, 67, 69, 76, 78, 80, 113, 115, 140, 142, 145, 181 drama, 9, 13, 31–35, 122, 130, 134, 140–144, 146, 152, 161, 201–242, 248–252, 255 Dronke, Peter, 31 Drummond, John D., 209 Easter, 83, 84, 134, 156–160, 215, 217 Eckstein, Nicholas A., 131 Eisenbichler, Konrad, 12, 32, 33, 40, 121–123, 129–134, 137–139, 141– 148, 150, 153, 154, 156, 158, 159,

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343 163, 211, 213, 214, 220, 221, 250, 253, 255 Eitner, Robert, 204 Ekenberg, Anders, 120, 244 Erebus, 50, 240 Eugenius IV, pope, 122, 137 Euridice (Caccini/Rinuccini), 204, 213 Euridice (Peri/Rinuccini), 205, 211, 212, 219, 224, 229, 239–241, 250 Eurydice, 234, 241, 242 Fasani, Raniero, 25 Fat Thursday, 98, 160, 161 Feldman, Martha, 5 Fellerer, Karl Gustav, 105 Fenlon, Iain, 9, 104, 131, 198 Ferdinando I, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 150 Ficino, Marsilio, 207, 235 Flanigan, C. Clifford, 11 Fortune, Nigel, 151 Francis of Assisi, 18, 22, 23, 28–31, 40 Franciscans, 18, 21, 23, 24, 27, 30 frottola, 198 functional music, 7, 82, 85, 87, 90, 112, 166, 179, 182, 196, 198, 199, 245, 247 Gagliano, Giovanni Battista da, 214, 221 Gagliano, Lionardo da, 214, 217 Gagliano, Marco da, 129, 177, 214, 217, 236–241, 253 Galilei, Vincenzo, 203, 214, 215, 231 Gargiulo, Piero, 177 Geertz, Clifford, 5, 11 Genovese, Jacopo, 141, 143, 146 Gerard of Borgo, 27 Gerbino, Giuseppe, 9

ORDER 2080139

344 Ghucci, Rafaello, 151, 217 Giacomelli, Gabriele, 13, 178 Gier, Albert, 209 Giunti, Filippo, 46–49, 51–53, 55, 71, 95, 181 Gonzaga, Francesco IV, duke of Mantua, 236 Good Friday, 134, 157 Gregory IX, pope, 23 Gregory XI, pope, 23 Gregory XIII, pope, 146 Guglielmi, Guglielmo, 224 Guidotti, Alessandro, 212, 222, 223, 228, 245, 251, 252 Haar, James, 198 Halfpenny, Eric, 151 Hanning, Barbara Russano, 236 Hayburn, Robert F., 244 Henderson, John, 19, 152, 251 Henri IV, king of France, 211 Hill, John Walter, 12, 130, 132, 133, 150, 163, 213–218, 220, 221 Hippo, Augustine of, 243 historiography, 2–10, 201–211, 248– 252 holy fraud, 101 Humiliati, 22 hymn, 24, 39, 41, 46, 52, 56, 57, 83, 128, 135, 163, 193, 223, 239, 240 Ignatius de Loyola, 67, 70, 140, 188 Il trionfo di Davit (Cecchi), 221–222 images, sacred, 41, 119–121 Imorde, Joseph, 154–156, 255 Innocent III, pope, 22 instrumental music, 3, 33, 171, 206, 213, 217, 226, 232, 234 instruments, 1, 135, 151, 153, 161, 212, 215, 217, 220–223, 226, 253 intermedi, 150, 205, 207, 222, 223, 229, 235, 236, 240

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Index Isaac, Heinrich, 15, 33 Jørgensen, Hans Henrik Lohfert, 120 Jesuits, 57, 61, 64–67, 69, 100, 101, 113, 114, 138–140, 154, 162, 181, 188, 228 Joachim of Fiore, 27 Jungmann, Josef Andreas, 154, 158 Kallendorf, Craig, 68 Kerman, Joseph, 209 Kimbell, David R. B., 209 Kircher, Athanasius, 83, 84, 255 Kirkendale, Warren, 2, 210, 224, 225, 251, 252 Krummacher, Friedhelm, 83 La Pellegrina, 150, 205, 207, 229, 235, 236, 240 lauda collections Arch. mus ms 55, 12, 13, 88, 89, 166, 175–199, 256, 277–288 laudario di Cortona, 17, 18, 20, 21, 26, 27, 45 Lodi e canzoni spirituali, 43 Terzo libro (1577), 54, 85, 106–109, 224 Lode, e canzoni spirituali (Turin, 1579), 115 Primo libro (1583), 109 Secondo libro (1583), 109 Terzo libro (1588), 109, 224 Libro delle laudi spirituali (1589), 72 Lodi devote . . . (Genova, 1589), 116 Quarto libro (1591), 109 Quinto libro (1598), 109 Scelta di laudi spirituali (1614– 70), 79, 179

ORDER 2080139

Index Corona (1710), 89, 165, 175, 178– 182, 188, 189, 191–194, 196–198, 277 Animuccia: Primo libro (1563), 103, 104, 115 Animuccia: Secondo libro (1570), 104 Lazzeri: Laudi e canzoni (1654), 165 Longo: Lodi e canzonette (1608), 10, 51, 61–64, 89, 165–174, 259– 276 Razzi: Libro primo (1563), 46, 49, 90, 106, 114, 115 Razzi: Santuario (1609), 46, 48, 70, 116 laude Acciò dei tuoi divoti, 191, 283, 297 Adorate, 189, 191, 288, 310 Ave del mare stella, 191, 312 Che bella gloria, 187, 188, 195, 294 Chi non ama te, 171, 268 Crucifixum in carne, 91 Cuor mio, 182, 191, 318 Deh, piangi, 106, 107 Disposto ho di seguirti, 173, 265 Dolce, felice, 81, 84, 107, 264 Felici noi, 191, 192, 196, 316 Fredd’ e quel cuore, 182, 183, 185– 188, 195, 278 Giesù, Giesù, Giesù, 114–116 Gioia et amore, 170, 259 Gloriosa verginella, 178, 191, 193, 195, 282 Herod’ il volto mio, 90, 91 Iesù, sommo conforto, 15, 17 In vita, e’n morte mia, 173 Lo fraticello, 91, 96, 110 Madonna santa, 26, 27 Maria Vergin, 181, 194, 195, 320 Mi giubbila, 192, 303

Page 353

345 Nel’apparir, 172, 173 Non han tante, 189, 190, 195, 286, 288 O glorioso corpo, 110 O maligno e duro core, 15, 16, 35 O vergin gloriosa, 190, 195, 277 O vergin santa, 90, 91 Ove lieta ne vai, 172, 173, 263 Plangiamo, 18, 20, 21 Spirti bellissimi, 192, 193, 305 Va pur rio mondo, 191, 195, 319 Vergin Maria, 182, 191, 192, 196, 281, 314 Lawrence, Clifford Hugh, 23, 24, 28 lay devotion, 6–8, 10, 18–23, 26–28, 41, 42, 44, 48, 97, 131, 132, 138, 139, 228 Ledesma, Giacomo, 44, 57–67, 69, 70, 75, 81, 100, 113, 115, 140, 141, 145, 146, 161, 247 Lent, 163, 254 Leo XI, pope, see Alessandro de’ Medici Leopold, Silke, 201, 205, 206, 213, 230, 234, 251 Lindenberger, Herbert, 209 Lippman, Edward, 246 liturgical drama, see also Danielis ludus, passion play, Sponsus, and visitatio sepulchri, 204, 206 liturgy, see also adoratio crucis, Mass, Matins, obsequies, Office, passion play, processions, Vespers, visitatio crucis, 1, 154, 216, 220, 233, 240, 243, 245, 247 medieval, 10, 11, 120, 129, 157, 204, 206, 244, 255 Lockwood, Lewis, 103 Longo, Tarquinio, 10, 51–53, 61–64, 70, 85, 89, 165–171, 173, 199, 245, 247

ORDER 2080139

346 Lorenzo de’ Medici, 15, 16, 18, 21, 31, 33–35, 41, 42, 228 Lucius III, pope, 22 Luther, Martin, 65, 95, 245 Macey, Patrick, 15, 36, 38–40, 47, 90 maestro di cappella, 15, 129, 177, 196, 214, 221, 252–254 Malvezzi, Cristofano, 215, 229 Manni, Agostino, 224 Marenzio, Luca, 89, 229, 236 Margherita of Savoy, Duchess of Mantua, 236 Maria Maddalena, Grand Duchess of Tuscany, 223 Maria Medici, Queen of France, 211, 229 Maria, Guido, 24 Martelli, Mario, 15 Mary, 26, 58, 135, 218, 240 Mass, 11, 37, 105, 123, 125, 126, 151, 154, 161, 218, 233, 254 Matins, 56, 81, 95, 123–125, 135, 151, 152, 156, 157, 218, 253 McClary, Susan, 86 McNalley, Robert E., 49 Mei, Girolamo, 213, 231–233 metrics, 52, 64, 165, 167, 168 Mischiati, Oscar, 88 monophony, 18, 20, 39, 40, 45, 90, 114, 115, 131, 167, 169, 182, 193, 197, 232, 233, 241, 245 Monson, Craig A., 49, 105, 244 Monteverdi, Claudio, 2, 51, 82, 86, 204, 207–209, 231, 234, 240, 241 Morelli, Arnaldo, 97, 98, 224 Muir, Lynette R., 31 Neapolitan sixth, 190 neo-Platonism, 207, 234, 235, 241

Page 354

Index Neri, Filippo, 8, 55, 97–100, 103, 106, 154, 162 Newbegin, Nerida, 144 O’Malley, John W., 57, 61, 65, 67, 69, 140 O’Regan, Noel, 97, 103, 154, 199 obsequies, 121, 152–154 Office, 10, 11, 39, 41, 57, 64, 125, 127, 133–135, 148, 149, 152, 153, 163, 231–233, 250, 255 Office of the Dead, 126, 129, 152 opera, 2, 3, 5, 8–10, 89, 130, 163, 190, 201–237, 242, 251, 256 Oratorio (genre), 8, 97, 98, 157, 163, 199, 205, 210, 248, 252 Oratory, Congregation of the, 6, 8, 45, 51, 54, 55, 70, 72, 77, 78, 80, 84, 85, 88, 97–112, 115, 116, 139, 160–162, 168, 169, 173, 181, 199, 224, 228, 229, 241, 245, 252, 254 Orfeo (Monteverdi), 86, 204, 207, 231, 234, 235, 240, 241 Orpheus, 208, 234, 235, 241, 242 Østrem, Eyolf, 48, 81, 130, 132–136, 142, 152–154, 157, 159, 160, 166, 175, 185, 243, 245, 247, 248 Ovid, 235, 240 Palisca, Claude V., 212, 230–232, 252 parallel fifths, 168, 172, 173, 191, 194 passion play, 31 Pentecost, 134, 141–144, 146, 156 Peri, Jacopo, 2, 6, 9, 130, 132, 202, 203, 205, 207–215, 219, 224, 229, 230, 236, 238, 240–242, 250 Perkins, Leeman L., 90 Petersen, Nils Holger, 11, 120, 130, 132–136, 142, 152–154, 156–160, 166, 175, 177, 204, 206, 233, 243, 244

ORDER 2080139

Index Petrucci, Ottaviano, 45, 47 phrygian cadences, 62, 183, 187 Pius II, pope, 68 Pius IV, pope, 135 Pius V, pope, 138, 146 plainchant, 39, 56, 91, 120, 193, 196, 197, 232, 233, 244, 250, 254 Poliziano, Angelo, 91, 95, 201, 203, 205, 207, 234, 235 Polizzotto, Lorenzo, 36, 121, 137, 138, 141, 144, 146 polyphony, 35, 142, 148, 149, 197, 230–232, 244 popular song, 5, 6, 8, 10, 20, 21, 46, 89–91, 95, 102, 104, 106, 107, 109, 110, 165, 172, 173, 180, 199 Porter, William V., 236 processions, 24, 25, 27, 40, 42, 66, 119, 148, 154, 155, 158, 249–251, 255 Quarant’hore, 97, 98, 102, 134, 154– 162, 199, 217, 255 Rankin, Susan, 206 Rappresentatione del’ anima et di corpo (Cavalieri), 8, 205, 207, 209, 210, 212, 219, 222, 224, 225, 227, 228, 231, 239, 241 Rappresentazione di S. Giovanni e Paolo (Lorenzo de’ Medici), 18, 32, 35 Razzi, Serafino, 15, 40, 45–51, 55–57, 70, 71, 75–78, 81, 82, 84, 88–91, 95, 97, 103, 104, 106, 107, 109, 110, 114–117, 131, 132, 150, 165, 171, 173, 181, 198, 199, 240, 247 Resurrection, 157, 159 Rinuccini, Ottavio, 6, 9, 130, 202, 203, 209–215, 219, 229, 235–241

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347 ritual, 1, 5, 10, 11, 18, 40–42, 45, 53, 55, 56, 119, 121–123, 129, 133, 151, 153, 154, 156, 196, 238, 245, 255 Rolland, Romain, 204 Rosow, Lois, 207 Rostirolla, Giancarlo, 12, 44, 55, 57, 59, 61, 65–67, 70, 74–76, 78, 79, 88, 106, 109, 113, 115, 116, 166, 168, 173, 179, 180, 255 Ryle, Gilbert, 5 Söhngen, Oskar, 199 sacra rappresentazione, 18, 21, 32, 33, 35, 42, 149, 221 sacrament, 11, 60, 74, 119–121, 123, 125, 126, 137, 138, 142, 155–159 Salimbene de Adam, 24, 25 Salvadori, Corinna, 33 Sansedoni, Ambrogio, 28 sapphic strophe, 193 Saslow, James M., 150, 236 Savonarola, Girolamo, 15–18, 21, 31, 35–42, 47, 49, 90, 95, 97, 130, 131, 245 Scapecchi, Piero, 13, 178, 197 Seifert, Herbert, 212 simplicity, 37, 38, 44, 45, 53–55, 74– 78, 80, 81, 87, 98, 102, 104, 106, 112, 168, 173, 189, 196 Smither, Howard E., 8, 97–100, 163, 225, 251, 255 Solerti, Angelo, 212, 213, 215, 216, 219, 237 Sonneck, Oscar G., 236 Soto, Francesco, 54, 88, 106, 108– 110, 112 Sponsus, 206 Sternfeld, F. W., 8, 209, 236, 237 Sticca, Sandro, 25, 31

ORDER 2080139

348 stile rappresentativo, 130, 208, 210, 211, 213, 214, 220, 233, 245, 247, 248 Strainchamps, Edmond, 12, 130, 132, 133, 214 Striggio, Alessandro, 231 Strunk, Oliver, 211, 213, 215, 229, 230, 232 Taddei, Ilaria, 146 Talpa, Antonio, 100–102, 160, 254 teaching, 43–45, 51, 55, 57–59, 61, 65–67, 69, 70, 76, 78, 100, 106, 113, 129, 136–148, 161, 199, 228, 248, 252 Teglia, Bonaventura del, 139, 140 Terpstra, Nicholas, 138 Thurston, Herbert, 154–156, 158 Tomlinson, Gary A., 210, 236, 237 tonality, 62, 168, 170, 171, 173, 183– 187, 223 tornata, 126, 129, 134 tragedy, 205, 229, 230, 232 transposition, 171, 174

Page 356

Index Traversari, Ambrogio, 137 Trexler, Richard C., 32, 36, 119, 132, 137 Ut queant laxis, 193 Vasari, Giorgio, 247, 248 Vespers, 58, 74, 101, 124, 125, 127, 135, 147–149, 152, 254 villanella, 168 visitatio sepulchri, 157, 159, 206, 217, 233, 255 Waldenses, 22 Walker, Daniel Pickering, 229, 236, 240 Weaver, Norma Wright, 221 Weaver, Robert Lamar, 221 Wegman, Rob, 48 Weil, Mark S., 154, 155, 159 Weissman, Ronald F. E., 131 Wilson, Blake, 20, 21, 25, 28, 29, 41, 90, 121, 131, 152 Young, Karl, 158